Studies in Medieval Trade and Finance: History Series (Hambledon Press), V. 13

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Studies in Medieval Trade and Finance

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Studies in Medieval Trade and Finance

E.B. Fryde

THE HAMBLEDON PRESS

Published b y The Hambledon Pres s 35 Gloucester Avenue, London NW1 VAX 1983 ISBN 0907628 10 9 History Series Volume 1 3

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Fryde, E. B. Studies in medieval trade and finance. - (Histor y series; 13) 1. Economics - Histor y I. Title 330'. 09'023 HB8 7

©E. B . Fryde 198 3 Printed an d bound i n Great Britain by Robert Hartnoll Ltd., Bodmin, Cornwall

Conditions o f Sal e — This book shal l no t withou t th e written consen t o f th e Publisher s firs t give n b e lent , re-sold, hired ou t o r otherwis e dispose d o f b y wa y of trade i n an y for m o f bindin g o r cove r othe r tha n tha t in which it is published.

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements v Preface vi Select Bibliograph y i I Th

e Financial Policie s o f the Roya l Governments and Popular Resistanc e to Them i n France an d England c. 1270-c . 142 0 824-6

II Financia l Resource s of Edward I in the Netherlands , 1294-98 1168-8 III Th

e Deposits o f Hugh Despenser the Younger with Italian Banker s 344-6

IV Loans V Parliamen

to the English Crown, 1328-3 1 198-21 t an d the Frenc h War , 1336- 40 250-6

VI Edwar d Ill's Wool Monopoly: A Fourteenth-Centur y Royal Tradin g Venture 8-2 VII Financia l Resource s o f Edward III in the Netherlands , 1337-40 1142-121 VIII Dismissa l of Robert d e Wodehouse from th e Offic e of Treasurer, December 133 8 74IX Th X Th XI Som

e Wool Accounts o f William de la Pole 3-3 e English Farmers of the Customs , 1343-5 1 1-1 e Business Transactions of York Merchants : John Goldbeter , Willia m Acastre and Partners, 1336-1349 3-2 XII Th e Last Trials of Sir William de la Pole 17-3 XIII Parliamen t and the Peasants' Revol t of 138 1 75-8 XIV Italia n Maritime Trade with Medieval England (c. 1270-c . 1530 ) 291-33 XV Th e English Cloth Industry an d the Trade with the Mediterranean c . 1370-c . 153 0 343-6

XVI Anglo-Italia n Commerce in the Fifteent h Century: Some Evidence about Profit s and the Balanc e of Trade 345-5 Index 1-1

i i x

0 7 2 1 9 4 6 8 1 7 7 0 8 7 3 5 6

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The articles collecte d her e firs t appeare d i n th e followin g place s an d ar e reprinted b y the kin d permission of the origina l publishers. I Revu

e Beige d e Philologie et d'Histoire, LVI I (1979).

II Revu

e Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire , X L (1962).

III Economi

c History Review , Second Series, III (1951).

IV Englis

h Historical Review , LXX (1955).

V Essays in Medieval History Presented to Bertie Wilkinson, ed. T. A. Sandquist and M. R. Powicke (University of Toronto Press, 19 ( VI History VII Revu

, New Series, XXXVII (1952). e Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire , XL V (1967).

VIII Englis IX St

h Historical Review , LXVII (1952).

. Anthony's Hal l Publications, 2 5 (1964).

X Transaction XI St

s of the Roya l Historical Society , 5t h Series , 9 (1959).

. Anthony's Hal l Publications, 29 (1966).

XII Economi XIII Liber XIV Recueil

c History Review , Second Series, XV (1962). Memorialis Georges de Lagarde (Louvain , 1970). s de la Societe Jean Bodin, 32 (1974) .

XV Produzione, Commercio e Consumo del Panni di Lana. (Olschki, Florence, 1976) . XVI Revu

e Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire , L (1972).

PREFACE

Seven o f th e sixtee n article s reprinte d her e hav e appeared originall y in Belgian an d Italia n publications . Th e presen t volum e aim s at makin g them mor e accessibl e t o Englis h readers . Th e article s hav e no t bee n arranged i n th e orde r o f thei r origina l publicatio n bu t mainl y i n th e chronological orde r o f topic s covere d i n them . This serve s to bring ou t better th e presenc e o f severa l commo n theme s unifyin g th e whol e collection. One grou p o f article s i s concerned wit h th e finance s o f the Englis h kings between 127 2 an d 138 1 an d especiall y wit h th e roya l borrowin g during tha t period . Th e growin g indebtednes s o f th e crow n impose d periodically excessiv e financia l burdens o n th e country , aggravate d by inevitable administrativ e abuses and corruption. The English populatio n was drive n into a state o f chroni c disconten t agains t th e fisca l system , which finall y erupte d i n th e Grea t Revol t o f 1381 . Article I provides a general introductio n t o thes e development s and , b y comparin g the m with financia l histor y o f Franc e betwee n 127 0 an d 1420 , throws more light o n the specia l features of the English situation . Several article s ar e devote d t o Englis h an d foreig n financier s wh o had supplie d th e Englis h crow n wit h loans . The y includ e detaile d studies o f th e earlies t grou p o f Englishmen , heade d b y Willia m d e la Pole o f Hull , capabl e o f rivallin g i n financia l resource s an d busines s expertise th e leadin g banker s o f fourteent h centur y Europe . Som e of the othe r studie s ar e concerne d wit h thes e foreig n competitor s o f th e English financiers , mainly Italians . The earlies t o f m y article s included in thi s volum e (no . Ill ) studie s th e privat e busines s o f th e Italia n bankers i n thi s countr y i n th e earl y fourteenth century. Severa l articles are concerne d wit h trad e betwee n Englan d and th e Mediterranea n and with th e par t playe d i n i t b y Italia n shipping . Ra w wool an d woolle n cloths wer e successivel y th e tw o mai n commoditie s o f th e medieva l English expor t trade . A numbe r o f studie s dea l wit h th e cost s an d profits o f trad e i n thes e commoditie s an d i n the alum an d dyes needed by th e Englis h textile industry . Al l these article s represen t attempt s at

Vlll

combining th e evidenc e o f English , Belgia n an d Italia n record s an d publications. Th e concludin g article use s this combinatio n o f evidence to revea l the marked difference between th e levels of prices and costs in England an d Ital y a t th e en d o f th e Middl e Ages , which ma y hel p t o explain th e persisten t succes s o f Italia n businessme n in exploitin g th e less developed economies of north-western Europe . The article s include d i n thi s volume ar e reprinted i n thei r origina l form, reflectin g the stat e o f knowledg e at the time of their publication and only obviou s errors have been collected. I ow e thanks t o Professor A. G. Dickens for making this publication possible. Philip W . Davies and Simon Letma n have given invaluable help in preparing this volume for the press . EDMUND FRYD E

A SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY OF PUBLICATIONS BY E.B. FRYDE, NOT INCLUDED IN THIS VOLUME, ON FINANCIAL AND ECONOMIC HISTORY.

1948 Review o f Y . Renouard , Le s relations de s papes d'Avignon e t de s compagnies commerciales et bancaires de 1316 d 1378 (Paris , 1941 ) in Engl Hist. Rev., 63, pp. 541-44 . 1949-50 'Materials fo r th e Stud y o f Edwar d Ill's Credit Operations , 1327-48' , Bulletin o f th e Institute o f Historical Research, XXI I (1949) , pp . 105-38 an d XXIII (1950), pp. 1-30 . 1950 Review of R. de Roover, Money, Banking and Credit in Medieval Bruges (Cambridge, Mass., 1948) , Engl. Hist. Rev.., 65, pp. 111-14 . 1951 Review o f Y . Renouard , Les hommes d'affaires italiens du moyen age (Paris, 1949) , ibid., 66, pp. 103-5 . 1953 Review o f A . A . Ruddock , Italian Merchants an d Shipping i n Southampton 1270-1600 (Southampto n an d Oxford , 1951) , ibid., 68, pp. 432-35 . 1955 Review o f L a Foire, Recueil s d e l a Societ e Jea n Bodin , V (Brussels , 1953}, ibid., 70, 275-6. 1956 Review o f F . Lot, Recherches sur la population e t la superficie de s cites remontant d la periode gallo-romaine, pt. Il l (Paris 1953) , ibid., 71, pp . 81-3. Review o f R . d e Roover , ' L 'evolution d e l a lettre d e change, XlVe-XVIie siecles (Paris, 1953) , ibid., 71, pp. 455-57 . 1957 Ph. Wolff , Commerces e t marchands d e Toulouse, vers 1350 — vers 1450 (Paris , 1954 ) an d Le s 'Estimes' Toulousaines de s XIV? e t XVe siecles (Toulouse, 1956) , ibid., 72, pp. 107-9 . 1958 C. Johnson , Th e 'De Moneta' o f Nicholas Oresme and English Mint Documents (London , 1956), Medium Aevum, 27, pp. 34-6 .

x

1962 Book of Prests of the King's Wardrobe for 1294-95, presented to Sir Goronwy Edwards (Oxfor d U.P.,) , LI X + 25 9 pp. , edite d b y E . B . Fryde with the help of other scholars. 1963 A chapte r o n 'Medieva l Publi c Credi t i n Nort h Wester n Europ e (England, Franc e an d th e Netherland s t o c . 1500) , writte n i n conjunction wit h th e author' s father , Dr . M . Fryd e (wh o wrot e th e section o n Germany ) i n vol . Il l o f Cambridge Economic History (Cambridge U. P.,), pp. 430-553 an d 647-59 . 1965 Review o f R . d e Roover , Rise an d Decline o f th e Medici Bank, 1397-1494 (Cambridge , Mass. , 1963) , i n Engl Hist. Rev., 80 , pp . 561-63. 1966 Review o f R . Nicholson , Edward HI and th e Scots. Th e formative years of a military career, 1327-35 (Oxford, 1965 ) in Rev. Beige de Philologie et d'Histoire, 44 , pp. 139-40 . 1967 Review o f M . Rey , L e domdne d u ro i e t les finance s extraordinaires sous Charles VI , 1388-1413 (Paris , 1965) , i n Engl. Hist. Rev., 82, pp . 349-51. 1969 2nd. (revised ) edition , wit h a new introduction (pp . xi-xxxvi) and note s of C. Oman, Th e Great Revolt of 1381 , Oxford, Clarendon P . 1970 Review o f N . Rubinstein (ed.) , Florentine Studies : Politics and Society in Renaissance Florence (London , 1968) , i n Economic History Review, 2nd ser., 23, pp. 382-3. Review o f R . d e Roover , Th e Bruges Money Market around 1400 (Brussels, 1968) , ibid., pp. 383-4. 1977 Review o f G . L . Harriss , King, Parliament an d Public Finance i n Medieval England t o 1369 (Oxford , 1975) , Econ. Hist. Rev., pp. 679-80. 1978 'The tenant s o f th e bishop s o f Coventr y an d Lichfiel d afte r the plague of 1348-9 ' i n Medieval Legal Records edited i n Memory o f C . A . F . Meekings (ed . R . F. Hunniset t an d J. B . Post, H.M.S.O. , London), pp . 224-66.

I THE FINANCIAL POLICIES OF THE ROYAL GOVERNMENTS AND POPULA R RESISTANCE T O THEM I N FRANC E AND ENGLAND , C. 1270-C . 1420 I In 1967 , in a revie w o f M . Key' s tw o importan t book s o n th e Frenc h roya l finances under Charles VI, Ch. E. Perrin stressed the need for comparative studie s of the financial histor y of late medieval states. He remarked that Rey's work made possible a general comparison between late fourtheenth century France and other contemporary regime s C). I want t o exten d this approac h b y comparin g Franc e and England between c. 127 0 (the death of Louis IX) and c . 142 0 (the recognition at the Treaty o f Troyes o f Henry V of England as heir to Charles VI of France). The contrasts ma y prove mor e illuminatin g than th e similarities. The two countrie s ha d on e majo r thin g in common. The y wer e a t wa r wit h each othe r durin g nearl y sixt y ou t o f thes e on e hundre d an d fift y years . Thi s intermittent warfare , an d it s consequences, wa s on e o f th e mai n cause s o f th e popular uprising s that occurred in both countries during this period, though the miseries an d grievance s tha t drov e th e tw o people s t o desperatio n differe d considerably i n details . France and England shared yet another terrible experience. In the middle of the fourteenth century , both countries , i n commo n wit h th e res t o f wester n an d central Europe, were devastated by an epidemic of plague. The infectio n becam e permanently establishe d i n th e town s an d continue d fo r th e res t o f the Middle Ages t o erup t periodicall y int o furthe r generalise d epidemics . I n Englan d population continued to decline for many decades, the lowest point being reached, perhaps, i n the secon d quarte r of the fifteent h centur y ( 2). I n France, which wa s (1) Ch . E . PERRIN , Les finances royales sous Charles V I (1388-1413), i n Journal des Savants, 1967 , p. 64 , reviewing M . REY , L e domaine d u ro i et les finances extraordinaire^ sous Charles VI , 1388-1413, an d Le s finances royales sous Charles VI: le s causes d u deficit, 1388-1413 (Paris , 1965) . (2) Th e mos t recen t an d bes t discussio n o f th e Englis h populatio n afte r 134 8 i s i n J. HATCHER , Plague, Population and th e English Economy, 1348-1530 (London , 1977) .

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also repeatedl y ravage d b y foreig n invasion s an d civi l wars , th e declin e i n population probabl y persiste d unti l the las t decade s o f that century . The catastrophi c los s o f populatio n i n 1348-4 9 ha d n o lastin g effec t o n th e warlike policie s o f th e king s o f Englan d an d France . Th e wa r betwee n the m continued a s if nothing ha d changed , though thei r lon g sufferin g subject s foun d the burde n o f taxatio n muc h harde r t o bear . I n bot h countrie s th e governin g classes reacte d by trying to spread taxatio n mor e widely, though in England these new fisca l experiment s cam e t o a n abrup t halt , afte r a poll-ta x o n th e entir e population ha d provoke d th e Peasants ' Revol t o f 1381 . II

There wa s on e majo r contras t betwee n th e tw o countrie s durin g thes e on e hundred an d fift y years . I t concern s th e personne l o f th e roya l agent s whos e legitimate activities an d illici t exploits cause d mos t o f the popula r unrest . Whil e both the monarchies acquired large and fairl y effective central bureaucracies, only in Franc e durin g thi s perio d di d a local bureaucrac y o f fairl y permanen t caree r officials develop , o r t o b e mor e precise , a whol e serie s o f loca l bureaucracies , attending t o differen t type s o f roya l business. Thi s contras t als o affecte d th e quality o f the centra l Frenc h government , a s it s member s wer e ofte n recruite d through the promotion t o the central offices o f men who ha d started thei r career s in th e loca l bureaucracies . I n Englan d thi s di d no t normall y happen , a s loca l government wa s largel y run b y temporary, non-professiona l officials, nominate d by th e kin g bu t no t closel y connected wit h roya l service . From th e middl e decades o f the thirteent h centur y the king s of England could no longe r affor d t o maintai n a staf f o f well-pai d loca l officials . Th e sheriff , th e king's principa l representativ e i n eac h shire , wa s a n unspecialize d official , corresponding t o th e Frenc h bailli (o r senescha l i n th e sout h o f France) , bu t without th e importan t judicia l prerogative s o f th e latter . Th e sheriff s officia l income wa s usuall y quite small ; he had to recruit and pa y hi s own privat e staf f and consequentl y h e could affor d t o employ onl y a very tin y grou p o f personal assistants. Onl y loca l landowner s o f independen t mean s coul d fin d th e offic e worth holding , because o f the temporary powe r an d prestige which i t conferred. Local notable s filled it in turn for brief periods and the sam e wa s tru e of the fe w other loca l office s tha t th e crow n deeme d indispensable . Remainin g roya l business was discharge d b y other member s o f the same class of substantial loca l landowners actin g under temporary roya l commissions. Thi s was particularly the case wit h th e assessmen t an d collectio n o f royal taxes . Temporary roya l official s o r commissioner s o f this sor t migh t b e ver y high -

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handed towards th e ordinar y population , bu t coul d expect muc h les s protectio n and support fro m th e king's central government than di d the French professional bureaucrats. Th e English local magistrates becam e particularl y oppressiv e whe n they enforce d legislatio n primaril y intende d fo r th e benefi t o f thei r class , a s happened wit h th e enactment s introduce d afte r th e Plagu e o f 1348-9 . Thi s legislation, designed t o freez e a t a low leve l the wage s o f agricultural labourers , made the magistrates, wh o zealousl y enforced it, the special target for the fur y of the rebel s in the Peasants ' Revolt of 1381 . Bu t these group s o f local gentry wer e not, a s a rule , ver y closel y connecte d wit h th e king. They wer e normall y mor e concerned wit h preservin g th e goodwil l o f th e othe r loca l noble s tha n wit h carrying ou t zealousl y unpopular order s o f the centra l government . In contras t t o France , wher e th e loca l financia l bureaucrac y cam e t o b e increasingly recruite d fro m th e rank s of businessmen, mere merchants normall y remained outside the circle of gentlemen who governe d the English shires. Only in London and a few other large cities did townsmen fil l the local royal offices. A s far a s roya l fisca l service s wer e concerned , onl y office s connecte d wit h th e collection o f roya l customs ' dutie s o n foreig n trad e o r wit h th e mint s an d exchanges were usually held by businessmen, and all these posts were confined to the towns . In th e las t tw o centurie s o f th e Middl e Ages th e socia l origi n an d persona l status of royal officials change d more radically in France than i n England. I shall discuss the detail s o f these change s unde r their prope r period s bu t certai n mai n features mus t be summarised a t the outset . From the reig n of Philip the Fai r onwards the numbe r of French official s an d other roya l servants kep t growing prodigiously. Estimates submitte d to Philip VI reckoned that between the time of Philip the Fair and 134 4 the cost of the salarie s of the official s i n the king' s household an d centra l administratio n ha d increase d by som e 70,00 0 li. ( 3), equivalent t o a t least one-sevent h o f the roya l revenue in 1344. N o comparabl e figure s ar e availabl e fo r th e loca l administration , bu t information presente d t o Phili p V I i n 1329 , within a yea r o f hi s accession , showed that the territorial administration ha d likewise greatly expanded and that the salarie s of its members ha d been growin g apac e (4). Good salaries and othe r perquisites o f power offere d b y the roya l servic e wer e immensel y attractive . In the late thirteenth and fourteent h centurie s th e agents o f the Frenc h crow n tended t o behav e i n a ver y autocrati c manne r serving , a s the y were , master s (3) M . MORANVIU.E , Rapports a Philippe V I sur I'e'tat d e se s finances, Bibl. EC. Ch., 48 (1887), p . 390 . (4) J . VIARD , Gages des officiers royaux vers 1329, ibid., 5 1 (1890) .

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whose authorit y wa s constantl y growing . Th e provincia l movement s o f opposition t o th e crow n i n the las t month s o f the reig n o f Philip the Fai r wer e above all a reaction t o the inordinate expansio n o f the judicial and administrativ e activities of the roya l agents . The recruitment int o this autocrati c bureaucrac y o f an increasingl y importan t grou p o f businessmen , man y o f who m b y th e ver y nature of their position tended to be particularly corrupt, became a major cause of popular exasperation i n the course o f the fourteent h century. In employing such people, especially in the financial branches of the royal administration, the rulers were disregardin g the olde r safeguards against the recruitmen t of unsatisfactory officials. Louis I X ha d insiste d tha t baillis an d seneschal s shoul d b e stranger s t o th e districts whic h they administered. Without a special roya l licenc e they could no t inherit, acquir e through marriage or purchase any property i n these district s an d they wer e no t expecte d t o serv e fo r lon g i n an y on e region . Thes e regulation s remained legall y in forc e fo r th e res t o f th e Middl e Ages, bu t th e ba n o n th e employment of local men to administer their own district s ceased to be effective in the cours e o f th e fourteent h century , because th e salarie d subordinat e staf f o f these territorial officials kep t on growin g and thes e subordinates, including even the chie f lieutenants of baillis an d seneschals , tended to b e recruite d locally. The most serious adverse change lay in the swamping of some branches of the territorial administratio n b y businessmen . Baillis an d seneschal s wer e no t supposed t o be merchants, bu t under Phili p the Fair ther e appeared a new offic e of receiver wh o hencefort h handled the bulk of the revenues of each baillage. To begin with , th e offic e wa s ofte n hel d b y importan t Italia n financiers , bu t a n ordinance o f 132 3 restricted.i t t o roya l subjects , wh o wer e hencefort h mostl y recruited fro m among prosperous local businessmen. More seriously still, some of the chie f lieutenants of baillis an d seneschal s came to be recruited fro m th e same businmess group. Thus, at Toulouse in the 1340tie s and 1350ties , this offic e wa s held o n tw o occasion s b y th e brother s Ysalguier , leading money-changer s of Toulouse ( 5). Moreove r thes e busines s recruits into th e roya l servic e frequentl y continued t o combine the holdin g o f royal offices wit h their customary business activities an d trie d to financ e th e latte r by divertin g royal funds . In th e cours e o f th e fourteent h centur y additiona l bureaucracie s spran g up , both a t th e centr e an d i n th e provinces , t o administe r ne w branche s o f roya l revenue, th e mints, the taxes on foreig n trade, gabelle on salt and, especially, the main bod y o f divers e aides an d tallies. Th e las t thre e type s o f impos t wer e (5) Ph . WOI.FF , Une famille du XIII e an XVI s siecle, les Ysalguier de Toulouse, i n Melanges d'Histoire Sociale, 1 (1942), pp . 41-42 .

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collected fairl y continuousl y fro m 136 0 onwards. Th e receivers o f all these new 'extraordinary' revenues wer e normall y businessmen an d the business group s of the more importan t town s provide d muc h o f the subordinate personne l o f thes e new administrations . The recruitment into the financia l branches o f the roya l servic e o f numerous businessmen was sustaine d b y the crown' s nee d of abundant credit facilities . In fourteenth centur y France, and especially under Charles V and Charles VI, loans were sought more frequently by the king from roya l officials an d from farmer s of royal revenues than from any other category of lender. As a Parisian lawyer put it in 1420 , 'officials were accustomed an d expected to lend as they knew best how to secure repayment' (6). Hence the need to appoint wealth y person s t o the offices of receivers o f both ordinar y and extraordinary revenues . Th e same was true of the elus i n charg e o f th e mai n extraordinar y taxes . A roya l ordinanc e o f 140 1 expressly provided that th e elus should be bons bourgeois an d rich . A candidat e for thi s office a t Troyes in 140 7 thought it natural to stress that 'he is richer than the othe r existin g elus ( 7). The crown doe s no t appear to hav e usually paid interest o n loan s contracte d from it s own officials . I t was avoidin g as far as possible the necessit y o f dealing with mor e expensiv e money-lenders , bu t a t th e ris k o f disorganisin g an d corrupting it s ow n administration . Al l medieva l government s borrowe d occasionally fro m their officials, but the systematic fashio n in which Frenc h fiscal officials were compelled during long periods to lend to the crown, endangered th e efficiency an d integrit y o f the entir e French financia l system . Officials ofte n ha d to borrow themselve s in order t o provide the king with th e loans required of them. Bankruptcies of receivers were not uncommon, partly for this reason. Thus, Jean Chauchat, an important burgess of Clermont, who acte d in the 1380tie s as the treasurer of Languedoc, had the unenviable task of levying the enormous fine of 800,000 li. imposed upon his province for rebellion. He was also required to make large advances ahead of its collection. Several villages were completely ruined through the exactions of his agents, but Chauchat himself died insolvent i n 1388( 8 ). (6) A . BOSSUAT , Etude su r les emprunts royaux au debut du XV e siecle, in Rev. Hist, de Droit Francois e t Etranger, 4 e sen, 2 8 (1950), p . 363 . (7) G . DUPONT-FERRIER , Etudes su r le s institutions financiere s d e la France a l a fin d u Moyen Age, 1 (1930), p. 72 , n . 2 . (8) M . BOUDET , Etudes su r le s socie'te's marchandes e t financieres a u Moyen Age. Le s Gayte e t le s Chauchat d e Clermont, in Revue d'Auvergne, 3 0 (1913), pp . 114-1 9 an d 3 2 (1915), p . 143 .

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The heav y pressure s o n roya l financia l agent s t o len d mone y ha d a s thei r inevitable counterpar t th e ignorin g o f abuse s perpetrate d b y thi s harasse d officialdom. Th e royal governmen t ha d to tolerate th e abuses and malpractices of officials wh o ha d to compensate themselve s fo r losses incurred i n raising mone y for th e king . The leniency with whic h th e centra l government , especially i n th e late fourteent h an d fifteent h centuries , wa s incline d t o trea t peccan t official s sprang i n par t fro m this . I f the Frenc h king s wanted t o borro w regularl y fro m their agents they had to shut their eyes to the corrupt and oppressive methods of these peopl e (9). The presence in the royal administration o f an important grou p of officials wit h business interest s als o affecte d adversel y th e qualit y of the centra l government . All generalisations are particularly difficult here , but there is no doubt that during certain period s th e centra l financia l department s an d th e roya l counci l itsel f contained i n key positions som e ver y unpopular an d corrup t people . R . Fawtie r remarked that Philip VI and his son John introduced into the royal council Routes sortes de gens d'obscure origine, trop souvent des concussionaires et des voleurs ( 10). They include d people lik e the brother s Braque , hig h official s o f th e royal mint , wh o committe d ever y manne r o f frau d an d eve n ha d murdere d another official wh o knew too much about thei r misdeed s ( n). The revolutionar y Estates General i n the autumn of 135 6 were above al l demanding the removal o f this grou p o f universall y distruste d an d feare d councillor s an d hig h officials , though man y o f them returne d to power wit h the Dauphin Charles in 1358 . His previous recor d di d not preven t Nichola s Braqu e from becomin g under Charle s V, on e o f the head s of the newl y organised administratio n i n charge o f finances extraordinaires. Another period o f grave deterioration i n the qualit y of the royal council occurred in the reign of Charles VI, especially after 1392 . In the words of Fawtier 'sow s Charles VI, les oncles et lefrere d u roifont du Conseil dont U s e'cartent les meilleurs serviteurs de Charles V, une petaudiere et une caverne de brigands ( 12X The spokesmen of the revolutionary movemen t in Paris in the summer of 141 3 tried, i n vain , to en d thi s disastrou s stat e o f affairs .

(9) H . JASSEMIN, La Chambre des Comptes et la gestion des deniers publics au XV esiecle, in Bibl. EC. Ch., 93 (1932), pp . 119-21 . (10) F . LO T et R . FAWTIER , Histoire de s institutions francaises a u Moyen Age, II , Institutions royales (Paris , 1958) , p . 80 . (11) N . VALOIS , Notes su r l a revolution parisienne de 1356-58 : la revanche des fre res Braque, in Memoires d e la Societe de I'Histoire d e Paris et de I'He d e France, 1 0 (1883). For furthe r detail s see below. (12) LO T and FAWTIER , op . tit. , p . 81 .

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This summar y o f the developmen t of roya l offcialdo m i n th e tw o countrie s should mak e i t clea r wh y muc h o f the popula r disconten t wa s cause d b y th e oppressiveness and dishonest y o f these men . In the words o f the late thirteent h century English poem, the Song of the Husbandman, the royal officials wit h their cheating and bullying 'hunted the poor man as hounds hunt a hare on the hill' (13). They particularly aggravated by their embezzlements, fraudulent speculations an d illicit exactions th e financia l burdens imposed upo n thei r countryme n an d wha t we can discern about their misdoing s obviously forms only the tiny projecting tip of the iceberg of corruption and oppression. Any attempt to produce a quantitive estimate o f th e siz e o f governmenta l demand s o n populatio n i s boun d t o b e wrecked o n this unknowabl e but formidabl e structure o f wrongdoing . The onl y detaile d comparativ e stud y o f currenc y an d price s i n Franc e an d England during the later Middle Ages is contained i n H. A. Miskimin's interesting book o n Money, Prices an d Foreign Exchange i n Fourteenth Century France (1963). He usefully widen s our questionnaire on various important topics, but his book confirm s tha t an y rigorou s quantitativ e approac h i s impossibl e i n thi s period. The only conceivable starting point for an evaluation o f the total nationa l product would be through an estimate of the total amount of currency circulating in each country. Bu t Professor Miskimin rightly admits that 'ther e is no way t o form a reliable estimate of the money supply of any country during the fourteenth century' (14). We ca n readil y identif y certai n period s whe n th e fisca l pressure s o f governments wer e s o muc h i n exces s o f their norma l demand s a s t o sugges t tha t a dangerously heav y burde n wa s bein g impose d upo n th e population . W e hav e contemporary statements , a s for exampl e i n England i n 1339-40 , that the king had exceeded all tolerable limits of prudence. The widespread passive resistance of the English taxpayers in 134 0 and Edwards Ill's virtual bankruptcy a t the end of that year amply confirmed this. Some of the detailed information about the cause s of several popular uprisings puts this matter beyond any doubt, as for instance in England i n 1381 , o r i n Languedo c durin g th e sam e period . Suc h qualitative evidence can produce a convincing picture o f what wa s happenin g an d i t mus t form th e cor e of our study.

(13) Quote d i n E. MILLER , War, taxation and th e English economy in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, in Wa r and Economic Development: Essays i n the Memory of David Joslin, ed. J . M . WINTE R (Cambridge , 1975) , p. 18 . (14) Op . c//. , p . 82 .

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In Englis h financia l history 'the basic contras t would see m to lie between th e post-1294 epoch' , afte r th e outbrea k o f th e wa r wit h France , 'an d al l th e preceding time'( 15). I n Franc e th e year s 1294-1314 , under th e stimulu s o f war s against Englan d and Flanders', 'saw royal power carried t o a point whic h i t was not t o reac h agai n fo r man y decades ' ( 16X Edward I and Philip the Fair shared in wartime the same fiscal problem of how to mobiliz e speedil y extraordinar y resource s greatl y surpassin g i n siz e thei r normal revenues . Their attempte d solution s se t the patter n fo r the behaviou r in wartime o f thei r respectiv e successor s dow n t o a t leas t 1360 . Speed y initia l mobilisation of funds could come either from borrowin g or from manipulatio n of the currency . Successful collectio n o f taxes was boun d to tak e longer and thes e monarchs found i t particularly hard to levy large taxes frequently. Thei r subjects were no t prepare d fo r such pressures upo n them , a s they normall y lived u p t o their income s and lacke d reserves. Because th e Englis h king s ha d t o recko n seriousl y wit h th e wishe s o f a powerful baronag e an d uppe r clergy, manipulation of the currency was no t on e of the mai n options ope n t o them ( 17). Only in his last years di d Edward I partly finance th e Scottis h wa r ou t o f the revenu e o f the mints , bu t h e di d so no t b e depreciating th e coinage but by compulsorily recallin g to the mints foreign coins current i n Englan d (t8 ). Sinc e the star t o f his reign Edwar d wa s accustome d t o borrow regularl y fro m Italia n bankers . Throug h Edward' s mishandlin g o f hi s habitual financier s thi s facility wa s temporalit y denie d to hi m in 1294-8 . During these most critical years of his reign he was, therefore, forced to depend mainly on continuous taxation , supplemente d b y large prises of supplies fo r his armies and fleets taken unde r th e loya l prerogativ e o f purveyanc e (seizur e o f supplie s o n credit). Thes e seizure s fel l particularl y unevenl y o n th e populatio n o f th e countryside an d coul d be exceptionally ruinous to lesse r men , especially a s th e royal purveyor s frequentl y acte d brutall y an d corruptl y (19). Th e prises re (15) MILLER , loc. cit., p. 22 . (16) J . R . STRAYER , Medieval Statecraft an d th e Perspectives o f History (Princeton , 1971), p. 298. (17) C . M. CIPOLLA , Currency depreciation i n the Middle Ages, in Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., 15(1963) . (18) M . PRESTWICH , Edward I's monetary policies an d their consequences, ibid., 2 2 (1969). (19) J . R . MADDKOTT , Th e English Peasantry an d th e Demands o f th e Crown, 12941341, in Past and Present Supplement, 1 (Oxford, 1975) ; E. B . FRYDE, Financial resources

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presented th e mos t deteste d o f Edward' s wartim e exactions . Thi s harves t o f grievances wa s reape d b y hi s son . Prises figur e prominentl y i n th e Ordinance s which Edward II was force d to concede in 1311 . The preamble to this documen t claimed tha t 'th e real m o f Englan d i s upo n th e poin t o f risin g o n accoun t o f oppressions, prises an d destructions' , while the claus e ordaining the abolitio n of prises began by declaring that 'it is to be feared that the people of the land will rise by reaso n o f the prises and divers e oppressions mad e i n these times ' ( 20). Between 129 4 and 129 8 Edward I exacted each year direct taxes from the laity and th e clergy . Eac h successiv e lay subsidy produce d les s tha n it s predecessor . The las t o f these, th e Nint h o f 1297 , though impose d a t the highes t rat e o f all, yielded leas t money , producin g les s tha n hal f the tota l o f the subsid y o f 1294 . Taxpayers wer e becomin g impoverished and the y wer e als o learning t o perfect their techniques of evading taxes. The bribes paid to tax collectors migh t have to be quit e high( 21), bu t th e kin g certainl y go t less . Thi s prove d a n irreversibl e change. Whil e fou r ou t o f the five taxes collected b y Edwar d I during the firs t twenty years of his reign yielded over £50,000, this level was never attained again in the fort y years after 1295 . By 1334 the monarchy gave up the attempt t o asse s afresh eac h ne w tax and agreed to a fixed assessment of about £38,000, to which each localit y contribute d it s accustomed quot a ( 22X The same pattern o f increasing demands and falling yields recurred i n 1294-9 7 in the case of Edwards' indirec t taxes. I n 129 4 the rate of duty on exported woo l was raise d sixfold , bu t durin g the nex t two year s the siz e of exports wa s mor e than halve d ("). The woo l producer s were losin g a grea t dea l o f income. The y found eloquen t spokesmen i n some o f the mos t prominen t magnate s who gav e vent to their personal dislike of Edward by leading an agitation for abrogation or modification o f wartime taxes. They ruined Edward's plan of campaign for 1297 . Neither the opposition no r th e kin g wer e prepared fo r a civil war an d the crisis merely resulted in a number of 'constitutional' documents. The most interesting of these wer e the Monstraunces presente d to Edwar d by the earl s of Hereford and Norfolk in August 1297. This included naturally a complaint about the maltote on exported wool . Th e earls declared that it 'was too heavy a charge and a grievou s of Edward I i n th e Netherlands, 1294-98, in Revue beige de Philologie et d'Histoire, 4 0 (1962), pp. 1182-83 . (20) MADDICOTT , op . cit., p. 24 . (21) MILLER , loc. cit., p. 19 . (22) Cf . the figure s in J. F. WILLARD, Parliamentary Taxes on Personal Property 1290 to 1334 (Cambridge , Mass. , 1934) , pp. 343-347 . (23) FRYDE , loc. cit. (1962), pp . 1179-80 .

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burden, for wool approached a half, and the tax on wool a fifth, of the total value of the land' . 'I t i s rare fo r Englis h earl s t o wa x statistical ' (24) and thes e figure s must not be accepted to o literally. But there is much evidence that in the years of warfare after 129 4 the English landowners possessed less disposable income than they ha d bee n accustome d t o expec t durin g th e previou s decade s o f risin g prosperity and that the English peasantry fare d worse still. The agrarian boo m in England seem s t o have come to a halt in the later year s o f Edward I . This wa s changed into a period o f lengthy depression b y the famines and other disasters of the reig n o f Edward II . The warfar e of the year s 1294-9 8 appear s t o hav e ha d a similar effec t upo n France. Thi s i s Professo r Strayer' s tentativ e conclusio n fo r Normandy , bu t it s implications are much wider, as the Norman duchy was normally one of the most prosperous an d populous parts o f France. I n a n articl e published in 195 1 (25) he suggested 'tha t incom e fro m th e roya l domai n i n Normand y bega n t o decreas e during the reign of Philip the Fair and that this decrease indicated the start of the economic depressio n o f th e fourteent h century ' (26). Twent y year s late r Prof . Strayer confirme d thi s suggestion fro m a fres h an d wide r body of evidence. He noted that me n taking long-term leases in Normandy in the later years of Philip the Fai r wer e ceasing to be optimistic. 'Overal l they expected n o greater incom e from sale s of grain than their predecessors had enjoyed. We have seen the sam e attitude in regar d t o land , mills and prevotes . Lack o f confidence in th e future , doubts about growth in income and production - thes e are the signs of economic depression. I t ca n scarcel y b e doubte d tha t suc h a depressio n ha d begu n i n Normandy b y the end o f the thirteenth century 1 (27). The death o f Philip the Fai r wa s followe d next year by the terrible famin e of 1315-16 whic h produce d widesprea d mortalit y i n norther n France , a s it di d in England. In both countries the disaster was probably made worse by the years of impoverishment that ha d preceded it . Professor Fourquin had shown tha t in the region o f Pari s it initiate d a definit e tur n fo r the worse , especiall y i n th e mor e populous corn-growin g areas . Th e concentratio n o f th e uprisin g o f May-Jun e 1358 (the Jacquerie) precisely in those districts is attributed by him to exceptional (24) MILLER , he. cit., p. 12 . (25) Economic conditions in th e county o f Beaumont-le-Roger, 1261-1313, in Speculum, 26 (1951), pp. 277-87. (26) Economic conditions in Upper Normandy at the end o f the reign oj Philip the Fair, in Economies e t Societes au Moyen Age. Melanges offerts a Edouard Perroy (Paris, 1973) , p. 283. (27) Ibid., p. 296 .

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discontent durin g the economic depressio n tha t had prevailed there since the early decades o f the fourteent h century (28). When in 1294 Philip the Fair forced Edward I of England into a war in defence of Gascony, h e does not seem to hav e expected a prolonged period o f hostilities . Philip's initial financial measures hav e an air of improvisation abou t them and no definite decisions wer e reache d a t first about the long-term strategy fo r financing the war . Th e maste r o f the roya l mints , Thoma s Brichart , wante d t o embar k immediately o n a far-reachin g depreciatio n o f th e currency , bu t thi s wa s successfully delaye d for over half a year by Philip's favourite Italian bankers, the brothers Franzes i (Mouche and Biche of the French tradition) . Th e latter offere d instead t o rais e larg e loans bot h o n their ow n credi t an d i n the for m o f forced loans fro m th e king' s richer subjects (29). They di d manage to rais e considerabl e sums in 1294 , but the alternative o f monetary mutation s wa s inaugurated abou t Easter 1295 . This debat e abou t alternativ e policie s reveal s a conflic t o f interests tha t wil l recur down to 136 0 and will reappear durin g the renewed monetary mutations in the last years of Charles VI. Once the more important landowner s began to grasp the ruinous effect o f monetary depreciation on the level of their effective incomes , they became consistent enemie s of it. The great bulk of the revenue s o f both la y nobles and the richer ecclesiastical landlords consisted of fixed rents, which could not b e raised, whil e increases i n prices an d wage s roughl y equalle d th e rat e of currency depreciation. A s the abbo t o£St . Remi of Reims lamented i n 1354 , his house wa s greatl y impoverishe d 'a cause d e l a faible monnaie dans laquelle longtemps, out ete recus tous nos revenus ( 30). Like other landlord s h e had learn t what al l thi s mean t onl y afte r painfu l experience s o f severa l wave s o f de preciation. Leading businessme n understoo d mor e clearl y fro m th e star t wher e thei r interests lay. The divisions in the roya l council in 1294- 5 reflected a clash of tw o groups. Rich bankers, who were also dealers in imported luxuries, and merchant s in general, affronted min t masters and the allies of the latter among professional speculators i n bullion and currencies. The bankers wanted t o maintain the value of their large assets of liquid money. It mattered to them that the fortunes of the (28) G . FOURQUIN , Les Campagnes d e la region parisienne a la fin d u moyen Age (Paris, 1964), pp . 191-215 , 233. (29) Cf . the memorandu m compile d by them, publishe d F. Funck Brentan o in Revue Historique, 39(1889), p. 334 . (30) R . GAZELLES , L a stabilisation d e l a monnaie pa r l a creation d u franc (Decembre 1360) - Blocage d'une societe, in Traditio, 3 2 (1976), p. 294 .

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magnates an d prelates , wh o wer e thei r bes t clients , shoul d no t b e impaired b y monetary depreciations . Th e master s o f the mints , besides their enhance d gains from th e expansion o f minting, could also look forward to profitable speculation s in partnership wit h money-changers and other small groups of specialised mone y dealers, wh o i n practic e ha d th e monopol y o f supplyin g gold an d silve r t o th e mints. As long as the large-scal e manipulations o f the currency continued , thes e people were sure to be the gainers, whatever happened. As the policy of monetary mutations becam e deepl y rooted, this group became increasingl y an d deservedl y suspect not onl y in the eye s of the noble s and clergy , but als o of the majorit y of ordinary merchants . Etienn e Marcel , th e revolutionar y provos t o f the Parisia n merchants in 1356 , who was only a moderately prosperous draper , came to detest this grou p o f financier s wh o include d severa l o f hi s fa r mor e successfu l relatives ( 31). Philip the Fair' s immediat e gains fro m th e depreciatio n o f the currenc y were immense. I n 129 8 and 129 9 revenue fro m thi s source represente d betwee n 509 6 and 64 % o f the total receipts of the royal tresor ( 32). Down to 136 0 manipulation of the coinage will repeatedly offe r a tempting quick way out of difficulties. Thus , when the heav y mortalit y from the plague led in 1348- 9 to a temporary collapse of th e roya l revenu e fro m taxation , a depreciatio n o f th e currenc y fille d th e gap ( 33), providin g Phili p V I wit h 7 0 % o f hi s receipt s i n th e secon d hal f o f 1349( 34 ). Monetary mutation s o f Phili p th e Fair , comin g afte r a lon g perio d o f stabl e currency, invite d mor e advers e comment s tha n woul d b e provoked b y simila r changes unde r subsequent kings. Later on, the population becam e mor e resigne d to the inevitability of these mutation s and also more accustomed t o manage thei r affairs i n spit e of them. Gradually people learnt to adjus t thei r transactions t o a state o f chroni c monetar y instabilit y an d t o ignor e effectivel y a t leas t som e provisions o f royal monetar y regulations. Philip's authoritaria n policies , ofte n enforce d wit h extraordinar y brutality , provoked endurin g hatreds an d som e o f hi s enemie s wer e gla d t o ad d t o th e numerous charges agains t hi m the accusatio n o f being a 'fals e moneyer ' ( 35). His (31) R . GAZELLES , Etienne Marcel an sein d e l a haute bourgeoisie d'affaires, i n Journal des Savants, 1965. (32) MISKIMIN , op. cit., p. 4 2 ; R. GAZELLES , Quelques reflexions a propos de s mutations de l a monnaie royale francaise (1295-1360), in Le Moyen Age, 7 2 (1966), pp. 272-73 . (33) J . B . HENNEMAN , Jr., Th e Black Death and royal taxation in France, 1347-51, in Speculum, 4 3 (1968), p. 416. (34) MISKIMIN , op. cit., p. 42 . (35) A n anthology o f these accusations can be found in F. de Saulcy in Bibl. EC. Ch., 37 (1876), pp. 145-47 .

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monetary policies certainl y contribute d t o the rebellion o f Flanders i n 129 7 an d they increase d th e mountin g exasperatio n wit h Philip' s seemingl y unendin g financial exactions . Th e government' s lac k o f experienc e i n monetar y matter s made things worse. When , perhaps fo r reasons connecte d wit h Philip' s Flemish policies ( 36), a retur n t o goo d currenc y wa s decree d fo r 8 September 1306 , th e government made no provision fo r lessening th e shock to the poorer classe s o f a brusque return to a policy of deflation. The royal ordinance enabled the owners of houses to exac t in the reinforce d good currenc y the sam e inflate d rents a s ha d been current during the period of monetary depreciation. A furious riot broke out at Paris , the house s of rich Parisians connecte d wit h the kin g were sacke d an d Philip himsel f wa s force d t o shelte r fo r severa l hour s i n th e Pari s Temple . Twenty-eight me n chose n fro m amon g Parisian craf t guild s were execute d fo r this i n Januar y 1307 . Ther e wer e als o simila r riot s a t Chalons! 37). Th e sam e problem woul d recu r durin g subsequen t mutations . Whil e Philip' s successor s acted, at least, with more foresight on such occasions, they never learnt the secret of ho w t o carr y ou t painlessl y a retur n t o har d currency . One such attempte d renforcement o f currenc y will giv e Etienne Marce l an opportunit y t o organis e violent protests an d to seiz e control over Pari s in January 135 7 (38). One of the best documented cases of extortion an d brutality by Philip the Fair's fiscal agent s concern s th e doing s o f tw o hig h roya l official s i n th e regio n o f Toulouse i n 1297 . They were empowered t o exact fro m al l the localitie s o f that seneschaussee fine s fo r contraventio n o f various roya l regulations . 12 5 village s and towns pai d such fines, but the surviving complaints.of nin e of them revea l that these result s wer e achieve d b y terrorising thes e communities , imprisonin g some of their inhabitants and makin g their live s unbearable. 'S o oppressive wa s the atmospher e created ' b y th e roya l agent s 'tha t som e town s coul d no t fin d proctors o r advocate s willin g to presen t thei r complaint s t o th e kin g or t o th e Parlement d e Paris. Whil e agent s o f Philip' s contemporary , Edwar d I , wer e similarly guilt y of man y oppressive acts , nothin g quite so systematically brutal can be found i n the records of contemporary English inquiries into the misdeed s of officials. On e of Philip's two chie f commissioners in the Toulousain, Pierre de Latilly, was a lawyer high in the king's favour an d hi s career di d not suffer fro m (36) H . VA N WERVEKE, Les charges financie res issues du traite d'Athis (1305), i n Revue duNord, 32(1950) . (37) SAULCY , he. cit., pp. 162-6 3 ; H. WAQUET , Le baillage de Vermandois aux XIH e e t XlVe siecles. Etude d'Histoire Administrative. (Paris, 1919) , pp. 168-69 . (38) A . E . DIEUDONNE , Manuel de Numismatique francaise, I I (Paris, 1916) , p. 15 9 ; GAZELLES in Traditio fo r 197 6 (cit. supra), pp . 288-89 .

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these happenings . Whe n thei r doing s wer e investigated , h e an d hi s associate s 'insisted that their actions were justified an d that it was the custom to do things in that fashion' . Thi s wa s undoubtedl y tru e an d constitute s th e mos t disturbin g aspect of the whol e affair. Latill y continued to be entrusted with a succession of brutal assignments which finally earned him, in 1313 , the promotion t o the offic e of th e chancello r o f France . I n th e nex t reign , lik e severa l othe r unpopular councillors of Philip, he was, however, pu t o n trial, imprisoned an d ruine d ( 39X In Philip' s time only the defenc e o f the real m in wartime could justify i n th e eyes o f his subjects the lev y of extraordinary taxes . Th e monarchy woul d hav e liked to escape fro m thi s restraint and to levy permanent taxes, but this objective would onl y b e achieved som e fift y year s afte r Philip' s death , b y Charle s V . In Philip's tim e al l sort s o f expedient s wer e tried . N o tw o taxe s wer e identical. Whenever h e could, Philip tried to impose taxes solely by his royal authority, but the details were usually open to negotiations and a multitude of bargains had to be struck wit h particula r notables , region s an d towns . Thes e piecemea l arrange ments inevitabl y involved the sharin g o f th e incom e fro m taxe s wit h leading feudatories within their own territories, the exemption of privileged notables and preferential treatmen t for important men o r groups . While Philip never risked a rebuff fro m a centra l assembl y representin g th e whol e o f France , thi s fragmentation o f negotiation s provoke d an d facilitate d attempt s a t loca l resistance. Suc h occurrence s wer e muc h mor e frequen t tha n i n contemporar y England, bu t thes e outbreak s of trouble, could usually b e localise d and, i n th e long run , Phili p normall y had hi s way . Perhap s th e greates t drawbac k o f thi s French pattern of taxing was the excessive slowness in the mobilizing of resources and th e uncertaint y abou t th e yiel d o f an y particula r tax . Thes e delay s an d uncertainties increased the arbitrariness and the intransigence of the royal agents. By their manner of acting, as much as by what they actually exacted, this horde of officials cause d mounting exasperation among Philip's subjects. If th e economi c depressio n detecte d b y Prof . Straye r i n Normand y wa s affecting als o othe r part s o f France , whic h i s ver y probable , 'the n w e ca n understand th e violen t protest s against roya l taxatio n i n the reig n of Philip th e Fair an d th e failur e o f th e Kin g t o brin g the campaign s agains t Flander s t o a satisfactory solution ' (40). These protests culminated in a widespread resistanc e to taxation i n th e autum n o f 1314 , whic h ma y hav e hastene d Philip' s sudde n collapse and death. The opposition was led by the nobles of northern an d easter n (39) F . J . PEGUES , Th e Lawyers o f th e last Capetians (Princeton , 1962) , pp. 113-17 , utilising the document s published by Ch. V . LANGLOI S in Rev. Hist., 95 (1907). (40) STRAYER , op. cit. (1971), p. 27 .

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France. Some towns at first collaborated wit h them in these regions an d separate outbreaks o f resistance occurre d als o i n the town s of southern Franc e ( 41). The nobles were exasperated b y the calling out in July-August 131 4 of a huge army agains t Flander s whic h neve r ha d a chanc e t o fight , becaus e earl y i n September th e Kin g speedily concluded another treat y wit h the Flemings. I n the eyes of his critics this was no more likely to produce a lasting settlement tha n all the previou s agreements . I n spit e o f th e endin g o f hostilities , Phili p trie d t o continue th e collectio n o f the genera l ta x impose d fo r th e wa r wit h Flanders . There wer e spontaneou s refusal s t o pa y an y mor e money . B y the beginnin g of November th e variou s provincia l league s o f nobles an d town s were seekin g t o combine into one vast confederacy. In his last days Philip ordered th e abrogatio n of th e hate d tax . Hi s death o n 2 9 November probabl y helpe d t o en d th e crisi s without an y serious losse s t o the monarchy . Hi s successor, Louis X, granted t o the provincial leagues virtually all that they demanded. This could be done easily as they demanded. This could be done easily as they never produced a combined document that migth have seriously hampered the monarchy in the future . Onl y the Normans exacted a promise that no further taxes would be imposed 'except in an emergency , fo r th e goo d o f th e realm' . A t mos t thes e provision s forba d taxation in time of peace. The league of Vermandois merely sought, and secured, the innocuou s promise that th e ta x o f 131 4 woul d b e discontinue d (42). Al l th e other provincial charters ignored fiscal problems and concentrated exclusively on their particularis t privilege s in th e matter s o f administratio n an d justice . Th e pattern o f roya l financ e create d b y Phili p the Fai r coul d persis t withou t an y change, though his sons showed greater caution. IV

There wa s brie f recurrence of the Anglo-Frenc h warfare between 132 3 an d 1326. Edward II could finance the wa r entirel y out of his accumulated reserves , as the victory over his internal enemies on the civil war o f 132 1 -22 had made him into one o f the riches t medieva l English kings (43). Edward's mai n problem wa s not shortag e o f mone y but hi s politica l insecurity , a s h e justifiably feare d an d (41) A . ARTONNE , Le mouvement d e 1314 e t les chartes provinciates d e 1315 (Paris , 1912). (42) J . R . STRAYE R and C . H . TAYLOR , Studies i n Early French Taxation (Cambridge , Mass., 1939) , pp. 88-89. (43) Thi s is the mai n conclusion o f Chapter VI I of Natalie FRYDE , Th e Tyranny an d th e Fall o f Edward II , 1322-26 (Cambridge , 1979) .

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distrusted mos t o f th e Englis h magnate s an d thei r knightl y followers . H e preferred, therefore , not t o lev y fres h taxe s even fo r a majo r war . On the French sid e the war brough t a customary mixtur e of taxes and finally, in July 1326 , a return to monetary mutations as well. But the French armies were uniformly successfu l an d the campaigns wer e of short duration . Th e war caused , therefore, n o seriou s popula r unrest . The outbreak of the Hundred Years' War inaugurate d in both countrie s a new era o f incessant financia l exaction s and , ultimately , o f internal disturbances . I n 1337 th e tw o government s reacte d ver y differentl y t o th e initia l emergency . I n England Edwar d II I borrowed hug e amounts o n th e securit y of futur e taxes . In France the first thought of Philip VI was to turn again to the manipulation o f the coinage. Actual depreciatio n o f the Frenc h currenc y restarted onl y in 1338 . Th e king's seignorage, that i s the roya l profi t o n bullio n brough t t o th e mints , wa s fixed a t 3 0 96 (44). A memorandu m draw n u p i n th e Chambre de s Comptes o n 4 March 133 9 treat s th e revenu e fro m coinag e a s th e easies t t o estimate . Afte r assuming that the next three months (March-May) of preparation fo r war shoul d cost 253.000 //. tur., it goes on, immediately, to estimate tha t mints could provid e at least 180,00 0 //. Similarly, mints were expected to furnish nearl y a quarter ou t of the su m o f over on e millio n livres require d fo r the subsequen t fou r month s from Jun e to September ( 45X By contrast, in England minting was no t expected t o provide a n importan t sourc e o f revenue . Whil e i n Franc e th e roya l mint s processed in 1338-3 9 a total of 118.18 5 marks of silver, the comparable figure for England wa s a mer e 371 7 mark s (46). At th e star t o f the wa r Edwar d II I planned to tak e the initiativ e by invading France fro m th e Netherlands and his attempts to do so in 1338-4 0 brought him to the verge of bankruptcy. He had raised immense loans on the expected securit y of an unprecedente d array o f taxes , bu t som e o f thes e levie s miscarried , becaus e Edward wa s expectin g to o muc h fro m hi s subjects . I n 1336-4 1 'th e weigh t o f taxation ma y have been greater tha n at any other tim e in the middle ages, greate r even than in the years preceding the revol t of 1381 ' ( 47). Even before the war ha d begun man y part s o f Englan d wer e experiencin g a lon g ter m economi c depression which the wartime taxation turned into acute distress. Contemporarie s complained of 'a shortage of money' which was their way o f describing a partial (44) MISKIMIN , op . c/7. , pp . 42-43 . (45) M . JUSSEI.IN , Comment l a France se preparait a la Guerre de Cent Ans, in Bibl. EC. C/?., 73(1912) , p . 229. (46) MISKIMIN , op . cit., pp. 138 , 159. (47) MADDICOTT , op . c/7. , p . 45 .

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collapse i n th e purchasin g powe r o f the population . Roya l record s an d estat e accounts confirm the statements of chroniclers that prices sank exceptionally low . An anonymou s poet writin g i n 133 9 bewaile d ' a desperat e shortag e o f cas h among the people. At market the buyers are so few that in fact a man can do no business, althoug h h e may have clot h o r corn, pig s or shee p t o sel l becaus e s o many are destitute'. The passage occurs in the middle of impassioned complaints against excessive taxation. The poet claimed that in order to raise the cash needed for taxe s 'commo n peopl e mus t sel l thei r cows , thei r utensil s an d eve n clothing' (48). The parliament of October 1339 , faced with a royal debt estimated at some £300,00 0 offere d a n unprecedente d ta x i n kind , modelle d o n th e ecclesiastical tithe . Th e magnate s justifie d thi s particula r choic e o f ta x o n th e ground tha t ther e wa s l a great shortag e o f money i n the land ' (49). Long delays ensured because the Commons would not at first concur in any grant. Two more parliaments had to be convened before Edward managed in April 1340 to secure a similar tax, known as the Ninth. The intention was that corn, wool and young animals makin g u p thi s la y tithe ' shoul d b e resol d a t a goo d price . Passiv e resistance of the population defeated the scheme as no buyers could be found for most of these goods. The prevailing economic depression was apparently the chief reason fo r this fiasco. Onl y in one exceptionally prosperou s area , Norfolk, from which muc h corn was normall y shipped overseas, wa s th e governmen t able to dispose o f the Nint h speedily. Edward expected that h e might receive from th e Ninth ove r a perio d o f tw o year s a t leas t £190,000 , whic h h e ha d promptl y assigned to his various creditors. Instead no more than £15,000 could be procured from i t by the en d o f 134 0 and i t had t o b e hastily abandoned early in 134 1 (50). Contemporaries feare d a popular uprising. Edward himself came to shar e these fears as he explained in a letter to the Flemish towns justifying hi s sftdden fligh t back to England at the end of November 134 0 ( 51). The continental war ha d to be abandoned for a couple of years and Edward learnt to plan more realistically the financing o f hi s subsequent campaigns. The long-term objective of both the warning monarch s wa s the securing o f a right to permanent taxation in wartime. In this they had a fair measure of success. The wa r laste d for s o long tha t continuou s taxation ende d up b y becomin g an (48) E . B . FRYDE , Parliament an d th e French War, 1336-40, i n Essays i n Medieval History presented t o Bertie Wilkinson (Toronto , 1969) , p. 26 4 ; MADDICOTT, op. cit., p. 49 . (49) E . B . FRYDE , loc. cit. (1969) , p . 267 . (50) N . M . FRYDE , Edward Ill's removal o f hi s ministers an d judges, 1340-41 , in Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., 48 (1975), p. 152 . (51) Ibid., p . 154 .

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integral par t o f th e roya l finances . Whe n peac e returne d i n 136 0 a tota l abandonment o f their ne w revenue s fro m taxe s seeme d unthinkabl e t o the tw o kings, accustomed as they had become to disposing of very large sums of money. Both in England and in France the royal governments had to abandon afte r 136 0 the most unpopular of the wartime exactions. That meant direct taxes in England and monetary mutation s in France. Bu t some of the remaining wartime revenue s were retained. Fo r this the two monarchs foun d considerabl e suppor t amon g the magnates, whose larg e pensions could only be maintained if their roya l master s continued t o lev y some taxes. A sixfold increas e i n the rate of duty on exported woo l (fro m 6 s. 8 d. per sac k to 40 s. per sack for English exporters, an d still higher rates fo r aliens) formed an important par t of a 'package' of fiscal measures adopted by Edward II I at the start of the wa r i n 1337 . From the outset, some of the large new pensions granted by Edward i n 133 7 t o hi s leading supporters amon g the magnates wer e secured on this ne w revenu e fro m th e customs and , a s the wa r wen t on , th e accumulate d arrears of war wage s an d othe r debt s t o Edward's principa l commander s wer e increasingly assigne d o n th e customs . Thi s contribute d t o Edward' s abilit y t o retain permanentl y this part o f hi s ne w wartim e revenues . As happene d i n th e similar emergency of 1294-97 , there was initially an outcry against the surcharge on the customs amon g the wool-producers. Th e exporters wer e accused of trying to recou p themselve s b y passin g o n th e surcharg e t o th e woo l producer s b y paying them less for wool. This wa s on e of the cause s of the interna l economi c crisis an d th e outcr y against excessive taxation tha t culminate d in the financial debacle at the end of 1340 . Edward managed, however, to retain the surcharge on the wool duties , and when the war restarte d i n 1342 , they continued t o form th e mainstay o f hi s wa r finances , providin g th e chie f securit y fo r th e loan s ou t o f which Edward paid for the victorious Crec y campaign an d the successful siege of Calais in 1346- 7 ("). While in the first decade of Edward Ill's reign (1327-36), the royal income from th e customs averaged around £ 13,000 ( 53), the higher wartime rates, in years o f normal exports, yielde d an annual revenue a t least si x times a s large. I n th e fisca l yea r fro m 2 9 Septembe r 135 0 t o 2 9 Septembe r 135 1 i t amounted, afte r th e deductio n o f al l the expense s o f collection, t o £78,25 0 (54), twice as much as the yield of a single direct tax, a tenth and fifteenth, fixed since 1334 a t abou t £38,000 . (52) E . B . FRYDE, The English Farmers o f the Customs, 1343-51, in Transactions o f th e Royal Hist. Soc., 5th sen, 9 (1959), especiall y pp. 11-12 . (53) J . R . STRAYE R i n W . A . MORRI S an d J . R . STRAYER , Th e English Government a t Work. 1327-1336, II (Cambridge, Mass. , 1947) , p. 5 . (54) FRYDE , Th e English Farmers o f th e Customs (at. supra, 1959) , p. 6 .

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These tenths an d fifteenth s wer e levied fro m 133 4 onwards o n an unchangin g assessment. Whil e th e charg e o f eac h localit y remaine d fixe d i t wa s lef t t o it s inhabitants t o determin e ho w thei r loca l quot a shoul d b e partitione d amongs t themselves. Th e ne w syste m wa s firs t implemente d extensivel y t o provid e Edward's wartim e taxes . This ma y have accelerated a development tha t prove d very burdensom e t o th e poore r classes . Unti l 133 2 peopl e wit h les s tha n 1 0 shillings of taxable goods an d chattel s wer e exempted fro m contributing . Under the syste m operatin g sinc e 1334 , thi s minimum , below whic h peopl e wer e no t supposed t o b e taxed , ha d disappeared . Th e burde n o f taxatio n wa s rapidl y extended t o numerou s poore r people . I n Ken t betwee n 133 4 an d 133 8 th e number o f taxpayer s increase d i n thi s wa y fro m slightl y ove r 11,00 0 t o abou t 17,000 ( 55). This tax becam e even mor e maldistributed afte r th e drasti c declin e of population caused by the Black Death o f 1348- 9 and the subsequent epidemics of the plague. While i n Englan d only ver y fe w notable s wer e legall y exempted fro m direc t taxes, th e French nobilit y di d seek to establish a general righ t to exemption. Th e performance o f military servic e normall y exempte d the m fro m taxe s current i n the sam e years . Th e mor e importan t lords , includin g thos e wh o exercise d th e right of haute justice, could usuall y secur e exemptio n b y reaso n o f their specia l status. I n the first half of the fourteenth century the monarchy wa s still unwilling to recognise a general exemption o f the nobilit y i n all circumstances ( 56). Its fisca l privileges became one of the most contentious issue s in the great crisis opened u p by th e captur e of Kin g John b y th e Englis h i n 1356 . The more important lords were also seeking with varying degrees of success t o secure for themselves a portion of the taxes imposed by the French crown o n the inhabitants o f their lordships . Members o f th e roya l dynast y holdin g apanages and peer s o f Franc e wer e no t prepare d t o allo w an y roya l taxatio n o f thei r subjects unles s the y receive d a shar e o f it . Som e othe r exceptionall y privilege d notables ha d secure d simila r concession s unde r Phili p I V an d hi s sons . Suc h privileges multiplied with the reintroduction of virtually continuous taxation after 1337 ( 57). The monarchy was losing money thereby, but it was buying the support of it s most dangerou s subject s fo r th e continuatio n o f taxation ( 58). (55) H . A . HANLE Y an d C . W. CHALKLIN , The Kent Lay Subsidy Roll of 1333-5, in Kent Records Soc., 1 8 (1964), pp . 58 , 62-3. (56) Th e evidenc e i s summarized i n J. B . HENNEMAN Jr. , Royal Taxation i n Fourteenth Century France. Th e Development o f Wa r Financing, 1322-1356 (Princeton , 1971) , pp. 316-18. (57) A fe w example s ar e note d i n HENNEMAN , op . cit., p. 317 . (58) Th e gradua l acquisitio n o f this privileg e by the lord s of Beauje u i s traced b y E .

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Having started th e wa r wit h Englan d i n 133 7 Phili p VI did not kno w ho w t o conduct it successfully. His mediocrity as a statesman an d complete inadequacy as a military commande r produce d on e crisis afte r anothe r ( 59) and things wer e even worse unde r hi s successor Joh n II . Corruption o f all kinds grew apac e i n al l the financial branche s o f the roya l service . Taxation continue d t o b e temporar y an d t o b e base d o n variabl e loca l agreements. It produced sporadic outbreaks o f resistance, bu t by their very nature these impost s wer e regarde d a s merel y a passin g evil . Th e misus e o f roya l prerogative right s aroused mor e enduring hatreds, as it was harde r fo r the king's subjects to impos e any limi t on this . Assemblies of provincial and genera l estates repeatedly petitione d fo r a retur n t o a stabl e currency , bu t Phili p V I an d Joh n preferred t o raise fund s fro m th e mints rather than to haggle with assemblie s an d communities about taxes. Especially from 134 6 onwards the monetary mutations were conducted i n an exceptionally systemati c manne r unde r the direction o f real experts. A relativel y short perio d o f successive depreciation s wa s followe d by a brusque return to a good currency , which, i n turn, allowed th e resumption o f a new wav e o f depreciations. Si x such cycle s ca n be observed between July 134 6 and Decembe r 135 5 ( 60). The men wh o planne d them an d their associates amon g mint master s an d mone y changer s mad e fortunes , largely through illici t abuses . 'L'impression s'impose d'un extreme desordre administratif, qui promettait I'impunite, e t encourageait les pratiques illegales ( 61). I t i s no t surprisin g tha t a government advise d b y suc h peopl e becam e largel y indifferen t t o th e ceaseles s dislocation o f economi c lif e tha t th e monetar y instabilit y provoked . Roya l legislation and the policy of the law courts gradually made it easier fo r richer and more powerful men to adjust successfully to these changes. Bu t these notables did so at the expense of the poorer an d mor e ignoran t mass o f their countryme n ( 62). The unrestricted manipulatio n of the currency became to would-be-reformers the symbol o f muc h tha t was wron g wit h th e governmen t o f France .

PERROY, L a fiscalite royale e n Beaujolais aux XIV e e t XV e siecles, in Le Moyen Age, 38 (1928). (59) Th e bes t accoun t i s in R . GAZELLES , La Societe politique et l a Crise et l a Royaute sous Philippe d e Valois (Paris , 1958) . (60) R . GAZELLES , Quelques reflexions a propos de s mutations d e l a monnaie royale francaise (1295-13601 i n Le Moyen Age, 72 (1966), p. 97 . (61) Ph . WOLFF , Commerces e t Marchands d e Toulouse (vers 1350-vers 1450), Paris , 1954, p . 321. (62) Se e example s i n E . FOURNIAL , L'indexation de s creances e t de s rentes a u XlV e siecle, in Le Moyen Age, 6 9 (1963).

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V

The epidemi c of plague that ravage d Franc e an d Englan d i n 134 8 ma y hav e killed, on average, a t least a third of their inhabitants ( 63). In many districts, a s for example i n th e sout h o f France , muc h highe r mortalitie s ar e recorded . I t i s probable that the widespread povert y and habitual undernourishment o f much of the populatio n ma y hav e contribued to th e hig h mortalit y fro m th e plagu e (64). Equally seriou s wa s th e furthe r histor y o f this disease . I t becam e endemi c i n western Europe, especially in the towns and its recurrent visitations continued to diminish still further th e already shrunken population. These recurrent outbreak s might be no less disruptive than wa s th e firs t plagu e in 1348-49 . I n England, at least, th e secon d epidemi c o f 136 1 appear s t o hav e cause d a mor e prolonge d shortage o f food . A repetitio n o f epidemic s ha d a ver y demoralizin g an d disheartening effec t o n th e survivors . Before 134 8 th e mor e developed parts o f England and Franc e appear t o have been overpopulated and, consequently, the wages of unskilled labourers remaine d low. One way o f testing the state of the English and French economies afte r 134 8 is t o inquir e whethe r th e labou r o f th e remainin g populatio n wa s i n greate r demand then before. Th e rise in the wage s of English labourers shows that this certainly was the case in England. The evidence is much less clear cut in France. Here too the plague was followed b y an initial jump in wages. This happened on Burgundian vinyards and among Parisian building workers. The latter appear t o have maintained their enhanced wages far into the thirteen-fiftie s ( 65). Elsewhere in Franc e the long-ter m decline, or a t leas t stagnation , o f the Frenc h economy apparently tended to annul the initia l rise in wages (66). The fal l in the productive (63) M . MOI.I.A T an d Ph . WOLFF , Th e Popular Revolutions o f th e Late Middle Ages (London, 1973) , p. 110 . The effects of the plague o n England ar e discussed in detail in my forthcoming stud y of the period 1348-150 0 in the Cambridge Agrarian History of England and Wales, III (ed. E. Miller). The English portions of the account tha t follows are mainl y based on this article. (64) E . PERROY , A I'origine d'une economic contractee : les crises d u XIV e siecle, i n Annales : Economies, Socie'te's, Civilisations, 4 (1949) , p . 17 9 ; R. GAZELLES , L a peste d e 1348-49 e n Langue d'oil, epidemie proletarienne et enfantine, i n Bulletin Philologique et Historique d u Comite de s Travaux Historique e t Scientifiques, 1962. (65) H . DUBOIS , Peste noire et viticulture e n Bourgogne e t en Chablis, in Economies et Socie'te's a u Moyen Age. Melanges offerts a Edouard Perroy (Paris , 1973) , pp. 428-38 ; B. GEREMEK, Najemna Sila Robocza w Rzemiosle Paryza XIII-XV Wieka (Warsaw, 1962) , pp. 160-63 , 176-77 . (66) E . PERROY , Wage Labour i n France i n the Later Middle Ages, in Econ. Hist. Rev., 2ndser., 8 (1955), pp. 237-39.

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capacity wa s s o grea t tha t i t cause d l a marke d growt h o f poverty . Fisca l documents testify almos t everywher e t o a n increas e i n th e numbe r o f th e poor' (67). 'La misere du plat pays es t un lieu commun a la fin du regne de Jean le Bon e t sous Charles V (68). The English economy, thoug h also hard hit, appears to have been undermine d less severely. Probabl y n o region o f England suffere d i n 1348-4 9 such a frightfu l loss o f lif e a s di d Languedo c an d Provence , an d almos t o f England escaped , o f course, the ravage s of foreign invasion . Unlik e France, Englan d was noted afte r 1349 fo r th e rigorou s enforcemen t of th e 'freezing ' o f wage s a t th e pre-plagu e level. There were some special reasons fo r this, which will be mentioned later on. The persistenc e o f this polic y fo r a t least som e fort y vear s certainl y reflect s the greater buoyanc y o f the English economy , but , as in France, th e plague di d not end widesprea d povert y an d ma y hav e eve n increase d it . We mus t no t assum e that a considerable par t of the surviving Englis h peasantry manage d t o improv e their economi c position b y taking ove r th e asset s o f their dea d neighbours . Fo r example o n th e estate s o f the bishop s o f Worcester, wh o los t i n 1348- 9 abou t 36% o f thei r tenants , onl y th e smal l holding s wer e soo n fille d up . Fe w ne w tenants could be found fo r the larger holdings and the majority of these remained vacant ( 69X Presumably, the bulk of the peasantry wer e too poor and were unable to find the necessary animal s and other resources neede d to embark on such large ventures. I n some notoriousl y poore r parts of England, for example the norther n counties, devastated by decades of warfare with Scotland, depopulation caused by plague disastrousl y depresse d thes e alread y backwar d areas . Thei r productiv e capacity wa s injure d beyon d recover y an d me n migrate d t o region s o f greate r prosperity wher e ther e wa s no w plent y o f roo m fo r new-comers . Thu s th e revenues o f Durha m cathedra l prior y derive d fro m tithe s i n widel y scattere d villages of Northumberland, the palatinate o f Durham an d Yorkshire fel l sharpl y between 134 8 an d 135 0 b y over £200 , mainl y becaus e productio n o f corn ha d slumped. Much of this loss was never made good for the remainder of the Middle Ages (70). As migh t b e expected , afte r th e plagu e bot h th e Englis h an d th e Frenc h governments persiste d wit h thei r warlik e policie s an d th e usua l fiscal arrange(67) MOLLA T an d WOLFF , op . cit., p . 112 . Se e als o belo w fo r furthe r evidenc e o f widespread poverty in France in the reig n o f Charles V (1364-80). (68) GAZELLES , i n Traditio (cit, supra., 1976) , p. 306 . (69) E . B . FRYDE , Th e tenants o f the bishops of Coventry an d Lichfield an d o f Worcester after th e plague o f 1348-49, i n Medieval Legal Records edited i n Memory o f C.A.F. Meekings (London , 1978) , pp. 230-31 . (70) R . B . DOBSON , Durham Priory, 1400-1450 (Cambridge , 1973) , p . 271 .

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ments as if nothing had changed. Though the heav y loss of taxpayers mad e the existing assessments fo r direc t taxes increasingl y obsolescent, for a long time in neither country was anyone prepared to attempt a realistic revision o f these fixe d assessments. I n Franc e suc h a refor m wa s attempte d onl y som e twent y year s later, an d i n Englan d never , wit h dir e consequences . I n France , ta x collectin g partly collapse d i n th e year s immediatel y afte r th e plagu e (1349-51 ) an d i t continued thereafter t o be very troublesome. Taxe s yielded less than i n the past . The governmen t reacte d b y levyin g a t a highe r rat e th e principa l direc t taxe s assessed o n household s (fouages). Th e heavies t suc h hearth ta x befor e the Blac k Death was assessed a t 20 s. per household and many fouages wer e much lighter. 'After th e plague 20 s. or 2 5 s. hearth taxes became more common' (71). An era of revolts against taxes was beginning, though before 135 6 the French government ignored the earl y warning signals. The Black Death provided a less serious immediate threat to the king's revenue in England, because the export of wool was dislocated only very temporarily and normal trade was resumed by 1350 . The customs o n wool continued to provide about two third s of the king' s normal annual income. Reference has already been made to the rigorous enforcement in England of a wage 'freeze' i n an attempt to keep wages to their pre-1348 level. In England, in contrast to France, a large part of the landowning class still directly exploited their demesnes and the demands of agricultural labourers for higher wages were sure to curtail drastically the profits of large scale farming. This particularly threatened the income s of moderately wealthy landowners , who owne d onl y a few estate s and ofte n di d not control any larg e groups of servile tenants. As these wer e th e men wh o ra n loca l government for the kin g and represente d thei r shire s i n th e House o f Commons , their nee d fo r cheape r labou r demanded , an d received , a speedy recognition . The fine s fo r th e infractio n o f th e Statut e o f Labourer s fel l chiefly o n the member s of the labourin g class. It was one of the mos t zealousl y enforced regulations in medieval English history. In the thirteen-seventies in some of the most populous counties more than half the cases heard by the local justices of peace and labourers were concerned with breaches of the labour legislation. It is n o acciden t tha t 'th e are a o f th e greates t intensit y o f th e revol t (o f 1381 ) coincides with the area for which there is definite evidence of the greatest effort s at enforcemen t of the labou r laws ' ( 72X

(71) HENNEMAN , Royal Taxation 1322-56 (cit. supra, 1971) , p. 308 . (72) B. H. PUTNA M (ed.) , Proceedings before the Justices of the Peace in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries (Ame s Foundation, London , 1938) , p. cxxiu .

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The enforcement of the labour legislation by the local notables of each county formed part of a wider relaxation by the crown of its control over local justice. In return fo r these , an d other , concessions , th e Hous e o f Commons wa s provin g unusually accomodating to th e king' s financial demands . After 135 3 parliament took ove r fro m th e merchan t assemblie s th e grantin g of the lucrativ e wartim e surcharge on the wool duties. Edward II I naturally sought to retain this surcharg e in peacetime . H e manage d afte r 136 0 to secur e fro m parliamen t a continuou s series o f renewal s o f the wartim e rate s o f duty . In si x years betwee n 136 2 an d 1368 the dutie s on wool yielde d an average annual income of about £47.000 (73), about tw o third s of the king' s yearly revenue in these years. The direc t taxes (the lay tenths and fifteenths ) wen t o n being collected during most o f th e decad e afte r 1348 . Fo r reason s tha t ar e nowher e explained , n o attempt wa s mad e to reasses s the m afresh . A s a concessio n t o th e landowning class the kin g wa s willing , however, t o deduc t fro m th e quota s du e fro m eac h county th e fine s fo r th e breache s o f th e Statut e o f Labourer s impose d o n it s inhabitants. In 1352-5 4 the latter amounted over the whole of England to at least 7,3396 o f th e tota l assessmen t o f the thre e tenth s an d fifteenth s levie d i n thos e years. In a few shires the proportion of tax remitted an account of fines was very high. I t rose i n 135 2 t o 5 8 96 in Esse x ( 74), which seems always to hav e attracte d the record number of prosecutions fo r the breaches of the labour laws and where the Peasants ' Revol t actuall y starte d i n 1381 . Some particularly depopulate d an d impoverishe d localitie s wer e concede d i n the thirteen-fiftie s partial , purel y temporary, remission s of taxes. I n Worcesters hire in 135 9 slightl y over 109 6 o f the county' s norma l assessment wa s remitte d for thi s reaso n ( 75). Clearly , the whol e syste m wa s becomin g grossl y unfai r an d was constitutin g an excessiv e burden on the poorer an d mor e depopulated parts of the country . The conclusion o f the Anglo-French peace in April 136 0 affected differentl y th e further history of direct taxation i n the two countries. I n France, in the late sixties, (73) J . W . SHERBORNE , The cost o f English warfare with France i n th e late fourteenth century, in Bulletin of the Institute of Hist. Research. 50 (1977), p. 141. 1 have scaled dow n Dr. Sherborne' s figur e b y £ 1.000 t o allo w fo r expense s o f collectio n an d uncollectabl e arrears. (74) Thes e figure s ar e base d o n B . H . PUTNAM , Th e Enforcement o f th e Statute o f Labourers during the First Decade after th e Black Death, 1349-59 (New York, 1908). My figures ar e somewha t highe r as I hav e foun d additiona l evidenc e i n variou s classe s o f exchequer record s (pip e rolls, memoranda rolls , plea rolls , K. R. subsidies) . (75) P.R.O. , Excheque r Plea , Roll , E . 13/82B , mm . 3 2 v. , 7 3 r . Ou t o f th e tota l Worcestershire assessmen t o f £501 , a total o f £55. 7s. 1 0 d . wa s remitted .

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the royal government gradually carried through a new reassessment o f 'hearths', so tha t i t shoul d correspon d t o th e recen t change s i n th e distributio n o f population. I n Englan d the comin g of peace simpl y mean t th e abandonmen t o f direct taxation . N o tenth s an d fifteenth s wer e collected between 135 9 and 137 1 and nothing was done in the meantime to bring the basis of their assessment up to date. Withou t som e refor m o f thi s sor t thes e particula r taxe s wer e boun d t o remain very unpopular, and they were described in the parliament of November 1380 'as in many ways very oppressive to the poor community' (76). The pattern of their distribution had become an anachronism afte r th e plague of 1348-4 9 an d things were made worse by two furthe r visitation s o f plague in the course of the thirteen-sixties, followed by a major famin e in 1369-70 . It was in order t o escape from thi s particula r straitjackej ; tha t i n 137 1 th e Englis h governmen t starte d a series o f experiment s wit h ne w type s o f taxe s assesse d o n peopl e an d no t o n wealth. Th e las t o f thes e experimenta l taxes , th e thir d pol l ta x o f 1380 , precipitated th e Grea t Revol t of 1381 . VI

The plague of 1348-4 9 had severely disorganized the collection of French royal taxes, but , a s ha s alread y bee n noted , th e charge s o n th e survivin g taxpayer s continued t o moun t ( 77X Matter s came to a hea d afte r th e defea t and captur e of King Joh n o f Franc e a t Poitier s i n Septembe r 1356 . Fo r nearl y fou r year s h e remained a prisoner i n England while hi s eighteen year s ol d heir, the Dauphin Charles, struggle d t o maintai n som e vestig e o f contro l ove r government . A succession o f Estates General o f northern Franc e me t at Pari s an d pu t forwar d radical demand s fo r reforms . The y trie d t o impos e fres h taxes , fro m whic h nobody wa s to be exempted, an d i n 135 7 th e noble s wer e assessed muc h mor e heavily than in the past ( 78). The Estates created their own machinery of collection but their authorit y wa s largely ignored. Because the greater feudatories were not granted thei r accustome d shar e o f th e loca l taxes , som e o f the m defie d th e collectors and even instigated armed attacks against them ( 79). As a truce had been concluded wit h Englan d i n Marc h 1357 , som e Frenchme n assume d tha t al l (76) Rotuli Parliamentorum, III, p. 90 , no . 13 . (77) HENNEMAN , i n Speculum, cit. supra, 1968) . (78) P . CONTAMINE , Th e French Nobility an d th e War, i n K . FOWLER , Th e Hundred Years' Wa r (London , 1971) , pp. 152-53 . (79) E.g. E . PERROY , L a fiscalit e royale en Beaujolais aux XlV e e t XV e siecles, i n L e Moyen Age, 38 (1928), pp. 9-10 .

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taxation ough t to cease . I n Ma y ther e wa s a furiou s rio t a t Toulouse agains t a continued levy of a tax granted by the Estates of Languedoc. The royal lieutenant in the south , the Count o f Armagnac, barel y escape d wit h hi s life and several o f his follower s were kille d (80). The bes t remembere d popula r risin g o f thi s perio d i s th e peasan t Jacquerie which brok e ou t i n Beauvaisis , nort h o f Paris , a t th e en d o f Ma y 135 8 an d spontaneously spread to various other areas around Paris (81). The peasantry wer e driven to desperation by the civil war aroun d the capital. The soldiers of the rival royalist an d Navarrese factions were living off the land, which wa s also ravage d by arme d band s o f unemploye d mercenarie s le t loos e afte r th e Anglo-Frenc h truce o f Marc h 1357 . Th e revol t wa s triggere d of f b y a figh t betwee n som e peasants and soldiers on 28 May and it turned into an attack on all nobles, though the clerg y wer e apparentl y spared , i n contrast t o what happene d i n England in 1381. Th e deepe r cause s o f th e Jacquerie canno t b e discusse d here , bu t th e prevailing economi c depressio n wa s certainl y partl y responsible . I t shoul d b e noted tha t the rising started in a predominantly corn-growin g region, which ha d particularly suffere d fro m a prolonge d declin e i n th e pric e o f corn , an d tha t troubles wer e confine d t o th e mor e heavil y populated parts o f the are a around Paris. The fiscal exactions an d monetary mutation s ha d contributed t o the general unsettlement whic h th e peasantr y coul d n o longe r endure . Th e riva l nobl e factions briefly laid down their quarrels and combined to crush the revolt within a fortnight. At thei r first meetin g in Octobe r 135 6 the Estate s Genera l at Pari s put the return o f monetar y stabilit y i n th e forefron t o f thei r demands . Rober t l e Coq , bishop o f Laon, their chief spokesman, di d so in hi s revolutionary speeche s o f 3 November 135 6 an d 3 Marc h 1357 . Among th e hig h official s dismisse d i n January 135 7 at the demand of the Estates were the leading veteran manipulators of the mints like Jean Poilevilai n and the brothers Braqu e ( 82X The ordinance o f 3 (80) J . REGNE , La levee du capage e t I'emeute toulousaine du 9 Mai 1357, in Annales du Midi, 30(1918) . (81) Th e mos t recen t goo d account s o f th e Jacqueri e ar e t o b e foun d i n B . GUENEE , Tribunaux et Gens de Justice dans la baillage de Sen/is a la fin du Moyen Age (vers 1380vers 1550) (Strasbourg, 1963) , pp . 48-5 1 ; FOURQUIN , op. cit. (1964), pp. 232-40 . See als o G. FOURQUIN , Les soulevements populaires a u Moyen Ag e (Paris , 1972) , pp . 176-181 . (82) Poilevilai n receive d i n 1348-5 0 illicitly large payments fo r bullion supplied to th e mints (BORRELL I D E SERRES, Recherches sur divers Services publics du XIII s a u XVII e siecle, III, Paris , 1909 , p. 445) , Nicolas Braqu e an d hi s brothers , whil e actin g a s master s o f various mint s produce d illicitl y debase d coinage , speculate d i n bullio n throug h agent s associated wit h them , bough t bullio n for excessivel y hig h price s and compensate d

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March 135 7 exclude d them fo r ever fro m roya l service . Durin g the rest of 1357 the Estate s wer e abl e t o insis t tha t depreciatio n o f the currenc y mus t b e hel d within moderate limits. After the Dauphin Charles recovered contro l ove r Paris in August 1358 , his government could only subsist on the profits o f the mints. Jean Poilevilain emerged from priso n t o assume unlimite d authority ove r mintin g (83). In 135 9 and 136 0 monetary mutations , now unde r the direction o f the infamous Nicolas Braqu e (84), reached thei r highes t frequency . I n the cours e o f 136 0 ther e were as many as twenty official alteration s of the coinage though not all the mints could kee p u p wit h them . Th e monetar y chao s becam e indescribabl e an d th e quality of the silver currency sank lower than a t any other time in the fourteenth century. On his return fro m hi s English captivity i n December 136 0 King John was sur e of enthusiastic support for the restoration o f a stable currency. The new gold coin, created o n 5 December, wa s calle d th e franc t o commemorat e th e king' s recen t liberation an d it s introductio n inaugurate d a prolonge d perio d o f monetar y stability ( 86). It formed a part of a 'package' of fiscal measures that, in the long run, boded il l for the common people. It was t o be a regime guilded by great prelate s and nobles and suited predominantly to protecting their interests. There was to be a lon g perio d o f monetar y deflatio n a s goo d currenc y wa s maintaine d an d th e amount o f new mintin g was deliberatel y restricted. To compensate for the loss of the revenue from coinage, the government had to reintroduce heavy taxation. For the firs t time taxes were being continually levied in peacetim e and , unlike in England, they wer e unavoidably interna l taxes. Th e support o f th e nobilit y wa s bough t b y th e reviva l o f concession s t o th e mor e important lord s of an increased share of the taxes levied from their own subjects . At th e en d o f 136 0 permanen t indirec t taxe s o n al l mercantil e transaction s within Franc e wer e impose d i n order t o rais e th e 3 million ecus o f Kin g John' s ransom. Thes e aides wer e soo n partl y diverte d t o othe r purpose s an d endure d until 1380 . They inevitabl y raise d th e cos t of living in an alread y impoverishe d country. I n 136 3 the government also reintroduced direct taxation i n the for m of the traditional heart h taxes (fouages) t o pay for the army. These too were collecte d continuously unti l 1380 . themselves b y forcin g th e supplier s o f bullio n t o resel l a t a discoun t t o Nicola s min t obligations issue d t o them (VALOIS , loc. c//. , pp . 101-2 , 121-24) . (83) R . GAZELLES , i n L e Moyen Age, 12 (1966) , cit. supra, p . 103 . (84) IDE M i n Traditio (cit. supra, 1976) , p. 300 . (85) BORRELL I D E SERRES, op . Cit., pp . 483- 4 ; 487 ; MlSKIMIN , op . Cit., pp . 60 , 63 .

(86) Th e remainde r of this section i s based chiefl y o n GAZELLES , in Traditio (cit. supra, 1976).

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The 1360tie s were a time of growing poverty an d increasin g depopulation in France. Th e visitation s o f plagu e see m t o hav e bee n mor e frequen t tha n i n England an d ther e wa s a recurrenc e o f famines . Th e rura l populatio n wa s shrinking. Wher e detaile d accounts fo r th e aides survive , as fo r exampl e in th e diocese o f Langre s in Champagne, they revea l a marke d declin e in th e yiel d of indirect taxes between 136 3 and 136 9 (87). On the frontier s men wer e migrating from th e borde r town s int o th e Empir e wher e fiscal burdens were lighter . The economic declin e extende d even t o th e Frenc h capital . Roya l ordinance s sho w that i n 1368 , an d agai n i n 1370 , th e grea t Parisia n marke t o f th e ha lies wa s practically deserte d 'pour c e que les marchanz e t mestiers .. . sont a present si amenries et a apeticie'es que ilz ne pourroient ne ne puent en aucune maniere emplir nefournir le s dictes halles. It is not surprising that the revival of the AngloFrench warfare in 1369 , more rapidly provoked internal revolts in France than in England.

VII The war was restarting at a time when the population of the two countries was smaller than a t any earlier period in the fourteenth century. In both countries the upper classe s wer e haunte d b y fear s o f interna l upheavals . I n surveyin g th e French literature of this period Mollat and Wolff not e that 'chroniclers, moralists and judge s see m t o hav e experience d a pani c fea r o f tota l subversion ' (88). I n England the poet John Gower in his Mirrour d e I'Omme, written i n the last year s of Edwar d Ill' s reign , urge d l a seignourie ' t o fac e u p t o th e growin g insubordination o f the servile peasantry and predicted th e possibility o f a sudden popular uprising ( 89). His fears were shared by the drafters of a Commons' petitio n presented i n the firs t parliament o f Richard II , i n the autum n o f 137 7 (90). They complained tha t resistanc e b y servile peasant s was greatl y impoverishin g man y landlords. These serf s wer e formin g confederacies an d setting up common fund s to financ e thei r activities. Seignorial official s wer e bein g intimidated s o that they dared no t distrain defaultin g tenants fo r dread of being murdered. In many parts

(87) M . REY , Aux origines de I'impot: les premiers comptes des Aides dans {'election d e Langres, i n Economies e t Societe's au Moyen Age. Melanges offerts a Edouard Perroy (Paris, 1973) . (88) Op . cit.,p. 178 . (89) G . C . MACAUI.A Y (ed.) , Th e Complete Works o f John Gower, I (Oxford , 1899) , pp. 293-94 . (90) Rotuli Parliamentorum, III, p. 2 1 (no. 88) .

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of th e countr y cor n o f landowner s wa s no t bein g harveste d becaus e i t wa s impossible to find me n who were willing to reap it. The petitioners preface d their complaints wit h a warnin g that Englan d migh t become th e scen e o f trouble s comparable to th e rebellio n and confederac y of the Frenc h villeins against their lords. But members o f parliament faile d t o anticipat e that this dreade d uprising was going to be precipitated b y the taxes that they themselves wer e pilling upon the Englis h people . Between 136 9 an d th e summe r o f 138 1 th e Englis h governmen t incurre d extraordinary expenditure s o n wa r amountin g t o a t leas t £1.100.00 0 ( 91). It s income during the same period considerably surpassed this total and the recurrent suspicions, voiced repeatedly in parliament, that the war was providing an excuse for excessivel y heavy taxation seem to hav e been justified. But there wer e som e critical moment s whe n th e roya l governmen t wa s reall y i n dir e financia l difficulties. Th e early months of 138 1 were such a time and this explains the illconceived measure s that precipitated th e Great Revol t in late May. Just ove r a hal f of the extraordinar y cost s of warfare was me t out o f direc t taxation on laity and clergy, though much of the burden of the clerical taxes was, of course, ultimately borne by the dependent peasantry of ecclesiastical landlords. Between 137 0 an d th e outbreak s o f revolt s i n 138 1 taxe s totalling , a t least , £568.000 wer e assesse d o n th e Englis h populatio n ( 92). Th e shar e o f th e lait y amounted t o £382.000 , assessed, a s the resul t o f eight separat e parliamentar y grants. 57 % of this lay total was imposed during the period 1377-81 , that is in the years immediately preceding the Grea t Revolt. As has been mentioned before, both the government and parliaments realize d that th e traditiona l fifteenth s an d tenth s wer e base d o n increasingl y obsolet e assessment an d that they were highly unpopular. In 137 1 there began a series of experiments with new taxes which were not assessed on property but on people. Such taxe s wer e boun d t o fal l mos t heavil y o n th e mor e densel y populated counties. In the firs t o f these experiments, the parish tax of 1371 , the assessmen t of Norfolk was increased by a third, that of Essex by four fifths , whils t the charge of Suffol k mor e than double d (93). Al l these shire s wer e i n the forefron t o f th e revolt in 1381 . The most fatal of these financial experiments, the third lay poll tax imposed in December 1380, was expected to yield £66.666, almost twice as much as a conventiona l fifteenth an d tenth . Its effec t o n th e sam e exceptionally well(91) SHERBORNE , loc. cit. (1977), pp. 136 , 140 , 149 . (92) Ibid., passim and E . B. Fryde i n the introduction to Ch. OMAN , The Great Revolt of 1381 (2n d ed. Oxford , 1969) , pp. xn-xiii . (93) Fryd e in Oman, ibid., p. xv.

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populated countie s woul d hav e bee n eve n mor e crushin g tha n i n 1371 , i f widespread evasio n ha d no t occurred in 1381 . A third of the expected tax-payers were 'missing 1. When th e government discovere d tha t evasion wa s occurring on this colossa l scal e i t panicked . I t wa s tryin g t o financ e thre e separat e militar y expeditions and did not dare to reduce its demands ( 94). To the last, nobody in the. government seem s to hav e feared arme d resistance . Ne w specia l commissioner s were sen t t o collec t th e conceale d arrears . A clas h betwee n th e Esse x commissioners and some peasants precipitated an uprising of three Essex villages . Terrified b y thei r ow n darin g the y issue d desperat e appeal s t o th e res t o f th e county t o come to their rescue. Th e whole of Essex an d Ken t rose in revolt and within a coupl e o f week s th e rising s sprea d spontaneousl y t o mos t o f sout h eastern England . The subsequen t course o f the revol t doe s no t concer n u s here . I t reveale d a mass o f othe r political , socia l an d economi c grievance s an d especiall y a dee p rooted hatre d against the judicial system and the petty extortions and tyrannies of royal officials ( 95). These things could not, of course, be remedied, but no medieval English governmen t ever agai n dare d t o impos e a poll tax. Between 138 1 an d 140 5 at least five more popular revolt s broke out, or wer e averted onl y a t th e las t moment . The y wer e mostl y confine d t o fairl y limite d areas. Lik e th e Grea t Revol t o f 1381 , al l thes e rising s wer e triggere d of f b y political event s o r fisca l grievances , bu t on e assume s tha t th e existenc e o f widespread agraria n disconten t mad e i t easie r t o rous e th e peasantr y o f particularly disaffecte d region s like Kent, Essex o r Yorkshir e (96X Protests against high taxation were likely to swell the ranks of any rebel group . When i n Ma y 140 5 Archbisho p Scrop e o f Yor k calle d ou t th e me n o f hi s archiepiscopal cit y against Henry IV, his manifesto included a protest againt 'the unbearable taxes, subsidies , extortions an d oppression s whic h wer e ruinin g the king's subjects' ( 97). His following wa s surrounde d and disperse d before h e could raise wide r support .

(94) E . B . FRYDE , English Parliament an d th e Peasants' Revolt o f 1381, i n Liber Memorialis Georges d e Lagarde (Louvain , 1970) , pp . 77-82 . (95) On e of the best recent discussions of the more general socia l and economic cause s of the Englis h risings of 138 1 is in R. H. HILTON , Bond Men made Free : Medieval Peasant Movements an d th e English Rising o f 1381 (London, 1973) . (96) Fo r detail s se e my forthcomin g articl e in Cambridge Agrarian History o f England and Wales (cit. supra). (97) Cite d i n P . McNivEN , Th e betrayal o f Archbishop Scrope, i n Bulletin o f John Rylands Library, 5 4 (1971-72), p. 182 .

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VIII

Between 136 9 an d 138 0 Franc e experience d muc h heavie r interna l taxatio n than England . Charles V did his best to diminish oppositio n to his fiscal policies. He wa s carefu l t o appeas e al l the majo r noble s by increasin g thei r shar e o f th e taxes levie d in their ow n lordships . H e appears t o hav e gon e beyond th e usua l practice i n also extending these concessions to municipalities. Thus the authorities of Rouen received in 137 3 a third of the town's aides ( 98), which represente d th e same proportion a s the share of most of the great barons. H e also multiplie d the reductions o f assessments to fouages. I n Languedoc on e town after anothe r wa s allowed to pay not according to the real number of its tax-paying households bu t on a muc h reduce d notiona l figure . Th e concession s t o th e Sout h multiplied , especially afte r th e grea t famin e o f 1374- 5 ("). Wheneve r complaint s reache d him, Charle s trie d t o redres s th e abuse s o f hi s tyrannica l an d rapaciou s officialdom. I n parts of France effectively unde r his control there were no serious risings a s long as he lived. He was ill-served, however, by his brothers. The exactions of Jean d e Berry in southern Auvergn e contributed t o th e growt h o f endemi c brigandage , born o f desperation an d misery, centring on the town of St. Flour ( 10°). These Tuchins', as they were nicknamed in their nativ e region, were 'famishe d and uprooted peopl e whose onl y objec t wa s t o surviv e a t th e expens e o f the establishe d order ' (101). Their activities became a grave menace when they penetrated fro m 138 0 onwards into eastern Languedoc . The ruthless exactions o f Louis d'Anjou, the king's other brother an d hi s lieutenant-genera l in Languedoc , prepared th e groun d fo r thi s catastrophic aggravatio n an d extensio n o f troubles . Th e fortune s o f th e Sout h were at a low ebb. The war was doing terrible damage to the areas bordering o n English Gascony ( 102) and this affected badl y the economy of central Languedoc . Recurrent plague s an d th e recen t famin e o f 1374-7 5 ha d decimate d th e population. Th e famin e ha d greatly increase d th e indebtednes s o f municipalitie s (98) Ch . M . RADDING , Th e Estates o f Normandy an d th e revolts i n th e towns a t th e beginning o f th e reign o f Charles VI, i n Speculum, 4 7 (1972) , p . 84 . (99) J . N . BIRABEN , La population d e Toulouse au x XIV s e t XV e siecles, in Journal de s Savants, 1964 , pp. 287-88 . (100) M . BOUDET , L a Jacquerie de s Tuchins, 1363-84 (Paris , 1895) . (101) MOLLA T an d WOLFF , op. cit., p . 184 . (102) Querc y wa s exceptionall y devastated . Se e especiall y J . Favie r i n Journal de s Savants, 1964 , p . 109 . The critica l reconsideratio n o f this evidence i n J. LARTIGAUT , Temoignages su r l a depopulation d u Quercy au XlV e siecle, in Annales d u Midi, 8 4 (1972 ) does not fundamentall y alte r thi s conclusion.

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which ha d spen t larg e sum s o n th e purchase s o f supplie s (103). Som e sporadi c risings against taxation occurre d i n a few southern towns in 1378 . Charles seem s to hav e graspe d tha t the situatio n wa s becoming dangerous , bu t Loui s d'Anjou was onl y inten t o n exactin g a s muc h mone y a s possible . Louis ' subsequen t testament mos t revealingly confirms some of the accusation s of his contemporaries. In it he ordered the restitution of 50.000 fr. to the inhabitants of the districts of Beaucaire, Toulouse and Carcassonn e i n Languedo c "mis a povrete par tallies outraigeuses e t executions rigoureuses faites e n leurs biens' ( 104). In the autumn of 1379 , at the very time when Charles ordered the lowering of the hearth assessment at Montpellier, Louis' agents entered the town demanding a new fouage a t an exceptionall y hig h rate. Seve n o f them wer e kille d with grea t ferocity an d altogethe r eight y peopl e los t thei r live s i n th e ensuin g risin g (2 5 October 1379) . Through Charles ' intercessio n Montpellie r retaine d it s municipal privileges an d escape d wit h a heav y fine . I n Ma y 138 0 Loui s d'Anjo u wa s replaced b y a more popular notable (105). These experience s ma y hel p t o explai n Charles ' growin g convictio n tha t taxation ha d becom e to o heavy . H e ha d accumulate d a larg e reserve treasure which seeme d sufficien t fo r al l emergencies . On hi s deathbed , a s hi s las t act , Charles, on 1 6 Septembe r 1380 , abolished thefouages throughou t his kingdom. He was givin g up perhaps abou t hal f the roya l revenu e from taxation . H e may have hoped t o sav e hi s son fro m seriou s unres t (106), but hi s last act encourage d instead a genera l wav e o f agitation fo r the abolitio n o f all the remainin g roya l taxes. Charles's brothers , wh o wer e acting as guardians fo r his minor heir , wer e horrified. A s a stop-ga p measur e the y decree d o n 1 6 Novembe r 138 0 th e suppression o f th e excise s (aides) an d al l th e othe r taxes . Th e ordinanc e tha t formally abolished them all spoke of 'impositions .. . de quelque nom on condition que ce soient e t par quelque maniere il aient este imposez' ( 107). The king's uncles had, o f course, ever y intentio n of restorin g some taxatio n a s soo n a s possible. Unfortunately thi s reimposition provoke d another tragic series of upheavals. Early i n 138 1 th e governmen t wa s abl e t o gai n th e consen t o f severa l provincial assemblies of estates for the collection of temporary direct taxes for one (103) M . J. LARENAUDIE , Les famines e n Languedoc au x XIV e e t XVe siecles, in Annales du Midi, 64(1952) , pp. 32-35 . (104) E . LUCE , Louis d'Anjou s 'est-il approprie apres la mort de Charles V unepartie d u tresor laisse par le Roi sonfrere ? , in Bibliotheque del'Ecole des Chartes, 36 (1875), p. 299. (105) H . A. MISKIMIN , The last act o f Charles V: the background o f the revolts of1382, in Speculum, 3 8 (1963), pp. 437-39. (106) Ibid., p p 440-42 . (107) REY , cit. supra (L e Domaine ...) , p. 164 .

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6

year(108). The y wer e t o b e levie d b y specia l commissioner s appointe d b y th e estates. I n Normandy, a t least , th e lev y ra n int o considerable difficultie s by th e autumn because several nobles prohibited further collectio n fro m their tenants. It has bee n plausibl y argue d tha t thi s oppositio n b y notables , wh o ha d bee n consistently docil e unde r Charle s V , ma y hav e bee n du e t o th e suspensio n o f arrangements fo r th e sharin g o f th e roya l taxe s wit h th e loca l nobles . I n Normandy thi s is confirmed by the fact that some noble s forced the collectors to pay them their customary thirds, although the collectors ha d no instructions to do so. Municipalities were likewise denied their expected share ( 109). This may help to explain th e ambivalen t attitud e o f leadin g townsme n toward s attempt s t o reintroduce indirec t taxes earl y i n 1382 . In 138 1 th e wors t disturbance s occurre d i n Languedoc . Th e mor e lenien t regime envisaged for that area by Charles V was set aside after hi s death. Instead, Jean d e Berry , wel l remembere d i n Languedo c fo r hi s pas t rapacit y wa s reappointed as the new lieutenant general . Nearly a year elapse d befor e he could re-establish hi s authority . Som e enemie s o f Jean, includin g even th e importan t city of Nimes, sought the help of Tuchins, whose hatred o f Jean was the one sure thing abou t them . A sor t o f peasan t Jacquerie envelope d part s o f easter n Languedoc, persisting in some places until 1383. It found sympathisers among the poorer people in the towns. The worst troubles occurre d i n places which suffere d from th e mos t markedl y oligarchi c regime s an d ha d therefor e particularl y inequitable systems of taxation, such as Carcassonne an d Beziers (11&). While on 8 September 138 1 'th e consuls an d councillors ' o f Beziers were deliberatin g as t o how bes t to receive Jean de Berry, a furious mo b assaulted the m killing nineteen notables an d bourgeois . Fort y fiv e artisan s an d workme n wer e execute d fo r thisO 11 ). The low yield from the temporary taxes in 138 1 left the government very short of money. Immense sums were needed by Louis d'Anjou wh o wa s preparing an expedition t o Ital y i n orde r t o conque r th e kingdo m o f Sicily . Th e difficultie s encountered i n Languedoc b y his brother an d political ally, Jean d e Berry, were one source of great embarrassment to Louis. His insistent demands for money for his Italian venture wer e the main reason for the government's decision t o restor e the aides fro m 1 March 1382 . The government was taking a calculated risk. The (108) L . MIROT, Les insurrections urbaines du debut du regne de Charles V I (1380-83), leurs cours, leurs consequences (Paris , 1906) , pp. 61-65 . (109) RADDING , loc. cit., pp. 84 , 87-88 . (110) Ph . WOLFF , Les luttes societies dans les villes du Midi francais, XIII e-XVe siecles, in Annales : Economics, Socie'te's, Civilisations, 2 (1947). (111) MOLLA T an d WOLFF , op . c;7. , p . 182 .

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aides were particularly destested by the mass of ordinary traders, who, unlike the more importan t merchants , wer e les s sur e o f being abl e t o brib e o r otherwis e 'influence' the farmers of these excise duties. The continued ferment in Languedoc may hav e bee n know n i n the town s o f northern Franc e an d the y certainly had news o f the urba n rising s in Flander s whic h hav e bee n goin g on sinc e 1379 . The first rising occurred at Rouen on 24 February 138 2 even before the start of the new levy of aides ( 112). The rioters attacked not only the royal officials bu t als o some ric h townsmen . Th e firs t attemp t a t collectin g th e ne w dutie s starte d a n uprising in Paris on 1 March. There were also widespread troubles in other town s of northern an d eastern France . When th e Estates General me t at Compiegne in April they too protested agains t the aides ( 113). But no unified movemen t of revolt occurred an d th e riche r burgesse s wer e graduall y terrifie d int o supportin g th e government. Afte r th e roya l arm y crushe d th e rebe l Flemis h townsme n i n November 1382 , the government fel t stron g enough to end the defianc e o f Paris, which surrendere d withou t resistance . I n 138 3 i t wa s th e tur n o f Languedo c which wa s collectivel y fine d th e immens e su m o f 800.00 0 //' . tur. fo r al l th e troubles of the past six years ( 114). The Tuchins of Auvergne were largely crushed in th e winte r o f 1383-84 . Afte r 138 4 the governmen t of Charles VI coul d levy taxes wit h impunity , again sharin g them, o f course, with th e greate r barons . Under Charle s VI , fo r the first time i n French history , th e government coul d treat taxation in peacetime as a normal feature of the royal finances ( 11S). The exact size o f Charles ' averag e yearl y incom e i n th e tw o decade s afte r 138 2 i s stil l controversial ( 116). But, on the lowest possible estimate, it was still at least twice as large a s th e highest amoun t receive d i n an y yea r b y contemporar y Englis h governments. Only the indirect taxes on commercial transactions (aides) an d th e gabelle o n sal t wer e bein g collected continuously . Th e abolitio n offouages b y Charles V was formally respected , but, whenever some plausible pretext could be (112) Ther e i s a brief recent account o f the rising s of 138 2 in FOURQUIN , op. cit. (1972), pp. 203-7 . (113) MOI.LA T an d WOLFF , op . cit., pp. 169-70 . (114) A detailed recen t accoun t i s in F . LEHOUX , Jean de France, due d e Berri. Sa vie, son action politique, 1340-1416, I I (Paris, 1966) , pp . 96-101 . (115) Wha t follows is based chiefl y o n M . Key's two importan t book s (cit. supra) an d on Ch. E. Perrin' s revie w of the m in Journal des Savants, 196 7 (cit. supra), especiall y pp. 50-64. (116) Rey' s figure s o f total revenue s ar e regarde d a s questionable b y PERRIN , loc. cit., pp. 53-5 4 an d recentl y the y hav e bee n challenged , a s excessivel y inflated , b y Ch . M . RADDING, Royal ta x revenues i n later fourteenth century France, i n Traditio, 3 2 (1976) , pp. 361-68.

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found, th e governmen t impose d als o temporary direc t failles. Occasion s fo r this multiplied as time went on . W e kno w o f fourteen genera l tallies betwee n 138 4 and 141 2 and there were, in addition, many localised levies to defray the costs of emergencies affectin g particula r regions . There were important differences in the methods of levying thcfouages an d the failles. Thefouages o f Charles V were supposed t o be assessed on the number of households existin g in each district and should have been periodically reassessed , though fro m th e very start this system tended to break down. I n Languedoc the lists of fiscal hearth s continued to be used for the purpose of levying tallies down to 1404 , but n o extensive attempts to revis e them were made after 1383 . In th e rest o f France a mor e arbitrar y syste m wa s applie d afte r tha t date . Eac h fisca l district wa s charge d wit h a fixe d quot a whic h wa s then distribute d amon g th e inhabitants b y suc h method s a s seeme d locall y mos t suitable . Th e clerg y wer e exempted because they pai d separate tenths an d the noble s were not , a s a rule, liable to these tallies. This was, in all essentials, the system revived later on under Charles VII, when annua l tallies cam e to b e demanded fro m 143 9 onwards. The provincial quota s were fixe d fo r the tattle of 138 4 as a proportion o f the aides collected fro m the same regions. This did probably provide a reasonably fai r yardstick of what each province could be expected to pay. With some adjustment s the sam e quota s wer e hencefort h demande d o n ever y subsequen t occasion . Particularly dangerou s places , lik e Paris , wer e give n preferentia l treatment . I n view o f the stagnant condition o f the French economy this system of reasonabl y fixed charge s wa s th e bes t tha t coul d b e devised . Eve n s o ther e wa s muc h resistance to the tallies an d larg e arrears accumulated . Arme d uprisings agains t taxes did not, however, recur any more before the last years of Charles VTs reign. It became gradually one of the most corrupt regimes ever to rule France. Under a very weak and ofte n insan e monarch the roya l revenues were squandere d by the me n who happene d to control him at any particular time, and especially by his closest relatives. Afte r 139 2 the politica l histor y o f France wa s largel y mad e up o f th e squabble s o f th e king' s uncle s an d brothe r abou t wh o shoul d appropriate th e bigges t slice s o f th e roya l income . Al l reserve s virtuall y disappeared b y 1397 . Th e larg e roya l revenue s excite d eve n large r privat e appetites and ther e was a continuous deficit. Th e official s i n charge of the royal finances wer e frequentl y guilt y o f scandalou s abuse s an d thei r subordinate s profiteered as much as they could. The loss of the records of the Cour des A ides up to 139 8 make s it , however , difficul t t o substantiat e i n detai l th e oppression s committed upo n the tax-paying population . The governmen t was force d t o borro w continuously . I t borrowe d no t onl y from roya l officials, whic h was normal , but als o became increasingly dependent

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on Italia n businessmen , whic h wa s mor e unusual . Loans fro m th e latte r bor e heavy rate s o f interest . Th e universit y an d th e cit y o f Pari s complaine d i n a petition presente d t o Charles VI in February 141 3 that the king's resources wer e being 'pillage d and devoured ' by financiers who ha d been levying interest at the rate o f 50 % o r 6096 . Th e petitio n alleged that th e kin g had bee n losin g in thi s manner som e 300.00 0 //. tur. annually (117X Just as in the past, as for example in the Estates General of October 1356 , these would-be reformer s were no t s o muc h denyin g the nee d fo r some taxation, a s demanding tha t mone y fro m i t shoul d no t b e squandere d ( 118). The 'Cabochia n Ordinance' o f Ma y 1413 , whic h enacte d muc h o f th e substanc e o f thes e remonstrances, was a usefu l collectio n of worth y precepts . It trie d to remov e abuses fro m roya l government and finances and many of its enactments repeate d the salutar y provision s o f numerou s earlie r ordinances , whic h nobod y wa s prepared to enforce. The reformers were only able to gain a hearing for their ideas because i t suited th e demagogi c schemes o f one of the competing princes . Duke John o f Burgundy, that they should be given temporary support . Thre e month s later John wa s driven from Pari s by his rivals and the Cabochian Ordinance was abrogated. I n his campaign of propaganda designe d to recapture the capital John finally resorte d t o a n eve n mor e radica l programm e o f advocatin g th e entir e abolition o f the aides. He started putting this into practice in 141 7 in the parts of France controlled b y hi m an d consequentl y ha d t o financ e himself by frenzie d borrowing an d depreciation s o f the coinage . Hi s rivals in Paris did likewise an d the ensuin g mutations of the currency produced a mor e miserable coinage than anything that France had experienced before. On John's irruption into Paris on 29 May 141 8 th e aides wer e formall y abrogated . The turmoil in France now reached its peak, as the country was torn by foreig n and civil war an d ravaged by marauding armies and bands of desperate brigands. The competing prince s were financin g themselve s b y issuing masses o f virtually worthless currency. Ever sinc e the civil war ha d started there had been sporadi c outbreaks o f popular resistance, especiall y in towns . Sometime s a loca l protest against taxation turne d into an attempt to deliver a town to the opposing factio n in th e civi l war. Thi s happened, for example, in 1413 , at Carcassonne, wher e a general refusa l t o pa y a taille le d t o a n attemp t t o delive r th e cit y t o th e Burgundian faction . I t wa s foile d b y Jea n d e Berry , onc e mor e i n contro l o f (117) H . MORANVII.LE , Remontrances de I'universite e t de l a ville de Paris a Charles VI sur \ e gouvernement du royaume, in Bibl. EC. Ch., 5 1 (1890), pp. 428- 9 (articles XXVII and XXIX) . (118) PERRIN , loc. cit. (1967), p . 51 .

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Languedoc, and severa l peopl e were executed (119). But over mos t o f France th e population was too stunned and miserable to offer an y coherent resistance to this breakdown of normal life around them. The assassination o f John of Burgundy in 1419 and the achievement by Henry V in the following year of control over much of norther n Franc e starte d a new phas e i n the histor y o f a France , partitioned , doomed t o a seemingl y endless civi l wa r an d continuousl y subjecte d agai n t o heavy taxes .

(119) L . DOUET D'ARCQ, Choix de pieces inedites relatives au regnede Charles VI (Paris, 1863), I , no . 170 , pp. 378-81 .

II FINANCIAL RESOUKCES OF EDWAR D I IN TH E NETHERLANDS , 1294-98 : MAIN PROBLEM S AN D SOM E COMPARISON S WITH EDWAR D II I I N 13374 0 On tw o occasion s within forty-on e year s o f eac h other , i n 129 7 an d 1338, an Englis h kin g too k an arm y to the Low Countrie s and planned to enlis t th e hel p o f many o f the prince s o f th e Netherland s an d th e Lower Rhinelan d agains t th e kin g of France. I t i s instructive t o com pare thes e tw o expeditions . Th e similaritie s and , eve n mor e markedl y the contrast s that thus cam e to light , may help to explain many feature s of thos e venture s (1). The adviser s o f Edward II I wer e full y awar e o f the pas t problems of foreign polic y an d repeatedl y pondere d th e diplomati c precedent s fro m the reig n o f the king' s grandfathe r ( 2). Bu t prolonge d searc h b y u s ha s produced n o evidence that they consulte d th e record s of Edward I for guidance ho w t o financ e a campaig n o n th e continent . A n enquir y was addresse d t o th e excheque r i n Novembe r 133 7 abou t som e prac tical details , th e rate s o f wages pai d t o th e Englis h force s i n Gascon y (1) Thi s articl e i s intende d a s a n historica l introductio n t o future , mor e detaile d studies o f th e financia l operation s o f Edwar d III durin g his two expeditions t o th e Netherlands i n 1338-40 . All th e reference s t o unpublishe d sources ar e t o document s in th e Publi c Recor d Office i n London , unles s indicate d otherwise . (2) Se e especiall y G . P . CUTTING , English Diplomatic Administration 1259-1339 (Oxford U.P. , 194 0 — quote d hereafte r a s Cuttino , Diplomatic Administration) ; H.ROTHWELL, Edward I's case against Philip th e Fair over Gascony i n 1298 i n English Historical Review, . XLII (1927) , pp . 573-4 ; G . P . CUTTIN G Historical revision: the causes of th e Hundred Years' Wa r in Speculum, XXXI , 1956 , pp . 471-72 , 476-77.

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during th e previou s war s ( 1). Bu t ther e i s n o evidenc e o f an y mor e general enquiries . I n an y case , the mean s employe d b y Edwar d I t o finance his war effort i n the Netherland s were not worth imitatin g very closely. H e wa s ver y successfu l i n raisin g enoug h mone y t o overaw e the Wels h rebel s an d th e Scot s b y massiv e display s o f strengt h i n 1294-96 ( 2), but hi s method s see m t o u s les s efficientl y adjuste d t o financing his project s in the Netherlands and elsewhere on the continent . One of the mos t costl y feature s of the tw o continenta l ventures discussed her e wer e th e larg e subsidie s offere d t o th e potentia l enemie s of France along her norther n an d easter n border s ( 3). I n both case s mor e seems t o hav e bee n promise d tha n eithe r sovereig n coul d hav e eve r paid withi n th e stipulate d time , bu t bot h king s strov e t o their utmos t to fulfi l thes e undertaking s an d wer e reduce d to sor e strait s thereby . We ar e unlikel y eve r t o assembl e a n absolutel y complet e lis t o f th e payments effectivel y made t o roya l allies , bu t ou r recor d i s probabl y fuller for Edward I than fo r his grandson ( 4). Consequentl y th e availabl e (1) K . R . Memorand a Roll , E.159/114 , m . 42d . Thi s include d payment s i n th e time of Edward I whe n th e ear l o f Lincoln an d Joh n o f Brittany hel d command s i n Gascony. (2) E . B . FRYD E (ed . wit h others) , Book o f Prests o f th e King's Wardrobe fo r 1294-5 presented t o John Goronwy Edwards (Oxford , 1962) , pp . L-LII I (quote d hereafter a s Wardrobe Book o f Prests, 1294-95). (3) Th e historica l literatur e o n thes e alliance s i s extensiv e an d ver y ful l refe rences ca n b e found i n th e recen t work s o f B.D. Lyo n an d Jea n d e Sturler, quote d below. Th e mos t importan t fo r th e stud y o f th e subsidie s are : J . D E STURLER , Les relations politiques et les ^changes commerciaux entre le ducM de Brabant et I'Anglelerre a u moyen dg e (Paris, 193 6 — quote d hereafte r a s Sturler , Relations) ; CUTTING , Diplomatic Administration (1940) ; CUTTING , Bishop Langton's Mission fo r Ed ward I , 1296-97 (Iow a City , 1941) ; P . CHAPLAI S (ed.), Treaty Rolls preserved i n the Public Record Office, I , 1234-1325, (1955 — quoted hereafte r a d Treaty Rolls) ; B. D . LYON , Un compte d e I'echiquier relatif au x relations d'Edouard 7 er d'Angleterre avec l e due Jean I I d e Brabant i n Bulletin de la Commission Royale d'Histoire, CX X (1955 — quoted hereafte r a s Lyon , Jean I I d e Brabant) ; J . D E STURLER, Deux comptes « enroles)) d e Robert d e Segre, receveur e t agent payeur d'Edouard / er, ro i d'Angleterre, au x Pays-Bos, 1294-1296, ibid., CXX V (1960 — quoted hereafte r a s Sturler, Segr). Th e lates t detaile d discussio n i s i n F . TRAUTZ , Di e Konige vo n England un d da s Reich, 1272-137 7 (Heidelberg , 1961) . (4) W e no w apparentl y lac k th e accoun t fo r payment s mad e b y Pau l d e Mont e Florum, on e of the chie f roya l paymaster s i n the Netherland s betwee n 1 Novembe r 1337 an d 2 5 December 1339 . Suc h a n accoun t ha d onc e existed (K . R . Memorand a

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figures yiel d a somewha t larger total for Edwar d I , though , i n realit y Edward II I probabl y spent mor e o n subsidie s tha n Edwar d I . Th e total for Edward I between Jun e 1294 and April 129 8 comes to a t leas t £ 142,02 6 r 1). Edwar d II I pai d t o hi s allie s betwee n Novembe r 133 7 and Januar y 134 1 a t leas t £ 130,11 2 ( 2), whil e a furthe r paymen t o f £ 3,30 0 i s ope n t o som e doubt (3). It ma y b e instructiv e t o compar e payments to particula r allie s an d regional groups. Allie s from region s outsid e th e Lo w Countrie s appear to hav e fare d bette r unde r Edwar d I tha n unde r his grandson . Ed ward I attached grea t importanc e to th e suppor t o f th e Germa n king , Adolf o f Nassau, an d h e was the recipien t of Edward's largest recorded subsidy ( £ 40,000) ( 4). A s lat e a s th e middl e o f Septembe r 129 7 th e English kin g wa s stil l expectin g th e arriva l o f Adol f i n th e Nether lands ( 5), though we now know that this wa s merely wishful thinkin g (8) A mont h late r Edwar d wa s stil l tryin g t o procur e money for furthe r subsidies t o th e Germa n kin g (7). The know n payment s o f Edward III to Lewi s o f Bavaria, i n 1338-39 , amoun t t o onl y £ 12,922 . 10s . ( 8). Roll, E. 159/132 , Recorda, Michaelmas, m.22). W e also lack th e accoun t o f the chief receiver o f the king' s chamber , Thoma s Hatfield , whic h afte r havin g bee n recite d before th e king , wa s burnt b y hi s orde r (T . F . TOUT , Chapters i n th e Administrative History o f Mediaeval England, I V (Manchester, 1928) , pp . 287-88) . (1) Se e belo w fo r details . (2) Based , wit h som e additions , o n E . B . FRYDE , Edward Ill's Wa r Finance, 1337-1341 (D. Phil , thesis , Oxford , 1947 , deposite d i n th e Bodleia n Library ) appen dix A . Detail s o f thes e payment s wil l b e publishe d subsequently . (3) Paymen t t o coun t o f Hainaul t fo r whic h mone y wa s transporte d c . 1 0 Jul y 1339 (Wardrob e Boo k o f Particular s o f Willia m Norwell , E . 36/203 , p . 180) . I t may, however , b e identica l wit h othe r payment s t o th e coun t mentione d ther e (pp. 58 , 64 , 228) . (4) STURLER , Segre, pp. 579 , 597. Othe r Germa n notable s received £ . 7,390 fro m Segre (ibid., pp . 579-80 , 598-600) . Thi s doe s no t includ e Henry , Coun t o f Bar . (5) Ancien t Correspondence , S.C.l/Vol . 45 , n ° 8 0 (letter fro m Ghen t o f 1 8 Sep tember, 1297) . (6) Adol f ha d decide d no t t o interven e b y lat e Augus t 129 7 (G. BARRACLOUGH , Edward I an d Adolf o f Nassau i n Cambridge Historical Journal, V I (1940) , pp . 252 53). (7) K . R . Memorand a Roll, E . 159/71 , m . 7d . (letter fro m Ghent , date d 1 6 October 1297) . (8) H . OFFLER , England an d Germany a t th e beginning o f th e Hundred Years' War i n English Historical Review, LI V (1939), p . 620 ; Wardrob e Boo k o f Particu -

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Another group of special importance to Edwar d I were the Burgundia n enemies o f Phili p the Fai r who promised to attack th e Frenc h in Franche-Comte ( x). The y received from th e Englis h king £ 8,250 at Brussel s in Ma y 129 7 ( 2). A s Edwar d I explaine d i n a messag e sen t t o hi s council a t hom e o n 2 6 Februar y 1298 , on e o f th e mai n reason s for delayin g his retur n t o Englan d wa s hi s determinatio n t o satisf y before hi s departur e those Burgundia n allie s (3). A furthe r paymen t of £ 7,04 5 was, in fact , mad e to the m i n Marc h 129 8 ( 4). Attempt s were made to enlist th e suppor t of the successor s of these men in 1336 37, bu t i t i s uncertai n how much was paid o n that occasio n ( 5). Onl y some Savoyar d noble s did join Edwar d Ill's army in the Netherlands and receive d at leas t £ 4,382. 8s. 6d. for their militar y servic e an d fee s granted t o the m (6). lars o f Willia m Norwell , E . 36/203 , p . 328 . I n thi s particular cas e ou r evidenc e i s probably no t undul y incomplete . (1) J . D E STURLER, L e paiement a Bruxelles de s allies franc-comtois d'Edouard 7 er roi d'Angleterre, mai 1297 in Cahiers Bruxellois, V, 1960 . (2) K . R . Excheque r Account s Various , E . 101/308/19 , p . 2 (account boo k of the treasurer , Walte r Langton) . I hav e bee n unabl e t o se e Guttino' s editio n o f this account . A furthe r paymen t o f £ 1,00 0 made t o Jea n d e Chalo n an d hi s associate s b y th e Frescobaldi a t Florenc e in February-Marc h 129 7 shoul d possibly b e adde d (K . R . Exch. Ace. Various, E . 101/126/1 3 an d Chancer y Miscellanea , C . 47/13/1/28) . I t has no t bee n include d i n ou r tota l o f subsidie s pai d b y Edwar d I . (3) K . R. Memoranda Roll, E. 159/71 , m. 21 : « qe deniers viegnent pur l e paemen t des Burgignouns et pur delivere r l e Roi et ses gents d e cest pays» . An d further o n : « respond! soit quil ne puet ne ne voet parti r d e cest pay s tant quil eit le paement des Burgoignouns e t tan t outr e qui l peusse deliverer li e t se s gentz ». (4) Account s o f Droxfor d («libe r cotidianus» , Britis h Museu m Additiona l Ms . 7965, p . 15 6 r. an d Publi c Recor d Office , Pip e Roll , E . 372/14 4 m . 22 , the enrolle d account). (5) A payment o f 30,000 florins of Florenc e wa s du e t o Jea n d e Chalon , but doe s not see m to hav e bee n mad e then (K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/311/25) , accoun t of Pau l d e Mont e Florum fo r 1336-37 . In March-Apri l 134 7 Jea n d e Chalon , lor d d'Arlay , Thibaut , lor d o f Neuchate l and Henri , lord o f Faucogney, received at Bruge s from agent s o f Edward II I £ 4,800 in part repayment o f debts due to them, (Pip e Roll E. 372/193, Item London, account of Walte r Chirito n an d K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/128/3 , nos . 46-48, origina l receipts). Al l th e recipient s wer e the successor s of th e allie s of Ma y 129 7 (STURLER, loc. cit, pp . 25-26) . (6) Norwell' s Boo k o f Particulars, E . 36/203 , p . 6 9 ; K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E .

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If we use the incomplet e figures alone available , the allie s of Edward I from th e Lo w Countries appear t o hav e receive d collectivel y somewha t more i n subsidie s tha n a comparabl e group i s know n to hav e secure d from Edwar d III . The actua l figures may be of som e interest, but no arguments ca n b e buil t upo n them . W e have , possibly , a complet e record o f payments mad e b y Edwar d I t o Duk e Joh n I I o f Brabant . They amounte d t o £ 31,437 . 10s . pai d i n 1295-9 8 (*) . Coun t Gu y of Flanders received £ 36,526. 2s. 8d., mos t o f it, apparently , in 129 7 ( 2). Count Flori s V o f Holland , wa s pai d a t leas t £ 2,80 0 i n 1294- 5 (3) and hi s successor, John I , married t o a daughte r o f Edward I , received at leas t £ 1,410 , withi n th e perio d tha t concern s us, in par t paymen t of her marriage-portion ( 4). Coun t Henry o f Bar receive d at least 10,00 0 marks b y Jun e 129 7 ( 5) an d a furthe r paymen t o f £ 4,000 was als o made to hi m ( 6). Lastly , hi s brother Joh n wa s paid £ 500 by Droxford, 101/22/29 ; accounts o f th e Bard i an d Peruzzi , Pip e Rol l 1 7 Edwar d III , m . 15d. , Chancellor's Rol l 2 0 Edward III , m . 3 5 and K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/127/36 . (1) Paymen t o f £ 23,00 0 entere d o n Issu e Rol l unde r 9 an d 1 7 May , 2 an d 2 0 June, 129 5 (Issu e Roll , E. 403/9 5 ; cf. wardrobe book o f receipts fo r 1294-95 , K . R . Exch. Ace. Var., E. 101/624/51 , p . 2 and K . R. Memorand a Roll , E . 159/68, m . 80d.). £ 4,000 receive d ou t o f th e custom s betwee n Octobe r 129 5 an d Decembe r 129 6 (K. R . Memorand a Roll, E . 159/69 , m . 2 1 d . ; 45th Report o f th e Deputy Keeper o f Public Records, p. 287) . £ 4,43 7 10s . i n th e Netherlands , 1296-9 8 (LVON , Jean I I d e Brabant, pp . 86-88) . See als o STURLER , Relations, pp . 15 8 ff . (2) CUTTING , Diplomatic Administration, p . 129 , n. 1 ; K. R . Exch . Ace . Var . E . 101/308/19, p . 2 ; 45th Report o f th e Deputy Keeper o f Public Records, pp. 287-8 9 ; E. 101/127/5 , n°s . 9 , 10 , 11 , 2 3 (original receipts) . (3) £ 30 0 i n 129 4 (STURLER, Segre, p. 580) . £ 2,50 0 i n August-Septembe r 1295 (Issue Roll , E . 403/96) . (4) Treaty Rolls, n ° 43 2 (p. 178) , date d 1 8 Januar y 1297 . A paymen t o f £ 50 0 by Droxfor d (quoted b y CUTTING , Diplomatic Administration, p . 129 , n . 1) , form s part o f thi s (B . M . Additional Ms . 7965, p . 15b) . (5) Hi s acquittanc e fo r thi s amoun t receive d b y th e lieutenan t o f th e treasure r on 1 Jun e 129 7 (L.T.R. Memorand a Roll , E . 368/68 , m . 39d.) . A paymen t o f £ 2,46 6 13s . 4d . b y Segr e i n 129 5 (STURLER , Segre, p . 601 ) ma y be include d i n thi s amount . (6) Hi s acquittanc e fo r thi s amoun t wa s i n the keepin g of the excheque r i n 129 9 (STURLER, Segre, p . 601) . Payments o f £ 51 2 b y Droxfor d an d £ 2 0 b y th e excheque r (Britis h Museum , Additional Ms . 7965 , p . 15 8 r.) ma y b e include d i n thi s amount .

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the keepe r o f th e king' s wardrob e durin g Edward' s sta y abroad ( 1). These subsidie s ad d u p t o £ 79,34 0 almos t certainl y pai d ou t b y April 129 8 an d furthe r £ 4,000 ma y als o belong to thi s period . Th e subsidies know n to hav e bee n distribute d t o a comparabl e grou p of allies in the Netherlands by Edward III amounte d to at least £ 70,203 (2) This total does not include payments t o the duke of Guelder s and mar grave o f Juliers, tw o o f the mos t active allie s of Edward III . Reginal d Hi o f Guelders got at leas t £ 17,812. 10s . ( 3). an d Willia m of Juliers wa s paid a t leas t £ 18,267 . 10s . ( 4). Unlike Edwar d III , wh o coul d largel y confine hi s militar y expenditure i n 1338-4 0 t o th e Netherlands , Edwar d I ha d bee n force d int o a much greater dispersal of resources. At the start of his troubles in 1295-95 he was very successful in raisin g money. Variou s special taxes an d othe r emergency measure s pu t a t hi s disposa l nearl y £ 250,00 0 durin g th e initial seventee n month s o f th e wa r ( 5). Thi s wa s on e o f th e larges t accumulations o f treasur e eve r assemble d b y Edwar d I i n an y perio d of comparabl e length. Bu t i t wa s speedil y spent . A t leas t £ 111,28 6 were sen t i n cas h t o Wale s an d Gascon y b y Octobe r 129 5 an d at leas t anothe r £ 75,656 had bee n paid out by that time to Edward' s continental allie s (6). 'I n 129 6 Edward had to bea r the cos t of the Scot tish campaig n and o f th e continue d warfar e in Gascony , though hi s payments o f subsidie s t o allie s diminishe d considerably . Increasin g difficulties wer e encountere d in raisin g revenu e durin g 129 6 (7). B y (1) Britis h Museum , Additiona l Ms . 7965 , p . 156d . (2) Thi s grou p consiste d o f Duke Joh n II I o f Brabant; Thierry, Lor d o f Valken burg ; William II , Coun t of Hainault and Hollan d an d Joh n of Hainault, hi s uncl e ; Conrad d e la Marck , brother o f the bisho p o f Liege ; Henry o f Flander s ; the town s of Ghent , Bruge s an d Ypre s ; importan t Flemis h leaders . Details o f thes e subsidie s wil l b e publishe d subsequently . (3) Wardrob e Book o f Norwell, E. 36/203, pp. 64,22 9 ; Warrants for Issues , Exch . of Receipt , E . 404/51 0 n ° 17,50 , 15 4 ; Issu e Roll s unde r 2 3 Decembe r 133 8 an d 1 9 October 1342 , E . 403/30 3 an d 403/327) . (4) K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/127/3 2 an d Chancellor' s Rol l 1 3 Edward III , m. 46d . ; Wardrobe Boo k o f Norwell, E . 36/203 , p. 33 0 ; Warrants fo r Issues, Exch . of Receipt , E . 404/503/26 7 and E . 404/510/1 7 and 15 5 ; Issue Roll, E . 403/327 , under 19 October, 1342 ; Exch. Ple a Roll , E . 13/79 , m. 123 d. (trial of William d e l a Pole) . (5) Wardrobe Book o f Prests 1294-95, pp . L-LII . (6) Ibid., p . L . (7) Th e direc t ta x grante d b y parliamen t i n Decembe r 129 5 resulte d i n an assess -

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the en d of that yea r Edward' s need s wer e alread y outrunnin g hi s re sources an d politica l oppositio n a t hom e mad e th e financia l proble m insoluble i n 1297 . Hi s expeditio n t o th e Netherland s wa s doome d t o lack of success on political, militar y (* ) and financial grounds alike before it eve r lef t Englan d i n lat e Augus t 1297 . I t wa s the opinio n of his advisers tha t th e lac k of money at tha t tim e was making this ventur e very hazardous , as th e kin g himsel f admitted o n th e ev e o f his departure ( 2). Bu t i t mus t b e added tha t the financia l method s of Edward I proved particularly ill-adapted t o the needs of a campaign in the Netherlands. H e failed t o assur e fo r himself adequat e credi t facilitie s abroad . The sending of royal wool to the Netherland s wa s planned to o lat e an d executed i n too unsatisfactor y a manner to provid e the kin g with suffi cient fund s ou t o f its sal e ( 3). Th e tw o mai n source s of the prodigiou s funds raised by Edward II I i n the Netheilands were thus use d muc h less effectively b y Edwar d I . Unlike hi s grandso n i n 1337-40 , Edwar d I wage d th e wa r agains t France withou t an y seriou s backin g fro m importan t financiers . H e was quit e familia r wit h th e usefulnes s o f bankers . Fro m th e tim e o f his accessio n dow n t o Jul y 129 4 h e ha d regularl y employe d th e Riccardi o f Lucca , on e o f th e riches t Europea n firm s o f tha t time . Edward's aggregat e debt s t o th e Riccard i amounte d betwee n 127 2 and 1294 t o a t leas t £ 392,000 ( 4) and , i n repayment , thei r fir m ha d bee n receiving al l th e incom e fro m th e custom s sinc e th e creatio n o f that ment o f £ 52,870, nearly £ 29,000 less than the assessmen t o f the previou s grant made in Novembe r 129 4 (J. F . WILLARD , Parliamentary Taxes o n Personal Property 1290 to 1334, Cambridge , Mass. , 1934) , p . 344 . The revenu e fro m th e custom s diminishe d becaus e o f a declin e i n th e expor t o f wool (infra.). (1) Th e disappointingly smal l siz e of the arm y taken b y Edwar d I to th e Nether lands ha s bee n demonstrate d b y N . B . LEWIS , Th e English forces i n Flanders, Au gust-November 1297 in Studies i n Medieval History presented to Frederick Maurice Powicke (Oxford, 1948) . (2) A roya l letter , addresse d t o th e me n servin g i n Gascony , of 2 1 Augus t 129 7 (Treaty Rolls, n ° 346 , pp . 133-34) . (3) Infra.

(4) Base d o n a serie s o f royal account s wit h th e Riccard i whic h is complete excep t for on e gap : K. R. Exch . Ace . Var., E . 101/126/ 1 ; Pipe Roll s (E. 372) , n°» 123 , 124 , 125, 133 , 13 4 an d 143 .

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revenue i n 1275 . Bu t o n 2 9 Jul y 129 4 (x), withi n less than si x weeks of Edward' s declaratio n o f wa r agains t France , th e Riccard i wer e de prived o f the custom s and soo n afterwards their asset s i n England were sequestrated b y th e kin g (2). Th e reason s for this chang e of policy ar e unknown, and, in the circumstance s of 1294, they ma y hav e been quite weighty. Th e us e of regular bankers was, o f course, expensive. A s long as the subjectio n of the Welsh rebels an d th e conques t of Scotland formed Edward' s chie f objective s h e coul d probabl y dispense wit h th e services o f Italia n financier s withou t undu e inconvenience . But th e lack o f adequat e credi t facilitie s became a sourc e of weakness on th e continent. Whe n th e nee d fo r re-employin g Italian s aios e there , n o adequate substitute fo r the Riccard i could be readil y found. Tw o other firms, th e Frescobald i of Florenc e an d th e Bellard i o f Lucca, prove d willing to mak e advances in Englan d an d abroa d i n 1296-97 , bu t thei r loans were not large . Th e Frescobaldi , th e mor e important o f the two , are known to hav e len t o n the continen t a t leas t £ 6,272 between th e summer of 129 6 and Edward' s retur n t o Englan d i n Marc h 129 8 (3). Subsequently th e Frescobald i claime d tha t whe n their connexio n wit h Edward I becam e publicl y known , th e credi t o f thei r compan y wa s severely shake n thereb y ( 4). Th e detail s mentione d b y the m impl y that thi s happene d i n February-Marc h 129 7 ( 5) o r no t lon g after wards. Severa l o f th e non-mercantil e depositors , bot h layme n an d (1) K . R . Memorand a Roll , E . 159/68 , m . 82d . (2) E . RE , L e Compagnia dei Riccardi i n Ingilterra e il suo fallimento alia fine del secolo decimoterzio i n Archivio d e l a Societa Romana d i Storia Patria, XXXVI I (1914). (3) Account s o f th e Frescobaldi , K . R . Exch . Ace . Various , E . 101/126 , n° » 1 3 and 15 , E . 101/127/5 , n ° 3 1 ; cf. Langton' s account , E . 101/308/19 , p . 17 . Beside s advances i n the Netherlands , thes e loan s include payments t o royal envoy s an d allie s in Franc e an d Italy . (4) Ancien t Correspondence , S.C . 1/47 , n ° 12 0 an d Chancer y Miscellanea , C . 47 / 13/1, n ° 28 ; Ancient Petitions, n° 2343, publishe d in Ch. Johnson, An Italian financial house in the fourteenth century, Transactions of St. Albans and Hertfordshire Architectural an d Archaeological Society, ne w series , I (1901-2), pp . 332-34 . (5) JOHNSON , loc. cit., p . 33 2 quote s payment s t o th e Burgundian s a t Florence . The account o f the Frescobald i (K . R . Exch . Ace. Var., E . 101/126 , n ° 13) mentions a paymen t to Jea n de Chalon at Florenc e amon g advance s mad e in February-Marc h 1297.

11

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ecclesiastics, rushed to withdraw the funds previousl y entrusted t o thei r firm. Th e Frescobald i also allege d tha t the y los t credi t wit h othe r merchants. Th e exac t amoun t of damage suffere d b y the m was diversely estimate d b y th e compan y at differen t times . Bu t whil e thes e discordant figure s mus t naturall y b e viewe d wit h suspicion, the state ments o f the Frescobald i ar e otherwis e ver y circumstancia l an d wer e seriously considere d b y th e Englis h government in 130 7 ( 1). I t i s probable that som e suc h incident s did i n fac t occur , i n whic h cas e the y must hav e seriously impaired the usefulnes s o f the Frescobald i to Ed ward I in 1297 . Hi s lack of a n importan t regula r banke r wh o migh t act a s a trusted guaranto r o f the roya l loan s probably also prejudice d Edward's chances of borrowing from othe r business men i n the Netherlands. All th e loan s know n t o hav e bee n contracte d abroa d fo m foreig n lenders, Italian s ( 2), Netherlande r ( 3), an d German s ( 4), between June 1294 and Apri l 1298 add u p t o th e modes t su m of £ 11,005. 18s . 4%d. Our lis t o f thost loan s is probabl y fairl y complete . Th e sam e canno t be sai d abou t th e advance s of th e Englis h merchant s trading i n th e Netherlands. Loan s from the m amountin g together t o £3,516 . Is . 8d . (1) Cal. Patent. R . 1301-7, p . 513 . (2) I n additio n t o £ 6,272. 8s. 6d. received fro m th e Frescobaldi , wer e borrowed : in Braban t £ 250 from th e Mozz i an d £ 250 in Apri l 129 7 from th e Pulc i an d Rem bertini,both of Florence ; elsewhere fro m th e Pulc i £ 247 3s. 4d., including £ 62 10s . paid t o th e roya l envoy s a t Pari s in Octobe r 129 6 an d £ 100 paid t o the m a t Gam brai i n Januar y 129 7 (Langton's account , K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/308/19 , p. 17d. , E . 101/126/18 , detaile d indentur e wit h th e Pulc i fo r loan s contracte d i n 1296 an d E . 101/354/5 , « debita garderobe » o f 2 4 an d 2 5 Edwar d I) . £ 65 . 12s., 6d . fro m th e Bellard s o f Lucca i n Januar y 129 7 (E. 101/354/5, « debit a garderobe» o f 2 4 Edwar d I) . £ 1,07 5 fro m th e Lombards , o f Asti , borrowe d o n the securit y o f roya l jewel s a t Antwerp i n Octobe r 129 7 (infra.). £ 265. 14s . 3y 2d. borrowed o n like security a t Antwer p o n 29 September 129 7 fro m Albissus de Fifanti an d launoru s d e Mikel e of Florenc e (enrolle d wardrob e accoun t of Droxford , Pip e Roll , E . 372/144 , m . 2 2 ; B . M . Additional Ms , p . 29) . (3) £ 1,000 borrowe d fro m th e receive r o f Flanders in July 129 7 an d £ 200 fro m Terricus l e Vileyn, burges s o f Ghent , i n 129 7 (Langton's account, K. R . Exch . Ace . Var., E 101/308/19 , p . 17d . an d E . 101/354/5 , wardrob e debt s o f 2 5 Edwar d I) . (4) £ 1,38 0 receive d b y Elia s Russe l an d Gilber t Chesterton(thei r accoun t o n Pipe Roll , E . 372/146 , m . 5 4 an d K . R . Custom s Ace., E 122/148/6) .

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I 117 7

are reveale d by a miscellaneou s assortment o f sources (x). Most of th e £ 1,00 0 allegedly borrowe d for the kin g by Joh n d e Botetourte cannot be traced ( 2), but i t seem s unlikely that a much larger amount is missing. Togethe r all these loans correspond to just under 4 % of th e aggregate loan s raised o n the continen t b y Edwar d II I betwee n Decembe r 1337 an d Marc h 1340 ( 3). I t i s true tha t greate r credi t facilitie s most probably existe d i n the Netherland s in 1338-4 0 tha n a t th e en d of the thirteenth century , befon th e collaps e of the Fair s of Champagne. But this can only partly account for the striking contrast between the modest borrowing of Edwaid I and th e vast sum s procured fro m lender s by his grandson. Edwar d II I raise d abroa d ove r £ 200,000 fro m hi s regular bankers who m h e ha d previousl y employe d in Englan d ( 3) an d the y guaranteed severa l o f his other loan s i n the Netherlands . I t wa s due, presumably, to the persona l choice or miscalculation o f Edward I that he ha d n o financier s o f this statur e a t hi s disposa l i n 1297-98 . Edward I ha d bee n ver y anxiou s abou t shortag e o f mone y befor e his departur e fro m Englan d (4) and h e remaine d embarrassed by lac k of fund s durin g his sta y i n th e Netherlands . Hi s letter s fro m abroa d to th e governmen t i n Englan d contai n urgen t appeal s fo r financia l (1) £ 1,587. 9s . 4 1/2d. receive d b y Rober t d e Segr e (STURLER, Segre, pp. 594-97) . £ 1,327 . 8s . 8d. receive d b y Elia s Russe l an d Gilber t Chesterto n (Pip e Roll , E . 372/146, m . 54) . £ 180 . 7s. , 7y 2d. charge d t o Droxfor d of mone y borrowed in 129 7 (K. R . Exch . Ace. Var., E . 101/354/ 5 — debt t o Jame s Newbury ) £ 6 0 borrowe d by Joh n d e Botetourt e a t Antwer p i n January-Februar y 129 7 (K. R . Memorand a Roll , E . 159/70 , mm . 98 , 105) . £ 290 received b y Elia s Russel earl y in 129 7 (K.R.Exch. Ace. Var.,E. 101/684/22 and K . R . Custom s Ace., E. 122/148/6) . Thi s i s possibly a remnant o f a larger col lection). £ 7 0 advanced b y Rober t Basin g (STURLER, Relations, p. 208 , n . 204) . (2) STURLER , Relations, p . 208 . (3) Infra, th e fina l note . (4) Thi s i s mos t vividl y brough t ou t b y numerou s entries on K . R . Memorand a Roll. E . 159/70 . See also th e lette r of Edward I of 21 August 129 7 (Treaty Rolls, n° 356, pp. 133 34, cit. supra): «nou s auoms serche totes les voyes que nous auoms (peu) coment nous peussoms cheuir de deniers e des autreschoses que mester nou s ont pur cest passage ; e en trouvoms si pou d e cheuisance ...» . Th e word « cheuisance» is a technical ter m for a loan , though the kin g may b e usin g it her e i n a mor e general way .

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help (!). Presumably , h e would hav e liked to procure much more money by borrowin g in Flander s an d Brabant , ha d thi s bee n feasible . Som e of th e loan s that hi s agents abroa d wer e able t o negotiat e a t thi s tim e were raise d o n ver y onerou s terms. Thus , a grou p o f Lombard s fro m Asti advance d a t Antwerp , o n 3 Octobe r 1297 , onl y abou t 60 % of th e estimated valu e o f the roya l jewel s pledged fo r this loan. Furthermore , though th e Lombard s ha d advance d onl y £ 1,075 , eigh t month s late r the redemptio n o f those sam e jewel s cos t £ 1,29 0 ( 2). In 1297 Edward I was short of assets that could be pledged to lenders . It wa s one of the things that greatly restricte d hi s chances of borrowing. This stat e o f affair s wa s partl y th e outcom e o f interna l oppositio n t o Edward's policies. Suc h wider causes of his troubles cannot be discussed here. But i f we revert to the compariso n with the wa r financ e of Edward III i n 1337-40, we are forcibly reminde d that it was largel y founde d on effective exploitatio n of the Englis h woo l trade (3). Edwar d I was much less successfu l in this field tha n hi s grandson, i n part, a t least , becaus e his deliberat e choic e o f policie s wa s different . A s i n th e cas e o f hi s scant recours e t o borrowing , th e consequence s o f thi s particularl y affected hi s venture s i n th e Netherlands . There existe d tw o mai n way s o f using the woo l trad e t o financ e th e crown i n wartime . Th e firs t wa s t o increas e th e dutie s o n exporte d wool. O r els e the " kin g coul d himsel f ente r th e trad e b y acquirin g through taxatio n o r compulsor y purchas e stock s o f woo l tha t woul d be markete d late r b y hi s agent s i n th e Netherlands . Som e o f th e wool might also be pledged to roya l creditors . Eac h method , i f it wa s to yield maximu m results, exclude d th e us e of the other . Roya l purchas e or seizure of wool would diminish th e amoun t availabl e fo r private export . (1) Ancien t Correspondence , S.C . 1/45 , n ° 8 0 (cf. F . KERN , Ad a Imperil Angliae et Franciae, a b a. 1267 arf a . 1313 (Tubingen, 1911), n° 124 ; K. R . Memorand a Roll, E. 159/71 , mm . 7d . and 2 1 (cit. supra.), A loan o f £ 221. 1 8 s. was contracted fro m the Frescobald i by the keepe r of the wardrobe , Droxford , shortly befor e the king' s departure o n 12 March 129 8 (Warrant s for Issues , Exchequer o f Receipt, E. 404/481 , file 2 , n ° 12) . (2) Initia l indentur e o f 3 Octobe r 129 7 copie d i n K. R . Memoranda Roll , E.159 / 71, m. 3 6 where th e furthe r histor y of this debt i s also recorded. Letter s patent of duke o f Brabant connecte d wit h thi s loan , Warrant s fo r Issues , Excheque r o f Re ceipt, E . 404/481 , fil e 2 , n ° 14 . Evidenc e o f repayment b y th e Frescobaldi , K . R . Exch. Ace . Var . E . 101/127/5 , n ° 44 . (3) Infra, th e fina l note .

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Furthermore, i f the kin g was intending t o sel l on his own account large quantities o f wool, i t woul d b e i n hi s interes t t o restrict , or prohibi t altogether, expor t b y anyon e else , i n order to secur e monopol y price s abroad fo r the roya l wool. In practice, bot h kings were forced to try th e two methods in successio n an d eve n sid e b y side . From Jul y 129 4 t o th e sprin g o f 129 7 Edwar d I opte d mainl y fo r a polic y o f encouragin g export s b y Englis h merchant s and o f taxin g the woo l trad e muc h mor e highl y (1). Th e pre-wa r rat e o f duty (6s . 8d. per sack ) wa s raised t o 40s . per sack . Bu t th e sixfol d increas e in tax di d no t resul t i n a proportionat e ris e o f income . In comparison with averag e shipment s i n 1289-94 , export s wer e mor e tha n halve d during the first two years of the war ( 2). Resistanc e t o the higher duties, (1) Adequat e documentatio n o f Edward' s polic y wit h regar d t o woo l would re quire an article to itself . I can therefore note th e source s used by me only in a mos t summary fashion . Fo r change s in polic y I hav e depende d abov e al l on K . R . an d L. T. R. Memorand a Rolls for 1294-98. I also used the enrolle d accounts for customs (on Pipe Rolls) and particulars of customs account s (E. 122), the boxe s of Exchequer Accounts Variou s fo r foreig n merchant s an d woo l (E. 101 , boxe s 126 , 127 , 457 ) and enrolle d account s fo r shipment an d sal e of royal wool abroad (a s listed i n STUR LER, Relations, pp . 180-81 , n . 29) . There ar e excellen t survey s o f som e of th e problem s discussed belo w in STURLER , Relations, (1936) an d i n his earlief stud y Le trafic Anglo-Brabanfon dans ses rapports avec les origines de Vetape d'Angleterre et les premiers ddplacements de celle-ci sur le continent i n Federation Archeologique e t Historique d e Belgique, XXXIX 6 sessio n (Liege), 1932 . Professo r D e Sturle r mos t kindl y allowe d me to compar e his note s with m y ow n and save d m e thereby fro m som e errors . There i s usefu l informatio n i n G . BIGWOOD , U n marche d e matieres premieres. Laines d'Angleterre et marchands italiens vers l a fin du XIII s siecle in Annales d'Histoire Economique e t Sociale, I I (1930 ) an d R . L . BAKER , Th e English Customs Service, 1307-1343. (The America n Philosophica l Society . Philadelphia , 1961) . (2) Fo r 1290-94 there are only figures for the revenu e from th e customs , but actua l exports ca n be roughly computed fro m the m (Pip e Roll, E. 372/143, m. 35d., account of th e Riccardi) . Other figure s are derived fro m Pip e Roll E. 372/134, m. 3 (account of the Riccardi ) and from tables of wool exports from 127 5 to 154 7 prepared b y Professor E . M . Carus Wilson an d Mis s O . Colema n (to b e publishe d b y Clarendo n Press, Oxford , 1963 ) which the y mos t generousl y allowe d m e t o consul t i n manuscript . The averag e fo r 1289-9 4 wa s c. 34,000 sacks. Th e figure s for 1294-9 7 (Michaelmas to Michaelma s unles s otherwis e stated ) ar e : August 129 4 — Michaelmas 129 5 : 16,72 8 sacks . 1295 — 1296 : 14,87 4 sacks . 1296 — 1297 : 21,25 3 sacks .

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though stron g an d ultimatel y successful , canno t b e regarde d a s th e sole cause of this decline. Th e war with Franc e seriousl y dislocated th e established trad e route s an d th e norma l patter n o f credi t facilities . Lastly, Edward's prohibition of export by Italia n merchant s als o disorganized th e trad e a t certai n periods . Th e prohibitio n wa s reiterated several time s unti l th e sprin g o f 129 7 ( 1), thoug h i t wa s repeatedl y relaxed i n favou r o f the roya l creditor s an d othe r privilege d Italians . The motive s fo r th e ba n ar e nowher e explained. For th e duratio n of the wa r all the .English wool exports were perforce channelled int o a singl e outle t i n the friendl y territorie s o f th e Lo w Countries. Suc h licence s as the Italian s wer e able to secure , normally compelled the m t o expor t t o th e sam e destination . Th e emergenc e of what amounted to an unavoidable, compulsory wool staple in the Nether lands did not however confer an y striking financial benefit s on the king . While in the simila r circumstances of 1337-38 an English wool company was endowe d wit h a monopol y over th e trad e i n orde r that i t shoul d share its enhance d profits with th e king( 2), no such scheme was effecti vely carried out i n 1294-96 . Som e suc h arrangement, though on a much more modest scale, may have bee n contemplated in 1294, but whateve r may hav e bee n planne d then wa s probabl y ruined b y th e accidenta l death, i n lat e Novembe r 1294 (3), o f Laurenc e Ludlow , th e leade r o f the Englis h merchant s collaboratin g wit h th e king . The increase in th e rat e o f duty made it muc h harder fo r merchant s to pay customs at th e tim e of export; they preferred t o do so after the y had sol d their woo l abroad. Whe n the firs t wartime wool fleet was organized i n Novembe r 1294, the exportin g merchant s merely gave security fo r paymen t o f custom s abroa d an d thi s mone y wa s expressl y earmarked fo r th e paymen t o f subsidie s t o th e king' s continenta l (1) K . R . Memorand a Roll , E . 159/68 , m . 82d . (orders unde r th e excheque r sea l of 25 and 2 7 November 1294):«mercatoribus regni Francie et omnibus ultramontani s dumtaxat exceptis » (from permissio n to export) ; ibid. m. 8 6 (orders of 20 September 1295); E . 159/70 , m . 25d . (unauthorised departur e o f merchant s o f the Spin i o f Florence); Cal. Close R . 1296-1302, p. 8 6 (orders o f c. 1 March, 1297 — the appro ximate dat e i s provided b y th e enrolmen t o n E . 159/70 , m . 98) . (2) E . B . FRYDE , Edward Ill's wool monopoly o f 1337 in History, n.s. , XXXVI I (1952). (3) Th e new s o f hi s deat h reache d th e excheque r o n 2 9 Novembe r 1294 . (K. R . Memoranda Roll , E . 159/68 , m . 78) .

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allies ( l). Bu t th e government' s polic y i n this matte r wa s not consis tent. Fo r a perio d i n 1296-9 7 th e stres s wa s o n collectin g mone y in England. I n Octobe r 1296 th e kin g ordere d the excheque r not to allow respites o f paymen t t o merchant s a s thi s migh t encourag e others t o plead poverty ( 2). In Apri l 129 7 a persona l messag e wa s brough t fro m the king into the exchequer commanding that collectors of customs were not t o accep t hencefort h an y pledge s fo r futur e paymen t o f duties . If paymen t ha d no t bee n mad e befor e th e woo l was read y fo r lading such wool was to be arrested and detained until the customs were paid(3). This intelligible , bu t probabl y unwis e rigou r (4), ma y hav e serve d t o discourage export s altogether ; i t certainl y resulte d i n smalle r receipt s abroad ou t o f customs . Roya l agent s i n th e Lo w Countrie s received £ 10,27 9 fro m thi s sourc e in 1294-9 8 ( 5), substantially les s than did th e representatives o f Edward II I i n Brabant an d Flander s i n 1338-4 0 (6). Until 129 7 n o attemp t was mad e t o sen d larg e quantitie s of roya l wool for sal e abroad . 27 7 sack s o f wool taken fro m th e Riccard i wer e shipped b y Laurenc e Ludlo w o n th e king' s behal f i n November , 1294 ( 7), but muc h of it was apparently lost at sea ( 8). A forced purchase of woo l belonging to severa l othe r Italia n firm s wa s contemplate d b y the government in the autum n of 1295 , bu t wa s no t carried out. Eve n (1) Cf . the memorandu m o f payments t o b e made b y royal agent s sailing i n thi s fleet (K . R . Memorand a Roll, E . 159/68 , m . 78 ) and a mentio n o f a transcrip t o f the letter s obligator y o f th e exportin g merchant s (ibid., m . 78d.) . (2) K . R . Memorand a Roll , E . 159/70 , m . 5 . (3) L . T . R . Memorand a Roll , E . 368/68 , m . 27d . (4) Wit h th e permanen t establishmen t o f higher export dutie s unde r Edwar d III , it became normal for merchants t o giv e bond s for the custom s due from the m an d t o pay subsequentl y abroad . Thi s wa s alread y happenin g t o som e exten t i n 134 8 (Exchequer Ple a Roll , E . 13/78 , m. 1 8 ; K. R . Custom s Account , E . 122/7/8) . Fo r later practic e o f this , se e J . L . KIRBY , Th e financing o f Calais under Henry V i n Bulletin o f Institute o f Historical Research, XXII I (1950), pp . 170 , 172 , 175 . (5) Mone y receive d b y Rober t d e Segr e (STURLER , Segre, pp . 585-594 ) an d b y Elias Russel and Gilber t Chesterto n (Pip e Roll, E . 372/146 , m . 54) . (6) A major par t of these receipts is recorded i n Wardrobe Boo k o f Particulars of William Norwell , E . 36/203 . (7) Enrolle d accoun t o f the collector s o f customs a t London , L.T.R. Custom s Accounts, E . 356/1 , m . 25 . (8) Accoun t o f Robert d e Segr e (K. R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/308/18) , record s the deliver y t o Segr e of £ 195 procured from th e sal e of wools «submerse cum Laurencio d e Lodelawe » an d late r recovered .

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with regar d t o th e woo l o f the Riccard i ther e wa s no consisten t policy. In 129 5 the exchequer was organizin g its sale i n England until a n ordtr dated 1 7 September 129 5 came from th e kin g to sel l i t abroa d a s this would be more profitabl e (*). A consignment did sail from Hul l in 1295 and furthe r shipment s o f the woo l of the Riccard i continue d durin g the next tw o years , amountin g altogethe r t o nearl y 50 0 sacks. The reluctanc e of th e governmen t to embar k on large scal e tradin g operations change d into great eagernes s i n th e sprin g o f 1297. At firs t the governmen t mean t to carr y out compulsor y purchase only from fo reign merchants , whil e urging (other s t o expor t a s much as possible, i n order to increase th e revenu e fro m th e custom s ( 2). Bu t i n the secon d half o f Apri l forcibl e seizur e of woo l was extende d to everybody . Th e methods use d o n this, occasio n serve d t o discredi t al l suc h levies . Re ceipts wer e no t alway s give n t o th e owner s (3). Person s accuse d of concealing wool were arrested an d al l their good s were sequestrated ( 4). These measures produced much internal discontent an d had to be somewhat mitigate d o n th e king' s persona l instruction s i n th e cours e of May ( 5). Several speciall y favoure d people were even allowe d to recover their wool . Al l thi s suggest s a lac k o f forethought , du e perhap s t o excessive hast e ( 6). A fres h seizur e o f 8,25 0 sack s wa s decree d o n 3 0 (1) K . R . Memorand a Roll , E . 159/68/,m . 86d . (2) Th e woo l levies o f that yea r stil l awai t a n adequat e study . Ther e i s a brie f note b y G . O . SAYLES , Th e seizure o f wool a t Easter 1297 in English Historical Re view, LXVII (1952), bu t i t use s onl y a par t o f the availabl e evidence . (3) Cf . the complain t o f th e Templar s i n Yorkshir e an d Lincolnshire , confirme d by roya l enquirie s (K . R . Custom s Accounts , E . 122/156/19) . A clear statemen t of the cause s o f complaint is contained in Ancient Petition s (S.C. 8), n° 3808. (4) I n additio n t o th e evidenc e i n Sayles , loc. cit., pp . 543-44 , se e K.R. Exch . Ace. Var. , E . 101/457/3 . (Arrest s i n Cambridgeshir e an d Huntingdonshire). (5) Prohibitio n to sheriffs to enter liberties to arrest the alleged offender s an d their goods, on 6 May 1297 (K. R . Memorand a Roll, E. 159/70 , m. 25); order s o f 31 May, 1297 to release al l persons accuse d of concealing wool if they ca n produc e adequat e sureties (ibid. m . 43d. , in pursuanc e o f a messag e fro m th e kin g of 28 May, L.T.R. Memoranda Roll , E . 368/68 , m . 44d.) . (6) Thi s is also show n by instances of confusion in arranging deliver y at harbour s and shipmen t (K.R . Memorand a Roll . E . 159/70 , m . 88d . — sheriff o f Lancashir e first taking the woo l to Cheste r an d then retransportin g i t t o Hull ; Ancient Corres pondence, S.C . 1/47 , n ° 17 3 — the customer s a t Bosto n writin g o n 8 May , to ge t fuller instructions) .

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July ; according to th e king' s instruction s woo l of poor men was to be spared ( 1).The king regarded this forced purchas e as vital to the success of hi s expeditio n t o Flander s ( 2), bu t i t arouse d violent protest s an d the leader s of the baronia l opposition actually tried t o forc e the exche quer to suspen d the levy , though without success (3). Passive resistance may hav e bee n widespread ; t o judg e b y subsequen t deliverie s a t harbours ( 4), ver y littl e wa s collected . Th e concession s made t o th e opposition b y the roya l governmen t in Edward' s absenc e implie d th e abandonment of this levy and it s cessatio n wa s decreed o n 1 5 November 1297 , simultaneousl y wit h order s to suspen d th e lev y of the extr a duty o f 33s. 4d . pe r sac k o n exporte d woo l ( 5). Some 2,90 0 sack s o f woo l derive d f^o m th e tw o seizure s o f 1297 , but mainl y fro m th e sprin g levy, wer e assemble d a t variou s English harbours in the summe r and autum n of that yea r ( 6). Mos t of the m (1) L.T.R . Memorand a Roll , E . 368/68 , m . 6 3 and K.R . Mem . Roll. E . 159/70 , m.115 :« e veut l e Rei q ' l a leyn e d e nu l pour e horn' seit a son oe s ensin t achatee». (2) Se e especially hi s letters unde r th e privy sea l t o th e exchequer , K.R . Memo randa Roll , E . 159/70 , m. 3 6 (letter s o f 1, 4 and 1 1 August), m . 36d . (1 4 August) . In th e las t o f these th e king , after urgin g that wool should be sent wit h al l possible speed, adde d «ca r en ce tien t une des plu s gran t chose s de nostr e busoigne» . (3) Thes e event s ar e to o wel l known to requir e detaile d documentation . Amon g the mos t importan t recen t discussion s o f the demand s o f the oppositio n shoul d b e mentioned J . G . EDWARDS , Confirmatio Car/aru m an d baronia l grievance s i n 129 7 in English Historical Review (LVII I 1943) ; H . ROTHWELL , Th e confirmation o f th e charters, 1297 (ibid., LX , 1945 ) an d V . H . GALBRAITH , Studies in the Public Records, (1948), pp . 142-50 . (4) Fo r th e relevan t account s o f th e collector s o f custom s an d othe r evidenc e see below . (5) SAYLES , loc. ciL, p . 54 5 an d n . 7 . (6) Fo r severa l harbour s ther e exist s a doubl e serie s o f accounts , on e fo r th e customs (including th e expense s o f storage an d shipment ) an d on e for th e disposa l of th e wool , whic h provid e a usefu l chec k o n eac h other : Newcastle: Pip Hull: ibid., Boston : E

e Roll , E . 372/154/m . 31r . an d d . (customs an d wool) . m . 31r . (customs ) an d E . 372/15 2 B. , m . 35d . (wool) . . 372/146 , m . 36d. (custom s an d wool ) and E . 372/15 2 B. m. 35 (shipment o f wool) . Yarmouth: E . 372/14 5 m . 30d . (customs); K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/ 457/21 (wool); E . 372/15 2 B, m . 3 5 (tw o account s fo r shipmen t of wool) . London: L.T.R . Custom s Accounts , E . 356/1 , m . 25r . an d d . (customs);

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appear t o hav e reache d th e Netherland s safel y ( J). I t i s doubtfu l whether at an y time in this period hasty seizure s of this sor t coul d have yielded ver y muc h more . Indeed , tw o simila r force d loan s i n woo l under Edwar d II I produce d less . The so-calle d levy o f «the moiet y of wool» in th e sprin g of 1338 onl y yielde d 1,935 sacks (2), though i t wa s collected a t a time of slighter interna l tensio n than existe d i n 1297 . I n the summe r of 1340, i n a period of economic depression an d widespread discontent, th e roya l governmen t coul d lev y onl y 853 sack s (3). It i s impossible to establish precisel y the amoun t of royal wool received b y roya l agent s i n Brabant an d Flander s i n th e cours e o f 1296-97 . If almos t al l the consignment s dispatched fro m Englan d safely reached their destination , a s mos t o f the m undoubtedl y did , jus t ove r 3,60 0 sacks (by English weight) might hav e been accumulated in the Nether lands ( 4). This corresponded at mos t to c . 14% % of the total amount of wool at th e disposa l of Edward II I i n 1338-3 9 ( 5). But whil e the latter appears t o hav e use d u p muc h o f his vas t stor e o f wool rathe r waste fully, b y pledging it t o lenders, sometimes on most unfavourable terms, or I L deliverie s to hi s allies ( 6), the agent s o f Edward I sol d most of th e Southampton: E

K.R. Custom s Accounts (E . 122), bundle 68, n°* 4, 5 and 4 1 (wool). . 372/15 2 B , m . 3 5 an d K.R . Exch. Ace . Var. , E. 101/457/ 2 (account o f Joh n o f Burgund y fo r shipmen t an d sal e abroad) .

Carriage of wool by sheriff s t o harbour s i s recorded i n K.R . Memorand a Roll, E . 159/70, sectio n o f precepta, mm . 8 3 ff . A certificat e o f a superviso r o f shipment s i s enrolled ibid., m . 101. The mai n recipient s abroa d wer e Elia s Russe l an d Gilber t Chesterto n an d th e arrival of most of the consignment s in the Netherland s ca n be traced i n their accoun t (E. 372/146 , m . 54). (1) 7 0 Sacks o f wool sen t from Newcastl e wer e lost at se a (Pipe Roll, E . 372/145 , m. 31d.) . (2) FRYDE , Edward Ill's Wa r Finance, 1337-41 . (Bodleia n Library , Oxford) , chapter III. (3) Ibid., chapte r VIII . (4) Thi s include s c . 2,83 0 sack s derive d fro m seizure s (afte r deductin g th e los t 70 sacks sen t fro m Newcastle) , c . 50 0 sacks o f th e woo l of th e Riccard i an d c . 300 sacks o f roya l woo l fro m miscellaneou s source s (woo l confiscate d fro m Frenchmen , wool fro m roya l propertie s and vacan t bishoprics , etc.) . All the amount s know n to hav e bee n restore d to previou s owner s wer e deducted . (5) Infra, th e fina l note . (6) FRYDE , Edward Ill's Wa r Finance, 1337-41 (Bodleia n Library , Oxford) , chapters V an d V I an d Fryd e i n History (loc. cit.), p . 22 .

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wool i n thei r custody . Ther e i s no t enoug h evidenc e about qualitie s of woo l an d price s t o asses s whethe r the y dispose d o f i t wisel y (*). The sale s yielded in 1296-98 , afte r deductio n o f expenses, at leas t some £ 25,00 0 ( 2). Bu t thi s was less than half the tota l amount of the sub sidies pai d ou t t o th e roya l allie s i n 1297-98 . As Edward I borrowed littl e abroad and as he embarked o n substantial sales o f wool only in th e secon d half o f 1297, the bul k of the mone y needed by him for payments o n the continen t ha d t o be transporte d i n cash fro m England . N o complet e lis t o f suc h transfer s ca n no w b e reestablished a s some of the crucia l records appear to b e lost. W e can merely mentio n som e examples. I n 129 4 Rober t d e Segr e carrie d t o the Netherland s £ 45.12 6 ( 3). Betwee n Jun e an d Octobe r 129 7 a t least £ 39.666 wer e shipped there by roya l agents ( 4), though this does not includ e th e mone y tha t th e keepe r o f th e king' s wardrobe took with hi m oversea s i n Augus t (5). The expens e of the shipment s may no t have bee n appreciably greater than woul d hav e bee n th e cos t o f transfer s throug h professiona l fi nanciers. Suc h expenses probably entere d int o th e calculatio n o f interest du e to roya l bankers , though th e amoun t o f thes e charge s i s no (1) Se e especiall y th e accoun t o f Joh n o f Burgundy , K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E 101/457/2. (2) Thi s i s a minimu m estimate , base d o n the accoun t o f Russel an d Chesterto n (Pipe Roll , E . 372/146 , m. 54) . Compariso n was als o mad e wit h th e account s of John o f Burgundy (E. 372/15 2 B, m . 35 ) and o f the keepe r o f the wardrobe , Droxford (E . 372/144 , m. 22) . Al l the recorde d expenses of storage an d transpor t o f wool were previously deducte d b y us . (3) STURLER , Segre pp . 577-78 , 585 . (4) £ 18.00 0 transporte d b y Segre , i n Jun e 129 7 (Britis h Museum , Additiona l Ms. 7965 , pp. 18d. , 22d , 9 0 d. , 156d.) . Segr e lef t Englan d fo r Flander s o n 5 Jun e (K. R . Exch . Ace. Var. , E . 101/6/26 — thi s accoun t doe s no t mention , however , the transpor t o f money ) £ 10.00 0 transporte d b y Joh n Berwic k in Jul y 129 7 fo r paymen t t o th e coun t of Flanders (Wardrobe Book o f Prests, 1294-95, p . 131) . £ 20 0 wer e delivere d fo r ex pected expenses o f transport (ibid.). Fo r th e paymen t t o coun t o f Flanders se e Treaty Rolls, n°457 , p, 184 and K.R . Exch . Ace. Var. E . 101/308/19 , p. 18 . £11.666 13s. 4d . delivered fo r carriag e t o Flander s o n 2 4 an d 2 6 October 1297 (Wardrobe Book of Prests, 1294-95, p. 132) . (5) B . M . Additional Ms . 7965, p . 9 1 d. Th e particular s o f Droxford's account fo r receipts ar e missing .

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where expressly assessed in th e existin g account s o f Edward I wit h th e Italian financiers . Th e recorde d expense s o f th e roya l official s ove r carriage o f mone y t o th e Netherland s i n 129 4 an d 129 7 (2%-3%) ( l) are roughl y o f th e sam e orde r o f magnitud e a s th e fee s charge d fo r comparable transfer s b y Italia n banker s t o th e papa l camera i n th e first hal f o f th e fourteent h centur y ( 2). Possibl y th e sol e importan t disadvantage o f direc t transpor t o f fund s b y roya l official s la y i n th e need fo r immediat e expenditur e a t a time whe n mone y coul d b e ill spared. B y contrast , transfe r throug h financier s could be remunerated by promise s tha t di d not hav e t o b e honoured unti l a much later date when th e emergenc y wa s over . The record s connected with th e continenta l enterprise s o f Edwar d I in 1294-9 8 yiel d onl y a limite d amoun t o f informatio n abou t busines s conditions i n Flander s an d Brabant . This i s du e i n par t t o hi s failure to provid e sufficient supplie s for his allies and force s in the Netherlands , but even more to the financial methods employed by him, to the apparen t preference for transfer s of cas h fro m Englan d instea d of raising mone y by commercia l and credi t operation s abroad . Th e servant s o f Edward III shippe d muc h les s cas h abroad . I n Jul y 1338 , th e keepe r o f th e king's wardrobe , Willia m Norwell , too k wit h hi m £ 586 5 13s . Id . i n sterling currenc y an d h e receive d furthe r £ 17 4 13s . 4d . i n 133 9 ( 3). In Jun e 134 0 hi s successor , Willia m Cusance , carried oversea s £ 489 6 16s. ( 4). Th e overwhelmin g bul k o f the hug e sums handled by Edwar d III durin g hi s firs t tw o continenta l expedition s wa s therefor e raised in th e Netherland s (5). A stud y o f hi s borrowin g an d sale s o f woo l (1) Joh n Berwick wa s advanced £ 200 for the estimate d cos t o f carryin g £ 10.000 (supra). Th e expense s of Segre in carryin g £ 25.126 cannot b e completel y separate d from hi s othe r expenditure , bu t di d no t surpas s c . 3% o f th e su m carrie d (K.R . Exch. Ace . Var. , E . 101/308/18) . (2) Cf . Y. RENOUARD , Les relations de s popes d'Avignon e t de s compagnies commerciales e t bancaires d e 1316 fi 1378 (Paris, 1941) , pp . 512-22 . (3) Norwell' s Boo k o f Particulars , E . 36/203 , p . 63 . (4) L.T.R . Wardrob e an d Househol d Accounts , E . 361/2 , m . 40. (5) £ 62.79 3 were raise d i n 1338-3 9 fro m th e sal e of 1014 7 sack s (b y continenta l weights) an d 51 0 sarplar s o f woo l i n th e Netherland s (FRYDE , Edward Ill's Wa r Finance, 1337-41 (Bodleia n Library , Oxford ) p . 278A , tabl e A) . Th e tota l ther e has bee n slightl y amended . I n th e sam e perio d 864 3 sack s o f wool were delivere d to royal creditors an d agents in England (mostl y for money raised in the Netherlands ) and t o roya l allies , ibid., pp. 278 B and 278C , table s B an d C . 6670 sack s (b y conti -

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there can throw much valuable light on financiers acting in Flanders and Brabant a t thi s period. Th e amount that the Englis h kin g wa s the n able to borro w in th e Netherland s ma y b e considere d t o represent a kind o f rough guide to th e amoun t of loose capital availabl e ther e a t this tur n fo r a potentiall y lucrativ e bu t somewha t risk y venture .

nental weights ) an d 18 5 sarplars wer e delivere d t o simila r recipient s a t Dordrecht , Antwerp an d Bruge s (ibid.). Not al l the delivere d woo l i s valued , but th e portio n fo r whic h precise price s ar e available wa s value d a t £ 71.59 8 16s . 7d. (ibid., tabl e C). Edward Ill' s habitua l bankers , th e Bard i and th e Peruzz i of Florence advance d abroad i n 1338-3 9 a t leas t £ 106.77 9 17s . 6d . (ibid., chapte r V) . Willia m d e l a Pole o f Hull, wh o also acted a s a regular royal banke r durin g those years, advanced between Jun e 133 8 an d Octobe r 133 9 at leas t £ 111.051 13s . 5d. (FRYDE , Th e last trials o f Si r William d e l a Pole i n Economic History Review, 1962) . In dealin g with othe r loan s contracted abroa d i t mus t b e remembered that only part o f the fund s derive d fro m the m represente d «ne w money» . A goo d deal wa s raised t o repa y previous loans an d severa l o f the loan s wer e themselves repai d ou t of th e proceed s of the sal e of royal woo l and th e advance s o f the Bardi , th e Peruzz i and Pol e (as above). Betwee n th e sprin g o f 1338 and Februar y 134 0 the aggregat e total of those other loans was at least £ 154.860 5s. Almost all were raised i n Flander s and Brabant. Ou t of that total at leas t £ 62.276 appear t o hav e represented « new money». Th e bulk of the evidenc e is set out in my unpublished thesis , quoted abov e (Bodleian Library, Oxford) chapter V. Detail s of these transactions wil l be published subsequently.

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Ill THE DEPOSIT S O F HUG H DESPENSE R TH E YOUNGER WIT H ITALIA N BANKERS 1

O

NE of the most important economi c developments in thirteenth-centur y Europe'was the large-scale penetration into the countries of north-western Europe by Italian business men.2 Their success was partly due to possession of more advanced financia l an d tradin g techniqu e an d th e efficienc y wit h which thei r enterprise s were organized, bu t i n th e cas e of the mor e importan t Italian firms operating i n France, th e Netherlands and England , draw n i n th e second hal f o f the thirteent h centur y mainl y fro m th e Tusca n citie s o f Siena , Lucca, Florenc e an d Pistoia , i t wa s based abov e al l o n th e possessio n o f large financial resources. The origina l capita l cam e from th e merchants who founded the companies , but a s each compan y grew, an ever-increasin g proportion o f its funds cam e fro m deposit s o f thir d persons . Mos t o f thes e firm s wer e chiefl y preoccupied wit h trad e fro m whic h muc h o f thei r profit s derived , an d financial dealings , includin g deposi t banking , forme d onl y on e sid e o f thei r activities. This aspec t o f Italia n business , thoug h o f fundamenta l importance , i s stil l comparatively littl e known. 3 We know some general fact s abou t th e reason s for which deposits were made: preoccupation with saf e keepin g of money, desire of investment for profit an d th e nee d to facilitate one's financial operations and t o make payments without actually having to transfer cas h were all operative. Th e way in which deposits were made an d th e legal problems connected with them have bee n muc h discussed. 4 Bu t we remain largel y ignoran t abou t th e actua l derivation of most of the deposits. Di d the bulk of the funds come from merchants interested in facilitating their financial operations rather than seeking safe investment? Was the money chiefly derived from Italy, and within Italy from Tuscany? To wha t exten t wer e the financia l an d tradin g operation s o f the Italia n firm s in th e countrie s o f north-wester n Europ e finance d b y mone y raise d i n thos e countries? Th e scarcit y o f readily available evidence has led some historians to adopt th e view that the medieval Italian companie s were financed mainly with

1 I wish to thank M r Roger Elli s of the Public Record Office fo r placing ver y generously a t my disposal his transcripts o f many of the documents used here and for his continuous help. I am very grateful to Prof. J. G. Edwards and to Prof. R. F. Treharne, who had read this article in manuscript, for thei r many helpfu l suggestions. Al l the manuscript reference s are to documents i n the Public Record Offic e i n London . 2 Th e mos t recen t accoun t o f thi s process , embodyin g th e result s o f recen t research , i s i n Y. Renouard , Les Hommes d'Affaires Italiens du Moyen Ag e (Paris ; 1949 , quote d hencefort h a s Renouard, Les Hommes d'Affaires), containin g a brie f but valuabl e selec t bibliography . 3 Y . Renouard , Les Relations des Popes d'Avignon e t des Compagnies Commerciales et Bancaires de 1316 a 1378 (Paris, 1941 , quote d hencefort h a s Renouard, Le s Relations), pp . 59-60 . Se e also M . M . Postan, Early Banking (1946) , Econ. Hist. Rev. xvi, 65. Th e Frescobald i claime d tha t because of the injury to their credi t cause d b y their larg e payment s o n behal f o f Edward I durin g hi s war with Franc e ' les seignurs clers et lays dount eux aveient e n depos plus d e L ml ' l i desterlin s l e repriseient tou z arere' . Thi s probabl y refer s t o deposit s throughou t Europ e (printe d i n C. Johnson, 'A n Italia n Financial Hous e i n th e Fourteent h Century' , Trans. St Albans Architect. Archaeol. Soc., New Ser. , i , 332). 4 Mos t recentl y b y A . P . Usher , Th e Early History o f Deposit Banking i n Mediterranean Europe (Cambridge, Mass. , 1943) , i.

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capital raised in Ital y and tha t deposit s received by them in the leading regions of north-western Europe, such as the Netherland s for example, were negligible.1 There may be a good dea l of truth i n this view, but i t clearly mus t be tested by systematic surveys of the evidenc e available fo r the countrie s in question. The activities of medieval Italian merchants in England and their influence on the economic development of this country still await thorough study. The atten tion o f historian s has , ver y properly , bee n chiefl y draw n t o Italia n trad e i n English wool 2 an d th e spectacula r Italia n loan s t o th e crow n hav e bee n th e subject o f a numbe r o f studies,3 thoug h much stil l remains to b e don e on bot h these topics . Th e dealing s o f Italia n financier s wit h papa l representative s in England hav e bee n describe d fairl y adequately. 4 Valuabl e wor k ha s bee n devoted t o the general trading activities of Italian merchant s in Englan d i n th e second hal f o f the fourteent h an d th e fifteent h centuries , an d w e know a goo d deal abou t thei r lega l positio n i n thi s country. 5 Bu t o n th e subjec t o f thei r financial dealing s wit h Englis h merchant s an d wit h la y an d ecclesiastica l magnates ther e ar e onl y brief references scattere d through a numbe r o f works, dealing mainl y wit h loan s b y Italians; 6 M r Denholm-Young' s al l to o brie f discussion o f the deposit s of Isabella d e Fortibus , Countess of Aumale, with th e Riccardi in the reign o f Edward I stand s virtually b y itself. 7 The object of the present article is to discuss some of the information available about deposit s wit h Italia n firm s i n Englan d i n th e earl y fourteenth century , after mor e tha n a generatio n o f vigorous Italian activit y i n thi s country . Ou r choice o f th e perio d t o b e studie d wa s determine d b y th e surviva l o f a n unusually large amount of information abou t deposits with the Italian financiers of one very important magnat e of the later years of Edward II—Hugh Despenser the younger—whic h i s to b e foun d amon g royal archive s throug h th e acciden t of his execution in Novembe r 132 6 an d th e forfeitur e t o th e crow n o f al l his property. Despense r wa s only one o f a number of important me n who suffere d forfeiture o f their property a s a result o f th e politica l upheaval s o f th e reig n of Edward II , an d becaus e of these repeated confiscation s fa r more ca n be learn t about th e private affairs o f many o f the leading baron s in the first quarter o f the fourteenth centur y tha n w e ar e eve r likel y t o kno w abou t thei r immediat e 1

R . d e Roover , Money, Banking an d Credit i n Medieval Bruges (Cambridge , Mass. , 1948) , pp. 40-2. 2 A . Schaube , 'Di e Wollausfuh r England s vo m Jahr e 1273' , Vierteljahrschrift fu r Social- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte (1908) , vi; R. J. Whitwell , 'English Monasterie s and th e Wool Trade in the Thirteenth Century' , ibid. (1904) , n; G . Bigwood, 'Un March e d e Matiere s Premieres : Laine s d'Angleterre e t Marchand s Italien s ver s la Fi n d u XIII 6 Siecle', Annales d'Histoire Economique et Sociale (1930) , n; E. Power , Th e Wool Trade i n Medieval English History (O.U.P. , 1941) . 3 Fo r a ful l bibliograph y se e E. B . Fryde, ' Materials fo r the Stud y o f Edward Ill' s Credi t Operations, 1327-48' , Bull. Inst. Hist. Res. (1949), xxii, 106 , n. i . 4 W . E . Lunt , Financial Relations of th e Papacy with England to 1327 (Cambridge , Mass. , 1939) ; Renouard, Les Relations. 5 A . Eeardwood, Alien Merchants in England 1350-1377 (Cambridge, Mass., 1931). D r A. Ruddock has writte n a numbe r o f articles o n Genoes e an d Venetia n trad e wit h England , notabl y 'Th e Flanders Galleys', History (1940), xxiv;' Italian Trading Fleets in Medieval England', ibid. (1944) , xxix; and 'Alie n Hosting i n Southampton i n the Fifteenth Century', Econ. Hist. Rev. (1946), xvi; and sh e is preparing a book on the sam e subject . Fo r the fifteenth century se e also H. L . Gray , 'English Foreig n Trad e fro m 144 6 t o 1482' , Studies i n English Trade i n th e Fifteenth Century, fd . E. Powe r an d M . M . Postan (London , 1933) . 6 E.g . N . Denholm-Young , Seignorial Administration i n England (O.U.P. , 1937) , p. 64 ; R . A . L . Smith, Canterbury Cathedral Priory (C.U.P. , 1943) , pp. 18 , 26; D. Sutcliffe , 'Th e Financial Condi tion o f the Se e of Canterbury, 1279-1292 , Speculum (1935) . 7

Op . cit. , pp . 60, 65-6

DEPOSITS WITH ITALIAN BANKERS H

I 34 6

predecessors o r successors . Th e perio d chose n ha s a unit y o f its ow n i n ye t another respect . Th e beginnin g o f th e fourteent h century coincided wit h th e bankruptcy o f tw o o f th e greates t firm s o f contemporar y Europe , bot h ver y active i n England , th e Riccard i o f Lucca (isoo) 1 and th e Bonsignori of Sien a (i3oa), 2 a s wel l a s o f a numbe r o f Florentin e societies , interna l conflict s i n Florence producin g th e rui n o f th e defeate d White Guelp h firm s an d als o of some of the victorious Black Guelph societies. 3 The disappearanc e o f these firms began a ne w phas e i n th e histor y o f th e Italia n merchan t banker s i n thi s country, during which Florentine societies became predominant. These repeated bankruptcies ma y hav e had a bad effec t o n the confidence of English depositors and distrus t ma y hav e bee n strengthene d b y th e fraudulen t withdrawal fro m England o f th e Pulc i an d Rimbertin i o f Florenc e i n I3O5-6, 4 followed b y th e ruin o f th e Frescobald i o f Florence i n 1311-12. 5 I t woul d no t thu s b e saf e t o assume tha t th e numbe r o f depositors drawn fro m amon g th e leading me n i n England tende d steadil y t o increas e an d tha t deposit s b y magnate s wer e larger and mor e commo n unde r Edwar d I I tha n the y ha d bee n i n th e las t quarter o f the thirteent h century ; th e opposit e ma y ver y wel l b e neare r th e truth. This gives added justification for treating, fo r the purpos e of this study, the perio d o f the earl y fourteenth century as a separate entity . Hugh Despenser the younger was from November 1318 the king's chamberlain and soon became Edward IPs chief favourite; our knowledge of his dealings with Italian firms begins in this period. Durin g the last five years of his life (1321-6) , he was the king's leading advise r an d probabl y th e most important ma n i n the kingdom.6 Despense r divide d hi s deposits between th e tw o Florentine firms of the Bard i an d th e Peruzzi , an d afte r hi s fall th e tw o societies wer e required b y the crow n to hand ove r all that the y owed to him. This involved, o f course, the examination b y th e Excheque r official s o f th e accounts , voucher s an d othe r documents arisin g ou t o f hi s transaction s wit h th e Bard i an d th e Peruzzi . William d e Cusanc e an d Rober t d e Silkeston , two former official s o f Despenser and auditors of his accounts with the Florentine firms, produced at the Exchequer records of two views of account, on e for the Bardi and th e othe r fo r the Peruzzi, held i n Novembe r 1325 , tha t ha d remaine d i n thei r keeping. 7 Thes e views of account had taken place as a preliminary t o a formal final account. I n the case of the Peruzzi the view covers the period from i January 1322 to December I324, 8 and i n the case of the Bardi it extended from 132 1 and possibly even 132 0 to th e end of 1324.' The Peruzzi surrendered at the Exchequer a formal accoun t up to 1

Renouard, Les Relations, pp. 95, 570 ff . Ibid. , p. 570. 8 Ibid. , pp. 81, 570. * Gal . Pat. Roll s 1301-7 , pp. 41 2 (earlies t entry, date d 2 0 January 1306) , 415 and 448 . The y ultimately went bankrupt in 130 9 (Renouard , Relations, pp. 81 , 570). 6 Th e bes t account of the history of this firm in Englan d is in A. Sapori, 'La Compagnia dei Frescobaldi i n Inghilterra' , Archivio Storico Italiano (1944) . Se e also G. Johnson, op . tit . 6 Fo r his life see the Dictionary o f National Biography; T . F . Tout, Th e Place of th e Reign of Edward I I in English History (2nd . ed . Manchester , 1936) ; J. Conwa y Davies , Th e Baronial Opposition t o EdwardII (C.U.P. , 1918), especially pp. 9 i-i 05, and his article' The Despenser War in Glamorgan', Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. (1915) , 3r d ser., vol . ix. 7 K.R . Mem . Rol l 1 0 Edw . Ill (E . 159/112) , Recorda , Michaelmas , m. 4d . Th e tw o views survive among K.R. Excheque r Accounts Various, E. 101/127/31 . 8 E . 101/127/31 , m. 2. The earliest deposit mentioned is known from a n account of the Peruzzi to have been made on i January 132 2 (E . 101/127/17) . 9 E . 101/127/31, m. i. There is mention of deposits and disbursements previous to 18 November 1321, includin g a paymen t t o Despense r i n Paris , possibl y during a missio n t o Franc e i n 1 4 Edward I I (probabl y in the second half of 1320: K.R. Mem . Roll 1 7 Edw. II, E . 159/98 , m. 4). 8

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H DESPENSER THE YOUNGER'S

19 Novembe r I324. 1 They neve r formall y accounte d wit h Despense r fo r trans actions afte r tha t date , bu t the y claime d tha t £231 . igs. 8|
K.R . Excheque r Account s Various (E . 101/127/17). K.R . Mem . Rol l 1 0 Edw. Ill (E . 159/112) . Recorda , Michaelmas , m. 4d. 3 Thi s is the differenc e betwee n th e tota l of disbursements amountin g t o £5917. 5-f - an d th e total o f deposits amountin g t o £5735 . Js. z^d. (Cal . Pat . Roll s 1334-8 , p . 343) . A figur e o f £181. 17-y . z\d. (smalle r b y 6f 2O > 2 I > 2 7~9> 35~7) > an d m Ancien t Correspondence, vol . 49, nos. i46-5i a. A few of these documents have been printed wholly or in part by E. Re , 'Archiv i Inglesi e Storia Italiana' , Archivio Storico Italiano (1913) , pp. 266-9 . 6 £5694 - gs- 8
DEPOSITS WITH ITALIAN BANKERS H

I 34 8

During a n unspecified period up to 1 8 November 132 1 he deposited £2170 with the Bardi and a further sum of £234. 65. Qd. was entrusted to them at subsequent dates u p t o June 1324 . The Peruzz i received £1066. i<$s. $d. on I January 1322 . Between March an d the middle o f November 132 4 Despenser deposited a t leas t £4122. 4*. 6d. with the tw o societies, out o f which £1000 were received by th e Bardi and al l the rest by the Peruzzi. There were of course withdrawals as well, and balance s fluctuated , bu t a t th e beginning of September 132 4 the two firms held in Despenser's nam e the enormous total of £5886. Js. Qd. Th e predominant position o f the Peruzzi , firs t apparen t i n 1324 , was maintained durin g th e las t years of Despenser's life, and betwee n 19 November 1324 and Michaelma s 132 6 they held and received various deposits totalling in the aggregate £5735. Js. 2$d. 1 The Bard i receive d durin g the sam e period n o mor e than £930 , out o f which £500 were deposite d i n August 132 5 and £430 in June 1326 . Th e las t known payment t o Despenser mad e b y the Peruzz i was on 1 6 September 1326 , a week before the invasion of Queen Isabella, when they paid him £2000 deposited with them o n 22 March I326. 2 A comparison with the sums transferred from Englan d by the Bard i an d th e Peruzzi fo r th e papa l collector s give s som e indicatio n o f th e importanc e o f Despenser's deposits . I n th e year s 1321-2 6 h e wa s a muc h mor e importan t source o f funds fo r the branche s o f the Bard i an d th e Peruzz i in Englan d tha n were the papal collectors in that country, and his average annua l deposits durin g these years are invariably large r than th e sums which the two societies annually transferred i n th e same period t o the Papal Chambe r i n Avignon. 3 The siz e of his financial resources is all the more striking when it is realized that the deposits with bankers formed apparently onl y a part of the reserve funds a t his disposal. Thus a paymen t b y Despense r in th e autum n o f 132 4 o f £800 t o th e Ear l of Norfolk for lands leased from him 4 was only partly executed through the Peruzzi, who paid to the earl £300,* while £166. 2s. <2.d. were paid by William de Gusance, an importan t cler k o f Despenser , £100 wer e pai d o n Despenser' s behal f b y William Giffar d an d the rest was advanced in a number of unspecified payments. 6 The wealth tha t mad e possible Despenser's large deposits was mainly derived from hi s extensive estates, an d he used his position as Edward IPs favourite and chief adviser in the years 1321-6 to increase continually his already considerable landed wealth , descendin g o n som e occasion s t o wha t amounte d t o shee r robbery.7 H e had i n his possession at th e moment of his fall estate s in Englan d having, accordin g to the inquisitions held afte r hi s death, an annual value of at least £1827. 6/. ojd.,8 and his movable goods on those properties a t Michaelma s 1

Gal. Pat. Roll s 1334-8 , p. 343. 2 E . 101/127/22 , no. 7. Y . Renouard, Les Relations, pp. 130-1 . I n 132 0 th e Bard i an d Peruzz i transferre d 16,00 0 Florentine florins ; i n 1321 , 880 0 florins ; i n 1322 , 300 0 florins ; i n 1324 , 300 0 florins ; i n 1325 , 2500 florins; in 1326 , 3830 florins. The rat e o f exchange fluctuate d i n England, varyin g in this period fro m 3* . zd. sterling t o %s. ^d. per flori n (E . 101/127 , no. 18) . * Fo r this transaction see Cal. Close Rolls 1323-7, p. 168 , and Gal. Ancient Deeds, ra, A. 4880; Cal. Close Rolls 1323-7 , p. 327 and Cal. Pat. Roll s 1324-7, p. 52. 5 E . 101/127/17 . ' E . 101/332/2 7 (lis t o f deeds belonging to Despenser at th e time of his forfeiture, sectio n of acquittances). 7 Tout , op . cit . pp . 138-9 ; Conwa y Davies , Baronial Opposition t o Edward II , pp . 95 , 97-8 . A particularly outrageou s act was the kidnapping and detention for over a year in 1324- 5 of an important heiress , Elizabeth Comyn, until she surrendered to Despenser and his father a number of estates (Cal. of Inquisitions, Miscellaneous, n, no. 1024) . 8 Thi s total is based on detailed figures contained in a valor of Despenser's property drawn up in the exchequer after hi s forfeiture (K.R . Ancient Extents , E. 142/33) . Thi s doe s not probabl y include all the English estates in his possession in 1326 . 8

Ill 34 9 HUG

H DESPENSER THE YOUNGER'S

1326 (2 9 September ) wer e valued i n th e sam e inquisition s a t £2503 . os. 4|
Thi s include s th e valu e o f hi s livestoc k an d o f th e agricultura l produc e foun d o n hi s estates. 2 Chancer y Miscellanea , C . 47/9/24. 3 Tout , op. cit. p. 139. I n September 131 9 Despenser's sheriff i n Glamorgan was being given instructions abou t th e lev y o f £300 0 du e t o hi m ther e (G . T . Clark , Carte e t Mwimenta d e Glamorgan, iv, 71-3) . 4 E . 101/127/20 , nos. 7 and 8 . 5 K.R . Mem . Roll 1 7 Edw. II (E . 159/98) , Recogniciones, Trinity, m. 3d. 6 Hi s temporalities were restored on 28 June 132 4 and h e was again employed on diplomati c business i n Novembe r 1324 . Th e fact s concernin g hi m ar e convenientl y summarize d b y Dr K. Edwards, 'The Importance of English Bishops during the reign of Edward II', Eng. Hist. Rev. (1944), LIX , 342-3 . 7 Th e account that follows is based on the accounts with the Bardi and the Peruzzi, E. 101/127 , nos. 17 , 1 8 and 31 . Se e also Table I in th e Appendix. 8 E . 101/127/18 . Al l the letter s obligatory, vouchers, etc. , ha d bee n mutually restore d afte r conclusion o f a forma l accoun t i n Octobe r 1324 , 'horspri s q e dever s le s bailiff s mons . Hug h demorerent vj endentures de CCCL mars q' le s ditz Marchanz resceyront'. 9 E . 101/127/18 : 'que x le s dit z marchant z promiston t a rendre...dedein z le s touz seintz prochain avenir.'

DEPOSITS WITH ITALIAN BANKERS H

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Despenser might nee d the money. 1 This is suggested by a letter o f Despenser to the Peruzz i o f 9 January 132 6 in which , afte r orderin g a specifi c payment , h e added, a s a sort of postscript, a request that they should be ready to pay him in Lent al l the remaining money deposited wit h them. 2 There i s n o mentio n i n record s dealin g wit h deposit s b y Despense r o f an y notarial instruments , an d th e book s o f th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i ar e neve r invoked a s evidence o f deposits. I n this , transactions with Despense r resembl e dealings o f contemporar y Florentin e merchan t banker s wit h othe r Englis h customers. A certai n amoun t o f information concernin g th e activitie s o f two other Florentin e firm s i n Englan d i n thi s perio d ha s survive d a s a resul t o f proceedings followin g th e fligh t o f the Pulc i an d Rimbertin i fro m Englan d i n or befor e January I3o6, 3 and th e bankruptc y of the Scal i in I326. 4 Bot h firms gave t o thei r Englis h creditors , amon g who m were magnates, ecclesiastic s an d merchants,5 sealed letters patent o r else more informal bill s written by the han d of one of their representatives 6 and seale d wit h the sea l of the society . The evidenc e of the societies' own records, mainly their ledgers and accounts, is invoked les s frequently. The Bellardi of Lucca, when questioned i n 130 7 at th e Exchequer abou t the deposits with them of Walter Langton, Bishop of Lichfield, quoted, a s evidence o f the disbursements mad e b y them a t different times , folios 157 and 15 8 of their book of accounts.7 I n transaction s between the branche s of different Florentin e societies in England th e books of the firms concerned appea r often t o have constituted the onl y record of debts and payments. 8 I t ma y be of significance i n thi s connexio n tha t whe n Despenser's accoun t wit h th e Peruzzi . 1

Thi s wa s the mos t usua l for m o f deposit wit h Italia n merchan t banker s (Renouard , Les Relations, pp. 59-60). A n early example of its use in England i n dealings with an ordinary kind of depositor i s provided by a letter obligatory of the Pulci and Rimbertini o f Florence for a deposit of 350 marks made a t Londo n on 9 November 130 4 by Nicholas d e Knovyle, recto r o f Maidstone. The relevan t claus e runs : 'solvenda s eidem domin o Nicho P vel suo certo attornat o ha s littera s deferenti London ' ad voluntatem et requisicionem eiusdem domini Nicholai vel sui certi attornati sine dilation e ulteriori' (E . 101/127/5 , no. 19) . 2 E . 101/127/20 , no. 7 . 3 Gal . Pat. Roll s 1307-13, p. 84 ; Chancer y Miscellanea, C . 47/13/1, no. 25; K.R. Excheque r Accounts Variou s E . 101/127/5 , nos . 7 , 18 , 1 9 an d 2 2 ; Excheque r Miscellanea , E . 163/3/ 2 (includes five documents scattered through a large miscellaneous file); Exchequer K.R. Inventories , E. 154/6/8 . 4 Chancer y Miscellanea , C . 47/13, nos. 3 and 4 ; Cal . Close Rolls 1323-7 , p. 607; Cal . Clos e Rolls 1327-30, pp. 40, 223, 368. Fo r the bankruptcy of the society see also Y. Renouard, Recherches sur les Compagnies Commerciales et Bancaires utilises par les Papes d'Avignon avant le Grand Schisme (1 942), pp. 8-1 o. 8 Th e creditor s of the Pulc i an d Rimbertin i include d th e Ear l o f Hereford, Lad y Isabell a d e Vescy and Sir Guy Ferre among magnates (Cal. Pat. Rolls 1307-13, p. 84, and C. 47/13/1, no. 25), Adam de Osgodby, a leading chancery clerk (ibid, and E. 101/127/5, no. 22), Nicholas de Knovyle, rector of Maidstone (E. 101/127/5, nos- J 8 and 19 ) and following unknown persons who may have been merchants: Godesman de Spalding (E . 101/127/5 , no- 7) > Hamund Cutin g of Coventry and Henry d e Guldefor d (E . 163/3/2) . Claim s wer e als o mad e b y a William de l Id e (E . 163/3/2 ) and b y 'Auby n chaunberley n l e Roy ' who ha d deposite d variou s valuable s and othe r objects (E. 154/6/8) . The English creditor s of the Scali listed i n C. 47/13, no. 3, included John de Charlton, perhaps identical wit h the London merchant of that name who was mayor of the staple under Edwar d I I (Tout, op . cit. pp . 22 6 ff,), Maste r Robert Lovel , Maste r Gilbert de la Bruere, who was a cano n of York (Cal. Pat . Roll s 1324-7 , p. 40) and Richar d d e Hamiselden . 8 Th e significanc e of this is discussed by A. P. Usher, op . cit. , pp . 7 3 ff. 7 E . 101/127/25 . 8 Fo r tw o contemporar y example s o f this practic e se e Cal. Clos e Roll s 1318-23 , p . 64 2 an d Cal. Pat. Rolls 1324-7, p. 68. The records of proceedings in these cases are in Chancery Miscellanea , C. 47/13/2.

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is examined, the onl y entry ther e concernin g a disbursement , whic h omit s al l mention of an acquittance fro m the recipient of the money, refers to a payment of £300 to the Bardi, who received it on behalf of the Earl of Norfolk whose bankers they presumably were . Th e actua l payment wa s in this case very likely effecte d by a 'book-transfer' , throug h adjustmen t o f the account s tha t the two societie s had Wit h each other . In addition t o deposit s effected wit h them b y Despenser's officials , th e Bard i and th e Peruzz i receive d mone y from person s owing debts t o Despenser. Onl y one instance o f this i s known in th e cas e o f the Bardi , wh o received i n Franc e £400 from Henry , Lor d d e Sully, a former Frenc h envo y to England, in repay ment o f a debt h e had incurre d to Despenser in England. 2 The Peruzz i received payments fro m thir d person s on Despenser's account very frequently fro m 132 4 onwards. I n Novembe r 132 4 the y received , fo r example , £4 6 frof n Roge r d e Northburgh, Bisho p o f Chester , i n par t paymen t o f a n annua l ren t du e fo r property h e ha d lease d from Despenser , and i n th e sam e month the y received from th e Bishop £100 in par t executio n o f a recognizance for a larger su m into which he had entere d i n Despenser's favour. 3 We had alread y occasio n t o speak of the paymen t o f £1000 by Bishop Stratford i n th e autum n o f 1324 . Joh n d e Botetourt, a n importan t magnate , pai d 10 0 mark s i n Octobe r I324- 4 Thes e various scattered payments do not constitute the only evidence for the view that Despenser employe d th e Peruzz i a s his habitual bankers . Mor e i s to be learnt from th e stud y o f recognizance s entere d int o b y Despenser' s debtors . Thu s Simon d e Montbreton , th e constabl e o f th e castl e o f Bristol , i n Despenser' s custody, on receiving from hi m in June 132 6 an advance of £20 by the hands of the Peruzz i pledge d himsel f t o repa y i t t o th e Peruzzi, 5 whil e anothe r knigh t retained wit h Despenser , Constantin e Mortimer , o n bein g similarl y lent b y Despenser £40 in Octobe r 1324 , executed a recognizance promising repayment to th e Peruzz i in whic h th e nam e o f Despenser is not eve n mentioned. 6 Mos t significant o f all is the fac t tha t th e Peruzz i ha d i n thei r keepin g several letter s obligatory an d record s o f recognizance s concernin g debt s owe d b y variou s persons t o Despenser, 7 whic h show s tha t thes e payment s were expecte d t o b e made to them and suggests that Despense r habitually directed his debtors to pay money int o hi s account wit h th e Peruzzi . Payments out of the money deposited by Despenser were usually made by the two societie s on hi s written warrants , thoug h occasionall y they pai d 'pa r so n commande[ment] d e Bouche'. 8 Thes e writte n order s resembl e closel y roya l warrants fo r paymen t addresse d b y Englis h king s to crow n bankers. 9 Forma l 1

E . 101/127/17. £.101/127/18 . For Henry de Sully see Rymer, Feodera (ed. Record Commission), vol. n, part ir, p. 50 7 and Gal . Close Rolls 1323-7 , p. 208 . 3 E . 101/127/17 . 4 Ibid . 5 E . 101/127/21 , nos . i i an d 12 . Similarly , the abbo t o f Waltham pledge d himsel f to repa y a loan of £100 to Despenser 'or to the merchants of Perouche on his behalf (Gal . of Ancient Deeds, vi, C . 5924). 8 E . 101/127/1 7 and Gal . Close Rolls 1323-7 , p . 320. 7 E . 101/127/21 , nos . 20-2 2 (bon d o f abbo t o f Hayles) , E . 101/127/5 , no . 27 , an d K.R . Mem. Rol l n Edw . Ill , Recorda , Hilary , m . 3d . (bon d o f th e abbo t o f Leicester) , an d the significan t statement s i n Cal . Pat . Roll s 1334-8 , p . 343 , an d Gal . Clos e Roll s 1337-9 , pp. 234-5 . 8 E . 101/127/31 , no . i . Paymen t b y th e Bard i o f £10 t o Joh n l e Smale , Despenser' s official. 9 Roya l warrant s for payment are discusse d in Fryde , op . cit. pp. 109-11 . 2

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1

letters wer e usuall y sent, but occasionall y w e meet wit h informa l bills. On e such bill explicitly promises that the Peruzzi will subsequently be given a [proper ] warrant.2 A s in the case of the royal administration, th e use of written warrants partly arose out of the requirements o f the highly organize d centra l accountin g system o f Despenser; th e usua l practic e o f the earl y bank s of deposit i n thei r dealings with ordinary customers was to act only on oral instructions, as employment of written order s involved greater possibilit y o f fraud. 3 The disbursement s mad e o n Despenser's behal f b y the tw o societies provid e a goo d illustratio n o f th e type s of expenditur e incurred b y him. 4 Ever y conceivable kind of paymen t i s represented: payment s to hi s household o r fo r th e household o f his wife, payment s fo r purchase s o f provisions, clot h an d variou s military equipment , advance s to the constables of his castles, to his other official s and to knights retained with him, payments of debts owed by Despenser as a result of hi s purchase s o f land , loan s t o abbeys , magnate s an d roya l officials . Fo r example, i n Marc h 132 6 the Peruzz i paid 40^ . to William d e Hurle, carpenter, to lea d a number of carpenters to Caerphilly, one of Despenser's most importan t castles,5 and satisfied William Chaillowe for £22 due to him for repairs carried ou t in Despenser's 'hostel du noveal Temple' in London,6 while on i April 132 6 they paid £10 to William Pikerell , saddle r o f London, for saddles made for the forthcoming summer. 7 Th e Peruzz i not onl y provided th e mone y but o n occasion s they wer e themselve s entrusted wit h purchases ; i n Decembe r 132 5 the y wer e directed t o profit from th e truce in Flanders to buy military equipment ' to send to Wales for equipping ou r castle s in those parts' an d bought both abroa d an d in London helmets, cuirasses, doublets and othe r thing s which they then trans ported t o Bristol, spending altogether £96. QS. 2|rf. 8 Perhap s i t i s in connexion with thei r purchase s fo r Despenser tha t th e Peruzz i ha d a t on e time i n thei r custody a quantity of silver plate and two scarlet cloths which they later delivered to Despenser. 9 Th e keepe r o f Despenser's wardrobe i n th e Towe r o f London , corresponding t o th e roya l Grea t Wardrobe , wh o wa s entrusted wit h buyin g provisions an d equipment , wa s on one occasion directe d t o bu y fur s 'pa r lavi s et lordenaunce' of the Peruzzi. 10 Lik e the other Italian merchant-banker s o f the time they were, of course, not just financiers, but als o general merchants dealing in every commodity o n which a profit could b e made . For al l disbursement s made o n Despenser' s order s th e merchant s obtaine d receipts of the recipients of the money on the basis of which, and o f the warrant s for payment, they would subsequently claim allowance in their periodic account s 1

Her e is a typical letter (E . 101/127/22, no. 11) : 'Hugh le Despens' a noz amez Marchauntz Bonefaz de Peruch' et ses Compagnons, Marchauntz de la compaignie de Peruch' demorauntz en Loundres saluz. Por ce qe nous avoms done de nostre doun a nostre cher Bachiler Mons' Hugh de Turpliton' vint mars por lu i arme r et apparaille r quel e heur e qe nou s avoms affaire d e lui vous prioms qe ces deniers lui facez liverer . E t voloms qe ceste letre vouz soit garraunt . Escritz a Westm' le iij iour de Decembr' Lan de regne le Roy Edward fiz au Roy Edward XIXme.' Special interes t is attached t o thi s letter a s Turplington late r deserte d Despenser , wa s made steward of the King' s household and wa s killed in 133 0 at Nottingha m castle defending Roger Mortimer (Tout , Chapters i n the Administrative History o f Mediaeval England, in, 18) . 8 E . 101/127/22 , no. i: 'Saluz. Nou s vous Chargeoms qe vous nous facez envee r vin t livre s issint tote foitz q e nous les eoms y ce Meskerdi a nostre lever et a vostre venue a nous enferoms avoir sur ce du garrant. Escript ' a Westm' y ce Mardi a vespre.' 3 Se e Fryde, loc. cit. pp. uo-iii an d the sources there quoted. * Payment s by the Peruzz i are listed in detail in Table I I i n the Appendix. 6 E . 101/127/21 , nos. 5 and 6 * Ibid . nos. 7 and 8. 7 Ibid . nos. 9 and 10 . 8 E . 101/127/22 , nos. 1 9 and 20 . 9 0 Gal . Pat. Roll s 1334-8 , pp. 277-8. 1 E . 101/127/19 , no. 3.

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with Despenser. Among payments made by the Bardi and the Peruzzi there were a considerabl e number of loans to Despenser's officials an d t o magnates, knights and ecclesiastic s connected wit h him . Fo r ever y suc h loa n th e merchants , i n addition to the receipt, were expected to secure letters obligatory of the borrower promising repayment o n a stipulated date or, alternatively they were to require the executio n o f a recognizance in th e chancer y to the sam e effect . Sometime s Despenser gav e the m precis e instruction s in thi s matter , bu t i n othe r case s h e left the m a certain degre e o f latitude, directin g them to receive suc h security as they woul d b e willing t o answer for. 1 Normall y th e resultin g letter s obligator y and the recognizances enrolled i n the chancery bear the same date as the receipt s for th e loans or are dated o n the following day,2 which testifies to the scrupulous care wit h whic h th e tw o societie s carrie d ou t thes e instructions . A s a chec k on the m Despenser , fro m tim e t o time , delegate d someon e t o inspec t th e recognizances execute d i n hi s favou r i n th e chancery , an d th e result s o f th e inspection were then communicated t o th e auditor s of his accounts.3 Accounting betwee n Despense r an d hi s banker s too k plac e befor e auditor s delegated b y him , an d th e initiativ e appear s t o hav e bee n alway s his. There i s evidence o f accounting o n a t leas t tw o differen t occasions . I n th e autum n of 1325 (thoug h thi s migh t b e a n erro r for 1324 ) tw o specially delegated auditor s held th e views of the accounts of both th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i ;4 the resultin g documents recor d transaction s u p t o only the last months of I324- 5 These view s may have constituted a first stage leading u p to the drawing of formal accounts; we posses s a forma l accoun t wit h th e Peruzz i coverin g transaction s u p t o 19 Novembe r I324, 6 an d ther e wa s a simila r accoun t wit h th e Bard i fo r th e period up to 22 October 1324. ' Afte r accounting had been completed, Despenser and th e merchants delivered to each other all letters obligatory, acquittances and other document s in their possession , an d a n indentur e was drawn u p recording this and mutually acquitting them of all debts and liabilities incurred up t o that day.8 O n 1 9 Novembe r 132 4 th e Peruzz i owe d t o Despense r £594 . us . 2d., which wa s entere d a s th e firs t entr y o n a ne w accoun t roll; 9 th e outstandin g debt of the Bard i a t th e moment o f the conclusio n o f their forma l account was treated i n th e sam e way. 10 I n July 132 6 th e Peruzz i wer e ordere d t o accoun t before th e tw o 'auditour s d e no z accounte s e n Engleterre' . Th e accountin g covered th e period fro m at least the last months of 1325, for a letter of Despenser to the auditors, which constitutes our sole source of information about it,11 ordered them to gran t allowanc e for a numbe r of payments going back to thi s time. 12 1

Ancien t Correspondence , vol. 49, no. 149 . Fo r example , E . 101/127/21 , no . 4 , an d Cal . Clos e Rolls 1323-7 , p . 54 2 (Joh n l e Smale) ; E. 101/127/21 , nos . i an d 2 , an d Cal . Clos e Roll s 1323-7 , p . 57 2 (Rober t d e WatevuT) ; E. 101/127/1 7 an d Cal . Clos e Roll s 1323-7 , p . 32 0 (Constantin e Mortimer) ; E . 101/127/5 , no. 35, and Cal . Clos e Roll s 1323-7 , p. 493 (Robert d e Wodehouse) . 3 E . 101/127/5 , no. 34. 4 K.R . Mem . Roll 1 0 Edw. Ill, Recorda, Michaelmas , m. 4d. The date of the views is supplied by a statement of the two auditors befor e the exchequer, whose recollection o f the events of more than ten years befor e may not have bee n quit e correct. 6 E . 101/127/31 . * E . 101/127/17 . 7 Ther e ar e reference s t o it in E . 101/127/18 . 8 E . 101/127 , nos . 1 7 an d 18 . A transcrip t o f the indentur e wit h th e Peruzzi is enrolled i n K.R. Mem . Rol l 1 1 Edw. Ill, Recorda, Michaelmas , m . 2d. 9 0 E . 101/127/17 . 1 E . 101/127/1 8 (35-r.) - u E . 101/127/5 , no. 34. 12 Fo r example, loan of £100 to the abbot of Waltham. Onl y the letter ordering it has survived, dated 30 November 1325 , but it bears an Italian endorsement statin g that the Peruzzi receive d i t on 6 December an d paymen t followe d probably very soon afterwards (Ancien t Correspondence , vol. 49 , no. 147) . 2

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No formal account was drawn up on this occasion, possibly because of Despenser's overthrow an d deat h a few months later. The us e made b y Despense r o f his deposit s clearl y show s that h e employe d bankers mainly for the same reasons for which most people possess bank accounts to-day. Freedo m fro m havin g t o stor e large sum s of money himself , possession of a central ' treasury' in the chief trading an d financial centre of the kingdom, convenience o f bein g abl e t o direc t thir d person s t o pa y int o tha t centra l 'treasury' any debt s tha t the y owe d him , and abov e all facilitie s for effectin g payments quickly and wit h practicall y n o risk , without having t o transport an y money, thes e wer e substantia l advantage s o f which Despense r availe d himsel f to the full . Fo r th e sam e reasons in th e thir d quarte r o f the fourteent h century a considerabl e proportio n o f the mor e substantia l person s had ban k deposit s in Bruges,1 an d al l th e mor e importan t merchant s possesse d current account s i n banks in fourteenth-century Venice.2 Despense r di d no t mak e much us e of the facilities provide d b y th e Italia n firm s fo r transfer s o f money fro m countr y t o country an d fo r effectin g payment s i n foreig n currencies , thoug h o f cours e h e availed himsel f o f them o n th e fe w occasions when h e ha d nee d for this. Th e Bardi pai d hi m i n Pari s £37 0 durin g a missio n to France , probabl y i n I32O, 3 and o n on e occasio n the y receive d o n hi s behal f £40 0 i n France. 4 I n 132 4 Despenser cause d th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i t o repa y hi m i n gol d coin s th e equivalent o f two deposits of £1000 each, made with them earlier o n in the same year.5 To a limite d exten t h e used th e tw o societies to effec t transfer s of money within England . Mos t o f their payment s o n hi s behalf wer e mad e a t London , but the y collected some of the deposits at Bristol or even directly from Despenser' s bailiffs;6 occasionall y the y als o mad e disbursement s outside London , bringin g him, for example, large sums of money to the castle of Porchester i n Hampshire. 7 In studyin g Despenser' s dealing s wit h th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i on e i s impressed b y their reliability and the extreme punctuality with which they made payments. Their branche s in London had always enough money at their disposal to execute immediately an y payment tha t Despense r might order; we find them paying ^100 0 o r eve n £200 0 a t a time . The y allowe d hi m t o overdra w hi s account; at th e moment of Despenser's fall h e owed the Peruzz i £181. ijs. Q^d. 8 On obtainin g an orde r t o pay money the Peruzz i always endorsed the writ with the date on which they had received it and the comparison of these endorsements with th e date s o f the acquittance s give n the m b y th e recipient s o f the mone y reveals tha t almos t invariabl y paymen t wa s made o n th e da y o f the receip t of the mandate t o pay o r very shortly afterwards. There is no evidence in Despenser' s accounts with the Bard i and th e Peruzz i that h e receive d an y dividend s o n hi s deposits . Th e Florentin e firm s o f thi s period mad e payment s o n th e deposit s of many Italian depositors, 9 an d Bisho p Walter Langto n o f Lichfield receive d som e remuneration fo r hi s deposit s with the Bellardi of Lucca i n the last years of Edward I' s reign.10 But it is conceivable that Despenser' s deposit s wer e subjec t t o to o grea t fluctuation s t o mak e thi s profitable for the tw o firms in his case. Nor , on the other hand, is there evidence 1

R . d e Roover , Money, Banking an d Credit i n Medieval Bruges, pp. 27 9 ff. G . Luzzatto, ' Les activites economiques du Patricia t venitien' , Annales d'Histoire Economique et Sociale (1937) , ix, 57; Y . Renouard , Les Hommes d'Affaires Italians du Moyen Age, pp. 112-13 . 3 K.R . Mem . Rol l 1 7 Edw . II , E . 159/98 , m. 4, mentioning a mission in 1 4 Edward II . 4 Supra , p . 351 . 6 Supra , p . 347 . 6 Supra , p . 349 . 7 Se e Table I I i n the Appendix . 8 Supra , p . 346. 9 Renouard , Le s Relations, p. 59 and n . 57. 10 E . 101/127/25 . 2

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of the tw o firms receiving any remuneratio n fro m Despenser . Their sole benefi t apparently consiste d i n havin g a t thei r disposa l i n Englan d larg e sum s of cash, especially neede d fo r purchase o f wool, which wa s the chie f commercial objec t of Italian firms in England. Fo r the same reason Italian firms eagerly competed for th e privileg e o f transferring papal revenues to Avignon, for which they were similarly no t paid, apart from compensatio n for the expenses of the transfe r an d of the exchang e o f currencies.1 There is no evidenc e that Despense r even com pensated th e Bard i for their losse s in a n exchang e transaction mad e with them , though th e evidenc e o n thi s point i s not conclusive. 2 I t i s also possible that h e may hav e given informal gifts t o members o f the tw o firms who had serve d him, such a s th e Kin g gav e fro m tim e t o time, 3 bu t thi s i s pur e conjecture . Th e advantages o f enjoyin g th e protectio n o f the King' s leadin g advise r wer e als o considerable, especiall y in a turbulent period lik e the reign o f Edward II . In th e las t year s o f hi s lif e Despense r ma y hav e bee n th e mos t importan t English deposito r with Italia n firms . Th e accidenta l wa y in which th e evidenc e of his dealings with th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i has survived is a goo d warning , if any wer e needed, o f how impossible it i s to reac h an y sur e conclusions about the exten t t o whic h th e practic e o f depositing mone y wit h Italia n merchant bankers prevaile d amon g contemporar y magnate s an d prelates . I hav e a n impression, thoug h it can be no more, that in the middle and late r year s o f the reign of Edward II onl y a minority of the leading men of the kingdom habitually kept deposits with Italian financiers . Occasiona l dealing s with them, to arrange transfers o f money abroad, may have bee n mor e frequent , especially in the case of ecclesiastic s sendin g mone y t o th e papa l court, 4 an d som e o f th e Englis h merchants wh o trade d t o foreig n countrie s ma y hav e regularl y use d the m i n settling thei r obligations , bu t int o this we cannot her e enter. The lis t of nobles and prelates , other tha n Despenser , who are known to have entrusted thei r mone y to Italian firms in the period unde r discussion is not long. An accoun t rol l o f Henry d e Lacy, 5 Ear l o f Lincoln, survivin g becaus e o f th e confiscation in 132 2 of the estates of his son-in-law and heir, Thomas of Lancaster,6 suggests tha t aroun d 130 5 h e ma y hav e kep t deposit s wit h th e Frecobaldi. 7 Walter Langton , Bishop of Lichfield an d th e trusted treasurer of Edward I , ha d deposits wit h th e Bellard i o f Lucca, 8 an d th e Frescobald i ar e know n to hav e received mone y on his behalf in I3O4; 9 we owe this information to the fac t tha t Edward II , o n succeedin g hi s father i n 1307 , imprisone d Langto n an d seize d his property. Th e proceeding s followin g th e fligh t o f the Pulc i an d Rimbertin i from Englan d provid e som e further evidence . Amon g thei r creditor s i n 130 6 we find Humphrey, Ear l of Hereford, an d hi s wife, Elizabeth , Lady Isabell a d e 1

Reno'uard , Le s Relations, pp . 512-47. a Supra , p . 349. Fo r example s of such gifts se e Fryde, op . cit . p . 135 , n. i ; E . Russell , 'The Societie s of the Bardi an d th e Peruzz i an d thei r Dealing s with Edward III , 1327-45 ' i n Finance and Trade under Edward HI , ed . G . Unwin (Manchester , 1918) , p. 116 . 4 Cal . Clos e Roll s 1323-7 , p . 545 . Fo r particula r example s se e Register o f Henry Woodlock, Bishop o f Winchester (ed . Canterbur y an d Yor k Society) , XLIV , 680- 1 (1308) ; Register oj Robert Winchtlsea, Archbishop o f Canterbury (ed . Canterbur y an d Yor k Society) , pp . 1052- 3 (1309) ; Register o f Haymo of Hethe, Bishop o f Rocr^ter (ed . Canterbury and Yor k Society), pp. 84- 5 (1320) . 5 Duch y of Lancaster, Ministers ' Accounts, D.L. 29/1/2 . 6 J . F . Baldwin , 'Househol d Administratio n o f Henry Lac y and Thoma s o f Lancaster', Eng. Hist. Rev. (1927),. XLII, 195 . 7 Infra , p . 357. 8 Excheque r Plea Roll , E . 13/3 1 (proceeding s concernin g th e propert y o f Walter Langton) , m. 36d . 9 Ibid . m . 4. 3

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6

Vescy, Sir Guy Ferre , twic e seneschal of Gascony, and Ada m d e Osgodby, on e of the leading chancery clerks. 1 While we cannot b e certain that all these debt s arose ou t o f deposits, there i s explicit evidence that mone y had bee n deposite d with this firm by magnates, merchants and othe r person s in the realm. 2 Severa l chroniclers allege, probably with truth, that Peter de Gaveston, Earl of Cornwall, who wa s kille d i n 1312 , employe d foreig n merchant s extensivel y t o transfe r treasure abroad. 3 The fac t tha t th e Peruzzi paid i n November 132 4 through th e Bardi £300 due from Despense r to Thomas, Ear l of Norfolk, suggests that a t this date th e Ear l use d th e Bard i a s hi s bankers. 4 Afte r th e executio n i n 132 6 of Despenser's father , Hugh , Ear l o f Winchester, th e Bardi paid t o the king £300 which the y ha d owe d t o the Ear l a t th e momen t o f his death.5 We cannot b e wholly certain tha t thi s debt originate d wit h deposits, but eve n i f i t did , ther e is other evidence to show that the Ear l was storing in 132 6 large sums of money in his manors and i n friendly religiou s houses, 6 which makes it improbable tha t he could have kept extensive deposits with Italian financiers . Afte r th e death i n 1331 of Henry d e Eastry, th e business-lik e prio r o f Christ Church , Canterbury , his successo r was claimin g fro m th e Bard i Eastry' s deposi t o f 10 0 marks ; th e smallness of this sum and the wording of the request d o not suggest that Eastry' s deposits ha d bee n very important, 7 an d hi s successor certainly doe s not appea r to have though t tha t the practice wa s worth continuing, excep t a s a method of transferring mone y du e t o th e prior y i n France. 8 Finally , a lette r o f 2 8 June 1308 preserve d i n th e registe r o f Henry Woodlock , Bisho p of Winchester, b y which h e asks the Whit e Cerch i o f Florence t o make a payment o f 70 marks t o the papal collector i n England and to pay 25 marks for him at the papal court, 9 suggests that he may have been in regular financial relations with thi s firm, but it doe s not necessaril y prove that he had deposit s with them an d th e requeste d payments may hav e bee n loans ; i n 131 1 w e find the Bisho p borrowing money from Florentine merchants.10 Search of such registers of the contemporary bishops as are readil y availabl e i n print ha s revealed n o other clea r case s of deposits. Detailed informatio n i s availabl e onl y concernin g th e deposit s o f Walte r Langton, Bishop of Lichfield.11 A s Edward I's treasurer durin g the las t 1 2 years of the reig n an d virtually th e King' s chie f minister durin g thi s period 12 he was, of course , brough t int o speciall y clos e contac t wit h Italia n financiers . I t i s indeed no t always easy to separate his dealings with them in his official capacit y from hi s private financia l transactions , an d som e of the money that the Bellard i admitted in 130 7 to have receive d fro m hi m may hav e been delivere d t o the m in pursuanc e o f royal business. 13 Th e Bellard i recognize d tha t a t th e tim e of Langton's disgrac e the y wer e accountabl e t o hi m fo r deposit s totallin g £2120. iQs. 3
Gal . Pat. Roll s 1307-13 , p. 84, C. 47/13/1, no. 25, and E. 101/127/5 , no. 22. * Gal . Pat. Roll s 1301-7 , p. 448 * Conway-Davies , op. cit. p. 10 0 and n . 3 . « E . 101/127/17 . s Gal . Pat. Rolls 1327-30 , p. 27. • Infra , p . 358. 7 Literal Cantuarienses (ed. J. B . Sheppard, Rolls Series, 1887), i, 402-4, 426-7, 460-2 and 470-2. 8 Ibid , and pp. 424-5, 452-4, 462. ' Register o f Henry Woodlock, pp . 680-1. 10 Ibid . pp. 686, 688 . 11 E . 13/31 , m . 36d . (Excheque r proceeding s agains t th e Bellardi) , m . 3id. , an d 4 an d E. 101/127/25 . Th e accoun t tha t follow s i s based o n th e recor d o n m . 36d . unles s otherwis e indicated. " Tout, Chapters, n, 13. 18 Fo r example the Bellardi received from Langton at the exchequer on 25 January 130 5 a sum of 100 0 marks which they lent t o the Bisho p of Durham.

HI 35 7 HUG

H DESPENSER THE YOUNGER'S

the cos t o f work done a t Pari s on a shrine of St Chad, presumably destine d fo r Langton's cathedra l church , an d th e expense s of the educatio n o f his nephews at Paris. 1 Beside s deposit s b y himsel f o r throug h hi s officials , Langton , lik e Despenser, employe d his bankers to collect debts due to him.2 Hi s deposits with the Bellardi included als o silver plate value d a t £209. is. i id. The evidenc e concerning deposits of Henry de Lacy, Earl of Lincoln (d . 1311) , another leadin g advise r o f Edward I durin g hi s later years , i s far less definite. His onl y survivin g accoun t roll , coverin g th e yea r 1305 , record s a numbe r o f dealings wit h Italia n merchants. 3 Som e o f them refe r t o purchase s o f furs an d other articles , bu t th e accoun t o f the receive r o f the Earl' s household mention s also thre e sum s o f mone y receive d b y hi m fro m th e Frescobald i o f Florence (£769- ios.), the Spin i o f Florence (£66 . i$s. 4^.) an d th e Bellard i o f Lucc a (£41. 1 4s. 6d.). Prof . Baldwin assume d them t o be loans, and considere d thi s t o be 'th e onl y surprisin g feature ' o f th e accoun t rol l whic h otherwis e convey s a pictur e o f solvency and ver y efficien t administration. 4 Th e tw o smaller pay ments b y th e Bellard i an d th e Spin i probabl y d o i n fac t represen t loans , a s identical sums , described a s the Earl' s debts , wer e repaid t o thes e two societies by th e Earl' s receive r o f Bolingbroke.5 The entr y concerning repayment t o th e Spini run s 'Et 6 6 li. 13^ . \d. soluti [blank ] Mercator i d e Florencia d e societat e de Spin e i n quibu s comes sibi et socii s suis tenebatu r pe r litera m obligatoria m qua redditu r supe r compotum. ' Th e entr y concernin g th e paymen t t o th e Bellardi i s identical in wording excep t tha t the las t tw o words are omitte d an d that it end s therefore 'pe r littera m obligatoria m qua redditur' . The receive r of Bolingbroke likewis e pai d £866 . 13^ . q.d. t o th e Frescobaldi , bu t th e wordin g is markedly differen t an d appear s t o point t o a deposi t wit h thei r society : 'E t 866 li. i y.q.d. soluti Paul o d e Gane, Mercator i de Florencia d e Societate Fris kynbaldorum per quinqu e literas suas obligatorias que remanent apud Bolingbrok' [italics mine] . The five letters obligatory thu s appear t o have been given by the Frescobaldi, presumably , i f my interpretatio n i s correct, pledgin g the m t o th e repayment of'th e mone y deposited , an d th e fac t tha t the y wer e preserve d a t Bolingbroke, th e chie f centre o f the Earl' s househol d i n Englan d i n tha t year, 6 instead o f being surrendered by the receiver with other documents in the course of his account befor e th e Earl' s auditors , strengthens the cas e for supposing that we are dealin g her e wit h deposits . I n th e sam e year th e receive r o f Pontefract paid £442 . 1 6s. 8d. to the Frescobaldi o n the Earl' s orders. We have thus in this account rol l evidenc e o f deposit s totallin g £1309 . QS. 40?. , partl y balance d b y withdrawals t o finance the Earl' s household amountin g t o £769. 10^ . The evidenc e fo r a vie w tha t onl y a minorit y o f magnates habituall y hel d deposits with Italian financiers in the period unde r discussion must, in the natur e of the case, b e mainly negative . Th e valu e of this negative evidenc e depend s on the exten t t o whic h th e availabl e source s o f information coul d b e reasonabl y expected t o hav e containe d mention s o f deposits, i f such deposit s ha d existed . 1

E . 13/31, m. 36d.: 'tarn de quoddam feretro sancti Cedde quod ipsi mercatores suis sumptibus et expensis fieri fecerunt paris ' ad opus ipsius episcopi et de expensis nepotum suoru m ibidem in scolis existencium.' Th e Londo n branc h of the Bellardi did no t kno w how much the payments made in Pari s totalled (E . 101/127/25) . a E . 13/31 , m. 3id. 3 D.L . 29/1/2 . 4 Baldwin , op. cit. p. 189 . 5 D.L . 29/1/2 . I owe thanks to Miss D. Oschinsky for drawing my attention to the existenc e of this further evidenc e of dealings with Italian financiers in the accounts of the local receivers of the Earl. 6 Baldwin , op. cit. p. 186 .

DEPOSITS WITH ITALIAN BANKERS II

I 35

8

Material o f this kind is unusually abundant fo r the perio d 1321-6 . Fiv e earls, Lancaster, Hereford , Carlisle , Wincheste r an d Arundel , wer e execute d durin g these years and ha d thei r propert y confiscate d and th e same fate, o r imprison ment and forfeiture of property, befel l a number of barons, including some of the wealthiest an d mos t importan t member s o f the baronage . W e possess account s of the official s responsibl e fo r th e seizur e and administratio n o f the confiscate d properties, record s o f inquisition s hel d abou t them , inventorie s o f valuables , including store s o f coine d mone y belongin g t o th e falle n magnates , list s o f muniments i n thei r possessio n an d othe r evidenc e connecte d wit h thes e confiscations. The absenc e fro m al l thes e records , with tw o exceptions, 1 o f mention s o f deposits with financier s ma y possibly reflect th e non-existenc e of such deposits, though i t cannot , o f course, constitut e a conclusiv e proof. Th e contras t tha t some of these records reveal between the financia l arrangement s of the younger Despenser an d o f magnates associated with him, like his father an d th e Ear l of Arundel, i s speciall y instructive. Non e of the record s concerning the tw o confiscations suffered b y the younger Despenser, one in 132 1 and th e other in 1326 , mentions storag e of treasure by him, 2 which in vie w of his large deposit s with Florentine firms is not surprising ; in November 1321, while he was still in exile, the Bard i were keeping for him j^iySy. 3 O n th e othe r hand , his father kep t in 1321 bonds, muniments, valuables and £100 0 in money, in coffer s store d in th e abbey of Stanley, in Wiltshire.4 I n 132 6 th e older Despenser possessed £1800 at his chief manor of Loughborough, which in the last desperate days before his fall he tried to remove to the abbey of Leicester.5 A trusted agent of his held £1000 in Wiltshire, wher e man y o f his estates wer e situated, 6 an d h e ha d als o store d treasure a t th e abbe y o f Gerndon in Leicestershire 7 and a t a religious hous e in Surrey.8 I f he also had deposits with the Bardi, as their debt to him of £300 may suggest,9 they appear t o have represented onl y a small part of his total resources. As for Arundel, £524. zs. Qd. belonging to him were confiscated in the cathedra l church o f Chichester, togethe r wit h plate value d a t £51. i6.r . 8rf. 10 In dealin g wit h th e proble m o f the privat e financia l arrangement s o f th e leading ' contrariants' wh o suffered confiscatio n in 1321-2 , ther e i s a political factor tha t must be taken into consideration . I t i s conceivable tha t i n a perio d of active opposition t o the Crow n some of them may have felt it undesirabl e t o keep their money with Italian firms closely connected with the Crown and with 1 On e of them concerns the Earl of Winchester and has been discussed above. Fo r the other, concerning the Ear l o f Lancaster, see below. 2 Hi s losses in 132 1 are listed in Gal . Close Rolls 1318-23 , pp. 541-2. Hi s estates in 132 6 an d the good s found on them ar e enumerate d i n a 'valor' of his estates an d thos e of his father an d Arundel compiled at the exchequer afte r thei r death (K.R . Ancient Extents, E . 142/33) . Man y of the inquisitions on which it is based still survive. Plate of younger Despenser valued at £i 24. zs. yrf. was delivered t o the King in December 132 6 by the keeper of Despenser's wardrobe in the Tower of London (Gal . Pat. Rolls . 1324-7 , pp. 339-40) . 3 E . 101/127/31 , m. i . 4 Gal . Close Rolls 1318-23 , p. 544. 6 E . 142/33 , m , 10 , an d E . 142/59 , no. 4 (the original inquisition at Loughborough) . 9 E . 142/33 , m. 5 . 7 Gal . Close Rolls 1327-30 , p. 121 . 8 E . 142/33 , m. 3. 9 Gal . Pat. Roll s 1327-30 , p. 27. 10 E . 142/33 , m . 3d. ; Chancer y Miscellanea , G . 47/3/53, no . 7 and Gal . Pat . Roll s 1324-27 , p. 339. Various goods of Arundel, but including apparently no money, were confiscated in Arundel Castle (E. 142/57 , no. 5) and his treasure in the Priory o f Holy Trinity , London , was plundered by th e Londoner s (Chronicles o f Edward I an d Edward I I (ed . W . Stubbs , Roll s Series , 1882) , I, 321) . Quee n Isabella seized i n 132 6 a sum of £800 kept in Bury St Edmund s b y Hervey d e Staunton, the retire d Chie f Justice (Gal . Clos e Roll s 1327-30 , p . 189 ; I ow e this referenc e t o Dr E. L. G. Stones).

Ill 35 9 HUG

H DESPENSER THE YOUNGER'S

royal favourites like Despenser. There were , of course, other Italian firms in th e country beside s th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i an d th e whol e argumen t i s purel y conjectural, bu t it does constitute a warning that the apparent absence of deposits belonging t o th e leadin g oppositio n magnate s ma y hav e ha d temporar y an d political causes. Thomas, Earl o f Lancaster, th e chief enemy of Edward II , ma y be a case in point. H e inherited th e estates of Henry d e Lacy, Earl o f Lincoln, who, a s we have attempte d t o show , probably ha d kep t considerabl e deposits with th e Frescobaldi. Lancaster' s onl y surviving account roll , fo r I3I4, 1 which was foun d amon g hi s muniment s confiscate d in " I322,2 contain s howeve r n o references t o deposits with Italian financiers, though it doe s mention purchases of cloth an d jewels fro m th e Bard i t o the valu e of £107. os. 2d., and refer s als o to the sale of 20 sacks 20 stones of the Earl's woo l from th e Peak flock in Derby shire to two Florentine merchants. The onl y other piece of evidence that can be discovered i s a mentio n i n a lis t o f Lancaster' s deed s discovere d i n 132 2 a t Tutbury an d Pontefract 3 o f a n indentur e o f mutual acquittanc e betwee n th e Earl an d th e Bardi,4 resembling the genera l indentures of acquittance made by Despenser wit h the Bardi and th e Peruzz i on conclusion of accounts with them , and runnin g a s follows: 'Ite m un e endentur e fai t entr e l e di t count e e t Boo n Phelip e t se s compaignons merchants de Barde par quel e chescun clama autr e quit de totes maners accion s de prestz et de totes autres choses.' The date o f this document canno t b e precisel y determined , an d whil e th e referenc e t o loan s is interesting we cannot be certain whethe r this refers only to loans by the Bardi to the earl or extends also to ' loans' by the earl to the merchants, this being one of the usual ways of describing deposits. 5 I n any case, it does not appear very likely that h e ha d an y deposit s wit h th e Bard i i n 1322 , for we would hav e probably heard of their confiscatio n by Edward II . Much o f the evidenc e o n the subjec t of deposits wit h Italia n financiers lurks in unusua l and ofte n unexpecte d places , an d a good dea l ma y still be awaitin g future discovery . Th e partl y negativ e result s o f the presen t surve y should no t in any case overshadow the importance o f the fact that th e practice of entrusting money o n deposi t t o Italia n firm s wa s quite familia r t o a numbe r o f leading English magnates o f this period, especiall y those closely connected with the royal administration. I n th e case s o f Hug h Despense r an d Walte r Langton , an d perhaps als o o f the Ear l o f Lincoln, th e sum s deposite d wer e large enoug h t o constitute a n important additio n t o the resources of the English branche s of the firms concerned, especiall y valuabl e becaus e likely to be regularly recurrent over a numbe r o f years . I n tryin g t o reconstruc t i n a s grea t detai l a s possibl e Despenser's dealing s wit h hi s bankers w e have give n wha t probabl y represent s a fairly typical pictur e o f how the system of deposit worke d in the period unde r discussion. Despenser' s deposit s were unusually large, bu t i n their purpose , th e way in which they were made, disbursed and controlled, they probably resembled the deposits o f other magnate s an d prelates . 1

D.L. 29/1/3 . 2 Baldwin , op. cit. p. 195 . Duch y of Lancaste r Miscellanea , D.L . 41/1/37 . Thi s an d tw o similar records , D.L . 41/1 , nos. 35 and 36 (no. 36 appears to be a later copy of a part of no. 37) are discussed by J. F . Baldwin, 'The Chancery of the Duchy of Lancaster', Bull. Inst. Hist. Res. iv, 133-5 . 4 D.L . 41/1/37 , m. 7. 6 Fo r examples , se e Cal. Pat . Roll s 1301-7 , p . 448 : 'mone y len t t o the m [th e Pulc i an d Rimbertini] b y magnates, merchant s an d others' , Literae Cantuarienses, i, 460-2 an d 470-2 : 'q e nostre predecessour vou s presta. ' 8

APPENDIX Table i . Th e account o f Hugh l e Despenser th e Tounger with the Peruzzi, 1322-6.* Deposits by Despenser Withdrawal s b y Despense r Date i Jan. 132 2 25 Mar. 1324 26 Mar. 1324 25 Apr. 1324 12 June 132 4 i Aug. 1324 29 Sept. 132 4 25 Oct. 1324 26 Oct. 1324

29 Oct. 1324 31 Oct. 1324 i Nov . 1324 6 Nov. 1324

Amount £ * d. 1066 1 3 4

389 I I

2

500 o

O

—

IOOO O IOOO 0 2O 0

O O O

66 1 3 4 — — — —

IOO O

Person depositing on Despenser's behal William de Cusance, his clerk William de Cusance, his clerk — William le Blund, his 'garderober' His receiver at Bristol The sam e and Will, le Blund William le Blund Lord John Botetourt — — —

o

— Roger Northburgh , Bishop of Chester, of debt The same

Amount

d.

Purpose o f Withdrawal

400 o o

Loan to Despenser's fathe r

IOO IO

Loan to Abbot of Waltham Sir Nicholas de Sodyngton Loan to Constantine Mortimer, his knight Payment to Despenser at Westminster Payment t o Despenser a t Westminster

40

0 0 0 0 0 0

444 7 6 IOOO 0 0

Balance £ s. d.

1066 13 4 1456 4 6 1056 4 6 1556 4 6 2556 4 6 3556 4 6 3576 4 6 3642 i7 10 3532 17 3492 17 3048 10 2048 10 2148 IO

10

IO

4 4 4

o 46 o 14 Nov. 1324 1894 II 2 Payment t o Despense r 299 19 — 1 8 Nov. 1324 300 o II 2 Payment t o Earl o f Norfolk fo r a lease 1594 — — — i Dec. 1324! 1461 4 6 Loan to Earl o f Richmond 133 6 — 3 Dec. 1324 IOOO 0 Payment t o Despenser a t Porcheste r 461 4 6 — Between December 132 4 and October 132 6 5140 1 6 ofj 181 17 9$ 5783 1 8 4 l *A11 the informatio n is derived fro m th e accoun t with th e Peruzzi , E . 101/127/17 , unles s otherwis e indicated , In th e colum n fo r balance s italic s have been used to indicate overdraft. f E . 101/127/5, nos- 2O and 21. J M y calculations base d o n E. 101/127/17, and Cal. Pat. Rolls 1334-8 , p. 343, and taking into account th e payment o f £133. 6.y . 8d. to the Earl o f Richmond o n i December 1324 .

Table II . Payments Amount paid Date of payment £ s . d . 26 Mar. 132 4 40 0o o 26 Oct. 132 4 10 0o o 26 Oct . 132 4 1 0o o 29 Oct. 132 4 4 0o o 31 Oct . 132 4 44 i Nov . 132 4 100 14 Nov. 132 4 29 18 Nov. 132 4 30

47 6 0o o 91 9 2 0o o

b y the Peruzzifor Hugh l e Despenser th e Younger, 1324-6.

Recipient o f the mone y Earl of Winchester Abbot o f Waltha m Nicholas d e Sodyngto n Constantine Mortime r

Paid at Westminster i n florins of Florence Paid at Westminster in florins of Florence Paid in florins 'al Agnel' In par t payment o f £800 due for lease of his property Wes t of the Sever n Loan, t o be repaid at Michaelma s 132 5 Paid at Porcheste r i n florins of Florence Despenser's wardrob e i n th e Towe r o f London Loan, t o be repaid a t Michaelma s 132 5

8 o 0

Earl o f Richmond Hugh l e Despenser John de Wymundeswold

28 Jan. 132 5 10

o

Abbot o f Leicester

25 Aug. 132 5 3 Late Aug. 1325 2

78 2 69 o

Adam Box , draper o f London Abbot o f Tintern Anthony Citero n of Genoa William Davy Isabella d e Hastings Robert d e Welles Thomas o f Castle Goderich Robert de Wodehouse, keeper of the king' s wardrobe John de Wymundeswold John de Gode, hi s valet

16 Oct. 132 5 100 8 Nov. 132 5 4 30 Nov. 132 5 2 Late Nov. 1325 10 2 Dec . 132 5 2

0o 0o 0o 0o 0o

Richard d e Nateby, his clerk William de Culpho William d e Culpho Abbot o f Hayles William Love l

Mar. 132 5 [6] Mar. 132 5 21 Mar . 132 5 2 May 1325 3 May 1325 10 May 1325 8 June 132 5 17 July 132 5 10

5i 1 3 4 40 o o 16 1 3 4 50 o o 66 1 3 4 30 o o 23 i i 9 ^ 0o o

o o o o o

Loan

Hugh le Despenser Hugh l e Despenser Hugh l e Despenser Earl of Norfolk

i Dec . 132 4 13 36 3 Dec. 132 4 100 0 o 12 Dec . 132 4 5 0 0o

Purpose of payment an d remark s Loan to Despenser's fathe r Loan, t o be repaid at Easte r 132 5

Purchase of cloth for his knights Loan, t o be repaid on 3 0 Nov. 132 5 Purchase of crossbows Debt Loan t o Despenser's sister Loan to Despenser's 'bachelier' Purchase of armour b y hi m Loan Purchase o f furs an d saddle s For Despenser's wife an d fo r purchase of spices For th e wardrob e of Despenser's wif e For the wardrob e of Despenser's wif e Loan Loan to Despenser's 'bachiler '

Sources E. 101/127/1 7 Ibid, and C.C.R. 1323-7 , p. 319 E. 101/127/1 7 E. 101/127/1 7 and C.C.R . 1323-7 , p. 320 E. 101/127/1 7 E. 101/127/1 7 E. 101/127/1 7 E. 101/127/17 , C.C.R . 1323-7 , p. 168 , C.P.R . 1324-7 , P - 52 , E. 101/332/2 7 E. 101/127/5 , nos. 2 0 and 2 1 E. 101/127/1 7 E. 101/127/19 , nos. i an d 2 E. 101/127/5 , no. 27 and E. 159/113 , Recorda, Hilary , m . 3d. E. 101/127/22 , no . 25 E. 101/127/5 , nos . 28 and 2 9 E. 101/127/22 , nos. 2 1 an d 2 2 E. 101/127/22 , nos . 8, 9 , 1 0 E. 101/127/5 , nos' 3 and 4 E. 101/127/5 , nos. 5 and 6 E. 101/127/20 , nos. i an d 2 E. 101/127/5 , no . 3 5 an d C.C.R . i323-7> P - 49 3 E. 101/127/19 , nos. 3 and 4 E. 101/127/5 , nos . 36, 37, 38 Anc. Corr. 49, nos . 146 , 146 0 E. 101/127/22 , nos. 2, 3, 4 E. 101/127/22 , nos. 5, 6 E. 101/127/21 , no . 22 And. Corr. 49, no. 149 and C.C.R, 1000-7,p.508

Amount paid Date o f payment £ s . d . 3 Dec. 132 5 1 36 8 5 Dec. 132 5 6 Dec. 1325 ii Dec. 1325 13 Dec. 1325 1 6 Dec. 1325 1 8 Dec.1325 23 Jan. 1326

3 Feb. 1326 Feb. 1326 Feb. 1326 2 Mar. 1326 4 Mar. 1326 25 Mar. 1326

Table I I (cont.). Recipient o f the money Hugh de Turplingto n

40 o o Rober 104 66

O

O

13

4

30

O O O O

0 O O O

20 IO 20 20 2 22

O O O O O 0 O 0 0 O O O

40 IOOO 20

t de Morley

Abbot of Waltham Holy Gross Thomas o f Castl e Goderich , his clerk Thomas of Castle Goderich Thomas of Castle Goderich Walter de Beauchamp Robert de Bousser John de Smale Robert de Morley Geoffrey de Rudham, his clerk William de Hurle, carpenter William de Ghaillowe

i Apr . 132 6

10 o o

7 Apr. 132 6 12 June 132 6

93 6 8 90 1 9 4

William Pickerell , saddle r o f London Constantine Mortimer John de Pulteney of London

16 June 132 6 June 132 6

66 1 3 4 20 o o

Robert de Wateville Simon de Montbreto n

Before 21 July 1326 17 July 132 6 22 July 132 6

2

5 0

10 O 20 O

O O

25 July 132 6 16 Sept. 132 6

2OOO O

20 o o O

John d e Trappe , skinne r of London Richard Talbot , the nephew Simon de Shepeye, his 'garderober' John d e Ellerker Hugh le Despenser

Purpose o f payment an d remark s Payment to Despenser's 'bachiler' for his military equipmen t Loan Loan For payment to Lady Eleanor de Maulay Half his annual fee from Despenser Payment for a quitclaim of the mano r of Oxindon (Glos. ) Loan to Despenser's officia l Loan For Despenser's castle of Gaerphilly For taking carpenters to Caerphilly For repairs in Despenser's 'hostel' of New Temple For purchase o f saddles

Sources E. 101/127/22 , nos. i i an d 1 2 Anc. Corr. 49, no. 148 and C.C.R. *323-7, P- 52 9 Anc. Gorr. 49, no. 14 7 E. 101/127/20 , nos. 3, 4 E. 101/127/20 , 5, 6 E. 101/127/20 , nos. 7, 8 E. 101/127/22 , nos.. 13, 1 4 E. 101/127/22 , nos. 15 , 1 6 E. 101/127/22 , nos. 3, 4 Anc. Corr. 49* no. 15 0 E. 101/127/21 , no. 1 9 Anc. Corr. 49 , nos. 151 , 151 0 E. 101/127/21 , nos. 5, 6 E. 101/127/21 , nos. 7, 8 E. 101/127/21 , nos. 9, 1 0

His fee from Despenser For cloth purchased for Despenser's Whitsun livery Loan Prest for his fee and fo r custody of Bristol castle For purchas e of furs

E. 101/127/21 , nos. 23, 24 E. 101/127/19, nos. 5, 6

Loan For payment to Despenser's officials going to Wales Loan to Despenser's officia l Paid at Porchester

E. 101/127/21 , nos. 13 , 1 4 E. 101/127/21 , nos. 15 , 1 6

E. 101/127/21 , nos. i, 2 E. 101/127/21 , nos. n, 1 2 E. 101/127/5 , no. 34

E. 101/127/21 , nos. 17 , 1 8 E. 101/127/22 , no. 7

IV

F

Loans to the English Crown I 328- 3I

ROM the early years of the reign of Edward I onwards frequent borrowing wa s a prominen t featur e o f th e roya l finances. 1 Loans were no longer regarded as sporadic expedients to be resorted to onl y in case s of special need, but cam e to form a n indispensable and normal part of the financial system of the Crown, in peace time as well as in war time. Edwar d I coul d borrow muc h larger sums and mor e frequently than his fathe r ha d bee n able to do , because he manage d to acquir e new source s o f revenue and inspired mor e confidence i n lenders . Edwar d I inaugurate d in 1275 , wit h th e consent o f parliament , a unifie d syste m o f customs , with a per manent dut y o n woo l a s it s chie f feature . Th e custom s wer e henceforth regarde d b y roya l creditor s a s th e mos t acceptabl e security fo r th e repaymen t o f loans . Furthermore , unti l 1296 , Edward I was able, whenever he needed, to secure grants of direct taxes, denie d t o hi s fathe r b y baronia l oppositio n betwee n 123 7 and 1269 . For nearl y eight y years , fro m 127 2 unti l th e middl e o f th e fourteenth century , with onl y a very few interruptions, th e Crown was abl e t o dra w freel y upo n th e resource s o f a successio n o f important lenders . A t firs t mos t of th e mone y came from Italia n merchant companies which included some of the greatest Europea n firms of the time. 2 I n th e earl y years of the reig n o f Edward II I some majo r Englis h lender s als o emerge d int o prominence . Th e period when royal government coul d be financed relatively smoothly with th e hel p o f loans fro m a few grea t merchant s and merchant companies came to a n end in the early years of the Hundred Years ' War. B y 135 1 man y o f th e importan t Englis h financier s wer e ruined o r ha d withdraw n fro m busines s an d th e wa r contribute d to th e failur e between 134 3 an d 134 6 o f th e leadin g Italia n firm s active i n England . I n th e secon d hal f o f th e fourteenth centur y native and foreign merchants , taught by this experience, fought shy of becomin g to o deepl y involve d i n financia l dealing s wit h th e English Crown , an d loan s fro m numerou s smalle r lenders , draw n 1 For a bibliography o n the subject o f loans t o th e English Crow n i n the middl e ages se e E. B . Fryde, ' Materials fo r th e stud y o f Edwar d Ill' s credi t operations , 1327-48 ' (cite d hencefort h as ' Materials'). Bu/!. Inst. Hist. Res. xxii (1949) , 106 , n.i. 2 The Bardi of Florence, whose loan s t o Edwar d II I for m the main subject of this article, possessed in 131 8 total assets of 875,000 florins, equivalent t o at least £131,000 (A. Sapori, La crisi delle composite mercantili dei Bardi e dei Peru^i, Florence, 1926, p. 216).

LOANS TO THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1328-31 I

V 19 9

from all classes of the king's English subjects, assumed an importance which the y had neve r possesse d i n th e firs t hal f o f th e fourteent h century. In tryin g t o assess th e part playe d by loans i n royal finances in the first half o f the fourteent h century and to measur e the burde n that thei r repaymen t and the remuneratio n of the lender s impose d in norma l time s upo n th e resource s o f the Crown , i t ha s prove d desirable to choose a period wit h little or no warfare . Th e choic e has of course to be governed by the availability of sufficient materials to permi t a n exhaustive study. I n bot h thes e respect s the earlies t years of Edward III seem very suitable. A study of royal borrowing during thes e years has, however , a special interes t o f its own . I t can serv e t o illustrat e th e dependenc e of successive Government s on th e Italia n bankers . Th e Bard i ha d bee n lendin g regularl y to Edwar d I I sinc e 131 2 an d thei r well-know n connexio n wit h that kin g le d t o th e sackin g i n 132 6 o f thei r chie f Englis h office b y a mo b o f Londoners . Bu t thei r indispensabilit y wa s recognized b y Roge r Mortime r wh o governe d afte r th e violen t overthrow o f Edwar d II . Whe n ye t anothe r revolutio n i n 133 0 gave personal power to Edward III, h e continued likewise to employ the Bardi . Furthermore , th e earl y years of Edwar d II I wer e th e last period durin g which the system of continuous borrowing fro m a few great lenders functioned normally, before it wa s destroyed by the exorbitant requirement s of Edward Ill's war finance. In orde r t o arrive a t exact figures it is necessary to giv e precis e chronological limit s to this study. A large proportion o f the loans obtained by Edward III in the first decade of his reign was advanced to th e official s o f hi s household . Th e perio d chose n coincide s therefore wit h th e ter m o f offic e o f tw o successiv e keepers of th e king's wardrobe, Richard de Bury, who acte d from 2 1 August 132 8 to 2 3 Septembe r 1329 , an d Thoma s Garto n wh o succeede d hi m and acte d until 1 6 Octobe r I33I. 1 Gap s i n th e materia l available concerning loan s b y th e Bard i i n th e perio d afte r Octobe r 133 1 make it impracticabl e t o continu e our stud y beyond that date. 2 The majorit y o f the loan s advanced in th e year s 1328-3 1 were repaid through payments in cash out of the royal treasury or through assignments on royal revenues; i n each case payment was recorded on the issue rolls of the exchequer of receipt. A few of these loans 1 T. F . Tout , Chapters i n Medieval Administrative History, v i (Manchester , 1933) , 26-7 (quote d hencefort h as Chapters'). 8 There i s at presen t n o trac e o f a n accoun t wit h th e Bard i for th e perio d fro m 4 October 133 1 to 2 4 July 133 4 which had once existed on a separate roll [K.R. Mem. Roll 8 Edw. Ill , E . i j 9/110, Statu s e t Visu s Compotorum, Trinity , m.3d . an d ibid., Commissiones e t Littere Patentes , Trinit y (cf . the note of warranty per rottdum compoti predicti)]. I n 133 9 this account appears to have been kept by the king's remembrancer in baga d e Bardis (K.R . Mem . Rol l 1 3 Edw . Ill , E . 159/115 , Statu s e t Visu s Com potorum, m.id. , view of the account o f Itherius de Concorcto, papa l collector) .

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had previousl y been recorde d als o o n th e receip t roll s a s mutua. In man y instance s th e entrie s o n th e receip t an d issu e roll s may provide th e onl y availabl e recor d o f thes e loans . Suc h entrie s indicate onl y th e amount s len t an d repai d an d th e name s o f th e royal officials o r others wh o received the loans, but d o not giv e the dates o n which the loans were advanced . Thes e date s have t o b e sought fro m th e mandate s and voucher s connecte d wit h th e loan s in question , whic h ar e preserve d i n larg e number s amon g th e warrants fo r issu e o f th e excheque r o f receipt . Thes e documents generally bea r endorsement s o r annotation s providin g cross references t o th e appropriat e entrie s o n th e issu e roll s an d thu s making it quite certai n with wha t transaction s they are connected. 1 In thi s an d othe r way s almost ever y loan recorde d o n th e receipt and issu e roll s ca n b e date d closel y enoug h t o decid e whethe r i t falls withi n ou r perio d o r not ; th e fe w doubtfu l one s hav e been omitted fro m ou r totals . I n th e cas e o f th e loan s b y th e Bardi , those o f their advance s to Edwar d II I whic h ha d no t bee n repaid by October 133 1 were included in an account drawn up at the upper exchequer between the en d o f October 133 1 and 2 0 February 1332, as a result o f one of the periodic reviews of the stat e of the dealings between th e kin g an d th e Florentin e society. 2 W e hav e thu s a complete recor d o f al l loans b y th e Bardi , wh o len t i n thi s period far mor e tha n al l the othe r lender s combined. 3 Ther e i s no suc h certainty abou t loan s fro m othe r lenders . Th e brother s Richard and William d e la Pole of Kingston upon Hull , who ranked next in importance afte r th e Bardi , wer e i n al l probabilit y repai d i n full , in whic h cas e all their loan s ar e recorded o n th e issu e rolls . Th e same is almost certainl y tru e o f th e advance s of Anthony Bache, a Genoese merchan t wh o supplie d th e wardrob e wit h luxurie s an d also mad e some loans. 4 Th e Peruzz i of Florence di d not advanc e 1

For a fulle r accoun t o f th e record s o f th e excheque r o f receip t whic h contai n evidence about loans and of the problems arising in studying them see Fryde,' Materials' Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., xxii and xxiii (194 9 and 1950) . 2 The sources for this account are: K.R . Mem. Roll 4 Edw. Ill, E. 1 5 9/106, Recorda, Easter, m. 2 (vie w o f account , Apri l 1330) , an d ibid, m. i (certificat e sen t t o th e kin g about th e same) ; K.R . Excheque r Account s Various , E . 101/127 , no . 2 7 (view o f account, Apri l 1331) ; E . 101/127 , no. 2 8 (further proceeding s on the same, May 1331 , with addition s of repayments and of loans advanced until October 1331) ; E . 101/127 , no. 1 2 (particular s o f loans , presente d b y th e Bard i i n Octobe r 1331) ; E . 101/127 , no. 2 6 (final account); Receip t and Issue rolls, Michaelmas term 6 Edw. Ill, E. 401/302 and E. 403/259, under 16 March 1332 (enrolment in the exchequer of receipt); Warrants for Issue , Excheque r o f Receip t (mandates) , E . 404/2 , fil e 13 ; K.R . Mem . Rol l 6 Edw. Ill, E. 159/108 , Commissiones et Littere patentes, Hilary, m.id. (letters obligatory to th e Bard i unde r th e excheque r sea l fo r th e amoun t du e a t th e conclusio n o f th e account—the origina l letter s ar e t o b e found i n a n unsorted bo x o f K.R . Excheque r Accounts Various , E . 101/652) . 3 £39>576 ou t o f £45.54 8 (infra). 4 No unrepai d loan s datin g fro m th e perio d 1328-3 1 wer e mentione d b y Bache during bi s accountin g a t th e excheque r i n Jun e 133 3 (K.R . Mem . Rol l 7 Edw. Ill , E. 159/109 , Recorda , Trinity , 111.3).

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1

money to Edwar d II I withi n this period and there is no evidenc e that an y othe r Italia n merchant s did so . W e kno w o f occasiona l loans from variou s English merchants , towns, ecclesiastics, govern ment official s o r othe r roya l subjects and ou r lis t o f the m ma y be incomplete. Loan s fro m thi s typ e o f lende r ar e especiall y likel y to escape discovery. Ther e i s no certainty that all such loans wer e repaid, an d therefor e entere d o n issu e rolls , or tha t the y wer e a t least recorde d o n th e receip t roll s a s mutua i n acknowledgemen t of the royal debt. Wher e repayment did take place, i t migh t hav e been delayed for man y years, so that the relevant entry may lurk on some much later issu e roll . Bu t i t i s unlikel y that th e numbe r of such missin g loan s ca n be large , especiall y as the memorand a roll s and th e chancer y enrolment s coul d b e expecte d t o contai n recor d of a t leas t som e o f them ; besides , loan s o f thi s sor t wer e usually quite small . The supplyin g o f th e king' s wardrob e wit h read y mone y was one o f th e chie f object s o f th e loan s negotiate d b y Edwar d Ill' s government a t thi s time; 2 durin g Carton' s keepershi p loan s amounted t o slightl y les s tha n hal f hi s tota l receipts. 3 B y a n agreement of 22 May 1328 Richard and William de la Pole undertook to advanc e £2 0 a da y fo i th e househol d o n conditio n tha t th e revenue from customs at the majority of harbours was to be assigned to the m in repayment. 4 Thi s contrac t was still in force when Bury took offic e o n 2 1 August 1328 . Betwee n then and 9 February 1329 he receive d fro m th e tw o brother s £ 2 840,5 but , fo r unknow n reasons, payment s stoppe d o n that date ; thei r advance s wer e the n already slightly i n arrears. Fo r som e months ther e wa s no regula r arrangement for supplying the wardrobe, but the Bardi advanced t o Bury £361 4 6s . Sd. fo r th e expense s o f th e king' s visit t o France , 1 E. B. Fryde,' The Deposits of Hugh Despenser the Younger with Italian Bankers ', Efott. Hist. Rev., znd ser. , iii (1951), 347 , n. n. 2 The variou s agreements with lender s t o provid e mone y for th e wardrob e have been discusse d by E. Russell , ' The societies of the Bard i an d the Peruzz i an d their dealings wit h Edwar d III , 1327-4 5 ' i n Finance an d Trade under Edward II I (ed . G . Unwin, Manchester , 1918) , pp . 104-5 ; T . F. Tout , Chapters, i v (Manchester , 1928) , 85-8 and J. H. Johnson, ' The king's wardrobe and household ' in The English Government a t Work, 1327-36, i (Cambridge , Mass., 1940 ) 232 . Ou r mai n purpos e in de scribing thes e agreement s agai n i s t o giv e information abou t the wa y in whic h they were carrie d out. 3 1 £, 7>%79 1 9S- 4^- out of total receipts of £36,326 us. ~i\d. Carton' s total receipts are given by Johnson, op. fit. p. 248. Th e loan s consisted of £16,762 13^ . $d. received by hi m directl y (infra) an d £1,11 7 6s . advanced o n hi s behal f t o other s by th e Bard i (£200 pai d in Pari s for jewel s purchased for Quee n Philippa , Issu e Roll , E . 403/24 9 under 2 2 June 133 0 an d Warrants for Issue , Exchequer o f Receipt, E. 404/4 , no. 10 ; £450 pai d t o envoys , Johnson , op . cit. p . 248 ; £46 7 6s . pai d t o Richar d de Bury , E. 101/127, no- 2 6)*K.R. Mem . Roll 2 Edw . Ill (E . 159/104) , Recorda , Trinity , m.id. ; Cal. Pat. Roils, 1327-30, pp. 301 , 333 , 338; Cal. Close Rolls, 1327-30, pp. 353-4 . Th e repayment of loans advanced under thi s and later agreements will be discussed below . 5 Warrants for Issue , Excheque r o f Receipt , E. 404/489 , no . 56 3 and Issu e Roll , E. 403/249 , under 28 April, z z May , 25 Ma y and 5 June 1330 .

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in May and June 132 9 1 and they paid him £148 at the end of July.2 The financin g o f th e househol d b y th e Bard i wa s regularize d b y an agreemen t o f 1 7 Augus t 13 29* It s term s wer e modelle d o n the earlie r agreemen t wit h th e d e la Poles . Th e Bard i promise d to advanc e £zo a day until i Novembe r 1330 . The y scrupulously fulfilled thei r contract , makin g fairl y regula r payment s a t shor t intervals. Bur y received fro m the m unde r thi s agreemen t £760.* His successo r Garto n receive d £8060 between 2 3 September 132 9 and 3 1 Octobe r I330. 5 Sometim e befor e Jul y 133 0 Garto n als o received fro m th e Bard i an additiona l su m o f £2000, which ha d been originall y intended fo r Joh n of Hainault bu t wa s diverted t o the use of the household. 6 The seizur e o f Roge r Mortime r b y Edward II I o n 1 9 Octobe r 1330 occurre d les s than a fortnight befor e the agreemen t wit h th e Bardi was due to expire . Bu t the new Government wa s equally in need o f thei r help . O n 2 3 October th e Bard i advance d £17 0 t o Edward II I a t Leiceste r 7 an d befor e the kin g lef t Leiceste r o n 2 7 October8 he had concluded with the Bardi a provisional agreement for th e continuatio n o f the regular advance s to th e wardrobe. 9 A formal contrac t on the same terms was concluded in the parliament at Westminster on 2 0 January 1331. 10 I t wa s to b e operative until i Novembe r 133 1 an d b y 1 6 Octobe r 1331 , whe n h e lef t office , Garton receive d unde r its terms £6702 i$s. 4*/.11 Loans connecte d wit h th e diplomati c o r othe r foreig n busines s of the Crow n formed a n important par t o f the advances tha t wer e asked o f the Bardi, amounting a s they did to slightly les s than one third o f the total sum lent by them in the period studie d here. Th e network o f branche s se t u p b y th e Bard i i n al l the leadin g com mercial centre s o f wester n Europ e mad e it natura l tha t th e kin g should turn to them for help in effecting payment s on the continent, 1

Cal. Pal. Rolls, 1327-30, p . 39 0 and E . 101/127 , no - 2 6j Warrant s for Issue , Exchequer o f Receipt , E . 404/489 , no. 38 3 and Issu e Roll , E . 403/246 , unde r 3 , 4, and 6 October 1329 . 2 Warrants fo r Issue , Excheque r o f Receipt , E . 404/489 , no. 38 9 and Issu e Roll , E. 403/246 , under 6, 7 , and 1 9 October 1329 . 3 The indenture of agreement, sealed with the privy seal, is enrolled on K,R. Mem. Roll 4 Edw. Ill, E. 159/106 , Recorda, Easter , m.2 . 4 Issue Roll, E . 403/246 , under 2 8 February an d 5 March 1330 . 6 Issue Roll s betwee n 2 5 April- 1330 an d 1 2 Marc h 133 1 (E . 403 , nos. 249 , 253 , 254); Warrant s fo r Issue , Excheque r of , Receipt, E . 404/490 , nos . 4053 , 406 , 407 , 408, 412, 425 , 605, 610, 616 , 628 , 630, 634, 635, 637, 638. 8 K.R. Excheque r Account Various , E . 101/127 , nos . 2 7 and 26 ; Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1327-30, p. 533 . 7 E. 404/49 0> no . 637. •Letters unde r th e grea t sea l were dated a t Leicester betwee n 2 1 and 2 7 October 1330 (Cal. Close Rolls, 1330-3, passim). 9 The agreemen t at Leiceste r is mentioned in a later agreemen t between the kin g and th e Bardi , Cal, Close Rolls, 1330-3, p. 280. 10 Ibid. pp . 280-1 . 11 IssueRolls between n Apri l and 1 6 December 133 1 (E. 403 , nos. 25 6 and 260); Warrants for Issue , Exchequer o f Receipt, E. 404/490 , nos . 361-4 , 369 , 462-4, 522.

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V 20 3

especially a t Avigno n an d Paris . Furthermore , busines s o f thi s kind often require d sudden and speedy expenditure both in Englan d and abroad, whic h the king migh t no t b e able to defra y ou t o f his own resources. 1 Thu s th e Bard i advance d bot h i n Englan d an d France £3614 6s. %d. for th e expense s of Edward' s visit t o Franc e in May-June 13 29 to render homage to Philip VI2 and they similarly provided £80 0 fo r the king's sudden an d secre t journe y to Franc e in Apri l 133 1 for a meeting wit h th e Frenc h king. 3 Payment s t o royal envoys, both before their departure from England an d abroad, are numerous. Th e mos t importan t o f them wa s the financing of the mission of William de Montague and Bartholomew de Burghersh to Avignon i n 1329-30 , in the course o f which Montagu e was able to communicat e secretl y to th e pop e th e king' s persona l wishes. 4 The Bardi supplied £1318 i6s. 8d. to the two envoys; 6 this include d 1000 marks for the payment of the tribute due to th e pop e from the kingdom o f Englan d (pur k sens d e la terre).* W e fin d th e Bard i paying 10 0 marks in 132 9 to Cardina l Pete r de Monte Selio for tw o years' pension du e to hi m from th e king 7 an d satisfyin g in 133 0 a Paris craftsman , Pete r Galeys , fo r £400 owed him b y th e kin g fo r various articles he had supplied for Queen Philippa on the occasio n of the birth o f Prince Edward. 8 During the period of slightly more than three years studied her e the Bardi are known to have lent to the king at least £39,576 3 J- ^-9 Loans fo r th e maintenanc e o f th e househol d forme d th e larges t item, amountin g to £17,670 13^ . 4^. Th e sum of £11,528 i6s. nd. was spen t o n th e diplomati c busines s o f th e Crow n an d abroad . John of Hainault was paid £5406 6s. yd. in final settlement o f a much larger debt originally owed to him by Edward III.10 Th e remaining £4970 6s. 6d. was needed by the king for a number of miscellaneou s payments, mostly in England. Th e total royal indebtedness t o the 1 Some informatio n illustratin g the importanc e of loan s i n financin g diplomati c activities i s provided by G . P . Cuttino , English Diplomatic Administration, iz}y-i))9 (Oxford, 1940) , pp . 168-70 . Hi s figure s ar e incomplete , bein g derive d solel y fro m accounts of envoys. 2 K.R. Excheque r Accounts Various, E. 101/127 , nos . 2 7 and 26 . Som e o f th e money wa s pai d t o Bur y i n gol d Florentin e florin s (Bury' s accounts , E . 101/384 , no. i , p. 12) . 3 E. 101/127 , nos. 2 7 and 26. 4 For th e circumstances of this mission see Tout, Chapters, iii . 27-8. 6 Ibid, and Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1327-30, p. 513 . Furthe r details are given on K.R. Mem. Roll, E. 159/106 , Recorda, Easter, m.z. 8 E. 101/127 , no- 2 1' Th e Bardi appear als o to have carried out in July 133 3 the last paymen t of the tribute ever made by an English king . (Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1330-4, p. 407 ; Cal. Papal Reg., Papal Letters, 1362-1404, iv . 16. ) Dr . J . R . L. Highfiel d has give n m e much help on thi s subject. 7 E. 101/127 , nos. 2 7 and 26. 8 Ibid, an d E. 404/2 , file 1 0 (petition of Peter Galeys). 9 All the figures in this paragraph are based on the account of the Bardi, E. 101/127 , no. 26 , and on the receip t and issue rolls, unles s otherwise stated. 10 The indenture recording the debt due to him and payments made in its discharge is enrolle d o n K.R . Mem . Roll 2 Edw. Ill, E . 159/104 , m.i3od . (Recorda , Hilary). Gf. Tout, Chapters, iv . 84 , n. 4 .

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S TO THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1328-3 1

Bardi was larger, a s both th e valu e of the commodities supplied b y them fo r th e household s o f th e kin g an d th e quee n an d interes t amounting t o £11,000 mus t be included.1 I n supplyin g clot h and other luxury textiles, jewels and various precious objects , the Bardi were carryin g o n thei r ordinar y mercantile business, which always formed a prominen t par t o f th e activitie s o f thei r society . Th e Bardi had no monopol y o f mercantile dealing s wit h th e court , bu t were only one of several firms, both foreig n and English, supplyin g goods o n credi t t o th e king . Durin g th e thre e year s discussed here th e Bard i supplie d t o th e wardrobe , th e grea t wardrob e and the queen's household, good s valued at £2312 i^s. 5 \d. I n additio n £52 was due to the m as compensatio n fo r thei r woo l seize d at sea by a royal ship . Thi s bring s th e tota l deb t t o them , exclusiv e of interest, t o £42,04 0 ijs. n\d* Wit h interes t added , th e deb t amounted t o £53,040 ijs. \\\d. Richard an d Willia m d e l a Pol e wer e o f importance a s lenders only in the first of the three years covered here, when they advanced £2840 to Bury . Afte r their loan s fo r the royal household cam e to an en d o n 9 Februar y 1329 , the y see m t o hav e withdraw n fo r a while from further extensive credit dealings wit h the Crown. Onl y two further loans by them, amountin g together to £657, are known in 132 9 and I330. 3 The y certainly could not compet e at this perio d on equa l term s wit h th e Bard i an d perhap s thei r resource s wer e becoming exhausted. 4 Th e cessatio n o f loan s by de la Poles does not appea r t o hav e bee n du e t o politica l causes. 5 Al l throug h 1329 an d 133 0 th e d e l a Pol e brother s wer e graduall y securin g repayment o f thei r previou s advances. 6 I n Jul y 133 1 w e find , however, Willia m d e la Pole agai n contractin g to provide £84 0 for the househol d o f Quee n Philippa. 7 A ' gift' o f 200 0 mark s was made to d e la Poles i n Novembe r 1527* bu t ther e i s n o evidenc e of furthe r ' * gifts ' t o the m durin g th e perio d studie d here . 1

Infra. This doe s no t includ e separat e loan s b y th e Bard i t o Quee n Philippa . He r order, o n 2 5 November 1331 , t o al l her bailiff s t o sen d al l the mone y in thei r hand s to Londo n fo r paymen t t o th e Bardi , suggest s a quit e considerabl e deb t (Chancer y Miscellanea, C . 47/9/58 m.5, a roll of letters of Queen Philippa) . 3 Issue Roll s unde r 2 2 May 132 9 (E. 403/243 ) and under 6 June 133 0 (E. 403/249). 4 In a division o f their joint assets made in July 1331 , Richard's shar e was fixed at £3208. Printe d i n Ch . Frost , Notices relative t o th e early history o f th e town an d port of Hull (London, 1827) , Appendix, pp . 39-40 . 5 Contrary t o th e suggestio n o f Tout , Chapters, iv . 86-7 . Tou t postdate d th e replacement o f the d e la Poles b y the Bard i t o th e fall o f Roger Mortimer . I t seems doubtful whethe r replacement of Richar d de l a Pol e i n th e offic e o f king' s butle r b y Arnold Micha l in Februar y 1331 , fou r month s after th e overthro w o f Mortimer, wa s connected with this revolution. Th e de la Poles dealt consistently with every Government in turn ; i n 1322- 3 they were willing to bu y wool an d lead valued at £227 fro m the propertie s o f th e ear l o f Lancaster , confiscate d b y Edwar d I I (E . 358/1 5 m.i6 , Enrolled Account s for th e land s o f th e Contrariants , account of Roge r Bellers). 6 Infra. 7 Cal. Pat. RO//S, 13)0-4, p . 157 . 6 Cal. Pat.RO//S, ij2/-jo, p . 190. Fo r further discussion of such ' gifts' see below. z

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The remainin g lender s wer e unimportant . Anthon y Bach e of Genoa wa s mor e prominen t a s a deale r i n textiles, supplyin g th e household wit h costl y luxuries, than as a moneylender. Onl y fou r loans, amountin g togethe r t o £857 , ar e recorde d unde r hi s nam e on th e receip t an d issu e rolls i n Jul y I33I. 1 Th e cit y of Londo n lent £100 0 t o Bur y before 1 7 Ma y 1329, 2 probably fo r th e king' s visit to France, for which a number of religious houses was likewise asked to contribute loans . Th e royal letter of privy seal addressin g this reques t t o th e abbo t o f Westminster aske d for £10 0 an d thi s amount wa s advanced. 3 Th e abbot s o f St . Mary' s Yor k an d Fountains an d th e prio r o f Ogbourne , administerin g th e Englis h properties of the abbey of Bee, likewise lent £100 each.4 Th e abbo t of Westminste r subsequentl y claime d tha t i n orde r t o rais e th e necessary mone y h e ha d bee n force d t o borro w fro m merchant s a grant meschief* Th e abbo t o f St. Mary's York made the payment through th e Bardi , wh o kep t th e letter s obligator y unde r th e exchequer seal promising the repayment of this debt, and the money was subsequently repaid to the Bardi.6 Th e abbots o f Westminster and Fountain s wer e als o ultimately repaid b y the king, 7 bu t ther e is n o evidenc e o f an y roya l payment t o th e prio r o f Ogbourne . The Londoner s wer e promptl y repaid. 8 Joh n an d Nichola s d e Ellerker, burgesse s o f Newcastle-on-Tyne , len t 20 0 mark s i n February 133 0 t o th e roya l chambe r a t Berwick ; the y wer e no t repaid unti l I335- 9 Gawanu s de Southorp, th e maste r moneye r at the king' s min t a t Londo n an d th e king' s goldsmith , i s credite d by the receipt rol l with a loan of £84 ioj. on 9 May 1330 for which he was not satisfie d until the summer of I337. 10 The total sum raised by the Crown from lenders between August 1328 and Octobe r 133 1 amounted t o £45,54 8 os. zd. Thes e loan s were not distribute d evenl y in time. Durin g th e yea r between 2 1 1

Receipt Roll , E. 401/299 , under 1 3 Jul y 133 1 and Issue Roll , E. 403/256 , under 16 July 1331. 2 Issue Roll, E. 403/243 , under 1 7 May 132 9 and Bury's account, K.R. Exchequer Accounts Various, E. 101/384 , no. i, p. id. 3 Ancient Correspondence, S.C. 1/45 , nos . 21 3 an d 214 . Th e king' s reques t wa s made sur son . . . aler vers les parties de France. 4 Receipt Roll, E. 401/285 , under 19 May, 7 June, 6 and 24 July 1329 ; K.R . Mem. Roll 3 Edw. Ill, E. 159/105 , Commissiones et Littere Patentes, m.io (Easter). 6 Ancient Correspondence, S.C. 1/45 , no. 214 . * Warrants for Issue, Exchequer of Receipt, E. 404/2, file 10; Issu e Roll, E. 403/249, under 3 July 1330 . 7 Issue Roll, E. 403/254 , under 31 January 133 1 and Warrants for Issue, Exchequer of Receipt , E. 404/509 , no . 13 7 (abbo t of Fountains) , Issue Roll , E . 403/260 , unde r 24 February 133 2 (abbot of Westminster). 8 Issue Roll, E . 403/243 , under 1 7 May 1329 . •Issue Roll , E . 403/254 , unde r 1 5 Decembe r 133 0 an d T.R . Ancien t Deeds , E. 43/643. 10 Receipt Roll , E . 401/291 , unde r 9 Ma y 1330 . Fo r Southorp' s position see A. Beardwood, ' The roya l mint s an d exchanges ' i n The English Government a t Work, 1)27-56, ii i (Cambridge, Mass., 1950), 42.

IV 20 6 LOAN

S TO THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1328-3 1

August 132 8 an d 1 7 August 1329 , th e dat e of th e agreemen t wit h the Bardi for financing the household, loans totalled £12,512 13^ . id . Nearly one-thir d o f thi s sum , £401 4 6j- . %d., wa s neede d fo r th e king's journey to Franc e in May-June 1329 . Joh n of Hainault and the coun t o f Julier s receive d £2300 . A t th e exchequer' s request the Bard i paid £1260 du e t o Roge r Mortimer , ear l o f March, for his sta y wit h th e kin g betwee n 28 December 132 8 an d 1 7 January 1329, during the civil war with the earl of Lancaster; ver y appositely they wer e to b e partly repai d ou t o f an assignment o n a fine that bishop Stratfor d o f Winchester, a leading Lancastria n partisan, had been force d t o pay. 1 £10 0 o f the earl' s annua l fee were likewise paid b y th e Bardi, 2 an d the y repai d Bury' s debenture , date d 10 Decembe r 1328 , fo r 50 0 mark s du e t o Ear l Warenn e fo r hi s stay wit h th e king. 3 Th e largenes s o f th e su m suggest s con siderable retinu e an d Warenne' s presenc e a t cour t wit h hi s me n may have been connected with the disturbed political situation in the autumn of 1 3 28. Direc t loan s to the household amounted to £3988. During th e followin g yea r an d tw o month s fro m 1 7 Augus t 1329 to Mortimer's overthro w o n 1 9 October 133 0 the total amount borrowed ros e t o .£19,45 3 5^ . 6d . Th e household' s shar e of loans increased t o £10,28 3 & s- 8 ^- Th e politica l event s o f thi s perio d are reflected i n a payment o f £200 by the Bardi to the earl of Ken t in France, b y order o f the kin g and Queen Isabella, 4 and in a loan of £1000 from th e Bardi to pay a royal gift t o Mortimer's daughter on her marriag e t o a son of the Earl Marshal. 6 Joh n o f Hainault and the count of Juliers received £3706 6s. yd. Variou s embassies to Franc e claime d £1865 9.1- . 4^. The first year of Edward's persona l rule until Carton's retirement on 1 6 October 133 1 witnessed som e fall in borrowing . Th e year' s total wa s £13,58 2 ILT. , ou t o f whic h th e househol d receive d £7372 I3/ . ^d. Th e Bard i provided £86 7 i6j \ %d. for th e cost s of the king' s visi t t o Franc e i n Apri l 1331 , advancin g som e o f it, a t any rate , i n France. 6 Variou s mission s t o France , Avignon , an d the Netherlands require d loan s totallin g £294 2 zs . lod. and Otho, lord o f Cuy k i n Brabant , wa s paid 10 0 mark s by th e Bardi . N o loans wer e needed t o make payments of a ' political' characte r to English magnates. A s in the previous years, miscellaneous advances to pay for royal purchases, to discharge the Crown's debts to various 1

Issue Roll s unde r 2 8 February 132 9 (E . 403/240 ) an d 1 4 Decembe r 133 0 (E . 403/246); Warrant s for Issue , Excheque r o f Receipt, E . 404/500 , nos. 17 7 and 178 . 2 Issue Roll , E . 403/243 , under 9 June 1329 . 3 K.R. Excheque r Account s Various , E . 101/127 , no . 26 ; Warrant s fo r Issue , Exchequer o f Receipt , E . 404/500 , nos . 246-8 ; Ca l Pat. Rolls, 1327-30, p. 342. 4 K.R. Exchequer Accounts Various, E. 101/127 , no. 27 and Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1327-30, p. 520. 5 K.R. Exchequer Accounts Various, E. 101/127 , no. 27 and Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1327-30, p. 502. 6 K.R. Excheque r Account s Various , E . 101/127 , no . 27.

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V 20 7

persons, t o pa y messengers , visitor s t o th e court , officials , &c. , account for the rest of the year's total of loans. In th e early years o f Edward Ill's reign revenu e from custom s provided th e chie f securit y fo r th e repaymen t o f loans . Th e customs constitute d th e larges t singl e sourc e of roya l income and they were always being levied. 1 Lender s preferred assignment s on customs to other methods of repayment not onl y because they were more likely to b e speedily satisfied fro m thi s sourc e than from an y other, but als o because the method o f collecting th e customs made it especiall y easy for th e credito r t o ensur e that th e entir e amoun t levied was paid out to him. Whe n the whole revenue from customs at a harbour was assigned to a royal creditor he was usually allowed to kee p half th e custom s seal , s o that n o expor t coul d tak e plac e without hi s knowledg e an d concurrence. 2 Th e agreemen t o f 22 May 132 8 with th e d e la Poles, by which the y obliged themselve s to provid e £20 a day for th e household, stipulate d that the y were to receiv e the revenu e from th e custom s at all the mai n east coast harbours 3 and, when the Bardi undertook in August 132 9 to take over th e financin g o f the household , th e custom s at all these harbours, with the exception of Kingston upon Hull, were transferred to them. 4 Th e d e l a Pole s wer e allowe d t o retai n for th e tim e being the revenue from customs at Kingston upon Hull and to hold it until the entire royal debt to them was repaid.5 Th e subsequent agreements with th e Bard i for financing the househol d confirme d their control of the revenue from customs and extended it to include Kingston upon Hull as well as part of the customs at Southampto n and othe r sout h coas t ports. 6 Throughou t thi s perio d variou s other loan s b y the Bard i were likewise being repai d b y additiona l assignments on custom s at various harbours . The revenu e fro m custom s fluctuate d i n 1329-3 2 betwee n £i 2,000 and £14,000,' totalling therefore a little less than the average annual debt to the king's creditors . Bu t the revenue from customs was never available in its entiret y for payment s to th e d e l a Pole s and the Bardi, as several persons were entitled to a n annual fee out of the custom s 8 and the kin g not infrequentl y repaid other debts , 1 The importance of the customs is well stressed by J. R. Strayer in his introduction to The English Government a t Work 1327-36, ii. 5-7 , 27-31 . 2 The assignment s o n th e custom s at thi s perio d ar e discusse d b y M . H . Mills , ' The collectors o f customs ', ibid. pp. 192-4. 3 K.R. Mem. Roll 2 Edw. Ill, E. 159/104 , Recorda , Trinity , m.id . 4 K.R. Mem. Roll 4 Edw. Ill, E. 159/106 , Recorda, Easter , m.2 . 5 Ibid. • Cal. Close Rails, 1330-3, pp. 280-1 . 7 Strayer, op. tit. p. 5 and n. 9; M . H. Mills, c The collectors of customs', ibid. p. 188. 8 Thus i n th e agreemen t o f 1 7 Augus t 132 9 betwee n th e Bard i and th e kin g the merchants ha d t o agre e to th e deductio n from th e custom s in thei r hands of annual fees totallin g £1,66 0 du e t o Joh n o f Hainault , coun t o f Juliers , John , of Florence , John d e Berners , Willia m Chamberlain , an d Gerar d d e Pote s (E . 159/106 , Recorda , Easter, m.2) . Th e sam e payments , wit h th e exceptio n o f 50 0 marks t o Joh n o f Florence, were chargeable upon th e custom s in 133 1 (Cal. Close Rolls, 1330-3, p. 280).

IV 20 8 LOAN

S TO THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1328-3 1

such as , for example , th e mone y due t o variou s Gasco n creditors , out o f the same source.1 Th e custom s tended, in fact, t o b e over charged wit h assignments . When , followin g th e agreemen t wit h the d e la Poles i n Ma y 1328 , the excheque r wa s directe d t o mak e the necessar y assignment s a t Newcastle-on-Tyne , Hartlepool , Ravenspur, Kingston upon Hull, Boston, Lynn, Yarmouth, Ipswich, and London , th e baron s o f th e exchequer , whil e complyin g wit h the roya l order , recorde d tha t the y ha d inspecte d th e custom s accounts fo r th e precedin g perio d an d ha d examine d th e existin g assignments on them, of which large sums still remained to be paid, and tha t i t clearl y appeare d quod iidem exitus ultra assignations predictas per annum proximo futurum vix sufficiunt ad dictas expensas hospitii faciendas? I t i s no t surprisin g tha t repaymen t was usuall y very gradual. Bu t there i s no doubt that th e customs formed th e mainstay o f th e syste m o f regula r credi t dealings , withou t whic h the roya l governmen t coul d no t hav e bee n finance d smoothly . £3497 len t b y th e d e l a Pole s durin g th e perio d her e studie d was repaid entirel y ou t o f customs, while out o f £39,576 $s. 6d. lent b y the Bardi , a t leas t £17,90 6 6s . 6^d. wa s repai d fro m th e sam e source.3 Every kin d o f roya l revenu e might a t time s b e use d t o repa y loans. W e fin d th e Bard i bein g assigne d £93 8 IQJ- . ou t o f th e proceeds o f the sal e of surplus roya l victuals, 4 £189 13^ . -jd. ou t o f the revenue s o f land s i n th e king' s custod y b y confiscatio n o r otherwise,5 £3 78 14^. 5^. out of a fine imposed upon Bishop Stratford of Wincheste r i n 132 9 6 an d £18 5 15.1- . 6d . ou t o f th e mone y du e from variou s sherifl s an d th e citizen s o f York. 7 £73 3 6s . So 1. available in Gascony out of a larger sum sent over by the king fro m England wa s receive d b y th e Bardi, 8 wh o als o secure d 10,00 0 marks ou t o f the grea t windfal l o f 30,00 0 marks that th e Scottis h king had agreed t o pa y by the terms o f the peace treaty with Eng land.9 Finally , som e payment s wer e mad e t o th e Bard i i n cash , directly out o f the treasury. The proceed s o f direc t taxatio n forme d th e ultimat e roya l reserve. Ever y fe w year s the kin g wa s able t o secur e a gran t o f lay or ecclesiastical subsidy, often th e two together, an d this usually 1

E.g. Cal. Close Rails, 1330-3, p. 280. K.R. Mem. Roll 2 Edw. Ill, E. 159/104 , Recorda , Trinity, m.id . 3 These total s o f payment s and assignment s out o f custom s are base d o n figure s on th e issue rolls. 4 Issue Rolls, E . 403/246 , under 1 4 December 132 9 and 2 5 January 1330. 5 Issue Roll, E. 403/246 , under 6 October, 6 and 1 0 November 1329, and 5 March 1330. * Issue Roll, E . 403/240 , under 28 February 1329 . 7 Issue Rolls, E. 403/243 , under 9 June 132 9 and E 403/246, under 3 and 21 October, 2 an d 7 December 1329 . 8 K.R. Excheque r Accounts Various, E. 101/127 , nos . 2 7 and 26. 9 Ibid, an d Cal. Close Rolls, 1327-30, p. 470 , Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1330-4, p. 1 1 and Cal. Close Rolls, 1330-3, p. 109 . 2

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V 20 9

sufficed t o discharge the king's outstanding liabilities to his creditors as wel l a s t o provid e securit y fo r furthe r advances . Fou r la y subsidies were granted to Edward III durin g the first decade of his reign in 1327 , 1332 , 1334 , and 1336 . Togethe r the y yielded about £i 35,000.* Th e clerg y granted to Edwar d tenth s on ecclesiastical property in 1327 , 1334 , and 133 6 ; betwee n 133 0 and 133 3 he also shared i n taxe s impose d upo n th e Englis h clerg y b y th e pope . These clerica l taxe s yielde d abou t £90,00 0 t o Edwar d III. 2 Th e loans contracte d during th e firs t yea r o f Edwar d Ill's reig n wer e partly repaid out o f the lay twentieth an d the clerical tenth grante d to th e Crow n in I327. 3 Whil e n o furthe r gran t wa s made by th e laity unti l 1332 , Edwar d II I wa s able to enjo y fro m 133 0 t o 133 3 the moiety of four ecclesiastical tenths which the pope had conceded to hi m i n Januar y 1330. * Th e proceed s were forthwith assigne d to the Bardi5 and by the end of October 133 1 they received £17,000, representing th e king's share of the tenths fo r the first two years. 6 All loans to th e Englis h Crown , with the possible exceptio n of some loans from non-professiona l Englis h lenders , can be assumed to hav e normall y born e interes t i n thi s perio d o r t o hav e bee n otherwise remunerated . Fo r example , th e agreemen t o f Januar y 1331 with the Bard i stipulated that * the kin g will have regard both to th e su m of mone y thu s pai d o r t o b e pai d . . . and to th e damages an d expenses sustained . .. b y reason o f this servic e '.7 The compensation chiefl y too k th e form o f 'gifts ' o f money, for which roya l letters obligator y wer e given t o th e lender s an d thes e * gifts' wer e treate d a s par t o f th e aggregat e deb t owe d b y th e king.8 Th e * gifts' concede d t o th e Bard i in connexio n wit h th e advances made by them during the three years studied here totalle d £i 1,000. O n a total deb t o f £42,000 this amount s to a rate of 26 per cent . Mos t o f the evidence is too incomplet e or too imprecise to permit estimates of the rate of interest on particular loans. Th e first gif t t o th e Bardi , o f £2000, wa s made at Canterbur y in 1329 , shortly afte r th e king' s retur n fro m hi s visi t t o Franc e an d wa s intended t o compensat e the m fo r thei r advance s o n thi s occasio n 1 My total, based on J. F. Willard, Parliamentary Taxes on Personal Property, 1290-1554 (Cambridge, Mass., 1934) , pp . 343-5 . A secon d subsidy , grante d i n th e autum n o f 1336, has been omitte d a s it wa s collected onl y in 133 7 an d belong s t o th e perio d of the French war . 8 My total, base d on W. E. Lunt , ' The collectors o f clerical subsidies granted to the king by the English clerg y ' in The English Government at Work, 1)27-)6, ii. 227-32. 8 The payment s to roya l creditors ou t o f th e twentiet h of 132 7 ar e discussed by J. F . Willard, ' The Crown and its creditors, 1327-3 3 ', ante, xlii (1927) , 12-19 . Se e also for furthe r example s Cal. Close RO//S, 1327-30, pp. 195 , 311 . * Lunt, /of. fit. pp . 228-9 . 6 Cal. Pat. RoJ/s, 1)^0-4, p. n. * Ibid. p. 19 4 and K.R. Excheque r Account s Various , E . 101/127 , no. 26. 7 Cal. Close Ro/is, i)}0-), p . 280. * For a fuller account of this method of remunerating lenders see Fryde,' Materials ', (1949). PP- "8-20, 133-5.

IV 21 0 LOAN

S TO THE ENGLISH CROWN, 1328-31

as well as for som e earlier loans. 1 A yea r later, in Ma y 1330 , th e king grante d to th e Bardi £4000 for loan s othe r tha n th e advances to th e househol d an d in compensatio n fo r th e delay s in payments promised t o them , whic h ha d bee n postpone d thre e times. 2 Tw o gifts, on e o f £100 0 i n Decembe r 133 0 an d th e othe r o f £200 0 i n March 1331 , were conceded i n connexion wit h £5406 paid to Joh n of Hainault an d with loan s t o th e household whic h wer e advanced between 1 7 Augus t 132 9 an d i Novembe r I330, 3 an d whic h ar e known t o hav e totalle d £8820 . Thi s woul d amoun t t o a rat e of 21 pe r cent. , thoug h actuall y i t wa s somewhat smaller , a s certain other unspecifie d loan s wer e als o included . A gif t o f £1000 , granted t o th e Bard i in Octobe r 1331 , form s the las t item in thei r account for the three years ending in October 1 3 31.4 Th e auditing of thi s accoun t wa s complete d o n 2 0 February 133 2 an d o n tha t day th e Bard i wer e grante d letter s obligator y fo r £749 3 13^ . <)\d. still du e t o them; 5 simultaneousl y they receive d a further gif t o f £10006 whic h ma y hav e bee n mad e i n compensatio n fo r thi s outstanding debt . A lende r coul d expec t t o benefi t fro m th e roya l gifts mad e t o him onl y afte r h e had entirel y recovere d hi s ow n advances. Th e story of Edward Ill's account wit h .the Bardi for the years 1328-31 shows tha t i n norma l times importan t lender s coul d secur e repayment o f thei r advances , and o f som e par t o f th e interes t a s well , without to o lon g a delay . B y Octobe r 133 1 th e Bard i ha d bee n repaid al l the loans mad e during the preceding thre e years and also £2506 6s . z^d. o f interest; th e remainin g deb t o f £749 3 i$s. y\d. consisted entirel y o f interest. I t is true that the actua l deb t owe d to the m a t tha t tim e ma y have bee n somewha t large r tha n thes e figures would suggest. I n accounting wit h creditor s the exchequer always treate d assignment s o n roya l revenue s a s i f the y wer e accomplished payment s and i t i s possibl e tha t som e of th e assign ments previousl y grante d t o th e Bard i ma y no t hav e bee n full y executed b y tha t date . Bu t i f paymen t o f assigne d sum s was no t seriously i n arrears, this would mea n that in this particular cas e the Bardi had manage d to cas h a substantial amount of interest. The y may hav e receive d enoug h interes t t o cove r a t leas t a part , an d possibly eve n th e whole , o f the overhea d expense s of all the Bard i establishments i n Englan d durin g thes e thre e years . Thi s woul d 1

K.R. Exchequer Accounts Various, E. 101/127, no- 27 and Cal. Pat.Rolls, 1327-30, P- 395 2 E. 101/127 , no. 2 7 and Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1327-30, pp. 520-21 . 3 E. 101/127 , no. 2 7 and Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1330-4, pp. 29 , 96. 4 E. 101/127 , no. 2 7 and Cal. Pat. Rolls, 1330-4, p. 193 . 5 K.R. Mem . Rol l 6 Edw . Ill , E . 159/108 , Commissione s e t Litter e Patentes , Hilary, m.id. •Warrants fo r Issue , Excheque r o f Receipt , E . 404/2 , fil e 1 3 (mandat e t o th e treasurer and chamberlains t o pa y this gift).

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V 21 1

make more profitable th e considerabl e amount o f private business , both mercantil e an d financial , transacte d b y th e Bard i i n thi s country. A regula r syste m o f borrowing , a s i t functione d i n th e firs t decade of the reign o f Edward III, conferre d upo n the king a much greater degre e o f freedom i n financial matters than h e coul d hav e otherwise possessed . I t mad e him independen t o f the delay s and irregularities i n th e collectio n o f th e ordinar y roya l revenu e an d ensured a steady suppl y o f mone y fo r th e essentia l governmenta l services an d institutions . Necessar y payment s coul d b e mad e without dela y and an y unexpected requirements , eve n whe n quit e considerable, coul d be met without muc h regard t o the state of the royal finances at the time. Bu t this did not exhaus t the advantages of the system. Muc h of the borrowing represente d onl y an antici pation o f th e king' s ordinar y revenue . Bu t Edwar d II I wa s achieving mor e than that; h e had found a practicable way of livin g regularly beyon d hi s ordinar y resources , o f increasin g the m b y some thousand s o f pounds eac h year , i n th e anticipatio n o f som e future gran t o f extraordinar y revenues , k y o r clerica l taxes , tha t would wip e ou t th e accumulate d surplu s debt . Th e syste m o f regular borrowin g mad e it easier for England t o sustain th e role of a grea t powe r whic h th e ambition s o f Englis h king s an d thei r possession o f continenta l dominion s impose d upo n thi s country : it mus t b e take n int o accoun t amon g th e factors tha t encourage d Edward II I t o embar k upo n hi s Scottis h adventur e and that late r made him ready to fac e wa r with France. Regula r borrowing als o conferred upo n th e kin g a muc h greate r freedo m i n everyda y administration an d perhap s als o i n bargainin g wit h th e assemblie s of magnates, commons and clergy. Bu t the whole system depended for it s proper functioning o n the king's capacity to collaborate wit h parliament an d ecclesiastica l convocations . Regula r borrowin g was a costl y device , involvin g a heavy interes t charge . I t serve d to increase in the long run the king's financial dependence upon the support o f his subjects in parliament an d convocation .

v PARLIAMENT AN D THE FRENCH WAR , 1336-40 In th e absenc e of th e roll s of parliament from 133 4 t o th e au tumn of 1339, the parliamentary history of those years is regrettabl y obscure.1 Yet important proceeding s di d tak e plac e i n parliament s and great councils during this period. Representative assemblies were repeatedly consulte d abou t Edwar d m's dealings wit h Scotlan d an d France. I t will be one of my objectives t o sho w tha t parliamentar y support wa s carefull y secure d by Edwar d for hi s wa r wit h France . The need, after 1336 , for continuou s and unusuall y heavy taxation inevitably increase d th e importanc e o f th e commons . Whe n th e existing series o f parliament rolls does restart in October 1339 , th e commons appear as leaders in the resistanc e to a speedy concession of further money grants. A tax-grant offere d b y the magnates had to be postponed becaus e the members of the commons present o n this occasion declare d themselve s insufficientl y qualifie d t o giv e thei r assent. They requeste d the king to summon another parliament . A s far a s is known, the knights an d burgesses had never done this kind of thin g befor e and thei r actio n effectivel y delaye d a tax-grant fo r another six months. Their resentment at the unusually heavy burdens imposed upo n th e kingdo m wa s couple d wit h a deman d fo r th e redress of a multitude of serious grievances.2 It was not a sudden and 1 There is one exception to this. A common petition o f an uncertain date, with a roya l repl y t o it , is edite d b y H. G . Richardson an d G . Sayles, i n Rotuli Parliamentorum Anglie Hactenus Inediti, MCCLXXIX-MCCCLXIH (Cam den jrd ser. LI, 1935), pp. 268-72. They probably form par t of the record s of the parliamen t o f Marc h 1337 (se e infra fo r a fulle r discussion ) and would , in this case , hav e bee n presumabl y enrolle d o n the parliamen t rol l fo r tha t assembly. Al l reference s t o unpublishe d source s ar e t o document s i n th e Public Recor d Offi'c e i n London , unles s otherwis e stated . I ow e thank s t o my wife for much help. 2 Rotuli Parliamentorum, n, pp. 104-5.

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25 1

unexpected stor m bu t th e culminatio n of complaint s and protest s voiced in a number of earlier assemblies, echoes of which have survived in various classes of records. I shall try t o reassemble here this scattered evidence . Th e piecin g togethe r o f a fulle r recor d o f th e parliamentary proceeding s during thi s initia l phas e o f the Hundre d Years' War may contribute to a better understanding of the internal crisis i n Englan d i n 1340-4 1 on whic h th e writing s o f Professo r Bertie Wilkinson have thrown so much valuable light.3 On the eve of the war with France in 1336-37, Edward in and his advisers wer e well awar e of th e interna l disturbance s provoke d i n England b y th e earlie r Anglo-Frenc h conflicts . Among a large collection o f memorand a o n Anglo-Frenc h relation s datin g fro m th e first decade of his reign, there are several documents drawing attention to such dangers.4 Not all of this is good history,5 but they convey clearly the government's anxiety to avoid the errors of the past. The longest of those documents recalls the complaints made to the council of Edwar d i by his subjects about the burdens imposed upon the m and consequent injury done to their ancient franchises and customs. In the opinion of the author of the memorandum, if Edward i had not provided suitabl e remedies , a civil war might have resulted, suc h as had occurre d in the reign of his father, Kin g Henry.6 As Englan d drifted graduall y into wa r wit h Franc e in 1336-38 , there were repeated consultations with parliamentary assemblies at each stag e o f th e slowl y developin g conflict; th e kin g wa s tryin g in thi s wa y t o anticipat e an d diminis h th e interna l trouble s tha t had hampered his ancestors in wartime. Edward's capacity to secure adequate financia l suppor t fo r hi s Frenc h ventur e wa s boun d t o depend, to som e extent, on the amoun t of consen t he coul d secure beforehand fo r tha t wa r fro m bot h th e lord s and th e commons. Several reliabl e texts explicitly record that th e actua l decision to start the war had been taken by an assembly including both lords and 3 Cf . "The Protest of th e Earl s of Arundel an d Surre y in th e Crisi s o f 1341, " EHR, XLV I (1931) , 181-93 ; Studies i n th e Constitutional History o f th e Thirteenth an d Fourteenth Centuries (Manchester , 1937), especially sectio n m (pp. 55ff.); Constitutional History o f Medieval England 1216-1399 (13071399); n, chap. 5, pp. i76ff., "The Crisis of 1341." 4 Chanc . misc. , C.47/28/5 , nos . 17, 18 , 36 , 41 , 44 , 50 ; 047/28/9 , no . 2 ; C.47/30/7, no. 9. 5 On e memorandu m (C.47/28/5 , no. 17 ) links th e arbitratio n o f Loui s i x i n 1264 with the stirring of rebellion that followed in England, which singularl y misrepresents that king's motives. 6 C.47/28/5 , no. 36.

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commons. One ver y clear statement to thi s effec t occur s in the rol l of the parliament of 1343-7 On iMay 1343 Bartholomew Burghersh requested on the king's behalf that the lords and the commons debate in thei r separat e assemblies whether negotiations fo r peac e should be started . He explaine d that i t wa s th e king' s wis h t o see k thei r consent t o measures that migh t end the hostilities a s "this war had been undertake n b y th e commo n assen t o f th e prelates , magnate s and commons/' 8 It is not, however, certain which particular assemblies wer e consulted about th e reall y vita l decision s and a patient survey of all the relevant meeting s is, therefore, desirable . Two grea t council s i n th e summe r an d autum n o f 133 6 were apparently concerne d wit h Anglo-Frenc h relations . Th e first , hel d at Northampton in June and consistin g onl y o f magnates and prelates, sanctione d the sendin g of a solemn embassy to Philip vi. We learn about this decision fro m the writs summonin g anothe r assem bly to Nottingham fo r 23 September.9 On this occasion knights an d burgesses were also present and the failur e of the negotiations wit h France was presumabl y one o f th e mai n subject s discussed , a s th e meeting was held some weeks after th e return of the royal envoys.10 More decisive consultations took place in the parliament of March 1337. Originall y summone d for 1 3 Januar y to York , it wa s twic e prorogued before assemblin g on 3 March at Westminster, in order, so the royal writs said, to sit nearer the source of the perils that were threatening th e kingdom. 11 In the course of its sessio n th e king be stowed a dukedom on his eldest son, created six new earldoms, an d lavished grant s o f land s an d franchise s on numerou s magnates. I t was th e mos t spectacular of a series o f measure s taken by Edward m in 1337-38 to enlist the support of the magnates for his policies. About a month afte r th e conclusio n o f thi s parliament , th e vitall y important embass y of Henry Burghersh, bishop o f Lincoln, and th e earls of Huntingdon an d Salisbur y lef t fo r th e Netherland s t o procure allies on the continent.12 It is worth noting that in a subsequent 7 Rot. Part, n, p. 136. 8 Fo r other evidence see below. g Reports from the Lords Committees touching the Dignity of a Peer of the Realm (1829), iv, pp. 460-1. 10 Th e embassy, headed by the bishops o f Durham an d Winchester, wa s away from lat e Jul y to th e beginnin g o f September : cf . L . Mirot an d E . Deprez , Les ambassades anglaises pendant l a Guerre d e Cent An s (Paris , 1900) , p. 14. 11 Peerage Report, iv, p. 470. 12 E . Deprez, Le s preliminaires d e l a Guerre de Cent An s (Paris , 1902) , pp . I 5 2ff.

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letter of privy seal, sent from Antwerp in July 1338, the king asserte d that he had been advised by the lords and the commons to seek these alliances.13 He was clearly referring, in part at least, to the delibera tions of this very parliament of March 1337. Th e treaties concluded by the embassy of bishop Burghersh in the late spring of 1337 wer e to determine the pattern of the English strategy on the continent until 1340. Th e envoy s als o carrie d wit h the m instruction s fo r furthe r negotiations wit h th e kin g o f Franc e "accordin g t o a for m agree d upon in parliament/'14 obviously i n March 1337 . When a great council of prelates and magnates met on 30 May at Stamford it was commanded by the king to continue its deliberation s until new s should arriv e from th e envoy s who were abroad. 15 The preliminary agreemen t fo r settin g u p a n Englis h woo l company , which promised to finance the continental war, was concluded in the course of this session at Stamford.16 A second great council was summoned for 21 July at Westminster t o hear a full report of the achieve ments o f th e bisho p o f Lincol n an d hi s fello w envoys . O n thi s occasion th e previous agreemen t with th e wool merchants wa s confirmed b y a large r an d mor e representativ e assembl y o f Englis h business men. 17 Yet another great council, attended this time also by the commons , was ordered to assembl e a t Westminste r a t th e en d of Septembe r t o sanctio n arrangement s fo r th e defenc e an d goo d government o f th e real m durin g th e king' s projecte d absenc e abroad.18 I t mad e the unusuall y generous grant o f thre e fifteenth s and tenth s sprea d ove r 1337-4O, 19 which provide d on e of th e bes t securities for the contraction of loans during those years. On 7 October 1337, a few days after the departure of the commons, Edward in formally asserted his title to the crown of France.20 In December th e furthe r progres s o f the wa r wa s suspende d b y the arriva l i n England of two cardinals entruste d by th e pop e wit h the mission of securing a truce. They arrived probably a t the begin ning o f tha t month. 21 The kin g consulte d prelates an d magnates . 13 Ibid., p. 418.

14 Gasco n roll, €.61/49, m. 22V: "aut pads tractatus ... iuxta formam concordi e in parliamento nostro nuper inde facte" (letter of 24 June 1337). 15 Ancien t Correspondence, S.C.i/45, no. 229 (i June 1337). 16 E . B. Fryde, The Wool Accounts of William de la Pole (York, 1964), p. 5, n.i6. 17 Peerage Report, iv, p. 475; Fryde in History, n.s., xxxvn (1952) , 11-14. 18 Peerage Report, iv, p. 479. 19 Se e infra, p . 257. 2 0 Deprez, Preliminaires, pp. 171-2. 21 On 2 December accordin g t o a documen t i n Brit . Mus. ms . Royal 1 2 D xi, £.18. Thi s i s a formular y compile d b y someon e wit h read y acces s t o th e register o f Archbishop John Stratford and t o the record s of the chancery .

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The cardinals were told, in Edward's presence, that his subjects had previously offered i n full parliament to defend his kingdom and seek his rights . Therefore , h e an d hi s councillor s did no t dar e t o decide upon a truce of any length without consulting with the magnates and the commons of the land. A fresh parliamen t would have to be summoned fo r thi s purpose. 22 I n a forma l lette r t o th e cardinals , o f 2 4 December, the king informed them of the decisio n to summo n par liament fo r 3 Februar y 133 8 an d explaine d tha t th e nee d t o refe r matters of suc h importanc e t o parliament wa s a laudable custo m of his kingdom . A t th e sam e tim e th e cardinal s wer e notifie d tha t a temporary truc e wa s to be in operatio n fro m 2 2 December 133 7 t o i March 1338. 23 Perhaps Edward , in this instance, made suc h grea t pla y wit h th e need t o submi t th e issu e o f war o r peac e to parliamen t becaus e he wanted t o gai n tim e for consultin g th e roya l envoy s abroa d abou t the wisdom of concluding a prolonged truce . They assure d th e king that thi s would destroy the continental grand alliance against France that ha d bee n s o laboriously create d i n th e cours e of 1 3 3/.24 Thei r advice was accepted. We have the king's own version of the proceedings at the February parliament in a letter he addressed to the council on 24 July 1338.25 We are told that th e continuation of the war was upheld an d th e continenta l alliance s wer e confirme d by th e assen t of al l the magnates an d other s presen t i n parliament. Th e king wa s urged to hasten hi s expedition oversea s an d all those present, unanimously an d o f thei r ow n fre e will , provide d th e require d financia l aid, pledgin g themselve s t o giv e i n futur e othe r suppor t necessar y for th e succes s o f the king's venture. Thi s rosy pictur e o f generou s financial ai d is somewhat a t variance with the facts, 26 bu t th e policy of war was undoubtedly upheld b y this parliament . There i s thu s evidenc e o f consultatio n abou t th e Frenc h wa r i n most of the assemblie s held afte r Ma y 1336 . Bu t the rea l quality of 22 Chanc . misc., 047/32/18 (a confidential message t o the roya l envoys in th e Netherlands). 23 Rymer , Foedera (Recor d Commissio n ed., 1821), u, ii, p. 1007. The truce was notified t o th e senescha l of Gascon y on 2 2 December (Ancient Correspondence, S.C.i/45, no. 232) and the warrant to the chancellor to summon parliament, but withou t specifying its business, is dated on the sam e day (Chanc. warrants, 081/240, no. 10.493). 24 Th e king' s message s to Bisho p Burghersh and th e othe r envoy s and thei r replies are copied in Chanc. misc., C.47/32/18. 25 Deprez , Preliminates, p. 418. 26 Se e infra, pp . 260-1.

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all these discussions nowher e emerge s very clearly. Were the magnates an d common s ever allowe d t o debat e seriousl y th e issue s of peace an d wa r o r di d Edwar d in merel y see k fro m the m a purel y formal consent for policies already settled beforehand in the narrow circle of the king's closest advisers? It is a pertinent questio n because all these consultations di d not ensure enduring support for the war. By th e autum n o f 1339 , when thing s wer e obviousl y goin g badl y both in the Netherlands and in Scotland, while burdens were mounting a t home, it prove d impossible to secur e quickly fresh supplie s from parliament. To understand better the crisis of October 1339 w e must review in some detail the complaints voiced in the earlier assemblies about the financial requirements of the crown and about other burdens imposed upon the country. One basic feature of the financial situation was the fixed yield of the taxes on movables. Since 13343 fifteenth an d tent h assessed o n movable property amounte d to around £38,000 ; largely for politica l reasons it could not be made to produce a bigger sum. 27 The origins of this arrangement only in part went back to 1334, fo r it was a subject of further debat e in 133 6 and , perhaps , in 133 7 a s well. Th e fifteent h an d tent h grante d b y parliamen t i n 133 4 ha d been assessed in a peculiar way, designed to avoid the flagrant abuses connected with the earlie r taxes. An exceptionally reliable group of collectors was appointed an d they were instructed t o negotiate wit h particular localities about the amoun t each village was prepared t o pay. The resulting tax charges were thus, for the first time, assesse d on localities, not o n persons, and apparentl y eac h village was the n left t o collec t its quot a by method s o f it s ow n choice . I t coul d be assumed tha t a particularl y fai r assessmen t ha d bee n achieve d i n 1334.28 When a direct tax was next demanded in the parliament o f March 1336, th e king, in response allegedly to the requests of the magnates , knights, and burgesses, agreed that the new grant should be identical with what had been levied in 1334. I f we accept this official version , derived from th e preamble to the commissions of the chief taxers, 29 the initiativ e fo r perpetuatin g thi s chang e cam e fro m parliament . 27 J . F. Willard, "The Taxe s upon Movables o f the Reig n of Edward m," EHR, xxx (1915), 69-74. The amounts assessed o n each county from 133 4 onward s are tabulated o n p. 73. 28 Ibid, an d Willard , Parliamentary Taxes o n Personal Property, 129 0 t o 133 4 (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), pp. 5-6. 29 King' s Remembrancer Memorand a rol l £.159/112 , recorda, Easter, m. 40.

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When a fres h gran t was secure d in Septembe r 1336, it wa s agai n ordered to be levied on the assessment of 1334.30 One feature of the new arrangements was that the old rules about the exemptio n of th e poore r person s disappeared . I n 133 2 n o on e possessing less than ics. worth of taxable goods was to contribute to a fifteenth, whil e the taxabl e minimum for the urban taxpayers , paying a tenth, was 6s.31 From 1334 onward s it was left t o the men of eac h locality to decid e who shoul d contribut e to th e fixed quota for which their village was liable. There was henceforth a possibility that the burden might be spread more widely over most of the inha bitants, includin g many poorer men who had enjoye d exemption in the past. This certainly happened in Kent in the case of the first wartime taxes of 1338-39.32 The greater oppressivenes s o f the ne w ar rangements ma y hel p t o accoun t fo r th e exceptiona l difficultie s experienced by th e collector s of the fifteenth s an d tenths i n 1339 33 4o. While th e ide a of a fixed assessmen t was apparentl y accepted by parliaments afte r 1336 , o n on e subsequen t occasion , possibl y i n March 1337 , th e common s petitioned tha t th e over-al l tota l o f th e tax should b e lowered, so that th e su m exacted by th e king shoul d correspond to the somewhat lighter ta x of 1332.34 Edward m's reply 30 K.R . Mem . R. , £.159/113 , 111.14 6 (commission s o f th e chie f taxer s o f 1 6 December 1336). 31 Willard , Parliamentary Taxes, p. 88. 32 C . W. Chalklin and H. A. Hanley, "The Ken t Lay Subsidy of 1334-5," Kent Archaeological Society, Records Branch, xvni (1964) , p . 5 8 (whil e 11,01 6 persons contribute d i n 1334 , som e 17,000 wer e taxe d i n 1338) ; K.R . Exch. subsidies, £.179/123/14 (extensio n o f the levy in 1339 t o taxpayers to o poor to pay more than 5d . or 6d., compared wit h th e minimum o f 8d. in 1332). 33 Se e infra, p . 264. 34 Richardso n and Sayles , Rot. Parl. Hactenus Inediti, pp. 269-70 . Both a dat e in March 1337, suggeste d by me, and a date i n February 1339, preferre d by Richardson and Sayles, raise som e chronological difficulties . The statement s that th e petitio n o f th e common s wa s presente d o n th e eight h da y o f th e parliament (p . 268) and that it was answered o n Thursday i n the first week of Len t (p . 270) cannot be reconcile d with wha t i s otherwis e know n o f th e chronology o f eithe r o f th e tw o assemblies . Th e resultan t conflict s o f evi dence ar e somewha t greate r i f th e hypothesi s o f Richardso n an d Sayle s i s accepted ( I owe thanks to Si r Goronwy Edwards for advic e o n this point) . The case for 133 7 mus t res t entirel y o n the content s o f the commons ' peti tion. Ther e i s n o obviou s referenc e in i t t o an y event s afte r Marc h 1337 , while al l its statement s ar e compatibl e with wha t i s known o f the happen ings u p t o thi s date . I t i s mos t improbabl e tha t a petitio n presente d afte r 1337 coul d hav e treate d th e hostilitie s agains t Scotlan d a s th e mai n wa r waged b y th e kin g (pp . 268-9) . Th e lac k o f al l reference s t o th e king' s absence fro m th e countr y an d t o th e counci l governin g i n hi s plac e als o points to 1337 rather than 1339 .

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was completel y evasive.35 I f ou r datin g o f thi s inciden t i s correct , there may be some connection between this request and the negotia tions pursued by the government in September 1337 with the indivi dual count y court s fo r separat e grant s fro m eac h shire. 36 I t i s impossible to offe r an y other adequate explanation for the adoptio n of suc h an exceptional procedure. Some counties are known to have offered sums of money, differing slightly from the amounts that they normally contribute d t o th e fifteenth s an d tenth s an d somewha t smaller i n mos t cases. 37 Thes e loca l grant s wer e supersede d soo n afterwards b y th e concessio n of three fifteenth s an d tenth s b y th e parliament whic h me t o n 2 6 Septembe r 1337. The assessmen t o f 1334 was again adhered to. The levy was intended to be spread over the perio d fro m Octobe r 133 7 to Februar y 134O. 38 It s collectio n occasioned seriou s difficultie s i n severa l countie s i n th e cours e of 1339-40.39 It was natural for an English king in the first half of the fourteent h century to base his hopes for the financing of a continental coalition o n the exploitatio n o f th e woo l trade. One wa y o f doin g i t wa s t o increase th e dutie s o n exporte d wool. A heavy subsidy , ove r an d abov e the traditional "ancient custom" of 6s. 8d. per sack, was bound t o b e unpopula r wit h th e woo l producers. They justifiabl y feared tha t the merchants might use it as an excuse for purchasing woo l in Englan d at lower prices. But th e increase d duty on wool formed a n indispensabl e par t of Edward's plans for financin g th e wa r i n 1337: i t was meant to provide the security for the loans that he wished t o contrac t in the Netherlands from the English Wool Company which he was specially creating fo r this purpose . It was as a preparator y measur e for th e woo l scheme that a merchant assembly, sittin g a t Nottingha m i n Septembe r 1336, agreed to a n additiona l subsid y of 2os . per sack. 40 Their meeting coincided with the sessio n of a great 3 5 Ibid., pp. 271-2. 3 6 J. F. Willard, "Edwar d ni's Negotiations fo r a Grant," EHR, xxi (1906), 72731 . The difficultie s inherent in trying t o make loca l grant s b y individual count y court s binding o n everybody are discussed by J. G. Edwards, "Taxatio n and Consent i n the Court o f Common Pleas, 1338," EHR, LVI I (1942) , 47382. ill's Negotiations," 729; L.T.R. enrol37 or a few figures cf. Willard, "Edward le d ace . (subsidies) , £.359/14, m.27v (£1,05 1 received in Northamptonshire) . 3 8 Commission s o f th e chie f taxer s date d 6 Octobe r 133 7 (K.R. Mem . R., £.159/114 , m.i73). 3 9 Se e infra, p . 264. 4 0 A s an embargo o n wool export had bee n in operation sinc e 1 2 August 1336 (Calendar o f Close Rolls, 1333-37, P- 700), the ne w rates of duty began t o b e applie d onl y i n th e autum n o f 1337. They wer e notified t o th e collector s of

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council a t Nottingham , bu t th e grantin g o f th e ne w subsid y wa s always attribute d i n th e officia l record s t o th e merchan t assembl y and to no one else.41 There is nothing to show that the magnates and commons present a t th e great counci l were consulted. Her e lay th e seeds o f a futur e conflic t betwee n th e kin g an d th e parliamen t o f October 1339.42 One of the most immediate and effectiv e concession s wo n by th e parliament of October 1339 concerned purveyance.43 This royal right to buy supplies on credit for the king's household became in wartime a sourc e o f ruinous exactions. Its applicatio n wa s then extende d to providing continuousl y fo r th e need s o f a chai n o f garrison s i n Scotland an d it was also employed on several occasions to feed an d equip entire armie s an d fleets. While ordinary taxation was always based on some kind of assessment relate d to the means of each taxpayer, the seizures of supplies by purveyors tended to be quite arbitrary. They ofte n spare d the mor e influential person s and too k in stead an excessive proportion of the goods belonging to unimportant and poorer people. In theory everything was supposed to be paid fo r but thes e promises were often carrie d out very slowly and, in some cases, no payment was ever made. Thus purveyance was inherentl y oppressive b y its very nature, but matter s were made far worse by the abuses to which it gave rise. In the period here studied, it proved quite impossible t o devise som e effective mean s of control ove r th e royal purveyor s o r to audi t thei r account s properly . Betwee n 1336 and 1339 purveyance became apparently th e mos t execrate d of al l the burdens thrus t upo n th e population: i t coul d and did seriousl y impoverish individual s an d migh t eve n caus e complet e rui n o f particular persons.44 customs b y writs of 26 July 1337 (Cat Close R., 1337-39, P- 97)- By asubsequent agreemen t betwee n th e kin g an d th e Englis h woo l merchants , concluded o n 4 May 1338 (K.R. Mem. R. , £.159/117, recorda , Easte r t., m.i2), the subsidy payable by Englishmen was raised to 335. 4d. per sack. The total duty, includin g bot h th e Ancien t Custo m an d th e ne w subsidy , wa s thu s increased to 405. per sack. The government also decided that the correspond ing aggregate rat e for alien s was t o be 635. 4d. per sack . These ne w rates of duty cam e into operation a t various harbour s "b y th e orde r o f the council " in the course of June-July 1338 (L.T.R. enrolled ace., customs, £.356/5,111.4.). 41 E.g . Cal Close R., 1337-39, p . 9 7 (2 6 July 1337): the gran t o f th e subsid y "made by the merchants of the realm at Nottingham. " 42 Rot. Parl., ii, p. 104. 43 Se e infra, p . 266. 44 Thi s summary of the effect s o f purveyance i s based o n a considerable bod y of evidenc e which I intend t o discuss in more detail i n a future publication .

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The undate d commons 7 petition , whic h I incline t o attribut e t o March 1337, was much concerned with purveyance . I n article one , after requestin g the confirmatio n o f th e Grea t Charte r an d o f th e other charters and statutes, the petitioners go on to specify i n particular the statutes enacted about purveyors.45 In a subsequent article they affir m tha t nobod y was obliged by la w to contribut e supplie s except of his own free will and demand the cancellation of the current commissions to purveyors "because no free man ought to be assessed or taxed without the common consent of parliament."46 If our datin g of this petition is correct, the commons were especially invoking th e observance of a statute of 1331, re-enacted in 1336, under which purveyors guilt y o f imprope r conduc t wer e liabl e t o b e hange d a s thieves.47 The king's answer was completely evasive. If our petition was indeed presented in March 1337, Edward continued to ignore its main request that purveyance should cease to be used for supplyin g armies and fleets. On 2 4 March, a few days after th e conclusion of the parliament , hi s governmen t issued fres h commission s fo r th e purveyance o f supplie s for th e force s destine d fo r Gascony. 48 Th e government would have to be in a much greater fear o f the parlia mentary opposition, befor e it would accept the alternativ e policy of raising al l the needed supplies through purchase by merchants. Thi s happened ultimately only in October 1339. The sam e petitio n als o containe d request s tha t th e governmen t should bea r th e cos t of equippin g the men-at-arm s summone d fo r military service under commissions of arra y an d that it shoul d pa y the wages of the arrayed soldiers before they set out to join the king's forces.49 Thes e were intractable problems and n o satisfactor y comThe main source s used are: (i) Accounts of the purveyors i n L.T.R. miscellaneous ace. , £.358/1 and £.358/2 and th e particular s fo r th e sam e amon g K.R. exchequer ace. various (£.101), especially the account s of the tw o chief receivers William Dunstable and William Wallingford, whose arrest ha d t o be ordere d i n 1339 (£.101/20/7, £.101/20/13, £.101/21/4, £.101/21/40). (2) Records o f inquirie s hel d i n 1339-40 , especiall y £.101/21/38 , £.101/21/39 , E.ioi/22/i, £.101/22/4 and £.101/35/4. (3) Records of inquiries held in 1341 on assiz e roll s (Just . Itin. i), especially th e rol l fo r Lincolnshir e (no . 521). (4) Numerou s record s o f proceeding s befor e th e excheque r o n th e Memo randa rolls for 1338-41. 45 Richardso n and Sayles, Rot. Parl. Hactenus Inediti, p. 268. 46 Ibid., p. 269. 47 T . F. T. Plucknett, "Parliament," in The English Government at Work, 132736" (Cambridge, Mass., 1940), i, pp. 117-9. 48 L . T. R . miscellaneous ace. , £.358/2, mm. 5 , 33v. (appointment o f Stephe n le Blount on 24 March 1337 and subsidiary commissions t o sheriffs) . 49 Richardso n and Sayles, Rot. Parl. Hactenus Inediti, p. 269.

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promise solutio n was found for several more years.50 The parliament of March 1337 was perhaps actin g in response t o this petition whe n it tried to settle temporaril y on e of the issues raised in it: a n agree ment was reached that th e cost of the men-at-arms shoul d b e born e by landowner s havin g propert y wort h annuall y 405 . or more. 51 The long-ter m prospect s fo r financin g the wa r wer e greatl y im proved b y th e grant fo r thre e year s o f fifteenths an d tenths by th e great council or parliament52 that sat from 26 September to 4 October 1337. A t tha t tim e th e Englis h Woo l Compan y als o seeme d t o b e successfully launched. The government may have thought it unlikely that fresh parliaments woul d be needed fo r quite a while. The time may have seemed ripe for a survey of the prerogative financial right s of th e crown , whic h wa s sur e t o b e unpopula r wit h th e group s usually represented in parliament. A few days after th e dismissal of the commons, orders were sent to hold inquiries into the revenue due from th e chattel s o f felons and fugitive s whic h had bee n neglected for severa l years. 53 The king als o bethought himself o f his righ t t o levy a scutage for th e Scottish campaign of 1327, as the feuda l levy had been called out on this occasion. 54 All these projects were put in jeopardy b y fres h development s i n th e cours e o f December . Th e papal requests for a truce compelled Edward to convoke a parliament for 3 February 1338. Worse still, the royal envoys abroad had quarrelled with th e leader s of the Englis h Wool Compan y and th e kin g found himself in the position of having to seek a fresh parliamentary grant t o compensat e him fo r th e collaps e of th e woo l scheme. 55 He secured th e permissio n t o lev y a force d loa n i n wool, 56 bu t ha d t o agree to the suspension of inquiries into the chattels of criminals and 50 Th e most recent discussion is to be found in M. Powicke, Military Obligation in Medieval England (Oxford, 1962), chap. 10, pp. iSzff., and in H. J. Hewitt, The Organisation o f Wa r under Edward HI , 1338-6 2 (Manchester , 1966) , chap. 2, especially pp. 40-2. 51 K.R . Mem. R., £.159/113, m.i^. 52 Bot h terms were used i n th e officia l records ; cf. Handbook o f British Chronology (2nd . ed., 1961), p. 520. 53 Wri t o f 6 October 1337 , discussed b y G . O . Sayle s i n Select Cases i n th e Court o f King's Bench (Selde n Soc., vol. 74 , 1957), iv, p. Ixvi ; E. 137/216/2. 54 Commission s t o levy scutage o f 10-12 October 1337; Calendar of Fine Rolls, 1337-47* PP- 52-555 E . B. Fryde, "Edwar d ill' s Woo l Monopol y o f 1337, " History, n.s. , xxxvn (1952), 24. 56 Thi s loan i s discusse d i n chapte r 3 of my D.Phil, thesis, "Edward ill' s Wa r Finance, 1337-41" (Oxford, 1947, in the Bodleian Library) .

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to th e abandonmen t o f th e scutage , befor e tha t ta x ha d begu n t o yield an y revenue. 57 The relevan t roya l mandates, dated o n 15 and 16 February, explicitly refe r to parliamentary petition s on these mat ters. The king proclaimed his readiness to renounce these prerogative revenues in vie w of th e gran t mad e to hi m b y parliament. 58 Ther e had obviously been some tough bargaining. The forced loan in wool, known as the levy of the moiety of wool, soon proved a lamentable failure. I t was left t o a great council summoned t o Northampto n fo r 2 6 July 1338 , te n day s afte r Edward' s departure from England, to devise a fresh wool grant. Both magnates and common s were present an d the y accepte d a properl y assesse d tax in wool, which turne d ou t t o be a success. 59 But other financia l proposals arouse d hostil e comment s fro m th e magnates . Shortl y before his departure overseas Edward in had promulgated at Walto n an ordinance regulating the governmen t of the kingdo m during his absence.60 Amon g other thing s i t inaugurate d a polic y of financial stringency that challenged many of the established usages. At Northampton th e magnate s absolutel y refuse d t o giv e thei r consen t t o a royal injunction that debts due to the king should henceforth be collected integrall y an d tha t al l payment s o f debt s b y instalment s should cease while the current financial difficultie s lasted . According to a report sen t subsequentl y to the king by hi s councillors in England, the magnates ha d declared tha t payments b y instalments ha d been allowed sinc e time immemorial and wer e a part o f the custo m of th e kingdom . Suc h things coul d not an d shoul d no t b e change d 57 Pip e Roll , £.372/183,01.15 (enrolled account s fo r the scutage) . 58 K.R . Mem . R. , £.159/114 , m.68 v. (chattel s o f criminals) ; H . M . Chew , "Scutage i n th e Fourteent h Century, " EHR, xxxvin , (1923) , 39-4 0 an d th e sources ther e quoted; K.R . Mem. R. , £.159/114, mm.49, i3oy (instruction s t o the exchequer about the scutage an d the resultant measures) . 59 A writ o f i August, notifying th e exchequer , expressl y attribute s th e grant to th e prelates , magnates, an d communit y o f th e kingdo m presen t i n th e council a t Northampto n (K.R . Mem. R. , £.159/115, m.i8 v). This ta x i s dis cussed in chapter 4 of my thesis, supra, n.^6. Some concession s were secured in return fo r the grant. The taking of tin by royal agents in Devon an d Cornwall was stopped and an order was issued for the restitution of the tin seized since May 1338 (treat y roll , C.76/12, m.i7; Cal. Close R., 1337-39, P- 449)60 Th e best edition of the "Walton ordinances" is in T. F. Tout, Chapters i n the Administrative History o f Mediaeval England (Manchester , 1928) , in , pp . 143-50. Hi s discussio n o f the m (pp . 69-80 ) need s revisio n an d doe s no t supersede th e mor e detaile d accoun t i n D . Hughes , A Study o f Social and Constitutional Tendencies i n th e Early "Years o f Edward III (London , 1915) , chap. 4.

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without the assent of the magnates and that had to be given in parliament.61 The council at home had no desire to take any action in thi s matter, but wa s compelle d to d o s o a yea r late r b y a roya l orde r issued fro m Antwer p on 6 May ijjg. 62 Al l existin g payment s b y instalments were cancelled and the king expecte d to receive abroad the additiona l fund s accruin g fro m th e promp t collectio n o f th e entire debts due to him. Officials i n England were also forbidden t o sanction new payments by instalments notwithstanding an y custom to the contrary. Th e royal order was, indeed, unrealistic a s his councillors in England pointed out. It was not i n practice likely t o yield any mor e revenu e sinc e th e mai n beneficiarie s o f th e existin g ar rangements were magnates whom it wa s impossible t o distrai n fo r debts.63 O n 5 Septembe r 133 9 Edwar d at lon g las t gav e way an d recalled his forme r orders . H e abandone d a t th e sam e time several other injunction s containe d i n th e ordinance s o f Walto n an d th e order o f 6 Ma y 1339. 64 H e wa s presumabl y alread y awar e tha t another parliamen t had been summoned by writ s date d 2 5 August and it was becoming impolitic to enforce measures that were arousing so much resistance among influential people. A parliament held during the first half o f February 1339 appear s to have been convoked mainly to make provision for th e defence of the coasta l area s agains t th e Frenc h raid s o r a possibl e full-scal e invasion.65 It i s most improbable that an y fres h gran t o f taxes was requested b y th e governmen t o n thi s occasio n an d certainl y non e was granted. But it gave men a chance to voice their grievances. On 12 February , whil e parliamen t wa s stil l i n session , th e excheque r appointed a commissio n to enquir e into th e misdoing s o f Willia m 61 Parl . and council proc., C.49/file 7/7 ( a royal message and the council's reply , probably in May, 1339). Ther e is a brief reference to this i n Tout, Chapters, m, p. 92 and it is discussed by Hughes, Social and Constitutional Tendencies, pp. 68-9. 62 Rymer , Foedera, pp. 1080-1; K.R. Mem. R., £.159/115,01.267 with a marginal heading "D e assignacionibus , respectibus , debiti s e t attenninacionibu s re vocatis." 63 Ther e is a n usefu l recen t discussio n o f th e prolonge d debat e betwee n th e king abroa d an d th e counci l a t hom e abou t fisca l policie s i n G . L. Harriss , 'The Commons' Petitions of 1340," EHR, LXXVIII (1963), 631-5. 64 K.R . Mem. R., £.159/116, m.12 (noted by Harriss, "The Commons ' Petitions," 635). The messag e wa s brought bac k t o Englan d b y Joh n Thorp , wh o was sent t o th e Netherland s b y th e counci l i n Augus t 133 9 (h e was abroa d o n i September, £.404/493/146). The exchequer received these new instructions on iOctober. 65 J . R . Lumby , ed . Chronicon Henrici Knighton (Roll s Ser. , 1895) , n, p . 3 ; Hewitt, The Organisation of War, chap, i; treaty roll, 076/14, mm.i6-i4.

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Dunstable "o n clamorou s informatio n o f divers e me n o f York shire/'66 It may be significant that one of the commissioners, Willia m Scargill, was sitting as knight of the shire fo r Yorkshire in that very parliament o f Februar y 1339- 67 Willia m Dunstabl e ha d bee n i n trouble before . His activities a s the chie f receive r o f victuals nort h of th e Thames since October 1336 wer e ended on 10 August 1338. 68 The council in England ordered his arrest by a letter dated at Northampton on 28 July and a more general mandate was sent by the king from Antwerp, dated 3 August, ordering the seizure of William, hi s brother Thomas , an d their deputies , an d appointing commissioner s who were to receiv e complaints agains t them. 69 B y February 133 9 William an d his associate s were also facing charge s of having con cealed and sold for their own benefit goods destined for the king, and William was trying to shift al l the blame on to his forme r agents. 70 But other purveyors, guilty of similar malpractices, continued to act until October 1339 . The perio d o f Edward' s absenc e abroad (Jul y 1338 t o February 1340) was a time of increasing economic depression in this country. Chroniclers mentio n severa l sign s o f distres s an d thro w ligh t o n some o f th e causes . A n anonymou s poem , whic h mos t probabl y dates fro m 1338-39 , contain s particularl y illuminatin g comment s because the author expresses the grievances and bewilderment of the common people. 71 Privat e estat e account s an d variou s classe s o f 66 K.R . Mem. R. , £.159/115 , m.8 : "e x informacion e clamos a diversoru m d e predicto comitatu Ebor." 67 A . Gooder , "Th e Parliamentar y Representatio n o f th e Count y o f York , 1258-1832," ("Yorkshire Archaeological Soc., Recor d Ser . xci , 1935 ) I , pp . 79-81. Scargill ha d held ever y kind o f office i n his native county, thoug h h e was never a sheriff . 68 K.R . exch. ace . various , £.101/21/4 . Fo r othe r account s o f Dunstabl e se e references supra n.44 69 Calendar o f Patent Rolls, 1338-40, p. 14 5 and chanc . warrants , 081/248, no. 11274. 70 €.81/251 , no. 11516. 71 The best edition is in I. S. T. Aspin, "Anglo-Norman Politica l Songs," AngloNorman Text Society (1953), xi, 105-15. She suggested a time between 133 7 and 1340 , bu t wa s unable t o dat e th e poe m mor e precisely . It wa s written during th e absenc e o f a young kin g an d hi s arm y overseas . Thi s rule s ou t the dat e o f 1297-98 , formerl y suggeste d b y T . Wrigh t (ibid., 105) . Th e references t o taxes make it clear that it could have been written only durin g Edward's first continental expedition : there is mention o f the fifteenth s yea r after yea r an d o f concurren t woo l levies . A poet writin g a t th e tim e o f Edward's secon d expedition (June-November 1340) woul d presumably have referred t o the very peculiar ninth of 1340. Onl y a wool levy was being col lected i n 1342-43 (the Breton expedition) an d the mentio n o f the collectio n

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exchequer record s provid e corroborativ e informatio n abou t price s of food. Lastly there is the evidence of the tax records suggesting that there wer e excessive delays in payments, 72 which would b e readil y intelligible in a time of economi c stagnation an d mountin g popula r anxiety about the worsening situation . The harvests o f 1336,1337, and 133 8 ha d al l been good, the last two quit e outstanding. 73 I n norma l time s thi s woul d hav e bee n highly welcome , but i n 1338-3 9 th e resultan t lo w price s o f food stuffs74 wer e bein g depresse d stil l furthe r b y heav y taxatio n an d other roya l exactions . Th e declin e in th e purchasin g powe r o f th e population was so considerable that economic activity was becoming seriously discouraged . On e chronicle r speak s o f "suc h plent y o f goods an d scarcity o f money that a quarter of wheat wa s fetching a t London [only ] tw o shillings , an d a fat o x half a mark. 75 Th e well informed contemporar y Adam Murimut h attribute d th e lo w price s not to the special abundance o f corn, but to the lack of money.76 The poem describe s graphicall y a deflationar y situation . 'Ther e i s a desperate shortag e of cash among the people. At marke t the buyer s are s o few that i n fac t a man ca n do no business, althoug h h e ma y have clot h o r corn, pigs or shee p t o sell becaus e s o many ar e destitute/' The passage occur s in th e middl e of impassioned complaint s against excessiv e taxation. Th e autho r claime d that becaus e "no w the fifteenth run s in England year afte r year " men were driven int o much hardshi p t o rais e th e necessar y mone y "an d commo n peopl e must sel l their cows, their utensil s an d eve n clothing." 77 There ha d of th e fifteenths year after year fits the 1336-40 period better tha n th e tim e of Edward' s next expedition in 1346-47 . There wer e no furthe r woo l levies after 1347 . Nothin g i n th e poe m i s incompatibl e wit h a dat e o f 1338-39. I owe thanks to Professor E. Miller for first drawing my attention to this poem. 72 K.R . and L.T.R. Mem. R., 13-15 Edwar d in, views and audits of accounts (th e sections of "visus et status compotorum"), passim; Chanc.misc. C-47/87/4/30 and Cat Close R., 1359-41, pp. 175-6 (Jul y 1339). 73 J . Titov, "Evidence o f weather in th e accoun t rolls of th e bishopri c of Win chester," Econ. Hist. R., and. ser., xn (1960), 363,394-6. 74 J . E. Thorold Rogers, A History o f Agriculture and Prices i n England, n, pp. 106-9; M . M . Posta n an d J . Titov , "Heriot s an d Price s o n Wincheste r Manors," Econ. Hist. R., 2nd. ser., xi (1959) , table facing p . 410; K.R . Exch. extents and inquisitions, £.143/11/1, nos. 2iff. (inquisition s post mortem on Thomas, ear l o f Norfol k in th e autum n o f 1338) . Fo r purveyors ' account s which contain abundant evidence about prices see supra n.44 75 J . R. Lumby, ed., Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden (Roll s Series, 1883) , vni, p. 334 (under 1339). 76 E . M . Thompson , ed. , Adae Murimuth Continuatio Chronicarum (Roll s Series, 1889), p. 89. 77 Aspin , "Anglo-Norman Political Songs," 109,111,112-3 [stanzas 3 and 14],

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been very heavy rains in the autumn of 1338 followe d by intense and prolonged col d s o tha t th e groun d remaine d covered with ic e fo r about twelv e weeks. By the sprin g o f 133 9 i t becam e abundantl y clear that th e crops sown in the previous autumn had suffere d grea t damage.78 This was bound to increase the anxiety of the populatio n about the future and presumably increased men's reluctance to spend money. Murimut h implies this whe n he note s tha t th e ba d winte r was not followe d by a rise in prices. 79 A rise occurre d onl y i n th e autumn of 1339 whe n men found themselves short of seed for sow ing.80 The parliament of October 1339 assemble d at a time when men were ful l o f bitterness abou t the curren t conditions an d wer e filled with eve n gloomier forebodings about th e future . In preparation fo r th e ne w meeting of parliament summone d fo r 13 October, Edward in authorized his representatives i n England to offer valuabl e concession s t o hi s peopl e i n retur n fo r a n expecte d grant o f taxes. 81 Various prerogative rights o f th e crow n could b e bargained away in exchange for fines of money. On the proffered list of possibl e concession s ther e figure d a number o f royal claim s that had arouse d oppositio n durin g th e precedin g years , includin g th e scutage an d th e revenu e fro m th e chattel s o f felon s an d fugitives . But nothing was said about the more fundamental grievances of both lords and commons and th e inadequacy of royal offers became plain very rapidly. iThe magnate s demande d th e abolitio n o f th e highe r dutie s o n exported woo l and a binding pledg e tha t the y woul d no t b e levie d again. Th e common s concurred in th e deman d fo r a retur n t o th e normal pre-war ancient custo m of 6s. 8d. per sac k an d pointed ou t that th e rat e o f dut y had bee n raise d withou t th e assen t o f eithe r the magnates or of "la Commune/ 782 The unsatisfactory state of th e 'ool trad e i n 133 9 ma y hav e aggravate d the sens e o f grievanc e against th e hig h duties . Exemption s from th e paymen t o f th e cus s in favou r o f the roya l creditor s were so common in 1338-39 that onl y thos e wh o ha d the m coul d hop e t o mak e appreciabl e profits. The non-privileged exporters were at a grave disadvantage.83 78 Murimuth , Continuatio Chronicarum, pp . 88-9 . Th e sever e winte r als o mentioned by Higden, Polychronicon, p. 334. 79 Murimuth , Continuatio Chronicarum, p. 89. 80 Ibid., p. 89, n-3 (an addition foun d in two of the surviving manuscripts). 1 Rymer , Foedera, p. 1091 (2 6 and 2 7 September). 2 Rot. Parl., n, pp. 104 (no. 5) and 105 (no. 13). 3 Fryde , Some Business Transactions of York Merchants 1336-49 (York, 1966), . 7-8 .

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Their pligh t wa s made worse by th e stead y decline in th e pric e of wool abroad, because of the vast stocks thrown o n the foreign market by Edward in and the magnates serving with him in the Netherlands. Sale s a t a los s di d no t vitall y matte r t o th e kin g an d hi s followers a s lon g a s the y receive d enoug h t o maintai n themselve s abroad, bu t th e prospect s o f th e ordinar y exporter s wer e greatl y depressed thereby.84 The outcr y agains t purveyanc e cam e t o a hea d i n th e Octobe r parliament wher e the commons demanded that unless the purveyors paid fo r wha t the y took , the y shoul d b e arreste d an d treate d a s breakers o f the king's peace. It wa s subsequentl y agreed in parlia ment that the commission o f William Wallingford an d all the othe r commissions t o purve y victual s shoul d b e cancelle d forthwith. 85 Wallingford cease d to act on 15 October,86 two days after th e open ing of parliament. He was a clerk of the king's household87 and had been acting since July 1338 a s the chie f receiver of the supplie s fo r the royal army abroad. He had gone to Brabant, probably in charg e of victuals, and on iFebruary 1339 he was given a fresh commission at Antwerp . H e returned t o Englan d immediatel y afterwards. 88 I n the Octobe r parliamen t i t wa s resolve d tha t Wallingfor d an d hi s deputies a s wel l a s othe r notoriousl y evi l purveyor s shoul d b e arrested an d kept under detention until enquiries into their misdeeds could b e completed. 89 Wallingfor d wa s arrested on 2 3 October fo r alleged failur e t o accoun t a t th e excheque r an d wa s lodged i n th e Fleet prison. 90 Commission s o f enquir y wer e appointe d i n man y counties in late October and November91 and by early February 1340 Wallingford wa s being searchingly examine d about their findings. 92 Purveyances did not completely cease, 93 but judging by the absence 84 Fryde , The Wool Accounts o f William de la Pole (York, 1964), p. 12. 85 Rot. Parl., ii, pp. 105-6 (nos. 13 and 19) . 86 H e accounted subsequently for th e perio d up t o 1 5 October (K.R. Exch. ace. various, £.101/21/40). 87 Chanc . warrants, €.81/248, nos. 11262-63 (a I*5* °f househol d clerks deserving ecclesiastical preferment, dated 25 July 1338). 88 Wallingford' s enrolled accounts, £.358/2, mm.12 and 27. 89 Rot. Parl., ii, pp. 105-6 (no. 19) . 90 K.R . Mem. Rv £.159/116,111.167. 91 Ibid., m.5r and 5V. 92 K.R . Exch. ace. various, £.101/21/38 is a recor d of complaints against Wal lingford an d o f his answer s to them . H e wa s being interrogated o n 9 February 1340. 93 Stephe n l e Bloun t wa s continuin g th e purveyance s fo r Gascon y unti l 2 0 November 1339 (£.358/2 , m-7); on 23 December 1339 the king commissioned from abroad Richard Potenhale to purvey fish "a nostre oeps pur noz deniers paiantz" (Chanc. warrants, privy seal no. 12495).

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of complaint s abou t Wallingford' s successor , ther e wa s som e improvement i n administrativ e arrangements . O n 2 1 Decembe r Thomas Baddeby, another household clerk, was appointed to survey all the purveyances made in the kingdom.94 At the opening o f the October parliamen t the assembly was told of th e king' s immens e financia l difficulties. Archbisho p Stratfor d and the other roya l envoys, who had just returned fro m th e king's camp,95 declare d tha t h e ha d incurre d obligation s amountin g t o £300,000 o r more 96 an d ther e wa s n o exaggeratio n i n this. 97 Th e magnates were willing to give an aid forthwith. The tax grant recommended b y the m was a levy in kin d modelled on th e ecclesiastical tithe. It was to apply to the commodities that were the main components of the tithe, comprising all kinds of corn, wool, and lambs. The magnates justifie d thi s particula r choic e o f a ta x i n kin d o n th e ground tha t ther e wa s "a grea t shortag e o f mone y in th e land." 98 They were clearly being influenced by the belief that some abnormal economic condition s prevaile d in England . The magnate s also dis cussed the possible remedies for this alleged monetary crisis, but no decision could be reached.99 The commons excused themselves from making a gran t b y pleadin g tha t a n exceptionall y larg e su m was required an d that ther e was therefore a need fo r a more prolonged consultation in the counties. Hence their request for the summoning of anothe r parliament. 100 I t ma y be wort h recollectin g tha t i n th e subsequent common petition presented in th e parliament of March 1340 i t wa s claime d tha t "th e communit y o f th e lan d wa s s o impoverished" by previou s taxes "that the y coul d surviv e only with great difficulty." 101 The secon d parliament met o n 20 January 1340. Fo r a long time the government confidentl y expected that it would be able to secure a fresh grant o f taxes. As late a s 11 February Thomas Rokeby, the keeper of the castle s of Edinburgh and Stirling , was promised payment "ou t o f the firs t issue s of th e new aid that wil l be granted t o 94 Chanc . warrants, privy seal no. 12494. 95 The y returned to England on 10 October (K.R . Exch. ace. various, £.101/311, nos. 35 and 36). 96 Rot. Part, ii, p. 101 (no. 4). 97 Cf . my thesis , supra n.56 , chap . 6 an d Revue Beige d e Philologie et d'Histoire, XL (1962), 1186, n-5 ; and XL V (1967), 1180-1. 98 Ror . Part, n, pp. 103-4 ( no- 4)99 Ibid., p. 105 (no. 14) . 100 Ibid., p. 104 (no. 8). 101 A. W . Goodman , ed. , Chartulary o f Winchester Cathedral (Winchester , 1927), p. 131 .

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the king in this parliament/ 7102 The magnates were willing to repeat their previous proposa l an d grante d a tithe o f th e produc e of thei r demesne lands for themselves and thei r peers. 103 The commons departed fro m thei r usua l procedur e and , instea d o f grantin g a tax , they merel y made a conditional offe r o f one on 19 February. 104 W e have not got the text of the indenture containing their conditions, but the counci l dared no t pronounc e on the m an d referre d th e whol e matter t o the king . I n view of the scholarl y speculation s abou t th e significance o f this incident 105 one hitherto overlooke d featur e may be worth noting. The grant offered b y the commons may have been thoroughly distasteful to Edward in. The commons were recommending on this occasion a levy of 30,000 sacks of wool. But by th e en d of 1339 th e king appears to have conceived an aversion to wool levies in general. When subsequentl y a tax of wool was granted by a later parliament, in July 1340, th e council informed th e king of this decision in terms that wer e clearly designed t o alla y his dislik e o f suc h a levy.106 On a still later occasion, in 1347, h e referred scathingly t o his previous experiences with th e woo l taxes and he was then pre sumably recollectin g th e disappointment s suffere d i n 1337-39- 107 When a fresh parliament me t on 29 March 1340, afte r Edward' s return fro m abroad , th e proposa l fo r a tax in woo l was discarded i n favour of a "tithe" advocated by the magnates. No communes petitiones ar e mentione d i n th e rol l o f th e firs t parliament o f 134 0 an d w e ca n therefor e learn nothin g abou t th e grievances tha t ma y have bee n aire d o n thi s occasion . Bu t the ar rangements made in that parliament for the supplying of the English 102 K.R . exch. ace. various, £.101/23/1. 103 Rot. Parl., n, pp. 107-8 (nos . 7-9) . 104 J . G . Edwards , Th e Commons i n Medieval English Parliaments (London , 1958), p. 24,n.i. 105 The most recent discussion i s in Harriss, "The Commons ' Petitio n of 1340"; his accoun t o f thi s parliamen t i s unfortunatel y marre d (652-3) , b y hi s failure t o note that th e entries in the Cal. Pat. R., 1338-40, pp. 377-8 (called membrane 29 ) an d pp . 408- 9 (calle d membran e i ) ar e misplace d i n th e calendar, though not in the original roll (C.66/2oi ) as repaired today. Hence the mandate s of January-Februar y o n pp . 408- 9 reall y belong t o 133 9 an d not 1340. These mistakes, which had led Mr. Harriss into error, are corrected in th e Publi c Recor d Offic e cop y (Literar y Search Room ) o f Cal. Pat. JR. , 1338-40. 106 Rot. Parl., n, p. 122 (no. 29): "1'entente ... est qe cest aide ne soit pas mys en mayns d e tiel x com e vo s autre s leine s on t est e my s avan t ce s houres , o u vous n'avez este serviz de riens." 107 Chanc . warrants , €.81/318, no. 18251, quoted i n Fryde , "Th e las t trial s of Sir William de la Pole," Econ. Hist. R., 2nd. ser., xv (1962), 19 and n.2.

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garrisons i n Scotlan d represente d th e workin g o f a ne w policy . Purveyance was being avoided in favour o f the making of contract s with importan t merchant s wh o woul d no t hol d an y specia l roya l commissions.108 Thi s anticipate d th e procedur e prescribed b y th e statute enacte d i n th e nex t parliamen t whic h me t o n 2 9 Marc h 1340.109 Its assembly must mark the end of the present study . I have tried, in Professo r Wilkinson' s phrase , "t o pu t parliamen t bac k a t th e center of ... the political lif e and struggles/ 7110 in the obscure perio d before March 1340 an d thus to render more intelligible th e conces sions tha t th e kin g wa s force d t o mak e in Apri l an d Ma y o f tha t year. Th e stor y tol d her e trie s t o bring ou t th e importanc e o f th e parliamentary session s fo r providin g opportunities t o ai r th e com plaints abou t "th e hurt s don e to commune poeple."111 Governmen t officials mus t have felt somewha t mor e insecure whenever a parlia ment wa s sitting . A n inciden t i n Jul y 134 0 provide s on e unusua l illustration o f this. 112 Adam de la Mare, the attorne y o f the sherif f of Somerset and Dorset, had been put in the custody of the marsha l of th e excheque r because of debts totallin g £75 . 193. 2d. which hi s master had failed to collect. This happened on 20 July and two days later, because the excheque r had been closed fo r the summe r vacation, Adam was consigned to prison. But parliament happened to be in session . Th e imprisonment o f the sheriff' s attorne y contravene d the statute enacted in the previous parliament absolving sheriffs and other loca l officials fro m th e liability fo r debts tha t the y had never collected.113 On 2 6 July, at th e reques t o f the chancello r an d othe r magnates present in parliament, it was agreed by the treasurer, with the assent o f the judges and others of the king's council, that Adam should b e released on mainprise. One o f his two suretie s was John de Hungerford, knight o f the shir e fo r Somerse t in tha t ver y same parliament.114 108 Rot. Part, ii, p. 109 (nos. 25-27). Th e account of two of these merchant s i s in K.R. Exch. ace. various, £.101/22/36 and is enrolled on £.358/2, m.12. 109 Statutes of th e Realm (Record Commission ed.), i, p. 288. no Quote d by G. P. Cuttino, "Mediaeval Parliament Reinterpreted," Speculum, XLI (1966), 686. 111 Parliamen t roll of 1352 quoted by D. Rayner, "The form s and machinery of the 'Commun e Petition' in th e fourteent h century," EHR, LVI (1941) , 209. 112 L.T.R . Mem. R., £.368/112, m.2O2. 113 Statutes of th e Realm, i, p. 291. 114 Return of th e Name o f every Member o f th e Lower House o f Parliament, 1213-15/4 (House of Commons Parliamentary Papers of 1878), i, p. 133 .

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EDWARD Ill' s WOO L MONOPOLY O F 1337 : A FOURTEENTH-CENTURY ROYA L TRADING VENTURE1 There is nothing particularly moder n about attempt s b y th e state to control for political or fiscal reasons the whole economy of a country or important aspect s of its economi c life, an d it i s the objec t of this articl e t o describ e one fairly importan t inci dent o f thi s kin d i n fourteenth-centur y England . Moder n governments diffe r howeve r fro m thei r predecessor s i n ofte n pursuing a long-term economic policy deliberately designe d to promote the prosperity o f the countries they govern. Medieva l rulers tried only very seldom to carry out for any length of time a conscious economic policy of this sort and, indeed, they seldom possessed a consistent economi c policy at all . Thei r excursion s into the realm of economic regulation, if not designed to enforc e the existing usages or to deal with some economic disaster, wer e generally aimed at placating some particularly influentia l group or wer e inspired b y purel y immediate and transitor y politica l or financial needs, though their actio n ofte n had important an d lasting effects. I n the particular case described here, Edward III, in order to raise funds for a projected war with France, tried t o control th e entir e expor t trad e i n English wool , the mos t important articl e the n exporte d fro m England . A syndicat e of English exporters was organized by the kin g and was invested with the power of compulsory purchase of wool in England an d with a monopoly of export. The y hoped to control the foreig n market and, profiting from the high demand that always existed for Englis h wool , whic h was considered in th e middl e ages t o be among the best in Europe, they expected high profits. The y were to shar e th e proceed s with th e king. 2 Thi s woo l scheme 1

See explanatory note (** ) o n p. 24. * The story of this wool scheme has bee n told a number of times, but i n no case have all the sources known to be available been utilized together and there is therefore justificatio n for a fresh account. Th e best account is in D. Hughes , A Study of Social and Constitutional Tendencies in the Early Years of Edward III (London, Hodde r an d Stoughton , 1915 ) pp . 26-38 , 187-91 , usin g som e o f the mos t importan t MS . sources available . He r boo k wa s unfortunately no t used by G. Unwin in his detailed and valuable study' The Estate of Merchants, 1336-1365 ' in Finance and Trade under Edward III, ed . G. Unwin (Mancheste r University Press, 1918) pp . 179-97 . S . B. Terry, The Financing of the Hundred Years' War, 1337-1360 (London , Constable , 1914) , i s quit e unreliable , an d while h e use d importan t source s unknow n to Mis s Hughes , h e seriousl y mis interpreted the m (pp . 6-22 ) an d misle d Unwi n an d othe r historians . Som e new materia l ha s bee n use d b y J . d e Sturler , Le s relations politiques e t les ^changes commerciaux entre le Duche de Brabant et I'Angleterre au moyen dge, (Paris, Droz, 1936 ) pp . 390-5 .

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ultimately brok e dow n owing to difference s betwee n the kin g and the merchants. I t wa s the first of a number of attempts b y Edward II I to regulate an d to ta x heavil y th e woo l trade i n order t o finance the Hundre d Years ' War , and it ushere d in a period o f restriction s tha t ende d b y transformin g a hithert o free trad e into one that wa s controlled b y a relatively narro w body o f merchant s an d wa s closel y regulated . On e ultimat e result wa s th e fal l i n th e amoun t o f wool annually exported . Another quite unforesee n result wa s the expansio n o f Englis h cloth manufactur e and th e beginnin g o f a large-scal e expor t trade in English cloth . The collaps e o f th e woo l scheme earl y i n 133 8 ha d reper cussions o f some importance on English histor y i n this period . As will be described later, it seriously affected th e course of the war durin g it s firs t phas e fro m 133 7 t o 1340 . Eve n mor e important were its effects o n the relations between the crown and the Englis h merchants . Th e winding-u p o f the woo l scheme resulted i n th e king' s seizur e a t Dordrech t o f al l th e woo l that had already been exported to the Netherlands. Th e owners were promised repayment through grants o f allowance o f custom an d subsidy on their futur e exports , but man y merchants were never able to obtain proper compensation in this way and were drive n t o sel l thei r ' Dordrecht bonds ' t o syndicate s of financiers speciall y empowered by Edward III t o buy them up, of course at a considerable discount.3 A s Unwin has shown, this contributed considerably towards the creation , after 1343 , o f a rift betwee n th e greate r Englis h financiers and th e remaining wool merchants.4 Thi s conflict of interests ultimately destroyed ' the estate of the wool merchants ' which during the first years of th e wa r ha d bee n actin g a s a n independen t body , quit e separate from parliament , helping in the regulatio n of the woo l trade and controlling taxation o n exported wool. Th e majority of th e woo l merchant s ' turned t o parliamen t an d i n futur e acte d wit h an d throug h the common s . . . Th e whole affai r enormousl y strengthened parliament, and above all the commons, by enlarging the interest represented b y th e burgesse s an d b y consolidatin g i t wit h th e knights of the shire.' 5 8

For an account of some of those syndicates see G. O. Sayles, ' The English Company of 1343 ', Speculum, v i (1931) , 177-205 . * Op. cit. pp. 19 6 ff . «E. Power , The Wool Trade i n English Medieval History, (O.U.P. , 1941) , pp. 84-5.

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This helped to pave the way for th e establishmen t b y parlia ment o f effectiv e contro l ove r indirec t taxatio n whic h wa s one o f the mos t important constitutiona l development s o f th e reign of Edward III . Fourteenth-century Englis h king s wer e usuall y shor t o f money, quite often even in peacetime.6 Durin g the first decade of hi s reig n Edwar d II I i s unlikel y t o hav e receive d i n an y particular yea r muc h mor e tha n £30,00 0 fro m hi s ordinar y sources of revenue ; ou t of this total about £13,000 was derived from customs , mainl y fro m dutie s o n exporte d wool . Lik e other medieva l king s befor e an d afte r hi s time , Edwar d II I lacked precis e estimate s o f crow n revenue , an d mone y wa s spent by his government in a rather haphazard fashion, without very much attention to the resources really possessed. Eve n in fairly normal times like the period 1327-33, when there was no major war , th e kin g wa s spendin g mor e tha n hi s norma l revenue an d th e ga p wa s bein g fille d b y continuou s loans . Evidence i s availabl e t o sho w tha t betwee n th e autum n of 1328 and the autumn of 1331 Edward III wa s borrowing between £12,000 an d £19,00 0 a yea r an d ha d t o bea r o n thes e loan s an annua l interes t charg e o f som e £4,000. 7 Som e o f thi s money was no doubt borrowed purely as a means of anticipating regular roya l revenu e tha t wa s bein g collecte d slowl y an d piecemeal all the yea r round ; i t wa s a method o f mobilizing royal resource s quickly . Bu t muc h o f th e borrowe d fund s represented a real , i f temporary , additio n t o roya l resources . It migh t b e enquired how such continuous over-spending was possible. Th e answer is that every few years Edward II I wa s able to secure a grant of some sort from parliament or the clergy, or both, or else to persuade the merchants to allow him to levy customs at a n increased rate. Th e major portio n of every such grant wa s invariably fro m th e ver y outse t earmarke d fo r th e royal creditors. A grant of a lay tenth and fifteenth amounted ' The financial problem o f fourteenth-centur y Englis h king s ha s bee n recently ver y wel l discussed b y J . R . Strayer i n his introduction t o vol. i i of The English Government at Work, 1327-1336, ed. W. A. Morris and J. R. Strayer (Cambridge, Mass. , 1947) pp. 3-12 . Se e also the ver y interestin g remark s of E. Perroy,' A 1'origine d'une economic contracted : Le s crises du XlVfsiecle ', Annales: Economies, Socittts, Civilisations (Paris) , v . (1949) , 173-5. 7 These figures are based on K. R. Exchequer Accounts Various, E. 101/127 Nos. 26 , 27 , Receip t an d Issu e Roll s for 1328-32 , an d Warrants fo r Issue , Exchequer o f Receip t (E.404 ) for the reig n of Edward III.

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from 1332 onwards to some £38,000 and a grant of a clerical tenth totalled some £19,000, so that an annual debt t o lenders of even £20,000, to adopt a maximum estimate, wa s quite manageable . War at once imposed an intolerable strain on the whole financial system . Eve n military operation s on a fairly modes t scal e involved an expenditure generally quite disproportionate t o the results likely to be achieved. I t would have been far worse but for the fact that a large proportion o f wages due for war service were not pai d immediatel y in cash and tha t force d purchas e of provisions coul d b e carrie d ou t o n a n extensiv e scal e withou t any immediat e payment—th e kin g simpl y issue d promise s of payment that might or might not be honoured later. I n 1336-7 Edward's plans fo r waging war against France were exception ally grandiose ; h e wante d t o organiz e a grea t coalitio n o f princes o f th e Lo w Countrie s an d Germany . I n thi s h e wa s successful, bu t hi s allie s promise d hel p onl y o n conditio n of receiving substantia l subsidies . Negotiation s ha d bee n goin g on sinc e a t leas t th e summe r o f 133 6 an d the y wer e speedil y completed afte r th e wa r ha d formall y starte d i n Ma y 1337 . Already in this period of preparation, betwee n August 1336 an d September 1337 , betwee n £90,00 0 an d £100,00 0 ha d bee n borrowed b y Edwar d III , mainl y fro m hi s usual bankers , th e Florentine societie s o f th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i an d th e brothers Willia m an d Richar d d e l a Pol e o f Hull. Thi s wa s only th e beginning , fo r by the treaties concluded in the sprin g and summer of 1337 Edward had promise d to «ight of his leading allies alone payment of £124,000 before the end of 1337, with further advance s to follow , whil e smaller payments were promised to numerous lesser rulers and magnates. I n addition much money wa s neede d t o cove r th e cos t o f Edward' s projecte d expedition t o the continent, originall y planned for the late summer or autumn of 1337. Th e king did secure in 133 7 a grant of direct taxe s fro m th e lait y an d th e clerg y fo r th e nex t thre e years, bu t muc h of the mone y due for collection in 1337-8 was assigned t o repa y forme r roya l loans . Onl y the woo l scheme, which ha d bee n unde r discussio n sinc e a t leas t th e autum n of 1336, coul d provid e th e ver y larg e additiona l sum s neede d (estimated a t ove r £200,000 ) an d o n 2 6 Jul y 133 7 th e fina l agreement wa s concluded wit h th e woo l merchants. 8 ( I shal l henceforth cal l the m th e ' Contract Merchants'. ) « Calendared i n Cal. Close Rolls, 1337-39, pp. 148-9 .

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The ground had been well prepared fo r this. A n embargo on the expor t o f woo l ha d bee n impose d i n Augus t 133 6 an d i t had bee n strictl y enforce d durin g th e whol e of th e followin g year, no wool being allowed to go to the Netherlands. 9 Th e aim of this was twofold. I t wa s designed to precipitate a n economic crisis i n th e cloth-producin g centre s o f Flanders , whic h drew most of their wool from England, and thereby to force the count of Flander s int o an alliance with England or at leas t int o neutrality. Bu t the scarcity thus created i n the Netherlands would also ensure large profits for the Contrac t Merchants whose wool was to be exported there and was likely to enable them virtually to dictat e th e pric e o f woo l abroad . A s a furthe r guarante e their monopoly of export was to be maintained until aU the wool shipped b y the m wa s sold. A t th e sam e time the existenc e of the embarg o wa s likel y t o facilitat e th e purchas e an d th e purveyance o f wool in England , a s mos t o f the othe r possibl e purchasers had been eliminated an d considerable stock s of wool had bee n accumulated. T o prevent undue exploitation o f wool owners by the Contrac t Merchants , which could lead to resist ance that might ruin the whole project, a schedule of minimum wool prices ha d bee n adopted in Septembe r 133 6 below which the Contrac t Merchant s were not allowe d to bu y wool. The Woo l Compan y undertook to rais e an d expor t 30,00 0 sacks; thi s figur e wa s certainly quit e practicable , fo r 34,00 0 sacks had been exported between Michaelmas 1335 and Michaelmas 133 6 an d a slightl y large r amount ha d bee n shippe d th e year before. 10 I n retur n fo r royal suppor t i n raising th e woo l and fo r the monopol y o f export, th e merchant s undertoo k t o advance t o Edwar d a loa n o f £200,000 ou t o f the proceed s of the sale of the wool exported by them ; th e loan was to be fre e of interest an d wa s to b e repaid out o f the custom s which were to be farmed by the merchants until they were wholly satisfied. The merchants wer e expected t o acquire the wool on credit, a s was usual in the later medieva l English wool-trade. The y were not t o b e require d t o satisf y th e owner s until the y ha d been repaid b y the king , and if they were prosecuted by the owners before suc h repaymen t ha d take n plac e the y wer e entitle d t o • Enrolled Customs Accounts , E . 356/8 . 10 H. L. Gray, ' The production an d exportation o f English woollen s in the fourteenth century' , E,H.R., xxxi x (1924) , 15.

vI

13

EDWARD HI'S WOOL MONOPOLY ,1337

royal letters o f protection. Th e averag e price of a sack of wool in Englan d wa s about £ 5 and expense s connected with collection an d expor t o f wool were likely t o averag e £1 per sac k o r possibly a little more. 11 I n 1338- 9 royal wool of good qualit y was sold i n Flanders an d Braban t a t a n averag e price o f fro m £8 to £9 a sack 12 and th e Contrac t Merchant s could probabl y reckon on securing still better prices in 1337 after the prolonged scarcity i n th e Netherlands . Th e loan o f £200,000 demanded by the king does not therefore seem excessive. Th e merchants could hav e reckone d on a profi t o f about £ 2 per sac k o r even more, and of this profit Edward III wa s to receive one half, thi s being wholl y distinc t from , an d i n additio n to , th e loa n of £200,000. Everyon e in England was to be satisfied. Th e wool producers wer e protected agains t undul y low purchase prices , though they were likely to have to wait a considerable time for repayment. Th e English merchants participating in the scheme would virtually contro l th e entir e Englis h woo l export, t o th e almost complet e exclusion of foreign exporters , a position the y had never enjoyed before, and they could count on larger profits than were normally obtainable. Th e king would be enabled to borrow speedily £200,000 fre e o f interest, a s well as obtain half the profit s of the whol e enterprise. Everyon e in England wa s to profi t a t th e expens e of the foreig n buyers . The agreement of 26 July 1337 had been negotiated by a group of leading English merchants acting on behalf of a wider body of merchants o f th e kingdom . Willia m d e l a Pol e of Hul l an d Reginald d e Condui t o f Londo n were chosen a s head s o f th e new company . Pole , wh o later on in 1338- 9 was able t o len d over £100,00 0 t o th e king , was the outstandin g Englis h mer chant a t thi s period and he probably dominate d the company. His late r paree r reveal s hi m a s a ruthles s an d unscrupulou s financier13 and there could be no lasting community of interest between him , o r othe r leadin g merchant s lik e him , an d th e humbler merchant s wh o forme d a considerabl e par t o f th e company. Thi s was a serious element of weakness in the whole project an d it ma y have contribute d t o it s ultimate failure .

11 Hughes, op . cit. p. 3 0 n. 4 : Ancien t Petition s No . 10,986 and Parlia mentary an d Counci l Proceedings, C. 49/67 No. 1. 12 Account of Paul de Monte Florum, K.R. Exch. Ace. Various. E. 101/624/2 8 m. 4-5, Wardrob e Boo k o f Particulars of William Norwell, E . 36/20 3 p. 32 4 (Miscellaneous Books, Treasur y o f Receipt) . 13 Sayles, op. cit., gives a good illustration of Pole's methods .

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The ne w Wool Company represented a reviva l o f the Company of the Staple of Edward II's reign. N o export was to take place to the Netherlands except under its control. An y English merchant wh o so wished could apparentl y expor t woo l under the company provided he agreed to submit to the general regulations abou t th e place s o f shipment , condition s o f sale, etc . All wool wa s to b e sent t o a fixed locality i n the Netherland s chosen b y th e kin g an d th e merchants , an d al l thos e wh o shipped woo l wer e compelled by th e head s of the compan y to pay abroa d a duty of 13d. per sarplar o f wool (usuall y containing somewhat mor e than a sack o f 3641b.), ' as is the custom among merchants a t th e plac e wher e the Stapl e is located *. 14 To supplemen t th e privat e stock s o f merchant s th e Woo l Company was empowered to exercis e th e roya l prerogativ e o f purveyance, that is of forced purchase of wool without, usually, any immediate payment. A number of leading merchants, from two to seven, were appointed in each county, armed with royal commissions t o purve y wool . Eac h purveyin g merchan t wa s required to give a bond in his own name for the wool taken b y him, promisin g repaymen t withi n a year . A s fa r a s th e company an d th e kin g were concerned each purveyo r wa s t o treat the purveyed wool as his own. Ou t of about 10,00 0 sacks lawfully exported in the first shipment in November 1337 (muc h wool was smuggled in addition), only about one-fifth was derived from purveyance . A s far as can be judged from th e rathe r incomplete evidence available the quality of the wool exported in this shipment was quite good. 15 The 30,000 sacks wer e to b e shippe d i n thre e shipment s of 10,000 sack s each , a n advanc e t o th e kin g o f 100,00 0 mark s (£66,666 13s . 4d.) bein g du e o n eac h shipment . I f th e mer chants' statement made in a later petition is to be believed, the first 100,00 0 mark s were to be paid by Christmas 1337, s o that it wa s probabl y intende d t o shi p th e firs t consignmen t i n October at th e latest . Th e second shipment was to tak e plac e after Christmas , payment being due by Easter 133 8 (1 2 April). The third shipmen t wa s expected t o sail after Easter and pay ment was stipulated, i t seems, by Ascension (21 May).16 Thes e 14

K.R. Exch . Ace. Various, E. 101/457 No. 7 : ' prout moris est inter mercatorfs ubi stafrula lane moratur '. " K.R. Exch. Ace . Various, E. 101/457 Nos. 7, 8, 27, 30, 31. ia These details are derived fro m a petition o f the merchant s presente d t o the kin g sometim e i n th e sprin g o f 1338. (Parl . and Counci l Proc., C. 49/67 No. .1. Muc h of this document is legible only under an ultra-violet ray lamp. )

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dates ma y hav e bee n over-optimisti c an d th e difficult y o f adhering t o thi s time-table wa s on e of the cause s o f the late r quarrel between th e kin g an d the merchants . The firs t shipmen t wa s ordere d t o sai l i n th e compan y of important roya l envoy s going t o th e Netherlands , heade d b y Henry Burghersh , bisho p o f Lincoln , wh o ha d bee n th e chie f negotiator o f th e treatie s o f allianc e conclude d earlier i n th e year an d very likely was the roya l adviser most responsible for the polic y o f forming* a continenta l coalitio n agains t France . The envoys were to begin the payment o f subsidies to Edward' s foreign allie s and were to prepare for the king' s own expedition to Brabant. 17 Th e various consignment s making up this wool shipment lef t harbou r a t date s rangin g between 21 September and 8 October 1337, 18 all vessels gathering either in the estuar y of th e Orwel l o r a t Sandwich , bu t sailin g onl y i n th e earl y days o f November.19 A large number of ships was assembled, though a chronicler' s figur e o f 44 0 ship s carryin g a forc e o f 700 arme d me n i s probabl y ver y exaggerated . I t woul d appear that shipment o f wool at an earlier date had been originally intende d an d afte r th e breakdow n of the Woo l Contract there wer e recriminations on this subject between the king and the merchants ; th e kin g claime d tha t hi s flee t ha d bee n assembled lon g befor e th e merchant s wer e read y an d tha t i t had been necessary t o sen d writs to the purveyors threatenin g them wit h penaltie s unles s they hurried. 20 The dela y i n th e departur e o f the woo l fleet might hel p t o explain a rather strang e agreement, made before the expedition sailed, by the king and his council with the Contract Merchants , with the assen t o f both Pol e and Conduit. I t wa s agreed that , notwithstanding th e origina l indenture of agreement of 26 July which assure d t o th e merchant s complet e contro l ove r thei r wool abroad , th e envoy s should have a t thei r ful l disposa l th e 10,000 sacks sailin g i n the firs t fleet . The y coul d d o with thi s wool wha t the y liked , eve n ' throw it int o th e Thames '21 (as 17 Chancery 18

Miscellanea , C . 47/32 No. 18 , dorse. K.R . Exch . Ace. Various, E. 101/457/ 9 and 10 ; K.R . Customs Accounts, E. 122/ 7 No. 6 (Boston). " Account of John de Charnels, Chancellor's Roll, E. 352/132 (13 Edward III), m. 46 and 46d . Cp . the Chronicl e of Henry Knighto n (ed. . Rolls Series ) ii, 2 : 0 ' circa festum Omnium Sanctorum '. 2 C. 49/67 No. 1. 11 C. 47/32 No. 18 : ' qe les Xml saks d e laynes . . . seroient a la ordinance et disposicioun nostre dit Seygnur le Roi et ses messages, qe silles vorroient le engettre aperte en Tamise ou autrement de eux faire lour volonte.'

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the envoy s pu t i t i n a late r lette r t o th e kin g in whic h the y recapitulated thi s agreement) , provided onl y tha t the y pai d immediately t o th e merchant s a sufficien t su m to cove r thei r previous expenses, so that they would be able to fit out a second wool shipment . Shoul d any suc h seizur e take place , th e mer chants would subsequently be compensated by the king for the value of the wool itself, which they had mostly bought on credit. This agreemen t wa s o f course very unfavourable to th e mer chants and it i s possible tha t they accepte d i t onl y under considerable pressure . Bu t Pol e an d othe r grea t merchant s wh o acted o n behal f o f the Woo l Company could probably, unlik e their weaker associates, vie w this agreement with comparative equanimity. I f i t ha d t o b e implemente d they woul d derive no profi t fro m thi s firs t shipment , bu t the y wer e well abl e t o afford t o wai t fo r profits until th e secon d an d th e thir d woo l shipments wer e sen t abroa d an d sold . Unlik e som e smalle r merchants, the y wer e in a positio n t o sen d a s larg e consign ments in the later fleets as they had dispatched in the first one. In any case, as later event s showed, the merchants did not consider tha t the y wer e boun d b y thi s agreemen t in al l circumstances and were quite prepare d wholl y to disregar d it . I t i s under th e authorit y o f this agreemen t tha t th e roya l envoy s subsequently seize d th e woo l o f th e Contrac t Merchant s a t Dordrecht, thu s precipitatin g th e ultimat e breakdow n of th e scheme. How much was carried b y thi s first fleet cannot b e exactl y determined. Th e figur e o f 10,00 0 sack s was officiall y accepte d by th e excheque r official s i n 134 1 a s representin g th e tota l lawfully exported, 22 but the y alleged that a further 5,00 0 sack s had bee n smuggle d i n th e sam e fleet . A jur y o f sailor s an d merchants testifie d that n o mor e tha n 2,50 0 sack s ha d bee n smuggled and this figure was accepted b y the exchequer as the final estimate. 23 Ther e i s independen t evidenc e o f muc h smuggling, an d trial s o f offenders , wh o include d on e o f th e collectors of customs at London , dragged on for many years. 24 •• K.R. Memorand a Rol l 1 5 Edw. Ill (E . 159/117) , Recorda , Easter , m . 8 11-16 passim (use d by Miss Hughes). 2 Ibid., m . 14. 24 K.R . Mem . Roll 26 Edw. Ill (E . 159/128), Recorda , Hilary , m . 8 and 8d. and E . 159/125 , Recorda , Hilary , m . 4. Fo r othe r trial s see E. 159/13 2 (3 0 Edw. Ill), Recorda, passim and Ancient Petitions, No. E. 661 .

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The wool fleet reached Dordrecht, in the territory of Edward's ally, the count of Holland and Hainault, on 28 November. When the woo l was disembarked the merchant s were ordered by th e envoys not to sell it until an agreement was reached concerning the condition s of sale. A s yet hardly any money had been paid to th e roya l allies and the subsidie s due to the m were already in arrears. On e of the first actions of the envoys on their arrival abroad wa s to reac h an agreemen t with the coun t o f Guelders for th e postponemen t until the sprin g of 1338 25 of payment of £30,000 du e t o hi m an d simila r agreement s wer e probabl y reached with the othe r allies . Th e seriousness of the financia l situation mus t have been weighing heavily on the mind s of the envoys when on 1 9 December 1337 they went to attend a conference with the wool merchants at Gertruidenberg in Holland.26 This woul d help to explai n th e rathe r extraordinar y proposal s they made. Th e conference opened with the envoys asking the merchants, wh o wer e le d b y Reginal d d e Condui t an d John d e la Pole , representin g hi s brother William , ho w much they wer e willing to advance . Th e merchants at firs t refuse d to nam e any definit e sum , alleging that th e woo l had greatl y deteriorated an d that they were prevented from sellin g it to the Flemings and af t manne r of other people. Th e merchants ha d known befor e leavin g England that the y would not b e able t o sell to the Flemings, since this would go against Edward's policy of an economic blockade of Flanders designed to force the coun t of Flander s t o abando n hi s allianc e wit h France . N o doub t greater profit s coul d be made by sellin g to th e Fleming s tha n to anyone else, but th e Flemings were not the only prospectiv e buyers an d it wa s possible t o sel l to Italia n firms , Brabanter s and Germa n merchants, so that thes e excuse s sound very disingenuous. Finall y th e merchants declared that, provided they could sel l t o who m the y liked , includin g presumabl y th e Flemings, they would be Willing to lend 100,000 marks on these 10,000 sacks by the beginning of Lent (2 5 February 1338 ) or by Easter a t th e latest . Th e conditio n the y attache d wa s inadmissible, especiall y a s at thi s ver y moment the blockad e of 26

I . A . Nijhoff , Gedenkwaardigheden wi t d e Geschiedenis va n Gelderland, i (Arnhem , 1830) , No. 322 (pp. 367-8). 26 The source s fo r this conferenc e are tw o memorand a an d a letter o f th e envoys enrolle d o n C. 47/32 No. 18 , face an d dorse , use d by Mis s Hughes, an d a petition of the merchants , C. 49/67 No . 1.

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Flanders was beginning to achieve it s aim. 27 I n any case th e envoys considere d that th e su m offere d wa s quite insufficien t in vie w o f th e king' s difficul t financia l positio n an d declare d that th e kin g mus t hav e £276,00 0 betwee n 2 Februar y an d 22 Marc h 133 8 o r els e ' the kingdo m o f England an d al l th e other land s o f the kin g were i n dange r o f being lost.' 88 Thi s sum, surpassing by £76,000 the amount due to the king by the original agreement , wa s of course to b e raised o n the whol e of the 30,000 sacks, but the envoys considered that more than th e minimum offered b y the merchants should be advanced o n the first shipment. Th e merchants replied that all the good s they possessed abroa d coul d not produc e suc h a sum . Th e envoy s are alleged by the merchants to have retorted that if the Wool Company wer e unwillin g t o mak e this loa n othe r merchant s would be found who would be ready to do so. Th e attention of the merchant s wa s draw n t o th e agreemen t conclude d wit h them before the departure of the fleet by which the envoys had been give n ful l authorit y ove r th e firs t shipmen t an d coul d therefore deman d a large r su m on it tha n th e 100,00 0 mark s stipulated b y the original agreement. Th e merchants, however, refused t o b e boun d b y thi s secon d agreement, replying wit h one voice that they woul d willingly carry out the term s o f the original contrac t an d advanc e 100,00 0 mark s o n th e woo l already exported , but woul d do nothing else. Complet e deadlock had been reached and th6 envoys finally decided boldly t o buy th e woo l outrigh t fo r the king , a s they ha d powe r to d o under th e secon d agreement. Th e merchants were with grea t difficulty prevaile d upo n to consen t t o this , an d the n onl y on condition o f bein g pai d £20,00 0 b y 2 Februar y 1338 , eac h merchant receiving 40s. for each sarplar surrendered. Thi s was to form the first instalment of the value of the wool and arrangements fo r the paymen t o f the rest were to be made later. The actio n o f the envoy s precipitated complet e breakdow n of the Woo l Contract, for the merchant s in England refuse d t o go on with the scheme despite al l entreaties.29 Th e envoys had required muc h more from th e merchant s tha n the latter were bound t o provid e b y th e origina l agreemen t an d i t i s under17

The revolt against the count o f Flanders began at Ghent on 2 8 December 1337 [H . S. Lucas, The Low Countries and the Hundred Years' War, 1326-1347 (Ann Arbor, Universit y of Michigan, 1929 ) pp . 26 3 ff.]. « C. 49/67 No. 1. " C. 47/32 No. 18 .

VI 1 9 EDWAR

D HI'S WOOL MONOPOLY, 1337

standable tha t th e merchant s shoul d hav e refused . I t migh t conceivably have been possible to raise £276,000, but this would have limited severely, if not destroyed , the immediat e profits of the merchants . A s later event s proved, th e bisho p of Lincoln and hi s fello w envoy s committed a seriou s blunder, but thei r error o f judgemen t wa s th e resul t o f th e impossibl e positio n created by the entire royal plan of waging war. Edwar d III ha d undertaken a wholly excessive burden in promising such enormous subsidies to his allies and he does not appear to have made any provisio n fo r th e possibl e difficultie s an d delay s in raisin g money. Why the merchants refused t o carry on with the wool scheme after th e conferenc e a t Gertruidenber g can only be a matter of conjecture. Th e decisive refusal to continue it was made by the merchants i n England . Willia m d e l a Pole , wh o had staye d in England , i s likely t o hav e ha d considerabl e influenc e upon their decision . Pol e and other leadin g merchants must hav e realized that , if the woo l scheme was wound up afte r the firs t wool shipmen t ha d bee n taken b y th e king , the y wer e risking very little, for in view of their financial power they were certain to secure compensation fo r themselves soone r or later, as many of the m ultimatel y did . Th e positio n o f th e bul k o f th e merchants, on whose behalf Pole and the other leading merchants were supposed to be acting, was likely to be more serious. Th e king appears to have borne both Conduit and William de la Pole a seriou s grudg e fo r th e failur e o f th e government' s origina l scheme for financing the wa r and whe n he got a chance in th e political crisi s o f Decembe r 1340 , whe n a numbe r o f leadin g royal adviser s an d official s wer e imprisoned o r prosecute d fo r alleged mismanagement, he struck at these two men. The y were arrested and put on trial.30 Thei r prosecution, like some other arrests and trials that too k place at th e sam e time, was somewhat irregular fro m a strictly legal point o f view. Th e proceed ings turned solely on the Woo l Contract of 1337 and some quite well-informed an d serious charges were made. Thoug h the trial was stopped after a time for political reasons, Pol e was kept in prison until May 1342 and, as far as can be determined, of all the victims imprisone d i n Decembe r 1340 , h e wa s the las t t o b e 80 The record o f their trial is on K.R. Mem. Roll 15 Edw. Ill, (E . 159/117), Recorda, Easter, m. 11-16.

EDWARD HI'S WOOL MONOPOLY, 1337 V

I2 0

released. Pole' s enormous loans to th e crow n from Jun e 133 8 onwards, whe n i n littl e mor e tha n a yea r h e advance d ove r £100,000, sho w that h e wa s certainl y capabl e o f raising ver y large sums . I t i s possibl e t o suppos e tha t whe n th e Woo l Scheme of 1337 began to appear less profitable for the merchants than had been originally expected, Pole may have decided that it coul d be o f more advantage t o hi m to advanc e loan s in hi s own name instead o f financing the Woo l Company. One cause of the breakdow n appears to have lain in the dis honest conduc t o f th e merchants , especiall y thei r smugglin g activities an d the dilatory manner in which they assembled the wool. The y had throughout been trying to get the largest profits possible, ofte n withou t paying attention to the king's interests . At the trial of Pole and Conduit the royal lawyers declared that it wa s the faul t o f the merchant s that onl y 10,00 0 sack s ha d been exporte d an d tha t b y Februar y 133 8 th e remainin g 20,000 sacks could have been assembled and sent abroad . Th e prosecuting lawyers claimed that instead, 5,000 sacks had been smuggled fo r surreptitious sal e outsid e th e scheme ; thi s was partly tru e a s w e have alread y shown . The y allege d tha t a further 8,000 sacks had been collected in England but were never dispatched, an d this accusation was also at least partially justified, though Pol e an d Condui t tried t o den y it. Accordin g to the king' s lawyer s the remainin g 7,000 sacks could have been easily raised, i f the merchants had so wished, ' because at that time there was a great abundanc e of wool in the kingdo m and it wa s a ver y goo d season fo r purveyin g wool.' 31 Th e roya l envoys abroad wer e certainl y exasperated wit h the merchant s who had gone with the first wool fleet . The y wrote to the king that th e merchant s by thei r continuou s wrongdoing and tres passes, t o the grea t injury of the king' s interests, ha d forfeite d all clai m t o b e protecte d b y th e origina l agreement. 82 Thi s helps t o explain the actio n o f th e envoy s at Gertruidenberg . It wa s agreed by the envoys that the wool taken over by the king shoul d b e value d b y a committe e o f thirty leadin g mer chants, wh o were also entrusted wit h collecting the woo l fro m all the res t an d wer e to hol d i t unti l the y receive d order s t o deliver i t t o roya l agents . Th e averag e o f the price s fixed by 81 Ibid., m . 13d . : e o quod tune temporis maior copia lanarum fuit i n regno et, melior seisona anni de font s providendis. 8 * C. 47/32 No. 18 ,

VI 2 1 EDWAR

D IH'S WOOL MONOPOLY, 1337

this committee was about £1 0 per sack, 33 which compares very favourably wit h the price s current in the Netherland s later on in 133 8 an d wa s probabl y a n over-estimate . Th e merchant s thus reall y sol d thei r woo l t o th e kin g a t a goo d pric e and , provided o f course that th e kin g repaid th e total amount due, each merchan t coul d expec t a substantia l profit . A tota l of 11,414J sack s wa s take n ove r (b y weigh t o f Dordrech t an d Middelburg, equivalen t t o abou t 10,30 0 sack s b y Englis h weight) and , with addition o f some royal wool exported i n th e same fleet, the envoys disposed of 11,497£ sacks.34 No t all the merchants surrendere d thei r wool ; a t leas t 33 5 sarplars an d 5 pockets ( a sarplar generall y containing more than 1 sack, and a pocket being smaller) of wool legally exported being known to have bee n withheld. 35 I t i s clear that quantitie s o f smuggled wool mus t hav e bee n include d amon g th e surrendere d wool. What happene d wit h th e res t o f the 2,50 0 sack s sai d t o hav e been smuggled is unknown, but a startling thoug h unverifiabl e accusation i s o n recor d agains t Rober t d e Denton , a con fidential agen t o f Pole , tha t wit h th e knowledg e of som e of the receiver s o f wool at Dordrech t h e permitted th e retentio n of 3,000 sacks by the owner s for a payment o f £4 for each sack and tha t neithe r thi s woo l nor th e mone y ever reache d roya l agents. Th e taking over of the woo l started i n February 133 8 and lasted till May at least36 or possibly even later. It s disposa l was equally gradual. Th e results of the sale were disappointing. Master Pau l d e Monte Florum, the roya l agent responsibl e for the disposal of the overwhelming bulk of the wool, was instructed to sell , i f possible , fo r read y money . H e sol d i t therefor e t o great Italia n companie s o r powerfu l group s o f Germa n o r 88 11,326 sacks , delivere d t o Mont e Florum , a royal agent, wer e value d a t £113,327 (E . 101/62 4 No . 2 8 m. 1) . 84 Enrolled Accoun t o f Pole an d Conduit , E . 358/1 0 m . 2 8 (L.T.R . Miscel laneous Accounts) . 86 K.R . Exch . Ace . Various , E . 101/45 7 No . 1 0 an d K.R . Mem . Rol l 1 9 Edw. Il l (E . 159/121), Recorda , Michaelmas , m . 13. 88 John d e Pulteney's wool was handed ove r t o th e committe e on 1 3 Feb ruary 1338 (K.R . Mem. Roll 23 Edw. Ill , E. 159/125 , Recorda , Hilary, m. 4), wool of Henry Wymond o n 3 March (Assiz e Roll 552, m. 44), wool of Willia m de l a Port e o n 2 0 Marc h (E . 159/116 , m . 12 , Litter e Patente s e t Script a Recognita, Michaelmas). A royal agent , Paul de Monte Florum bega n appar ently t o receiv e woo l fro m th e committe e o f thirt y merchant s o n 1 2 Apri l (E. 358/10 , m . 28d.) . Woo l o f Condui t an d Pol e wa s delivere d t o hi m o n 1 May and 8 May respectively (K.R . Exch . Ace. Various, E . 101/45 7 Nos . 7 and 8).

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Brabant merchants , wh o alon e wer e abl e t o provid e larg e sums speedily an d too k ful l advantag e o f this to impos e thei r terms. I n on e especially ba d case , 1,60 5 sack s wer e hande d over, wit h th e assen t o f th e envoys , t o a grou p o f Braban t money-changers fo r les s tha n hal f thei r estimate d value , i n repayment o f a previously advance d loan, the lo w price of th e wool concealing interest o n this loan. 87. Th e total net benefits derived b y Edwar d II I fro m th e sal e o f the wool , after pay ments made to the Contract Merchants when they handed over the woo l are deducted , amounte d t o slightl y mor e tha n th e 100,000 marks (£66,666 13s. 4d.) which the Contract Merchants had offere d t o pa y fo r thes e 10^00 0 sacks . Th e su m im mediately availabl e fo r paymen t o f subsidie s t o roya l allie s and for the expenses of the envoys was still smaller, amountin g to only £41,679. On e cannot, avoid the conclusion that it would have been wiser for the envoy s to have accepted th e paymen t offered b y th e Contrac t Merchant s a t th e conferenc e a t Gertruidenberg. Historians hav e bee n incline d t o trea t th e ' Dordrech t seizure ' as a case of flagrantly dishonest conduc t o n Edward's part tha t nothin g coul d justify . Thu s Eilee n Powe r wrote : ' In 138 8 th e kin g wit h extraordinar y dishonest y seize d the woo l o f al l th e Englis h merchant s a t Dordrech t . . . *88 This current vie w is the resul t o f imperfect knowledge of what had happened . I t i s based o n the belie f tha t th e seizur e too k place suddenl y o n 8 May, as the resul t o f a premeditated an d deliberate decision of the king and after a long period of waiting, lasting ove r fiv e months , durin g whic h th e merchant s wer e allegedly prevented from selling the wool. Historians , especiall y Unwin, have been here misled by S . B. Terry wh o gave references to an original document which, according to him, proved that seizure did occur on 8 May 1338, bu t whic h in fact prove s nothing o f the sort. 39 Neithe r Terry no r Unwi n knew of th e conference at Gertruidenberg . Th e seizure was an overbearin g act an d fundamentall y unscrupulous because th e envoy s un « K.R. Exch . Ace. Various, E. 101/624/28 , m . 1. 38 Op. cit. p. 83. Unwi n was also very critical of Edward's motives in seizin g the wool , op . cit. pp. 193-6. 39 Terry, op. cit. p. 2 1 and n . 1 . Th e date he quotes simply represents th e day o n whic h Willia m d e l a Pole' s ow n 37 7 sacks wer e deh'vere d t o Mont e Florum.

VI 2 3 EDWAR

D HI'S WOOL MONOPOLY, 1337

doubtedly realize d tha t muc h o f th e promise d compensatio n would never be paid, bu t it was not contrary t o the agreemen t with th e merchant s a s amende d befor e th e departur e o f th e fleet. A more balanced vie w will be obtaine d i f it i s realized that th e merchant s wer e also no t fre e fro m som e part o f th e blame fo r what happene d an d tha t Edwar d II I wa s dealing with self-seeking and dishonest men . The kin g appear s a t hi s wors t whe n th e executio n o f hi s promises t o the merchants i s studied, thoug h it is true that he was in extraordinary financia l difficultie s in 133 8 and 1339 . B y royal letters patent o f 4 May 1338 ever y merchant wh o applied for compensatio n wa s promise d exemptio n fro m paymen t o f subsidy an d custom on his future exports , until the entire debt to him was repaid.40 A t first only a partial allowance of subsidy and custom was promised and the king showed much bad faith in trying t o postpon e a s long as possible the executio n of this agreement. I f th e promise d exemption s wer e t o b e granted , this wa s obviousl y boun d t o diminis h seriousl y th e king' s revenue fro m customs . Th e merchant s ha d bee n promise d allowances o n exports fro m 1 August 133 8 onwards , but unde r the pretex t o f continue d embarg o o n th e expor t o f wool this was deferred until March 1339, thoug h durin g the sam e perio d numerous export licences were issued to royal officials, magnates serving abroad with the king, or persons willing to advance loans to the kin g abroad. Whe n export wa s finally permitted, onl y half th e promise d allowance was granted an d in the autum n of 1339 fre e expor t wa s again suspended . An d s o it wen t o n for several years , repeate d period s o f embargo on expor t makin g it impossibl e fo r the majorit y o f the merchant s t o utilize ade quately thei r claim s t o allowanc e on customs. Onl y the more important merchants, wh o continued t o advanc e loan s t o th e crown, were able to recover all or at least an appreciable part of the money due to them. The financia l difficultie s o f th e kin g i n th e year s 1338-40 , ending in his virtual bankruptc y i n th e autum n of 1340 , were quite unequivocall y trace d b y well-informe d contemporaries to the initial failure of the wool scheme of 1337.41 Thi s view is 49

E. 159/117 , Recorda, Easter, m. 12 and 12d . ** See a lette r o f Archbisho p Joh n Stratfor d i n 134 1 i n S . Birchington , ' Vitae archiepiscoporum Cantuariensiut n ' in Anglia Sacra, ed. H. Wharton, (London, 1691), i, 30.

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I2 4

justified u p to a point. Becaus e of the breakdown of the wool scheme Edward III foun d himself, from th e very moment of his landing in the Netherlands in July 1338, without adequate funds and wa s reduced t o borrowin g on very onerous terms. Emer gency measure s take n i n Februar y 133 8 t o replac e th e Woo l Contract o f 133 7 gav e ver y disappointin g result s an d b y th e time a new scheme, adopted in July 1338, fo r a direct ta x pay able i n woo l began t o yiel d anything , th e kin g wa s alread y hopelessly in debt. Withi n the first three months of his arriva l abroad Edwar d II I borrowe d ove r £100,00 0 an d i n Octobe r 1339 hi s indebtednes s wa s estimate d b y th e governmen t a t £300,000 o r more, 42 an d thi s wa s not a n exaggerate d figure ; much o f this consiste d o f interest o n th e loan s contracte d b y him. A second continental campaig n in 134 0 ended in a temporary bankruptc y an d o n 3 0 Novembe r 134 0 Edwar d II I suddenly returne d t o England , humiliate d an d ful l o f wrat h against al l who m h e considere d responsibl e fo r hi s financia l misfortunes. On e of the most serious political and constitutional crises of the reign followed, while the continental coalition began to break apart. Edwar d III wa s thus never given time to repair the damag e don e b y th e failur e o f hi s origina l schem e fo r financing the war. Whil e it is true that his whole policy during this phase of the war was fundamentally unsoun d and involved financial burdens far beyond what the resources of his kingdom could bear , hi s quarre l wit h th e Englis h woo l merchant s un doubtedly greatl y hastene d the collaps e of his finances. 43

41

Statement o f Archbisho p Stratfor d t o parliamen t i n Octobe r 133 9 (Rotuli Parliamentorum, ii, 103) . 48 This article summarizes som e of the conclusions of my doctoral dissertation on' Edward Ill's War Finance 1337-1341' (Oxford, 1947) and a fuller account will be given in a book which I am preparing on the same subject . Wit h a few exceptions, references ar e confined to the new material used and are cited only when i t i s possible to d o so briefly. Al l references t o th e origina l sources ar e to manuscript s in the Publi c Recor d Office . I wis h t o than k Professo r R . F. Treharne for much valuable help.

VII

FINANCIAL KESOUKCE S O P EDWAR D II I IN TH E NETHERLANDS , 13374 0 (1)

Although Edwar d II I manage d t o procur e muc h mor e mone y for hi s tw o expedition s t o th e Netherland s i n 1338-4 0 tha n hi s grandfather ha s been able to mobilize fo r the same purpose in 1294 8, th e ultimat e outcom e wa s nearl y a s disappointing . Financia l ruin, temporar y bu t ver y humiliating, overtoo k Edwar d II I a t th e end of 1340, after he had raised an d spent in the Netherlands aroun d £400,000 ( 2). Th e plai n fac t i s tha t th e prolonge d subsidizin g of a continental coalitio n wa s beyond th e mean s o f a n Englis h kin g i n this period . The financial difficultie s o f Edward II I durin g his first expedition to th e Netherland s (Jul y 133 8 - Februar y 1340 ) for m th e mai n subject o f this articl e ( 3). I t wil l b e a tal e of his gradual slide int o (1) Th e firs t par t o f this article appeare d i n Revue beige de Philologie e t d'Histoire, XL , pp. 1168-87 , quote d hereafte r a s Revue Beige, XL . All the references to unpublished sources are t o documents in the Public Record Offic e in London . (2) A t least c. £342,900 of 'new money' were raised between December 1337 and March 1340 (Revue Beige, XL, p . 1186 , n. 5, continue d p . 1187) . A t least c . £41,500 were raised during th e rest of 1340 (thi s figure is based, wit h some additions, o n E. B. FRYDE, Edward Ills Wa r Finance, 1337-41 i n D . Phil, thesis, 1947 , deposited in th e Bodleian Library, Ox ford, chapter s I X an d X). Som e further allowanc e must be made for the incompleteness of our evidenc e about loans contracted abroa d (se e especially Revue Beige, XL, p . 1169 , n . 4, continue d p . 1170) . (3) Th e inclusio n of the secon d continenta l expeditio n (June-Novembe r 1340 ) would have made this article even more excessively long. Thi s second venture is of much smaller interest to the student o f financiers in the Netherlands, as Edward II I wa s unable t o raise much mone y fro m the m o n tha t occasion .

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I 114 3

a virtual bankruptcy . Specia l attentio n wil l be paid t o the financial side of his relations with the continenta l allies , a s Edward's commit ments t o the m wer e a majo r caus e o f his trouble s ( 1). Th e ever widening searc h fo r loans wil l for m th e othe r mai n theme . Direct transfer s o f cash fro m Englan d t o th e Netherland s were of slight importanc e durin g Edward' s continenta l expedition : jus t over £600 0 wer e handle d b y Willia m Norwell , the keepe r o f th e king's wardrob e ( 2). Som e exporter s di d pa y dutie s o n woo l ex ported b y the m from Englan d directly to th e roya l official s i n Brabant. Norwel l an d Thoma s Hatfield , th e receive r o f th e king' s chamber, charge d themselve s wit h £779 5 fro m thi s sourc e (3). All this forms a very tiny proportion of the king's total requirements abroad. Th e ordinar y roya l revenues and muc h of the proceed s of the ordinar y direc t taxatio n (th e lay tenth s an d fifteenths and th e clerical tenths ) wer e absorbe d b y th e need s o f the governmen t a t home, whic h wa s als o responsibl e fo r th e wa r i n Scotlan d an d fo r the nava l operations . A par t o f th e direc t taxe s was , however , assigned t o Edward' s habitua l bankers , th e Bard i an d Peruzz i o f Florence ( 4) and Willia m de la Pol e and wa s thus used indirectly t o underpin hi s credit abroad . Th e sam e financiers also received th e bulk o f the revenu e from th e custom s either in Englan d o r a t Ant werp ( 5). (1) Subsidie s paid to the more important allie s in the Netherlands ar e listed in table A, infra. (2) Revue Beige, XL, p . 1186 . Additiona l transfers may have been made by the official s of th e king' s chamber. A t leas t £317 . 8s . are know n to hav e been transporte d i n 133 9 from Englan d t o Braban t b y th e servant s of Queen Philipp a (K . R . Exch . Ace . Var., E. 101/389/1) . (3) Norwel l charged himsel f with £7555. 11s . 1 l/4d. [NorwelP s Boo k o f Particulars , E. 36/203 (quoted hereafter as E. 36/20.3) , pp. 41-9 , 56]. Thi s tota l does not include th e items supposedly received by William d e la Pole . No t al l th e sum s charged t o Norwell were actually receive d b y him and some were pardoned later o n (e.g . E. 36/203 p. 335) . Hatfield receive d a t leas t £240 (K . R . Mem . r. , E . 159/120 , recorda, Easter , m . 1 0 v.). (4) The y received c. £38,000 from th e assignments on taxes and othe r English revenues (except th e customs ) concede d t o the m betwee n Octobe r 133 8 an d Januar y 134 0 (cf . my thesis , cit. supra, appendi x A , table s 3 and 4) . (5) Th e lion' s share was received b y Pole in his capacity as mayor of the wool staple at Antwerp, but no precise figure can be established : in his account for these receipts Pol e

VII 114 4 FINANCIA

L RESOURCES OF EDWARD III

Edward's initia l plan s fo r financin g the wa r depende d abov e al l on th e effectiv e exploitatio n o f th e woo l trade . Woo l forme d th e one roya l asse t which betwee n Novembe r 133 7 an d th e summe r of 1339 wa s transporte d i n larg e quantitie s fro m Englan d t o th e Ne therlands ( 1). Indeed , Edwar d appear s t o hav e overstimate d th e amount o f wool likely to be available. Thi s misjudgemen t may hav e been partl y responsibl e for th e wa y i n whic h some of it wa s squan- j dered. Muc h wa s assigned t o roya l creditor s an d som e o f the woo l was handed ove r t o the m o n term s s o unfavourable a s to amount t o downright waste . I n th e period afte r th e king's arrival abroa d roya l officials raise d n o mor e tha n £21,29 6 fro m direc t sale s o f woo l a t Antwerp an d Bruges , sprea d ove r a yea r ( 2). Edward's sta y in th e Netherland s ha d t o b e finance d ou t o f loans on a scale quite unique in English history. Par t o f the time he could not pay his way at al l except ' sur chevance e t creance', as one of his leading servant s put it in the summe r of 133 9 ( 3). Braban t and Flanders wer e combe d fo r willin g lender s ( 4 ). Antwer p wa s Ed ward's mai n bas e i n 1338-39 . Th e survivin g documentatio n abou t business condition s a t Antwer p i s notoriousl y scant y ( 5) an d Ed ward's dealing s wit h it s mone y lender s suppl y som e welcom e ne w evidence. Financier s fro m Brussels , Louvai n an d Maline s loo m claimed 'quo d no n recepi t omne s particula s predictas set quo d divers e particul e ind e fuerunt remiss e personis ea s solventibus' (E . 36/203 , p . 352) . Between June 133 8 and Octobe r 133 9 Pole raised for the kin g c. £111,000, bu t b y December 134 0 he managed to recover about 7 7 % o f this debt from th e customs and othe r royal asset s ((FRYDE , Th e last trials o f Si r William d e la Pole, in Econ. Hist. Rev., 2nd sen , XV, 1962 , pp. 17 , 23, quoted hereafter a s Econ. Hist. Rev., 1962) . The Bard i and Peruzz i received c. £18,800 from th e custom s (cf. my thesis as cited in the precedin g note) . (1) Rev. Beige, XL , p . 1186 , n . 5 . (2) Cf . m y thesis , cit. supra, chapte r V . (3) Accoun t o f Paul d e Mont e Floru m (1338-39) , K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101 / 624/28, m . 7 , (quote d hereafte r a s E . 101/624/28) . (4) Se e tables B-D, infra. Ther e i s a ver y valuable discussion of many of these transactions i n J . D E STURLER, Les relations politiques e t les echanges commerciaux entre le duche d e Brabant e t I'Angleterre au mqyen dge (Paris , 1936) , quote d hereafte r a s STURLER , Relations. It i s supplemented b y m e throug h th e us e o f some fres h material . (5) F . BLOCKMANS , Les Lombards a Anvers du XIII 6 a la fin du XIV* stick i n Tablettes du Brabant, 1 (1956) .

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large amon g th e king' s creditors . A succession o f envoys an d mes sengers journeyed i n search o f money t o Bruges, the n a t th e heigh t of its medieval prosperit y ( 1), and som e of the king' s agent s reside d there fo r lon g periods . Th e resultan t ne w evidence bring s ou t th e rich variet y of financiers active at Bruge s and it s abounding vitalit y as a busines s centre . Roya l agent s wer e eve n sen t t o th e distan t Rhineland an d raise d mone y at Cologne on the securit y of the royal valuables speciall y transporte d ther e fo r thi s purpos e ( 2). One importan t feature of these transaction s ma y b e regarde d a s abnormal. Whil e Edwar d II I remaine d in the Netherlands, he was very anxious to maintai n hi s credit. H e had t o make ever y effor t t o honour his commitments to the more influential financiers of Brabant and Flanders . H e ha d t o b e willin g t o pa y excessiv e amount s o f interest an d t o accep t onerou s an d eve n humiliatin g conditions . And Edward' s dependenc e o n th e goodwil l o f these men wa s rein forced b y politica l considerations . Severa l o f th e lender s wer e important subject s o f th e king' s allies . Som e o f the m wer e quit e influential an d rendere d valuabl e politica l service s t o Edward' s cause. Clae s l e Due of Brussels was paid £1 0 for secretly shelterin g Robert o f Artois ( 3). Willia m l e Due of Brussels was the leade r o f a group o f burgesses of the chie f Brabantine citie s who exerted them selves t o kee p Brussels , Antwer p an d Louvai n o n th e king' s sid e during th e siege of Tournai, i n th e summer of 1340, at a time when some o f thei r fello w patrician s wer e secretl y conspirin g wit h th e king o f France. Fo r thi s servic e Edwar d gav e t o Willia m an d hi s associates £21 3 ( 4). I t i s unlikel y tha t i n an y othe r circumstance s would a king of England hav e endured fo r so long such exploitatio n at th e hand s o f a grou p o f alie n mone y dealers . (1) Cf . mos t recently J. A . VA N HOUTTE, Th e rise an d decline o f th e market o f Bruges i n Econ. Hist. Rev., 2n d ser. , XI X (1966) , p . 39 . (2) Tabl e D , n»* lb-5 , infra. (3) E . 36/203 , p . 216 . (4) Wardrob e accoun t o f Cusance, K . R . Exch . Ace . Var., E . 101/389/8 , m . 8: gif t to thes e burgesse s 'morantibu s i n obsequi o dict i Regi s i n excercitu cora m Turna y e t excitantibus communitate m dictaru m villaru m a d morandu m i n obsequi o dict i Regi s ibidem'. Fo r th e circumstance s o f this crisi s see STURLER , Relations, pp. 347- 8 an d th e sources ther e quoted .

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II

Our story must begin i n 1337 . I n th e spring an d summe r of that year Edwar d II I negotiate d a serie s of alliance s wit h Germa n an d Belgian princes , includin g Empero r Lewi s o f Bavaria , Duk e John III o f Brabant, Coun t Willia m I I o f Hainault an d Holland , Mar grave William o f Juliers, Coun t Reginald I I o f Guelders, Ruprecht , Count Palatin e o f th e Rhine , Thierry , Lor d o f Valkenburg , th e counts o f Ber g an d Loos , a s wel l a s severa l lesse r potentate s (1). Enormous subsidie s wer e offered . I f w e confin e ou r calculation s only t o th e nin e leadin g allie s enumerate d above , th e firs t instal ments du e t o the m totalle d £124,000 , payabl e befor e th e en d o f 1337 ( 2). I n addition , payment s wer e promise d t o numerou s knights an d councillor s o f thes e princes . Edward embarke d on the Frenc h war with the backin g of the two leading bankin g firm s o f Europe , th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i o f Florence. Betwee n the star t o f the preparation s fo r war i n Franc e in Septembe r 133 6 and th e firs t suspensio n o f hostilities i n Decem ber 1337 , thes e tw o firm s advance d a t leas t c. £82,400 , bot h i n England an d abroa d ( 3). Edwar d ha d mad e promise s o f larg e subsidies t o hi s continenta l allie s o n th e assumptio n tha t plent y o f money would be forthcoming at th e en d o f 1337 fro m a company of (1) Fo r thes e alliance s se e especiall y E . D£PREZ , Les prtliminaires de l a Guerre d e Cent Ans. Lapapaute, l a France e t I'Angleterre (1328-1342], Paris , 1902 , quote d hereafte r a s D£PREZ, Preliminaires ; H . S . LUCAS , Th e Lo w Countries an d th e Hundred Years' War, 1326-47 (Ann Arbor , Universit y o f Michigan, 1929) , quote d hereafte r a s LUCAS , Lo w Countries ; STURLER, Relations ; H . S . OFFLER , England an d Germany a t th e beginning o f th e Hundred Years' Wa r in English Historical Review, LIV (1939 ) ; F . TRAUTZ , Di e Konige vo n England und da s Reich, 1272-1377 (Heidelberg , 1961) . (2) The relevan t agreements are printe d i n RYMER , Foedera (Recor d Commissio n ed.) , vol. II , par t II , pp . 970 , 972 , 979-81, 984-5 , 991-2 . (3) I hav e include d on e ite m (£2200 ) from th e accoun t o f the Bard i (K . R . Exch . Ace. Var., E . 101/127/3 2 an d Ch . Misc., C . 47/13/7). I hav e furthe r selecte d fro m th e receipt an d issu e roll s fo r dates between 7 December 133 6 an d 1 1 Marc h 133 9 al l th e loans tha t ca n b e assigne d t o thi s period , datin g the m wit h th e hel p o f the survivin g original vouchers [preserved amon g K. R. Exch. Ace. Var., (E . 101) , Warrants for Issues of the Exch . o f Receipt (E . 404), and T . R . Ancien t Deed s (E . 43)].

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English merchant s speciall y organise d fo r thi s purpos e (*) . Thes e Contract Merchants , as I shal l cal l them , wer e give n a monopol y of wool export. The y undertoo k t o send to the Netherland s 30,00 0 sacks o f wool. A s everyone els e had bee n prohibite d t o shi p woo l for mor e tha n a yea r sinc e Augus t 1336 , th e Contrac t Merchant s were sure to sell their consignment s very profitably. The y promise d to len d t o th e kin g £200,000 , mostly abroad. Around 1 November 133 7 an important Englis h embassy, heade d by Bisho p Henry Burghers h o f Lincoln, lef t fo r th e Netherland s t o begin payment s t o th e king' s allies . Th e firs t transpor t o f woo l raised unde r th e Woo l Contrac t saile d i n th e sam e flee t an d wa s disembarked a t Dordrech t o n 2 8 November . A t tha t dat e th e subsidies due t o the allie s were already in arrear s and ther e was no prospect o f raisin g mone y fro m woo l befor e 1338 . Som e limite d payments were made out o f the loans advanced by the Bardi: they paid £180 0 t o th e margrav e o f Julier s o n 1 1 Decembe r 1337 . A survivin g letter paten t o f th e envoy s i n favou r o f th e coun t o f Guelders show s tha t almos t immediately after arriva l the y reache d an agreemen t wit h hi m t o postpon e a paymen t o f £15,000 du e a t Michaelmas 133 7 unti l Midlen t (2 2 Marc h 1338 ) ( 2). Probabl y similar arrangement s ha d t o b e mad e wit h th e othe r allies . Th e English envoy s reckone d tha t the y neede d £276,00 0 b y Midlent . At a conferenc e hel d o n 1 9 December 133 7 the y mentione d thi s requirement t o the Contract Merchant s presen t abroa d and insisted that thei r demand s mus t b e met . Th e envoy s trie d t o justif y a request s o grossl y i n exces s o f th e origina l agreemen t wit h th e merchants by invoking a later, supplementar y contract, whic h gave the roya l representative s abroad unlimite d power s to dispose of the wool exported in November 1337. Th e merchant s refused t o comply with this fresh deman d and th e envoy s decided tha t the y must com(1) FRYDE , Edward Ill's wool monopoly o f 1337 i n History, n . ser. , XXXV I (1952) . Some of the mai n records have bee n printed i n FRYDE , Th e Wool Accounts o f William de la Pole (York , 1964) . The y ar e th e mai n sources for th e accoun t o f the Woo l Contrac t of 133 7 tha t follows . (2) I . A . NIJHOFF , Gedenkwaardigheden ui t de geschiedenis van Gelderland... (Arnhem , 1830), quoted hereafter as NIJHOFF, Gelderland, vol . I, n ° 322 (pp. 367-8), date d 3 0 November 1337.

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mandeer fo r th e kin g th e entir e consignment . Thi s precipitat e action, (known as ' the Dordrecht seizure') , killed the Wool Contract of 1337. Edwar d II I ha d t o devise hastily a new scheme for levying in Englan d 20,00 0 sacks o f wool. H e secure d fo r i t th e consen t of parliament i n Februar y 1338 , bu t th e firs t consignmen t o f woo l raised unde r th e ne w arrangement s reache d Antwer p onl y o n 5 July (i). Unfortunately, thi s seizur e o f th e woo l fo r th e king' s us e als o proved a long drawn ou t affair , with balefu l consequences for royal finances. Th e origina l time-tabl e fo r the deliver y o f subsidies to th e king's allie s wa s seriousl y disorganised . Payment s wer e delaye d until Apri l 1338 . Th e earlies t advanc e t o th e duk e o f Brabant, of £8504, too k plac e onl y i n th e firs t day s of April, durin g th e duke' s brief wa r agains t th e bisho p o f Lieg e ; a secon d instalment , o f £3000, followed on 1 7 May. An d a s one of Edward's most influential allies, John o f Brabant wa s presumabl y on e o f the firs t t o receiv e substantial payments . Ou r evidenc e abou t subsidie s t o th e king' s allies i s admittedly ver y incomplete, bu t i t i s worth recordin g tha t we kno w o f advance s amountin g t o n o mor e tha n £19,082 . 10s . up t o Jul y 133 8 ( 2). In orde r t o raise mone y quickly, bisho p Burghersh and hi s fellow envoys ha d t o authoris e th e conclusio n o f some ver y ruinou s bar gains ( 3). 160 6 sack s o f wool , valued b y th e Contrac t Merchant s at £17,130 , wer e hande d ove r t o th e mone y changer s o f Maline s and Brussels , in repaymen t o f a previou s loa n o f onl y £780 0 (4). A similar thing happened ove r the delivery to Peter Meine of Venice of 70 7 3/ 4 sack s value d a t £746 4 an d surrendere d fo r a loa n o f £4563. Othe r sale s wer e made , o n les s disastrou s terms, but eve n the highes t price s secure d b y th e chie f roya l salesman , Pau l d e (1) Chancellor' s r., E . 352/132 , m . 4 6 an d K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/311/31 , p. 3 v . (2) Se e tabl e A , infra. (3) Th e accoun t o f Paul d e Mont e Florum , E . 101/624/28 , m . 1 , is the mai n sourc e for thes e transactions . Th e personne l o f the buyer s is discussed mor e fully i n th e fina l section o f thi s article . (4) E . 101/624/28 , m. 1. : *pa r assen t de s seignur s pu r fair e chevisanc e dargent'.

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I 114 9

Monte Florum , wer e nearl y a poun d lowe r tha n th e average price of £9. 8s. per sac k a t whic h h e wa s able t o sel l a differen t consign ment of 781 sacks of royal wool six months later (*) . Th e chie f justification fo r th e seizur e of the woo l of the Contrac t Merchant s ha d lain i n th e belie f tha t muc h mor e coul d b e raise d fro m i t b y th e royal agents tha n the Englis h merchant s ha d bee n prepared to pay . By that tes t alone the whole operation wa s a mistake. Th e tota l ne t income derive d b y Edward II I fro m th e sale of this wool amounte d to n o mor e tha n £68,139 . 1 6 s. ( 2), surpassin g onl y ver y slightl y the offer o f 100,000 marks (£66,666.13s. 4d.) made by the merchants . Clearly, th e nee d fo r hurried sale s to a few important foreign firms nullified th e advantage s expecte d fro m th e diposa l o f the woo l b y the king' s ow n servants . In Ma y or June 133 8 th e roya l envoy s reported t o Edwar d fro m Brabant tha t 'nou s avom s fai t toute s le s chevance s q e nou s avom s peu san z esparnie r custage s et encor e ferroms ' (3). Bu t the y wen t on t o be g tha t a t leas t £20,00 0 shoul d b e sen t ove r fro m Englan d before Edward's ow n arrival overseas . Th e envoys abroad ha d mad e lavish promise s to th e king' s allie s i n th e expectatio n o f the succes s of the woo l grant concede d b y parliament i n February 133 8 (20,000 sacks). Unfortunatel y th e ne w woo l lev y wa s badl y mismanaged . The roya l collectors , wh o ha d replace d th e Contrac t Merchants , were empowered t o take one half o f any wool that they might find . Hence derive s th e nam e o f th e lev y o f th e Moiety , usuall y give n to thi s woo l grant. Thes e seizure s of wool were treated a s a force d loan whic h th e king undertook t o repay later on, but suc h promises were widel y distrusted . Th e roya l collector s wer e abl e t o assembl e by August 133 8 no more than 280 6 sacks and o f thes e a mere 158 4 (1) Th e highes t average prices in the spring of 1338 were £8. 11s . per sac k (sale to th e Portinari) an d £8 . 4s. per sac k (sal e to the Peruzzi) . Bot h these firms were very closely connected wit h Edward III . Fo r sale s in an d afte r Novembe r 133 8 see ibid., mm. 4-5 . (2) M y calculatio n base d o n th e account s o f th e Contrac t Merchant s (Misc . Enr . Ace., Wool, E . 358/10 , m . 28) , Mont e Floru m (E . 101/624/28 , m. 1 ) and th e chie f re ceiver o f the envoys , John Charnel s (Chancellor' s r. , E . 352/132 , m . 46) . (3) Ch . Misc., C . 47/32/18. On e of these loans was contracted from a Lucchese group headed b y Nicholas Bartholomei, who on 29 June paid a t Antwerp £1500 to the duke of Brabant (se e tabl e C , no . la. , infra).

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sacks reache d Braban t i n th e cours e of July an d earl y Augus t (*). On his arrival abroad o n 22 July, Edward experienced a rude shock. Instead of«tresor , vitaille s e t tote s autre s chose s a foison busoigna bles aussi bien pu r nou s et pur no s gentz come pur le s fres pa r nou s dus a s gentz d e no s alliance s e s partie s o u nou s sumes » tha t Ed ward had expected to discover at Antwerp ( 2), he found that scarcely anything had a s yet been paid to his allies and that wholly insufficient resources wer e a t hi s disposal . I n a lette r writte n tw o day s afte r his arrival a t Antwerp, he told th e Counci l at home that a s a result of the disappointingl y smal l amount of wool that ha d s o far arrive d he was greatly encumbere d and trouble d « de ce qe nous navons de qei paie r no s allie z selon c leu r covenante s n e pu r no z despen s e t gages d e no z gentz » (3). The governmen t in Englan d wa s able t o secure on 1 August the assent o f a Grea t Counci l assemble d a t Northampto n t o a fres h wool levy (4). Thi s time , in plac e of the indiscriminate seizures and forced purchase s previousl y i n operation , a carefull y worke d ou t scheme was devised, a tax based on a precise assessment. It wa s sure to be a success, but i t coul d not b e of much effective us e to the king before 1339 . Ideally n o shipment s of wool shoul d hav e bee n permitte d unti l the proceed s o f thi s ne w ta x coul d b e markete d abroad . Bisho p Burghersh an d hi s fellow envoy s had bee n pleadin g for the prolon gation of the embargo on the export of wool by others than the king, in orde r t o maintain hig h price s abroa d unti l th e bul k of the roya l wool could be sold ( 5). Thi s advic e was disregarded. Revenu e fro m the custom s was needed urgently . Earl y i n Ma y 133 8 th e govern ment decided t o permit free expor t afte r 1 August ( 6) on payment of (1) Cf . my thesis , cit. supra, chapte r III , an d tabl e III . (2) KERVY N D E LETTENHOVE , CEuvres d e Froissart, XVIII , pp . 64-5 . (3) DEPREZ , op . cit., pp . 418-19 . (4) K . R . Mem . r., E . 159/115 , m . 1 8 v. Fo r detail s of this grant se e D. HUGHES , A Study o f Social an d Constitutional Tendencies i n the Early Years of Edward III (London , 1915) , chapter I V an d m y thesis , chapte r IV . (5) Ch . Misc. , C . 47/32/18 . (6) Thi s is the date mentioned in an agreemen t with th e former Contrac t Merchants of 4 May 133 8 (K. R. Mem . r., E. 159/117 , recorda, Easter , m . 1 2 r. an d v. ) an d in a n agreement wit h th e Bardi and Peruzz i of 7 May (Cal. Close R., 1337-39, p. 412) .

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higher rates of duty. Englishme n were to pay £2 per sack and alien s £3 pe r sac k ( 1). Th e result s o f thi s ne w polic y prove d damagin g to the king' s lon g term interests , for reasons that wer e not, perhaps , foreseen at first . Edwar d III wa s destined to stay in the Netherlands for ninetee n months . Hi s follower s coul d neithe r b e adequatel y paid no r otherwis e supplied with necessities. Magnate s and official s managed to live only by borrowing on the security of future supplies from England . The y trie d t o import int o th e Netherland s as much wool a s thei r estat e official s i n Englan d coul d muste r ( 2). Edwar d gave man y o f them licence s t o shi p woo l fre e o f dut y a s th e onl y quick wa y o f repayin g som e o f th e debt s owe d t o thes e me n ( 3). For onc e the siz e of exports was not governe d by th e existenc e of an effective deman d fo r woo l abroad , bu t b y th e requirement s of th e war financ e o f the kin g and hi s impoverished followers . Sale s at a loss did no t vitall y matte r a s long a s enough was received t o main tain thei r retinues . Th e marke t wa s depressed stil l furthe r b y th e arrival o f vas t quantitie s o f woo l exporte d b y Edward' s busines s creditors. Foreig n an d Englis h merchant s who had advance d hi m money foun d tha t thei r mai n chanc e o f speedy repaymen t la y i n securing licence s t o expor t woo l fre e o f custom an d subsidy . Ove r 40,000 sack s wer e shippe d fro m Englan d betwee n th e autum n o f 1338 and th e eart y months of 1340, mostly destined for the Nether lands. Th e glu t a t Bruge s an d Antwer p pushed price s down to a n (1) Th e earliest mention of the new rates is to be found in the agreement of 4 May with the English merchant s cite d in the preceding note . I n customs accounts it was described as 'subsidiu m regi a mercatoribu s concessum' (E . 356/5, m . 4, Kingsto n upon Hul l ac count). Th e ne w rates wer e first charged a t Londo n 'per ordinacione m consilli' o n 21 July 133 8 (ibid., m . 4) . (2) E.g. the countes s o f Ulster wa s given a licence i n Decembe r 133 8 t o ship t o Antwerp 1 6 sarplars 'd e se s propres leynes ' t o suppl y he r brother , th e ear l o f Derby. (Gh . Warrants, G . 81/1532, no. 110). Th e account of the treasurer o f Queen Philippa mentions the receip t i n January 134 0 of the mone y received from th e sal e of 84 sarplars sent fro m her estate s sout h o f Trent. (K . R. Exch . Ace . Var., E . 101/389/5 , p . 4) . (3) A memorandum o f licences issued unde r th e great seal in th e secon d hal f of 133 8 is in Ch. Misc., C . 47/13/5. I t mentions that further permit s had been issued to exporters under th e priv y sea l 'd e quoru m nominibu s ignoratur i n cancellaria' . Ther e i s a de tailed recor d o f exports o n privilege d term s i n Enr . Custom s Ace., E . 356/8 , passim,

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unusually lo w level ( 1). Eve n th e mos t experience d an d wealthies t merchants coul d no t avoi d sellin g a t ver y disappointin g prices . William d e la Pol e coul d no t secur e an averag e pric e o f more tha n £6. 15s . pe r sac k i n 1339-4 0 an d sale s by th e Bard i an d Peruzz i during th e sam e period fel l t o a n averag e as low as £6 per sac k ( 2). As for th e roya l revenu e from th e customs , thi s wa s much reduce d by th e exemption s grante d t o th e king' s follower s an d hi s othe r creditors, especiall y a s th e concession s secure d b y th e financier s included licence s t o expor t larg e quantitie s o f wool free o f duty in payment o f interest o n thei r loan s t o th e kin g (3). From th e ver y beginnin g o f hi s sta y abroa d Edwar d II I wa s compelled, therefore , t o rel y almos t exclusivel y o n borrowing . As yet thi s was probably though t b y those around th e kin g to be a temporary emergenc y that would soo n end with th e arriva l o f huge quantities o f wool . Larg e loan s appea r t o hav e bee n negotiate d immediately afte r th e king' s arrival; in th e already quote d letter of 24 July 133 8 he wrote that but fo r tr/e help o f the me n around hi m « qi s e conussen t de chevanc e faire illeoqe s e t l a quell e s i es t mol t uncore su r l a venue (des ) dites leynes... s i eussiens este deshonure a touz jours». I n a letter writte n a few days later th e King explaine d that«si n e eus t este une chevanc e qe nou s avons fai t fair e a gran t peine puis nostre venue en celles parties d'u n d e nos especials amys, et c e e n espoi r d'estr e hastiemen t aide s d e no s leynes , d e quell e chevance si nous n'en eussiens fait gre a ascuns gents de nos alliances en parti e d e l a somm e q e nou s le s devons » h e woul d hav e bee n dishonoured fo r eve r ( 4). H e wa s save d chiefl y b y th e Bard i an d Peruzzi, Willia m d e l a Pol e and , perhap s also , b y Willia m va n Duivenvoorde. The tw o Florentine societies advanced in the Nether -

(1) FRYDE , Th e Wool Accounts o f William d e la Pole (York , 1964) , pp . 12-1 3 an d th e table o f price s i n th e appendix ; FRYDE , Some Business Transactions o f York Merchants, 1336-49 (York , 1966) , pp . 7- 8 and Tabl e I . (2) FRYDE , Th e Wool Accounts of William d e la Pole (1964) , p . 12 . The figur e o f 6s. pe r sack i s a printin g erro r fo r £6 . (8) E.g. tabl e D , nos . 6.b.-ll , infra, an d FRYDE , Business Transactions o f York Merchants, (1966) , Tabl e I . (4) DEPREZ , op . cit., pp. 41 9 an d 241 , n . 4 (continue d p . 242) .

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lands previous to Michaelmas 1338 the enormous sum of £71,522 ( 1), mainly, it seems, after th e king's arrival abroad ( 2 ). On e royal letter mentions th e ' large sums o f money paid b y the m at hi s request to his confederate s beyond th e sea s i n defaul t o f wool not sen t a t th e appointed time ' an d i n a slightly earlier letter Edwar d expresse s his gratitude fo r thei r larg e loan s an d othe r kin d service s (3). Pole , who wa s one o f the wealthies t English merchants, supplied abroa d by the en d of November at least £33,263. Just over a half consisted of real loans, but £16,08 3 were paid fo r the roya l estate s purchased by Pol e earlie r o n i n 133 8 ( 4). Th e larg e assignmen t of 2500 sack s granted t o Duivenvoord e on 1 Octobe r 'pa r caus e dascune s chevances queles.. . nou s a d fai t e t ferra ' ( 5) testifie d t o th e importan t services rendered b y this influential magnate and financier, who had been fo r man y year s a chamberlai n of th e coun t o f Hollan d an d (1) E . 101/624/28 , m . 3 (entered in the section o f Monte Florum's account endin g a t Michaelmas 1338) . (2) Unde r th e agreement o f 7 May 133 8 with the king, the Bardi an d Peruzz i were to pay at once £15,000 in England an d make further advances after th e king's arrival abroa d (Cal. Close R., 1337-39 , p . 412) . Th e payment s b y the Bardi and Peruzz i to the' Duke of Brabant starte d i n Augus t 1338 . (KERVY N D E LETTENHOVE, op . cit., XX , pp . 416-17) . The remuneratio n granted t o the two societies took the form of 'gifts' conceded to them by the king. A petition of the Peruzzi (K. R. Exch . Ace. Var., E . 101/127/36 ) shows that they receive d on e 'gift ' o f £20,000 for loans 'iusqueal 1 7 iour deNovembr e Ian 1338' . For gifts to the two societies in this period see FRYDE in Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., XXII (1949) , pp. 118-21 . (3) Cal. Patent R., 1338-40, p. 12 9 (15 September 1338 ) ; K. R . Mem . r. , E . 159/115 , m. 1 8 v: 'par caus e de s grant z chevances e t de s autre s bone s naturesces ' (1 1 August 1338). (4) Fo r a genera l accoun t o f Pole's dealing s wit h th e kin g see FRYD E i n Econ. Hist. Rev., 1962 . As remuneration h e received separate 'gifts' . Fo r transaction s in thi s perio d the king , b y a letter of 15 November 1338 , ordere d Norwel l t o credit Pol e wit h a 'gift ' of £400 0 (Exch . Ple a r., E . 13/79 , m . 12 5 and E . 36/203 , p. 203) . The main sources for his loans in July-November 133 8 are : E. 36/203, pp. 62 and 64; Norwell's debentures , E . 404/493 , nos . 238 , 240 , 283 , 382 , 403 , 406 , 411 , 533 , 534 ; Pole's trial in 1353-4 , E . 13/79 , m. 12 4 v. I n addition , I hav e included a sum of £7500, which Pol e undertoo k o n 1 4 November 133 8 t o pa y t o th e coun t o f Guelders b y Mid summer of 1339, as it was allowed to Pole at the exchequer of receipt on 23 December 133 8 and wa s probably alread y pai d b y the n (E . 404/510, no . 50 , endorsed wit h th e dat e of 23 December) . (5) Ch . Warrant s (C . 81) , priv y sea l no . 11,314 . Se e als o tabl e B , no . 1 , infra.

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was als o closel y connecte d wit h th e duk e o f Braban t ( 1). Mos t o f the detail s o f hi s dealing s wit h Edwar d II I escap e us , bu t h e i s known to have received in April 1338 , 'tempore guerre de Hillisem', £8504 fro m Mont e Floru m o n behal f o f th e duk e o f Brabant . A t the en d o f September 1338 , Duivenvoord e advance d to th e duk e £600, possibl y o f hi s ow n money , payin g i n th e nam e o f Mont e Florum. ( 2). Within fou r month s o f Edward' s arriva l abroa d ove r £150,00 0 were raise d b y hi m fro m financier s (3). I t is possible to accoun t fo r the spending o f only about a third of this amount, which must serve as a clear warning that we lack information about a large proportion of th e subsidie s pai d t o Edward' s confederates . Onl y th e mor e important loan s an d th e payment s t o th e leadin g allie s ca n b e specified i n detail . Beside s th e advance s b y Pol e an d b y th e Bard i and Peruzzi , a large group of loans was raised for the king by Monte Florum. £25,49 7 wer e procure d b y thi s versatil e Italia n o n th e security o f the king' s Grea t Crow n an d othe r preciou s valuables of Edward an d hi s queen , whic h wer e brough t t o Antwer p i n th e course o f July ( 4). A t leas t £525 0 wer e destine d fo r th e duk e o f Brabant, procure d b y pledgin g th e Grea t Crow n o f Edward , on e gold cross and tw o gold chalice s belonging to the abbey s of Reading and Bur y St. Edmunds, as well as other objects. Th e Grea t Crown , the mos t precious of all these things, must have been pledged almost immediately, a s th e mone y raise d fro m i t (£2250 ) wa s pai d ou t to th e duk e of Brabant o n 3 0 July, withi n eigh t day s o f Edward' s (1) J . CUVELIER , Les origines de la fortune d e la maison d'Orange-Nassau.,. (Bruxelles , 1921). (2) Kervy n DE LETTENHOVE, op. cit., XX, pp . 414 , 418. Payment s to various magnates and knight s from th e Netherlands were also made through Duivenvoorde (e.g. E. 36/203, pp. 330-31) . (3) Thi s total include s th e advance s o f the Bard i an d Peruzz i and o f Pole mentione d in th e previous paragrap h (bu t no t Duivenvoorde ) ; fou r loan s b y Englis h merchants , totalling jointl y £1240 , advance d b y Decembe r 133 8 (E . 36/203 , p . 67 , Cal. Patent R. , 1338-40, p . 191 , K . R . Mem . r. , E . 159/115 , brevia irretornabilia, Michaelmas , m . 2 ) ; the followin g items in th e table s below : table B, nos. lO.a , 1 1 ; table G , nos. l.b. , I.e. , 7, 8.a , 10 , 12 ; tabl e D , no . l.a , infra. (4) E . 101/624/28 , m. 3. The valuable s can be identified from schedule s attached t o his account an d fro m Norwell' s accoun t fo r jewels, E . 101/390/4 .

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arrival a t Antwer p ( 1). Nothin g bring s ou t bette r th e urgenc y o f these payments . Three othe r loan s deserv e a specia l comment . Mont e Floru m procured £6072 . 10s . fro m th e Portinari , a famil y o f Florentin e exiles domiciled i n the Netherlands, wit h whom he had ha d divers e dealings in the past ( 2). Th e mone y was used to pay interest o n th e other loan s contracte d b y Mont e Florum . Th e Portinar i wer e themselves promise d interes t a t th e rate of nearly 3 3 %, though th e royal governmen t repudiate d thi s engagemen t i n 134 2 (8). Th e services o f Vivelin, a Jew o f Strassburg, wer e use d t o rais e i n Oc tober 133 8 a sum of £3000 for payments t o hi s master, Archbisho p Baldwin o f Treves (Trier) . Viveli n procure d loan s a t Brussel s an d Antwerp o n th e securit y o f roya l valuable s speciall y entruste d t o him fo r thi s purpose , includin g a golde n chalic e an d fou r crown s of Edwar d an d hi s wif e ( 4). I n Novembe r 133 8 an exceptionall y onerous loa n o f £600 0 was A contracted a t Maline s fo r payment s o f subsidies t o the roya l allies . I t wa s to prove the caus e o f great em barrassments : one of the guarantors , th e king' s cousin , th e ear l of Derby wa s obliged , becaus e o f it , t o spen d severa l month s a s a hostage a t Maline s i n the winte r o f 1340-41. Interes t at th e rat e of 50 % was originally stipulated , bu t successiv e delay s i n repaymen t led t o additional charge s whic h ha d t o b e accepte d b y the Englis h government. B y th e tim e th e Maline s creditor s declare d them selves finall y satisfie d (b y Septembe r 1341) , the y ha d manage d t o receive £12,000, raising thus the rate of interest to exactly 100 % ( 5). This ill-fated loa n wa s needed t o satisfy som e of the promise s mad e to Margrav e Willia m o f Juliers and t o Coun t Reginal d I I o f Guelders ( 6). Ou r recor d o f payment s t o bot h thes e allie s i s woefull y (1) Tabl e C , no . 7 , infra. (2) Fo r th e Portinar i se e R . DAVIDSOHN , Geschichte vo n Florenz, II I (Berlin , 1910) , pp. 489 , 59 2 an d Y . RENOUARD , Les relations des Popes d'Avignon e t de s compagnies commerciales et bancaires de 1316 d 1378 (1941) , p. 53 ; for their earlie r dealings wit h Monte Florum see E . 101/624/28 , mm . 8- 9 an d hi s earlie r account , E . 101/311/25 . (3) Tabl e C , no . 12 , infra. (4) Tabl e D , no . l.a. , infra. (5) Tabl e B , no . lO.a , infra. (6) Fo r th e detail s tha t follo w se e tabl e A , infra.

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incomplete. Margrav e Willia m i s known t o hav e receive d a t leas t £3405 b y th e en d o f September 1338 . Furthe r £330 0 wer e paid t o him on 7 November, including £300 0 from th e Maline s loan. Coun t Reginald wa s Edward's brothe r i n la w an d hi s closest collaborato r in th e Netherland s ( 1). Nothin g i s known abou t payment s t o hi m previous to November. H e then received at least £3600, the Malines lenders providin g £3000 . Pol e probabl y pai d hi m furthe r £750 0 in November o r December ( 2). Recorde d payment s to various lesser allies and notable s from th e Netherlands durin g the first four months of Edward's sta y abroa d amounte d t o £317 9 (3). We ar e informed mos t fully abou t the subsidies received by Duke John II I o f Brabant, becaus e th e accoun t o f his receivers ha s sur vived ( 4). B y Christma s 133 8 h e shoul d hav e receive d £33,333 . 6s. 8d ( 5). Ever y effor t wa s obviously mad e t o satisf y hi m and b y 1 January 133 9 th e duk e had bee n pai d £26,658 . 10s . Th e Empero r Lewis o f Bavaria appear s t o hav e fare d muc h worse . Edwar d II I certainly expecte d a grea t dea l fro m th e imperia l allianc e an d i n August-September 133 8 h e visite d German y t o mee t Lewi s (6). By tha t tim e th e empero r shoul d hav e receive d £60,00 0 ( 7), bu t we happe n t o kno w that onl y £12,00 0 had bee n pai d t o hi m b y 7 September ( 8). I t i s impossible t o sa y how muc h mor e wa s given to Lewis subsequently. Bu t our knowledg e of the transport s of royal funds fro m th e Netherland s ( 9) an d o f the modes t loan s contracte d by the king' s agent s in German y ( 10) suggest s that th e empero r re ceived a t most between a third an d a half of the total sum promised to him . On e roya l agent , John Montgomery , durin g a missio n to Germany lastin g fro m 1 September t o 6 Novembe r 1338 , di d pa y (1) A . MURIMUTH , Continuatio Chronicarum (ed . E . M . Thompson, R. S. , 1889) , p. 84 . (2) Supra, p . 1153 , n . 4 . (3) M y total , base d o n E . 36/203 , pp . 328-49 , passim. (4) KERVY N D E LETTENHOVE, op . cit., XX , pp . 414-18 . (5) RYMER , op. cit., p . 981 . (6) DEPREZ , op . cit., pp . 195-7 . (7) RYMER , op . cit., p . 991 . (8) H . S . OFFLER , England an d Germany a t th e beginning o f th e Hundred Years' Wa r i n Engl. Hist. Rev., LI V (1939) , p . 620 . (9) E . 36/203 , passim. (10) Tabl e D , nos . l.b.-5 , infra.

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Lewis £7304 . 11s. , bu t h e als o foun d i t necessar y to spen d a t leas t another £173 4 o n payment s t o th e emperor' s entourag e fo r thei r 'aid', a s he call s it . £70 0 wa s transmitte d t o a special , unnamed , adviser of Lewis, two other councillor s received £60, and th e council collectively £600 . Th e empres s had £36 0 an d he r secretar y £ 9 (1). It was all largely wasted. Th e emperor never arrived in the Netherlands t o participate i n th e expeditio n agains t France in th e autum n of 1339 , thoug h hi s son, the margrav e o f Brandenburg, di d join th e invading arm y ( 2). Ill

No attempt could be made by Edward II I an d his allies to invade France i n th e autum n o f 133 8 an d ther e ensue d a lon g perio d o f penury an d enforce d idlenes s ( 3). Th e financia l positio n an d pros pects were very grim. Th e shortage s and humiliations that the king and hi s follower s ha d t o endur e durin g th e winte r o f 1338-3 9 ar e described i n a numbe r o f vivid comments scattered throug h Mont e Florum's account . Whe n a transpor t o f 78 1 sacks o f wool arrive d from Englan d aroun d 2 0 November 1338, he was ordered t o pledge it hastily as ' les seignurs' needed money ' et ne purroient attendre la vent'. ( 4). A particularly desperate situation developed in December or earl y January . ' En lon g temp s nulle s bien s n e furent mande z hors Dengleterr e a u Ro i n e a le s seignur s doun t il s c e purroien t aider n e espleiter lou r busoignes et le Roi e t les seignurs furent tan t endettes e t n e paieron t a lou r iou r assign e q e null e chevanc e n e purroient troue r n e nu l n e vorroi t plu s a eu x a prester' . Mont e Florum wa s ordered b y th e kin g an d th e counci l t o rais e loan s a t Bruges at all costs. H e was to pay no attention to losses as long as he managed t o procur e money . Th e loan s wer e neede d t o honou r engagements t o the king's allies, t o redeem the king's ' grande coiffe ' (1) E . 36/203 , pp . 64 , 182 , 184 , 328 , 349 . (2) LUCAS , op . cit., pp. 304 , 307 , 337 ; D£PREZ , op . cit., pp. 253 , 267. (3) Th e perio d covered in this section of the articl e extends up t o Midsummer 1339. By July preparation s for an attack in France were beginning in earnest and the y will be dealt wit h i n th e nex t section . (4) E . 101/624/28 , m . 4 .

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and other valuables, 'et auxi pur la deliverance Levesqe du Nichole, les countes du Derby e t de Salesbuyrs qi furent a Brussel en hostag e pur 300 0 11. desterl' (*) . A few supplementary detail s ca n b e gleane d form NorwelP s records. W e hear o f a king' s wa r hors e pledge d a t Malines by Walter de Mauny, one of Edward's best captains, whic h was redeeme d b y roya l official s fo r £4 5 ( 2). Leadin g Englis h earl s used their own resources to maintain other magnates in their retinues as the king was unable to pay them( 3). I n a message, sent probably in Marc h 1339 , th e kin g informe d th e counci l i n Englan d tha t numerous men at arm s and archer s had lef t hi s army 'par cause qils ne avien t don t vivre ' an d aske d fo r fres h reinforcement s ( 4). After Octobe r 133 8 Edwar d receive d muc h les s hel p tha n i n th e past fro m th e Bard i an d Peruzzi . Th e tw o societie s remaine d strongly committe d t o hi s cause and th e head o f the Peruzzi actuall y resided i n th e Netherlands fro m July 133 8 to October 133 9 ( 5). Bu t the tw o firms appear t o hav e becom e exhauste d b y th e enormou s advances mad e t o th e Englis h kin g u p t o Michaelma s 1338 . A s the contemporary Florentine historian Giovann i Villani pointed out, the overwhelmin g bul k o f thei r asset s cam e fro m depositor s a t Florence an d abroa d ( 6) an d th e tw o companie s had ever y reason to fea r tha t thei r perilou s entanglemen t wit h a semi-bankrup t En glish governmen t migh t provok e a massiv e withdrawa l o f funds . In October 133 8 the Peruzzi considered it necessar y to send a special (1) Ibid. m . 6. Thi s is entered in the section of Monte Florum's account after Michaelmas 1338 . A further referenc e on m. 4. speaks of the loans being contracted at Bruges in 12 Edward III an d therefor e no t later tha n 2 5 January 1339 . Th e reference to a prolonged absenc e o f supplie s fro m Englan d fit s bes t th e circumstance s o f Decembe r o r early January. (2) E . 36/203 , p . 346 . (3) E.g. Norwell's debentures, E . 404/493 , no . 489 / debt of £582. 15s. 2d. t o the earl of Salisbury, marshal of the king's army 'pro quibusdam denariis per ipsum solutis diversis magnatibus nomin e Regis pr o expensi s eorundem existentiu m i n comitiv a sua' . (4) Parl . and Counci l Proc., C . 49/46/8. Order s for the sailing of archers were issued by th e counci l o n 4 April (Treat y r. , C . 76/14 , m. 1 1 v. ) an d on e o f the envoy s who brought thi s message was about t o return t o the Netherland s on 1 0 April (ibid.). (5) A . SAPORI , La crisi delle compagnie mercantile dei Bardi e dei Peruzzi (Florence , 1926) , p. 6 1 (quote d hereafte r a s SAPORI , L a crisi). (6) Cit. in A . SAPORI , Studi d i storia economica (3r d ed. , Florence , 1956) , II , p . 688 .

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ship from southern Ital y to their branch at Rhodes with information about th e progres s o f th e Anglo-Frenc h wa r ( 1), presumably , a s A. Sapor i suggeste d ( 2) t o war n thei r factor s i n tim e agains t th e danger o f damaging rumours . Edwar d II I wa s not th e sol e cause of the difficultie s o f the Bard i an d Peruzzi . A s leading member s of the oligarch y rulin g Florence , the y ha d involve d thei r nativ e cit y in ruinou s war s in Ital y an d b y January 133 9 thei r politica l pre dominance a t hom e was in jeopardy ( 3). Th e record s of the papa l chamber a t Avigno n testif y t o th e financia l embarrassment s of th e Bardi. Contrar y t o al l earlie r precedents , the y wer e unabl e t o refund promptl y a t Avigno n the modes t sum o f 3600 florins (£540) entrusted t o the m b y th e papa l collecto r i n Englan d lat e i n 133 8 and ha d t o pa y i t i n tw o instalments . A transfe r of 266 7 florins committed t o them in October 133 9 had t o be spread over as many as thre e payment s (4). There wa s a drastic declin e in th e advance s of the two Florentine companies t o Edwar d III . Thei r loan s betwee n Michaelma s 133 8 and th e king's retur n t o Englan d i n Februar y 134 0 amounted t o a mere £28,37 6 (5). Thi s corresponde d t o 3 9 % o f thei r advance s abroad betwee n January an d Octobe r 1338 . Thei r plac e a s Ed ward's chie f banke r wa s taken b y Willia m d e l a Pole . Accordin g to hi s ow n statement , h e procure d mone y mostl y b y borrowin g from other s ( 6). H e wa s able t o rais e fund s ver y freel y fro m othe r Englishmen abroa d ( 7). Thi s ma y explai n wh y direc t loan s t o (1) A . SAPORI , / libri d i commercio dei Peruzzi (Milan , 1934) , p . 181 . (2) SAPORI , L a crisi, p . 66 . (3) SAPORI , L a Crisi, pp. 10 7 seq. and , mos t recently, G . A . BRUCKER , Florentine Politics an d Society (Princeton , 1962) , pp. 4-8 . (4) RENOUARD , op . dt., pp . 134 , 138 . (5) Th e nature of our sources makes it impossible to split up the advances of the Bardi and Peruzzi into shorter periods. My total is based on the accounts of the Bardi and Peruzzi (E . 101/127 , nos. 32 and 36) , the account of Monte Florum (E . 101/624/28 , mm 3-7), Norwell's records (E. 36/203, pp. 181 , 357). Se e also table G, nos. l.b., 8.a, 8.c, 11 , infra. (6) FRVDE , Econ. Hist. Rev., 1962 , p . 1 7 an d n . 6 . (7) E.g. an advance at Bruges of £2000 on Pole's behal f by Hugh Ulseby and Rober t Denton in November 1340 (wardrobe ace. of Cusance, E. 361/2, m. 40; K. R. Mem. r., E. 159/131, recorda, Easter , m . 4 : text of indenture of 26 Nov. 1340; Speculum, VI (1931), p. 204: complaint by Ulseby that he had neve r been satisfied b y Pole).

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Edward by the rest of the English business community in the Netherlands wer e quit e modest , amountin g t o a mer e £28,30 0 durin g hi s first continenta l expedito n (*) . I t i s probabl e tha t thes e Englis h merchants abroa d supplie d considerabl e sum s indirectl y throug h Pole. Betwee n December 1338 and Midsumme r 1339 Pole advanced in th e Netherland s a t leas t £37,32 2 ( 2). I n Januar y 133 9 h e wa s conceded th e revenue s fro m custom s a t al l harbours , i n additio n to th e custom s of Boston an d Hul l alread y i n hi s hand s sinc e th e previous spring . Thi s gran t wa s to remai n i n forc e 'tan t q e i l soi t pleinement pai e tant d e somme s d e denier s qi l nou s a d aprest e e t aprestera d e se s propres bien s com e d e c e qil chevir a de s autre s a nostre oeps ' ( 3). Four majo r consignment s o f wool, amountin g togethe r t o som e 3100 sacks (by weights of the Netherlands) , safel y reache d th e roya l agents abroa d betwee n July an d Novembe r 1338 . Fro m th e firs t wool lev y o f 1338 , impose d i n February , cam e 207 2 sack s ( 4). More tha n hal f wa s delivered t o th e Bardi , th e Peruzzi , th e Por tinari and other royal creditors ( 5). Sale s of the remainder b y Monte Florum an d Norwel l yielde d £6145 . Th e sale s b y Norwell a t Ant werp, probabl y i n Octobe r (23 0 sacks), wer e made a t a moderat e (1) FRYDE , Business Transactions o f York Merchants (1966 , cit. supra), p . 7 . Thi s i s probably a sligh t under-estimate . (2) Th e main sources are : E. 36/203, pp.62 and 64 ; Norwell's debentures, E.404/493, nos. 153 , 157 , 221 , 239 , 248 , 504 ; E . 159/131 , recorda, Easter , m . 4 (restorin g o f th e unrepaid debentur e for £14270. 13s . 4d.) ; Pole' s tria l in 1353-4 , Exch . Ple a r. , E . 13/79 , m. 12 4 v. O n 2 5 January 133 9 th e kin g ordere d Norwel l t o credi t Pol e wit h a 'gift ' of 20,000 marks ( £ 13,333 . 6s . 8d.), ibid., m. 12 5 and E . 36/203 , p . 204 . (3) Ch . Warrants , (C . 81) , priv y sea l no . 11,45 0 (2 6 January 1339) . (4) Se e my thesis , cit. supra., tabl e III . 279 5 sacks (b y weight o f England) wer e ori ginally delivere d fo r shipmen t a t variou s Englis h harbours . 169 4 sacks arrive d i n July 1338 o r soo n afterwards , 37 8 sacks cam e i n October . A further 31 0 sacks arrive d i n January o r Februar y 133 9 (cf. ibid., tabl e VI , woo l shipped b y Rober t Watford) . A t least another 11 6 sacks were lost by enemy action, 'perdu ovesqes nos dites noef s a temps qe eles estoient prises de guerre ad les gentz de galleies du poair du Roi de France' (K. R. Mem. r. , E. 159/116 , br . dir. baron., Michaelmas , m . 24 v.). Furthe r consignment s may also have been lost a t se a (altogether 42 1 sacks were lost o r cannot b e accounted for) . (5) E . 101/624/28 , mm. 2-3 , 8-9; Enr. Woo l Ace., E . 358/10 , mm . 1 3 (Watford), 14 (Conduit an d Melcheburn) .

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average price o f £8. 5s . per sac k (*•) . Th e secon d woo l levy of 1338 , started a t Northampton on 1 August, began to yield revenue abroa d only a t th e en d o f the year . Th e earlies t consignmen t raise d fro m it reache d Norwfcl l an d Mont e Floru m lat e i n November . 103 2 sacks were sold b y the m for £9361 , whic h gives an averag e pric e of just over £ 9 per sack. Som e of the best Shropshire woo l even fetched over £1 1 pe r sack . Thi s wa s fairly satisfactory . Obviousl y neithe r at Bruge s no r a t Antwer p wer e th e market s glutte d a s ye t ( 2). Unfortunately n o more woo l arrived until late January ( 3). I t was , presumably, durin g thi s ga p i n shipment s tha t Mont e Floru m wa s given th e desperate instructions, quote d above , t o raise loan s a t al l costs fro m Englis h an d Germa n merchant s a t Bruges . H e manage d to bu y o n credi t 83 2 1/ 2 sack s o f wool . Th e Bard i an d Peruzz i guaranteed the repayment o f the debts thu s incurred, amountin g t o £7255. 8s . 8d. Th e woo l fetche d o n sal e onl y £5954 . 16s . 9d. , thu s involving th e kin g in a los s of £1300 (*) . A s the Bard i an d Peruzz i were able to repay only a part o f these debts, further loans had t o be contracted fro m othe r lender s t o repay the remainder ( 5). Th e very fact tha t i n th e winte r o f 1338-3 9 th e kin g had t o bu y wool abroad with heav y losse s is a n eloquen t commentar y o n th e failur e o f his plans t o receiv e sufficien t supplie s o f woo l fro m England . Whe n further consignment s o f the roya l woo l di d arriv e i n lat e Januar y and Februar y 133 9 the y wer e fro m th e star t almos t entirel y ear marked fo r delivery t o th e roya l creditors , t o who m the y ha d bee n promised lon g befor e ( 6). These lavis h assignment s o f woo l wer e partly , a t least , a resul t of a misunderstandin g betwee n th e kin g an d th e governmen t a t home. Edwar d II I ha d bee n le d t o believ e b y message s fro m En (1) E . 101/624/28 , m . 2 an d E . 36/203 , pp . 63 , 324 . (2) E . 101/624/28 , m. 4 and E . 36/203 , pp. 63 , 324 . See also Wool Accounts of William de l a Pole (196 4 - cit. supra), appendix , fo r a tabl e o f wool prices i n th e Netherland s i n 1338-43, especiall y nos . 5 , 14-15 , 19 . (3) Cf . m y thesis , tabl e VI . (4) E . 101/624/28 , mm . 4 , 6; E. 159/119 , recorda, Easter , m . 2 ( a receipt o f Mont e Florum t o the Bardi , date d a t Bruges , 2 4 April 1339) . (5) Tabl e C , no . 1 4 (£600), infra ; E . 36/203 , p . 32 7 (£30 0 borrowe d fro m Thoma s Bradestan, a n Englis h magnat e servin g wit h th e king) . (6) Enr . Woo l Ace. , E . 358/10 , mm . 1 3 (Watford) , 1 4 (Conduit an d Melcheburn) .

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gland tha t th e Northampto n woo l levy would yield 18,97 1 sacks (*). In th e actua l fact, th e governmen t at hom e assembled in th e king's absence n o mor e tha n 14,16 5 sacks ; thi s include s som e arrear s from th e earlie r lev y o f th e Moiet y (o f Februar y 1338) , stil l re maining i n Englan d afte r Edward' s departure ( 2). A s one watches Edward's disposa l o f his wool , on e ha s th e impressio n tha t i n thi s matter h e ha d completel y lost touch wit h reality. Betwee n August and Novembe r 133 8 Edwar d ordere d th e governmen t at hom e t o deliver 12,40 0 sack s to th e Bard i an d Peruzzi , Pole , Duivenvoord e and Mont e Florum . Th e service s rendere d b y thes e financier s i n the Netherlands probably justified such large grants in thei r favour , but thes e fou r assignment s ultimatel y absorbe d 930 3 sack s ( 3). Another 39 7 sacks wer e dispatched t o th e constabl e of Bordeaux to help toward s th e defenc e o f Gascony ( 4). A tota l o f 5532 sacks was shipped t o th e king , bu t n o mor e tha n 497 3 sacks are know n for certain t o hav e reache d hi m ( 5). I f w e deduc t furthe r 105 7 sack s delivered t o Duivenwoord e an d Mont e Floru m i n par t executio n (1) D . HUGHES , op . cit., p. 243 . (2) Se e m y thesis , cit. supra, chapte r IV , p . 20 1 an d not e 480 . (3) Ibid., chapte r V , table s B and G . The detaile d figures are a s follows : William d e l a Pol e (FRYDE , Wool Accounts of William d e la Pole, 1964 , pp. 24-29) , 2409 sacks 9 cloves (b y weight s of Antwer p an d Bruges ) sol d fo r £15,269. 13s . 7 1/4 d. (al l costs deducted) . The Bardi and Peruzz i (K . R. Exch . Ace. Var., E . 101/127 , nos. 3 2 and 36; Pipe r. , E. 372/188, m. 15v . and Chancellor's r. , E. 352/139, m. 35) — 2513 sacks 45 cloves (partly by weights of England an d partl y of the Netherlands) , wort h £17,220 . 13s . 8d. (afte r the deudctio n o f costs) . William va n Duivenvoorde (cf. m y thesis, chapte r IV , pp. 234-5) , 281 3 sacks 8 cloves (partly b y weight s o f Englan d an d partl y o f Antwerp) . Paul d e Monte Florum (ibid., pp. 232-4 , an d a schedule o f wool received b y him, at tached to his account, E . 101/624/28) , 156 8 sacks 49 cloves (partly by weights of England and partl y o f Antwerp). Thi s woo l ma y hav e bee n use d b y Mont e Floru m t o satisf y other roya l creditors . I hav e omitte d som e othe r smal l assignment s mad e b y th e governmen t i n England . (4) Se e my thesis, pp. 238-9 and account of the controller t o the constable of Bordeaux, K. R . Exch . Ace . Var., E . 101/166/1 1 (19 6 sacks sold fo r £156 0 i n Gascony) . (5) Se e my thesis , tabl e VI . Th e tota l o f 4973 sacks comprises 474 3 sacks from th e Northampton Lev y and 23 0 sacks fro m th e earlie r lev y o f February 133 8 (shippe d i n September 1338) .

FINANCIAL RESOURCES OF EDWARD III yi

l 116 3

of the assignment s already mentione d above , thi s lef t a t th e king' s disposal a mer e 391 6 sacks. 161 3 out o f these were handed ove r i n the sprin g an d summe r o f 133 9 t o variou s Brabantin e lender s (*) . The valuation s o f th e woo l thu s delivere d t o creditor s diffe r con siderably. 11 5 sacks given to 'probi homines' of Brussels were valued at £101 2 giving a price of almost £9 per sac k ( 2). Bu t 106 4 3/4 sacks delivered t o John va n Calstere n an d John Buy s o f Louvain wer e appraised a t onl y £6388 (£ 6 per sac k on average) , which seems suspiciously low, especially as the same lenders drove a highly usurious bargain wit h Edwar d late r o n i n 133 9 (3). Between Ma y an d Septembe r 133 9 the kin g continued t o promise lenders further larg e deliveries of wool in oblivion or disregard o f the fact tha t they could neve r be carried out in 133 9 ( 4). Anothe r 100 0 sacks were promised to Pole in May 133 9 : he surrendered thi s bon d to th e kin g i n Novembe r 135 4 a s it ha d neve r bee n execute d ( 5). Equally voi d wa s Edward's promise , i n July 1339 , t o delive r a further 80 0 sacks t o th e Bard i an d Peruzz i ( 6). Fo r a loa n o f £350 0 advanced b y merchant s o f Louvain , probabl y i n Jul y o r Augus t 1339, an d procure d t o financ e th e invasio n o f France , th e kin g promised t o give them 700 sacks of wool at £ 5 per sack — a ruinously wastefu l bargai n ( 7). Th e lender s include d Buy s an d Calsteren , whose previou s greed y dealing s wit h Edwar d hav e alread y bee n noted. Thi s secon d loa n a t Louvai n wa s destine d t o involv e Ed ward i n prolonge d tribulations . Th e promise d woo l coul d no t b e found. Whe n in Becembe r 133 9 the merchant s of Louvain arreste d in tha t city two of the king' s allies , Buke Reginal d o f Guelders an d Otto, Lord of Cuyk, the king had to give personal orders ' by word of mouth', to pay thes e importunat e creditor s £1920 , as compensatio n (1) Enr . Woo l Ace. , E . 358/10 , m. 1 4 (account o f Conduit an d Melcheburn) . (2) Se e tabl e B , no . 3 , infra. (3) Ibid., nos . 8.a. an d 8.b. , an d se e infra, p . 116 3 an d 1172 . (4) Som e of the transaction s mentione d belo w fall outsid e the chronologica l limit s of this section , bu t i t i s convenient t o discus s the m al l together . (5) Cal. Patent R., 1338-40, p. 384; K. R. Mem . r., E . 159/131 , recorda, Easter, m. 4. (6) Cal. Patent R., 1338-40, p. 388. In connexion with a payment to German merchants discussed belo w p . 1170 . (7) Se e tabl e B , no . 8.b. , infra.

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for th e delays in repayment ( l). I n th e summer and autum n o f 1340 the king's tw o best commanders an d cousins , the earl s of Derby an d Northampton, wer e liabl e t o imprisonmen t a t Louvai n an d they , or the y knights , ma y hav e spent som e month s ther e a s hostages ( 2). By th e tim e thi s deb t wa s fully settle d b y the Bard i an d Peruzz i in 1341, th e Louvai n creditor s ha d manage d t o extrac t fro m thei r English debtor s at least £2000 and 90 0 sacks of wool. I n th e summer and earl y autum n o f 1339, as part o f the sam e determined attempt s to rais e enoug h mone y fo r a n attac k o n France , th e kin g promise d 3000 sacks to various Germa n merchants . W e have th e terms of one of these bargains, whic h were even more ruinous than i n th e cas e of the Louvai n loa n : 120 0 sack s were granted fo r a deb t o f £4000 (at £3. 6s . 8d.) . Thes e bond s fo r woo l coul d b e satisfie d onl y b y sur rendering t o th e Hanseati c merchant s i n Ma y 134 0 th e revenu e from th e custom s a t al l th e Englis h harbours . Th e Hansard s kep t this assignmen t fo r three years , using it t o recover al l th e other debts owed t o the m b y th e Englis h crow n ( 3). To retur n t o th e earl y month s o f 1339 . On e ha s th e impressio n that there was a slackening in the payment o f subsidies t o the king' s allies durin g thi s exceptionall y difficul t period . Th e slo w trickl e of advances t o th e duk e o f Braban t provide s on e suggestiv e piec e o f evidence. Betwee n 2 5 January an d Midsumme r 133 9 h e receive d £3136 sprea d ove r eleve n differen t payment s ( 4). I n vie w o f th e (1) E . 36/203 , p . 348 , quote d mor e fully infra, p . 1179 . (2) Gh . Warrants (C. 81), pr. s. nos. 13,463 : debts of Malines and Louvain 'pur queux nos chers cousins les conte s de Derb y e t de Norht ' y gisent en prisone' ( 9 Oct. 1340) ; E. 404/490, no. 338, wardrobe debenture of Gusance to the earl of Derby for £1087. 17s. 4d.' tarn pro expensi s sui s e t quatuo r militu m suoru m morantium i n hostagio pro Reg e apud Malyns et Lovayn...' Th e earl was paid wages as a hostage at Malines during 239 days (accoun t of Gusance, E. 101/389/8 , mm . 7 an d 25 ) an d fou r o f his knights were detained for 239 days at Louvai n (ibid. m . 7) . Fou r knights of the earl of Northampton remained a s hostage s at Louvai n instead o f their maste r for 25 9 days, fro m 1 August 1340 t o 1 6 April 134 1 (ibid., m . 7) . Th e ear l o f Warwick was detained a s hostage i n Brabant during 183 days and £610 were due to him in wages (ibid. m. 7 and Ch. Warrants, G. 81/277 , pr . s . no . 14,114) . (3) Se e table D, nos. 6.b, 1 0 infra ; L.T.R. Mem. r. , E . 368/114, status et visus compot., Hilary, m . 4 ; Pip e r. , E . 372/187 , m . 5 4 v. (4) KERVY N DE LETTENHOVE, op . cit., XX, pp . 415-17 . The financia l weakness of th e Bardi an d Peruzz i ma y partl y accoun t fo r this .

FINANCIAL RESOURCES OF EDWARD III VI

I 11 6 5

gaps i n ou r source s of information, negative evidenc e must not b e given too much weight. Bu t it may be worth notin g that the known payments t o th e king' s confederate s an d their dependent s between December 133 8 an d Midsumme r 133 9 amoun t t o abou t a quarte r of th e recorde d advance s betwee n Jul y an d Novembe r 133 9 (1). Apart fro m th e subsidie s t o John o f Brabant, th e onl y othe r larg e payment on record, o f £3150, was made i n May 133 9 to Count William I I o f Hainault . One o f Edward' s mos t onerou s an d wastefu l liabilitie s wa s in curred i n Februar y 1339 , whe n the Grea t Crow n of England was pledged t o archbisho p Baldwi n of Treves (Trier ) a s a securit y for subsidies previousl y promised t o him. Th e archbisho p had alread y received £300 0 in Octobe r 1338 , whic h ha d bee n raise d throug h Vivelin o f Strassburg ( 2). O n 2 8 February 133 9 the kin g undertook to pay £16,650 between March and June 133 9 and t o hand over the Great Crow n forthwith (3). Th e Bard i and Peruzz i redeeme d it for £2400 fro m th e Italia n financie r who detained i t a t Bruge s ( 4) an d it wa s dispatched t o Germany . Fres h agreement s wer e conclude d with Viveli n o f Strassburg . Viveli n di d receiv e £6750 , mainl y a t Cologne in July 133 9 ( 5), but an y payments that he may have made to th e archbisho p certainl y fel l shor t o f the hug e sum promised b y the king . Therefore , Baldwi n o f Trier retaine d th e Grea t Crown , but h e appear s t o hav e done nothing t o help Edward . Th e crown was kep t a t Trie r unti l Augus t o r Septembe r 1340 , whe n i t wa s redeemed b y a grou p o f Italian financier s fo r a furthe r paymen t of £3450 t o Archbisho p Baldwi n (6). Thes e Italians wer e suppose d to (1) Th e maximu m estimat e fo r th e perio d July-Novembe r 1338 , o n th e evidenc e available t o me, is £44,174. The correspondin g figure for December 133 8 -June 133 9 is £11,604 (base d o n tabl e A , infra., an d E . 36/203 , pp . 328-49 , passim). (2) Se e tabl e D , no . l.a , infra. (3) Ibid., no . l.b . (4) Se e table G , no. 7, infra; K . R. Exch . Ace. Var., E . 101/127/3 2 ;RYMER, op. cit., p. 108 8 (1 2 August 1339) ; E. 36/203 , p . 327 . (5) Se e table D , no . l.b. , infra. Archbisho p Baldwin also received £506 5s. in 133 9 directly fro m th e roya l agent s (E . 36/203 , p. 328) . (6) Accoun t of Monte Florum for th e royal crowns, E. 101/390/ 6 and G . P. COOPER , Report o n Rymer's Foedera, appendi x G , pp. 10 2 and 10 4 (the date o f the recover y of th e crown).

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be satisfied withi n a year and wer e entitled to dismember the crown after tha t perio d ha d elapsed . T o aver t this , th e kin g procured i n 1342 its redemption by Simon van Halen of Flanders ( 1). I t change d hands severa l mor e time s i n thi s fashion , unti l Edwar d manage d finally t o recove r i t i n 1345 . Th e payment s o f interest an d othe r expenses thu s incurre d b y th e kin g betwee n 134 0 an d 134 5 wer e estimated b y Mont e Floru m a t ove r £14,00 0 (2). The promise s mad e b y Edward II I t o Archbishop Baldwi n wer e only th e mos t exhorbitan t o f the numerou s fres h commitment s int o which he had t o ente r i n th e winte r o f 1338-39 ( 3). A s in th e past, several larg e loan s ha d t o b e contracte d i n orde r t o continu e pay ments t o th e roya l allies . On e o f the purpose s o f the costl y loan i n wool negotiated b y Monte Florum at Bruges was to find money that would enabl e th e kin g 'd u teni r covenance s a u du e d e Brabant , counte de Henaud, marky s de Julers, sire de Fakemont, sir e du Cuk , mouns. Henr ' de Flaundres e t as autres nos aliez' ( 4). Th e accoun t of th e receiver s o f the duk e of Brabant mention s unde r 1 January 1339 payment s derive d fro m tw o othe r importan t loan s raise d b y Monte Florum. On e came from Katherin e le Due and other citizens of Brussels an d th e othe r fro m Colu s Coluch e and Walter Campso r of Brussels . Katharine' s loan , whic h apparentl y totalle d £6000 , was repaid in the course of 1339. Th e deb t due to Coluche and Wal ter amounte d a t firs t t o £10,316 . 4s. , bu t addition s o f interest in creased i t t o £12,179 . 17s . 8d . I t wa s finall y satisfie d onl y i n De cember 135 0 ( 5). (1) FRYD E i n Engl Hist. Rev., LX V (1950) , p . 113 , n . I . (2) E . 101/390/ 6 an d E . 101/507/2 1 (Mont e Florum); Pip e r. , E . 372/187 , m. 4 5 v. (account o f th e Portinari ) ; K . KUNZE , Hanseakten aus England, 1275-1412 (Hansische Geschichtsquellen, VI, Halle , 1891) , p. 84, no. 12 2 and Cat. Close R. 1343-6, pp. 120-21 , 292 (the Hanseatic merchants) ; ibid., pp. 292 , 373-4 (redemption by the English merchants and th e bringin g of the crow n back to Englan d i n 1344) . Th e redeliver y of the crow n into the roya l treasury took place on 1 6 June 1345 [Sir F. PALGRAVE , Antient Kalendars and Inventories o f th e Exchequer, I (London , 1836) , p . 156] . (3) Fo r loans tha t certainl y o r probably belon g t o the period Decembe r 133 8 - June 1339 se e below : table B, nos. 3, 4, 6, 8.a, 11 , 12 , 1 5 ;table C, nos. l.d, 8.b, 11 , 14 ; table D, nos . l.b. , 2 , 3 , 6.a. , 7 , 8 . 9 , infra. (4) E . 101/624/28 , m . 6 . (5) Se e tabl e B , nos . 3 , 6 , infra.

FINANCIAL RESOURCES OF EDWARD III VI

I 11 6 7

Thus Edward emerge d fro m th e winte r o f 1338-3 9 with hi s commitments increased almos t beyon d endurance , whil e the bul k of his assets was mortgaged t o his creditors an d allies . Ye t when with th e coming o f spring th e campaignin g seaso n opene d anew , hi s force s were too depleted and his allies too discontented to permit any active warfare. A s he complaine d in a message sent to the governmen t in England i n Ma y 1339 , 'i l na d rien s pardece a l a mie r de quo i il se puet eide r si l n e soi t confort e de s issue s d e so n roialme ' an d h e warned hi s minister s a t hom e tha t h e 'n e pue t plu s longemen t endurer e t q e tot e s a busoign e s i es t e n poin t d e perdre ' unles s they sen t fres h supplie s ( 1). Severa l mor e month s wer e t o pas s i n inactivity i n th e vai n expectatio n o f larg e quantitie s of money and wool that th e government a t hom e simpl y did no t possess.

IV According t o th e well-informe d chronicle r Ada m Murimut h ( 2), Edward III , b y awaitin g supplie s fro m Englan d an d adequat e loans fro m merchants , postpone d th e invasio n o f France unti l suc h a lat e dat e i n 1339 , tha t h e seeme d t o experience d peopl e t o hav e delayed i t beyon d th e en d o f the prope r campaignin g season. Ed ward's ow n letter t o th e governmen t i n England , writte n o n 1 November, afte r th e fightin g ha d ended , implie s tha t h e ha d bee n waiting for th e arriva l o f supplies fro m Englan d unti l h e ha d des paired o f receiving anything . W e know also tha t som e of the allie s were ver y reluctan t t o fight , especiall y th e Duk e of Brabant. Ed ward's inabilit y t o pa y i n ful l th e promise d subsidie s was a n im portant caus e o f disconten t amon g the m ( 8). A s th e resul t o f al l these hesitation s an d delays , th e expeditio n agains t Franc e starte d only at th e very end o f September and ha d t o be wound up hastily after a month , withou t achievin g an y usefu l results . (1) Chancery , Parl. and Counci l Proc., C . 49/file 7 , no. 7. This message was presented after th e departure fro m Englan d of an earlier missio n of John Charnel s and John Molyns (anc. corn, S.C. 1/38 , no. 158) . Molyn s was still in England on 1 3 May (ibid., S.C . 1/39, no . 136) . Th e envoy s wh o brough t th e message , Askeb y an d Doningto n wer e getting ready to return to the king between 20 and 28 May (Treat y r., C . 76/14, m. 7). (2) Op. cit., pp. 90-91 . (3) LUCAS , op . cit., pp . 303-8 .

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Some supplies did com e from Englan d i n th e cours e of the sprin g and summe r o f 1339 , bu t the y amounte d t o onl y a smal l fractio n of what wa s needed. Th e larges t transpor t o f wool, totallin g 102 8 sacks 22 cloves, reached the king at the en d of May or early in June, together wit h £77 4 in cas h (1). Th e woo l coul d no t b e sol d imme diately, a s it neede d t o b e drie d an d repacked . Bu t *l e Ro i e t le s seignurs avoien t s i graund e busoign e dargen t qil s n e s e purroien t eider si noun pa r engagemen t d e les avantdite s leines ' ( 2). There fore, 'pu r chevi r dargen t hastivement ' ( 3), th e woo l wa s pledge d forthwith t o thre e differen t dealer s ( 4). Next , 50 9 sack s deposite d with one of them, Sandr o Talany, were arrested a t th e sui t o f some German merchant s t o whom the kin g owed money. T o recover th e wool, Talany paid £25 . 12s. 9d. in bribes to the scabini of Bruges and distributed furthe r 8s . 7d. among th e 'seriantz' , wh o held it . Alto gether th e i;oya l agent s los t £622 . 13s . 4d . ove r th e pledgin g an d redeeming o f thi s wool . Fo r reason s tha t hav e alread y bee n dis cussed, th e sale s had t o tak e plac e a t Bruge s and Antwer p a t ver y low prices, i n a market glutte d wit h wool. A complaint o f the kin g about th e qualit y o f th e supplie s sen t t o hi m must , however , b e noted. I n a message sent to the government in England in May 133 9 he allege d tha t th e woo l collector s i n Englan d ha d bee n selectin g inferior fleeces . Th e counci l a t hom e vigorously rejecte d thi s char ge ( 5) and thei r denia l finds some support i n the fact tha t th e earlies t consignment o f woo l fro m th e Northampto n levy , whic h arrive d abroad i n Novembe r 1338 , coul d b e sol d a t goo d price s ( 6). I t looks as if the conditio n o f the market rather than th e deficiencies of the woo l itsel f wa s th e decisiv e facto r i n determinin g th e leve l o f prices. I n th e sales made b y Monte Florum , i n the summer of 1339 , Cotswold wool , whic h wa s normall y regarde d a s one o f the bette r (1) Se e my thesis , cit. supra, tabl e VI ; E . 101/624/28 , mm . 5- 6 an d E . 101/457/2 8 (Monte Florum) ; E . 36/203 , pp. 6 3 an d 32 4 (Norwell) . (2) E . 101/624/28 , m . 5 . (3) E . 101/457/2 8 (Mont e Florum' s particular s o f account). (4) Ibid., an d E . 101/624/28 , m. 5-6 ; tabl e C , nos . l.e , 6 , 15 , infra. (5) Chancery , Parl. an d Counci l Proc., C . 49/fil e 7 , no. 7 . A message fro m th e king with th e council' s replies . (6) Supra, pp . 1160-61 .

FINANCIAL RESOURCES OF EDWARD III VI

I 116 9

English varieties, fetched no more than £7 to £8 per sack at Bruges (1). Altogether £538 4 wer e realize d fro m th e 102 8 sack s markete d i n June o r Jul y 133 9 ( 2). Tw o othe r consignment s (3), amountin g together t o 454 sacks 34 cloves, arrive d i n th e summe r of 1339 an d were delivered t o various royal creditors . Apar t fro m a further 12 6 sacks destined fo r the receiver of the king's chamber , shipped partl y in th e sprin g an d partl y i n Augus t 1339 , ther e i s no recor d o f any other supplie s o f wool o r mone y reachin g th e kin g durin g th e re mainder o f his stay abroad . Th e invasio n o f France i n Septembe r had t o b e pai d fo r entirel y ou t o f loans . The lamentabl e stat e o f Edward' s finance s o n th e ev e o f thi s expedition an d th e great difficultie s experience d b y the king and his followers i n securin g further credi t ar e pithil y conveye d by Mont e Florum's account. Th e king' s allie s had t o be paid stipulate d sum s of mone y befor e the y woul d join i n th e invasion . ' A quele s paie mentz faire le Roi ne les seignurs navoient dont aider ne le Roi navoit dont paie r gage s a se s gentz propres n e d e teni r so n hostel for s su r chevance e t creanc e qua r long ' temp s devant nu l comfor t d e bien s nestoit venue z hor s Dengleterr e e t dautrepar t le s seignurs avoien t tant appromte z e t feuron t tan t endette z q ' nu l vorr a tan t crer e a eaux' ( 4). It i s clear tha t th e decline in th e wealth of the Bardi and Peruzz i was affectin g adversel y Edward' s positio n b y th e summe r o f 1339 . The tw o societie s wer e beginnin g t o defaul t o n th e engagement s into whic h the y had entere d o n his behalf. O n 1 9 and 2 0 June th e Bardi an d Peruzz i undertoo k t o pa y £1894 . 13s . 8d. t o a grou p o f Hanseatic merchants . Paymen t was du e b y 1 August, bu t th e tw o companies faile d t o mak e it . Th e postponemen t o f th e dat e fo r payment unti l 1 November mad e n o difference . Fo r thi s secon d failure t o honou r hi s promise s th e kin g ha d t o giv e permissio n t o these Germans to export 200 sacks of wool free of customs in addition (1) FRYDE , Wool Accounts of William de la Pole (1964) , appendix, no. 8 (cf. als o no. 11) . (2) £5374 . 17s . 8 1/ 2 d. wer e raised by Monte Florum (E . 101/624/28 , mm. 5-6 and E. 101/457/28 ) an d £1 0 by Norwell (E . 36/203, pp . 63 , 324). (3) Fo r th e remainder of this paragraph see my thesis, cit. supra., table VI an d chapte r V. (4) E . 101/624/28 , m . 7 .

VII 117 0 FINANCIA

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to a n earlie r concessio n granted t o the m t o expor t 80 0 sacks at th e privileged rat e o f dut y o f 2 mark s pe r sack . Th e tw o Florentin e firms finall y discharge d thi s deb t onl y i n 134 0 o r 134 1 ( 1). Ther e were simila r embarrassin g delay s ove r a paymen t o f £3490 . 13s . 9d. du e t o a grou p o f Germa n merchant s i n compensatio n fo r damages inflicte d upo n thei r good s b y sailor s i n th e king' s fleet . The Bard i and Peruzzi promised to discharge this debt earl y in July 1339, bu t di d no t manag e t o d o s o unti l Apri l 134 0 (2). Admittedly, i t was partly th e fault of the English government that the asset s availabl e t o th e tw o companie s i n the Netherlands ha d shrunk so alarmingly. Th e Bardi and Peruzzi were particularly hur t by th e fal l i n th e pric e o f wool at Bruge s and Antwerp , which ha d become abnormall y depresse d largel y a s th e resul t o f th e reckles s sales b y th e kin g an d hi s followers . Th e tw o societie s claime d t o have los t o n averag e £2 . 8b . pe r sac k ove r th e sal e o f 228 1 sacks delivered t o the m i n 1338-3 9 and , i n suppor t o f thei r statement , they invoke d th e testimon y o f th e archbisho p o f Canterbur y an d other Englis h notable s presen t i n th e Netherlands . Th e excheque r recognized th e justice of this clai m ( 3). The sam e difficultie s wer e experience d b y Willia m d e l a Pol e who sol d 239 5 sack s o f king' s woo l betwee n Februar y 133 9 an d January 1340 . H e appear s t o hav e secure d slightl y highe r price s than th e Bard i and Peruzzi , averaging i n Pole' s case about £6 . 15s . per sack . A s there wa s an excessiv e glut o f wool at Bruges , in De cember 133 9 Pole's agents sent 61 sacks of good, Lincolnshire wool to Antwerp. Th e cos t o f transport b y wate r (£6 . 16s . 6d. ) wa s negli gible compare d wit h th e greatl y improve d results . A t Antwer p this woo l was sold a t a pric e highe r b y £1 . 13s . pe r sac k tha n th e (1) Se e table D, no. 9, infra, supplemente d by ch. warrants, (C . 81), pr. s . nos. 11,920, 11,976 an d 12,460 . (2) Paymen t t o John Buchorn , John vo n Osnabriic k an d thei r associates . STURLER , op. cit., p. 37 5 and n . 329 , suggested that i t might have been connected with one of Edward Ill's loans, but th e tru e natur e of this debt i s explained i n K. R . Letter s Paten t (Original), E . 156/28 , nos. 354-5. Th e othe r sources for thi s transaction are CaL Patent R., 1338-40, p . 388 ; Ch. Warrants (C . 81), pr. s . no. 11974 ; E. 372/188 , m. 1 5 v., E . 101/127/36, E . 352/139 , m. 3 5 (account s of the Bard i and Peruzzi) . (3) K . R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/127 , nos. 3 2 an d 36 .

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highest price s fetche d b y Lincolnshir e woo l i n Flander s i n 1339 . Pole also showed a remarkable capacity for keeping his costs low ( l ). On 2 6 and 2 7 September 1339 , when the allie d arm y wa s on th e point o f enterin g France , Pole' s outstandin g contributio n t o fi nancing thi s campaig n was rewarded b y a series of royal grants ( 2). The mos t astonishin g of all wa s th e promotio n o f Pole t o th e ran k of a bannere t ( 3). Th e conferrin g of such hig h militar y ran k o n a merchant ( 4) wa s quit e unprecedente d an d th e strangenes s of thi s act i s accentuate d b y th e preambl e o f th e roya l letter s paten t re citing exclusivel y Pole's eminen t services as the king' s banker. Th e details mentione d in thi s preamble ar e o f considerable interest an d will be quoted in thei r prope r place , thoug h it i s probably safe r no t to accept literally th e statement that Pol e alone saved the king from having t o abando n th e invasio n o f France . Bu t ther e ca n b e n o doubt o f the grea t valu e o f the hel p give n b y Pol e a t thi s critica l moment i n Edward' s fortunes . It i s impossibl e t o sa y ho w muc h th e kin g reall y manage d t o borrow i n th e thre e month s preceding th e attac k o n Franc e (July September 1339 ) ( 5). M y tentativ e estimat e come s t o £58,77 6 (6). (1) FRVDE , Wool Accounts o f William d e l a Pole (1964) , pp . 10-12 . (2) Cal Patent /?., 1338-40, pp. 393-94 ; Ch. Files, G . 202/H/l 1 contains severa l original letters paten t subsequentl y surrendere d b y Pole . (3) Cal. Patent R. , 1338-40, pp . 393- 4 calendar s thi s documen t quit e inadequately . I hav e use d th e origina l preserve d i n C. 202/H/ll. (4) Admittedl y Pole did maintain a sizable militar y contingent. H e was credited wit h wages o f one knigh t an d 3 4 men a t arm s fro m 1 6 Augus t 133 8 t o 1 6 November 1339 , amounting, togethe r wit h hi s own wages, t o £1813 . 4s . Furthermore h e had 20 0 archer s (including 4 0 mounte d ones ) fro m 1 Marc h t o 1 6 November 133 9 (£78 3 i n wages) . He als o maintained abroa d 2 ships fro m 1 1 May to 6 August 133 8 and agai n from 1 September t o 1 0 November 133 8 (wage s an d expense s o f £411. 6s . 6d.). O n 3 0 Februar y 1339, i n part payment o f these and othe r expenses , Pol e receive d a wardrobe debentur e for £450 0 (NorwelF s debentures , E . 404/493 , no . 203 ) which mention s th e presenc e o n his ships of 240 sailors. Fo r th e wa r wage s credited t o Pole see E. 36/203 , pp. 268 , 284 , 303. (5) I lack precise figures for some transaction s (e.g. table D, nos. l.b, 10 , infra). Ther e is a n elemen t o f conjecture i n m y datin g o f several loans . (6) Thi s tota l consist s o f loan s b y Pol e mentione d below , o f £45 0 provide d b y th e Peruzzi (E . 36/203, p. 329) and o f £1257 advanced b y the Bardi (E . 101/127/32 , paymen t to Henry of Flanders an d E . 159/117 , recorda, Easter, m . 2, paymen t t o Mont e Florum )

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Pole provide d a t leas t hal f of this amoun t (£28,974 ) ( 1). Advance s by him include d £11,02 5 paid directl y t o th e duk e o f Guelders, th e margrave o f Juliers an d Henr y o f Flanders, ove r £400 0 supplie d t o the king's household an d £330 0 disbursed amon g the royal creditors in payment s o f interest o r t o refun d thei r loan s (2). To thi s perio d o f preparation fo r th e invasio n o f France belon g some o f the mos t reckles s loans contracte d b y Edwar d abroa d ( 3). I hav e alread y ha d occasio n t o mentio n th e thre e whic h involved the kin g i n promise s t o delive r woo l o n ver y ruinou s term s ( 4). One o f these, a loan o f £3500 raised a t Louvain , formed par t o f an exceedingly costl y bargai n conclude d b y Mont e Floru m ( 5). H e had bee n ordere d t o procure fund s b y borrowin g money or buying goods o n credi t eve n if he migh t los e 2 5 % o r 3 3 % o n these transactions, ' a ce o qil purr a troue r argen t d e paie r a le s seignur s et q e les gage s purroien t estr e paie z a gent z l e Ro i e t l e hoste l d u Ro i sustenu'. H e manage d t o buy o n credi t cloth s a t Louvain , Brussel s and Termonde . Th e cloth s wer e bough t fo r £883 4 11s . and , i n addition, Mont e Floru m receive d i n cas h £201 0 fro m th e sam e Louvain merchants . 'E t pu r ce o q' l e avandit z dra s n e purroien t si hastivement estr e venduz come nostre Seignur l e Roi e t les altres seignurs... avoien t busoign e dargen t e t ne voloient atendr e l a vent e and o f the following transaction s note d i n th e table s belo w : table B, nos. 2.a , 2.b , 5.a , 8.b ; table G , nos. 2.b, 8.b, 8.c.; table D, nos. 5, 6.b. I n addition I have included £1992. 16s. 8d . know n t o hav e bee n advance d b y variou s English merchant s [FRYDE , Business Transactions o f York Merchants (1966) , tabl e I ] an d loan s o f Willia m Melchebur n an d Henry Tideswell , E . 404/4/2 5 (£11 1 an d £17 ) an d Norwell' s debentures , E . 404/501 , nos. 362 , 366 , 367 . (1) Th e mai n source s are : E. 36/203 , p . 64 ; Norwell' s debentures , E . 404/493, nos . 249, 38 2 ; Warrants fo r Issues, E . 404/503, nos . 154 , 155 , 267, 395, 39 6 and E . 404/510, no. 17 ; Anc. Deeds, E . 43/26 0 and E . 43/514 ; Pole' s tria l i n 1353-4 , Exch . Ple a r. , E . 13/79, mm . 12 3 r. an d v. , 12 4 r. (2) E . 36/203 , pp . 210 , 343 . (3) I n additio n t o loans by Pole the following transactions certainly or possibly belong to this period : table B, nos. 3. 8.b, 8.c , 9 ; table C, nos. 2.a, 2.b, 5.a, 5.b , 8.b, 9 ; table D, nos. 2.a , 5 , 6.b , 10 , infra. (4) Tabl e B , no . 8.b , an d tabl e D , nos . 6.b , an d 10 , infra. (5) Ibid., table B, no. 8.b. Mont e Florum's account, E. 101/624/28, mm. 7-8, constitute s the mai n source . I hav e alread y quote d (supra, p . 1168-1169 ) hi s preambl e t o thi s transaction.

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des dit z dras' , h e wa s directed b y th e king' s counci l t o rais e loan s on the security of the cloths. Mont e Florum pledged abou t one third of them i n Augus t and September , o f course, a t a considerabl e los s (42.2/3%) ( x ). Th e res t h e sol d himself , presumabl y in grea t has te ( 2), and agai n a t a loss. Altogethe r h e raise d o n thes e cloth s n o more tha n £4963 . 10s . As ha s bee n mentione d before , th e allie s o f Edwar d insiste d o n receiving furthe r payment s befor e the y woul d participat e i n th e invasion o f France . Mont e Florum' s accoun t i s quit e explici t o n this point. ' Le Roi et son conseil furont e n acord ovesqes les seignurs Dalemaigne, l e Duk ' d e Brabant , l e Duk ' d e Gerle , l e Marqui s d e Juliers, l e Count e d e Henaud , mons . Johan d e Henaud , l e seignur de Fakemon t et altre s lou r alie z darle r su r la Roialme d e Franc e a certein iour , e n manere q e l e Ro i e t so n conseil purroien t paie r a s seignurs... u n certeine somm e dargent a chescun de eaux, o u aultrement rien z n e purroient fair e a cel e iourneye' ( 3). Edward' s bond s to Reginal d o f Guelder s an d Willia m o f Julier s hav e survived . He promise d o n 1 4 August 133 9 t o pa y £300 0 to each of them b y 7 September and , shoul d h e default, the y would be absolve d fro m al l obligations t o come to his help with their troops ( 4). Pol e was asked on 2 0 August t o satisf y th e tw o princes an d pai d thes e £6000 . O n the following da y (2 1 August) he was also requested t o pay t o Mar grave William a further £150 0 in partial discharg e of a royal debt of £30,000. O n 2 2 August the kin g promise d t o pa y th e duk e of Brabant £31,05 0 an d a furthe r bon d fo r £15,00 0 wa s give n t o Duk e John o n 1 3 September . Payment s continue d fo r man y year s i n partial discharg e o f these obligation s ( 5). In th e absenc e o f th e secon d hal f o f Mont e Florum' s account , (1) Tabl e B, no. 5.b, and tabl e G, nos. 3, 9, infra. I t i s probable, however , that Monte Florum ha d t o borro w the cloth s at a n excessivel y high valuation . (2) B y contrast, James Busdraghi, to whom Monte Florum pledged 314 cloths, marketed them gradually between September 133 9 and May 134 1 and made a profit of £83. 6s. 8d. (ibid., tabl e C , no . 3 , infra). Se e als o belo w p . 1182 . (3) E . 101/624/28 , m. 7 . (4) Warrant s for Issues, Exch. of Receipt, E. 404/510 , nos . 15 4 and 155 ; Exch. Ple a r., E . 13/79 , m. 12 3 v. For reference s t o th e payment s that follo w se e table A , infra. (5) STURLER , op . cit., pp . 357-63 .

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our recor d o f payment s t o th e king' s allie s mus t remai n ver y in complete. I n the first half of July £3300 were transported from Bruges to Dies t fo r deliver y t o th e count o f Hainault . Th e archbisho p o f Mainz receive d £45 0 o n 3 1 Jul y ( 1). Considerabl e sum s wer e received b y Henr y o f Flanders. Th e Bard i pai d hi m £825 . O n 2 9 July Pole was directed t o discharge a debt of £2700 to Henry an d on 12 Augus t h e receive d a furthe r reques t t o pa y hi m anothe r £825 , which Pol e di d o n 3 1 August. Mone y fo r th e Englis h troop s cam e from Mont e Florum , wh o supplied th e ear l o f Salisbury with £1050 for th e wage s of archers ' tempore qu o Rex cepi t ite r suu m versus Franciam' ( 2). W e ar e tol d i n th e letter s paten t appointin g Pol e a bannere t tha t whe n th e kin g cam e t o Hainault , nea r th e Frenc h border, hi s resource s agai n faile d him , 'sicqu e timebatu r iteru m progressus noste r irremediabilite r impeditus' . Furthe r advance s from Pol e are alleged to have saved the expedition at this juncture (3). We also know of £900 sent to the king from Maline s on 1 8 September by Gabrie l d e Mont e Magno , on e o f a grou p o f pawnbroker s es tablished i n tha t cit y ( 4). A t th e ver y en d o f September, Hatfield , the chie f receive r o f th e king' s chamber , wa s sendin g official s t o Brussels 'pr o denarii s a d opu s Regi s querendis ' ( 5). Advance s t o the roya l allie s had t o continu e whil e the invasio n wa s in progress . The lor d o f Faukemont receive d £82 5 i n fou r instalment s between 24 September an d 1 0 October, th e las t tw o payment s taking plac e in localitie s wel l withi n th e Frenc h territory . O n 3 October £67 5 were pai d t o Reginal d o f Guelder s an d a n identica l amoun t wa s delivered t o Willia m o f Juliers ( 6). Advance s had als o t o b e mad e to the many foreign knight s serving at th e king's wages. W e happe n to kno w o f thre e suc h notables , wh o receive d sum s totallin g alto -

(1) E . 36/203 , p . 329 . Th e Peruzz i supplie d th e money . (2) Ibid., p . 58 . (3) Ch . Files , G . 202/H/ll . (4) Se e table C, no . 8.c. , infra. Fo r hi s 'tabl e d e pr£t ' a t Maline s see G. BIGWOOD, Le regime juridique e t economique du commerce de rargent dans l a Belgique d u moyen dge, I I (Bru xelles, 1922) , p . 80 . (5) E . 36/203 , p . 182 . (6) Fo r payment s to thes e allies see table A , infra.

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gether £86 . 5s . on 2 3 and 2 4 September (*) , an d the y ar e probabl y typical o f many others . Someho w the necessar y money was raised, but i t is clear that only reckless borrowing on all sides permitted th e king to advanc e int o th e enem y territory .

V The invasio n of France ende d in the last days of October, withou t achieving anythin g o f importance. Th e enormou s sums o f money spent b y Edward i n 1338-3 9 on his continental expeditio n ha d thu s been largel y wasted . Th e archbisho p o f Canterbury tol d th e par liament assemble d a t Westminste r in th e middl e o f Octobe r 133 9 that th e king ' et autres q i furent pre s de lui pur chevanc e q'il oun t faite pu r ave r se s Aliez e t autre s su r ces t ale r e n France , furen t obligez e n 300,00 0 li . d e sterl . o u plus' . Ther e wa s certainl y n o exaggeration i n this . Edward staye d abroa d fo r a furthe r fou r months , chiefl y because of the events taking place in Flanders. I n Decembe r Count Louis of Flanders fled, leaving the county in the full control of the pro-English party. Thi s left th e way clear for the alliance with the Flemings an d on 2 6 January 134 0 Edward II I wa s proclaimed kin g of France a t Ghent. O n 2 0 Februar y h e lef t fo r Englan d t o obtai n fres h fund s and t o rais e a ne w arm y ( 2). Financial problems contribute d t o the postponemen t o f Edward' s return unti l late February. H e encountere d considerable difficultie s in reachin g financia l settlement s with hi s allie s an d hi s creditors . In a letter o f privy seal o f 14 December 133 9 to th e chancello r an d the treasurer, asking them to repay the loan s contracted fro m variou s London merchants, the king wrote : « For c e [qe] nous avons ordenez nostre retorner hastivemen t vers le s parties d e nostre roialme et pu r ascuns paiementz queux il nous covient busoignablement faire avan t nostre departi r pu r nostr e honu r sauver , s i avon s est e tan t qu'e n cea e t destourb e d e nostr e passage... » ( 3). We kno w what som e of (1) E . 36/203 , pp . 331 , 334 . (2) D&PREZ , op . cit., pp . 277-84 ; LUCAS , op . cit., pp . 339-65 . (3) Ch . Warrants, (C . 81), pr . s . no. 12,479 . Printe d in D£PREZ , op. cit., p. 285 , n . 1 .

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these payements were. Withou t makin g them the king literally could not leav e th e Netherlands . How Edwar d manage d t o subsis t during thes e last fou r month s is something o f a mystery . I n n o previou s perio d o f Edward' s sta y in th e Netherland s wer e hi s financia l resource s quit e s o tin y an d inadequate. Norwel l received som e payments fro m custom s due o n wool exporte d fro m Englan d ( 1)) bu t ther e i s n o evidenc e o f an y other revenue s or supplies reaching th e kin g from home. Th e loan s known t o hav e bee n contracte d b y Edwar d i n thi s perio d amoun t to n o mor e tha n £24,92 2 (2). Thi s i s no t surprising , a s he ha d n o tangible resource s whatsoeve r t o offer . Al l hi s jewels wer e i n th e hands o f various creditors . Whe n i n January 134 0 Edward neede d valuables t o pledg e fo r a loa n o f £1500 fro m Simo n va n Halen , h e had t o borro w jewels fro m hi s cousin , th e ear l o f Derby ( 3). H e could no t an y mor e rel y o n th e suppor t an d guarantee s o f powerful financiers, a s th e Bard i an d Peruzz i were greatly weakened , whil e Pole returne d t o England i n Octobe r 133 9 and di d no t advanc e an y more loan s fo r severa l month s afterwards . I n a lette r o f 1 7 De cember 133 9 to the chancellor in England, th e king complained that, because of non-execution o f his engagements, 'pluseurs.. . marchantz pardecea... £ e retraien t pa r cell e caus e d e nou s fair e nu l eid e o u chevance' ( 4 ). I t i s als o significan t tha t severa l loans , thoug h des tined fo r th e king , wer e contracte d i n thi s perio d i n th e persona l names o f leading magnate s an d officials . I t look s a s if some o f th e lenders considere d thes e notable s t o b e mor e trustworthy . I n th e middle o f December 133 9 wool worth £654 . 4s . 6d . wa s bough t fo r the king' s us e fro m tw o Englis h merchant s b y Bartholome w Bur ghersh, brothe r o f th e bisho p o f Lincol n an d Willia m Cusance , a leading househol d officia l ( 5). Th e woo l was then sol d forthwit h a t (1) E.g. m y thesis , cit. supra, pp . 401- 5 (payment s by variou s German merchants) . (2) Al l thes e loan s ar e discusse d below. (3) Tabl e B , no . 13.b. , infra. (4) Ch . Warrants , pr. s . no. 12,48 6 (Bonaccors i of Florence). I n thi s particular case the kin g happened t o b e blameless, as th e Bard i and Peruzzi , who held the custom s at London, had bee n obstructing the expor t of wool, fre e o f duty, by th e Bonaccorsi . (Gh. Files, G . 202/C . 36 , no.37). (5) Cal. Patent R. , 1338-40, p. 403 ; Cat. Close R. , 1339-41, p. 33 1 ; E. 36/203, pp. 24,

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a loss , 'pe r preceptu m Regi s propte r magna m necessitate m qua m dictus Rex habuit ad denarios festinanter' (*). Th e ear l of Salisbury borrowed o n 2 3 January 1340 , in hi s own name, £60 0 from Gode kinus d e Revele , a n importan t Hanseati c financie r ( 2). A loa n o f £800 contracted fro m various merchants by the earl of Northampton belongs t o January o r Februar y 134 0 (3). The impression that Edward' s credit wa s very bad is strengthened by observing two main features of his dealings with financiers during this period . Ver y few foreign lender s advanced money and almos t all th e loan s from alien s came from me n wh o had special , politica l reasons for helping th e king of England. Secondly , for the first time during his stay abroad Edwar d had recours e to extensive borrowing from th e lesse r Englis h merchants . We know, for certain , o f loans from onl y eight group s of foreig n lenders. Th e larges t advance s came from Simo n va n Halen , wh o alone provide d nearl y hal f th e mone y borrowed b y Edward durin g this period . A s th e ruwaer t (regent ) o f Flander s o n behalf o f the ' pro-English party , Simo n ha d th e stronges t o f motives for helpin g the Englis h kin g and he was in a good position t o secure repayment of the £11,500 that h e lent in January and Februar y 1340 . H e not only recovered his loans by 1342 , but receive d als o at leas t furthe r £1780 as interest ( 4). T o a similar categor y belong s a loan o f £2400 contracted i n Brussels. I t wa s probably negotiate d befor e th e king's departure. I t wa s used to pacify th e Malines group of creditors an d to provid e fo r th e need s o f Quee n Philipp a who m Edwar d wa s leaving behind in Flanders ( 5). Th e lenders were the leading citizens of Brussels who were strongl y committed to Edward's cause and who played a n important par t i n avertin g a defection of the Brabantin e 26, 32 , 35, 36, 194 . Anothe r loa n contracte d b y Burghersh and Cusance , o f £620. 17s . lOd. (Warrant s fo r Issues , E . 404/4/26 , lette r o f privy sea l o f 1 5 May 1340) , ma y als o belong t o thi s period, bu t i t ha s not bee n include d i n m y total estimat e o f loans. (1) E . 36/203 , p . 194 . (2) Tabl e D, no . 14 , infra. (3) Contracte d a t Bruge s (Gh . Warrants , G . 81/269 , pr . s . no . 13,304) ; Cat. Close R., 1339-41, p. 394 ; E . 36/203, pp. 25, 357. (4) Tabl e B, nos. 13.a , an d 13.b , infra. (5) Ibid., no . 7 .

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cities during the invasion o f the Tournaisis in the summer of 1340 (x). The lis t o f th e remainin g advance s b y foreig n lender s i s quit e short. T o Decembe r 133 9 belon g thre e loan s b y th e Hanseati c merchants, addin g u p togethe r t o £496 . 13s . 4d . ( 2). I n th e sam e month tw o Lucchese merchants len t £266 . 13s . 4d. a t Antwer p ( 3). The loa n o f £60 0 provide d b y Godekinu s d e Revel e throug h th e earl o f Salisbury, wa s advanced o n 2 3 January 134 0 ( 4) an d i n th e same mont h th e kin g borrowed £100 0 from a grou p o f the citizen s of Bruge s (5). Lastly , th e Bard i ar e know n t o hav e len t a t leas t £825 i n th e firs t day s o f Februar y ( 6). Most o f the numerou s loans contracte d durin g thes e four month s from th e Englis h merchant s wer e quit e small , £10 0 o r £20 0 o n average. Som e amounte d t o a s little a s £2 0 or £30 . This grou p o f loans yielde d a t leas t £7034 . 4s . 6d. ( 7) an d constitute d slightly les s than a thir d o f the tota l amoun t borrowe d b y the king during thi s period. I t look s as if Edward turned to those English merchants who happened t o be in Brabant o r Flanders a s a last resource . Man y of them ma y hav e been willin g to advanc e mone y merely to ear n th e king's goodwill , an d som e pressure ma y have bee n pu t o n the mor e recalcitrant ones , whic h th e kin g coul d not , o f course , d o wit h foreigners. Edwar d personall y promised , 'd e nostr e bouch e de meigne', to repay promptl y wha t h e might borro w on this occasion from his English subjects (8). Thes e loans were advanced on unusually favourable term s an d th e kin g hope d that , i f the y wer e quickl y repaid, a s ha d bee n promised , 'nou s trouverom s si gran t eid e e t chevance e n eux en temps avenir qe nous ne serron t mie en si graunt (1) Supra, p . 1145 . (2) Tabl e D , nos . 11 , 12 , 1 3 infra. (3) Tabl e C , no . 5 , infra. (4) Tabl e D , no . 14 , infra. (5) Tabl e B, no. 14.a. , infra. I have not included no. 14.b. , ibid, bu t i t may belong to the perio d befor e th e king' s departure . (6) Tabl e C , no . 8.c. , infra. (7) Se e my thesis, cit. supra, chapte r V, pp . 436-38 , with the additio n of a loan of £50 advanced aroun d 1 6 November 1339 by Willia m Melcheburn (Warrant s for Issues , E . 404/4/25). (8) D£pREz , op . cit., p . 285 , n . 1 .

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daunger de s aliens e t paie r tiel e usur e com e nou s avom s e n temp s passe' ( 1). As som e o f the king' s mandate s expressl y tell us , thes e loan s b y Englishmen wer e mad e oversea s 't o pa y hi s debt s ther e an d tha t he migh t tak e hi s passag e t o Englan d mor e quickly ' ( 2). Edwar d went o n borrowin g fro m Englishme n till th e ver y las t da y o f hi s departure. Letter s obligator y fo r loan s totallin g £58 1 wer e issue d on 1 4 February i n favou r o f tw o group s o f lenders , on e bon d fo r £200 i s date d o n 1 8 February , an d thre e group s o f Englis h mer chants received letters patent totallin g £47 3 on 20 February, th e day when Edwar d saile d ( 3). A goo d dea l ha d t o b e spen t o n th e ship s assemble d t o tak e th e king an d hi s follower s bac k t o England . Severa l Englis h ship s were arreste d fo r this purpos e at Sluy s b y various roya l agents , bu t Flemish vessels were also hired. A t least £1139. 14s . were distributed among thes e ship s o n 1 8 Februar y ( 4). The bigges t sum s wer e neede d t o pacif y thos e foreig n creditor s who insisted tha t a t leas t a part of the money du e to them mus t b e paid befor e Edwar d II I coul d b e allowe d t o leav e fo r England . Already i n Decembe r 133 9 th e merchant s o f Louvai n ha d t o b e given i n a hurr y £192 0 a s damages fo r non-fulfilmen t o f the king's promises t o them . Th e paymen t wa s made 'pe r preceptu m Regi s oretenus... e o quo d Reginaldu s come s d e Gelr e et dominus de Cuk arestati fuerun t ibide m pr o pecuni a predict a e t no n potuerun t liberari antequa m eade m summ a fuera t soluta ' ( 5). A t leas t £7000 ha d t o b e disburse d durin g th e las t wee k o f Edward's sta y in Flanders t o appease diverse other financiers . Particularl y trouble some wa s a deb t o f £6905 du e t o a grou p o f Brussels creditors fo r cloths bough t fro m the m o n credi t to finance the invasio n of France in th e autum n o f 1339 . Englis h knight s wer e bein g detaine d a s hostages fo r i t o n Edward's behal f sinc e November . A temporar y (1) Warrant s fo r Issues , E . 404/4/2 5 (letter s o f 2 3 Januar y 1340) . (2) Cal. Close R. , 1339-41, p . 423 . Cf . K . R . Mem . r. , E . 159/117 , brevia irretorn., m. 1 v. (Willia m Athelby an d Nige l Thebaud) an d ibid., br. dir. baron., Hilary, m. 9 . (3) Se e my thesis , cit. supra., pp . 437-38 . (4) E . 36/203 , pp . 336 , 341 . (5) E . 36/203 , p . 34 8 an d tabl e B , no . 8.b. , infra.

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settlement wa s reache d wit h thi s influentia l group o f creditor s o n 14 February . £3490 . 5s . 7d . wer e pai d ou t t o them , mainl y i t appears, a s interest . Furthermore , th e kin g acknowledge d tha t h e still owe d the m anothe r £840 9 an d severa l o f hi s leadin g allie s agreed t o constitut e themselve s hostages for thi s deb t i f it wa s no t repaid b y Easte r 134 0 ( 1). Th e mai n grou p o f Maline s creditors , to who m Edwar d ha d owe d mone y sinc e Novembe r 1338 , insisted that h e coul d no t leav e th e Netherland s withou t thei r specia l per mission. Fo r thi s the y demande d £300 0 an d £292 8 were pai d t o them o n 1 8 February 'antequa m posse t haber e licencia m redeund i in Angliam ' ( 2 ). Colu s Coluch e o f Antwer p an d Walte r Campso r of Brussels, t o who m Edward owe d some £9000, were satisfied on 19 February, th e ev e of his departure , wit h a mer e £20 0 ( 3). O n th e same da y £45 0 were paid t o th e Leopard i o f Malines, a s interest on a loa n o f £900 tha t the y ha d advance d i n Septembe r 133 9 a t th e start o f th e invasio n o f Franc e ( 4 ). At th e tim e o f Edward' s retur n t o Englan d hi s liabilitie s t o hi s business creditor s in th e Netherland s an d th e Rhinelan d amounted certainly to more than £100,000 (5). I t i s impossible to say how much he owe d o r ha d promise d t o hi s various continenta l allies , bu t th e overall tota l certainl y surpassed £200,000 (6). In additio n hug e sums (1) Ibid., no . 8.b. , infra. (2) Ibid., no . lO.a. , an d E . 36/203 , p . 344 . (3) Tabl e B , no . 6 , infra. (4) Tabl e G , no . 8.C. , infra. (5) Thi s estimate includes the following debt s : table B, nos. 2.a., 2.b., 5.a., 6, 7, 8.b., 9, lO.a. , 13.a. , 13.b. ; table C, nos. l.b . (£21,000) , 2.a., 4, 5, 8.c., 1 2 ;table D, nos. 2.a., 4, 5 , 6.b. , 9 , 10 , 11 , 14 . (6) £46,05 0 promised to John of Brabant (STURLER , op. cit., p. 357 ) ; debt of £10,109. 19s. acknowledge d to Reginald of Guelders on 6 February 1340 (RYMER, op. cit., p. 1108) ; promise of £4575 to William of Juliers o n 8 December 1339 (Cal. Patent R. , 1338-40, p . 374) an d £30,000 assigned to him in May 134 0 (ibid., p. 526) ; promise to Thierry de Fauquemont (Valkenburg ) on 3 1 Decembe r 133 9 of £450 0 (ibid., 404 ) whic h ma y hav e included £60 0 due fo r th e los s o f his horse s (paymen t ordere d i n Novembe r 133 9 'per preceptum Regi s oretenus', E. 36/203, p. 260 ) ; promis e of £100,000 by Whitsun 1341, with further payments to follow, t o the towns of Bruges, Ghent and Ypre s (Cal. Patent R., 1338-40, p. 511 , printed i n ful l b y Kervy n D E LETTENHOVE, op . cit., XVIII, pp. 118-21 ) and se e als o H . VA N WERVEKE, D e Gentsche Stadsfinancien i n d e Middeleeuuuen (Bruxelles , 1934), pp . 358-9 ; deb t o f £3750 acknowledge d to Willia m o f Hainault (Cal. Close R.,

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were owed t o th e Bardi an d Peruzz i and to William d e l a Pol e an d the othe r Englis h lenders . Fro m th e purel y financia l poin t o f view the kin g neede d a lon g respit e fro m furthe r continenta l warfare . But thi s wa s unthinkable t o Edwar d an d b y returnin g t o Flanders in June 134 0 h e condemne d himsel f an d hi s follower s t o anothe r five month s o f financia l tribulation s an d militar y ineffectiveness . Only a t th e ver y en d o f November di d complet e bankruptc y forc e him t o abandon fo r a while this hopeless policy of war wit h the hel p of a 'gran d alliance ' o f continenta l princes . VI

The records left behin d by the continental ventures of Edward II I give u s muc h informatio n abou t th e mai n busines s centres o f th e Netherlands. Th e relevan t evidence is scattered widely and muc h of it i s very fragmentary . I n orde r t o mak e a mor e effectiv e us e of this material I shal l g o beyond th e chronological limit s observe d i n the rest of this article and shall draw upon informatio n derived fro m the campaig n of 1340, the variou s transactions o f the year s 1341-4 5 and th e financin g o f the sieg e o f Calai s i n 1346-47 . The stronges t singl e impressio n tha t on e derive s fro m thi s ma terial i s of the oustanding importance o f Bruges as a financia l centre . Throughout Edward' s firs t sta y i n th e Netherlands , hi s agent s continuously turne d t o Bruges for loans f 1). Antwer p an d th e othe r towns of Brabant, wher e the king resided most of the time, obviously could no t satisf y hi s needs . Thi s tren d wa s accentuate d durin g the campaig n o f 134 0 when th e militar y operation s were organised mainly fro m Flander s ( 2). A t Bruge s were contracted i n 134 1 most of the loans neede d t o liberate th e earl of Derby and othe r magnate s from detentio n a t Maline s an d Louvai n wher e the y remaine d a s hostages fo r Edward' s debt s ( 3). A t Bruge s royal agent s carrie d o n 1341-3, p. 44); £345 0 had to be paid in the autumn of 1340 to the archbishop of Trier to redeem th e Grea t Crow n o f England fro m hi m (supra, p . 1165) . (1) Se e especiall y th e wardrob e accoun t o f Norwell , E . 36/203 , passim. (2) Se e especially th e wardrob e accoun t o f Gusance, E. 101/389/8 , passim. (3) Tabl e B , no . lO.a. , infra.

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negotiations fo r th e redeemin g o f th e variou s roya l jewel s (*). During th e sieg e o f Calai s b y Edwar d II I i n 1346-47 , hi s chie f English banker s maintaine d thei r continenta l headquarter s a t Bruges an d som e o f their partner s reside d ther e almos t permanent ly (•) . Professor J . A . Van Houtt e ha s advocate d th e vie w tha t Bruges was no t a commercia l centr e o f international importance , bu t tha t its trad e served mainl y th e need s o f Flanders ( 3). Th e mai n excep tion whic h h e concede s concern s th e woo l trade , an d h e als o full y recognises, o f course, the role of Bruges as the leading financial centre of north-wester n Europe . Th e bul k o f ou r materia l throw s ligh t precisely o n thes e tw o mos t markedl y internationa l aspect s o f th e city. Ther e is, however, one piece of evidence, which reveals Bruges as a possibl e marketin g centr e fo r cloth s o f Brabant. I t i s too tin y an ite m t o constitut e an y tes t o f Professor Van Houtte' s view , bu t the detail s ar e interestin g i n themselves . I n Augus t o r Septembe r 1339 Monte Florum bought on credit cloths at Brussels, Louvain an d Termonde an d proceede d t o pledg e som e o f the m t o variou s fi nanciers ( 4). On e consignment , consistin g o f 24 1 cloth s o f Brussels and 7 3 cloth s o f Termond e wa s delivere d t o Davi d Busdragh i o f Lucca whos e account has survived ( 5). H e wa s a member o f a firm of that name , activ e als o at Pari s an d Londo n ( 6). Busdragh i transported th e cloth s fro m Brussel s and Termond e t o Bruge s an d sol d them ver y graduall y ove r a perio d extendin g fro m 2 0 Septembe r 1339 t o 2 5 Ma y 1341 . H e ha d pai d £90 0 fo r th e cloth s an d sol d (1) Tabl e D , nos. 2.a., 5, infra, t o be supplemented by K. R. Exch . Ace. Var., E . 101 / 507/21, nos . 1 , 2 , 20 , 21 . (2) FRYDE , Business Transactions o f York Merchants (1966 , cit. supra), pp . 1 0 seq. (3) Bruges e t Anvers, marches 'nationaux' o u 'international^' d u XIV e a u XVI s siecle i n Revue du Nord, XXXI V (1952 ) ; The rise ande decline oft/ie market of Bruges in Econ. Hist. Rev., 2n d ser. , XI X (1966) . (4) Tabl e B , nos . 5.a. , 5.b. , 8.b. , 9 ; tabl e C , nos . 3 , 9 , infra. (5) Chancellor' s R. , E . 352/132 , m . 4 6 v . (6) Th e Busdragh i were one of the bigges t contributors to a forced loa n exacted fro m the Italian merchants in London in the summer of 1337 (Receipt r., E. 401/339, under 29 July 133 7 : payment of £1726. 6s. 5d.). Fo r thei r presence at Pari s in 1339-4 1 see F. LEHOUX i n Melanges d'histoire d u Mqyen Ag e dedies d l a mtmoire d e Louis Halphen (1951) , pp . 397-8.

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them for £1004. 16s . 8d. Hi s expenses amounte d to £21. 10s. leaving a fairl y modes t profit o f £83. 6s. 8d. ( 9 %). Busdragh i acquired th e cloths o f Brussels a t a n averag e pric e o f c. £3. 2s . eac h an d resol d them at £3 . 9s. 10 l/4d. H e bought th e much les s valuable woollen s of Termonde at c . £2 each an d dispose d o f them a t £2 . 3s. 10 1/2 d . The record s use d b y m e mentio n hundred s o f busines s me n o f different nationalitie s activ e a t Bruge s or elsewher e in th e Nether lands. A fe w individuals an d specia l group s meri t separat e com ment. Th e Catalan s wer e amon g th e mos t importan t merchant s trading to Flanders b y sea. The y had a consul at Bruges as early as 1330 (*) . Bu t very few Catalans go t involved i n lendin g t o Edwar d III. Ange l Guid o i s th e onl y on e wh o i n 1338- 9 participate d i n important loans , actin g o n som e occasion s i n partnershi p wit h Nicholas Bartholome i o f Lucca, an d a t othe r time s wit h th e pawn brokers o f Malines , wh o belonge d t o th e fir m o f th e Leopard i o f Asti ( 2). O n 3 0 Augus t 134 0 a grou p o f Catala n merchant s len t money a t Ghen t t o the keeper of the king's wardrobe. Th e amoun t is unknown. A payment o f £350 o f interes t t o Marco n d e Leyn s of Catalonia wa s probabl y connecte d wit h th e sam e transactio n ( 8). And tha t i s all a s far a s loans are concerned . Bu t when we turn t o evidence abou t Catala n trad e b y sea , it i s a ver y different story . Edward's fleet in bringing him to Brabant in July 133 8 and later on, during it s journey bac k t o England , committe d enormou s depre dations. I t plundere d indiscriminatel y merchan t ship s o f ever y nationality tha t it encountered . Edwar d complained tha t h e had t o promise 'pre s d e quarant e mi l livre s desterlings ' i n damage s (*) . Payments continue d fo r severa l years. B y th e en d o f 134 0 eleve n different merchant s of Barcelona, Catalonia, Maiorc a an d elsewhere in Spai n ha d receive d a t leas t £3624 . 19s . 9d . i n compensatio n for loss of ships or goods. W e are expressl y told tha t two of the Spanis h ships wer e robbe d i n th e Zwin , nort h o f Bruge s (5). (1) J . MARSHAL , La colonie espagnole d e Bruges d u XIV* a u XVI* slide in Revue du Nord, XXXV (1953) , p . 7 . (2) Tabl e C , nos . l.b. , l.d. , I.e. , 8.b. , infra. (3) Wardrob e ace . o f Cusance, K. R . Exch . Ace . Var., E . 101/389/8 , mm . 1 , 7. (4) Gh . Warrants , G . 81/269 , pr . s . no . 13,351 . (5) E . 36/203, p. 349 ; E. 101/389/8, m . 3 ; ace. of the Bardi and Peruzzi, E. 101/127/32.

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The voyage s o f the Venetia n merchan t galley s t o Flander s wer e suspended i n 133 7 ( 1). Bu t our record s confir m tha t this did not end the Venetia n activit y i n th e Netherlands . I n th e summe r o f 133 8 Peter Mein e o f th e compan y o f ' Cacos' o f Venic e wa s one o f th e major purchaser s of the royal woo l from Pau l d e Mont e Florum ( 2). I assum e tha t thi s fir m i s identical wit h th e societ y owne d b y th e Cocco family , wh o operate d tw o larg e galley s and wa s a t thi s tim e one o f th e wealthies t Venetia n companies , wit h tradin g interest s throughout th e Mediterranea n a s wel l a s i n Flander s ( 3). Mein e acquired 707 3/4 sacks, worth £7464 , an d representing abou t 6 1/ 2 % of th e tota l valu e o f the woo l markete d b y Mont e Floru m a t tha t time. Mein e wa s als o involve d i n another , separat e transaction . He len t £373 7 t o th e kin g an d received , b y wa y o f interest , 30 0 sarplars o f woo l ( 4). Th e Cocc o deal t i n a wid e variet y o f com modities, bu t i t i s clea r tha t thei r branc h i n th e Netherland s wa s particularly intereste d i n wool . Bertucci o Pisan i i s th e onl y othe r Venetian involve d i n dealing s wit h Edwar d II I ( 5). H e belonge d to a ver y importan t family , on e o f whos e member s wa s th e chie f commander o f the Venetia n force s i n th e crisi s o f the wa r o f Chiog gia, i n 1379-8 0 ( 6). Nothin g muc h i s know n o f Bertuccio , excep t that h e len t th e kin g £1050 an d receive d £316 . 17s . 6d. i n interes t around th e middl e o f Apri l 1339 . The merchant s fro m th e inlan d citie s o f Italy , especiall y fro m Lucca an d Florence , loo m large r i n ou r records . Unfortunately , the mos t importan t Lucches e creditor o f Edward, Nichola s Bartho lomei, canno t b e connecte d wit h an y well-know n fir m o f the four teenth century . Specia l interes t attache s t o a very early mentio n o f the Rapond i o f Lucca , wh o wer e destine d t o becom e th e chie f (1) R . CESSi , Politico e d economica d i Venezia nel Trecento (Rome , 1952) , pp . 12 7 seq. (2) E . 101/624/28 , m. 1 . For th e othe r buyer s see below. (3) G . LUZZATTO , Studi d i storia economica veneziana (Padova , 1954) , pp . 160- 1 ; CESSI, op. cit., p. 139 , n . 261 . (4) Tabl e C , no . 10 , infra. (5) Ibid., no . 11 . (6) Vetto r PISAN I [L a Civilta veneziana de l trecento (Florence, 1956), pp. 258-9] . A t th e beginning of the sixteenth century the Pisani were one of the wealthiest Venetian families [Venice and History. Th e Collected Papers o f Frederic C. Lane (Baltimore, 1966), pp. 3 8 seq.].

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bankers of the Burgundian dynast y by the late fourteenth century (1). A 'societa s d e Rapundi ' len t £787 . 10s . at Brussel s in 133 9 on th e security o f a gol d crow n an d othe r roya l valuables . The y di d no t lend directl y t o th e king , bu t advance d th e mone y t o Edward' s Italian physician, Pancius de Controne, who passed it on to his royal master ( 2). Thi s mentio n of the Rapondi , alread y constitute d int o a societ y wit h a branc h i n th e Netherlands , conie s six years earlier than th e earlies t comparabl e piec e o f evidence know n to L . Mirot . In hi s mos t valuabl e stud y o f th e Rapondi , Miro t firs t note s th e presence o f thei r societ y a t Bruge s i n 134 5 (3). At the time of Edward's arriva l in the Netherlands in the summer of 1338, th e Bardi and th e Peruzzi were still the two most importan t Florentine companie s activ e there . Thei r connexio n wit h Bruge s went bac k t o a t leas t th e firs t year s o f th e fourteent h centur y ( 4). As lat e a s 133 9 an d 134 0 th e Bard i an d Peruzz i were still lendin g money to the municipalities o f Ghent and Bruges (*). I have already reviewed th e evidenc e of their increasin g financia l weaknes s during these years. B y 1341 the ear l of Derby had t o turn to other Floren tine firm s a t Bruge s t o ranso m himsel f fro m th e moneylender s of Malines. H e deal t wit h th e wel l establishe d companie s o f the Ac ciaiuoli, the Bonaccorsi and the Portinari ( 6) and also with the much more obscure society of the Azerelli ( 7). I t i s interesting t o note that by April 134 2 th e papa l nunci o in Englan d wa s refusing t o entrus t any furthe r transfer s o f funds t o the Bardi and Peruzzi and regarde d the Albert i an d th e Acciaiuol i a s mor e reliabl e ( 8). The sales by Monte Florum of the wool derived from th e Dordrecht

(1) L . MIROT , L a societe d e Raponde. Dine Raponde i n Etudes Lucquoises (Paris , 1930) . (2) E . 36/203 , p . 70 . (3) Op . cit., pp . 86-7 . (4) SAPORI , Studi di storia economica, ed. cit., I, p . 59 , n. 4 (Peruzzi's branch at Bruges by 1302); SAPORI , L a crisi (cit. supra), p . 26 7 (Bardi' s branc h a t Bruge s b y 1309) . (5) VA N WERVEKE, op . cit., pp . 277 , 359; L . GILLIODTS-VA N SEVEREN , Cartulaire de Vancienne estaple d e Bruges (Bruges , 1904) , I , no . 257 . (6) Duch y o f Lancaster, D . L . 27/322 ; D . L . 25/3583 ; D . L . 41/10/32 . (7) D . L. 25/3582 : deed at Bruges 'in domo habitacionis dicte societatis Azerellorum'. (8) RENOUARD , op . cit., p . 138 .

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seizure ca n b e use d t o asses s th e relativ e importanc e o f th e woo l dealers activ e in the Netherlands i n th e summe r o f 133 8 (*). Th e share o f the Bard i an d Peruzz i an d o f the Portinar i ma y have bee n unusually large because of their special connexion with Edward III . But presumably eac h firm took onl y what it coul d expec t t o handl e profitably. Mont e Florum received wool valued at £113,59 5 and th e share o f each buye r i s best expresse d a s a percentag e o f this total . The Bard i an d th e Peruzz i together secure d 34%, out o f which th e Bardi alon e receive d 2 8 % . Th e mone y changer s o f Malines an d Brussels came next with 1 5 %. Thi s is the onl y important grou p of buyers tha t ma y hav e include d nativ e Netherlander s ( 2). Th e Portinari of Florence accounted for 1 3 % an d th e forme r employer s of the Bruge s Portinari, the fir m o f the Bonaccors i of Florence, too k about 1 0 1/ 2 % . Th e representative s o f th e Englis h Contrac t Merchants receive d 6 1 /2 % t o compensat e the victim s of the Dor drecht seizure . Th e Cocc o o f Venice too k anothe r 6 1 / 2 % . Th e Acciaiuoli an d th e Albert i o f Florence acted togethe r o n thi s occa sion an d wer e allotte d abou t 4 3/ 4 % . Th e Malabayl a o f Ast i secured just under 2 %. The y were the only Astesan firm engaged in important commerc e a t Bruge s ( 3). Th e amount s o f wool taken b y other recipient s ar e to o smal l t o meri t detaile d enumeration . Wool merchant s coul d fin d abundan t facilitie s fo r thei r busines s at Bruges. Glimpse s o f this appear i n a subsidiary account of Monte Florum (*) . I n th e summe r of 133 9 a consignmen t o f 102 7 sacks o f royal woo l wa s disembarke d a t Sluys . I t coul d no t b e sol d im mediately as the fleeces had to be dried and repacked. Mont e Florum contacted thre e Bruge s dealers an d raise d mone y from the m o n th e security o f the wool , paying the m a t th e rat e o f 1 mark (13s . 4d. ) per sarplar . On e o f the thre e wa s Angel Guido , a Catala n actin g

(1) E . 101/624/28 . (2) Thi s grou p i s discusse d more full y below . (3) The y became after 134 2 th e financia l agent s of the papacy in place of the ruined Florentine companies . Se e Y . RENOUARD , Recherches sur les compagnies commerciales et bancaires ulilisees pa r le s popes
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in partnershi p wit h Nicholas Bartholomei of Lucca ( 1). Th e secon d was Alexander Talany , a n importan t financier , wh o in 134 0 helpe d to redee m th e king' s Grea t Crow n ( 2). I kno w nothing abou t th e third, calle d Jak e Gerardyn . Th e thre e dealer s receive d betwee n them £622 . 13s . 4d. I n retur n fo r this remuneration the y helped t o transport th e woo l t o Bruges an d the n store d it durin g two months, while i t wa s being dried , cleaned , repaire d an d repacked . Thei r servants helpe d t o displa y i t t o prospectiv e buyers , bu t th e actua l sales were arranged b y William Melcheburn , a n important Englis h merchant actin g o n behal f o f Mont e Florum . Al l thei r expense s were refunde d b y Mont e Floru m an d amounte d t o £264 . 4s. 4d. o r just over 5s . per sack . Brokerag e fees, a t th e rat e of Is. 6d. per sar plar, wer e a n expensiv e item, totallin g £70 . Talany , wh o handle d 510 sacks, spen t £7 . 7s . lOd . o n warehouses , whic h give s a rat e of about 4/ 1 Od per wee k for eac h sack ( 3). Bu t i n th e ver y same year William d e l a Pol e wa s abl e t o stor e woo l a t Bruge s muc h mor e cheaply, b y operatin g o n a hug e scale . H e hire d eigh t house s a t Bruges fo r 6 5 weeks an d pai d £10 0 in rent . Thi s total , distribute d over th e 240 9 sack s marketed b y Pole , give s a n averag e o f onl y 15/100d. pe r wee k fo r eac h sac k ( 4). One aspec t of the business habits of the English merchants tradin g at Bruge s in 1346-4 8 ^deserves special commen t ( 5). I n their 'letter s of payment ' draw n o n Bruge s the y displa y a curiou s lac k o f uni formity i n th e method s o f statin g whe n payment s wer e due. W e seem t o b e dealin g wit h a n earl y stag e i n th e evolutio n o f the bill s of exchange , thoug h i t i s possibl e tha t th e practice s summarized here were peculiar t o the English business men at Bruges. I n a bond issued a t Hul l o n 2 7 September 134 8 a n agen t o f John Goldbeter , a merchan t o f York resident a t thi s period a t Bruges , acknowledged

(1) Tabl e C , nos . l.b. , l.d. , I.e. , infra. (2) K . R. Exch . Ace. Var., E . 101/390/6 . Talany als o advanced t o the king on 6 July 1340 a loa n o f £120 0 (Pip e r. , E . 372/187 , m . 52) . (3) Th e usua l rat e a t Londo n an d a t Hul l wa s a t thi s tim e abou t 1/ 2 d. (FRYDE , Wool Accounts o f William d e l a Pole, 1964 , p . 10) . (4) Ibid., p . 11 . (5) FRYDE , Some Business Transactions o f York Merchants (1966) , pp . 14-15 .

VII 118 8 FINANCIA

L RESOURCES OF EDWARD III

a deb t i n pounds sterlin g repayabl e a t Bruge s i n th e French dcu s (of 3s. 4d. each ) 'withi n fiftee n day s after it s presentation there ' (J ). But tw o other agent s of Goldbeter, actin g at Hartlepoo l o n the very next day , undertoo k t o repa y mone y a t Bruge s i n dcu s 'withi n fifteen day s of the drawin g u p o f their letter ' ( 2). I n som e other case s the precis e dat e o f the paymen t wa s actually specifie d i n th e bon d itself. Bu t ther e was yet anothe r possibl e variant, employe d b y one of Goldbeter's agents , Richard Barry , who acted a t Lynn . Wha t h e did was clearly quit e acceptabl e t o the collectors o f customs at Lynn who ha d pai d mone y t o Barry . Hi s practic e wa s to supplemen t a bond b y a 'forbarre ' an d th e dat e o f the paymen t a t Bruge s was recorded i n thi s 'forbarre ' ( 3). In his remarkable boo k on Bruges Professor R . d e Roover devote d a long section to the money changers, who acted a s the main deposi t bankers i n th e town s of Flanders ( 4 ). I n th e thirteen-sixtie s al l th e Bruges mone y changer s possesse d account s wit h eac h othe r an d were thu s abl e t o operate a ver y effectiv e clearin g syste m ( 5). Thi s feature o f the city' s bank s probably originate d a goo d dea l earlier . It ma y be therefore of special significance tha t Monte Florum i n th e summer o f 133 8 sol d 160 6 sack s wort h £17,13 0 t o th e combine d money changer s o f Malines an d Brussel s ( 6). Ther e i s a suggestio n here o f a syndicat e o f deposit bank s which ma y hav e ha d account s with eac h other . The accoun t book s of the tw o Bruges money changer s studied by Professor d e Roove r sho w tha t a larg e proportio n o f their capita l was investe d i n trad e ( 7). Th e mone y changer s o f Maline s an d Brussels acquire d woo l fro m Mont e Floru m i n repaymen t o f a previous loan an d advance d onl y 45 % of the value of that wool (8). (1) Ibid., 'infr a prime s X V die s pos t ostentacione m dict e litter e ibidem' . (2) Ibid., 'infr a quindeci m die s proxim o sequentes confectione m dict e littere' . (3) Ibid., 'un e obligacio n o d un e forbarr e de paie r a Bruge s au iou r compri s e l forbarre'. (4) Money, Banking an d Credit i n Mediaeval Bruges (Cambridge , Mass. , 1948) . (5) Ibid., p . 272 . (6) E . 101/624/28 , m . 1 . (7) Op . cit., pp . 306-7 . (8) Supra, pp . 1148-49 .

FINANCIAL RESOURCES OF EDWARD III VI

I 118 9

The changer s of Brussels participated i n two other transaction s wit h Edward II I involvin g a mixtur e o f tradin g an d mone y lending . The group of Brussels merchants who sold to Mont e Florum on credit 1114 cloths included Anthon y l e Chaungeour . Th e sam e man late r lent t o Mont e Floru m £60 0 on th e securit y o f 15 4 cloths valued a t £900 P). Three other changer s appear amon g Edward' s creditors . Walte r of Malines, was one of the members of the astute group who advanced £6000 i n Novembe r 133 8 an d receive d £12,00 0 b y Septembe r 1341 ( 2). Walte r o f Brussel s advance d £10,31 6 wit h a n Antwer p partner ( 3). an d als o len t a t leas t £169 5 o n th e securit y o f roya l valuables t o Viveli n o f Strassburg ( 4). Bot h loan s wer e apparentl y repaid. Joh n l e Bachile r o f Antwerp operate d o n a muc h smalle r scale, bu t als o very profitably. O n a loan of £540 advanced for two months h e receive d £6 0 of interest (1 1 % ) ( 5). Thu s i n th e record s studied her e th e changer s appea r a s an eminentl y successfu l group . Professor d e Roove r insist s on drawin g a clea r lin e betwee n th e 'lombard' pawnbroker s an d th e Italia n merchan t banker s (6). This view may have some validity for the fifteent h century , but i s at variance wit h muc h evidenc e fro m th e secon d quarte r o f the four teenth centur y ( 7). Th e wealth y 'lombards ' encountere d i n th e records studie d b y me certainly di d no t confin e themselve s to pett y money lending . The y wer e intereste d i n makin g larg e loan s t o other importan t busines s men , the y len t t o ruler s an d participate d in th e woo l trade. Professo r de Roove r himsel f traces the caree r of one suc h mos t successfu l 'lombard' , Simo n va n Hale n (o r Mira bello), whos e transactions wit h Edwar d II I i n 134 0 have bee n al (1) Tabl e B, nos. 5.a., 5.b. , infra. Anthon y is probably identica l wit h the change r of that name who in 1334-3 5 made payments to John of Brabant and Reginald o f Guelders (BiowooD, op . cit., I, p . 436) . (2) Tabl e B , no . lO.a. , infra. (3) Ibid., no . 6 . (4) E . 36/203 , p . 351 . (5) Tabl e B , no . 11 , infra. (6) Op . cit., par t I I (pp . 99-167) . (7) Se e als o G. TIHON , Apergus sur I'ttablissement des Lombards dans les Pays Bos aux XIII 6 et XIV* siicles i n Rev. belg. d e phil. et d'hist., XXXIX (1961) , p . 335 , n . 2 .

VII 119 0 FINANCIA

L RESOURCES OF EDWARD III

ready discusse d b y m e ( 1). T o supplemen t thi s evidence , i t shoul d also b e mentione d tha t i n 134 2 Simo n len t t o th e kin g £675 0 t o redeem the Great Crow n of England fro m anothe r group of Italians. Simon kep t the crow n for 1 1/ 4 years. I n additio n t o securin g th e repayment o f his loa n h e als o receive d £328 3 of interest (a t 3 5 % per year ) ( 2). Two othe r group s of 'lombards', bot h originatin g fro m Asti , were involved i n importan t transaction s wit h Edwar d II I o r hi s agents . Perceval Roie r an d Ott o Garet, th e owners of 'la grande Caversine ' of Bruges, a s the city' s chie f pawnshop wa s called , mad e i n 134 8 a loan o f £5333. 6s. 8d. t o Edward's chie f English bankers, the firm of Walter Chirito n an d Co . I t wa s advanced fo r six months, at 6 0 % per year in interest, thus surpassing considerably the maximum rate of 43 1/ 3 % pe r yea r ( 3), tha t the y wer e allowe d t o charge . The y received i n pledg e 40 0 sarplars o f wool belongin g t o Chirito n and , as an additiona l guarantee, Chiriton' s associate s a t Bruge s ha d t o offer a s a securit y al l th e wool , cloths , silve r vessel s an d othe r valuables tha t the y possessed , assesse d altogethe r a t £2000 . Th e 'Grands Cahorsins ' certainl y recovere d bot h th e mai n loa n an d the stipulate d interes t o n i t ( 4). The holder s o f the pawnsho p o f Maline s advance d a lon g series of loans to Edward, startin g in th e summer of 1338 ( 5). The y figur e in the English records as the firm of the Leopardi and the two leading members wer e Gabrie l d e Mont e Magn o an d Matthe w Cavaceon . These tw o me n secure d in 133 9 annua l fee s o f £50 each ou t o f th e royal custom s a t Londo n ( 8). Cavaceo n becam e a familia r figur e

(1) R . D E ROOVER, op . cit., pp. 153- 5 ; supr a p. 1177-7 8 an d tabl e B, nos. 13.a., 13.b. , infra. (2) Exch . Ace . Var., E . 101/390/6 . (3) ROOVER , op . cit., pp . 104-5 . (4) FRYDE , Some Business Transactions of York Merchants (1966) , pp. 11 , 1 3 and tabl e II , no. 5.a . Fo r th e 'Grand s Cahorsins ' o f Bruges see ROOVER, op . cit., pp. 11 3 seq. (5) Tabl e C , nos . 8.a., 8.b. , 8.c., infra. Fo r thei r pawnsho p sec BIGWOOD, op. cit., II , p. 8 0 and J. LAENEN , Les Lombards d Malines, 1295-1457 p. Bulletin d u Cercle archeologique, littfraire e t artistique d e Malines, X V (1905) , pp . 26-7 .

(6) Col. Patent R., 1333-40, p. 398 .

FINANCIAL RESOURCES OF EDWARD III VI

I 119 1

among th e leadin g busines s me n o f th e cit y o f London . Hi s fir m handled considerabl e quantitie s o f wool an d Cavaceo n wa s draw n into variou s financia l operation s i n Englan d an d Gascon y ( x). The considerabl e siz e of their dealing s with th e kin g is conveyed b y the figures of their final account audited by the English exchequer in 1356. I n it they were charged with receipts totalling £19, 600. Thei r advances were much large r an d th e kin g ended b y recognising that he still owed them £8395 ( 2). Thi s balance was repaid, on Edward's behalf, b y anothe r Astesa n firm, the Malabayl a ( 3). The on e petty moneylende r whos e relations wit h th e king can b e studied i n some detail i s David, a Jew o f Antwerp ( 4). Hithert o ou r only evidence that Jews reside d there in the Middle Ages came fro m references t o th e massacr e o f 134 9 or 1350 . Thi s wa s corroborate d by th e appearanc e i n th e duca l account s fro m 135 0 onward s o f mentions o f their confiscate d house. Bu t no t a singl e Jew o f Antwerp coul d b e name d ( 5). In additio n t o David , w e encounte r i n ou r perio d Viveli n o f Strassburg, bu t h e was clearly a stranger, brough t specially from th e Rhineland b y a royal agent in order to meet Edward III an d discuss the subsidie s du e t o Vivelin' s employer , Archbisho p Baldwi n o f Trier. Viveli n followe d Edward' s cour t first to Malines and later t o Antwerp. I t i s worth stressin g that th e loans that Viveli n helpe d to negotiate wer e procured no t fro m othe r Jew s bu t fro m a Brussels money changer name d Walter , an d fro m a n Antwerp dealer, whose name, Nichola s Galeys , is clearly no t Jewish ( 6). To retur n t o Davi d o f Antwerp. Al l his loans were advanced t o the keepe r o f th e king' s wardrobe , Willia m Norwell , an d thei r

(1) Cal. Close R., 1343-46, pp . 389 , 461 , 476 ; Cal. Close R. , 1346-9, pp. 66-7 , 260 ; L. T. R . Mem . r. , E . 368/124 , mm . 32-3; Exch . Plea r., E . 13/79 , mm. 17-18; Letters Patent (Original) , E . 156/28 , no . 23; Pip e r., E . 372/201 , m. 3 5 v. (2) Pip e r. , E . 372/201 , m . 3 5 v .

(3) Cal. Close R., 1354-60, p . 336 .

(4) Tabl e B , no . 12 , infra. (5) J . STENGERS , Le s Juifs dans le s Pays-Bos a u Mqyen Age, (Bruxelles, 1950) , pp . 23 , 127-8 (n . 144) . (6) Tabl e D , nos . 1 , l.a. , infra.

VII 119 2 FINANCIA

L RESOURCES OF EDWARD III

dates sho w that the y wer e all mad e i n time s of Edward's grea t ne cessity. Davi d supplie d £60 . 17s . 9d . o n 2 1 Decembe r 1338 , whe n Norwell wa s tryin g t o assembl e mone y fo r th e expense s of Christ mas ( J). Anothe r loa n o f about £2 2 was made b y Davi d o n 1 January 1339 . Tw o othe r loan s cam e o n 3 June an d 3 1 August . The rate s o f interest charge d b y Davi d wer e exceedingly high. H e demanded leas t o n hi s bigges t loa n o f £39. Is . 8d . advance d o n 2 1 December 133 8 for thre e month s (c . 61 % pe r year) . Al l hi s othe r advances wer e mad e a t rate s surpassin g 10 0 % pe r year . Fo r a short ter m loa n o f £22. Is., advance d fo r one week, he receive d 9s . in interest , whic h give s a rat e o f 10 4 % pe r yea r an d represent s more tha n doubl e th e maximu m amoun t (4 3 1 /3 % per year) tha t the license d pawnbrokers were allowed t o charge. Onl y i n one case did Davi d receiv e two valuables as pledges. Hi s aggregate advance s amounted t o £130 . 7s . 3d. an d everythin g was repaid . H e receive d at leas t £17.3s . 9d ^ in interest , bu t thi s almos t certainl y represent s only a par t o f hi s profit . H e ha d thu s manage d t o increas e hi s working capita l b y a t leas t 1 3 % . Edward's first expedition t o th e Netherland s was diastrous for his principal bankers . H e exhauste d th e resource s o f th e Bard i an d Peruzzi an d helpe d t o speed the m o n t o thei r ruin . Willia m d e l a Pole, i n spit e o f hi s eminen t service s t o th e roya l cause , earne d Edward's enmity . Amon g othe r thing s th e kin g resented havin g t o sell to Pole in 133 8 the great royal estate of Burstwick in Holderness . When i t becam e politicall y opportun e t o attac k Pole , Edwar d arrested hi m in Decembr 1340 , kept him imprisoned fo r over a year and deprive d hi m permanentl y o f Burstwic k (2). Th e Belgia n financiers, immune from al l such dangers, fare d muc h better . The y had riske d muc h smalle r sums . Th e mor e importan t me n amon g them had advance d money on sufficiently soli d security to make sure of ultimat e repayment . B y th e en d o f 133 9 thei r trus t i n Edwar d had momentaril y collapse d an d henc e th e king' s complet e penur y

(1) Mont e Florum sent Norwell £600 for the expenses of the king's household at Christmas 133 8 (E . 36/203 , p . 58) . (2) FRYDE , i n Econ. Hist. Rev., 1962 , pp . 19-23 .

FINANCIAL RESOURCES OF EDWARD III VI

I 119 3

during his second expedition i n the summer and autum n of 1340 ( J ). But in th e cours e of 1341 and subsequen t year s thes e major Belgia n creditors recovere d th e bul k of the outstandin g debt s du e t o them , including i n mos t cases huge amount s of interest . A s a grou p the y did ver y wel l ou t o f Edward' s tw o illfate d ventures .

(1) Se e m y thesis , cit. supra, chapter s I X an d X .

TABLE A Recipient Nov Duke of Brabant 13,00 (John III ) Vol

. 1337- Jul June 133 8 Jul £. s . d . £

y 1338- Aug-Oct y 133 9 Marc .s .d .£ .s

. 133 9 Nov .d .£

4 Kervy

Total: £30,000 16,99

6 Ibid.,

Count o f Guelder* 3,00 [duke since 1 9 pp March 1339] . Calstere (Reginald II) 60

0 Wardrob 0 Ibid., 7,500 B 337.10. E 3,000 B 675 E

TOTAL: £15,112. 10s . Count of Hainault 3,15 (William II) Norwel TOTAL : Jul £6,450 viou

0E 3,300 Ibid.,

. 1339- SOURCE h 134 0 .s .d .

S AND REMARKS

n D E LETTENHOVE, (Euvres de Froissart, . XX , pp . 414 , 418 . I n April-Jun e 1338 , by Paul de Monte Florum. pp. 414-417. Paid by Paul de Monte Florum. e Book of William Norwell, E. 36/203, . 64 , 229 . O n 7 Nov . 133 8 b y Joh n va n n ['Malines loan'], paying for Norwell. p. 229. On 7 Nov. 1338 by William de la Pole payin g fo r Norwell . y William d e l a Pol e in November , 133 8 or later (E. 404/510 no. 50 ; Issue Roll, E. 403/303, under 2 3 Dec . 1338) . . 36/203, p. 229. On 10 June 1339 by Norwell's clerk. y William d e la , Pole . (E . 404/51 0 nos . 17 , 154; Issu e Roll . E . 403/327 , unde r 1 9 Oct . 1342). . 36/203, p. 329. On 3 Oct. 133 9 by Norwell.

. 36/203, pp. 58 , 64, 228. On 23 May 133 9 by l ou t o f mone y provide d b y Pau l d e Monte Florum . p . 18 0 (transport o f thi s amoun t c . 10 y 1339) . May conceivably refer t o the pres payment .

JohnofHauuudt 30 Uncle of Count William II .

0E

. 101/601 , no . 8 . O n 1 4 April 1339 .

TOTAL : £300 Margrave o f Julurs 1,80 (William) Bardi

0E 705 Chancellor' 300 E 600 Mid3,300 lUd. 1,575 Ibid. 337. 10. Ibid. 3,000 B 675 E

TfyrAL. 1,500

£13,792. 10s. (

^B

. 101/127/32 . On 1 1 December 133 7 b y th e o f Florence . s Rol l 1 3 Edward III , E . 352/132, 46 v . B y Joh n Charnels , roya l receive r abroad, Nov . 1337-Jul y 1338 . . 36/203 , p . 330 . B y Willia m Kilsb y fo r Norwell. O n 2 4 Septembe r 1338 . O n 7 Nov . 1338 , Joh n va n Calstere n ('Malines loan' ) provide d £3,000 , payin g for Norwell. On 2-11 May 133 9 by William de la Pole, paying for Norwell. O n 1 0 June 1339 , b y Norwell' s clerk . y William d e l a Pol e (E . 404/51 0 nos . 17 , 155; Issu e Roll , E . 403/32 7 unde r 1 9 Oct. , 1342). . 36/203, p. 330. On 3 Oct. 133 9 by Norwell. y 2 4 Marc h 1340 , b y Willia m d e l a Pol e E - 404/503, no . 267 ; E. 13/79 , m. 123d.) .

TABLE A (cont'd) Recipient Nov

. 1337 - Jul June 133 8 Jul £. s . d . £

LordofValkmburg 1,95 (Thierry). Joh

y 1338- Aug-Oct y 133 9 Marc .s .d .£ .s

. 133 9 Nov .d .£

0 Chancellor' 1,623. 10 . Valu 600 E 600 Ibid. 225 Ibid.

TOTAL: 2,439 £7,437.18. 3d. Se Conrad de la March 75 (brother of Bishop bran of Liege).

. 1339 - SOURCE h 134 0 .s .d .

S AND'RBMARKS

s Roll , E . 352/132 , m . 46v . B y n Charnels , roya l receive r abroad , Nov . 1337-July, 1338 . e o f woo l delivere d t o hi m b y Pau l d e Monte Floru m (E . 101 / 624 , no. 28 , m. 1) . . 36/203 , p . 329 . I n Nov . 1338 , b y Norwell. O n 24-2 5 September , 1339 . O n 8-1 0 October , 1339 . . 8 . 3 Ibid, (dat e uncertain) . e also ibid., p. 260 : debt of £600for lost horses.

0E

. 36/203 , p . 334 . O n 2 5 July 133 8 by Hilded Suderma n payin g fo r Norwell .

TOTAL : £750 Flemish notables James van Arteoelde 1,50 TOTAL :£1,500 45-49)

0E

. 36/203 , p . 345 . Probabl y i n Marc h 1340 , out o f a loan by th e cit y o f Londo n (Calendar of Letter Books o f London, Letter Book F, pp . .

Simon van Halm 1,50 (ruwaert of d Flanders). b TOTAL: p £1,981.13.4d.

0 Ibid.

Henry o f Flanders 82

5E 825 O 2,700 B

TOTAL: (E £4,350 403/327 James va n Scotelaere 80 of Bruges b

0E

TOTALS : £82,624.11.7. 19,082.10

. 0 43,596

. 0 . 0 12,525

. 101/127 , no . 32 . B y the Bard i of Florence . n 3 1 Aug . 133 9 b y Willia m d e l a Pol e (E. 43/260) . y William d e l a Pol e afte r 2 9 July, 1339 . . 404/503 , nog . 395-396 ; Issu e RoU , E . , unde r 1 9 Oct . 1342) . . 101/127, nos. 32 and 36 . In September 133 8 y th e Bard i an d th e Peruzz i o f Florence . . 36/203 , p . 184 .

150 E

TOTAL : £950.

£466 . 13.4d. wer e also pai d b y Willia m e la Pole on behalf of Norwell in 1339 and £15 y Bartholome w d c Burghersh . (E . 36/203 , . 345) . Se e als o tabl e B , no . 13 .

. 0 . 0 6,939

. 8 . 3 £481 . 13s . 4d. i n 133 9 (Simo n va n Halen) .

TABLE B Lenders normall y residen t i n Braban t o r Flander s LENDER Dat

e of loan Amoun £. s

1. William van Duiom- ? voorde, Lord o f Summe OosUrhout delivere

t lent Dat e of Tota . d . repaymen t pai STURLER

l amoun t Remuneratio d t o lender pai d £. s . d .

r 1338 183

. Valu

Oct. 1338 - 200 summer 133 9 Englan 1339 3,782

. 10 . 3 Valu

1339 5

2.a. does le Due (Hertoghe) o f Brussels e . 15 Sept. 1,266 1339 210/7007

Oct. 1338 - 100 Apr. 1339 hi

. — — Expense

1338-39 195

. Wage

. 13 . 4 STURLER

n SOURCE

S AND REMARKS

, pp . 368-69 ; e of 32 3/4 sacks 9 stones 2 Ib. of wool d b y Mont e Floru m (E . 101 / 624/28 m . 1) . 1 sacks 16 stones of wool delivered i n d (FRYDE , thesis , p . 23 4 nn . 545 49; E . 358/10 , mm . 12-13) . e of 756 1/ 4 sacks 9 stones 1 1 1/ 2 Ib. of woo l delivered at Antwer p (E. 358/10. m. 14) . 5 sacks of wool delivered i n th e Nether lands (E . 358/10, m . 13) . Earlies t orde r to delive r woo l t o Duivenvoord e date d 1 Oct . 133 8 (C . 81/249 , no . 11.314) . s of th e carriag e o f wool paid t o s attorney s i n Englan d (Issu e Roll s under 1 2 Oct. 1338 , 2 3 Feb. 133 9 and 1 0 Apr. 1339; E. 36/203, p. 337 ; E . 404/506, no. 184) . s an d annual fee (E. 36/203, p. 328). , p . 370 . E . 101/127/33 ; E . .

2.b.ClaesIe Due with Befor e 21 Sept. 1,366.13. John Chastellion, 133 9 res merchant o f Sept Lombardy. ^^^

4 300

. £300ofinte

March-Nov. 2,634 1341 66 3. Katharine daughter of STURLER William le Due p (Hertoghe) o f Brussels t . 1 Jan. 1339 6,00 with William, her £ brother, and Godfrey o de Moms, citizens of HOVB Brussels. A (see als o nos. 5.a. a «M* 7). Marc

4. A Brussels group 1

lat e 133 8 A

0 133

debt of Bisho 3,000. — — th

9 5,928

- E . 36/203 , pp . 65 , 211 . Allegedl y £666 . t on 21 13s . 4d. out of this loan were not advanced . 1339 ^ stipulated (E . 36/203, p. 345). Bu t the debt of £1366.133.4d. repaid to Due in 134 1 (infra). 200. £20 0 on 8 E . 101/389/8 , m . 2 . Nov. 1340 . . 6.1 0 Bot h loan s repai d jointl y b y the Peruzz i . £66by27Nov . i n Marc h 134 1 (E. 101/127/136 ) and th e 1341 Bardi , b y 2 7 Nov. 134 1 (E . 372/188 , m . 15v. an d E . 210/7007) . . 10.— E

, p. 37 0 ; Col. Patent R . 1338-40, , 370. . 101/624/28 . m . 8 ; E . 36/203 , p . 348. 1500 paid on 1 Jan. 1339 to the receivers f Duk c O f Brabant (Kervy n D E LETTENj (Eiwres de Froissart, XX , p . 415). n annual fe e of £100 out o f the customs t Londo n grante d t o Katherin e o n 5 h 133 9 (Col. Patent R., 1338-40, p. 370 ) and receive d b y he r an d he r successors unti l a t leas t 135 7 (STURLER , p. 370) . Deliver y a t Antwer p to 'prob i homines' of Brussels of 115 sacks 3 st. 21b. of woo l value d a t £1012 . 3s . 1 1 l/2d. probably connecte d wit h th e repayment of thi s loan . (E . 358/10 , m . 14). p Henry Burghers h o f Lincoln an d e earl s o f Derb y an d Salisbur y wer e hostages fo r thi s deb t an d loan s wer e being raised by Paul de Monte Florum to redeem the m (E . 101/624/28 , mm. 4 and 6) at some date between October 1338 and January 134 1 (dat e of the loa n from th e Bardi, ibid. m . 4) , mos t probably in De cember 133 8 or Januar y 1339.

TABLE B (cont'd) Lenders normall y residen t i n Braban t o r Flander s LENDER Dat

e of loan Amoun t lent Dat e of Tota £. s . d . repaymen t pai

5.a. A loan in cloth Aug . 133 9 or 6,905 from severa l groups slightl y earlier (I of merchants of Brus- E sels headed b y Godfrey m de Mouns (se e also Lender nos. 3 and 7 ) and vnih William le Wert (Wa - no hert). 1163 cloths 5.b.) bought on credit b y (II Paul d e Monte Flo- m rum. Lucca)

. 11.— Earl

y 134 0 3,490

May-Aug. 8,317 1340 b 1340 145.12. 5.b. Anthony Campsor o f Aug.-Sept . 600 Brussels (se e also 133 9t no 5 a ) gour

.E

l amount Remuneratio d t o lender pai d £. s . d . . 5 . 7 STURLER

. 13 . 7 (V

— Askeb

n SOURCE

S AND REMARK S

, p. 370, n. 310 and p. 371, n. 311. ) Fo r nille r lists of participants se e also . 36/203 , p . 34 4 an d E . 101/624/28 , - 7 (the principal sources for thi s loan) . s involved also in other transactions Edward III include d Gile s Golle (see - 7 ) an d Anthon y Gampso r (se e -no. . ) Th e dat e i s supplied b y E . 352/1 3 , - *<>v . (accoun t o f th e Busdragh i o f . (III) Bonds : G . 47/13/ 9 (1 4 Feb. 1340 ) for £840 9 (280 3 gros tournois) an d letter s of indemnity to various guarantor s o f the same (NIJHOF F 'Gelderland' vol . I, p. 415 , Kervyn D E LETTENHOVE, CEuvres d e Froissart, XX , pp . 57-8) . (IV) Englis h knight s kept a s hostages a t Brussels, probabl y fo r thi s debt, between 6 Novembe r 133 9 an d 6 Marc h 134 0 (E. 36/203 , pp . 189 , 272 ; E . 43/248) . ) Fina l repaymen t befor e 1 Sept. 134 0 y Conrad Clippin g and othe r Hanseati c merchants (Cal. Patent R . 1340-43, p . 3 9 and E . 372/187 , m. 54v. ) an d b y Rober t y (E . 372/187 , m . 52) . . 101/624/28 , m. 7. Advanced on delivery o Anthon y Campso r (Tony s Leschaun ) o f 15 4 cloth s allegedl y value d a t £900.

6. Coins Coluche of Ant- c . 1 Jan. 133 9 10,316 werp an d Walter Mont Campsor (le Cangeur) Describe of Brussels [probably (a Italians] well' See also no. 7 , infra and tabl e D, no. l.a . describe

. 4. — STURLER

finallysettle

1339 1,695

.E

Feb. 133 9 200 March-Apr. 1340 300

.E

Dec. 135 0 1,579

7. Godfrey d e Moms, ? March 134 0 2,400 William le Due (Her- Maline toghe), Walter Camp- repaymen sor, Giles Colle 41/10/32) (see als o nos. 3, 5.a. Par and 6) , citizens of Quee Brussels. Gaun

. Ibid.

. 11 . 8 Fina

. Loa

March-Sept. 2,400 1341 o

, p . 371 . Receive d b y Pau l d e e Floru m (E . 101/624/28 , m . 8) . d as a debt of 68.787 fl. of Florence t 3s . each) valued at £10,31 8 Is. in Nors account (E. 36/203, p. 344). Whe n d i n Decembe r 135 0 (infra), d a s a deb t o f 68,781 fl . d e scuto (at 3s . 6 1/ 2 d. each ) value d at £12,179 . 17s. 8d., this increased figure presumably incorporating interest . £52 5 paid t o th e receivers of Duke of Brabant on 1 January 1339 (KERVY N D E LETTENHOVE , (Etaires d e Froissart, XX , p . 415) . Bon d (damaged) in Sept . 1339 , E . 101/619/3 . (cancelle d when restore d t o Edwar d III) . . 36/203 , p. 351 and E. 159/120 , recarda, Easter, m . lOv . . 36/203 , p . 344 .

. Deb 22.10. — £22.10. — E

On 1 7 May 134 0 the king recognised that he stil l owe d the m £9,717 . 3s . (Col. Patent R. , 1338-40, p . 532) . l paymen t i n ful l satisfactio n of th e debt du e t o the m (E . 404/5/3 2 an d E . 403/355 unde r 2 0 Dec . 1350) . n contracted to secure from a group of s creditors (se e no. lOa) a dela y i n t o f the debt due t o them (D.L. . t of the loa n spent on the expense s of n Philippa after the birth o f John of t in March 1340 (ibid.) Bond (dated ? 1 Aug . 1340) , G . 202/H . 12/54. t repaid by the Bardi and the Peruzzi f Florenc e (E . 372/188 , m . 15v ; E. 101/127/36 ; E . 352/139 , m . 35 , . 101/65 4 (receip t fo r £22.1 0 in 10 0 /fl. 'de scuto') .

TABLE B (cont'd) Lenders normall y residen t i n Braban t o r Flander s LENDER Dat

e of loan Amoun £. s

t lent Dat e of Tota . d . repaymen t pai

8.a. John va n Calsterm Befor e Feb. ? 6,000 . E and John Duys, mer- 133 9 Melchebur chants of Louvain with Soo John Rikier of Ma - Jun lines (see also nos. 700 8.b., 10.a. , and lO.b . Jul 8.b. Rudolph van Redin- Aug . 1339 or 3,500 gen, John va n Calste- slightl y earlier (I ren (see no. 8.a.), 348 John Duys (se e no. (II 8.a.), Walter Eve- m loghe, Walter Roelants, Lucca) merchants of Louvain. (Ill A loan partly in mo- Deb ney and partly in 1,920 416 cloths bought Dec on credit by Paul de Apri de Monte Florum. 12

l amount Remuneratio d t o lender pai d £. s . d .

n SOURCE

S AND REMARKS

. 358/10, m. 1 4 (account of Conduit an d n fo r wool) ; E.36/203 , p . 210. n after 1 7 6,388.13 . 3 Deb t o f 120 0 sacks of wool recognised b y e 1339 Edwar d III . 106 4 3/ 4 sack s 1st . lib . . — — £70 0 on 1 1 (weigb t o f Antwerp) delivered, value d a t y 133 9 £6388 . 13s . 3d .

. STURLER

. £192 l 1340 in 20 0 sacks of 880 wool riag

. £2 . 134 eo ? 5,200. 78

, pp . 371-72 . ) Mai n source s : E . 36/203 , pp . 344 , ; E . 101/624/28 , m . 7 . ) The dat e i s supplied b y E . 352/132 , . 46v . (accoun t o f th e Busdragh i o f . ) Bond : C. 47/13/6, no. 5. (damaged). t o f 70 0 sacks o f woo l recognised b y 0 on 20 Edwar d III . . 133 9 0 on 1 1 Apr. E. 403/309 , unde r 1 1 an d 2 7 April 134 0 0 for car- an d E . 36/203 , p . 34 4 (woo l bough t i n f 12 0 Englan d for £880). sacks of wool. 0 sacks of wool delivere d b y th e Bard i and th e Peruzz i of Florence i n 134 1 (580 sacks o f th e mai n deb t an d furthe r 20 0 sacks for delay in repayment). Th e pur chase, transport an d deliver y of this wool cost die Bardi and Peruzzi £8473. 18s. 4d. (E. 372/188 , m . 15v. ; E . 101/127/36 ; E. 352/139 , m . 35) . A memorandu m about th e restorin g o f al l bond s b y th e Louvain merchants , E . 36/266 , p . 119 .

9. Peter le Blawere and Aug . 133 9 or 450 other merchants of slightl y earlier 134 Termonde. E Loan i n 83 cloths E bought on credit b y Anthon Paul de Monte Florum.

. March-Ma

10.a. John RUeier, Nov . 1338 6,000 William Kerman and Deb Walter Campsor of (I Malines (actin g ini- 330 daily through John (II van Calstere n of 1339 Louvain, for whom 1 see nos. 8.a. an d 3 8.b.) 1,908

. STURLER

y 450 0 transactions

8 Feb. 134 0 2,928 0 March 134 0 72

May-Sept. 5,400 1341. expense

lO.b. John Rikier Marc

h 133 9 613

. Se

. . . £190

e abov e nos . 5.a . an d 8.b . fo r paralle l . . 36/203 , p . 344 ; E . 101/624/28, m . 7 ; . 356/8 , m . 6 (repaymen t throug h y Bache of Genoa).

, p . 372 . t o f £9000 recognised by Edward III. ) Main sources : E. 36/203, pp. 64, 329, , 344 . ) Bonds :RYMER , II , p . 108 5 ( 6 July ) and G. 47/13/6, no. 3 (29July 1339).

8 in or af- (III) Payment s by Henry, ear l o f Derby ter March (on e o f th e pledge s fo r thi s debt ) fro m 1340. Marc h 134 0 onwards : D.L . 41/10/32 , 492. Furthe r £49 2 E . 101/127/4 0 an d E . 372/191 , m . 54 . in 1340-41 . Th e ear l reside d a s hostag e a t Maline s from 25 Sept. 134 0 to 23 May 1341 . Th e merchants of Malines recognised tha t th e debt wa s full y repai d o n 2 0 Sept . 1341 . 1,200.— — £120 0 in May Voucher s connected with payments by the 1341. ear l 1340-4 1 : D.L. 27/322 , D.L.25/3385 , D.L. 25/983 , D.L . 41/10/36 . . Roya l debentur e t o th e ear l fo r th e s of himself and hi s four knight s as hostages (£1087 . 17s . 4d.) date d 8 Sept . 1341 (E . 404/490 , no . 338) . . 6 . 8 Deb

t o f £1100 . Ma y b e connecte d wit h no. lO.a . 8 0 sack s o f th e king' s woo l worth £613. 6s. 8d. delivered b y Conduit and Melchebur n i n partia l discharg e o f this deb t (E . 358/10 , m . 14) .

TABLE B (cont'd) Lenders normall y residen t i n Braban t o r Flander s LENDER Dat

e o f loan Amoun t lent Dat e of Tota £. a . d . repaymen t pai

l amount Remuneratio d to lender pai d £. s . d .

\\.JoknleBochiler, 2 money changer o f 1339 Antwerp. Inst.

6 Nov. 133 8 540

.1

12. David, a Jew of 3 Antwerp. 3

1 Dec. 1338 - 130 1 Aug. 1339 . 1339

. 7 . 3 March-Nov . 147.11. . 194

13. Simon van Halm (o r Informa Mirabello), ruwaert of repayment Flanders. th (a) Wit h Leon de Mi- Jan . 134 0 10,000 rabello, John de Bon Ponte, Loui s Peletta II and Anthony Abel- original) lonie of Asti. 800

Feb. 133 9 600

(b) With John deSer- Jan.-Feb . 1340 1,500 re and Loui s Peletta retur

— £17.3.

. £80

.I

S AND REMARKS

0 on 1 Feb. E . 36/203 , pp . 70 , 193 , 203 . Loa n ad. vance d for tw o months. Cf . FRYD E in Bull. Hist. R. , 2 3 (1950) , pp . 27-8 .

. £6

. STURLER

July-Nov. 10,500. 1340 Bard

n SOURCE

— — £50

9E

. 361/2 , m. 1 5 r., E . 36/203 , pp. 70 , 193, , 203 , 204 , 208 , 210 . Si x small loans advanced for periods varying from 1 week to 3 months (on e loan of £10 on pledge of two valuabl e objects) .

l agreements and arrangement s for s mak e i t certai n tha t h e wa s e principa l creditor . , pp . 373-74 . d o f 21 January fo r £10,000 , RYMER , , pp . 1106- 7 and E. 101/127/39 (restored , 0 in 1340 . Paymen t of ? interes t b y Rober t Askeb y E. 372/187 , m . 52v . an d E . 159/123 , recorda, Trinit y m . 12v . 0 Payment s of interest and repayment by the i an d Peruzzi , E . 101/127/3 9 an d E. 101/65 5 (th e Bardi) ; E. 372/191, Res. London, and E. 101/127/3 6 (the Peruzzi). n ai d o f th e expense s o f Edwar d Ill' s n fro m Flander s t o Englan d (Co/ . Close R., 1341-3, p. 286) . Advance d o n the sexauit y o f jewels len t b y th e Ear l of

300. £30

14.a. John, son of Simon Jan . 134 0 ? of Ghent, Lambert del Repayment Come and John Bar- Letter ky, burgesses of Bruges Book

1,000. Marc

14.b. John of Ghent with PMarc h 134 0 ? Tidemanvon Lymbergh of Dortmund.

1,000. Cal.

15. Lubright Anshilt, 133 8 or 133 9 3,816 Horrigus de Canello milliari and associates. Loan Loa possibly contracted £210 in Flanders. keepe

. 13. 4 I

Late 134 1 1,680 or 134 2 Astwyk h 1340 1,000

. £18 . Col.

Derby to Edward II I (E . 36/203, pp. 66, 320). Bond o f 1 3 January 1340 , Col. Patent R. , 1338-40, p. 37 6 ; indenture o f agreement of 1 4 February 1340, E . 159/118 , ntorda, Mich., m . 3 . 0 probably Paymen t o f interest, E . 36/203 , p . 196 .

in 1340. 0 Repaymen

t by Walter Pres t and Geoffre y , E . 358/10 , m . 25 . Patent R . 1338-40, p . 408 . , E . 403/30 7 an d Calendar o f Books of the City of London, Letter F, p . 46 . Patent R., 1338-40, p . 440 .

n additio n t o money , were received 380 a o f tin . n negotiated by William de la Pole and 0 of the proceeds delivered to Norwell, r of the king's wardrobe (E. 36/203, p. 66). Loa n raise d o n th e securit y o f royal valuables , perhap s identica l wit h the object s delivered t o Pol e 'apu d An dewerp i n camer a archiepiscop i Cantua riensis... a d invadiandu m i n Flandria ' (E. 361/2 , m . 39) .

TABLE C Italian lenders (except the Bardi and Peruzzi of Florence) LENDER Dat

e of loan Amoun t lent Dat e o f Tota £. s . d . repaymen t pai

l.a. Nicholas Bartholo- Loan mei of Lucca. jointl June, 133 8 1,80

l.b. Ange l Guido of July-Sept Catalonia an d Pere s 1338Lape of Pistoia (as - Len sociates of Bartholo- wer mei). fo

. 133 8 3,75

l amount Remuneratio d to lender pai d £. s . d .

n SOURCE

S AN D REMARK S

s l.a. , l.b . and I.e . probably repai d y unde r I.e . . 101/624/28 , m . 3 . (accoun t o f Mont e Florum). Len t o n th e securit y o f roya l jewels. £1,500 pai d a t Antwer p to th e receiver s of Duk e o f Braban t o n 2 9 June , 133 8 (Kervyn D E LETTENHOVE, (Euvres d e Froissart, XX , p . 414) .

0E

0 551.11

— £551.11s . in E 9C

l.c. Bartholome i with July-Sept . 133 8 11,52 0 [£6,00 the Busdraghi of res Lucca. i 1340-52 9,075

6 July, 136 7 1,50

. 101/624/28 , mm . 3 , 6; E. 101/390/4 ; . 47/13/ 8 (paymen t b y th e Peruzzi) . t on the security of royal jewels which e restore d b y Ma y 133 9 i n exchang e r lette s obligator y fo r £21,00 0 (Cal. Patent R . 1338-40, p . 37 2 an d E.101 / 619/5, no . 4) .

0 of inte-E. 101/624/28 , m . 3 . t promised Len t o n th e securit y of Queen Philippa' s n May 133 9 jewels , restore d a s above . but repudiated in 1352] . . 11. 9 1/4 E . 101/619/5 , no. 4 (letter s obligatory for £21,000 with endorsement of repayments). E. 101/601/1 0 (calendare d Cal. Close R., 1349-54, p . 490 ) : agreemen t o f 1 June, 1352 b y whic h Bartholome i renounce d £6,000 o f interes t (include d i n letter s obligatory fo r £21,000 ) i n retur n fo r a promise to repay the outstanding balance. 0E . 212/108. Payment i n fina l discharg e o f debts du e to Bartholomei .

l.d. Ange l Guide 1

5 April 133 9 711.18.1

12

I.e. Bartholomei with Summe r 133 9 c . 1,90 0 133 Angel Guido. 18 2.a. Bonaccorsi of Flo- 133 rence. (with Arnold B van Aldyngham of E Malines). remainin

8 1,82

2.b. 1,95

3. James Busdraghi o f Se Lucca. Lucc

5 Oct.-Dec

0 Aug. 1339 711.18.1 1E . 36/203 , pp . 70 , 193 , 206 . 242. 5 . 5 £242.5s.5d . on Loa n advance d fo r 4 months . 20 Aug. 133 9 9c

, 1,90 0 A 3 £18

. 134 6 424 y 1353 1,200.18

.1 .9 E . 3 134

t Bruge s o n th e securit y o f 31 3 sacks 3 in 133 9 1 2 1/ 2 clove s o f wool , late r restored . E. 101/624/28 , m . 5 ; E . 101/457/28 . . 403/39 9 unde r 1 6 Oct. an d 1 3 Dec . 6 (repayment s b y Henr y Pycard) . . 372/198, Item London v. Allowance of g balanc e t o Henr y Pycar d (purchaser o f a titl e t o thi s deb t a t a discount).

0 — — Licenc

Aug.-Sept. 900 1339 1339-2

.2

e to export wool free of custom and) subsidy i n repayment , 1 2 July, 1339 . (Cal. Close R. , 1339-41, p . 198) . 1339-40 1,892 . 6 . 4 1/4 Allowanc e of customs (E . 356/5 , mm . 4 , 5 v.) . I t i s possible tha t bot h th e fore going transactions refer t o the same loan, in which case it was repaid twic e through fraud o n Pycard' s part . e als o unde r Nichola s Bartholome i o f a (I.e.) . 0 Sept., 90 0 Origina l profit E . 101/624/28 , m . 7. Chancellor's Rol l 13 5 May of£83.6s.8d . Edwar d III , E . 352/132 , m . 4 6 v . ; 1341. Pate r recoveredE. 159/119 , Recorda, Michaelmas , m . 7 . from BusdraghiAdvanced on delivery to Busdraghi of 241 by the exche- cloth s o f Brussel s and 7 3 cloth s o f Ter quer] monde , sol d b y hi m betwee n Sept. 133 9 and Ma y 134 1 at Bruge s for £983.6s.8d . (net receipt s after deductio n of expenses). The excheque r forced Busdraghi to repay his profi t o f £83.6s.8d. i n Februar y 134 3 (E. 401/37 0 under 1 3 and 1 5 February, 1343).

TABLE G (cont'd) Italian lenders (excep t the Bardi and Feruzzi of Florence ) LENDER Dat

e o f loan Amoun £. s

4. Francis Drisacorne Deb of Genoa. 957

t lent Dat e o f Tota . d . repaymen t pai

l amount Remuneratio d to lender pai d £. s . d .

t of I . 12 . 0 wa

150 (E 0E

1342-3 60 4 June 134 4 66.13 5. Gaillard Falabrayne Dec and James Normami E of Lucca, (resident Ma at Antwerp). 6. James Gerardyn Summe

T.JohndeLantele, Jul merchant 'de Len Lumbardia'. Crown

. 133 9 266.13

. 4 Marc

0 Cal.

h 134 0 10 y 134 0 166

r 133 9 c . 1,20 0 133

y 133 8 4,05

9c

.4 E

. 13. 4 E

n SOURCE

S AND REMARK S

n 134 2 one o f Queen Philippa' s crown s s in his hands (Cal. Close Rolls 1343-43, p. 583 ; G . 81/1763 , no . 32) . I t i s assumed tha t thi s wa s identica l wit h he r second crow n whic h Anthon y Bach e o f Genoa i n May , 134 0 promised t o redee m for £957 . 12s . (Cal. Patent R . 1338-40, p. 534) . Bach e paid £15 0 to Drisacorne . . 372/189 , m . 3d.) . . 372/195 , Res. Ebar' (accoun t o f Hug h de Ulseby) . . 403/32 2 unde r 4 June, 1344 . Patent R., 1338-40, p . 403 ; . 403/30 7 unde r 3 0 March , 1340 . . 36/203 , pp . 23 , 26 .

. 1,20 0 A

t Bruge s o n th e securit y o f 20 4 sack s 1 1/ 2 clove s o f wool , late r restored . 125 — — £12 5 in 133 9 E . 101/624/28 , m . 5 ; E . 101/457/28 .

0E

By February 2,40 1339 Repaymen

0E

. 101/624/2 8 m. 3 ; E . 361/2 , m . 15v . t o n th e securit y of the king' s Grea t . £2,25 0 pai d a t Antwer p t o th e Duke of Brabant on 30 July 1338 (Kervyn DE LETTENHOVE , CEuvres d e Froissart, XX , p. 414) . . 101/624/28 , m. 8; E. 36/203 , p . 327. t t o recove r th e Grea t Crow n destined t o be repledged t o archbishop of Trier (Cal. Patent R . 1338-40, p . 371) .

8.a. Leopardi ofAsti. Augus t 133 8 6,177 (Gabriel d e Monte Len Magno Matthew wer Cavaceon and others; Recorda, Lombards at Ma - t lines). (Kervy

. 6 . 0 133

9 4,87

5E

c. May 133 9 1,50

0 Pai 225 £

8.b. Gabrie l d e Monte 133 9 4,80 Magno with Angel securit Guido of Catalonia i (cf. l.b.) . 1,60

0 133

8.c. Th e Leopard i 1 alone Feb

0 45

9 1,50

0 £1,60

8 Sept. 133 9 90

0 £45 c. Dec. 133 9 82

9. Djmus Malapris Aug-Sept 1339 t

0E

. 30

10. Peter Meine, o f th e Befor e Aug. 3,73 company o f Cocco of 133 8 28 Venice. 875

5 Pai

. 101/624/28 , m . 3; E . 36/203 , p . 346 . t on the security of royal jewels which e restored in 133 9 (cf. also E. 159/120 , Easter , m . 10v.) . £3,00 0 pai d o Duk e o f Braban t c , 6 , August , 133 8 n D E LETTENHOVE, (Euvres d e Froissart, XX , pp . 414-15) . d b y th e Bard i an d Peruzz i (Col. Patent. R. 1338-40, p. 384 and E. 101/127, no. 32 ; 225 before E . 101/653 , receip t o f Mont e Floru m t o 15 April 133 9 th e Bardi) . An annual fee of £100 out o f London customs grante d Augus t 133 8 (Cal. Patent R. 1338-40, pp . 189 , 398) . . 36/203 , pp . 210 , 350 . Len t o n th e y of royal jewels which were restored n 1339 . 0 on 20 Interes t of £1,600 paid b y Willia m de l a Aug. 133 9 Pole . 0 on 1 9 E . 134 0 Sen

. 36/203 , p . 217 . t t o Edwar d Ill' s househol d o n th e French border . d b y the Bardi (Cal. Patent R. 1338-40. p. 40 2 an d E . 101/12 7 no . 32) . Cf . als o E. 36/203 , p. 351 . A n accoun t o n 2 Feb . 1340 reveale d a deb t t o th e Leopard i o f £ 3,60 0 (E . 36/203 , pp . 6 5 an d 327) .

0E

. 101/624/28 , m. 7. Advanced on delivery o Malapri s o f 5 3 cloth s (scarlets ) alle gedly value d a t £ 540 .

7E

. 101/127/32 and C. 47/13/7 ; E. 101/624/ ,m .1 . . 4 . 3 £875 . 4s. 3d. Remuneratio n by delivery to Meine of 300 by 1 3 August sarplar s o f woo l an d b y paymen t o f 1338. £37 . 7s . 3d . b y th e Bardi .

TABLE C (cont'd.) Italian lenders (excep t the Bard i an d Peruzzi o f Florence ) LENDER Dat

e of loan Amoun t lent Dat e of Tota £. a . d . repaymen t pai

\\.BertuccioPiscmiof Befor e April 1,05 Venice. 1339 . 316

0E

12. Portinari of Florence 133 8 (after 6,072.10 [in exile in the Ne- July) . Feb therlands.] i

14. Cade Sartm of Oct Lucca. Sept

. 0 Oct

. 1339 - 417.13 . 1340 . teres

. 4 [£2,00

0 of in- E . 372/18 8 m. 45v . (account of the Porti t promised nari) ; E. 159/119 , Recorda, Michaelmas , n 133 9 but re - m. 7 and E . 368/115 , Visus e t Status Compudiated i n potorum, Michaelmas, m. 9. Loan advanced 1342]. t o pa y interes t o n odier loan s contracte d by Mont e Florum . 3 — — Ibid, (allowance of custom and subsid y on 0 exporte d wool) ; E. 101/390/6 . A balance still du e i n 135 6 (E . 159/132 , Recorda, Michaelmas, m . 22) , because th e exche quer wa s dissatisfied wit h th e accounting of th e Portinar i fo r othe r transactions .

. 10. 0 E . 1338 - 66 . 1139 .

15. Alexander Talany. Summe

S AN D REMARKS

. 101/65 3 (receip t o f Monte Floru m t o . 17 . 6 £316,17.6d . b y th e Bardi ) ; E. 372/189 , m. 15v . (accoun t 15 April 133 9 o f th e Bardi) .

By 134 2 2,07 1342 6,00

13. Rapondi o f Lucca. 787

l amount Remuneratio n SOURCE d t o lender pai d £. s . d .

. 36/203 , p. 70 . Len t o n th e securit y of royal jewel s recovere d later .

0E

r 133 9 c . 2,70 0 133

. 101/624/28 , m . 8 . 9e

. 2,70 0 A

t Bruge s on th e securit y o f 509 sacks 48 cloves o f woo l late r restored . 314.13. 4 £314.13.4d . E . 101/624/28 , m . 5 ; E . 101/457/28 . in 1339 .

TABLE D Loans in German y or by Germans active in the Netherland s LENDER Dat

e o f loan Amoun

t lent Dat e of Tota £ s . d . repaymen t pai

l amount Remuneratio d to lender pai d £s .d .

n SOURCE

\.Vivelinle Rons, a Connecte Jew ofStrassbwrg. Trie l.a.VivelinandHenry Oct . 133 8 3,000 Phihpoccus, butler 133 of Ar . ^ . o p ^ d" Maline win of Trier. Antwer

S AND REMARK S

d wit h Baldwi n archbisho p o f p ossibiy -j^ an associat e of Vivian, a Je w o f Cologn e (E . 36/203 , p . 211) . r

. 60

. £6

0 on 4 Oct. E 8t

1339 781

.4.— H 67. 10 . —£67

. 10s . wer

. 36/203 , p . 359 . Negotiation s fo r loans Trie r bega n at s o n 27 Sept. 1338 , continue d a t p an d laste d unti l Novembe r (Kervyn D E LETTENHOVE , (Enures de Froissart, XVIII , pp . 161-2) . It i s probable that some of diis money was raised b y borrowin g fro m Walte r Camp sor of Brussels (see Table B, nos. 6, 7 ) o n the security of royal valuables. Walte r was repaid i n 133 9 and thes e pledges wer e recovered (E . 36/203, p. 351 and E. 159/120 , recorda, Easter , m . 1 0 v.). Othe r mone y was raise d o n th e securit y o f roya l va luables from Nichola s Galeys of Antwerp. e was repaid i n 133 9 an d th e pledge s e recovere d E . 36/203 , p . 35 0 and E . 159/120, recorda, Easter , m . 1 0 v.) . o pay the archbishop o f

TABLE D (cont'd) Loans in German y or by Germans active in the Netherland s LENDER Dat

e o f loan Amoun £s

l.b. Loans to pay the 67.10. subsidies promised 1 by Edward III t o 45 the archbishop s of 133 Mainz and Trier i n 675 1339. 1339 11 July 1339 1,507.10. at Cologn e 359

2. A group o f notables o f ? Before ? Cologne: Henry Quat- Jan. 1339. XVI termart, vicecomes Co - 396-7 loniensis, knight ; Eve- me rardus Hardevust in Vico Reni (se e no. 4) . Hildeger von Stave, Cristina Vetsamdere. (Vetscholder}. 2.a. An unidentified 134 group of lenders thei from Cologne, mentionin

t lent Dat e o f Tota . d . repaymen t pai

l amoun t Remuneratio d t o lender pai d £s .d .

n SOURCE

S AND REMARK S

— £67.10s . on Th e Grea t Crown of England was pledged 6 Jan. 1339. o n 2 8 Feb . 1339 to Archbisho p Baldwin . 0 . — £4 5 on24 May o f Trier a s security for subsidies promised 9t o hi m (RYMER , II , pp . 1073-4 , 1077) . . £67 5 o n 9 June . . 36/203 , pp . 204 , 312, 315, 316, 319 , . 5,962. 10.— Pai d t o Viveli n a t Cologn e o n 1 1 Jul y 1339 t o procure loans and fo r payments to archbishops o f Main z an d Trie r (E . 36/203, p . 359).

—E

N i n Hansische Geschichtsblatter, vol. , p . 361 ; NIJHOFF , Gelderland, pp . , 411. Loan contracte d b y Bartholow Burghersh.

750. — — HANSE

3 740

. 15. 5 Th

e king' s second (small ) Crow n wa s in r hands in 1342- 3 (E. 10 1 /507/21 no. 1 , g a n agreemen t o f 28 . Dec . 1342 wit h Mont e Floru m t o recove r it). Redeemed b y Mont e Floru m (E . 10 1 / 390/6) with the assistance of the Hanseatic merchants (E . 101/507/2 1 no . 4) . Re muneration o f th e Hansard s b y Thoma s Melcheburn an d Co. , farmer s o f th e customs (E. 159/121, recorda, Trinity, m. 29 and E . 356/4 , m . 1) .

3. A group of citizens o f 133 8 or 133 9 825 Cologne : John ' de E Cornu' knight, John Reginal 'de Aureo Capite' th e variou Younger, Ludekinus 'de an Griffon', Zilkin von 390 Odendorp. ghers

4. Everardus Hardevust Befor e 427 (see no . 2 ) and John Augus t 1339 . 1340 'de Aureo Capite', th e 32 elder, citizens of Cologne. 5. John'de Specula', 2 0 August 843.15. William'deCobolde,' 133 9 remuneratio John Overstate 'de promised] Porta', Richivin Gryn, Deb Gerard Loef, Matthew Bartholome Cove, Lewis Clutynck,' o James 'de Cirlo', othe Alexander 'prothonota- 325 rius civitatis Colonie" Dec citizens o f Cologne. Jan

. 6.— , E

. 10 . — B

. 361/2 , mm . 3 8 r . an d v. , m . 3 9 r. , . 36/203 , p . 66 . Loa n contracte d b y d Doningto n (sen t to Germany on s occasion s betwee n 2 2 Jul y 133 8 d 1 0 Aug . 1339 , E . 36/203 , p . 278) . . Partia l repayment s b y Bartholome w Burh ( ? July-Aug . 1339) . 185.17. 9 £185.17s.9d . I t is possible that the king's Second Grown, in 1339 . recovere d b y Burghersh durin g a mission to Cologne and redelivere d b y hi m o n 2 Aug. 133 9 to Robert Watford, king's clerk (E. 36/203 , p . 325) , ma y hav e bee n re covered fro m thi s Cologn e group . y June 495 . Patent

— [£281.5s

. 1343 - 967 . 1344. ? o

. £67

. 10s . Repai

d b y th e Bard i an d Peruzzi , Cal. R., 1338-40, pp. 391-2 , E. 101/127 / , C . 47/13/8 .

. of HANSE N i n Hansische Geschichtsblatter, vol . n XVI , pp . 385-87 . . Bon d (partly illegible), C. 47/28/9, no. 12 . t o f £1125 recognised . Contracte d b y w Burghersh o n th e securit y f the Grea t Crown of Queen Philippa an d r valuables , E . 36/203 , pp . 71 , 193 , ; E . 101/390/4 . . 10 . — Repaymen t b y th e Hanseati c Merchant s f Bruge s : Cal. Close R., 1341-3, p . 391 , 100. 0 . 0 idem, 1343-6, pp. 478 , 489, and by Thomas Melcheburn an d Co. , farmer s o f th e customs (E . 43/321) .

TABLE D (eonfd.) Loans in German y or by Germans active in the Netherland s LENDER Dat

e of loan Amoun

£s

t lent Dat e of Tota . d . repaymen t pai

6 a. Godekimts an d Aim- Befor e 5,000 nus von Revele. Januar y 133 9 134 See also no. 14 . o

.B

y May ? 0 333

6.b. Godekinu s vo n ? Aug.-Sept. 4,000 Revele. 1339 .t See also no. 14 . pot-,

.B

y 1343 4,000.

7. John and Hildebrand Apri l 133 9 800 Suderman of Dort- 333 mund. 2 See also no. 9 . Licenc

.?

E

l amount Remuneratio n SOURCE d to lender pai d £s .d .

S AND REMARK S

5,000 E . 361/2 , m . 3 8 an d E . 36/203 , p . 65 . . 6 . 8 £333.6s . 8d. Pai d b y Willia m d e l a Pole , E . 36/203 , n 6 Jan. 1339.p . 204 . 133. 6 . 8 £133 . 6s . 8d. Pai d b y Willia m d e l a Pole , E . 36/203 , on 1 0 Aug. p . 208 . 1339. Thi s loa n no t include d amon g th e debt s for whic h th e Englis h custom s wer e as signed t o the Hanseatic merchants in May 1340 an d i t ha d bee n presumabl y repai d by then . —— ? Bon d for 1200 sacks of king's wool granted o Revel e (E . 368/114 , status e t visus cornHilar y m. 4) . Include d i n a debt of £18,100 fo r whic h th e Englis h custom s were assigned to the Hanseatic merchants on 1 1 May 134 0 (Cat. Close R. , 1339-41, pp. 483- 4 an d E . 101/127/5 , no . 50) . I n Rotuli Parliamentarian, II , p . 121 , Revel e named wit h Conra d Clippin g a s the two chief assignee s of th e customs . Priv y seal warrants nos . 11,97 9 (1 0 Aug . 133 9 an d 12,514 (31 Dec. 1339 ) gave licences to Revele to export 60 0 sacks at th e alie n rates of custom s and 55 5 sacks at hal f th e En glish rates of customs (profi t o f £1150), cf . E. 356/8 , m . 26 . . 36/203 , p . 65 . . 6 . 8 £333.6s.8d . on E . 36/203 , p . 207 , paid fay William d e la May 1339. Pole . e o f 1 2 April 133 9 t o expor t 20 0 sacks of wool at ful l alien rates of customs, Cat. Patent R., 1338-40, p. 38 0 and £60 0 received b y Willia m d e l a Pol e (E . 372 / 186, m. 16 r. ,and v. and E. 356/8, mm. 21 and 2 6 v.) .

8. Sijrid Spicenere, Apri Albert Clipping, John and Tiros von Wold. See also nos. 10 , 12.

l 133 9 700

9. Henry Wale, John B y June 133 9 1,894 Suderman the elder and 1/45 Hildebrand hi s brother, a John Suderman the £800) younger, merchants of 1339-41, Dortmund with Thtie- Licenc man von Revele, Hert- tom win von Beke and Hen- Close iy vo n Lorn.1341-

10. Conrad Clipping, B y 1 Sept. 70 brothers Albert, 133 9 an and Conra d Clip - t ping; Godescalcus 1338-40, Clipping; Henry status Muddepenyng of Include Dortmund with Ze- th nardus Spissenaghen Hanseati brothers John, Go- nu descalcus and Tho - 1 mas 'de Silva' and Conra Wesselin'deMonte'. ciate See also nos. 8, 11 , privileg 12. rate

.?

E

. 36/203 , p . 6 5 an d E . 361/2 , m . 38 .

. 13. 8 Col.

4 1,894

0E d mor e Bon

. 13. 8 th

Patent R. , 1338-40, pp . 387-8 ; S.C . , no . 233 . Licence t o expor t 800 sacks t th e Englis h rate s o f customs (profi t o f , 8 Augus t 133 9 (Cal. Close R . p. 197 , E. 356/8 , mm . 4 , 2 6 v.) . e t o expor t 20 0 sack s qui t o f cus s (profi t o f £600), 28 Febr. 134 0 (Cal. R., 1339-41, p. 376) . Repayment by e Bardi and Peruzzi , Cal. Close R., 133941, p. 460 ; E. 372/188, m. 1 5 v. and Cal. Close R., 1343-6, p . 31 9 (th e Bardi) an d E. 101/127/3 6 (th e Peruzzi) . . 36/203 , p . 69 . d for 150 0 sacks of king's wool granted o Clippin g an d Go . (Cal. Patent R., p . 392 , C . 61/201 , E. 368/114 , e t vims cowpot. Hilary , m . 4) . d i n a deb t o f £18,100 fo r which e Englis h custom s were assigned to th e c merchant s heade d b y Godeki s von Revele an d Conra d Clippin g on 1 Ma y 134 0 (supra, no . 6.b.) . d Clippin g an d som e o f hi s asso s were on 1 December 133 9 given the e of exporting wool at th e Englis h s o f customs (Cal. Patent R., 1338-40, p. 400) . Licence to export 200 sacks notwithstanding an y embargo , 1 Jan. 134 0 (privy sea l no . 12,515) .

TABLE D (cont'd) Loans in German y or by Germans active i n th e Netherland s LENDER Dat

e o f loan . Amoun £s

t lent Dat e of Tota . d . repaymen t pai

11. Conrad Clipping o f e . 5 Dec. 1339 . 163 Dortmund, John 1339 .p Clipping, John von sack Wold, Sifry d Spisse - sack) naghel. See also nos . 10 , 12. Expor

.6 .8 B

12. Conrad Clipping, c . 1 Dec. 1339 . 200 brothers John and 1340 Tirus von Wold. E See also nos. 8, 10 , 11.

.3

13. Constantine Smythu- c . 1 Dec. 133 9 133 sen p

.6 .8 E

14. Godekinus von Revele. 23 January 600 See also nos. 6.a. 1340 . 1340 and 6.b .

. April-Ma

y April 1340 . 420

l amount Remuneratio n SOURCE d t o lender pai d £s .d . . £256

S AND REMARK S

. 13s . 4d. E . 36/203 , p. 6 9 ; Cal. Patent R. , 1338-40, . 374 . Repai d b y licenc e t o expor t 14 0 s o f wool qui t o f custom s (a t £ 3 pe r . t fro m Boston , E . 356/8 , m . 2 6 v .

0 March 200 .E

. Cal.

Patent R., 1338-40, p . 40 1 an d . 404/509/1 7 (restore d original) ; . 36/203 , p . 23 .

. 36/203 , p . 65 , Cal. Patent R., 1338-40, . 403 . y 600 . Loa

.E

. 36/203 , pp. 25- 6 ; E. 404/501 , no . 254 . n advance d t o ear l o f Salisbury ,

VIII

Dismissal of Robert de Wodehouse from the Office of Treasurer, December 1338 1 THE tw o letter s printe d belo w wer e writte n b y Rober t d e Wodehouse to Joh n d e Molyns, a prominent knigh t of the king' s chamber,2 a fe w days afte r Wodehous e ha d bee n remove d fro m his offic e o f treasurer an d the y thro w som e light o n the circum stances o f his dismissa l an d o n th e broade r questio n o f the re lations betwee n Edwar d II I abroa d an d th e administratio n a t home during Edward' s sta y in the Netherland s i n 1338-40. 3 Ever since the breakdown, in December 1337 , of Edward Ill' s original pla n o f financin g th e wa r agains t Franc e throug h a company o f English woo l merchants possessed o f a monopol y of wool export and o f a power of forced purchase of wool in England, he ha d bee n i n considerabl e financia l difficulties. 4 Hi s entir e policy o f wagin g th e wa r wit h th e hel p o f a larg e continenta l coalition wa s at stake , fo r its succes s depended o n Edward Ill' s capacity t o pay extensive subsidies t o his allies. A n alternative scheme was hastily devised in February 1338 , a forced loan in wool to be collected by royal collectors. I t was at this difficult moment that Wodehouse , afte r a n absenc e o f six an d a hal f year s fro m royal service , wa s appointe d treasure r o n 1 0 Marc h 133 8 i n succession t o Maste r Willia m d e l a Zouch . Th e woo l lev y 1 Robert de Wodehouse had been in the royal service since at leas t 130 6 and had filled a succession of offices i n the king's wardrobe under Edward II, actin g as keeper of the wardrobe from Octobe r 1323 till August 1328. H e had also been a baron of the exchequer i n 1318-2 3 an d wa s twic e treasurer , betwee n Septembe r 132 9 an d November 1330 and agai n from Marc h to December.1338. H e became archdeacon of Richmond in 132 8 and hel d several other preferments. H e died in 134 5 (T. P. Tout , Chapters i n the Administrative History o f Medieval England, ii. 270-1, iii. 6, 17 , 44 and 83, iv . 76 , n . 3 . Ther e i s a biograph y o f Wodehous e i n Dictionary o f National Biography.) Tou t described him as a typica l permanen t official servin g under every government in turn . 2 Molyns had bee n chie f audito r o f th e king' s chambe r and stewar d o f chamber lands since 1337 and retained his position till his disgrace in November 1340 ; h e was one of the mos t influential an d activ e members of the roya l household (Tout , op. cit. iii. 89,123 and iv. 267 ; D.N.B. s.n.) 3 One of the letter s i s briefl y referre d t o b y Tout, op . cit. 98, n. 1 , who, however, misdated i t and confuse d it s contents wit h those of another letter i n Ancien t Corre spondence. 4 This, and the followin g paragraph, summarize some of the conclusion s of my D . Phil, thesis on ' Edward Ill's War Finance, 1336-41 ' (Bodleian Library) . Als o see Tout, op . cit. iii. an d D . Hughes, A Study o f Social an d Constitutional Tendencies i n the Early Years o f Edward II I (London , 1915).

VIII 75 DISMISSA

L OF ROBERT DE WODEHOUSE

yielded disappointin g results , bu t i n spit e o f thi s Edwar d II I persisted i n his resolve to lead an expedition to the continent an d left for the Netherlands in July 1338. Fro m the outset o f his stay abroad h e was able to pa y hi s way only by extensive borrowing , often o n ver y onerou s terms ; withi n th e firs t thre e month s of Edward Ill' s arriva l i n Braban t ove r £100,00 0 wer e raise d i n this way . I t wa s hoped by the kin g and those aroun d him that the counci l lef t i n charg e o f the governmen t i n Englan d woul d soon b e abl e t o rais e sufficien t resource s to en d th e king' s diffi culties. Ver y muc h wa s expecte d fro m a ne w woo l levy , thi s time a tax base d on a precise assessment, which had been started at th e en d o f July 1338 . Th e credi t fo r devising thi s new levy may possibly belong to Wodehouse, and it proved very successful, but i t onl y began to yield results at the end of 1338. Jus t under 1500 sacks of royal wool were shipped to Antwer p in the las t five months of 1338 and no money could be sent to Brabant durin g this period ; th e resource s o f the governmen t a t hom e were heavil y taxed b y th e cost s o f organizin g defenc e agains t Frenc h nava l attacks, th e continue d wa r agains t Scotlan d an d b y constan t orders fro m abroa d ' to pa y money s fo r wa r expenditur e con tracted in the Netherlands '/ while the direct taxes granted t o the king for three years in 133 7 had bee n almost entirel y assigne d t o royal creditors. 2 A s months passed withou t any improvemen t in the king' s financia l situation , ther e wa s growing exasperation in his cam p agaiixs t th e governmen t a t home . N o invasio n o f France ha d bee n attempted i n the summe r and autum n of 1338, partly perhap s becaus e of the lac k o f money, and th e prolonge d inactivity helpe d t o embitte r stil l furthe r th e kin g an d thos e around him . Wodehouse' s lette r show s tha t hi s dismissa l i n December 1338 was due to the king's displeasure and he was probably th e firs t victi m o f this growin g estrangemen t betwee n th e king abroa d an d the governmen t a t home. Matters di d no t improv e unde r hi s successo r Zouc h and i n October 133 9 th e king' s indebtednes s wa s estimate d b y th e government a t £300,00 0 o r more. 3 Th e truth i s that Edward' s policy o f a subsidize d coalitio n involve d financia l burden s fa r beyond wha t th e resource s o f his kingdo m coul d bea r an d an y wool o r mone y tha t coul d b e raise d i n Englan d wa s a t onc e swallowed up. A second continental campaign in 134 0 ended in a temporary bankruptc y o f the king , t o who m no one was willing any mor e t o len d money . Edwar d II I suddenl y returne d t o England on 30 November 1340, determined to punish the ministers and official s i n Englan d who m h e considere d responsibl e for hi s 1 8 3

Tout, op. cit. iii. 96. Cf. Wodehouse's second letter printed below. Botuli Parliamentorum, ii . 103 . Thi s estimat e wa s certainl y no t exaggerated .

FROM THE OFFICE O F TREASURER, DECEMBER 133 8 VII

I 76

repeated failure. Severa l o f them were imprisoned an d a violen t political and constitutional crisi s ensued.1 The tw o letter s o f Wodehouse printed her e wer e written o n successive days . Th e secon d o f the m i s date d o n 6 January 2 [1339] an d th e first , whic h is clearly th e earlie r o f the two , was written i n repl y t o a lette r o f Molyn s dated 5 January an d i s dated o n Tuesday , whic h must clearl y b e Tuesday , 5 January 1339. Joh n d e Molyn s cam e t o Englan d fro m Antwer p i n November 133 8 on royal busines s 3 and he returned t o th e kin g in Januar y 133 9 in th e compan y o f th e ear l o f Northampton, 4 who had bee n sent t o Englan d in Octobe r 1338 in order , among other things , t o haste n th e woo l levy. 5 Wodehous e refer s in hi s letter to a n offe r o f Molyns that h e and Northampto n o n their retur n t o Antwer p woul d spea k t o th e kin g abou t wha t they had seen and hear d i n England, implying clearly that thei r report woul d be favourabl e to Wodehouse . Thi s suggest s that the decisio n t o replac e Wodehous e ha d bee n take n withou t waiting fo r th e report s o f roya l envoy s t o England , o f whom Northampton an d Molyn s wer e b y fa r th e mos t important , and ma y hav e bee n contrar y t o thei r views . Molyns , when writing hi s letter to Wodehouse, did not yet know of the latter's dismissal, bu t hi s offe r o f help shows that Wodehouse's positio n must hav e already bee n weakened for some time. Wodehouse' s successor, Zouch , wa s appointe d treasure r b y letter s paten t dated a t Antwer p o n 1 6 December 1338, 6 but Wodehous e only learnt of his dismissal, a s h e tells u s in hi s letter t o Molyns , on 31 December, on receiving a royal mandate brought to Englan d from Flander s b y a royal clerk, Joh n d e Charnels . H e a t onc e handed ove r his office to Zouch by an indenture.7 I n his letter to Molyns Wodehouse refers with som e bitterness to the king's lac k of appreciation fo r his services , and it is clear that he considered his removal to have been undeserved. The two letters provide an interesting illustration o f the extent 1

The best account s o f this crisi s ar e thos e o f Tout, op . cit. iii. 118—42 , Hughes , op. cit. pp. 97-152, and G. T. Lapsley, ' Archbishop Stratford an d the Parliamentary Crisis of 1341 ', ante, xxx (1915), 6-18,193-215. 2 ' le iour de la Tyffayne ' (Epiphany) . 3 Tout, op . cit. iii. 98 , n. 3. * C. Close R. 1339-41, p. 2 8 ; Enrolle d Ace . o f Thomas de Drayton, admiral o f the fleet north o f the Thames , Pipe Bol l 1 5 Edw. Ill, m. 51. 8 Treaty Boll, C. 76/13, m . 8 and 6. • C. Pat. B. 1338-40, p. 195 . 7 This is confirmed b y the fact that Wodehouse ceased to draw his fee as treasurer on 31 December 133 8 (Issu e Boll, Michaelmas term, 13 Edw. III . E . 403/303 , m. 27 under 2 3 December 1338) . Accordin g to Tout' s lis t o f treasurer s (op. cit. vi. 22) , Zouch entered upon his office only on 14 January 1339. Thi s date is probably derive d from the Issue Boll for Michaelmas term 13 Edw. Ill (E. 403 /303). Th e second part of the roll bears the heading : ' Isto die W. la Zousche Decanus ecclesie beati Petri Ebor' recepit officium Thesaurarii ' and the first date that follows is 14 January 1339 (m. 31).

VIII 77 DISMISSA

L OF ROBERT DE WODEHOUSE

to whic h roya l resource s wer e pledge d awa y t o creditor s a t th e end o f 1338 . Molyn s ha d requeste d Wodehous e t o giv e hi m a n assignment for £200 which had been conceded to him by the king. Wodehouse replied that the tenths and fifteenths and the clerical tenths granted to the king for the years 1338-9 and 1339-40 (secon d and third years of the triennial grant made in the autumn of 1337) had bee n so fully assigne d to th e Bardi and the Peruzzi, William de l a Pol e an d other s tha t nothin g wa s available . Th e onl y thing h e coul d sugges t wa s that Molyn s shoul d secur e fro m th e chancellor an assignmen t o n the fine of £200 tha t had just bee n made b y th e prio r an d conven t o f Peterboroug h t o retai n th e custody of their abbey during a vacancy.1 Thi s is a good exampl e of th e uncoordinate d an d piecemea l wa y i n whic h fourteenth century Englis h governmen t spen t it s revenue . Public Eecor d Office , Ancien t Correspondenc e vol. 42 , no . 133A. 2 (Dated : Tuesday [5 January 1339.]) A so n tresche r e t fiabl e am y salut z com e a lu i meismes . Ja y bie n entendu vo s lettres q ' me vindrent a Loundres par I e portur d e cestes 'l a veille de la Tyffayne '3 et vous mercy m[ou]lt * des choses contenues en y celes. E t quan t a ce cher amy qe vous me maundastes par vos dites lettres qe ie vous feisse aver assignement de CC li. en bo n lie u et certeyn , veillez saver q e Sire Johan de Charnels me livera un bref du graunt seal par dela 6 la veille de Ian renoef qe ie liverasse loffiz d u Tresore r a Mestr e William la Zousche, quele chose ie fesoy tauntost par endenture, de quey ie vous pri qe vous m e veillez aver pu r escus e de ce qe ie n ay mie orendroit fait vestr e dite priere tochaunt loffiz . Nenn e pur c e cher amy iay charg e mon clerk Sire Joha n d e Cestrefeld qi demoert a Loundre s derere may qi l espie u n auxi bon assignement pu r vou s come il vodreit pu r mo n corps demeisme. Et quan t a c e mon cher am y q e vous mave z maund e par vo z lettres qe dentre mo n seignu r I e Count e d e Norht ' e t vou s voille z tesmoigne r a nostre seignur Ie Eoy et a son counseil par dela ce qe vous avers vu' et oy ' 6 par de cea, vous esmerey taunt come ie say et plus, me totes voyes vous pri qe vou s ne desturbe z poin t m a deliveraunce , qa r s i die u ples t i e n e vo e iammes servir seignur q i ne voet mi e aver regar d a mo n travail ne a les grauntz maugree s q e ie devereye porter pu r lui. E t tote s voies vous pri cher amy qe vous me veillez comaunder voz voluntez come a celui qest tu t Ie vestre. Tresche r am y Ie seint espri t vou s eit en sa garde et vous donet ce q e vous desirez. Escrit z a Loundre s y ces t Mardy. par I e seon Eobert de Wodehous a mons ' Johan d e Molyns.7 1 Fine made on 14 December 1338 (C. Fine B. 1337-47, p. 110). Molyn s followed this advice (se e C. Close B. 1337-39, pp. 698 and 603). 2 1 owe thanks t o Professo r E . Perro y o f the Universit y o f Paris and Mr. R. E . Latham o f the Publi c Recor d Offic e for help with the text of these documents . 8 Interlineated. * MS. torn. 6 The great seal of Edward II I a t Antwerp . 8 Interlineated. 7 Written below in a different hand .

FROM THE OFFICE OF TREASURER, DECEMBER 133 8 VII

I78

P.R.O. Ancient Correspondence , vol 42 , no. 133. (Date d : 6 Januar y [1339.]) A son trescher e t fiable amy salutz come a lu i meismes . Fu r c e cher amy q e toutz les assignmentz de Ian secounde et de Ian tierz1 sount a poy si nettemen t assig n ez a le s M a re haunt z d e Bard e e t d e Perrouch e e t a Williem de la Pol e et a s autre s par divers maundementz nostre seignu r le Hoy q e ny a d giere s remys, ei vous conseille q e vous pr[is] 2 hastivement par vos lettres a Mons' Nichol de la Beclie 8 qil face taunt devers le chaunceller qe vous puissez avoir les CO li qe Leslye de Burgh seint Per e paiera a Lescheqier pur sa fyn a la seint Hillar' par fyn faite en la chauncellerie, qar ie ne seu ou vous poisse z autrement estre servi. E t tote s voyes vou s pri qe vou s m e veillez touz iours comaunder vo s voluntez. A die u tresche r amy q i vou s encresse de honurs et vous donet c e qe vous desirez. Escri t a Heggeton , le iour de la Tyffayne . par l e seon Eobert d e Wodehous a mons ' Joha n d e Molyns. 4 1 Second and third years o f the triennial grants of the lay tenth and fifteenth and the clerical tenth made in the autumn o f 1337 . * Almost illegible. 8 Constable o f the Tower of London. 4 Written below in a different hand, as above in no. 133A .

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IX

THE WOO L ACCOUNT S OF WILLIAM D E L A POL E William de la Pole of Hull was regarded in the fourteenth century by his Englis h contemporarie s a s one o f th e greates t business-me n o f hi s time1:' second to no English merchant', as a monk of the near-by abbey of Meau x pu t it . Viewe d fro m ou r moder n vantag e point , hi s caree r assumes an even greate r significance . H e was the firs t English financier to rjval in importance, as a crown banker, the Italian merchants who had been financin g th e Englis h king s almos t continuousl y fro m 127 2 t o i34o2. In the short spac e of sixtee n month s in 1338-3 9 he advance d t o Edward III at least £i 11,000, almost as much as the king's Italian bankers provided durin g th e sam e period 3. Pol e partl y secure d repaymen t ou t of th e deliverie s o f roya l woo l t o hi m an d thi s i s the origi n o f on e o f the account s printe d below 4. His activitie s a s a n organize r of Englis h merchant companie s lef t a permanent mar k on th e Englis h wool trad e and royal taxation thereof. The final transition from a free trad e in woo l to on e controlled b y a monopolistic compan y of the Englis h merchant s of the Staple , th e perpetuation o f a heavy royal tax on wool in place of earlier ver y ligh t duties , wer e al l development s o f th e mid-fourteent h century connecte d wit h Pole' s enterprises . Som e momentou s conse quences followed. The export trade in wool began to decline, the growth of the English clot h industry was promoted by these changes and it was encouraged t o see k foreig n markets . Thes e long-ter m consequence s were presumabl y no concer n o f Pole : suc h glimpse s a s w e ge t o f hi s personality revea l a n unscrupulous , self-seekin g man , ben t merel y o n 1. N o satisfactory lif e o f Pole exists. Reference s t o man y of the olde r studie s and t o material s a t Hul l ar e t o b e foun d in A . S . Harvey, Th e de la Pole family o f Kingston upon Hull (Eas t Yorkshir e Loca l Histor y Society, 1957) . Of importanc e for the aspect s of Pole's career studied her e ar e D . Hughes , A Study of Social and Constitutional Tendencies in the Early Years of Edward III (London , 1915 ) an d G. Unwin, ' The Estate of Merchants, 1336-136 5 ' in Finance and Trade under Edward III, ed . G . Unwi n (Mancheste r U.P. , 1918). Pole figure s prominentl y i n som e o f m y ow n writings : ' Edward Ill' s War Finance, 1337-4 1 ' (D . Phil, dissertation, Oxford, 1947 , in the Bodleia n Library); ' Edward Ill' s Woo l Monopol y o f 1337 ' History, n.s. , XXXVII (1952) ; ' The English Farmer s o f th e Customs , 1343-5 1 ', T.R. Hist.S., 5th ser., I X (1959) ; ' The Last Trials of William d e l a Pol e ', Econ H.R., 2nd ser., X V (1962) . 2. Cf . Cambridge Economic History, II I (1963) , pp. 454-63. 3. Fryde , Econ.H.R. (1962) , p . 17 . 4. Documen t no . 3.

IX 4 TH

E WOOL ACCOUNTS OF 5

his own immediate profit . But no proper understanding of these important developments 6 is possible withou t a stud y of his busines s career. To a historian o f the English societ y and of its class structure, William de la Pole is the first merchant promoted t o th e hig h militar y rank of a banneret for mainly financial services to the crown7, while his son Michael provides th e earlies t recorde d exampl e o f a merchant' s so n raise d t o the peerage. William amassed the fortune that made this possible, though Michael's lon g militar y career an d considerabl e abilit y wer e perhaps as important i n explainin g hi s personal summons to parliamen t withi n th e last yea r o f hi s father' s life . Michael' s subsequen t promotio n t o th e chancellorship an d th e earldo m of Suffol k place d th e famil y i n th e forefront o f the English magnat e class. A century later one of his descendants was recognize d a s heir t o th e kingdo m b y Kin g Richar d III , and , ha d the outcom e o f the battle s of Bosworth or Stok e been different, a De la Pole might hav e become kin g o f England. William d e l a Pol e wa s a leading membe r o f a group o f prosperou s merchants fro m th e Nort h o f England. The y wer e benefitting fro m th e Scottish war . Th e norther n shire s wer e impoverishe d b y i t an d th e development o f norther n societ y wa s adversel y affecte d i n a n endurin g way. Bu t i n Pole' s lifetim e the wa r di d creat e specia l opportunitie s fo r some o f th e leadin g townsme n o f Yorkshir e an d Northumberland 8. His native Hull was ' a principal suppl y por t fo r armies an d garrison s in Scotland '9 and Pole enjoyed a lion's share of this business.10 For several years the headquarter s of the royal government wer e at York, enrichin g its citizen s an d increasin g th e familiarit y o f th e kin g an d hi s minister s with th e norther n busines s men. I t i s interesting t o not e tha t th e reap appointment o f William' s brother , Richard , t o th e offic e o f th e king' s 5. Se e especially G . O . Sayles, ' The " English Compan y " of 134 3 an d a merchant's oat h ', Speculum, VI , 193 1 ; Fryde , T.R.Hist.S. (1959) , p . 1 0 and Fryde, Econ. H.R. (1962) . 6. Fo r these changes see especially Unwin, op . cit. ; E . Power, The Wool Trade in English Medieval History (1941 ) ; E . M . Carus-Wilson, Medieval Merchant Venturers (1954) , especially pp. 23 9 seq . 7. Paten t R., C.66/20/m.l3 (27 September 1339) , no t calendare d i n Cal. Patent R- 1338-40. Th e origina l i n Chancer y Files , C.202/H.11 . Harvey , op.cit., pp. 67-38, print s a translatio n fro m Paten t R . 8. E . Miller , Wa r i n th e North (Universit y o f Hul l Publications , 1960 ) an d Victoria County History o f Yorkshire, Th e City o f York (1961) , chapte r b y E. Mille r o n ' Medieval York' , especiall y pp . 54-56 , 100-10 1 ; Constanc e M. Fraser, ' The Life an d Deat h of John of Denton ', Archaeologia Aeliana, 4th s. , XXXVII (1959) . I owe thanks to Miss Fraser for a gift o f this article and for information abou t sources for Pole's activities in the North of England. 9. Miller , Wa r in th e North, p. 9 . 10. E.g. o n 1 February 133 5 Pol e was paid £6,100 in connexion with the pur chase of provisions for the Scottish war (Issue R., E.403/279 under that date). His account for victuals and other supplies in 1333-36 is in K.R . Exch . Ace. Var., E.101/18/36 , enrolle d on Pipe R. 9 Edw. Ill , (E.372/180) , m.47 .

WILLIAM DE LA POLE I

X5

chief butle r in May 133 3 shoul d have coincided wit h the movin g o f th e exchequer t o Yor k i n th e sam e month. 11 Some types of Yorkshire and Lincolnshire woo l were among the bes t in the kingdom 12, being surpassed in value only by some of the varietie s produced on the Welsh border. Shipments of English woo l attained thei r peak i n th e firs t decad e of th e fourteent h century, whe n betwee n 130 4 and 130 9 they averaged around 40,000 sacks a year. A generation later , in th e firs t decad e of the reig n o f Edward III , export s wer e somewhat smaller, still amounting, however, in several years to over 30,00 0 sacks13. But the share of the English exporter s in the trade was expanding at th e expense of the Italian merchants . This wa s particularly noticeable in th e case of the Londoners14, but was also true in the 133 0 ties of the norther n merchants15. These Northerners, led by William de la Pole, ha d a prominent shar e in th e organizin g o f th e Englis h Woo l Company , brough t into existence by the royal government in 1336-3 7 to finance the war with France16. It s member s sen t abroa d i n Novembe r 133 7 a flee t o f som e 10,000 sacks, supplied b y just ove r 30 0 merchants. The Woo l Company soon quarrelle d wit h th e kin g ove r condition s o f sal e an d th e siz e o f advances t o him , whereupo n it s woo l wa s taken over b y royal agents . This necessitate d ultimately an accoun t betwee n the kin g an d th e mer chants, portion s o f whic h ar e printe d below 17. T o i t w e ow e precis e information abou t th e compositio n o f th e exportin g syndicate . Ou t o f a top grou p of 23 merchants, each of whom exported wool valued abroad at over £1,000, tne Northerners from Lincolnshire , Yorkshir e and Dur 11. Richard' s appointment, Cal. Fine R . 1321-37, p. 359 ; exchequer' s move t o York, T. F. Tout, Chapters i n the Administrative History of Mediaeval England, III, (1928) , p. 58. 12. Ther e ar e a numbe r o f publication s o n medieva l sheep-farmin g an d woo l trade i n Yorkshir e : R . J . Whitwell , ' English Monasterie s an d th e Woo l Trade in the XII I century ' [mainl y abbe y o f Meaux in Holderness], Vierteljahrschrift fu r Sozial und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, II ; N . Denholm-Young , Seignorial Administration i n England (1937) , pp . 53-66 ; H . E . Wroo t ' Yorkshir e Abbey s an d th e Woo l Trad e ', Publications o f th e Thoresby Society, XXXII I (Miscellanea, pt . I , publishe d 1930) . 13. E . M . Carus-Wilson and Oliv e Coleman, England's Export Trade, 1275-1547 (1963), pp . 40-45 . 14. G . A. Williams, Medieval London. From Commune to Capital (1963) , pp. 114 — 115. 15. Miller , ' Medieval Yor k ' , loc. cit., pp.100-101. 16. Archbisho p Joh n Stratford , wh o was the chie f roya l representative a t th e council of Stamford in June 133 7 (Ancient Correspondence, S.C . 1 /45 no. 229), stated i n 134 1 tha t th e agreemen t wit h th e merchant s wa s conclude d a t Stamford (i n H. Wharton , Anglia Sacra, I, 1691 , p.30) . The onl y merchant assembly know n a t Stamfor d i s a meetin g o f 24 merchants fro m th e Nort h of Englan d (includin g Willia m d e l a Pole ) an d th e Midland s summone d fo r 16 June (Handbook o f British Chronology, 2n d ed. , 1961 , p. 520) . 17. L.T.R . Miscellaneous Accounts, m . 28 r. and v. Partly printed as documen t no. 2. Some of the particulars on which it is based have survived (K . R. Exch. Ace. Var. , E . 101/45 7 nos . 27 , 30, 31).

IX 6 TH

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ham numbere d 9 . Furthermore , th e me n o f thos e countie s supplie d 1 7 out o f 4 2 consignment s value d abroa d a t betwee n £50 0 an d £100 0 pounds18. The breach betwee n the king an d the wool exporter s left behin d dee p resentments on bot h sides . Whe n politica l circumstance s gave th e kin g an opportunity t o try the leaders of the company, William de la Pole and Reginald Condui t of London, the y were arrested in December 134 0 and were subsequentl y trie d i n th e exchequer . Th e charg e o f large-scal e smuggling wa s proved. Variou s other allege d misdemeanour s were also ventilated, and , a s par t o f thes e proceedings , a n attemp t wa s mad e t o ascertain the costs incurred in 133 7 by the exporters, so that their profit s could b e calculated . Pol e an d Condui t faile d t o produc e an y evidenc e about thei r associates , but, afte r som e resistance, they furnished inform ation abou t th e woo l exporte d b y themselves. The record s surrendered by them were written o n paper 19 and have not bee n traced hitherto, bu t two parchmen t roll s survive , one for Pole, which w e print below 20, and one for Conduit 21, which either copy or summarize these paper accounts. There ar e significan t difference s betwee n th e tw o rolls , whic h inspire s confidence i n the m a s a source o f firs t rat e value. Important medieva l merchant s avoide d undu e specializatio n i n an y one commodit y o r an y singl e typ e o f business . Willia m d e la Pol e wa s interested i n everythin g that might giv e hi m a profit: h e lent mone y t o the kin g an d others, supplie d foreign coinage s t o th e government, pos sessed urba n properties an d large estates , owne d ships , trade d i n all the important commoditie s availabl e i n thi s country . Metals , corn , wine , salt an d a variet y o f othe r supplie s ar e mentione d i n hi s account s fo r provisioning roya l armies in Scotlan d and the Netherlands 22. But henceforth w e shall b e concerned wit h Pol e exclusivel y as a wool merchant . His account s for expor t an d sal e of woo l abroa d illustrate hi s efficienc y as a business man, especially if we compare them with other contemporary accounts. Pole' s busines s records, take n in conjunction with othe r com parable evidence , ca n als o provide a starting poin t fo r a n enquir y int o the economic s o f the Englis h woo l trad e in th e year s 1336-43 , a t a time when expor t b y Englis h merchant s wa s nea r it s medieva l peak . Th e 18. E . 358/10 , m. 2 8 r. an d v . ( a section no t printe d here , becaus e o f its grea t length). 19. K . R . Memorand a R. , E . 159/117 , m. 18 6 : ide m Willelmu s liberavi t hi e quasdam particula s i n quoda m quatern o d e papir o e t dictu s Reginaldu s similiter pr o se liberavit quanda m cedulam de papiro ' . 20. Documen t no . 1 . (K.R. Exch . Ace . Var., E . 101/457/8. ) 21. K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/457/ 7 edite d b y Dr . N . J . M . Kerlin g i n Bijdragen e n Medelingen va n het Histonsch Genootschap, vol . 6 8 (1953) , pp. 77-87 . I owe thanks to Dr . Kerlin g for the gif t o f her article. 22. I n addition t o works on Pole quoted a t the beginning, see : Issu e R. , E.403/ 213 (13 May 1325 ) for dealings in foreign coins; L.T.R . Misc. Ace., E.358/15, m.16 for the purchase s o f lead an d wool; K.R . Exch . Ace. Var., E. 10 1 /301 / 11 fo r th e keepin g o f mone y exchange s b y Pole ; E . 101/18/36 , E . 101 / 387/21 an d E . 101/22/2 7 fo r supplying th e kin g with corn , wine , salt, wax , equipment fo r tents and metal s for war engines .

WILLIAM DE LA POLE I

X7

narrow chronological limit s are imposed by the nature o f our evidence , but thi s stud y wil l a t leas t gai n thereb y i n concreteness . Edwar d II I levied an d marketed during those years several taxes in wool. Th e royal agents employed in transporting an d selling wool were mostly important merchants, o r els e official s wit h specia l busines s experience. Henc e th e survival o f a unique body of accounts. Comparabl e materials ar e rare in the Middl e Ages. Even th e Cel y papers, rich a s they are in information about the various stages of the wool trad e in th e fifteenth century, lack comprehensive evidenc e abou t th e cost s incurre d b y woo l exporters. 23 In dealin g with Pole's account for expor t o f wool in 133 7 some awkward fact s hav e t o b e faced . I t mention s onl y expor t fro m Hull . Bu t according t o th e Bosto n custom s account , 1 6 sack s 23 stones o f Pole's wool wer e customed a t tha t harbour 24. A conjecture might perhap s be hazarded. Severa l merchant s closel y connecte d wit h Pole , includin g i n particular Henr y Tideswel l o f Stamford 25, wer e sendin g consignment s from Boston on the same ships26 and one of them may have been responsible for purchasing and exporting wool on Pole's behalf . More puzzling still i s th e discrepanc y betwee n Pole' s ow n account , speakin g o f th e export o f 35 0 sacks from Hull , an d th e accoun t of the customer s there which record s th e passage of only 34 1 sack s n stones 27. I t woul d b e unwise to speculate about the precise reasons for this difference. It should, at any rate, be noted, tha t Pole's agent s ultimately delivered to the king 383 sack s \ston e 4 Ib. by weight o f Dordrecht28, th e increment being due to the smaller size of a Dordrecht sack 29. This delivery was accepted as satisfactor y b y th e excheque r and , unlik e a large proportio n o f hi s associates, Pol e wa s cleared o f an y charge of smugglin g in 13373° . The outstandin g featur e o f Pole's ow n accoun t for woo l exported i n 1337 i s it s systemati c arrangement 31. Al l items , wit h th e exceptio n o f rent for house s and payments to hi s agents, are reduced to th e cost per sack (uniform unit of 36 4 Ib.). The sam e preference for rigorou s costin g 23. Ther e is among th e Cel y papers a note of costs incurred ove r th e purchas e and transport of wool, but it is damaged and some of the entries are in a very summary form , referring to details in other documents now missing (Chancer y Miscellanea, C.47/37/1 0 no. 29) . 24. K.R . Exch . Customs Ace. , E . 122/7/6 , confirme d i n a trial of Pole, L.T.R . Memoranda R. , E.368/123 , m.57 . 25. I n 134 3 Pole nominated Tideswel l a s his personal deputy in the compan y of the farmer s o f the custom s tha t h e had organise d : ' dicto Willelm o d e la Pole i n partibu s sui s existente , ide m Henricu s tenui t locu m dict i Willelm i de la Pole in societate predicta ' (Sayles , loc. cit., p. 203). 26. K.R . Exch . Customs Ace., E. 122/7/6 . 27. L.T.R . Memoranda R. , E.368/123 , m . 57. 28. Ibid, an d documen t no . 2. 29. Sac k of 328 Ib. as compared wit h the Englis h sac k of 364 Ib. 30. L.T.R . Memoranda R. , E.368/123 , mm . 56-57. 31. Th e discussio n tha t follow s i s base d o n documen t no . 1 , unless otherwis e indicated.

IX 8 TH

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is foun d i n som e o f Pole' s othe r survivin g accounts , thoug h i t i s no t applied quit e so thoroughly. Hi s accounts for corn supplie d to th e kin g often giv e cos t pe r quarte r whil e a n accoun t fo r win e list s severa l ex penses per tun of wine32. By contrast, th e accounts of othe r leading woo l merchants are less systematic. The Italia n merchant s whom Bernard-Ezi, Lord o f Albret , employed to expor t th e wool give n hi m by Edward II I in 1341 , list all costs per sarplar 33 : wool was actually packe d int o thes e sarplars an d the y were roughl y similar , thoug h no t o f uniform weight . The accoun t o f Pole' s partner , Conduit , i s no t arrange d o n an y single plan. I f cos t pe r uni t i s supplie d a t all , sometime s sack s are mentione d and sometime s sarplars. In man y cases only the overal l expense is given. The sam e thin g i s tru e o f a n accoun t fo r woo l exporte d i n 1341- 2 b y three leadin g merchants , the mayo r of the woo l stapl e a t Bruges, Hug h Ulseby, together wit h Henr y Goldbete r o f Yor k an d Thoma s Coll e o f Shrewsbury34. Eac h o f these four account s would permit the calculation of a n overal l total , bu t onl y Pole' s accoun t ca n readil y be use d t o tes t easily th e efficienc y o f hi s busines s methods . One other general point should be made about Pole's business methods. He paid his agents better than di d other merchants and he was prepared to spen d mor e o n othe r things . One assume s tha t h e thereb y gaine d better service. He could afford t o spend considerable sums, as for example on warehouse s fo r wool , becaus e of th e exceptionall y large scal e of hi s operations, s o tha t hi s cost s pe r uni t o f merchandis e might , i n fact , remain quit e modest . One o f th e mos t usefu l feature s o f th e account s o f Pol e an d Condui t are entrie s givin g th e valu e o f th e woo l the y hav e lost , th e los s bein g estimated a t th e rat e o f 7 Ib. pe r sack . Thi s permit s u s t o calculat e th e average purchas e price . Compariso n wit h th e estimate d valu e o f th e same woo l i n th e Netherlands , whe n i t wa s hande d ove r t o th e king , yields interestin g results. Pol e bought wool of good quality , bu t di d s o more cheaply in most cases than Conduit, a s the table below illustrates35.

32. K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E.101/18/3 6 (1333) , E . 101/387/2 1 (1336-37) , E. 101/22/1 9 (1339-40) . 33. K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/507/22 . 34. K.R . Exch . Ace . Var., E. 10 1 /457/14. 35. Th e valu e o f Conduit' s woo l abroa d i s give n i n K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. ' E.101 /457/30. The valu e abroad o f Pole's Nottinghamshire woo l is supplied by E . 101 /4S7/27. The averag e valu e of the residu e of Pole's wool was calculated b y me . Se e also th e appendix .

IX 9

WILLIAM DE LA POLE Name of Origi Merchant (Englis

Conduit j> »

Pole »> »> Conduit

n of Wool woo

Herefordshire Shropshire Cotswold (Gloucestershire and Worcester shire.) Lindsey Yorkshire Nottinghamshire. Hertfordshire

Amount of Pric l Englan h pe weight) sac

22 sacks 10 sacks 50 sacks

e in d Valu r pe k

£? i6s . £6 55 . 8d . £6 55 . 8d .

205 sack s £6 35 . lod . 1 1 3^ sacks £5 4S . 31^ sacks £5 4S 6 sacks

e abroad r sack

> 1 9 marks i6£ marks

> 17 ^ marks 17 marks

£4 195 . 8d . mostly 1 3 marks (some 1 0 marks)

Clearly Pole' s purchase s wer e almos t invariabl y mor e profitable . A s Conduit was the leader of the London merchant s in the Woo l Company and a s he wa s present a t Dordrecht whe n the woo l wa s valued abroad , any discriminatio n agains t hi m i s ou t o f th e question . Th e compariso n between these two leading merchant s thus bring s out Pole' s exceptiona l experience and skill. It ma y be of significance to note here that Pole pai d his agent s a t th e rat e o f 35 . 4d . fo r eac h sac k collected an d bough t b y them, whil e Condui t onl y pai d 35 . pe r sack . In 133 7 Pol e wa s the thir d bigges t exporte r amon g th e member s of the Woo l Company. 36 W e kno w somethin g abou t th e district s wher e his purchases were made. He was the only recorded buyer of Nottinghamshire woo l an d acquire d i t nea r Blyt h where , accordin g t o Pegolotti 37, some of the best monastic wools of that county were located. His Lindsey wool wa s concentrated a t Lincoln , bu t tha t tell s u s nothin g abou t it s precise origin. Bu t his Yorkshire purchases were derived from the Swaledale, or the district aroun d it, and his wool was first stored at Richmond, Northallerton and Myto n not far fro m the famou s woo l producin g Cistercian abbey s o f Jervaulx , Fountains , Rievaul x an d Byland . Th e average valu e of Pole's Yorkshir e woo l i n the Netherland s correspond s quite closel y t o th e price s attribute d t o th e fleeces of thes e house s b y Pegolotti38. 36. L.T.R . Miscellaneous Ace., E. 358/10,m. 28. Pole delivered t o the Kin g 383 sacks 1 clove 41 b by weigh t o f Dordrecht , value d a t £416 9 Is . 7d . H e wa s surpassed b y hi s clos e associate , Henr y Tideswel l o f Stamfor d (462 | sack s 13 clove s lib . value d a t £553 0 3s . 6d. ) an d b y Walte r Pres t o f Melto n Mowbray in Leicestershire (42 9 sacks 4 cloves 21b. valued at £457 8 16s . 5d.) . 37. E.g . Matterse y nea r Blyt h (goo d woo l price d i n Flander s a t 1 9 marksj . I a m usin g the lis t i n W . Cunningham , Th e Growth o f English Industry an d Commerce, vol. I (5t h ed., Cambridge U.P. , 1910 ) p.636. 38. Ibid., p. 631. Good Fountains wool priced i n Flanders a t 2 1 marks, wools of Rievaulx and Byland a t 17 £ marks, that of Jervaulx at 17 marks, as compare d with Pole's average of \1\ marks.

IX 1 0 TH

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Pole purchase d woo l withi n fairl y eas y reac h o f hi s nativ e Hull . Hi s expenditure on transport seems normal; it was not the lowest on record39. He paid for shipmen t from Yor k to Hul l 6d . per sac k and the same rate recurs i n anothe r woo l accoun t i n 1338-39 40. Bu t som e merchants managed t o spen d a s little a s 4d. pe r sac k ove r th e sam e route41. Shipmen t by Trent fro m Bawtr y to Hul l cos t Pol e is . per sack . I n 1338-3 9 roya l wool fro m Derbyshir e was shipped dow n th e Tren t ove r the somewhat greater distanc e fro m Nottingha m t o Hul l fo r a s little a s lod . pe r sack , but Hug h Ulseb y and his partners spent i5d . per sarpla r in 1341-4 2 ove r the same route42. It looks, therefore, as if Pole's is. per sack from Bawtry was a reasonably moderate charge. There i s n o evidenc e tha t Pol e owne d warehouse s a t Hull . Al l hi s accounts for wool, corn and other provisions mention the cost of storage43. The house s hired b y him for woo l i n 1336-3 7 were rented a t the rat e of £d. per sac k for eac h week of storage, whic h was apparently the normal rate a t that tim e in both Hul l an d London 44. Like ever y medieva l merchant , Pol e trie d t o lesse n the risk s involve d in th e shipmen t o f woo l oversea s b y distributin g th e carg o betwee n several ships . A t Hull , i n 1337 , hi s woo l wa s custome d i n twelv e sep arate lots 45, whic h implie s th e us e o f twelv e ships ; a t Bosto n i t saile d in two vessels 46. His associates were acting identically. On this occasion , his freigh t charge s o n hi s ow n woo l wer e unusually high, 6s . per sac k from Hull 47, a s compared wit h onl y js . pai d ther e i n i339 48. Bu t con ditions i n 133 7 wer e unusual . Pol e wa s using , amon g others , 1 0 ship s supplied b y th e crown ; 8 4 ships equippe d fo r wa r saile d a s a n escor t with th e woo l flee t an d ther e wa s som e fightin g o n th e way , of f th e Flemish coast 49. Th e expense s incurred afte r th e unloadin g o f th e woo l 39. O n costs o f transport se e the interestin g articl e o f J. F . Willard , ' Inland transportation i n Englan d durin g th e fourteent h centur y ', Speculum, I (1926). 40. Pip e R. , E . 372/183 , m . 47v (accoun t for the woo l levy of 1338-9 in North Riding o f Yorkshire). 41. Pip e R. , E . 372/193 , m. 33 v (accoun t for the lev y of the moiet y of wool of 1338, i n Yorkshire). 42. K.R . Exch. Ace. Var., E. 10 1 /457/14. 43. Cf . K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E.101/18/36 , E.101/387/21 , E.101/22/2 7 (ex tending ove r th e year s 1333-1340) . 44. Fo r Londo n se e Conduit' s account i n Kerling , loc. cit., account o f Hug h Ulseby and Co. in 1341- 2 (K.R . Exch. Ace. Var., E.101/457/14) and account of Lor d o f Albret in 134 1 (E . 101/507/22). Fo r Hul l see Pipe R. , E.372/18 3 m.43v. (account for the Nort h Riding of Yorkshire, 1338-9). 45. K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E.101/457/9 . 46. K.R . Exch . Custom s Ace., E . 122/7/ 6 . 47. Roya l woo l hande d ove r fo r transport t o Pol e was , however , freighted a t 5s. per sac k (se e document no.2.). 48. Documen t no. 3. 49. Pip e Roll, E.372/186,m . 46 (account of William Frank an d Reginal d Don ington fo r th e arres t an d expense s o f ships) .

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at Dordrech t wer e clearl y abnormal . Fo r example , n o facilitie s existe d there fo r weighin g th e hug e amount s o f woo l thu s suddenl y importe d into the tow n an d new equipment ha d to b e bought specially 50. A vast number o f house s ha d t o b e found . The genera l accoun t o f th e Woo l Company50 speaks of 14 4 houses rented for 654 0 sacks and this was only a par t o f th e woo l brough t there . Pole' s agent s ha d t o hir e house s of diverse si2e and value . The y spent £5 5 on fiv e house s rented for hal f a year, whic h work s ou t a t nearl y i£d . pe r wee k for eac h sack, or thre e times the cos t o f storage at Hull. The las t ite m o f Pole' s accoun t deal s with th e remuneration o f hi s agents bot h i n Englan d an d abroad . Pol e employe d mor e me n tha n Conduit an d paid the m mor e generously. Condui t employe d on e factor for 8 8 sacks. Pole, exporting four times as much wool, used five merchants. Conduit pai d a t a fixed rate of 35 . pe r sarplar , wic h worke d ou t a t 225 . per month over a period o f 9 months. Each of Pole's five agents received 455. a month (is. 6d . per da y over 23 8 days) . Transformed into average rates per sack , these payments come to 2s . 3d. per sac k for Condui t and 55. 2d . per sac k for Pole . I t ma y be that Pol e employe d men o f exceptional experience . On e o f them , Richar d Sletholm , wa s used in 1342-4 3 by the mayor of the Staple, Hugh Ulseby, to sell royal wool in Flanders51. The conditions a t Dordrecht in the early months of 133 8 were clearly exceptional. Pole' s secon d account , fo r sale s o f woo l a t Antwer p an d Bruges in 1339-40 , provides som e more typical information 52. H e hire d eight house s at Bruge s for 6 5 weeks, contracting t o pa y £10 a year fo r each house . This involve d hi m in a total expenditur e of £100. I t wa s a large sum, but the vast size of Pole's operations made it quite reasonable. Distributed ove r th e 240 9 sack s markete d by Pole , i t give s a n averag e of only -rsVd. per wee k for eac h sack. As one would expect, facilities fo r storage o f commodities wer e fairly goo d a t Bruge s and a great whole sale dealer like Pole was able to exploit the m to the fullest extent . At first three agent s wer e kept a t Bruges, late r reduce d t o two . The y were remunerate d a t a lower rat e tha n i n 1337-38 , receivin g onl y is . a day. Perhap s Pole's personal presence in th e Netherland s until Octobe r i33953> includin g repeated visit s t o Bruges 54, permitted the employmen t of les s highl y qualifie d factors . Bu t i t mus t b e stresse d that eve n thi s lower rat e wa s stil l mor e generou s tha n Conduit' s paymen t o f zzs. a month t o hi s on e agent i n 1337-38 . 50. Documen t no. 2. 51. L.T.R . Miscellaneous Ace., E.358/10,m.29. 52. Documen t no . 3. 53. Pole' s military contingent dre w wages from 1 6 August 1338 to 1 6 November 1339, h e himsel f bein g absen t fo r 4 7 day s durin g thi s perio d (Norwell' s Wardrobe Boo k o f Particulars, E.36/203,p . 268). Pol e wa s one of the roya l envoys wh o represented th e kin g at a parliament summoned for 1 3 October 1339. 54. Ibid., pp . 318 , 35 3 (Novembe r 1338) , 35 4 (Augus t 1339) .

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The averag e pric e secure d b y Pol e i n 1339-4 0 wa s onl y £ 6 155 . pe r sack, whic h seem s ver y unsatisfactory . Bu t condition s o n th e Flemis h market were apparently peculiar at that time. Sale s of royal wool by Paul de Monte Florum wer e lower in the summer of 133 9 than they had bee n during th e precedin g year 55. Sale s b y th e Bard i an d th e Peruzzi , wh o received thei r woo l fro m th e kin g a t th e sam e tim e a s Pole, fel l t o a n average as low a s £ 6 pe r sack , and, in trying t o convinc e th e exchequer of the truth o f this, they invoked th e testimony of Archbishop Stratford and othe r notable s wh o wer e presen t i n th e Netherland s i n 1338-39 56. Better term s coul d apparentl y be obtaine d a t Antwerp . I n Decembe r 1339 Pole' s agent s a t Bruge s sen t 6 1 sack s o f Lincolnshir e woo l t o Brabant. Th e cos t o f transpor t (£ 6 i6s . 6d. ) wa s neglibl e compare d with th e vastl y improve d results . A t Antwer p th e woo l wa s sol d a t a price highe r b y £ i 138 . 4d . pe r sac k tha n th e bes t price s fetche d b y Lincolnshire woo l i n Flander s i n i339. 57 Incidentally , th e mentio n o f this improvemen t i n th e condition s o f sal e confirms th e honest y of thi s particular accoun t o f Pole , becaus e i t woul d hav e bee n i n hi s interes t to conceal this. H e was selling wool given him by the king in repayment of the roya l debts to hi m and any under-statement of his receipts woul d have bee n to hi s advantage . The declin e i n th e profit s o f th e woo l trad e i n 133 9 wa s presumably due to th e excessively large exports of that year. Over 40,00 0 sacks were shipped fro m Englan d betwee n th e autum n o f 133 8 an d th e winte r o f i339~4o58, most o f them destined for th e Netherlands . For once , the siz e of exports was not governe d by the Existence of effective deman d Abroad, but b y the requirements of Edward Ill's war finance. The chief hope of both th e kin g an d o f his followers in th e Netherland s lay in th e arriva l of their wools . Sale s at a loss di d no t vitall y matte r to the m a s long a s they received enough to maintain them abroad. Other causes , imperfectly known t o us , ma y have stil l furthe r depresse d th e marke t fo r woo l i n Flanders and the low prices appear to have persisted there far into 1340 59. All this provides a warning that the profits of the wool trade wer e liable to shar p oscillations . I hav e tabulate d i n a n appendi x most o f th e evidenc e know n t o b e available in accounts fo r royal wool about the prices and the costs for th e better qualitie s o f woo l i n th e year s I336-44 60. A n exhaustiv e search 55. K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E.101/624/28 . 56. Petitio n of the Bard i and the Peruzzi , K.R. Exch. Ace. Var., E.101 /127/36. 57. Cf . appendix , ite m no . 16 . 58. Cams-Wilso n and Coleman, op, cit., pp. 45-6. 59. Cf . th e accoun t o f Rober t Askeby , roya l receive r i n Flander s i n 1340 , Pipe R., E. 372/187, m. 52. In his roll of particulars (no w lost) he gave reasons for th e lo w level o f the woo l prices . I hav e omitte d thes e abnormall y unsatisfactory figure s fro m th e table in the appendix . 60. Th e discussion that follow s partl y supersedes my remarks about costs and profits in Histor y (1952) , p . 13.

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through privat e estate accounts61 shoul d yiel d more information abou t initial price s i n England . Th e evidenc e tabulate d her e i s clearl y to o scanty t o permi t an y assure d conclusions , bu t ma y suffic e t o provid e some tentativ e suggestions . Unfortunately , n o singl e cas e amon g th e transactions liste d i n th e appendi x allow s a reall y rigorous calculatio n of the norma l profits o f the trade . Th e figures for Pol e an d Conduit , a s heads o f th e Woo l Compan y of 1337 , ar e th e mos t complete , bu t ar e inflated b y abnorma l features 62. Thei r cost s wer e excessivel y high be cause of the long detention o f their wool in England (seventy an d sixty weeks respectively) , th e highe r freigh t charge s an d expens e of arme d guards and the prolonged storage abroa d (half a year in the case of Pole). More seriou s still is the artificial inflation o f the value put o n their woo l at Dordrecht. It wa s fixed by a committee o f merchants wh o had ever y inducement t o overvalu e thei r stock s o f woo l i n orde r t o increas e th e compensation payabl e b y Edwar d III 63. The tota l expense s o f Pol e an d Condui t average d in 133 7 jus t ove r jCz pe r sac k on Lindsey and Shropshir e wool and came down to 325 . per sack for Cotswol d wool 64. This roughl y corresponds to th e costs o f the other members of the Wool Compan y in 1337 . In a petition to the king they complaine d o f spendin g abou t £i pe r sac k i n Englan d an d thei r statement abou t storag e charge s abroa d point s t o expense s o f a t leas t ios. per sack , or more , i n the Netherlands 65. T o ge t a n estimate of th e possible profit s o f th e trade , thes e maximu m costs born e b y Pol e an d Conduit wil l be compared with the prices secure d for woo l o f the same counties b y a roya l agent , Paul d e Mont e Florum . He receive d i n th e Netherlands i n Novembe r 133 8 a consignmen t o f 78 1 sack s o f goo d quality and sold them at Bruges and Antwerp at a high averag e price of .£9 8s . per sack 66. Ther e ha d bee n a seriou s shortag e o f woo l i n th e Netherlands in the first half of that year, but b y the time Monte Florum was making his sales, nearly 14,000 sacks of royal wool had been thrown on th e marke t in Brabant 67, beside s quantities of privately owne d woo l which were beginning t o arrive there in the autumn of 1338 . It is, however, noticeable that the prices secured by him at Bruges, where 318 sacks were sold, wer e almos t invariabl y higher , s o that ther e migh t hav e still been a relative shortage of wool in Flanders. Thus the figures from Monte 61. Ite m no . 1 2 is derive d fro m account s fo r th e propertie s o f Joh n Molyn s confiscated b y Edward III . 62. Item s nos . 1 , 3 , 7 , 13 , 18 , 22 . 63. Thi s i s als o th e defec t o f th e evidenc e i n ite m no . 4 (valuatio n o f al l th e Shropshire woo l exporte d i n 1337) . 64. Item s nos. 3 , 7 , 13 . 65. Parliamentar y an d Council Proceedings , C.4 9 /67 no. 1 : ' Et le s coustage s faitz e n Engleterr e . . . q'amonten t a 20s . a chascu n sak ' e t plu s ', Ancient Petitions , no . 10,986 . 66. K.R . Exch . Ace. Var., E.10 1 /624/2 S (account o f Monte Florum) an d E.10 1 / 127/32 (accoun t o f the Bard i an d th e Peruzzi) . 67. Cf . my thesis, loc. cit., chapter V and table III .

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Floram's accoun t ca n b e use d a s a n indicatio n o f a possibl e rang e o f favourable bu t no t abnormall y hig h prices . For Lindse y woo l Pole' s cos t pric e i n th e Netherlands , comprisin g the original purchase price and all his expenses, was £8 8s. 9d. per sack 68. Monte Floru m sol d Lindse y woo l a t Antwer p fo r price s rangin g fro m £9 16s . 8d . t o -£10 pe r sack , whil e Kesteve n woo l ros e a t Bruge s t o even £1 0 35 . 4d69. Thi s suggest s a possible profi t o f aroun d £i IDS . o n each sack , bu t i t shoul d b e observe d tha t a s Pole's Lindse y woo l wa s apparently o f particularl y goo d qualit y i t woul d possibl y hav e fetche d even mor e o n sale . Fo r Nottinghamshir e woo l th e comparabl e figure s were a s follows : Pole's cost price in th e Netherlands wa s £y 8s . y^d. , while Mont e Floru m sol d mos t o f th e woo l fro m thi s count y a t price s ranging fro m £ 9 6s . 8d. , t o £10 pe r sack , and a small quantity fetched at Bruge s eve n a s much a s -£10 6s . 8d 70. This suggest s a possible rang e of profit o f between c. £z an d £2 IDS . a sack. Shropshire wool was more valuable tha n th e othe r tw o varietie s discusse d hitherto 71. Conduit' s cost pric e in th e Netherland s came to £8 ys . yJrd . Monte Flomm's sales at Bruges ranged mostly between £ 10 38 . 4d . and£n 6s . 8d. , for eac h sack, rising i n the case of one sarplar eve n to a rate of £i i 135 . 4d . per sack. Thu s th e bes t woo l coul d giv e possibl e gain s of from c.£z t o ^.£ 3 on eac h sack . The price s secure d b y Mont e Floru m ar e admittedly th e highes t tha t we hav e com e across . Bu t s o ar e th e expense s o f Pol e an d Conduit . Evidence abou t the costs borne by Bernard-Ezi, Lord o f Albret,in 1341 , with remarkabl y low freigh t charges fo r shipment i n bul k (100 0 sacks), suggests tha t tota l expense s could probabl y b e pushe d dow n t o belo w £i pe r sack 72. The account s o f Hug h Ulseby , th e mayo r o f th e woo l staple a t Bruges , provide , perhaps , the bes t averag e figures, though stil l somewhat enhanced by delays in receiving the wool from roya l collectors in England. Thes e accounts, referrin g to transactions in 1341-43 , suggest costs o f betwee n z6s . an d 28s . per sack 73. The foregoing discussio n suggest s that the normal profits o f the woo l trade wer e not hig h enoug h t o allo w i t t o bea r easily the hig h wartim e rate o f custom an d subsidy . The raisin g o f the dut y payable by Englishmen from th e moderat e pre-war rate of 6s. 8d . per sack (ancient custom) to 405 . pe r sac k (custo m an d subsidy) , as was done fro m th e autum n of 1338 onwards , was likely to tak e away most o f the norma l profits o f th e 68. Ite m no . 13 . 69. Item s nos. 14 , 15. 70. Item s nos. 18 , 19. 71. Item s nos . 3, 4, 5. 72. Ite m no . 2 . The total of 1000 sacks includes wools of other countie s besides Herefordshire. The king helped him, however, to secure shipping. 73. Item s nos. 6, 10 , 17, 21.

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English merchants . Foreigners wit h a duty of £3 t o pa y would hence forth b e unlikely to mak e a profit in the Netherlands unles s there wa s a change i n prices . Al l th e transaction s liste d i n ou r appendi x concer n royal wool exempt from dut y or else specially privileged private exports, as in th e cas e of Pol e an d Conduit , wher e duty can b e ignored i n ou r calculations. Bu t it i s clear tha t fro m th e autumn of 133 8 onward s mer chants were under great pressure to pass on the burden of the increased taxation t o someon e else . O n th e evidenc e no w available , the y wer e clearly unsuccessfu l in thi s a s fa r a s foreig n buyer s wer e concerned ; sale price s remaine d lo w i n Flander s fo r a numbe r o f years 74. Othe r compensation coul d onl y b e provided b y a lowering o f the price s pai d to th e woo l producer s i n England . Bu t th e evidenc e whic h w e hav e collected doe s not allo w a study of the beginnings o f this process of readjustment o n the home market . There wa s roo m fo r muc h diversit y i n th e woo l trade . Th e initia l choice o f purchases, th e method s and route s of transport, th e selectio n of agents and their remuneration , th e storage and shipment o f wool, th e choice o f foreig n market s wer e al l matters fo r individua l decisions . I n ordinary circumstance s reasonabl e profits coul d b e expected , bu t the y might be enhanced by special skill and by a wise choice of methods . The example of Pol e illustrate s particularl y wel l th e importanc e o f this per sonal element . Compare d wit h othe r grea t merchants , h e emerge s a s a particularly efficien t an d intelligen t busines s man . Man y othe r thing s contributed t o hi s exceptiona l success . Hi s unscrupulousness , ruthlessness, and remarkable capacity to bend the wills of other me n to his own are reveale d b y severa l incident s o f hi s career . I n thi s stud y we hav e concentrated o n feature s tha t mad e Pole a maste r o f hi s craf t amon g merchants. Withou t this norma l foundation of superiority , hi s achieve ments woul d b e les s readil y intelligible .

I. ACCOUN T O F WILLIA M D E L A POL E FOR WOO L EXPORTE D T O DORDRECH T I N 133 7 [K.R. Excheque r Account s Various , E . 101.457.8] . Roll 37 ^ inche s lon g x 1 2 inche s i n breadth , possibl y forming par t of , or mor e likely, base d on particulars supplie d b y William de la Pole and Reginald de Conduit on 2 7 June 134 1 during their trial in the exchequer (K.R. Memorand a R., E . 159.117 , recorda , Easte r t. , m . i3)f . Custus, mise et expense facte circa 35 0 saccos lane de lanis propriis Willelmi d e la Pol e empti s i n diversi s partibu s Angli c e t missi s 74. Cf . the account s of Robert Askeby, Pipe R., E.372/187 m. 52 and o f Hugh Ulseby, E . 358/10 , m. 29. f I owe thanks to Mrs. P. M. Reynolds for help in the checking of the documents printed below .

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apud Durdright e t ibide m liberati s a d opu s domin i Regis supe r quandam indentura m facta m inte r predictu m dominu m Rege m et quosda m mercatore s suo s regn i su i Angli c supradicti , anni s 10°, 11° , 12° . CUSTUS I>E 20 5 SACCIS LANE EMPTIS IN PARTIBU S D E LINDESEYE I N COMITAT U LINCOL N Idem computa t pr o collection e e t empcione 20 5 saccoru m lane i n partibus d e Lyndesey e pe r certa m convencione m facta m cu m diversis mercatoribu s colligentibu s e t ementibu s dicta s lana s ibidem, pr o quolibe t sacc o 35 . 4d . Et i n cariagi o pr o dicti s lani s cariandi s d e locis e t villis ub i lane ille empt e fuerun t usqu e Lincoln ' tar n pe r carecta s qua m pe r equos, pr o sacc o 6d . Et in canabo empto pro eisdem lanis imponendis ibidem, pro sacco 2s. 6d. Et i n locacion e diversaru m domoru m ibide m pr o reparacion e dictarum lanaru m e x cert a convencion e 6os . Et i n cibis , potibus , equi s locatis e t alii s necessarii s expenditis et factis circ a collectionem , discarcacione m e t posicione m dictaru m lanarum ibide m i n dicti s domibus , pr o sacc o i2d . Et pr o paccacion e dictaru m lanaru m pro sacc o 6d . Et i n bermanagi o dictaru m lanaru m a d portandu m d e domibu s predictis, ub i lan e ill e hospitat e fuerunt , pr o sacc o id . Et i n cariagio earunde m lanarum per carecta s de Lincoln' usque Barton' supe r Homber' , pr o quolibe t sacc o 25 . 6d . Et i n bermanagio dictarum lanarum ad discarcandum de predictis carectis apu d Barton' super Homber' ducendarum versus Kyngeston' super Hull' , pr o quolibe t sacc o id . Et in batillagio dictarum lanarum de Barton' super Homber' usque Kyngeston' supe r Hull' , pr o quolibe t sacc o 3d . Et i n bermanagi o dictaru m lanaru m d e batelli s extrahendaru m et i n domibu s ponendaru m apu d Kyngeston ' predictam , pr o quolibet sacc o id . Et i n canabo empto ibidem pro dicti s sacci s de novo emendandis , eo quo d predict ! sacci de canabo i n part e putrefact i fuerun t pr o nimia mor a ibidem , pr o quolibe t sacc o 6d . Et pr o volupacione , tassacion e et emendacione dictarum lanarum ibidem e x certa convencione , pr o sacc o izd . Et in nova paccacione dictarum lanarum ibidem cum cibis, potibu s et filo, pro quolibe t sacc o lod . Et in perdicione dictaru m lanarum super paccacione earunde m pro pulvere et putredine evenientibus de eisdem lanis a prima empcione earundem usque ad predictam paccacionem, ad quemlibet saccum dimidia petr a preci i 2S . 4|d . 1. Dordrech t in Holland. 2. I n lef t margi n

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Et i n locacion e domoru m ibide m pr o eisde m lani s hospitandi s per 7 0 septimanas , pr o quolibe t sacc o pe r septimana m £d Et i n bermanagio ad portandum dictas lanas de domibus predictis usque batelLz.f , pr o quolibe t sacc o id Et i n batellis ad ducendum dictas lanas usque magnas naves, pr o quolibet sacc o £d Et i n wyndagi o e t stowagi o predictarum lanaru m infr a predicta s naves, pr o quolibe t sacc o id Et pr o diversi s hominibu s locati s e t armati s d e armaturi s sui s propriis a d conducendu m dicta s nave s cu m lani s predicti s apu d Durdraght e x cert a convencione , pr o quolibe t sacc o 45

CUSTUS D E u 3 J SACCI S EMPTI S I N COMITAT U EBOR'

. . . . . 3

Idem computa t pr o collection e e t empcion e 113 ^ saccoru m lan e empte in diversis partibus comitatus Ebor' per certam convencionem factam cu m diversi s mercatoribu s colligentibu s e t ementibu s dictas lana s ibidem , pr o quolibe t sacc o 35 . 4d . Et i n cariagio pr o dicti s lanis cariandis de locis e t villis ubi dict e lane empte fuerun t i n partibu s d e Richemond' , Northallerton' et Myton ' supe r Swal e usque Ebor ' tar n pe r carecta s qua m pe r equos, pr o quolibe t sacc o 25 . Et i n canab o empt o pr o eisde m lani s imponendi s ibidem , pr o quolibet sacc o 25 . 6d . Et i n locacion e diversaru m domoru m ibide m pr o reparacion e dictarum lanaru m e x cert a convencion e 335 . 4d . Et i n cibis, potibus , equi s locatis e t alii s necessarii s expenditi s e t factis circ a collectionem , reparacione m e t posicione m dictaru m lanarum ibidem , pr o quolibe t sacc o izd . Et i n paccacione earunde m lanarum ibidem, pro quolibe t sacc o 4d . Et in bermanagio dictarum lanarum de predictis domibus, ubi lane ille posit e fuerunt , usqu e aqua m d e Ous e e t ibide m i n batelli s ponendarum a d transfretandu m usqu e Kyngeston ' supe r Hull ' per aquam , pr o quolibe t sacc o id . Et in batellagio dictarum lanarum de Ebor' usque Kingeston* predictam, pr o quolibe t sacc o 6d . Et i n bermanagi o dictaru m lanarum ad discarcandu m d e batelli s predictis e t i n domibu s ponendaru m ibidem, pr o quolibe t sacc o id . Et i n canabo empto ad dictas lanas de novo reparanda s et emendandas ibidem , e o quo d sarpkr/V , i n quibu s priu s posit e fuerunt , nimis putrefacte fuerunt pe r longam moram et stacionem ibidem , pro quolibe t sacc o 6d . Et i n volupacione , tassacion e et emendacion e dictaru m lanarum , pro quolibe t sacc o i2d . Et i n paccacion e earunde m lanaru m d e nov o cu m messionibu s et filo , pr o quolibe t sacc o 6d . 3. I n lef t margin .

IX 1 8 TH

E WOOL ACCOUNTS OF

Et in perdicione earundem lanarum super paccacionem pro pulvere et putredin e evenientibu s d e dicti s lanis , a d quemlibe t saccu m dimidia petr a preci i 2s Et i n locacion e domoru m pr o eisde m lani s hospitandi s ibide m per 7 0 septimanas, pro quollbe t sacc o per septimana m £d Et i n bermanagio ad portandum dictas lanas ibidem usque aquam de Hull' et in batellis ponendas pro quolibe t sacc o id Et i n batellagi o a d ducendu m dicta s lana s ibide m usqu e magnas naves, pr o quolibe t sacc o id Et i n windagi o e t stowagi o infr a predicta s naves , pr o quolibe t sacco i Et i n diversi s hominibus locatis e t armati s de armaturis suis pro priis a d conducendu m dicta s nave s cu m predicti s lani s apu d Durdraght' e x cert a convencione , pr o quolibe t sacc o 45

. . . . d. .

CUSTUS D E 3 4 SACCI S LAN E EMPTI S I N COMITAT U NOTINGHAM'4 Idem computa t pr o collection e e t empcion e 31 ^ saccoru m lan e empte i n comitat u Nottingham pe r certa m convencione m facta m cum diversi s mercatoribu s colligentibus et ementibu s dictas lanas ibidem, pr o quolibe t sacc o 35 . 4d . Et in cariagio dictaru m lanarum a locis et villis ubi lane ille empte fuerunt usque Blith' tarn per carectas quam per equos, pro quolibe t sacco i zd. Et i n canab o empt o pr o eisde m lani s imponendi s ibidem , pr o quolibet sacc o zs . 6d . Et i n locacion e diversaru m domoru m ibide m pr o reparacion e dictarum lanaru m e x cert a convencion e 135 . 4d . Et i n cibis , potibus, equi s locati s e t alii s necessarii s expenditi s e t factis circ a collectionem , discarcacione m e t posicione m dictaru m lanarum ibide m i n dicti s domibus , pr o quolibe t sacc o izd. Et pro paccacione earundem lanarum ibidem de novo, pro quolibet sacco 6d . Et in bermanagio dictarum lanarum ad portandum de domibus predictis, ubi lane ille empte fuerunt, pr o quolibe t sacc o id . Et i n cariagi o dictaru m lanaru m pe r carecta s d e Blyth e usqu e Bautre5, pr o quolibe t sacc o 6d . Et in bermanagio dictaru m lanarum ad discarcandu m de predictis carectis apu d Bautre, pro quolibe t sacc o id . Et i n batellagi o dictaru m lanaru m d e Bautr e usqu e Kingeston ' 12D. super Hull', pro quolibe t sacc o Et i n bermanagi o dictaru m lanaru m d e batellis extrahendaru m et in domibus ponendarum apud Kingeston' predictam, pro quolibet id. sacco 4. I n lef t margin . 5. Bawtry , co . Nottingham .

WILLIAM DE LA POLE D

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Et in canabo empto ibidem pro dicti s saccis de novo emendandis, eo quo d sacc i d e canab o i n part e putrefact i fuerun t pr o nimi a mora e t stacion e ibidem , pr o quolibe t sacc o 6d Et pr o volupacione , tassacione et emendacione dictarum lanarum ibidem e x certa convencione, pr o quolibe t sacc o izd Et i n nov a paccacion e earunde m lanaru m ibidem , cu m cibis , potilpus e t filo , pr o quolibe t sacc o lod Et pro perdicione dictarum lanarum super paccacionem earunde m pro pulver e e t putredin e evenientibu s d e eisde m lani s a prim a empcione earundem usque ad predictam paccacionem, ad quemlibet saccum dimidi a petr a preci i zs Et i n locacion e domoru m ibide m pr o eisde m lani s hospitandi s per 7 0 septimanas, pro quolibe t sacc o per septimanam |d Et i n bermanagio ad portandum dictas lanas de domibus predictis usque ad'aquam de Hull' et in batellis ponendas, pro quolibet sacco i Et i n batellagi o a d ducendu m dicta s lana s usqu e magna s naves , pro quolibe t sacc o ^d Et i n wyndagi o e t stowagi o dictaru m lanaru m infr a predicta s naves, pr o quolibe t sacc o id Et pr o diversi s hominibu s locati s e t armati s d e armaturi s sui s propriis ad conducendu m dicta s nave s cu m lani s predicti s apu d Dudright' e x certa convencione , pr o quolibe t sacc o 45

. . .

. . d. . . .

CUSTUMA E T FRETTAGIUM 6 Idem computat de 45 3li. 6s . 8d . solutis collectoribus custumarum Regis in portu de Kyngeston' super Hull' pro custuma et subsidio 350 saccorum lane tronate ibidem, videlice t pr o quolibe t sacc o 265. 8d . 7Et i n frettagi o 35 0 saccoru m lan e de predicta vill a d e Kyngeston' usqu e Durdright' 8, pr o quolibe t sacc o 6s CUSTUS FACT E I N PARTIBU S D E DURDRIGHT' 9. Idem computa t in lodmanagio pr o lani s predicti s d e Kyngeston' super Hull' versus Orewell' 10, Lescluse 11, Midelburgh 12, Ciryse 13 et Durdright 14, pr o quolibe t sacc o 8d Et pr o windagi o earunde m lanarum extra naves apud Durdrigh t predictam in batellis ad ducendum usque terram, pro quolibet sacc o id

.

. .

6. I n lef t margin . 7. Woo l customed at Hull on 2 October 1337 (K.R. Echequer Accounts Various, E. 101/457/9) . 8. Pole' s wool shipped from Hul l in 1 2 ships (ibid). 9. I n lef t margin . 10. Orwell , co . Suffolk . Departur e fro m ther e c . I Novembe r (cf . History, n.s.,XXXVII, 1952, p. 15). 11. Slui s i n Flanders . 12. Middelbur g o n Walchere n (Zeeland) . 13. Zierikze e on Schouwe n (Zeeland) . 14. Roya l envoy s travelling i n th e sam e flee t lande d ther e o n 2 8 November 1337 (K.R . Exchequer Account s Various, E . 101/311/31) .

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Et i n batellagi o earunde m lanaru m d e predicti s navibu s usqu e terram, pr o quolibet sacc o zd. Et pr o bermanagi o a d discarcandu m dicta s lana s d e predicti s batellis et ad diversas domos ibidem pro eisdem locatas portandas et inponendas, pro quolibe t sacc o 3d . Et pr o 5 domibus ibide m locati s pr o eisde m lani s imponendis , siccandis et reparandis ex certa convencione per dimidium annum, videlicet una domus pro 1 2 li., alia domus pro 8 li, tercia pro 1 6 li., quarta pr o 1 5 li. , e t quint a pro 4 li. Et pr o canab o d e novo empto ibidem pro 15 0 sacci s de predicti s 350 saccis lane paccandis, eo quod sarpLzr/V tarn molite et putrefacte fuerant pe r diutina m moram in navibus, pr o quolibe t sacc o 25 . 6d. Et pr o canab o empt o e t emendacion e 20 0 saccorum de predicti s 350 sacci s et pro labor e diversoru m hominum et pro cusura , pr o quolibet sacc o 6d . Et i n diversi s necessarii s empti s pr o eisde m 35 0 sacci s lan e siccandis, emendandi s e t custodiendis , u t i n busco , carbonibus , litera, candelis , tabulis, ponderibu s et cordi s locatis , pro quolibe t sacco 3d . Et i n paccacione , mundacion e e t volupacion e 15 0 saccoru m lane et pro labore hominu m existentium circa siccacionem earun dem lanarum , pr o quolibe t sacc o 45 . 6d . ex cert a convencion e Et i n bermanagi o a d portandu m dicta s lana s usqu e a d domum ponderis*, ubi ponderate et liberate fuerunt, pr o quolibe t sacc o id . Et i n denarii s soluti s pe r commune m assensu m communitati s mercatorum Angli c ibide m existentiu m a d adquirendu m e t habendum omne s e t singula s libertate s e t consuetudine s priu s habitas e t usitata s a d stapula m i n partibu s transmarinis , pr o quolibet sacc o i3d .

EXPENSE MERCATORUM 1* Idem computa t i n expensi s quinqu e mercatoru m predict i Willelmi videlicet Ricardi de Sletholme, Johannis de Bole, Henrici de Manfeld', Willelmi Kayser et Nicholai de Hustweyt, existentium circa cariagium , batellagium , paccacionem , volupacione m e t ali a diversa necessari a easde m lana s contingentia , tar n i n partibu s cismarinis quam transmarinis, a12 die Septembris anno 11 °16, usque 8 diem Maii proximo sequentem 16, quilibet eorum capiens per diem 18d . 15. I n lef t margin . 16. 1 2 September 133 7 t o 8 May 1338 .

WILLIAM DE LA POLE L

X2 1

H. ENROLLE D ACCOUN T O F WILLIA M D E L A POL E AN D REGINALD D E CONDUI T FO R WOO L EXPORTE D T O DORDRECHT AN D MIDDELBUR G I N 133 7 [L. T. R . Miscellaneous Accounts, £.358.10 , m . 28 r. and v: drawn u p after 2 2 Augus t 1344 ] A selection, including the beading of the account, the entries concerning wool of William de la Pole, the cost of shipping the king's woo/ and the expenses of storing wool abroad. HEADING O F THE ACCOUN T (m . 2 8 r.) : Compotus Willelm i d e l a Pol e e t Reginald ! d e Conduct u mercatoru m de recepcion e tar n lanaru m emptarum et provisaru m in Angli a a d opu s Regis ann o n ° e t a d parte s transmarina s ductaru m virtut e cuiusda m indenture fact e inte r Rege m e t eosde m Willelmu m e t Reginaldu m a c quosdam alio s mercatores Angli c de 3 0 millibus saccoru m lan e ad opu s Regis emend ' e t providend' , qua m lanaru m propriaru m Regi s e t d e liberacionibus lanaru m illaru m i n partibu s d e Durdraght ' e t Middel burgh' a c d e denarii s recepti s tar n d e vendicion e quarunda m lanaru m de dicti s lani s qua m aliunde, necno n d e custubus, expensi s et solucion ibus circ a dicta s lana s i n partibu s predictis, pe r brev e Regi s d e private sigillo datum 2 1 di e Julii anno i3°, 17 quod es t inter communi a de anno i4°18: pe r quo d Re x mandavi t Baronibu s quo d computen t cu m pre dictis Willelm o e t Reginald © d e tempor e qu o assignat i fuerun t a d re cipiendum omne s (exitus) 19 proveniente s d e custum a e t subsidi o Reg i debitis d e lanis i n Anglia , pr o solucion e faciend a diversi s mercatoribu s in regn o Angli c pr o lani s sui s Reg i venditi s e t ecia m computen t cu m eisdem Willelm o e t Reginald o d e lani s Regi s qua s receperun t e t vend erunt pe r mandat e Regis , allocand o ei s tarn denario s e t lana s per ipso s solute e t liberator virtut e mandatoru m Regis qua m per mandat a Epis copi Lincoln'et aliorum nunciorum Regis nuperad dictas partes missorum pro expedicion e arduoru m negocioru m Regi s ibide m e t ecia m allocen t eis omnimodo s custu s e t expensa s per ipso s posito j circa , dicta s lana s et ecia m 3 sarplar' lan e apud Durdraght ' pe r igne m amissoj- , prou t pe r sacramentum suum poterunt edocere ; et per aliud breve Regis de magno sigillo datu m 2 2 die August i ann o i8° 2°, irrotulatum i n memorandis d e anno 19 ° : in qu o inte r ali a continetur, quo d Re x volens quo d predict i Willelmus e t Reginaldus , tar n d e 11,414 ! sacci s 4 clavibu s i Ib . lan e provisis i n Angli a e t apu d Durdraght ' e t Middelburgh ' pe r ipso s a d usum Regis receptis 21, quam super omnibus aliis receptis e t solucionibus 17. 2 1 July 1339 . 18. E . 159.116 , brevia div. baronibus , Hilary t., m. 2. 19. Interlineated . 20. 2 2 Augus t 1344 . 21. Mos t o f the woo l received a t Dordrech t (sac k o f 328 Ib.), som e receive d a t Middelburg (sac k o f 36 0 Ib.) : K.R . Excheque r Accounts , Various , E . 10 1 / 457/30. The Englis h standard weigh t was a sack of 364 Ib.

IX 2 2 TH

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factis pe r eo s compotu m exigentibus , reddan t Reg i compotu m e t pe r quod brev e Rex mandavit Baronibus, quo d a d compotum iliu m reddendum illos vocari facian t eo s onerantes et exonerantes prout iustum fueri t et convenien s taeioni. Liberaciones (m . 2 8 r.): Et i n solucionibu s facti s diversi s mercatoribu s subscript s i n partem summaru m ei s debitarum pro supradicti s lani s pe r ipso s merca tores predictis Reginald o et Johanni de la Pole, attornato prefati Willelmi de la Pole, ad opus Regis in predictis partibus liberatis, 20. 933 li. 95. ^d., videlicet [first entr y unde r margina l heading , Ebor' j : Willelmo de la Pole de Kyngeston' super Hull * in partem 412 7 li. 33. yd. sibi debitoru m pr o 377 ^ sacci s 1 0 clavibu s lan e similite r liberati s 652!! . us. 6|d . Last portio n o f ' Liberaciones ' (m. 28 r.): Et in 1 9 sarplar'lane d e lani s Regis de Brustwyk' portandis usque aqua m de Hull ' e t ibide m i n cath ' ponendi s e t ducendi s a d quanda m magnam navem in mari, dando pro quolibe t sarplar ' i|d. ; ac in frettagio eiusdem navis a d ducendu m dicta s lanas d e Hull' usqu e Durdraght', scilice t pr o sarplar' 55. ; e t i n cathiagi o earunde m lanaru m d e ili a nav e usqu e a d terram apu d Durdraght ' a c in portagi o lanaru m illarum ad domu m ub i hospitabantur, scilice t pr o sarplar ' 3d. ; necno n i n 2 0 ulni s canevacii , precii uln e 4d., si c emptis pr o eisde m sarplar' emendandis , e t in eisde m sarplar'hospitandis apu d Durdraght ' pe r 1 2 septimanas , scilice t pr o sarplar' 4d. ex convencione, cum litera pr o eisde m supponendis et focali empto pr o lani s illi s siccandi s propte r earu m humiditatem, 9li . 95. 9|d., sicut continetu r i n dict o rotul o d e particulis . E t i n solucion e (facta) 22 collectoribus custum e apu d Kyngeston ' supe r Hull ' pr o subsidi o con tingente dicto s 1 9 sarplar ' continente s 1 9 sacco s pe r pondu s Anglie , eo quod lane ille de ibidem transducte fuerun t inte r alias lanas cokettatas sub nomin e dict i Willelm i d e l a Pol e u t propri e lan e ipsiu s Willelmi , 19 li. , sicu t continetu r ibidem 23. . . . E t in 47 sarplar'24 lan e per Archiepiscopum Cantuariense m Regi datis cariandis d e Lambhith' 25 usque London' e t in stowagi o e t levagi o earundem sarplar ' i n navibu s a c in frettagi o earunde m lanarum ducen darum d e London' usqu e Durdraght', scilice t pr o sarplar ' 45. ; e t ecia m in lodmanagio earundem , pro sarplar' 6d., necnon i n batillagio earundem lanarum de navibus usque terram apud Durdraght' et ibidem discarcando et i n domibu s ibide m ponend o e t un a dom o ibide m locat a a d easde m lanas infr a hospitandas , siccanda s e t reparanda s pe r 2 menses , scilice t per septimana m ^ marc' ; e t i n 40 0 ulnis canevacii , preci i centen e i8s. , sic emptis a d lana s illas d e novo repaccandas , qui a prim i sarplar ' eran t de canevacio Angli e e t putrefact i pe r tempestate m mari s e t reparacion e et emendacion e veleru m ind e fractoru m cu m reparacion e earunde m lanarum e t cu m empcion e fil l vocat i pakthere d e t stramini s a d easdem 22. Interlineated .

WILLIAM DE LA POLE I

X2 3

supponendas e t cu m cariagi o earunde m ad domu m ponderi s a c in stip endio uniu s vadlett i custodienti s easde m lanas, cum repaccat e fuerant , per dicto s duo s menses , 3 0 li. ys. , sicu t continetu r ibidem . Et i n solucione fact a pro 14 4 domibus apud Durdraght e t Middelburgh' conductis a d 6 5 40 saccos d e supradicti s lani s infr a hospitando s e t custo diendos a prim o di e Februari i ann o i2° 26, qu o tempor e primo incep erunt reciper e lana s illa s d e diversi s mercatoribu s suprascriptis , usque festum Pasche , scilice t 1 2 die m Aprilis , proxim o sequentem , antequa m lane ill e liberabantu r Magistr o Paul o d e Mont e Florum 27, u t pate t pe r indenturam Magistr i Pau H d e recepcione earunde m lanarum super hun c compotum liberatam , dando videlicet pr o quolibe t sacc o 8d., per dictu m tempus, 21 8 li. , und e 7 0 li. 135 . nd . sun t d e locacione domoru m pr o lanis d e comitatu Ebor 28 post earu m ponderacionem, d e quibu s oner antur supr a in recepti s e t sicu t continetu r i n dict o rotul o d e particulis. Et i n portagi o £ t cariag o dictoru m 654 0 saccoru m lan e a dom o ub i ponderati fuerunt usqu e ad dictas domos pro lani s illis conductas, scilice t pro sacc o id . e x certa consuetudin e parciu m illarum ; e t i n 40 0 ulnis novi canevacii , preci i centen e 208. , si c empti s a d quedam sarplar ' lan e fractas e t putreda s clutanda s e t emendanda s e t i n 2 6 Ib. d e paktherd' , precii Ib. 3d. , si c emptis pro eisde m sarplar' consuendis, necno n i n stip endiis duoru m garcionu m conductoru m a d eosde m sarplar ' consuendo s et clutando s pe r 1 7 die s mens e Februari i ann o 12° , quolibe t eoru m capiente 3d . pe r diem , e t ecia m i n stipendii s diversoru m garcionu m conductorum a d predictas lanas movendas et vertendas per vices propter nimiam humiditate m a c i n 4 0 carectati s stramini s empti s pr o eisde m lanis supponendis ad earum salvacionem, 37 li. 25. 2d. . . . * Et i n cariagi o e t portagi o 38 ^ saccoru m 3 clavium lan e superiu s liber atorum Johanni d e Charnels 29 per manu s Petri Darran d e dictis domibus locatis ad dictam domum ponderis, dando id. pro sarplar', 35 . 2d. . . . * Et i n quada m mansion e locat a apu d Durdraght ' pr o habitacion e pre dictorum Reginald ! et Johanni s e t eoru m famili e a predicto prim o di e Februarii usqu e 1 2 die m Aprili s proxim o sequente m e t a b eode m 12 ° die usqu e 2 2 diem Juli i proxim o sequentem , pe r quo d tempu s mora m traxerunt ibide m a d compotum cu m prefato Paulo d e lanis superiu s sib i liberatis faciendum, scilicet pe r 6 menses, dando videlicet quolibe t mens e 6os. ex convencione, 1 8 li.. . . * Et in stipendiis 2 hominum de Durdraght' conductorum a d omne s supradicta s lana s ponderanda s pr o comod o Regis, cuilibet, eorum iocs, ex convencione, 1 0 li. . . . * E t in stipendiis 23. On e sentence connected with custom s accountancy omitted . 24. Containin g 4 9 sack s 4 stone s b y Englis h weigh t (K.R . Memorand a r. , E.159/115, brevia direct a baronibus , Mich, t., m . 27). 25. Lambethhithe . 26. 1 February 1338 . 27. Roya l financial agent in the Netherlands, 1337-1339 . 28. 1627 J sack s 3 cloves b y weigh t o f Dordrech t (K.R . Excheque r Account s Various, E. 101/457/27). 29. Roya l receive r i n the Netherland s i n 1338 . * ' sicut continetu r ibide m ' omitted.

IX 2 4 TH

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2 garcionu m laborantiu m circ a levacione m e t discarcacione m ponder * predictorum e x convencione 405.. . . * E t in 2 balanciis d e novo facti s cum earu m apparatibu s a d omne s supradicta s lana s ponderandas , qui a nulle balanci e se u ponder a eran t ibidem , ioc s . . . . * Qu e quide m balancie remanen t i n custodi a scabinoru m dict e vill e d e Durdraght ' attachiate cu m ferr o i n dict a dom o ponderi s e t e a d e caus a balancia s illas amovere non poterant, u t dicunt per sacramentum suum. Et prefati s Reginaldo et Johanni de la Pole, attornat o predicti Willelmi, pro expensis suis, clericorum, valettoru m e t alioru m d e familia su a apud Durdraght' et alib i i n partibu s transmarini s circa ponderacionem , recepcione m e t liberacionem lanaru m supradictarum e t circ a ali a negoci a Regi s ibide m expedienda a predicto primo di e Februarii usque 22 diem Julii proxim o sequentem per 17 2 dies, utroque die computato, cuilibet videlicet eoru m pro s e e t famili a su a pe r die m i marc' , e x consideracion e Baronum , 229 li. 6s . 8d. per predictum brev e de privato sigill o . . . * Et i n solucion e fact a Willelm o d e la Pole pr o 2 | sacci s 2 clavibus 5 Ib. lane ipsiu s Willelm i pe r dictu m pondu s d e Durdraght' , preci i sacc i 9 marc', et pro 2 f saccis 2 clavibus 5 Ib. lane eiusdem Willelmi per dictu m pondus, precii sacci 9 li., in dictis partibus prefatis Reginald o et Johanni , ut supradictu m est , a d opu s Regi s liberatis , 4 1 li . i8s. , pe r supradict a duo brevia Regis et per indenturam inter ipsos Reginaldum et Johannem ac Ricardu m d e Shetholm' , attornatu m dict i Willelmi , d e recepcione, e t sicut continetu r i n predict o rotul o d e particulis Et eisde m Reginaldo et Johanni pro repassagi o (suo) et familie su e transfretis d e Durdraght' usque London' cum waranti s et indenturi s tangentibus recepcione m e t liberacionem lanarum supradictarum, 1 0 marc' . . * Summa liberacionu m e t expensaru m predictarum , 25,27 6 l i 2S . iofd. 30 Et si c haben t d e superplusagi o 29 3 li . 95 . 6fd . D e quibu s allocantu r eisdem Reginaldo et Willelmo in Rotulo i9° 31 i n Item London' IDS . lod . Et 6s . i id. eisde m Reginald o e t Willelm o ibidem . E t remanen t 29 2 li. us. 9fd .

III. ENROLLED ACCOUNT OF WILLIAM DE LA POLE FOR ROYAL WOOL EXPORTED BY HIM TO THE NETHERLANDS IN 1339 AND SOLD THERE [L.T.R. Miscellaneou s Accounts , E . 358/10 , m . i4v. : draw n u p i n 1342 o r 1343] . A selection, including the beading of the account, and the last sections concerned with the sale of wool abroad and the expenses incurred by Pole. Heading o f th e account : Compotus Willelm i d e l a Pol e tar n d e lani s a d opu s Regi s d e diversi s 30. Compare d wit h receipt s totalling £24,982. 13s . 4d . (m . 28 r.). Bot h receipt s and expenditur e contain , however , a considerabl e proportio n o f purel y ' book-keeping ' items . 31. Pip e rol l 1 9 Edw. III . * sicu t continetur ibide m ' omitted .

WILLIAM DE LA POLE I

X25

receptoribus lanaru m Regi s i n diversi s comitatibu s e t quibusda m col lectoribus custumaru m i n diversi s portubu s Angli c qua m d e denariis , pro lani s illi s i n partibu s transmarini s venditis , recepti s a c ecia m d e solucionibus per ipsum diversis receptoribu s e t collectoribus huiusmod i lanarum supe r paccacionem , cariagi a e t custodi a earunde m lanarum e t aliis diversi s misi s et expensi s suis super lanis illis tar n cismarini s quam transmarinis partibu s facti s ; per brev e Regis d e private sigill o directu m Thesaurari o et Baronibu s et Camerarii s datum zof di e Februarii anno i4° 32 irrotulatum in memor andis d e eodem anno inter communi a de termino Pasche, pe r quo d Re x mandavit dicti s Baronibu s quo d computen t cu m prefat o Willelm o d e omnimodis receptis suis, ta,m videlicet de lanis Regis receptis de quibusdam receptoribus e t collectoribu s earunde m lanarum in diversi s comitatibu s ac collectoribu s custumaru m Regi s i n diversi s portubus , qua m (de) 33 aliis recepti s sui s quibuscumque, allocando eide m Willelmo denariorum summas qua s ipse mutuavi t e t pacavi t Reg i e t alii s d e precept o ipsiu s Regis i n dicti s partibu s transmarini s e t cismarini s pr o expedicion e negociorum ipsiu s Regi s ibidem, unde ostendet litteras Regi s de magno sigillo patente s e t littera s e t billa s su b sigill o Willelm i d e Northwelle , Custodis Garderob e Regis , a c eciam quo d omne s solucione s pe r ipsu m Willelmum d e la Pole dicti s collectoribu s et receptoribus lanaru m Regis predictarum pr o paccacion e earunde m et omne s alias misa s e t expensas suas racionabiles supe r lanas predictas tarn cismarinis quam transmarinas partibus factas, necnon 1 4 saccos lanarum qui per inimicos Regis veniendo de Angli a supe r mar e fuerunt depredati , eide m Willem o allocen t e t d e eo quo d pe r compotu m iliu m sib i deber i invenir i contigeri t ips i Thes aurarius e t Camerari i solucione m d e Thesaur o Regi s ve l sufficiente m assignacionem e i haber e faciant , recipiente s a b ips o Willem o littera s Regis patente s e t billa s supradicta s ulteriusqu e onerante s ipsu m qu i racione onerar i debet , Robert i d e Dento n atornat i predict i Willelmi , sicut continetu r i n memorandi s de dict o ann o 14 ° inte r attornato s d e termino Sanct i Hillari i pr o e o d e dicti s lani s e t alii s receptis , misi s e t expensis sui s ta m i n partibu s cismarini s qua m transmarini s predic t is annis 12 ° e t 13 ° SUMMARY O F POLE' S RECEIPT S O F WOO L : Pole receive d i n Englan d 239 1 sack s 3 stones of roya l wool, b y weigh t of England, containing 240 9 sacks 9 cloves 2 Ib by weights o f Antwer p and Bruges. 1 4 sacks by English weigh t (14 sacks 9 cloves 2 Ib by weight of Bruges) were lost a t sea by enemy attack. The rest was sold, as below. 34 Recepta denariorum 35 Idem reddit compotum de4698 li. 2S. 8d. receptis d e 573^ 36 saccis 9 clav32. 2 0 February 1340 . 33. Interlineated . 34. I n lef t margin . 35. Al l the woo l figures by weight of Bruges, unless weight of Antwerp indicated. 36. Ther e wer e altogethe r 59 1 sack s 1 5 stones Lincolnshir e wool b y Englis h weight, equivalen t to 60 3 £ sack s 1 6 cloves 31 b by weight s o f Bruge s an d Antwerp.

IX 2 6 TH

E WOOL ACCOUNTS OF

ibus lan e d e comitat u Lincoln * venditi s i n diversi s loci s i n predicti s partibus transmarinis per divers a precia, videlicet 6y | sacci37 venditi apud Andwerp', preci i cuiuslibe t sacc i deponder e usual l ibide m i6 £ marc' ; 65 sacc i 3 claves lane eiusdem comitatus venditi apud Brug'38 in Flandria, precii cuiuslibe t sacc i ponderi s usuali s ibide m iz\ marc' ; 22 5 sacc i 6 claves lan e ibidem, preci i sacc i 1 2 marc'; 129 ^ sacci lane ibidem, preci i sacci n| marc' et 86| sacci lane ibidem, precii sacc i 1 0 marc' ios. , sicu t continetur i n dict o rotul o d e particulis Et d e 124 2 li. 145 . 8d . de 177 ^ sacci s 2 clavibus39 lan e d e comitatu Not ingham venditi s ibide m per dictu m pondus , precii sacci , io £ marc * . . * Et d e 135 0 li. de 18o 40 saccis lane de comitatu Derby venditis apu d Brug' per dictu m pondus , preci i sacc i n marc ' 35 . 4d . . . . * Et d e 20 4 li. 75 . 6d . d e 2 7 saccis 1 5 clavibus 41 lan e d e comitat u Rote F similiter venditi s apu d Brug', preci i sacc i n marc ' 35 . 4d. . . . * Et d e 41 li. 6s . 8d. de 6 saccis 1 2 clavibus 42 lane de comitatu Nothamptorf similiter venditi s apud Brug', precii sacc i 1 0 marc' . . . * Et d e 57 2 li . 45 . lofd . d e 7 8 saccis 2 clavibus 43 lan e d e comitat u Leycestr' similite r venditi s apu d Brug' , preci i sacc i 1 1 marc ' . . . * Et d e 131 2 li. ios . d e 187 ! saccis lane de diversis comitatibus 44 receptis de collectoribu s custum e Regi s i n port u d e Sanct o ~Botu/pbo similite r venditis apu d Brug' , preci i sacc i io(|) 45 marc ' . . . * Et d e 3404 li. 95. 6d. de 634 saccis 13^ clavibus46 lane de comitatu Norfo/f ' similiter venditi s apu d Brug ' pe r divers a precia , videlice t 107 ^ sacc i io| claves, preci i sacc i io| marc'; 46 8 sacci, preci i sacc i 7 marc' ios . et j8 | sacci 3 cl., preci i sacc i 7 ^ marc ' . . . * Et d e 42 1 li . 2S . iid. d e 8 7 saccis 8 clavibus 47 lan e d e comitat u Nor thumber' similite r venditis apu d Brug', precii sacc i 7 marc' 35 . 4d. . . * Et d e 268 9 li . ijd . d e 41 0 sacci s 2 5 clavibus48 lane d e comitatu Ebor ' similiter venditi s apu d Brug ' pe r diversa precia , videlice t 21 3 \ sacci , precii sacc i 1 0 marc ' 33 . 4d.; 47 sacc i 1 5 claves , precii sacc i 9 marc' ios . et 149 ^ sacci 1 0 claves, preci i sacc i 9 marc' 35 . 4
WILLIAM DE LA POLE I

X2 7

et 1 7 sacc i 7 claves 2 Ib. d e lanis comitatuum Norfolc ' e t Northumber' , precii sacci 8 marc' 35 . 4
IX 2 8 TH

E WOOL ACCOUNTS O F

Et i n portagi o 48 7 sarplar' lan e d e domibu s apu d Jernemutha 53 e t 48 sarplar' lane de domibus apud Lenn', in quibus lane ille hospitate fuerunt , usque a d batella s i n aqu a ibidem , batellagi o e t wyndagi o predictoru m sarplar' de dictis batellis in naves pro eisdem conductas ,4 li. 95. zd. . . .* Et i n frettagi o predictarum navium pr o dicti s 487 sarlpar' lan e d e dicta villa d e Jernemutha et dictis 4 8 sarplar' de predicta vill a d e Lenn' usque Lesclus' i n Flandri a ducendis , 13 3 li . 155. , pr o sarplar ' 5 5 .. . * Et i n vadii s uniu s hominis moranti s in dict a vill a d e Jernemutha a predicto ultim o di e Decembri s usque predictu m 1 8 die m Juli i proxim o sequentem, pe r 19 9 dies , e t uniu s homini s apu d Lenn ' a dict o ultim o die Decembri s usqu e 2 9 die m Mai i proxim o sequente m per 14 9 dies , primo di e computato , supe r recepcione , custodi a e t deliberacion e predictarum lanaru m ad naves predictas, 8 li. 145. , pe r die m 6 d . . . * Et solucionibu s diversi s hominibu s villarum de Arnemutha 54 et Middel burgh'55 in Selan d pro 1 7 sarplar' lane de predictis lanis Regis carcatis in predicto port u d e Kyngeston ' i n quada m nav i Roger i Conyngbergh ' que inte r alia s nave s Regi s pe r homine s d e Caleys 56 e t alio s inimico s Regis supr a mar e usqu e costera m predictaru m villaru m era t fugat a e t per homine s villaru m illaru m salvata , tar n videlice t pr o salvacion e predictorum sarplar ' lan e qua m pr o salv a duction e eorunde m d e dict a villa d e Arnemutha usqu e Lesclus' per aqua m per 2 0 leucas, 1 7 li., pr o quolibet sarplar ' 208 . e x convencione (fact a cu m hominibu s predictis), 57 quos quide m ipsu m necessari o oportui t soluiss e antequa m lana s illa s a manibus ipsoru m hominu m haber e potuit , u t dici t supe r sacramentu m suum . .. * Et i n wyndagi o 211 5 sarplar ' 2 pok' lan e de lani s predicti s d e navibus apud Lesclus' in Flandria et cubacione eorundem in batellis ad ducendum usque a d villa m d e Brug ' pe r aqua m pe r 6 leuca s un a cu m batellagi o eorundem et custuma pro eisde m apud le Dam 58 et Brug' iuxta consuetudinem parciu m illaru m soluta , necno n portagi o eorunde m d e dicti s batellis i n domo s ibide m pr o eisde m conductas , 7 4 li. i8s . 2d . . . . * Et i n 8 domibus pro omnibu s lanis predictis hospitandi s et conservandis conductis i n dict a vill a d e Brug' per unu m annu m et unu m quarteriu m unius ann i antequa m lan e ill e integralite r vendit e fuerunt , 10 0 li . pr o qualibet domo 1 0 li. per annum ex convencione . . . * Et in siccacione 56 0 saccorum lane in 487 sarplar' de lanis dicti comitatus Norfo/^' pe r inundacione m aqu e i n tempestat e mari s mollitoru m e t pr o eisdem lani s si c siccatis i n bundi s volvendis , 1 2 li . 35 . 6d. , pro quolibe t sarplar' (saccando) 59 6 d . . . * Et i n 292 2 ulni s canevaci i pr o 48 7 sarplar ' a d dicta s lana s saccanda s emptis, e o quo d ali a sarplar ' supradict a pe r diutina m mora m eorunde m 53. Yarmouth . 54. St . Ann a ter Muiden , Flanders . 55. Middelbur g on Walcheren. 56. Calais . 57. Interlineated . 58. Damme , one o f the outport s o f Bruges. 59. Interlineated . * ' sicut continetu r ibide m ' imitted .

WILLIAM D E LA POLE I

X2 9

infra nave s supr a mar e antequa m discarcabantu r it a putrid a e t fract a fuerunt quo d nullu m proficuu m ind e proveniebat , videlice t quolibe t sarplar' continente 6 ulnas canevacii, 36 li. ics. 6d., precii ulne 3d ... * Et i n paccacione dictarum lanarum in predictis 487 sarplar', 1 6 li. 45 8d., pro quolibe t sarplar ' 8 d . . . * Et i n 6 0 sarplar' 6 0 lane de supradicti s lani s Regi s de predictis domibu s apud Brug ' usque a d aqua m ibide m portandi s e t i n batelli s ponendis , eisdem sarplar' abinde usque villam de Andwerp' ad vendendum ibidem per aqua m ducendi s pe r 2 1 leucas et eisde m d e dicti s batelli s i n domo s ibidem iteru m portandis , un a cu m custum a vocata l e Hunt ' e t Grave gelt pro eisdem ibidem soluta, 6 li. i6s. 6d . . . * Et i n vadii s quorunda m hominu m mercatoru m morantiu m tar n apu d Brug' qua m apu d Andwerp ' supe r recepcione , custodi a e t vendicione . videlicet 3 hominum apu d Brug ' a 4t o di e Februari i dict o ann o i3° 61 usque ultimum diem Octobris proxim o sequentem per 26 9 dies, 2 hominum ibidem, a prime die Novembris ann o predicto usque 2 diem Junii proximo sequente m pe r 21 4 die s e t uniu s homini s apu d Andwerp ' a 16° di e Decembri s ann o predicto 62 usqu e 1 3 die m Januari i proxim o sequentem pe r 2 8 dies , prim o di e computato , 6 3 li . 35. , cuiLlbe t pe r diem izd . . . * Et soluti s pe r coretagiu m supe r vendicion e lanaru m predictarum , videlicet 212 5 sarplar ' secundu m consuetudinem parciu m predictarum , 105 li. ijs., pro quolibet sarplar ' i2 d . . . * Summa expensaru m 100 5 li . us . yd . E t debe t 15,26 9 li . 135 . Et responde t in Rotulo 16 ° in Item London. 64

60. Containin g 61 sacks 5 stones 1 Ib. of Lincolnshire wool (by English weight). 61. 12 ° in ms. (4 February 1338) , but thi s must be a scribal error and 4 Februar y 1339 mus t b e intended . 62. 1 6 December 133 9 presumably . 63. Th e wri t o f privy sea l o f 2 0 February 134 0 summarized in th e headin g of this account is enrolled on Exchequer Plea r., E. 13/79 , m . 23. endorsed with this debt . Th e endorsemen t mention s *h e discharg e o f thi s deb t throug h tallies levie d i n compensatio n fo r loan s advance d b y Pol e (recorde d o n Receipt r . unde r 1 9 October 1342) . 64. Pip e r. 1 6 Edward II I (E . 372/187). Deb t discharge d throug h tallies (a s in the preceding note). * ' sicut continetu r ibide m ' omitted.

APPENDIX

1X30 Origin o f the wool Herefordshire

Shropshire

Name of merchant and date

Amount b y English weight

1. Reg . Conduit . 1336-7

22

2. Lord o f Albret. 134 1

140

3. Reg . Conduit. 1336-7.

Purchase pric e in Englan d {. s d

71 60 + 3 0

Expenses i n Expenses of shipmen t Expenses abroa d England pe r sac k overseas per sack unulsale, persack £s d ts d

11

6

12 2

10

6 5 8 10

6 11J 2

10 6 3

17 2 6 11J 2

10 6 3

5 6* 2

86 f

13 O J

11 4* 5

17 2 3

5 4 0 +3 4 i

12 9

11 4J 5

17 2 3

5 4 0 +3 41

11 8 J

11 4J 5

17 2 3

+3

11

6

4. Exporter s o f Shropshire wool. 133 7 5. P . d e Mont e Florum, royal agent . Winte r 1338-9. 6. Hug h Ulseby , Thomas Colle of Shrewsburv & Co. 1341-2 . COTSWOLDS Glos. an d Wore .

7. Reg . Conduit . 1336-7

Glos, Wore , & Cotswold wool

8. P . d e Monte Florum, royal agen t 1339 .

Cotswolds

9. Sal e b y earl of Salisbury to Edwar d III .

Worcestershire

10. Hug h Ulseby , Thomas Colle & Co. 1341-2 .

Buckinghamshire

11. P . d e Monte Florum royal agent . 1339 . 12. Sal e of woo l of John Molyn s

LINCOLNSHIRE Lindsey

13. W . de la Pole . 1336-7.

Lindsey

14. P . d e Monte Florum , royal agent. Winte r 1338-9.

Kesteven

15

Lincolnshire

16. W . de la Pole. 1339-40.

Lindsey

17. Hug h Ulseby . 1342-3.

Kesteven Nottinghamshire

18. W . de la Pole . 1336-7.

11 0 5

220 8

50

6 5 8 +3 10

60

7 0 0

18 1 J

9 10 2

165J

8| 7

41 34

48

J

205

5133 6 3 10 +3 41

300 3

8

165 1

0

31*

19. P . d e Monte Florum , royal agent . Winte r 1338-9.

20. W . de la Pole . 1339-40.

Yorkshire

21. Hug h Ulseby. 1342-3.

160 2

22. W . de la Pole . 1336-7.

113J

8

23. W . d e la Pole . 1339-40. NOTES T O APPENDIX: 1 . Paymen t to the agent s purchasing th e woo l for each sac k bought b y them. 2. Expor t fro m London . 3. Include s payment s t o th e merchant s in charg e o f the woo l fro m shortl y before it s expor t fro m Englan d t o th e disposa l of it abroad . 4. Join t averag e fo r both Herefordshire an d Shropshir e wool. 5. Expor t fro m Hull .

1X31 Amount sold abroad sacks clove

s

Satplars

Place of sale

Dordrecht

Sale price per sack fs d

Range of sale price s per sack

E. 101/457/7 (cf . Kerling , op . cit.) Valu e abroa d assesse d b y a committee of merchants .

12 1 3 4 4

E.101/507/22. The lowest recorded costs.

Flanders

711 18J 2

Dordrecht

12 1 3 4 4

Dordrecht

13 6 8 (average)

Bruges

9

Antwerp

4* 20 *

Sources and Remark s

E.I 01/457/7 (cf . Kerling, op . cit.) Value abroad assesse d b y a committee of merchants. Good woo l : £14 1 3 4d . to £10 1 3 4d .

E. 101/457/27. Valu e per sac k i n ms. , assesse d b y a committe e of merchants .

£11 1 3 4d . to £11 6 8d .

E.101/624/28.

10 3 4

E.101 ,457/14. Expense s i n Englan d fro m th e tim e o f receptio n from th e royal collectors unti l shipment fro m Hull . Dordrecht 8

122

E. 101/457/7 (cf . Kerling , op . cit.) Value abroa d assesse d b y a committee of merchants .

1 1 0 0 £8 0 0 to £ 7 0 0

Bruges

E.101/624/28. C.81/273no. 13,767. E.101/457/14. Expense s i n Englan d fro m th e tim e o f receptio n to shipment .

50

11

£ 8 1 3d . to £ 6 1 3 4d .

Bruges

E.101/624/28. S.C. 6/1120/10 (i n 1341). S.C. 6/1120/12 (in 1343-4).

Dordrecht 97 89 2

1

£10 0 Od . to £ 9 1 6 8d .

E.101/624/28.

Bruges

£10 3 4d . to £ 9 1 6 8d .

E.101/624/28.

£ 8 6 8d . to £ 7 3 4d .

E.358/10 m . 14v . (document no. 3).

9 6 8

Bruges

506

Antwerp

67*

E.101/457/8 (documen t no . 1) . Value abroad assessed b y a committee of merchants.

Antwerp

Antwerp

26$

11 1 3 4

Bruges Bruges Dordrecht

11 0 0 E.358/10 m . 29 . Expenses from receptio n o f woo l in Englan d t o sale average d 16s . 9d . pe r sack .

711 li 8 0 0

11 6 8

E.101/457/8 (document no. 1) . Value abroad assesse d b y a committee of merchants . E.101/624/28

Bruges

£10 6 8d . to £1 0 0 Od .

109

Antwerp

£10 0 Od . to £ 9 6 8d .

177J 2

Bruges

7 0 0

E.358/10 m . 14v . (document no. 3).

Bruges

7 8 11

E.358/10 m. 29. Expenses fro m receptio n o f wool in Englan d t o sale averaged 16s . 9d . per sack .

27 28

J

Dordrecht 410 2

5

Bruges

11 1 3 4

E.101/457/8 (document no. 1) . Value abroad assesse d b y a committee o i merchants . £ 6 1 6 8d . to £ 6 3 4d .

E.358/10 m. 14v. (document no. 3).

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X

THE ENGLIS H FARMER S O F THE CUSTOMS , 1343-5 1

T

HE story of the English farmers of the customs has hitherto concerned historians mainly because of its bearing o n th e history of the House of Commons . By their contro l ove r the customs and through the influence they exerted over the other English merchants, thes e financiers obstructed th e effort s o f th e commons to establish parliamentary control over indirect taxation. The nature of this challenge has been clearly explained by Georg e Unwin and Eileen Power. 1 Edward III wished to finance the war with Franc e b y levyin g a heav y subsid y o n exporte d woo l (ultimately 405 . pe r sack ) ove r an d abov e th e traditiona l ligh t duty o f 6s . 8d. per sack . Th e subsid y wa s disliked b y th e pro ducers of wool, because they were convinced that it pushed down the pric e o f woo l i n England . Th e common s wh o voice d thi s opposition were , however , powerles s t o preven t th e collectio n of th e subsid y a s lon g a s th e woo l merchant s were willin g t o sanction it s continuanc e an d a s lon g a s th e kin g coul d fin d English business men who woul d make satisfactory advances on the securit y o f thi s revenue . Unwi n ha s discusse d i n detai l on e set of developments that gradually ended this challenge to parliamentary control over indirect taxation. He was able to show how the leadin g financiers, by thei r selfis h behaviour , destroye d th e unity o f th e Englis h woo l merchants , made impossible furthe r concerted actio n by merchant assemblies and forced the majority of th e merchant s t o ac t i n futur e 'wit h an d throug h th e 1

G. Unwin, 'Th e Estate of Merchants, 1336-1365' , in Finance and Trade under Edward HI, ed. G. Unwin (Manchester, 1918) , pp. 179-255 ; E. Power, The Wool Trade i n English Medieval History (Oxford, 1941) . The subjec t is also discusse d b y B . Wilkinson, Studies in th e Constitutional History o f the Thirteenth an d Fourteenth Centuries (2nd ed., Manchester, 1952) , pp. 55-81 .

X 2 TH

E ENGLISH FARMERS OF THE CUSTOMS, 1343-51 1

commons'. I wan t her e t o follo w another , parallel trail . Whil e Unwin ha s show n wh y th e kin g coul d n o mor e us e merchan t assemblies, I shall try t o explain why and how the farmers o f the customs likewis e disappeare d afte r a dramati c bu t brie f career . I

In explorin g th e histor y o f th e farmer s I shal l wis h t o dra w special attentio n t o fou r features . Ther e wer e som e seriou s elements o f weaknes s i n thei r financia l position . Ther e wa s a marked tendency towards the development of narrow monopolies and thi s caused much rivalry among the leading merchants. Th e normal functionin g o f th e far m wa s complicate d b y a wav e o f speculation i n roya l letter s obligator y an d wardrob e debenture s that ultimately did much harm to many of the participants. Lastly, for thos e and othe r reasons , the farmer s o f th e custom s becam e intensely unpopular . In the thirteen-forties Edward III had to rely mainly on English financiers. This was a new experience fo r the royal government . Earlier on , fo r nearl y sevent y years , fro m th e accessio n o f Edward I to 1340 , a succession o f major Italia n firms had almost continuously len t mone y to th e English crown . Edwar d II I had exhausted th e resources of his ordinary financiers during the first campaigns of the Hundred Years ' War betwee n 133 8 and i34i. 2 His Florentine bankers , th e Bardi and the Peruzzi, were never in a positio n t o b e o f muc h us e t o hi m afte r 134 1 an d the y wen t bankrupt a fe w year s later . Hi s credi t wit h th e othe r foreig n merchants stoo d fairl y lo w i n th e earl y 'forties . Th e Hanseati c merchants receive d th e entir e revenu e fro m th e custom s fro m May 134 0 until 24 June 134 3 in repayment of past royal debt s t o them, bu t a t th e en d o f tha t perio d th e kin g stil l owe d the m :£io,7993 an d n o continuou s larg e advance s coul d b e expecte d from thi s quarter . Edward' s sol e remainin g possibilit y wa s t o 1

In Eileen Power's words , op. cit., p. 84. E. B. Fryde, 'Edward Ill's War Finance, 1337-41' (D.Phil, dissertation, Oxford, 1947) . Unpublished documents referred t o in subsequent notes are all in th e Publi c Recor d Office , London . 3 Enrolled accoun t o f th e Hansards , Pip e R . 1 6 Edw . Ill , E . 372/187 , m. 54d ; view o f account , L.T.R. Memoranda R. 1 8 Edw. Ill, E. 368/116, Status e t Visus Compotorutn, Hilary , m . 4 ; certificate sen t t o th e chancery (with notes of further payments) , Chancery Miscellanea, C. 47/87/4, no. 31. 2

THE ENGLISH FARMERS OF THE CUSTOMS, 1343-51 X

3

raise loan s throug h th e intermediar y o f th e Englis h merchants . Several o f them , includin g som e o f th e futur e farmer s o f th e customs and their associate s (Joh n Wesenham , Walter Chiriton , John Goldbeter) , wer e employe d b y Edwar d i n 134 1 an d 134 2 to sel l roya l woo l abroad. 1 I n Jul y 134 3 th e Hansard s wer e ordered t o han d ove r th e custom s t o a n associatio n o f Englis h merchants le d by Thoma s Melchebour n o f Lynn. 2 Thirty-thre e associates o f th e Englis h compan y ar e enumerated i n th e agree ments with the king, but the y were acting fo r a still larger bod y of Englis h woo l exporters . Thi s Englis h syndicat e di d not , a t first, far m th e customs , bu t onl y collecte d the m fo r th e kin g and anticipate d futur e receipt s b y advance s t o th e government . The me n who launched it were above all interested in recovering old royal debts due to themselves and to other English merchants. They wante d t o secur e repaymen t o f th e so-calle d Dordrech t bonds. Earl y in 133 8 the king had seized at Dordrecht i n Zeeland wool o f the Englis h merchant s valued a t £110,000 and mos t o f the resultin g debt s wer e stil l unpaid i n 134 3 whe n th e Melche bourn compan y wa s founde d t o recove r them . Thi s larg e syndicate, representing all the main groups of English merchants, was narrowed down by March 1345 to a much smaller body with clearly monopolisti c tendencies . Th e reorganize d compan y assumed fo r th e firs t tim e th e farm o f th e custom s an d hel d i t until Augus t 1345 . Th e far m the n passe d t o a rival , Joh n Wesenham o f Lynn , wh o hel d i t unti l Octobe r I346. 3 Lastly , 1

Enrolled accounts in L.T.R. Miscellaneous Ace., E. 358/10, mm. 26-7. Agreements with the king: Cal. Close R. 1343-6 ', pp. 217-1 8 (29 April 1343), 266-6 7 ( 8 Jul y 1343) , 573-7 4 ( i Marc h 1345) . Enrolle d account , L.T.R. Custom s Ace. , E . 356/4 , m . i . Detaile d 'stat e o f account' , K.R . Memoranda R . 1 9 Edw . Ill, mm . 243-4 4 (Recorda, Trinity) . Th e histor y of th e compan y is traced by G . Sayles , The "Englis h Company " o f 134 3 and a Merchant' s Oath' , Speculum, v i (1931) , pp. 177-205 . Important evidence about the circumstances of its liquidation is in Exchequer Plea R., E . 13/78, mm. 34-5, an d in Cal. Close R. 1343-6, pp. 648-9 (30 August 1345). 3 Agreements with th e king: Cal. Close R . 1343-6, pp. 64 8 (24 August 1345), 670-1 (8 November 1345) , Cal. Close R. 1346-9, pp. 52 (15 February 1346), 290- 1 (sal e o f roya l wool , 2 April 1347) . Account s o n Pip e R . 21 Edw. Ill, Res. London, (E. 372/192) , continue d o n the London mem branes o f Pip e Roll s fo r 22-2 4 Edw . Ill ; late r debt s o f Wesenha m wer e traced i n th e Londo n membrane s of th e successiv e Pip e Roll s dow n t o 30 Edw. III . Detaile d 'stat e of account', K.R. Memorand a R . 2 0 Edw. Ill, mm. 149-5 3 (Recorda, Easter) . 2

X 4 TH

E ENGLISH FARMERS OF THE CUSTOMS, 1343-51

Walter Chirito n an d Thomas Swanlan d o f London, tw o forme r associates of the Melchebourn group, recovere d the control ove r the far m fro m Wesenha m b y outbiddin g hi m an d hel d i t unti l they wen t bankrup t i n Apri l I349- 1 Afte r thei r bankruptc y th e customs were entrusted to th e sureties of Chiriton and Co., who were le d b y Joh n Malway n o f London. 2 Th e Malway n grou p acted not a s farmers but a s keepers, accountin g for everything t o the king. As a great speculative venture the farm onl y lasted fou r years, fro m Marc h 134 5 t o Apri l 1349 . The Melchebour n compan y pai d t o th e kin g i n tw o year s (1343-5) slightly ove r £60,000 in cash. 3 Wesenham advance d at least £112,00 0 i n payment s sprea d ove r fou r year s (1345-9) . Chiriton's group provide d a t leas t £126,00 0 between Ma y 1346 and Apri l 1349 . Finally th e suretie s of Chirito n an d Co . pai d t o the king i n two an d a half years £131,000 (April i349~Octobe r 1351). The recita l of these payments migh t sugges t that a class of enormously wealth y English capitalist s had suddenl y arisen. But a stud y o f th e source s o f thei r capita l shoul d modif y suc h a n impression. Th e member s o f thes e partnership s d o no t see m t o 1

Agreements wit h th e king : Cal. Close R . 1346-9, pp . 72- 4 (2 1 May 1346), 248-49 (14 February 1347) , 290-1 (sale of royal wool, 2 April 1347) , L.T.R. Memoranda R. 2 3 Edw. Ill, m. 16 4 ( 2 March 1347) , Cal. Patent R . 1348-50, p . 145 , an d K.R . Memorand a R . 2 3 Edw . Ill , mm . I2od-i2 i (2 May 1348). Accounts on Pipe R . 2 1 Edw. Ill, Res. London, continued on the Londo n membrane s o f Pip e Roll s fo r 22-2 5 Edw . Ill ; late r debt s o f Chiriton an d Co . wer e trace d i n th e Londo n membrane s of the successive Pipe Rolls down to 30 Edw. III. Detaile d 'states of account': L.T.R. Memoranda Roll s 22 , 23 , 2 4 an d 2 6 Edw . Ill , Status e t Visus Compotorum, an d K.R. Memorand a R . 2 3 Edw. Ill , mm . I2od-i2 i (fo r th e crucia l perio d 1348-9). Busines s correspondenc e an d vouchers : K.R . Excheque r Ace . Various, E . 101/128/ 3 an d K.R . Custom s Ace. , E . i22/i97/fil e 4 , E . 122/158/13, E . 122/7/8 . Specia l claim s fo r allowances : E . I22/I58/9A , L.T.R. Memoranda R. 2 6 Edw. Ill, mm. 238-41 and E. 122/158/14 . Much information wa s als o derive d fro m Receip t an d Issu e Roll s fo r 1346- 9 and fro m Excheque r Ple a Rolls , E. 13/1105 . 77-9. 2 Agreement wit h th e king, Cal. Close R. 1349-54, pp. 98-100 (21 April 1349). Agreemen t betwee n Chirito n compan y an d it s sureties , L.T.R . Memoranda R. 30 Edw. Ill, Recorda, Hilary, m. 1 2 (24 May 1349). Account, K.R. Custom s Acc.,E . 122/158/37. Petition o f the sureties fo r allowances , E. 122/158/38 . Tria l o f th e sureties , L.T.R . Memorand a R. 3 0 Edw. Ill , Recorda, Michaelmas, mm. 17-26 . 3 The totals in this paragraph do not include the old royal debts redeemed by the farmers.

THE ENGLISH FARMERS OF THE CUSTOMS, 1343-51 X

5

have bee n ver y ric h whe n the y starte d financin g th e king ; the y were substantial , reputabl e merchants , bu t nothin g more . The y lacked th e larg e initial capital resource s suc h a s the Italia n firms had normall y possessed a t the tim e of their entr y int o th e roya l service.1 Th e resource s o f th e Melchebour n syndicat e afte r it s reorganization int o a compan y o f farmer s wer e certainl y no t large.2 Mos t is known abou t th e internal history o f the Chirito n company, because it ultimately went bankrupt and we have therefore th e name s o f many o f its creditors. I n tw o an d a half year s Chiriton an d Co. borrowed at least £53,000 and probably a good deal more. They raised money through a multitude of short-ter m loans which ha d soon t o be repaid. A number of these loan s had to be contracted o n rather onerou s terms . Severa l previou s loan s could b e repai d onl y b y borrowin g fro m somebod y else . Th e Chiriton company was excessively dependent on the good wil l of a number o f important backers an d it had to surrender t o them a large shar e of its profits . The wealthies t me n were mainly to be found no t i n the com panies of the farmers but behind them. These richer financiers lent money t o th e farmer s an d acted a s intermediaries i n helping th e farming companies to raise funds. The farmer s were supported by several London notables, including Henry Picard, John Pulteney , Adam Fraunceys , Joh n Pye l and Thomas Dolsely (alderme n i n the 'forties or subsequently). The Germa n merchants in England, led by Tidemann o f Limberg, helped to finance both Wesenha m and Chiriton. 3 A n importan t grou p o f woo l exporter s fro m York, heade d b y Joh n Goldbeter , mus t b e ranke d amon g th e more importan t supporter s o f th e Chirito n company . Thes e backers entere d int o individua l bargains wit h th e farmer s a s i t suited thei r convenience , bu t the y exacte d a stif f pric e fo r thi s support. The y als o carefull y avoide d anythin g tha t migh t seri ously involv e them in the liabilities of the farmer s t o th e crow n 1

The Bardi of Florence possessed in 1318 assets valued at 875,000 florins (equivalent, a t th e rat e o f 35 . t o i florin , t o £131,250) . Cf . A . Sapori , La Crisi delle Compagnle Mercamili de l Bardi e del Peruffl (Florence , 1926) , p. 216 . 2 Exchequer Plea R., E. 13/78 , mm. 34-5; see also a list of debts in Sayles, he. clt.y pp. 196-8 . 3 A. Beardwood, Allen Merchants In England, ijSo t o 2377 (Cambridge, Mass., 1931) , pp. 17-21 , summarizes the mai n fact s o f Limberg's career.

X 6 TH

E ENGLISH FARMERS OF THE CUSTOMS, 1343-51

or in any other compromising contracts. We know, for example, of one loan contracted by Chiriton and Co. through the brokerage of Picar d wher e th e mone y cam e fro m financier s wh o di d no t want thei r name s disclosed . Picar d persuade d Tideman n o f Limberg to figur e a s the ostensibl e lender, while Picard's name was likewise kept ou t o f the forma l contracts. 1 The Englis h farmer s o f th e custom s had thu s to len d mainly other people's money . Furthermore, as they lacked initially considerable resource s o f thei r own , the y neede d specia l financia l and trading privileges before they could assume the functions o f the king's bankers. Edwar d II I ha d to provid e th e assets on the security o f which the y migh t tr y t o borro w money . The y were middlemen artificially boosted u p by the king so that they might be able to raise money from peopl e who would not hav e lent to the government directly . The custom s formed the chie f asset entruste d b y th e kin g t o these English companies. For thi s concession the y had to pay to the crown a fixed annual rent o f £50,000, but they could also be required, i n addition , t o advanc e loans . A petitio n o f th e com mons i n 134 8 estimate d th e annua l revenu e fro m th e wartim e subsidy a t £6o,ooo. 2 Corroborativ e evidenc e is provided by th e account of the sureties of Chiriton and Co., who in their character as custodes o f the custom s ha d to accoun t fo r everything. I n th e fiscal year 1350- 1 th e ancien t custo m an d the subsid y together yielded i n thei r hand s £78,95 8 (o n 34,69 4 sacks). 3 Th e annua l expenses o f collecting th e custom s did not excee d about £700.* Thus the farmers could reckon in a normal year on a considerable profit fro m th e differenc e betwee n the total yield o f the customs and the rent of £50,000 due to the king. But in practice they had to forgo much of this profit in favour of their own creditors. Th e customs formed the principal foundation for the credit operations of the farmers. The anticipate d revenu e from th e customs could be assigne d i n advanc e t o creditors . Indeed , th e farmer s wen t 1

Exchequer Plea R., E. 13/78 , m. 116. Rot\uli] Parl\iamentorum\, ii. 200 (no. 4) . 3 K.R. Customs Ace., E. 122/158/37, and L.T.R. Memoranda R. 30 Edw. Ill, Recorda, Michaelmas, m. i8d. 4 E. 122/158/37 . Th e regula r expenses were assesse d a t £631 6s . 8d. a year. I n tw o an d a hal f year s th e keeper s o f th e custom s actuall y spen t £i,718 6s. 8d. (including some extraordinary expenditure). 2

THE ENGLISH FARMERS OF THE CUSTOMS, 1343-5 1 X

7

further still , an d allowe d som e o f thei r speciall y favoure d sup porters to expor t wool fre e o f duty or paying duty a t privilege d rates. Thus , Chiriton' s fir m allowe d creditor s rebate s o n th e customs amountin g t o 20 % o r eve n 33^% . Chirito n an d Co . obviously assume d tha t the y coul d d o a s the y like d wit h th e customs as long a s they paid the fixed annual rent for them. But they were also clearly aware that such rebates were illegal without proper roya l authorizatio n an d the y trie d t o cove r u p thes e irregularities b y orderin g thei r agent s a t harbours t o mak e fals e entries in th e records . A lette r fro m Swanlan d t o th e collector s of custom s at Lyn n rebuke s them fo r thei r refusa l t o carr y ou t one of these orders.1 When many years later these practices were discovered b y th e exchequer , i t institute d crimina l proceeding s against th e culprits. 2 During prolonge d period s thes e Englis h companie s enjoye d also th e monopol y o f woo l export . Furthermore , Chirito n an d Wesenham handled between them the forced loan of 20,000 sacks of wool levied by the crown in 1347. It was complained in parliament that they secured this contract o n terms very favourable to themselves.3 Severa l lengthy embargoe s on export were imposed in order to rais e the price of wool abroad and enhance the profit s of the monopolists. During those periods only our financiers and their privilege d creditor s wer e allowe d t o shi p woo l abroad . According to a petition of the commons, others might be allowed to expor t onl y i f the y pai d t o th e farmers , i n additio n t o th e custom an d subsidy , a furthe r 'loan ' o f 2 mark s pe r sack. 4 Chiriton's correspondence wit h his agents confirm s th e trut h of these allegations.5 Thus the concession of the farm of the customs to Englis h busines s men became the startin g point fo r a whol e series o f arrangement s tha t gav e th e farmer s fairl y complet e control ove r th e entire wool trade . The farmer s enjoye d yet anothe r sourc e o f profit. They were given licence s t o buy up , a t a discount, ol d royal debts . A vas t 1

E. 122/7/8 no. ii. Several other mandates about the rebates on customs in th e same file. 2 Exchequer Ple a R. , E. 13/75 , m. 21 and E. 13/79 , m. 99; K.R. Memor anda R . 4 1 Edw. Ill, Recorda, Easter, m . 7. 3 Rot. Part., ii. 170 (no. 49) . 4 Ibid., pp. 16 9 (no. 38) , 20 1 (no. 8) . 5 K.R. Custom s Ace. , E. 122/149/3.

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mass o f suc h debt s ha d accumulate d sinc e th e outbrea k o f th e war i n 1337 . B y 134 3 i t wa s becomin g clea r t o mos t o f th e creditors tha t in the ordinary course of events they woul d neve r get thei r mone y back . Th e effort s o f th e woo l merchant s t o recover th e Dordrecht debt s had produced the first Melchebourn company in that year. By September 134 4 the idea arose of allowing th e Englis h financiers to reliev e th e kin g o f othe r debt s as well. They bought them up at a discount and secured an allowance in the far m o f the customs for th e ful l fac e valu e of the debt s so redeemed. Her e i s one concrete example . John Wesenha m owed to th e kin g fo r th e far m o f th e custom s during fifteen months £62,000. But he was allowed to contribut e £20,000 out o f this total i n restored roya l bonds, s o that he was obliged t o provid e in cash only £42,000. The profit s o f the English companie s thus partly depende d o n th e rat e o f discoun t a t whic h the y coul d acquire royal obligations. Th e common s complained in 1348 that royal debt s were being bough t u p fo r is . o r 2s . in th e pound. 1 This was an entirely justified accusation. The exchequer accepted in 135 2 the testimon y of several trustworthy witnesses that nor mally 2S. or 2s . 6d. i n th e poun d wer e paid , bu t seldo m more. 2 But th e farmer s di d no t hav e everything thei r ow n wa y i n thi s matter. Th e suppl y o f smal l debts wa s considerable, bu t bond s for large r amount s were not s o easy to acquire, and as they were usually held by more important people they were likely to be relatively more expensive. Furthermore, the farmers had to forgo some of their profi t fro m thi s source by havin g t o sub-contrac t a part of their lucrativ e privilege t o thei r ow n creditors. B y conceding to th e farmers th e right t o obtai n profit i n this way, Edward II I was avoiding the necessity of paying much interest on their loans to him. Here was a profitable wa y of getting ne w money out o f old debts. 3 The mai n features of the royal dealings with the farmers o f the customs migh t b e summe d u p a s follows . Th e wa r brough t a considerable increas e i n th e revenu e fro m th e customs . Thi s provided special opportunities for royal borrowing fro m financiers 1

Rot. Parl.j ii . 170 (no. 49) . 'Testatum es t per plure s fidedignos quod communite r libra empt a fui t pro iis . e t iis. vid . e t raro a d plus': K.R. Custom s Ace. , E. 122/158/37 . 3 Royal debt s amountin g t o a t leas t £84,00 0 wer e redeeme d b y th e farmers an d som e other English financiers between 134 3 and 1355 . 2

THE ENGLISH FARMER S OF THE CUSTOMS, 1343-51 X

9

who did not possess ver y muc h capital of their own , tha t is the English merchant s a s oppose d t o th e riche r Italia n firms . Th e manipulation o f th e woo l trad e supplie d furthe r chance s o f monopoly profits , but thi s wa s bound t o exasperat e th e other , lesser English merchants and to hurt the interests of the producers of wool. The large amount of floating royal debt gave Edward III unusual opportunities for remunerating lenders without any great cost t o th e crown . Bu t this produce d a wave o f speculatio n i n royal bond s an d debenture s tha t increase d considerabl y th e unpopularity o f the English farmer s o f the customs. II

The Englis h syndicat e created in 1343 , though ostensibl y led by Thoma s Melchebourn , wa s really founded b y Willia m de la Pole o f Hull. 1 Inceptor, fundator, an d principalis socius eiusdem societatis are some of th e term s used by hi s partners abou t him. In 1343-4 his associates were, however, obviousl y nervou s about the real intentions of their masterful 'chairman ' and showed their distrust by trying to bind him by a series of detailed promises to pursue the collective good o f their firm.2 It is probable that Pol e was chiefly actuated in 134 3 by a desire to recove r th e favour o f the king which he had forfeite d sinc e 1340 . He had been one of the founder s o f th e Englis h woo l compan y o f 133 7 an d th e king blamed him for the miscarriage of that scheme. He was one of th e official s an d financier s arreste d b y Edwar d II I o n 3 0 November 1340 , an d wa s detaine d i n priso n unti l Ma y 1342 , longer tha n any othe r victim. 3 Pole' s mai n remainin g asset was his capacity to influence the other English merchants. By creating a ne w Englis h compan y i n 134 3 h e manage d t o convinc e Edward II I o f his continue d usefulness t o th e crown. 4 H e was 1

No satisfactor y lif e o f Pol e exists . Th e lates t biograph y i s i n A . S . Harvey, Th e d e la Pole family o f Kingston upon Hull (Eas t Yorkshire Local History Society, 1957) . 2 All th e foregoin g evidenc e o n Pole' s relation s wit h hi s partner s i s derived fro m Sayles , loc. cit. 3 E. B . Fryde, 'Edwar d Ill's Wool Monopol y o f 1337' , History, xxxvi i (1952). 4 Pole tried to persuade the king of the potential valu e of his services while he was still i n prison (Ancien t Petitions, S.C. 8 , no. 3369) .

X 1 0 TH

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restored t o royal favour i n the spring of I344. 1 In Jul y 134 4 th e previous judicia l proceeding s agains t hi m wer e annulled . Pole used th e ne w company for hi s ow n end s in ye t anothe r way. Sinc e hi s disgrac e i n 134 0 h e coul d no t recove r th e larg e debts owe d t o him by th e king. Therefore , tw o day s before th e formal launchin g of the Melchebourn company, he sold t o i t his outstanding Dordrech t debt . It amounted to £2,039 an<^ ne so^ it for £2,000, of which £1,200 were paid to him fairly promptl y by the company. He omitted t o disclose to his collaborators tha t he had , i n fact , alread y recovere d £63 6 o n thi s bon d i n 1339 . When the y discovere d thi s man y year s late r the y trie d t o prosecute Pole. 2 After Pol e was rehabilitated an d was allowed to assume openl y the leadershi p o f th e company , startlin g change s followed . I n August 134 4 h e wa s authorize d b y th e kin g t o reorganiz e th e Melchebourn syndicat e a s h e sa w fit . Fro m a n associatio n o f thirty-three member s it shran k t o a group o f seve n active part ners.3 Th e retirin g associate s wer e awarde d compensation , bu t years late r on e o f the m complaine d tha t h e ha d onl y receive d half the promised sum.4 I n March 1345 th e reorganized company assumed the farm.of th e customs and this arrangement was made retrospective fro m midsumme r 1343 . Furthermore , i n Marc h 1345 Pole's new firm was conceded the right t o redee m all kinds of roya l debts . Hencefort h all the successiv e companies farmin g the customs enjoye d this privilege. Pol e mus t be regarded a s the creator o f the farmin g scheme i n its final form, which remaine d henceforth substantiall y unaltere d unti l 1349 . The syndicat e reorganize d b y Pol e onl y laste d unti l Augus t 1345. The immediat e reason for its abandonment o f the farm was lack o f funds . I t ha d undertake n t o advanc e a loa n o f 20,00 0 marks t o th e king , bu t coul d no t rais e the necessar y money. I t had aske d Joh n Wesenha m t o len d hal f thi s sum , bu t h e ha d refused. Wesenha m demande d instea d tha t th e far m shoul d b e 1

Gifts o f valuable plat e by Pol e t o the king a t Easter 134 4 (Wetwang's wardrobe book , E . 101/390/12 , p. 50) ; royal orde r t o retur n Pole' s lands , 27 April 134 4 (CaL Close R. 2343-6, p. 311) . 2 Exchequer Ple a R. , E. 13/79, m. 59. 3 Pole, Thomas and William Melchebourn, Walter Chiriton , Walter Prest , Roger Wplesthor p and Henry Tideswell . The las t two should probabl y b e regarded a s persona l agent s o f Pole . 4 Sayles, loc. dt.^ p . 204.

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1 1

entirely handed over to him and this was done. In return, Wesenham agree d t o assum e the liabilitie s o f Pol e an d hi s associate s towards th e king.1 Pole now disappears from ou r story. Thereafter h e acted occasionally as an adviser to the royal government and he advanced personally loan s to th e crown, bu t h e was not publicly connected with any of the later English syndicates. Afte r 1345 he was not o n good term s with his former associate s and it is possibl e tha t th e collaps e o f th e Melchebour n compan y was, in reality , partl y du e to th e withdrawal of support b y Pole . I n 1353 he was accused of not bearing his share of the liabilities lef t behind by that company. 2 The ne w firm of John Wesenham appears to have been fairl y successful. It carried out all its undertakings to the king. It helped to finance the preparations for the victorious campaig n of 1346 . Like hi s predecessors , Wesenha m ha d t o borro w muc h fro m others. Thu s th e 20,00 0 mark s that h e had undertake n t o len d instead of the Melchebourns had to be borrowed in Flanders and transported to England. 3 His contract for the farm of the customs was du e t o expir e a t Michaelma s 1346 . Wesenha m coul d no t secure its renewal, because as early as May 1346 a rival group, led by Walte r Chirito n an d othe r forme r associate s o f the Melche bourns, had made a higher bid for it. According to the king they offered mor e tha n anybod y else. 4 Thi s cause d a n ope n quarre l between th e Chirito n grou p an d Wesenham 5 which wa s never entirely healed. The various backers of the farmers aligned themselves on differen t sides . These divisions were a source of weakness to the Chiriton grou p in later years.

Ill When Chiriton's grou p secured the farm of the customs in May 1346 by outbidding Wesenham, it could not have foreseen that it was committing itself to th e financing of the siege of Calais that would las t eleve n months . Chiriton' s so n claime d subsequently that his father's company had provided 100,00 0 marks (£66,666) 1

Exchequer Plea R., E. 13/78, mm. 34-5. 2 Sayles, loc. cit. Issue R. Michaelma s 1345-6 , E. 403/336, unde r 1 0 April 1346 . 4 L.T.R. Mem. R. 23 Edw. Ill, m. 164 : 'par cause qils ont pris noz dites custumes a ferme dune graunt somme par an plus haut q'autres y voudreient doner'. 6 Exchequer Plea R., E. 13/78 , m. 116. 3

X 1 2 TH

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for th e siege. 1 I t i s impossibl e t o disentangl e i n th e existin g accounts th e advance s i n Franc e fro m othe r payments , bu t Chiriton an d Co. supplie d to th e king between Michaelmas 1346 and hi s retur n t o Englan d o n 1 2 Octobe r 134 7 at leas t £55,000 and probabl y more . Thes e payment s ha d partl y t o b e mad e abroad an d ofte n i n a hurry. Transfers o f money fro m Englan d involved additiona l expense , whil e th e alternativ e o f borrowin g from 'Belgian' 2 an d Italian financiers in Flanders prove d excep tionally costly. Thus, four bargains at Bruges and Ghent involve d a los s o f 37 % o n nearl y £i6,ooo. 3 Debt s wer e incurre d tha t could no t be repaid at the stipulated time , so that costs mounte d up. Chiriton' s letter s speak of contracts that had to be broken at a heav y loss . Th e finances of Chirito n an d Co . neve r properl y recovered fro m thi s strain. The initia l concession o f the far m t o th e Chirito n grou p wa s due t o expir e at Michaelmas 1348. But already in May 1348 the y negotiated its renewal until Michaelmas 1351,* on conditions tha t they wer e probabl y incapabl e o f fulfilling . Ther e ar e severa l indications tha t the y wer e i n seriou s difficultie s alread y i n th e spring an d earl y summe r o f 1348 , som e month s befor e th e epidemic of plague spread in England. I t ma y be that the y were trying t o cling at all costs to the farm as the only way of repairing their fortunes. There are multiple reason s for thi s pessimism about the prospects o f Chiriton's fir m i n May 1348 . The far m wa s renewed o n 2 May 1348 . O n th e followin g day a very distressin g letter wa s sent by Chiriton an d Swanland to one of their chief collaborator s in Flanders . The y tol d hi m t o abando n clot h value d a t £1,800 pledged t o moneylenders a t Ghent , becaus e there was no mone y to redeem it.6 In July 1348 Chiriton had to repledge to Wesenham and th e ear l o f Arunde l th e king' s grea t crow n fo r a loa n o f £4,ooo.6 O f stil l greater significanc e is the failur e o f the farmer s to fulfil on e of the essential conditions for the renewal of the farm. 1

Ancient Petitions , S.C . 8/ui , no. 5519. They were in all likelihood Flemings , but ma y have been Brabanters . 3 A statement of Chiriton and Co. about their losses, K.R. Custom s Ace., E. 122/197/4 , file 4. 4 A third partner, Gilbert Wendlyngburgh, joined Chiriton and Swanland. 5 E. 122/197/4 , file 3, no. 15 : 'et lessez les draps estre perditz qar nous ne porroms qant a ore faire le paiement'. 6 L.T.R. Mem. R . 23 Edw. Ill , m. 163 . 2

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They had undertaken to advance to the king an additional loan of £20,000 between May and October 1348 . If they carried ou t thi s payment punctually, the y were promised a n allowance of £8,000 in th e far m o f the customs , a s a royal 'gift ' (i.e . interes t o n th e loan). Bu t in spit e of strenuous efforts the y were unabl e to pa y more tha n £17,90 0 b y Michaelma s 1348 . A s a result , th e exchequer refuse d t o giv e the m th e stipulate d allowanc e o f £8,000. * It i s important to stres s that already before Michaelmas 1348, tha t i s before th e plagu e ha d affecte d th e Englis h expor t trade from the eastern harbours, Chiriton's firm proved incapabl e of carrying out properl y a vital contract. Chiriton and Co . ha d increased their indebtedness in 134 8 b y an unlucky speculation in wool. I t i s best described in the words of the exchequer officials. They recorded that on various occasions in 134 7 and 134 8 fre e expor t wa s stopped 'a t th e reques t o f th e farmers themselve s s o tha t the y coul d bu y thei r wool s mor e cheaply i n Englan d an d sel l the m mor e dearl y abroad'. 2 Th e longest o f these embargoes lasted for a year, fro m Octobe r 134 7 to Octobe r 1348 , whe n Chirito n wa s als o engage d i n sellin g royal wool fro m th e wool levy of 1347 . The stoppag e of export was neve r entirel y complete , a s shipment s b y Chiriton' s privileged creditor s stil l continued . Thu s durin g a n entir e yea r Chiriton's compan y ha d littl e or n o revenu e fro m th e customs . According to a later statement of Chiriton's son, during that year his father' s firm had t o pa y t o th e kin g ove r £35,000 , non e of which could be raised from th e customs, but had to be borrowed at a loss.3 Some confirmation comes from th e records o f dealings between Chiriton' s syndicat e an d the merchant s of York le d by John Goldbeter . Thi s importan t grou p o f Chiriton' s creditor s advanced around £20,000 between March 134 7 and August 1348 , mainly t o financ e payment s in Flanders . The y wer e promise d repayment ou t of the customs. They recovered a certain amount by being permitted to export their own wool despite the embargo. Most o f the repaymen t was delayed, however, unti l August an d September 134 8 when, for the first time, considerable sums were 1

K.R. Mem. R. 23 Edw. Ill, mm. nod-iii. L.T.R. Mem. R. 26 Edw. Ill, m. 239d: 'arrestum huiusmodi. . . factum fuit a d procuracionem ipsorum mercatorum ut ipsi lanas suas in Anglia foro meliori emere et postmodum carius vendere possent in partibus transmarinis'. 3 E. 122/158/14 . 2

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paid to them by the collectors o f customs at east coast harbours. 1 Even then not all the debts to Goldbete r coul d be repaid: £3,600 were stil l due t o hi m afte r Chiriton' s bankruptcy. 2 By th e summe r o f 134 8 Chiriton' s fir m ha d mortgage d it s future i n yet another way. Initially the farmers had attached great value t o thei r privileg e o f purchasin g roya l debt s a t a discount. Early i n 134 7 Chirito n an d Co . wer e eve n buyin g u p th e roya l licences given t o othe r financiers for the sam e purpose.3 B y May 1348 the speculatio n in roya l debt s was turning int o a source of trouble rathe r tha n profit . I t wa s becomin g mor e difficul t t o acquire enoug h bond s an d debentures . Seriou s fraud s cam e t o light. Fake d wardrob e debenture s ha d bee n fabricate d i n som e quantity and had been offered t o the exchequer for repayment by various dealers. It was discovered tha t some debts had been repaid by th e crow n twic e over . I t als o transpire d that virtuall y all the Dordrecht bond s included payments for wool illegally smuggled. Prolonged inquirie s followe d a t th e exchequer. 4 Thi s wa s ver y discouraging t o Chiriton' s syndicate , whic h disclaime d al l re sponsibility fo r th e shortcoming s o f th e deed s tha t the y wer e bringing to the exchequer. As one royal letter puts it, Chiriton and Co. 'fea r to make such restitution becaus e those bills are found t o be fals e an d counterfeit'. 5 Therefore , i n th e agreemen t of 2 May 1348 their firm was given a respite until October 135 1 from having to accoun t fo r redeeme d royal debts . A t th e tim e of their bankruptcy i n Apri l 1349 , Chirito n an d Co . wer e obliged , unde r various agreement s wit h th e king , t o restor e roya l debt s t o th e total valu e o f £38,166 . Thes e obligation s ha d bee n largel y incurred already by Ma y 1348. It i s doubtful whethe r their com pany woul d hav e eve r bee n i n a positio n t o redee m thi s hug e 1

E. 122/197/4 and E. 122/7/8. Exchequer Ple a R. , E. 13/78 , mm. 18-19. 3 Col. Close R . 1346-9, p. 26 0 and Excheque r Ple a R. , E . 13/79 , mm . 17-18. 4 Forgeries of wardrobe bill s and dealings in them: Cal. Pat. R . 1345-8, p. 117 ; A. Steel , 'Th e Negotiation o f Wardrobe Debenture s i n the Four teenth Century' , Eng. Hist. Rev., xliv (1929) ; G . O . Sayles , ' A Deale r in Wardrobe Bills' , Econ. Hist. Rev., ii i (1931) . Dordrech t bonds : L.T.R . Mem. R. 24 Edw. Ill, mm. 234-5. For a shocking cas e of double repaymen t see K.R. Mem . R . 2 3 Edw. Ill , Recorda, Hilary, mm . 6-8 (Pau l d e Mont e Florum an d John Pulteney) . Appointment o f a special excheque r officia l t o scrutinize restored roya l obligations, K.R . Mem. R. 27 Edw. Ill, mm. 137-9. 6 Cal. Close R. 1346-9, p. 606 . 2

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amount of debt. Their sureties had ultimately to be excused mos t Clearly much was amiss in the affairs of Chiriton and Co. in the summer o f 1348 . Whe n thei r compan y collapse d i n Apri l 1349 , its mai n deb t t o th e kin g consiste d o f th e arrear s o f th e far m for th e yea r fro m Michaelma s 134 7 t o Michaelma s 134 8 (ove r j£2i,5oo).2 Without an epidemic of plague spreading ove r muc h of souther n Englan d i n th e autum n o f 134 8 the y coul d hav e probably carrie d on their business, but thei r position woul d hav e continued t o be difficult. Chirito n an d Co. had been presumabl y reckoning o n an improvement in their situation afte r fre e expor t of wool was resumed at Michaelmas 1348 and the customs bega n to yield again much revenue. This would have permitted them to reduce thei r debt s an d t o improv e thei r credit . Instea d cam e a temporary but ver y seriou s dislocatio n of trade as the pestilenc e spread. Chirito n an d Co . wer e to o enfeeble d t o surviv e thi s emergency. Betwee n October 1348 and March 1349 their firm was displaying clea r signs of distress. The y defaulted on a number o f payments. The y faile d eve n t o carr y ou t th e assignment s i n favour o f Princ e Edwar d an d Henry , ear l o f Lancaster , who m above al l they mus t have desired to satisfy. 3 Chiriton' s creditor s demanded tangibl e securitie s an d valuabl e asset s ha d t o b e pledged t o them . Amon g othe r things , hi s fir m ha d t o paw n to its creditors severa l exchequer tallies of assignment (draw n o n Chiriton and Co.) t o a total value of £13,000. These assignment s had bee n executed by Chiriton' s company , but unti l it produce d the tallie s at th e exchequer , i t coul d no t b e credite d wit h thos e payments b y th e crown. 4 Th e company' s creditor s kne w tha t Chiriton an d Co . woul d mak e every effor t t o recove r th e tallies . Chiriton's failur e t o d o s o i s a clea r indicatio n o f th e virtua l bankruptcy o f his firm. The en d came in March and April 1349 , 1

L.T.R. Mem. R. 24 Edw. Ill, mm. 32(3-33. L.T.R. Mem . R. 2 3 Edw. Ill , mm . i62d-i64 . Thi s wa s the deb t fo r which they were imprisoned . 3 L.T.R. Mem. R. 26 Edw. Ill, m. 239d (assignment o f j£i,ooo in favour of the Blac k Prince), m . 241 (assignment of £5,000 in favou r o f the earl of Lancaster). 4 Memoranda Rolls : E . 159/125 , mm . iiod-ni ; E . 368/122 , m . 240 ; E. 368/124, mm. 238-41. The creditor s were Henry Picard, Joh n Pulteney , Nicholas Picket , Ada m Frauncey s an d Joh n Pyel , al l of London , Walte r Payl of Melton Mowbray an d Willia m Pembridge . 2

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when the plague was at its height in London.1 On 2 1 April 134 9 the kin g hande d ove r th e custom s to a new group actin g as the sureties o f Chirito n an d Co . The y wer e t o carr y o n wit h Chiriton's contract for the rest of its duration, and they undertook to us e any surplu s over an d abov e th e annua l farm t o pa y back Chiriton's debts to the king. The sureties were not to repay other debts du e to the personal creditors o f Chiriton's company . The falle n farmer s wer e neve r abl e to discharg e the liabilities incurred befor e Apri l 1349 . They were imprisoned in June 134 9 for thei r debt s t o th e crown. 2 The y ha d bee n makin g franti c attempts t o satisf y thei r privat e creditor s firs t an d wer e thu s diverting assets that should have gone to the king. Their sureties regarded them with enmity for this reason and this was apparently the caus e o f th e length y imprisonmen t o f Chirito n an d Swan land.3 The y wer e released onl y i n Jun e o r Jul y 1351. 4 Al l their property remaine d permanentl y in th e king' s hands . Malwayn's grou p woun d u p successfull y it s custod y o f th e customs a t Michaelma s 135 1 an d eve n achieve d a surplu s o f £14,279 ove r a period o f two an d a half years . A s lon g a s th e farm o f th e custom s was divorce d fro m mor e reckles s ventures , it clearly could still be a paying proposition. A t Michaelmas 1351 Malwayn wa s retaine d fo r anothe r yea r i n th e roya l servic e a s 'keeper o f th e customs' , bu t resigne d thi s commissio n alread y at Easte r I352. 5 Hencefort h fo r nearl y twent y year s n o singl e English merchant or group of merchants wanted to be responsible for th e customs . The farmin g o f th e custom s an d th e financia l scheme s con nected wit h it profited onl y a small group o f business men at the expense of most othe r economi c interests in England. The woo l producers, th e lesse r merchant s an d th e majorit y o f th e roya l creditors wer e especially bound t o suffer . Th e Englis h financiers behaved i n a n arbitrar y an d unscrupulou s wa y whic h increased 1

Orders t o sheriff s t o seiz e th e land s an d good s o f Chirito n an d Co. , 15 Marc h 134 9 (CaL Close R. 1349-54, p. 61) . 2 L.T.R. Mem. R. 23 Edw. Ill, mm. 162^64. 3 Malwayn's statemen t i n Novembe r 135 5 (E . 122/158/38 , m . i) . Fo r examples o f th e 'misbehaviour' o f Chirito n an d Co . se e Excheque r Ple a Rolls, E . 13/75 , mm . I2d-i4 , an d mm . 29-31 , E . 13/7 6 m . 4 , an d CaL Patent R. 1350-4, pp. 265-6. 4 L.T.R. Mem. R. 24 Edw. Ill, m. 240. 5 L.T.R. Customs Ace. , E. 356/4, m. 3.

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still furthe r thei r unpopularity . Ther e were repeate d complaint s in parliament s abou t thei r conduc t an d abou t th e abuse s the y perpetrated o r at least condoned. What their countrymen though t about them was shown most clearly in September 1353. A Grea t Council procure d fro m th e king an ordinance prohibiting export of wool and other staple English articles by Englishmen, Irishme n and Welshmen o n pain of life and limb and of the confiscation of all good s an d chattels. 1 Thi s wa s enacte d t o pu t a n en d t o al l monopolies controlle d b y th e English financier s an d t o preven t their emergence i n the future. Durin g the next four years foreign merchants alon e controlle d England' s foreig n trade . A fiscal arrangement that had provoked suc h deep enmity might not have endured muc h longer eve n without th e accident of the plague of 1348-9. 1

Rot. Par!., ii. 246-53 (especiall y no. 6, p. 247) .

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XI

SOME BUSINES S TRANSACTION S OF YOR K MERCHANTS , 1336-134 9 On i jth March 1349 , Edward III ordere d the seizure of the lands and goods o f Walte r Chirito n an d hi s partners , farmer s o f th e custom s a t all th e Englis h harbour s since 1347 . The y ha d rendere d great services in th e past , bu t the y wer e no w unabl e t o discharg e an y longe r thei r obligations to th e royal government. On 2is t April a group of sureties, headed b y John Malwayn , took ove r th e unexpire d portion o f the con tract wit h th e king. 1 Chiriton's bankrupt company promised to disclos e to the king and to Malway n and Co. the names of all its debtors, s o that by prosecutin g the m th e roya l government migh t recove r som e o f th e money due to Edwar d II I fro m th e falle n farmer s o f the customs . Th e resultant lega l proceedings make a sorr y tale . Chiriton an d hi s partners were now desperate. They had nothing to lose and might gain somethin g by impleadin g man y people with who m they had had som e dealings i n the past . Ther e wa s no roo m for loyalt y to ol d associate s or gratitud e for service s rendere d ove r man y years. 2 A fe w prosecution s wer e suc cessful an d i n thi s wa y th e kin g acquire d claim s t o debt s totallin g £1627 35 . 8d. 3 In some other trial s the cas e fo r th e crown brok e down . To on e suc h apparently unjustified prosecutio n w e owe the surviva l of a valuabl e collection o f record s concernin g th e dealing s o f th e farmer s with a n important grou p o f merchant s o f York , wh o ha d collaborate d with the m in 1347-49 . In th e course of the trial, whic h lasted fro m 2n d November 135 2 to a t least 23rd April 1353 , John Goldbete r surrendere d numerous document s arisin g ou t o f his bargains wit h Chirito n an d Co. 1 E . B. Fryde, ' The English Farmers of the Customs, 1343-5 1 ', T . R. Hist. S., 5th ser. , I X (1959) , pp . 15-16 . [Quote d hencefort h a s Fryde , T.I? . Hist. S . (1959)]. 2 Th e trials are scattered through the Exchequer Memoranda Rolls and Exchequer Plea Roll s fro m 134 9 onwards . A good publishe d illustratio n i s provide d b y G. O . Sayles, " The ' English Compan y ' o f 134 3 an d a Merchants ' Oat h ", Speculum, V I (1931) , pp. 177-20 5 (cas e of William de la Pole) . Se e also E. B . Fryde,' The Last Trials of William de la Pole ', Econ. H.R., 2nd ser., XV (1962). pp. 26-7 . 3 Th e ' gains ' ar e enumerated i n an account o f John Malwayn , K.R . Custom s Ace., E . 122/158/3 7 an d i n th e recor d o f Malwayn' s trial , L.T.R . Mem . r. , E. 358/128 , recorda , Michaelma s t. , m . 1 7 v. The relevant trial s wer e : (I) Joh n Pye l of London, K.R . Mem. r., E. 159/12 6 m . 12 4 r. an d v. (1350) and E . 13/7 8 m. 105 (1353) in which he declared that the farmer s of the customs deserved to be drawn and hanged. See also Cal. Pat. R. 1350-54, pp. 265-6 . (II) Walte r Pay l of Melton Mowbray , Exch . Plea, r., E . 13/75 , mm . 29-3 1 (1350). (III) Willia m Acastr e o f York, E . 13/7 7 mm . 57 v. an d 6 5 (1352) . (IV) Smugglin g of wool at Hull , E. 13/7 5 m. 21 r. and v . and E. 13/7 9 m. 99 (1350 an d 1354) .

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They for m ou r mos t important source. 4 Bu t thi s i s not th e en d o f ou r debt, a s historians, t o these otherwise deplorable proceedings. Th e trials continued fo r man y year s an d ha d wid e ramifications . Th e excheque r learnt variou s ne w fact s whic h justifie d a further cro p o f prosecutions. Also, ther e remained a legac y o f bitte r feud s amon g th e Englis h mer chants, whic h le d som e o f the m t o mak e disclosure s highly damagin g to forme r associates. In on e suc h trial, i n 1367 , Richard Barry of York , once a trusted agen t o f John Goldbete r a t Lynn , bu t no w turne d int o a prosecuto r fo r th e crown , produce d strang e ne w informatio n abou t the transaction s i n 1347-49 . Thi s force d Chiriton' s erstwhil e deput y at Lynn t o surrende r ye t anothe r collectio n o f documents , whic h for m a very valuabl e supplemen t t o ou r othe r source s o f evidence. 5 Walter Chirito n an d Co . playe d a n importan t par t i n financin g th e siege o f Calais , which laste d eleve n month s i n 1346-7 . Late r on , the y undertook th e repaymen t of th e roya l debts t o Edward' s foreig n allie s and t o th e leadin g Englis h magnates . During th e sieg e o f Calai s ready money wa s neede d i n Flander s : Joh n Goldbeter' s group , a s woo l exporters, dispose d of fund s a t Bruge s o r wer e abl e t o borro w there . In 1348 , Goldbeter' s service s continue d t o b e indispensable in helpin g to repay the loans contracted b y Chiriton and Co. from various Germans, Italians, an d Flemings . Altogethe r nearl y one-sixt h o f th e £126,00 0 raised by Chiriton and Co. for the king in 1346-4 9 came from Goldbete r and his partners. I n repayment , Chiriton' s compan y handed over t o th e York Merchant s revenu e fro m th e custom s an d als o gav e the m per mission t o expor t considerabl e quantitie s o f woo l fre e o f charge. C-rold beter an d his partners possibly used these licences onl y in part fo r thei r own woo l and may have sold to othe r merchant s at a profit th e righ t t o export the rest. The York merchants drove hard bargains with Chiriton , who ha d t o surrende r t o the m othe r profitabl e rights a s well. Al l thi s resulted i n arrangement s o f grea t complexit y an d subtlety . Th e whol e series o f transaction s deserve s detaile d study , becaus e i t reveal s wit h unusual clarity the mechanism of credit dealings between both Londoner s and provincia l merchant s an d disclose s an impressiv e degree of sophis tication i n thei r busines s methods. 6 The fulles t lis t o f the partners of John Goldbete r i n 1347-4 9 is give n at the en d of the trial of 1 3 5 3, when Chiriton an d Co. had to acquit them of al l further liabilit y fo r pas t bargains. 7 Goldbeter' s associate s were : Thomas York, William Acastre, John Rouston, William Skelton, Thoma s 4 Trial : Exch . Plea r. , E . 13/7 8 mm. 18-19. Surrendered document s : K.R . Custom s Ace. , E . 122/197/ 4 (th e mai n col lection, delivere d o n 23r d Apri l 1353) . Othe r record s surrendere d apparentl y on the sam e occasion are in E. 122/58/6 , E. 122/149/ 3 and E. 122/158/13 . 5 Trial : K.R . Mem . r., E . 159/143 , recorda , Easte r m. 7. Surrendered document s : K.R. Exch . Custom s Ace., E . 122/7/ 8 (se e endorse ments recordin g deliver y b y Richar d Barr y o r by Willia m Malwayn, the col lector o f custom s a t Lynn) . 6 Fo r more details see Fryde, T.R. Hist. S. (1959 ) and infra. 7 E . 13/7 8 m . 1 9 r. an d 1 9 v.

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Lindsey, Ada m Lutrington , Roge r Hovingha m an d Willia m Haxby . Their associatio n in busines s was of long standing . The thre e me n wh o seem t o hav e bee n th e mos t important , Goldbeter , Acastr e an d York , were partner s i n a numbe r o f transaction s a s fa r bac k a s 1339-41 , a s were also Lindsey and Skelton ; Goldbeter and Acastre appeared together in a t leas t five ventures durin g thos e years. 8 In 1347-4 8 Goldbete r an d Yor k wer e activ e i n Flanders , Thoma s Lindsey mad e payments at th e roya l camp before Calais , whil e Acastr e repeatedly figure s a s a part y t o agreement s conclude d i n London. 9 Acastre may have been an older man than Goldbeter an d he died between 1350 and 1352 , leaving to his executors goods up to the value of £iooo.10 He wa s probabl y th e fathe r o f John , bailif f o f Yor k i n 135 8 an d twic e the mayo r of the cit y (i n 136 4 and I379). 11 The reconstructio n o f th e caree r o f Joh n Goldbete r present s diffi culties becaus e there wer e at leas t two me n o f tha t nam e at York . I t i s assumed her e that John , junior , summone d on 24t h August 133 6 t o a n assembly o f merchant s a t Nottingham, 12 wa s th e sam e ma n a s John , son o f John , exportin g woo l i n 1343-45 13 an d wa s identica l wit h th e leader of the partnership that deal t with Chiriton and Co. A John Gold beter, wh o wa s a servan t and cousi n o f Henr y Goldbeter, wa s lying i n the summe r of 133 7 i n 'a dee p and obscur e prison amon g thieve s and murderers ' at Bruges, 14 a s the result of a general seizure of the Englis h merchants an d thei r goods , tha t ha d starte d in Flander s o n 26t h Sept ember 1 3 36.15 He was probably either ou r Joh n o r his father, though th e circumstances poin t t o th e younge r man . I t i s interestin g t o not e tha t in April 134 1 both Henry Goldbete r and Willia m Acastr e acted a s sureties fo r a Joh n Goldbete r accuse d o f smuggling. 16 A commo n interes t in venture s t o Flander s an d i n th e woo l trade , an d th e sam e capacit y for energeti c enterprise , unit e al l thi s evidence . Simila r interest s an d characteristics reappea r repeatedly between 133 7 and 136 4 in the mention s of illegal export and other unlawfu l act s by a John Goldbeter. 17 In some 8 Fo r detail s se e Table I . 9 Fo r Lindse y ' devant Caley s ', se e Exch. Ace . Var. , E . 101/128/3, no . 9. For the other s se e E. 122/197/4 , passim . 10 Exch . Plea r., E . 13/77 , m . 65. : ' usque a d summam 100 0 li'. 11 John' s widow , Isolda , founde d i n 138 3 a chantr y fo r Joh n an d William , hi s father, whos e heir John was (Cat. Pat. R. 1381-85, p. 318). For John' s mayoralty se e Th e Register o f th e Freemen o f th e City o f York, I , (Surtee s Soc. vol . 96, 1897) , pp. 57-9 . I ow e this and other informatio n concerning the Acastr e family t o th e kindnes s o f Professo r Edwar d Miller . 12 Reports from th e Lords Committees touching th e Dignity o f a Peer o f th e Realm, IV (1829 , p . 464.) 13 Accoun t o f Willia m Melchebur n an d Co. , farmer s o f th e custom s 1343-45 , L.T.R. Customs Ace., E . 356/4 , m. l ; Cal. Close R. 1343-46, p. 400. 14 Ancien t Petitions no. 2458, dated by reference to Cal. Close R. 1337-39, p. 74 (4th Jun e 1337) . 15 Dat e o f seizures derived fro m Cal. Misc. Inq., II , nos . 1562 , 1593 , 1680 . 16 Ibid., no . 1772 . 17 Infra, passim .

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of thes e case s the identit y o f th e offende r wit h ou r her o ca n b e prove n and w e ar e therefor e incline d t o attribut e al l thes e escapade s t o him . A consisten t pictur e emerge s fro m al l this evidence , o f a ma n wh o wa s active fro m a t leas t 133 6 t o 1364 , a relativ e o f a leading citizen , Henr y Goldbeter (bailif f of York in 1 3 3 3 and mayo r in 134& 18) but neve r holding civic offic e himself , a daring , much-travelled , ingeniou s bu t somewha t unscrupulous merchant . In th e course o f two years, in 1347-48 , John Goldbete r an d his associates advanced to Chirito n and Co. at least £20,000, and probably more.19 In th e absenc e o f th e privat e record s o f th e Yor k merchants , i t i s impossible t o accoun t fo r thei r contro l ove r suc h vas t sum s o f money . But a review o f their dealing s wit h th e crow n sinc e the outbrea k o f th e war with Franc e in 133 7 may throw a little light o n the build-up o f their resources. W e ca n als o lear n somethin g abou t thei r personalitie s an d especially abou t th e waywar d enterprise s o f Joh n Goldbeter . At th e star t o f th e wa r th e roya l governmen t organize d a compan y of Englis h woo l merchant s endowe d wit h a monopol y o f export. 20 Merchants of York played a prominent par t in this venture. Henry Gold beter, th e cousi n o f John , wa s one o f the organizer s of the purchas e of wool i n England 21 and on e o f the me n in charg e o f th e 1844 ^ sack s of Yorkshire woo l tha t reache d Dordrech t i n th e autum n o f i337« 22 Th e future Yor k lender s t o Chirito n an d Co . are conspicuously absent fro m the lis t o f exporters , wit h th e exceptio n o f Joh n Goldbeter . Hi s shar e was, however , ver y tiny , consistin g o f 1 0 sarplar s ( 9 sack s 6 stone s o f wool), shippe d fro m Hul l o n 3r d October 1337 . However , wha t h e di d with this wool was exceptionally irregular. I n December 133 7 the Englis h merchants ha d quarrelled with th e roya l representative s in th e Nether lands an d th e latte r finall y embarke d o n a compulsor y purchas e o f al l the stock s o f woo l accumulate d a t Dordrech t an d Middelbur g ; th e envoys seize d altogethe r 11,414 ^ sacks . A t leas t a furthe r 30 0 sarplars were withheld b y the owners and disappeared. The whole of Goldbeter' s consignment wa s amon g th e woo l tha t thu s vanished. 23 H e the n proceeded t o commit a far graver offence. On e majo r cause of the dispute between th e merchant s an d Edwar d II I wa s th e roya l prohibitio n t o sell t o th e Flemings , wh o ha d bee n denie d Englis h woo l sinc e Augus t 1336 as a way of forcing Flander s to deser t th e French king. Thi s blockade was beginning t o achiev e the desire d result by the en d o f 1337 . Ou r 18 Cal. Close R . 1333-37, PP - 110-11 1 (Henr y Lorbatur , bailiff ) ; Freemen of York, Surtee s Soc . vol . 96 , p . 38. 19 Infra. 20 I have given a brief accoun t o f it in History, n . ser., XXXVI I (1952) , pp. 8-24 and i n Th e Wool Accounts o f William d e l a Pole (St . Anthony' s Hal l Publi cations, no . 25 , 1964) . The paragrap h tha t follow s is base d o n these articles. 21 Cal. Pat. R., i334~38, p. 480 . 22 L.T.R . Misc . Ace., (wool) , E . 358/1 0 m . 28. 23 K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/457/1 0 (lis t o f the missin g woo l delivere d a t the exchequer o n 13th Decembe r 1344 ) and K.R . Mem . r., E. 159/121 , recorda , Mich, t., m . 1 3 (trial s o f the offendin g merchants) . Cf . also th e nex t note .

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John Goldbete r i s the only merchant known to have sold to the Flemings the woo l tha t h e s o wilfully remove d fro m Dordrecht . Fo r thi s h e was fined £200 by the king , thoug h the fine was subsequently pardoned by Edward II I a t Antwer p o n i9t h Octobe r 1338. 24 During Edward' s firs t expeditio n t o th e Netherland s (i6t h Jul y 1338 - 2 1 st Februar y 1340 ) h e maintaine d himsel f chiefl y ou t o f loans . The tota l resource s availabl e to th e kin g abroa d durin g tha t perio d ca n be estimate d a t abou t £35o,ooo. 25 Les s tha n hal f o f thi s amoun t wa s supplied b y Englishmen . Willia m de l a Pol e o f Hul l provide d a t leas t £111,000, bu t h e admitte d late r tha t h e ha d mostl y borrowe d fro m others ; 26 thes e include d i n al l probabilit y severa l me n o f York . I t i s impossible t o establis h a completely satisfactor y lis t o f al l the advance s from th e othe r Englis h merchant s an d th e figure s tha t follo w ma y slightly underestimat e thei r tota l contribution 27: a t leas t £28,30 0 wer e provided b y them , th e shar e o f th e me n o f Yor k amountin g t o 30 % (at leas t £858 4 35 . 4d.) . Fiv e o f th e futur e partner s i n th e 1347-4 9 venture participated in 1338-41 in transactions whic h involved altogether at leas t £j22o. 28 A superficia l glanc e a t the detail s o f the dealing s between Edwar d II I and th e merchant s o f York , a s se t ou t i n Tabl e I, 29 might sugges t tha t Acastre, Joh n Goldbete r an d thei r fellow s mad e considerabl e profit s during thes e years . Som e gain s ther e probabl y were , resultin g i n a n increase in their capital resources. But there is a danger o f overestimatin g the exten t o f thei r success . Mos t o f thei r loan s wer e not repai d directl y by th e kin g i n soli d cash . Instead , th e merchant s wer e usuall y give n exemptions fro m th e paymen t o f custom an d subsidy , a t th e rat e o f £2 for eac h sac k exported b y them. Whether the y would b e able to mak e a large profit ou t of these concessions depende d on the stat e of the market for woo l in the Netherlands. Ther e wer e times, as in the winter o f 1339 40, whe n price s i n Flander s wer e disappointingl y low. 30 Direct receipt s fro m th e king in ready cash up to Ma y 1340 amounte d to onl y £133 9 us . 9d . The y consiste d o f tw o items . Willia m d e l a Pole wa s instructed i n August 133 9 to pa y John Goldbeter , Acastr e and Lindsey £1000, and did as ordered. Thi s covere d interes t o n one of their 24 Cal. Pat. R. 1338-40, p. 19 1 (pardon to Goldbeter ) an d Cal. Close R. 1346-49, pp. 18 7 and 24 1 (prosecutio n of Goldbeter in 134 7 for illicit export of 9 sack s 6 stones) . 25 Fryd e i n Rev. Beige d e Philologie e t d'Histoire, X L (1962) , pp . 1186-87 . 26 Fryd e i n Econ. H.R. (1962) , p . 17 . 27 Th e estimate s that follo w ar e derive d i n part fro m m y unpublished D . Phil , thesis on ' Edward Ill' s War Finance 1337-4 1 ' (1947 , cop y in the Bodleia n Library), pp . 430-39 . The y wil l b e mor e full y discusse d i n m y forthcomin g book o n th e sam e subject . 28 Tabl e I , nos . 1-6 , 8-10 . 29 Cf . th e appendi x a t th e en d o f this study . 30 Fo r a fall in the pric e of wool at Bruge s at th e en d of 1339, du e apparently t o a glut , se e Fryde, Wool Accounts o f William de la Pole, p. 12 .

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loans t o the king. Secondly , th e sam e merchants , wit h som e others , secured a n assignmen t o n th e custom s a t York , i n repaymen t o f a loa n of 200 0 marks . Fo r thi s purpos e a ne w customs ' offic e wa s speciall y reestablished at York. 32 Ou r merchant s conferred thereby a considerable boon o n al l their fellow citizens, by emancipating the me n of York fro m the unwelcom e scrutin y of the official s i n the riva l port o f Hull. Bu t th e financial exploitatio n o f th e custom s a t Yor k b y ou r grou p di d no t las t long. Afte r receivin g n o mor e tha n £33 9 us . 9d. 33, the y wer e sup planted b y th e Hanseati c merchants , wh o o n 8 Ma y 134 0 wer e give n control fo r severa l year s ove r th e entir e revenu e fro m th e custom s throughout England. 34 A t Yor k ou r merchant s a t firs t offere d som e resistance t o thi s chang e an d furthe r peremptor y orders ha d t o b e sen t on i Jun e t o pu t a n end to thei r disobedience. 35 In th e spac e o f th e tw o year s 1339-4 0 ou r grou p o f merchant s exported 2.66 7 sack s o f woo l fre e o f custom an d subsidy , including sub stantial quantitie s o f wool license d fo r expor t i n paymen t o f interest o n their loan s t o th e king. 36 But they were not enjoyin g a special privilege , because vas t quantitie s o f similarl y exempte d woo l wer e bein g sen t t o Antwerp an d Bruge s by othe r roya l creditors a s well. Indeed , i t ca n b e argued tha t durin g thos e year s exemption s wer e s o commo n tha t onl y those wh o ha d the m coul d sta y profitabl y i n th e trade . In additio n t o lawfu l export , Acastre , Skelton , Lindsey , Joh n Gold beter an d hi s cousi n Henry , a s wel l a s severa l othe r prominen t Yor k merchants, wer e persistentl y involved i n smugglin g wool . Th e raisin g of the dutie s o n expor t t o 408 . per sac k since th e autum n of 133 8 le d t o widespread smugglin g fro m th e entir e easter n seaboard 37 an d th e busi ness men of York were not untypica l in this repect . In Ma y 1339 Acastre secured a respite from judicia l proceedings against him for smugglin g ;38 this favou r ma y have bee n connected wit h hi s loan o f £2000, advance d to Edward III in the preceding month.39 An inquiry at Hull o n 3 1 Augus t 1340 reveale d tha t o n divers e occasion s Joh n an d Henr y Goldbeter , a s well a s th e brother s Willia m an d Richar d Acastre , ha d smuggle d a n aggregate o f 6 0 sarplars. 40 I t wa s fortunat e for the m tha t the y wer e a t that ver y tim e making valuable advances to the king in Flanders. 41 Thi s helped t o produc e a postponemen t o f th e proceeding s agains t the m i n 31 Tabl e I , no . 3 . 32 Ibid. no . 8 . 33 Ibid. 34 Cal. Close R. 1339-41, pp. 415-17 ; Fryde, T.R. Hist. S . (1959) , p. 2 and n . 3. 35 Cal. Close R . 1339-41, p . 417 . 36 Tabl e I , nos . 1-12 . 37 R . L . Baker , Th e English Customs Service, 1307-1343 (Philadelphia , 1961) , pp. 3 5 seq . 38 Cal. Pat. R . 1338-40, p . 252 . 39 Tabl e I , no . 3 . 40 Cal. Misc. Inq., II , no . 1728 . 41 Tabl e I , nos . 12-14 . Another advanc e o f ^800 was made b y Henr y Goldbete r (L.T.R. Wardrob e Ace. , E . 361/2 , m . 40).

YORK MERCHANTS, 1336-134 9

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December I340. 42 I n th e sprin g o f 134 1 Joh n Goldbete r wa s once mor e in troubl e fo r allege d smugglin g i n Februar y of that year. 43 I n Octobe r 1341 his cousin Henry gained a respite from the enforcement of an outlawry against hi m arisin g ou t o f lega l proceeding s fo r th e smugglin g o f 6 sacks. Servic e t o th e kin g wa s again invoked a s a ground fo r leniency. 44 The impunit y wit h whic h thes e leadin g citizen s o f Yor k coul d def y the roya l custom s i n 1340-41 , spran g fro m thei r knowledg e tha t sinc e the summe r o f 134 0 the y ha d becom e particularl y indispensabl e t o th e king. I n Jul y o f tha t yea r parliament conceded t o Edwar d II I a forced loan o f 20,00 0 sacks o f wool , t o b e levie d i n kind. 45 Mos t merchant s were reluctan t t o mak e loans o n th e securit y of this grant , becaus e they doubted th e government' s abilit y t o collec t it . Bu t it wa s made clear t o the king' s creditors tha t hel p a t thi s poin t migh t pav e th e wa y for th e repayment o f th e crown' s olde r debt s t o them . Severa l me n o f Yor k were induce d thereb y t o bargai n fo r thi s wool. 46 The y agree d t o mak e a speedy advance of stipulated sum s to the king in Flanders o n condition that, whe n woo l di d becom e available , the y shoul d receiv e a n amoun t equivalent i n valu e to a t least some part o f the olde r roya l debts a s well as th e ne w loans . Th e misgiving s abou t th e woo l lev y prove d full y justified an d ou r merchant s receive d almos t nothin g i n i34o. 47 Bu t the y advanced abroa d a t leas t £173 9 iys . id. 48, whic h forme d a welcom e addition t o Edward' s terribl y inadequat e resources. 49 Thei r rewar d came i n 1341 . A fres h parliamentar y gran t o f woo l becam e availabl e to th e king , collecte d thi s tim e a s a tax based on a precise assessment. 50 In 1341-4 2 i t yielde d nearl y 30,00 0 sacks. 51 Th e promis e abou t th e re payment of the olde r roya l debts was renewed in favour o f all those wh o were willin g t o mak e fres h bids fo r wool . Severa l me n o f Yor k too k advantage o f thi s concession , especiall y as the governmen t offere d sale s at price s an d o n term s ver y favourabl e t o th e buyers . The y handle d a total o f 189 0 sack s distribute d betwee n eigh t partnership s consistin g wholly or partly of York merchants. The me n who speciall y concern us , John Goldbeter , Acastre , Lindse y an d Skelton , participate d i n thre e groups whic h receive d 66 4 sack s value d a t ,£4188.52 42 Cal. Close R . 1339-41, p . 655 . 43 Cal. Misc. Inq., II , no . 177 2 an d Cal. Pat. R . 1340-43, pp. 212 , 308 . 44 Cal. Close R. 1341-43, p. 339 . I n Decembe r 134 1 he and tw o other merchant s paid to th e kin g ^500 for royal woo l that they had bough t (war . iss., E . 404 / 502/118). 45 Rot. Parliamentorum, II , pp . 118-19 , 12 2 and Treat y r. , C . 76/15, m . 16. 46 Rot. Parliamentorum, II , pp . 120-2 1 ; Cal. Close R . 1339-41, pp . 614-20 . 47 Cf . chapter VII I o f my thesi s (quote d supra, n . 27) . 48 Tabl e I , nos . 12-14 , wit h th e additio n o f ^800 advance d b y Henry Goldbeter (supra., n . 41) . 49 Cf . my thesi s (quote d supra, n . 27) , chapters I X an d X . 50 Rot. Parliamentorum, II , p . 13 1 and Treaty r., C . 76/16, m . 25. 51 L.T.R . Misc . Ace. (wool) , E . 358/10 , mm . 19-24 . 52 Fo r account s betwee n th e kin g an d th e merchant s se e ibid., mm . 25-6 . Se e also Table I , nos . 8 , 13-14 .

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Only tw o merchant s of York were members of the syndicat e founded by Willia m de la Pole i n 134 3 t o administe r the customs and redeem the so-called Dordrech t bonds , du e fo r th e woo l seize d b y th e kin g a t tha t town i n 1338 . Merchant s could recove r th e debt s du e to the m on thes e bonds eithe r b y exportin g woo l fre e o f custo m an d subsid y up t o th e amount require d t o extinguis h th e debt , o r b y sellin g th e bond s t o th e syndicate. Th e company' s tw o Yor k member s were Henr y Goldbeter , the relativ e o f John, an d Walte r Kelsterne . Bu t the y di d no t belon g t o the inne r circl e o f Pole's closes t associates and were removed when Pol e reorganized hi s company in I344. 53 The me n who speciall y concer n us , with th e sol e exceptio n of John Goldbeter , di d not expor t an y wool t o Dordrecht i n 133 7 an d were therefor e no t intereste d i n th e redemptio n of th e Dordrech t bonds . A s fo r Goldbeter , h e coul d no t receiv e an y Dordrecht bond s i n hi s ow n name , becaus e i n 133 8 h e ha d conceale d all his wool in Holland and had finally sold it wrongfully to the Flemings.54 But b y Jul y 134 3 h e ha d acquire d a bon d o f anothe r citize n o f York , Henry Scorby , alread y dead , an d h e proceeded t o recove r o n i t £13 3 6s. 8|d . b y exportin g woo l qui t o f custom and subsidy. 55 However by December 134 4 he was in trouble wit h Pole. Th e latter on 1 3 December 1344 denounce d hi m t o th e excheque r a s being amon g thos e wh o ha d withheld wool from th e king at Dordrecht seve n years earlier. 56 Lengthy proceedings followed and Goldbete r trie d t o avoi d judgemen t by failin g to appea r at the exchequer. At this juncture he may have been helped by his connexio n wit h Chiriton' s company . Chirito n an d Co . ha d bee n financing th e kin g sinc e Ma y 134 6 an d ha d secure d the far m o f the cus toms a t Michaelma s 1346.57 Acastre and Goldbete r wer e associated with them sinc e at least January i34y. 58 Thus, although Goldbete r go t briefl y imprisoned in the Fleet for defying the exchequer, a royal order of 5 March 1347 procured hi s release 59 and he was soon deepl y immersed in helping Chiriton an d Co. to serv e the kin g abroad. The besiegin g o f Calai s b y Edward II I ( 4 September 1346- 3 Augus t 1347) mad e Bruges into th e mai n centr e fo r financin g th e kin g durin g that period . Man y differen t lender s supplie d money. 60 Amon g others , Chiriton an d Co . advance d a t leas t £55,00 0 betwee n Septembe r 134 6 and the retur n of Edward to Englan d o n 1 2 October 1347 , most o f their

53 Sayles , he. cit., pp. 196 , 201 . 54 Supra, p . 55 L.T.R . Custom s Ace., E . 356/4 , m . 1 . (enrolle d ace . o f the 134 3 syndicate). 56 Supra, n . 23 . 57 Fryde , T.R. Hist. S. (1959) , p . 4 and n . 1. 58 Tabl e III , nos . I b an d 7. 59 K.R . Mem . r., E . 159/121 , recorda, Mich , t. , m . 1 3 ; Cal. Close R . 1346-49, pp. 187 , 241 . Goldbete r neve r ha d t o refun d th e valu e o f the missin g wool . 60 Accoun t of Rober t Burton , receive r o f the king's chamber , K.R . Exch . Ace . Var., E . 101/391/ 4 an d Pip e r., E . 372/194 , m . 43.

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payments being made in Flanders or in the English camp outside Calais.61 John Goldbeter, throug h hi s long-established connexio n wit h the expor t of wool t o Bruges , was exceptionally well fitted to giv e Chiriton's company valuabl e ai d there. On e o f Chiriton' s partners , Gilber t Wendlyng burgh resided permanently at Bruges during this period and he repeatedly enlisted Goldbeter's hel p as one of the guarantors of the loans contracted from foreig n financiers in Flanders. Th e letters tha t Walte r Chiriton and Thomas Swanlan d addresse d fro m Londo n t o ' their ver y dea r an d faithful frien d Joh n Goldbeter ' a t Bruges 62 ar e ful l o f gratitude fo r hi s assistance. Thus , he had agreed earl y in 134 7 that, i n case of non-repayment o f a deb t b y Wendlyngburgh , h e woul d becom e a prisone r a t Ghent unti l i t wa s discharged, an d th e farmer s thanke d hi m a s fully a s they coul d fo r hi s kindnes s an d generosity. 63 O n anothe r occasio n th e lenders, wh o wer e master s of th e municipa l pawnshop o f Bruge s (' la grande Caversin e '),64 beside s receivin g 40 0 sarplars o f woo l i n pledg e for a loa n o f £533 3 6s . 8d . (advance d a t 60 % pe r yea r i n interest ) demanded additiona l guarantees . Therefore , Goldbeter , wit h Thoma s York an d a Flemish associat e Va n Berchem, offere d a s a security all th e wool, cloths , silve r vessel s an d othe r valuable s tha t the y possessed , assessed altogethe r a t £2000. 65 I t i s tru e tha t Goldbete r wa s give n a handsome compensatio n fo r thi s service. 66 During th e tim e o f the sieg e of Calai s our grou p o f Yor k merchants provided Chirito n an d Co . wit h a t leas t £10,26 6 135 . 4d. 67 Afte r it s capture Joh n Goldbete r receive d fro m th e kin g a gif t o f propert y i n Calais alongsid e th e thre e partner s o f Chirito n an d Co . an d thei r rela tives.68 Ther e wer e som e direc t contact s betwee n Goldbete r an d th e king, thoug h th e know n detail s ar e ver y scanty . Som e tim e befor e i February 134 7 he had sol d Edwar d a horse worth £z6 135 . 4d . an d i n the last days of the sieg e one of Goldbeter's partner s delivered £33 3 6s . 8d. t o th e receive r o f the king' s chambe r in th e cam p outsid e Calais. 69 Later i n th e yea r Goldbete r mad e fo r th e kin g a sumptuou s double t 61 Fryd e in T.R. Hist. S. (1959) , p . 12 . For detail s o f these payments see K.R. Exch. Ace . Var. , E . 101/128/ 3 and Pip e r. ( E . 372/193 , London membrane (loan of 40,000 marks) ; E. 372/194 , Ite m London , v., an d E . 372/196 , Ite m London, v . (account s for wool) . 62 Cf . E. 122/197/4 , file 1, no. 1 2 (letter o f 1 6 April 1348 ) : ' A lour tresch' e t fiable amy Jo b an Goldbeter '. 63 Tabl e II no . 4a. and Table III no . 4b, especially E. 122/197/4 , file 3, no. 15 : ' de queles naturesses et bountez nous vous mercioms tant come nous pooms '. Very simila r words reappear i n no . 1 8 of the sam e file, coming from Wend lyngburgh : ' pur quel e service , naturess e e t bount e '. 64 Fo r thi s establishment , se e R . d e Roover , Money, Banking and Credit i n Mediaeval Bruges (Cambridge , Mass., 1948) , pp . 11 3 seq. 65 I t i s to be assumed that only their possessions in Flanders are included. 66 Tabl e II, no . 5a. and Table III, no . 5b, especially E. 122/197/4 , file 3, no. 18. 67 Tabl e III, nos . Ib , 3b , 7, 8, 10. 68 Cal. Pat. R. 1345-48, pp. 567-6 8 ( 5 October 1347) . 69 K.R . Exch . Ace . Var. , E . 101/128/ 3 nos . 9, 45, 59.

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on whic h h e spen t £ 3 i5S.

70

Chiriton an d Co . summone d Goldbete r t o thei r ai d t o dea l wit h a succession o f ver y embarrassin g o r eve n desperat e situations . O n 2 5 March 134 7 the y wer e appealin g t o hi s pas t promise s an d hi s honou r to compensat e a grou p o f Italia n merchants , le d b y Franci s Venture , who shoul d hav e receive d 200 0 sack s of wool fro m Chiriton' s company and ha d no t bee n supplie d a t th e stipulate d time . Goldbete r delivere d in Flander s 20 0 sacks o f hi s ow n woo l t o thes e Italian s an d als o paid them £100 0 o f interest , i n orde r t o recove r fro m Ventur e a bon d o f Chiriton an d Co . for -£8ooo. 71 Another emergenc y was notified to Gold beter o n 8 June 1347 . 70 0 sacks o f woo l ha d bee n sol d b y Chirito n an d Co. to Henry Causton of London in partnership with a German, Tidema n Blomerode, wh o ha d pai d £513 3 6s . 8d . i n advanc e o f delivery . Th e buyers ha d reserve d the righ t no t t o accep t th e woo l i f its qualit y was not t o thei r likin g an d they subsequentl y invoke d thi s claus e afte r the y saw th e woo l i n Flanders . The y wer e entitle d t o compensation , bu t Wendlyngburgh coul d barel y rais e enoug h fro m th e sal e o f th e 70 0 sacks a t Bruges to repa y the origina l loa n an d neede d Goldbeter' s hel p to pa y th e furthe r 280 0 mark s o f interes t demande d b y Causto n an d Blomerode. Accordingly , Goldbete r pai d the m £186 6 133 . 4d . a t Bruges.72 The captur e o f Calais , followe d b y a temporary Anglo-Frenc h truce , did no t en d th e financia l embarrassment s o f Chirito n an d Co . The y were saddled with heavy debts. But they clung to the farm of the customs and thi s involve d the m i n fres h engagement s to th e king. 73 In the spring and summe r o f 134 8 Goldbeter' s service s wer e require d repeatedl y t o discharge old liabilities of the farmers, originall y incurred by them during the sieg e of Calais. On 1 6 Apri l he was asked to repa y £1800 du e to a n Italian grou p a t Bruges. Th e dat e for repaymen t was already passed and a heav y charg e o f interes t wa s accumulating , bu t Wendlyngburg h ha d reported tha t h e wa s quit e unabl e t o dea l wit h thi s debt . Ther e wa s a need fo r hast e i f interest wa s no t t o moun t u p stil l further . Ultimatel y Goldbeter pai d £2.88 6 is . 8d. } includin g £108 6 is . 8d . o f interest. 74 A stil l mor e distressin g deb t aros e ou t o f a loa n contracte d b y Wend lyngburgh in kind. 75 He had borrowed cloths o f Ghent and subsequently pledged the m t o rais e read y mone y fo r promp t payment s t o th e king . When th e tim e cam e t o redee m the cloths , h e could no t d o s o quickl y enough. I n a lette r o f 3 Ma y (?i348 ) Chirito n an d Swanlan d begge d 70 K.R . Exch. Ace. Var., E. 10 1 /193/11 contains a detailed account o f its manu facture. Goldbete r receive d a n advanc e o f £3 fro m th e excheque r fo r thi s purpose o n 29 November 134 7 (ibid, an d Exch . Ple a r., E . 13/78 , m . 48v.) 71 Tabl e II, no . la, an d Tabl e III , no . 2a, especiall y E . 122/197/4 , file 1, no. 2. 72 Tabl e II , no . 3a . an d Tabl e II I no . 3b. 73 Fryde , T.R. Hist. S. , (1959) , pp. 12-13 . 74 Tabl e II, no . 2a. and Table III , no . 2b, especially E. 122/197/4 , file 1, no. 12. 75 Tabl e II , no . 4a. an d Tabl e II I no . 4b.

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Goldbeter76 t o pa y to th e Ghen t lender s £16 6 ijs . 4d . o f interes t t o which the latter were entitled fo r this breach of contract. H e was further to repa y the origina l debt , bu t th e cloth s (wort h £1800 ) wer e t o b e abandoned, a s beyon d redemption. 77 Goldbete r pai d £201 6 135 . 4d . to discharg e thi s debt . Som e months late r h e was also involve d i n ex * tricating the farmers from their ruinous bargain with the * Great Cahorse? of Bruges , alread y mentione d previously . Goldbeter' s shar e consiste d of payin g £160 0 o f interes t du e t o thes e professiona l usurers. 78 The evidence reviewed hitherto evoke s a picture of close collaboratio n between Goldbete r an d Chiriton' s company , o f informalit y an d eve n friendliness. Ther e ar e touches o f this eve n in som e formal documents . We ge t a glimps e o f busines s conducte d i n a n atmosphere o f convivi ality amidst agreeable surroundings fro m a bond o f Chiriton an d Swanland, dated 4 August 1348 , which recalls that on that same day Goldbete r had agree d i n th e garde n o f Si r Joh n Pultene y i n th e cit y o f Londo n to len d the m £iooo. 79 Bu t a sense of insecurity possibl y lurke d under neath. I t wa s norma l fo r merchant s t o recor d al l thei r obligation s i n formal document s an d t o surroun d thei r transaction s wit h lega l safe guards. Bu t th e excessivel y elaborat e guarantee s b y whic h Chiriton , Goldbeter an d their partners tried to assure the execution of their mutual undertakings leav e a n impressio n tha t the y ma y have distruste d eac h other. Th e subsequen t litigation between them in 1352-5 3 showe d tha t mistrust woul d hav e bee n justified . For man y transaction s betwee n the Chirito n an d the Goldbete r part nerships there survive complete sets of formal documents. 80 Agreements were recorde d i n indenture s consisting o f identical halves . A s an addi tional guarantee , th e debto r delivere d tw o document s unde r hi s seal : a bon d an d a * letter of account ',81 dated usually two day s earlier tha n the indenture . Ofte n the y denot e th e sam e su m of debt, 82 but som e of the bond s wer e issued for amounts two o r eve n three times larger tha n the actua l debt . I n prosecutin g Goldbete r i n 1352 , Chirito n an d Co . 76 Ibid., E . 122/197/4 , file 3, no. 15 : ' vous prioms q e vous vuille z prendr e ceste chose au coer et vostre honur et l e nostre salver issint qe vous ne Gibon (Gilbert Wendlyngburgh ) n e entre z pa s e n priso n qa r adonqe s perdroioms tout nostr e creanc e et enpris e '. 77 Ibid. ' et lessez les draps estre perdut z qar nous ne porroms qant a ore faire le paiement' . 78 Supra p . 1 1 and Table II, no . 5a, especially E. 122/197/4 , file 3 no. 21. 79 E . 122/197/4 , file 2, no . 3 . 80 Th e discussion tha t follow s i s based o n the document s quoted i n Tables I I and II I an d on the deed s copied in the recor d of the trial of 1352-53 (Exch. Plea r. , E . 13/78 , mm . 18-19). 81 Calle d ' la lettre dacompt e ' i n a letter o f Chiriton and Co. to Goldbete r of 19 April 1348 (E . 122/197/4 , file 2, no. 5) . 82 Cf . ibid, where Chiriton and Co. specify that they had provided for Goldbeter's security a bon d for 2000 mark s payable a t Bruge s on 24 June 134 8 (thi s i s to-day E. 122/197 /4, file 1, no. 10) and a letter of account for the same amount payable a t Londo n on 1 August 1348 .

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produced on e suc h doubl e bon d fo r £96 2 i6s . 8d . an d lai d clai m t o the entir e amoun t containe d i n it , thoug h late r o n Goldbete r force d them to admit that he had owe d the m onl y £481 8s . 4d . B y a ' letter of account ' th e borrowe r constitute d himsel f i n effec t a n agen t o f hi s creditor. H e recognised tha t h e ha d receive d a su m of mone y to trad e with during the period stipulated i n the letter and promised t o accoun t for an y profit that might accru e in the meantime. This type of document provided th e credito r wit h a particularl y speed y an d effectiv e remed y against a recalcitrant debtor . Th e defaulting ' agent' coul d b e imprisoned a t the creditor's request an d any dispute abou t the account woul d be adjudicate d b y th e exchequer. 83 Another typ e of security consisted i n handin g ove r t o Goldbeter an d Go. one half of a customs' sea l at a harbour, s o that no export could take place without their knowledge. Thi s was also the normal royal procedure when th e king assigned t o anyon e all the revenues from th e customs at a particular port. But Goldbeter secure d this sort of concession to enforce much mor e limite d transactions , i n a wa y tha t seem s unusual . B y a n agreement of 26 April 1348 he was to hold half the customs' sea l at Lynn, until he had been able to make full use of Chiritons' permission to export 1300 sacks of woo l fre e o f custom an d subsid y at th e rat e o f 465 . 3d. 84 To retur n t o bond s an d letter s o f account . In the case of the Chiriton and Goldbete r partnership s n o importanc e shoul d b e attache d t o th e stipulations abou t the place of payment contained in them. For example, a deputy of Goldbeter, Richard Barry, did not know whether two letters of account, issued by himself at Lynn, and payable in London, had been followed b y payment s abroad o r i n England. 85 Payment s promised a t Bruges were , i n som e cases, discharge d i n London. 86 Th e stipulation s about th e tim e o f payment were take n seriously . When Goldbeter wa s challenged a t hi s tria l i n 135 2 abou t seve n allegedl y unpai d bond s an d letters o f account, he was able to sho w that they had been satisfied eithe r on th e prescribe d date s o r withi n a coupl e o f day s a t th e most . On e peculiarity o f thi s collectio n o f documents , whic h i s boun d t o impres s any student of medieval business records, is a curious lack of uniformity in th e method s o f statin g whe n payments were due. A bon d issued by an agen t o f Joh n Goldbete r a t Hul l o n 2 7 Septembe r 134 8 promise d payment a t Bruge s in Frenc h ecu s (35 . 4d . each ) 'withi n 1 5 day s afte r its presentatio n ther e ',87 bu t tw o othe r agent s o f Goldbete r actin g a t Hartlepool o n th e ver y nex t day , undertoo k tha t a payment would b e made, in the same currency at Bruges, within fifteen days of the drawing 83 Fo r th e advantage s o f this procedur e se e T.F.T. Plucknett , Th e Legislation of Edward I (Oxford , 1949) , pp. 153-4 . 84 E . 122/197/4 , file 3 no . 2. 85 E. 13/7 8 m . 18 v : ' solucio inde tarn bene fieri potuit in partibus transmarinis pe r prefatu m Johanne m Goldbete r qua m i n partibu s cismarini s pe r ipsum Ricardu m '. 86 Ibid. mm . 18-19 . Th e remainde r o f this paragrap h i s mostl y base d o n th e same documents . 87 Ibid. m . 18 r : ' infra primes 15 dies post ostentacionem dicte littere ibidem '.

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up o f their bond. In som e other cases the precise date o f payment was laid dow n in the bond itself. But there was yet another possible variant , employed b y Richard Barr y at Lynn and also accepted b y the collectors of customs there. T o th e bon d was adde d a * forbarre' an d th e dat e o f payment a t Bruges was recorded in this ' forbarre '.^ We ar e neve r likel y t o hav e a complet e recor d o f th e advance s b y Goldbeter an d Co . to Ghiriton' s compan y i n th e year s 1347-48 , whil e the las t month s o f thei r mutua l dealing s i n th e earl y part o f 134 9 ar e enveloped i n exceptiona l obscurity . A t ever y poin t ther e ar e gap s i n the evidence . Severa l bonds o f doubtfu l content canno t b e used, a s the merchants themselve s wer e a few year s late r uncertai n abou t thei r rea l nature.90 Th e total s o f advances , repayment s an d profit s tha t ca n b e offered wit h safet y mus t al l b e underestimates ; i n particular , w e ar e deferring unti l late r an y consideration o f document s mentione d i n th e trial o f 1352-53 , fo r fea r tha t the y ma y refe r t o transaction s alread y counted by us. Our minimu m estimate of advance s is £20,64 9 & s- 4& 91 In return for these loans, Goldbeter and Co. received, as part of the same transactions, at least £25,613 125 . 5d . T o estimat e their profi t w e must take on e mor e se t o f figure s int o account . Goldbete r an d Co . ha d t o deliver t o Chiriton' s compan y royal bonds and debentures wort h nom inally £383 3 6s . 8d . Bu t th e Yor k merchant s certainl y acquire d suc h documents for a small fraction of thi s nomina l value, payin g 2S. in th e pound, o r a t th e mos t 25 . 6d. 92 Eve n i f th e highe r pric e i s adopte d i n our calculations , th e entir e outla y o f Goldbete r an d Co . woul d hav e amounted t o onl y £429. Afte r deductin g this sum , we are still lef t wit h a net gai n of at least £453 5 4S . id. ou t o f transaction s u p t o th e last months of I348. 93 If certain other more debatable items are also included, 88 Ibid.: ' infra quindeci m dies proximo sequente s confectione m dict e littere'. 89 E . 122/7/ 8 no . 7 : ' une obligacion o d un e forbarr e d e paier a Bruge s a u iour compri s el forbarre '. The precis e meanin g of the wor d ' forbarre ' remain s mysteriou s an d has puzzled severa l specialist s i n th e histor y o f medieval business who m I hav e consulted abou t it . 90 E.g. th e secon d bon d i n no . 11 . o f Tabl e II I (fo r £832 12s . lOd. ) bear s a n endorsement tha t on 13 February 135 3 Chirito n and Co . acknowledged i t t o be their dee d ' set si sit factum de duplo vel triplo . . . . ignorant' (E . 122/ 197/4, fil e 2 , no . 9) . 91 Fo r th e figures that follo w se e Table III . 92 Fryde , T.R. Hist. S . (1959) , p. 8 and n. 2 ; cf. infra Tabl e II I no . 9. 93 Th e differenc e betwee n th e receipt s o f Goldbete r an d Co . and thei r loan s i s £4964 4s . Id . I hav e deducte d fro m thi s su m £429. Some tentativ e correction s migh t b e suggeste d bu t the y al l involv e a n element o f uncertaint y : (I) Tabl e III , no . 8 suggest s a total possible gai n o f £1333 6s . 8d . Bu t i n practice i t ma y hav e bee n smalle r o r large r (se e the discussio n o f this transaction, infra p . ). (II) Tabl e III , no . 9 has not bee n included in any of ou r calculations . Bu t while Acastr e pai d £4 1 13s . 4d . instea d o f delivering royal obligations , he presumably received an assignment fo r £333 6s . 8d . and it is probably not include d in an y assignmen t tabulate d b y us . Thi s woul d increas e total receipt s b y £29 1 13s . 4d .

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the overal l tota l migh t b e raise d t o £582 6 175 . jd. 94 I t mus t als o b e remembered tha t Goldbete r an d Co . wer e i n a positio n t o resel l a t a profit variou s privilege s conferre d upon the m b y Chiriton' s company , but i t i s quit e impossibl e t o evaluat e the siz e o f these additional gains . The mos t importan t asse t at th e disposa l o f Chiriton' s compan y was the farm of the customs, and the bulk of the payments made to Goldbete r and Co. naturally came from this source ; they received fro m the customs at leas t £18,48 5 i6s. yd. 95 Becaus e of a partial embargo on th e expor t of woo l durin g th e earlie r par t o f 1348 , mos t o f th e payment s were apparently mad e in the late summer and autumn of that year. 96 As assignments o n the revenu e fro m th e custom s pile d up , Chirito n and Co. had to switc h t o ye t anothe r metho d o f repayment . By midsummer of 134 8 they possesse d considerable stock s o f wool . The y sai d s o i n a letter o f i Jun e 134 8 addressed to Goldbeter , i n which the y asked him to satisf y the * Great Cahorse ' o f Bruges. 97 In repayment , o n z September , Gold beter an d Co . received 33 3 sack s 20 stones of Leicestershire wool valued at ^2ooo. 9s> While abou t 80 % o f th e tota l payment s made to Goldbete r an d Co . came ou t o f the liqui d asset s of Chiriton's company, th e remainde r was provided b y exploitin g th e speciall y privilege d positio n hel d b y th e farmers o f the customs. Chiriton and Co . allowed som e of their speciall y favoured supporter s t o expor t woo l fre e o f duty , thoug h ther e i s n o evidence tha t the y ha d an y formal permission fro m th e kin g t o d o so . Goldbeter an d Co . exporte d unde r suc h licence s i n 1347-4 8 a t leas t 3156 sack s 1 7 stones , equivalen t i n custo m an d subsidy , a t th e rat e o f 465. 8d . per sack , t o £379 4 95. " I t is , however, possible that the y may have use d th e licence s onl y i n par t fo r thei r ow n wool . One o f th e mos t comple x serie s o f arrangement s i n th e stor y o f th e farm o f th e custom s aros e ou t o f a practice , originate d apparentl y b y Chiriton an d Co. , o f grantin g t o favoure d creditor s rebate s o n th e customs. Thes e rebate s amounte d t o 20 % o r eve n 33^ % o f th e dutie s owed b y suc h privilege d exporters . Thu s tw o Lincolnshir e merchant s were allowed , o n i Ma y 1347 , t o shi p fro m Bosto n 15 0 sack s in 10 0 sarplars containin g i| sacks each , whic h wer e custome d as 10 0 sacks ,

(III) Table III, no . 16. It i s possibl e tha t this loa n of £1000 is identical with a deb t o f the sam e amount repaid by 1 8 May 1349. This would increase total receipt s b y £1000 . 94 Thi s involve s the inclusio n of item s (II ) an d (III ) fro m n . 93 . an d extend s the perio d covere d t o Ma y 1349 . 95 Tabl e III , nos . Ib , 3b , 4b, 6b, 7 , 8, 10 , 12, 13. No. 1 5 probably belong s to a different categor y o f payments (infra, n . 99). 96 Fryde , T.R. Hist. S. (1959) , pp. 13-14 an d infra Tabl e III . 97 E . 122/197/4 , file 3, no . 2 1 : ' entendant pu r certey n q e nou s avom s entre meyns de s leines suffisant z d e fair e gre e a vous et autre s no z creditours '. 98 Tabl e III , no . 5b. 99 Tabl e III , nos . Ib , 2b , 4b, 7 and probabl y 15.

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all the records of the transaction being falsified accordingly. No wonder that i n 136 7 th e official s o f th e excheque r castigated thes e practice s a s due t o ' certain inopportun e bargain s conclude d b y the farmer s wit h some Englis h merchant s in deceptio n o f the kin g an d t o hi s damage' . They had especially in mind our William Acastre and John Goldbeter. 101 Most recorde d instance s ar e connected i n som e way with th e activitie s of these two men , but there are interesting differences betwee n successive transactions. Th e whol e practic e wa s highl y abnorma l an d deserve s detailed description . On 2 6 January 134 7 Chiriton and Co. were arranging to repay Acastre his loa n o f £2000. 102 The y grante d hi m a n assignmen t o n th e custom s at Boston . Furthermore , fo r hi s profi t o n thi s bargain , the y gav e hi m permission t o expor t fro m th e sam e port 150 0 sacks , custome d a s 100 0 sacks. They might belong to any merchants of his choice.103 If we understand th e matte r aright , Acastr e coul d eithe r expor t himsel f wit h hi s partners, o r h e could sel l this privilege t o other s a t a n additional profit. To enhanc e th e valu e o f this concession , th e farmer s promise d tha t n o other woo l woul d b e exporte d a t a discoun t o f 33^% , wit h th e sol e exception o f 20 0 sarplars belongin g t o themselves . The y als o reserve d the righ t o f continuing discount s of up t o 20% . It i s probable that th e case previousl y mentione d b y u s o f expor t b y Lincolnshir e merchant s formed par t o f Acastre's licenc e ; the initial agreement wit h one of these merchants i s date d a t Bruge s o n 1 3 Februar y I347. 104 In Septembe r 134 7 Chiriton and Co. reached an agreement with Agnes Lucas o f Londo n permittin g he r t o expor t 369 ^ sack s o f Buckingham shire woo l a t a discoun t o f 20%. 105 Th e reason s fo r thi s bargai n ar e unknown, excep t tha t Joh n Goldbete r wa s in som e wa y behind it , fo r she was required t o pa y the custo m and subsid y at th e reduce d rat e t o his agents in Flanders . Ou r chie f sourc e of information is an irate letter of Thoma s Swanlan d rebukin g th e collector s o f custom s a t Lyn n fo r refusing t o carr y out hi s original instructions abou t th e woo l o f Agne s Lucas and complaining tha t they had not explaine d the reasons for their disobedience. A glance at Swanland's renewed orders does help to justify the previou s hesitation s o f the collectors . I n additio n t o bein g ordere d to custo m th e wool falsely , recordin g eac h i| sacks a s ij sacks , the y were to ente r it under the name of Walter Chiriton and the sarplars were to be marked with the king's arms. It was , indeed, supposed t o be royal wool derive d fro m th e woo l lev y sanctione d b y a Grea t Counci l i n 100 E . 122/7/8 , nos, 1 , 2, 3 , 101 K.R . Mem . r., E . 159/143 , recorda , Easter , m . 7 ; 'pretext u quarunda m inopportunarum convencionu m inte r dicto s firmario s e t quosda m merca r tores Angli e i n fraude m e t dampnu m Regi s initarum '. 102 Tabl e III , no . 7 . 103 E. 122/7/8 , no . 4 : ' de qeconqes marchantz '. 104 Ibid., no . 3 , 105 Th e sources for this transaction are E. 12 2 /7/8, no. 1 1 (th e main document); supplemented by nos. 7 - 10.

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106

I347, though th e rea l provenance of the consignment o f Agnes Lucas appears to hav e been in som e doubt. He r attorney s were to b e made to swear tha t i t consiste d entirel y of roya l wool . Ultimatel y the collector s at Lyn n allowed expor t to star t o n 2 8 September 1347 and i t wa s completed i n Ma y 1348 . W e ow e al l this strang e dossie r t o Richar d Barry, once Joh n Goldbeter' s attorne y a t Lynn , bu t turne d king' s evidenc e in I367, 107 an d thi s confirm s Goldbeter' s specia l connexio n wit h th e whole affair . The next recorded case of rebates on the customs occurred in September 1348 an d thi s tim e Joh n Goldbete r appear s t o hav e bee n th e prim e mover.108 I n repaymen t of a loan t o Chirito n an d Co . he ha d acquire d a righ t t o sanctio n th e expor t o f a fixed number of sacks at a discoun t of 33^ % and the farmer s instructe d th e collectors o f customs to follo w Goldbeter's instructions . Th e exporter s pai d custo m an d subsid y t o Goldbeter, payin g th e dut y o n on e sac k fo r eac h i| sacks exported . 167 sack s 4! stones o f woo l an d 6 0 woolfell s wer e custome d i n thi s fashion a t Hul l o n 2 6 and 2 7 Septembe r 1347 , bein g recorde d i n th e customs' roll s a s m| sacks and 40 woolfells. Th e exporters include d two o f Goldbeter' s partners , Acastr e and Lindsey , a leading Hanseati c merchant, Conra d Clippyng , and , abov e all , Willia m d e l a Pole , wh o was sendin g abroa d 9 1 \ sacks . I t seem s that th e whole arrangemen t was devised, a t least in part, in order t o encourag e merchants to expor t quickly a s much woo l as possible. 109 Throug h speedin g up i n thi s way the payments of custom and subsidy to their creditors, Chirito n an d Co. were trying t o discharg e mor e rapidly their debt s to them . In thi s part icular instanc e th e ' irregular' practice s a t Hul l cam e to th e notic e of the excheque r onl y through a n accident. Befor e expor t could tak e place at th e en d o f Septembe r 1348 , a sudde n embarg o o n shipment s wa s imposed by the king. All the wool was disembarked and remained ashore until i Jun e 1349 . I n th e meantim e Chiriton's compan y collapsed i n April 134 9 an d roya l agent s resume d supervisio n ove r th e customs . Hence the discovery of the rebates granted in the previous year followed by lega l proceeding s a t th e sui t o f th e crow n agains t th e unluck y exporters a t Hull . The mos t speculativ e sourc e o f profi t enjoye d b y th e farmer s o f th e customs derive d fro m licence s give n t o the m by the kin g to bu y up, a t a discount, ol d royal debts. Whil e they could usually acquire these docu ments fo r nex t t o nothing , the y wer e promise d a n allowanc e i n thei r 106 The account s ar e i n L.T.R . Misc . ace. , E . 358/10 , mm . 30-34. 107 Cf. the endorsemen t o n E . 122/7/8 , no . 1 1 : ' hanc littera m cu m quada m littera d e attornat' e t duabu s indenture s eide m prime litter e consuti s lib eravit hie Ricardus Barr y ' . The endorsement o n E. 122/7/8, no. 5, concerning anothe r transactio n i n whic h Barr y wa s involved , expressl y refer s t o the trial in 1367 . 108 The mai n source s ar e Exch . Ple a r., E . 13/75 , mm . 21 , 26 and E . 13/79 , m. 99 . 109 This was certainly the motiv e in another ver y bizarre case in 1349 (E. 13/76, m. 4 , tria l o f Joh n Pyel) .

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farm o f th e custom s for th e ful l fac e valu e of th e debt s s o redeemed. 110 But the y were forced t o forg o som e of their profi t fro m thi s sourc e b y having t o subcontrac t a par t o f thei r lucrativ e privileg e t o thei r ow n creditors. Ou r Yor k grou p wer e among the chie f beneficiarie s an d th e bulk of the interest due to Goldbeter an d Co. on their loans to Chiriton's company was recovere d b y them in thi s way. 111 A s we have seen, they restored letter s obligator y fo r a t leas t £383 3 6s . 8d . whic h the y ha d probably bought fro m th e origina l owner s for perhap s ^th o f this total , and ver y likely for eve n less. Thu s thei r tota l outla y amounted a t mos t to £429. 112 Yet they were repaid by Chiriton and Co. out o f the customs the entir e £383 3 6s . 8d . The earl y months o f 134 9 ar e a mos t obscur e period i n th e histor y of Chiriton' s company. 113 Th e prevalenc e o f th e plagu e di d no t brin g to a standstil l its busines s dealings wit h Goldbete r an d Co. 114 Bu t th e collapse o f Chiriton' s fir m betwee n th e middl e o f Marc h an d th e en d of Apri l ma y explain the absenc e of a coherent dossie r o f record s suc h as w e posses s fo r earlie r transactions . Th e Yor k grou p wa s certainl y not involve d i n th e rui n o f th e farmer s o f th e customs . Goldbete r o n 25 Apri l pai d the m £52 3 ys . 4|d . i n a fina l settlemen t of a group o f recent transactions. 115 Two of his partners were exporting wool in June.116 A yea r later , o n 2 9 Apri l 1350 , Willia m Acastre was abl e t o borro w £350 from th e Italian firm of the Malabayla of Asti, the papal bankers.117 The recor d o f th e litigatio n betwee n Chiriton's compan y and Gold beter an d Co . i n 135 2 i s a n enigmati c document. 118 Chirito n an d Co . began b y claimin g tha t Goldbete r an d hi s partner s owed the m £187 8 ys. 8fd . b y seve n bonds and letters of account which they produced.119 They mus t hav e know n perfectl y wel l tha t thi s deb t ha d bee n settle d 3 \ year s ago, but they were presumably counting on Goldbeter's failur e to produc e prope r receipts . Whe n the latte r appeare d at th e exchequer on 6 November 1 3 5 2, he asked for a n adjournment t o consult his records, 110 Fryde . T.R. Hist. S . (1959) , pp . 7-8 . 111 Tabl e III , nos . 5b , 6, 8, 10 , 12. I hav e omitte d fro m m y total no. 9 as th e information abou t it i s incomplete (but see supra, n . 93). 112 Supra, p . 15 . 113 Fryde , T.R. Hist. S . (1959) , pp . 15-16 . 114 Se e especially th e document s produced at th e tria l i n 1352 , Exch . Ple a r . E. 13/78 , mm . 18-19 . 115 Ibid., m . 1 9 r . 116 Exch . Ple a r., E . 13/75 , mm . 2.and 1 1 (WilliamHaxby) an d E . 13/76 , mm . 10-11 (Ada m Lutrington) . 117 Exch . Ple a r. , E . 13/77 , m . 5 7 v . Fo r th e Malabayl a se e Y . Renouard , Recherches sur les compagnies commerciales et bancaires utilis6es par les popes d'Avignon avant le Grand Schisme (Paris , 1942) , pp . 43-5 . 118 Exch. Ple a r. , E . 13/78 , mm . 18-19 . Ther e i s a brie f referenc e to it i n E. Miller, V.C.H. Yorkshire, Th e City o f York (1961) , p . 101 . For th e positio n o f Chiriton an d Co . in th e secon d hal f o f 135 2 see Fryde Econ. H.R., 1962 , pp. 26-27 . 119 Th e rea l amoun t of debt was £1396 7s . 8d . a s one obligation fo r £962 16s . 8d was a ' double bon d ' for a debt of £481 8s . 4d. (supra p . 14).

XI 2 0 SOM

E BUSINESS TRANSACTIONS

some o f whic h wer e abroad. This wa s granted. Th e recor d o n th e ple a roll doe s no t mentio n an y furthe r happening s unti l th e beginnin g o f April, 1353 , bu t endorsement s o n survivin g document s sho w tha t th e litigants wer e bringing variou s deeds into the exchequer in the precedin g February.120 Earl y i n Apri l Goldbete r wa s abl e t o produc e conclusiv e proof tha t h e owe d nothin g t o th e falle n farmer s o f th e customs . H e then brough t a countercharg e : th e farmer s owe d hi m £360 8 45. z|d . by si x letters obligator y whic h h e delivere d t o th e cler k o f the plea s a t the exchequer . I t wa s now th e tur n o f Chirito n an d Co . to as k for a n adjournment unti l the nex t da y so that the y could tal k th e matte r over . During tha t respit e the y mus t hav e reache d som e agreemen t wit h th e York grou p ou t o f court , becaus e on th e followin g da y Goldbete r re nounced al l his existin g claims on Chiriton' s compan y and eve n offere d to suppl y within a few months redeeme d royal obligations fo r 5 oo marks in partia l discharg e o f Chiriton' s liabilitie s t o th e king . Goldbete r de clared tha t h e di d al l this ou t o f consideratio n for th e decaye d state o f Chiriton and his partners ; he certainly must have realized that he would never be able to recover anything from thos e ruined men. He also added, as a second motive , tha t h e wanted to haste n hi s ow n acquittance fro m further proceeding s a t the exchecjuer, 121 and here we can well believe him . In retur n fo r hi s ' generosity', i f thi s i s th e righ t word , Goldbete r secured a promis e fro m Chirito n an d Co . tha t the y woul d acqui t hi m and hi s partner s o f al l claim s an d debts . Th e resultan t letter s patent , dated 1 0 Augus t 1353 , renounce d al l action s agains t th e Yor k grou p for thing s don e ' since th e beginning o f the world unti l th e date o f the acquittance'.122 Thi s presumabl y covered als o th e failur e o f Goldbete r to surrende r royal bonds an d debenture s for 50 0 marks contrary t o hi s previous promis e i n Apri l 1353 . As th e si x bond s fo r £360 8 45 . z^d. wer e neve r transcribe d int o the recor d o f th e trial , nothin g i s know n abou t thei r origi n an d dates . I a m inclined t o think that w e have, in fact, som e of the originals amon g four survivin g cancelle d bond s fo r a tota l valu e o f £276 5 195 . 6d. , which canno t b e satisfactoril y connecte d wit h an y easil y identifiabl e transactions.123 I f I a m wron g abou t this , an d th e batc h produce d b y Goldbeter i n April 135 3 reall y represented new debts, this would reduce to ver y little th e overal l profit s o f th e Yor k grou p fro m thei r dealing s with Chirito n an d Co. On the lowest estimat e they would fal l t o as little as £92 6 195 . io|d, 124 bu t perhap s £221 8 135 . 2^d . migh t b e a mor e likely figur e i n thi s case. 125

120 E.g . E. 122/197/4 , nos. 5, 6, 10, 11 (mention s of 6th, 8th an d llt h February) . 121 ' Et ecia m propte r deliberacione m sua m a curi a festinante r habenda m '. 122 ' Du comensement d u moun d tanqe s al iour d u fesanc e dyceste s '. 123 Tabl e III , nos . 11 , 14 , 16. 124 I f th e minimu m figure of £4535 4s . Id . i s accepte d (supra p . 1 5 and n . 93). 125 I f th e conjecture s i n n. 94 are justifie d an d th e figure of £5826 17s . 5d . ca n be accepted .

YORK MERCHANTS, 1336-1349 X

I2 1

John Goldbete r nex t appear s in th e record s i n 136 1 as * the governo r of th e king' s merchant s in th e part s of Flanders ', whos e service s were also highl y value d b y Coun t Loui s d e Male . Hi s dutie s include d th e sequestration o f th e good s o f th e king' s debtor s tha t migh t b e foun d in Flanders. 126 Hi s tradin g interest s have widene d t o includ e Franc e ; a shi p carrying goods wort h allegedl y £20,000 belongin g t o Goldbete r and two associates , an Englishman an d a Fleming, wa s attacked i n 136 1 on th e wa y from Nante s to Flanders. 127 By th e summe r o f 136 2 Goldbete r was , however , agai n i n troubl e with th e roya l justice . Betwee n 135 3 an d 135 6 h e ha d bee n exportin g wool unde r the cove r o f two Flemis h collaborators a t a time when this was severel y prohibited t o Englishmen. 128 100 0 sack s wer e apparently involved, includin g 30 0 sacks of hi s ow n woo l an d 30 0 sacks supplie d by th e redoutabl e Sir Willia m de la Pole. 129 Whe n Pole wa s summoned for thi s befor e th e cour t o f th e King' s Benc h i n Trinit y ter m 136 2 h e asked fo r a delay . O n hi s reappearanc e on 1 3 Octobe r Pol e submitte d that, a s Goldbete r wa s th e principa l culprit , proceeding s shoul d hav e been directe d agains t hi m in th e first place and that n o answe r was due until Goldbete r ha d bee n outlawed. 130 A s Goldbete r di d no t car e t o appear, outlawr y wa s pronounce d agains t him . Pol e ultimatel y mad e his peac e wit h th e kin g i n Ma y 136 3 b y payin g a fine of 10 0 marks. 131 Goldbeter ha d t o wai t unti l 2 0 Novembe r 136 4 fo r a roya l pardon , granted a t th e reques t o f th e coun t o f Flanders. 132 Thi s i s apparentl y the las t mentio n o f him in the roya l records .

126 Cal. Fine R. 1356-68, pp. 16 7 and 18 0 ; Cal. Pat. R . 1364-67, p. 46. Goldbetei's forme r partner , Roge r Hovingham , wa s on e o f the alderme n of the Englis h merchant s a t Calai s in 136 3 (Miller , loc. cit., p. 102) . 127 Cal. Close R . 1360-64, p . 265 . 128 Fo r th e circumstance s o f thi s prohibitio n se e G . Unwin , ' The Estat e of Merchants, 1336-6 5 ' in Finance and Trade under Edward III, ed . G. Unwin (Manchester, 1918) , pp. 223-3 2 ; E. Power , Th e Wool Trade i n English Medieval History, (Oxford , 1941) , pp . 82-5 , 97- 8 ; Fryde , Econ. H.R., 1962 , pp. 24-6 . 129 Th e prohibitio n t o expor t appear s t o hav e bee n especiall y directe d agains t Pole an d hi s associate s (Fryde , Econ. H.R., 1962 , pp. 24-6) . 130 Chancer y Misc. , C. 47/86/23, no . 59 2 (cop y of th e recor d o n m . 2 2 (Rex ) of Cora m Reg e r . fo r Trinit y term , 1362) . 131 Cal. Pat. R . 1361-64, p . 343 . 132 Cal. Pat. R . 1364-67, p . 46 .

APPENDIX

Table I i s arrange d i n a chronological orde r o f initia l agreements . In Table II a roughly chronological order of initial agreement s is observed a s far as possible, but no t all the transactions ca n b e date d satisfactorily . Table III falls int o two parts. Items i b - 6 b correspond to items la - 6 a of Table II an d are arranged i n the same order in both the tables. Items 7-1 6 form a second section , arranged in a roughl y chronologica l order of its own , but, som e of them cannot b e date d satisfactorily. Transactions mentione d i n th e cours e o f th e judicia l proceeding s betwee n Chiriton' s compan y an d Goldbeter an d Co. have bee n omitte d fo r fea r tha t the y may refer to item s tabulate d alread y onc e before . Table I. Financial Transactions with Kin g Edwar d III, 1338-1340 . Names o f th e partner s activ e i n 1347-4 9 ar e i n italics .

Name of lender

Date of loan

Amount of loan

£s

.d.

1. Henr y Belton, John Goldbeter, Thomas Berwick, Thomas and John Manby, William Kelsteme, all of York and 2 others .

c. 1 6 Dec. 133 8

700

2. Thomas York

c. 28 Dec. 1338 .

106 1 3 4

3. William Acastre, John Goldbeter, Thomas Lindsey, William atte Wartre.

April 133 9

Amount of interest promised £ s . d.

Manner o f repayment.

Amount received b y lender £s d .

Date o f repayment

Henry Belto n ha d licenc e t o expor t 10 0 sacks, eac h o f th e other s 5 0 sacks. Joh n Goldbeter exporte d 4 9 sack s 1 4 st . i n 1339. L.T.R . Custom s Ace. , E . 356/ 8 m. 3 1 (Hull).

Licence to export 350 sacks quit of custom and subsidy a t £ 2 per sack. 53 6 8

2000

1000

Licence to export 80 sacks on like terms.

Sources an d remark s

160

1339-40

E. 356/8, m . 31 r. an d 31 v. E. 356/8 , m. 3 1 r. an d 3 1 v ; Wardrob e Book o f Willia m Norwell . E. 36/203, p. 207.

Licence to export 1000 sacks on like terms and payment o f £1000 b y William de la Pol e

1994

1339-40.

1000

Aug. 1339 .

Total

2994 100 + 7

1339-40

E. 356/6, m. 6 (York) ; E. 36/203, p . 69.

120 + p

1339-40

E. 356/8, m. 31 r. and 31 v.

1339

E. 356/8, m . 31r.

1339-41

E. 356/8, m. 32.

4. John Goldbeter and Thomas Gr a

? Spring 133 9

200

100

Licence to export 50 sacks on like terms as 'gift '.

5. William Acastre and Thomas York

c. 1 2 May 133 9

200

200

Licence t o export 200 sacks on like terms

6. William Skelton and William Burgh.

c. 28 Aug. 133 9

80

80

Licence to export 80 sacks on like terms.

100

7. Richar d Barr y

c. 21 Aug. 133 9

25

25

Licence to export 25 sacks on like terms .

50

8. Willia m Shirbum, Thomas Gra, William Acastre, John Goldbeter, Thomas Lindsey.

13 Sept. 133 9

1333 6 8

Assignment on newly created ( 2 Nov. 1339) customs at York .

1334

9. Thoma s Gra, John Goldbeter, Thomas Lindsey, John Ripon , Thomas Menythorp, John Shakelok, William SkeUon.

9 Dec. 133 9

400

200

10. Thomas York

12 Dec. 133 9

11. John Goldbeter, William Acastre, Thomas Lindsey .

February 134 0

12. John Goldbeter and others.

20 Aug. 1340

13. John Goldbeter, William Acastre, William SkeUon. 14. Thomas Gra and Thomas Lindsey.

400

339 1 1 9 72

Nov. 1339 May 1340 Unknown date 1340-41

Licence to export 667 sacks of wool on like terms

1334

After April 1340

Allowances in money due to the king for royal wool sold to th e York merchants .

Partial repayment of the outstanding balance of 921 1 4 1 1

1341-42

Licence to export 400 sacks of wool on like terms.

800

1340

Chanc. Warr. pr. s. 12,012 ; Cal. Fine R\ 1337-47, p. 14 9 ; Cal. Patent R. 1338-40. p. 53 0 ; Cal. Close R . 1330-41, p . 417 E. 356/6, m. 6 ; Pipe r., E. 372/187, m. 52 (accoun t o f Rober t Askeb y fo r woo , shipped t o Flander s i n 1340 ) ; L.T.R, Misc. Ace . (wool) , E . 358/10 , mm . 25 v and 2 6 r. The shar e o f Goldbeter , Acastr e an d Lindsey amounte d jointl y t o 56 %

K. R. Exch. Ace. Var., E. 101 '457, no. 39; E. 356/6 , m . 6; Cal. Close R . 1343-46, p. 255 . Cal. Pat. R. 1338-40, p. 405 .

Licence to export 80 sacks of wool on like terms.

160

In repaymen t o f th e cos t o f providin g Henry, ear l o f Derby with a shi p for his return t o England , E . 356/6 , m . 6 ; E. 36/203, p. 261.

267 3 9

Licence to export 128 J sacks of wool and 150 0 woolfells on like terms .

267 3 9

L.T.R Wardrob e Ace. , E . 36 1 /2, m . 40 .

Autumn of 134 0

400

Allowed in money due for roya l wool.

400

1341-42

E. 361 /2, m. 40 ; E. 358/10, m. 26 r.

Autumn of 134 0

272 1 3 4

Allowed in money due for roya l wool.

272 1 3 4

1341-42

E. 36 1 /2 m . 4 0 ; E. 358/10, m. 25 v.

Table II: Debts o f Walte r Chiriton an d Co. repaid with the aid of John Goldbete r an d Co. of York. Total amoun t paid by Chiriton & Co.

Place of payment by Goldbete r & Co. and their share of payment

Between 25 March and 1 May 1347.

Amount uncertai n [bond for £8000 recovered fro m Venture].

£2333 6 8d . ? in Flander s

E. 122/197/4 , file 1, nos. 1- 4 ; file 3, nos . 8-9 ; file 4. Ch. warr. pr. s. no. 18,05 2 and Col. Pat. R. 1345-48, pp. 255-56. Goldbeter delivered in Flander s 200 sacks of Lincolnshire woo l value d a t £133 3 6 8d. an d paid £100 0 t o Ventur e a t a n unspecifie d place (probabl y in Flanders) . Chirito n an d Co. lost altogether £150 0 over thi s bargai n (see Table III, no. Ib. for further £233 6 8d. of interes t receive d by Goldbete r an d Co.).

At least £1086 1 8d. for failur e t o repay for 6 months after th e specified date.

April - Jun e 1348

At least £2886 1 8d.

£2886 1 8d. at Bruges .

E. 122/197/4 , fil e 1 , nos . 11-12 ; fil e 3 , nos. 1- 3 ; fil e 4 . Chirito n an d Co . los t altogether £123 3 6 8d. ove r thi s bargai n (see Table III , no . 2b. fo r furthe r £14 7 5s. of interes t refunde d t o Goldbete r and Co.)

£1866 1 3 4d .

June - July . 1347.

£7000

£1866 1 3 4d . at Bruges .

E. 12 2 '197/4, fil e 1 , nos . 1 9 an d 2 0 file 3 , nos . 12 , 19-20 , 2 4 ; fil e 4 . Causton an d Blomerod e allegedl y refuse d to accep t th e woo l a t Bruge s an d wer e repaid i n money . Chirito n an d Co . los t altogether £200 0 ove r thi s bargai n (se e Table III , no . 3b . fo r furthe r £13 3 6 8d. of interes t receive d b y Goldbete r an d Co. )

Name of Creditor

Amount borrowed and dat e of loan.

Amount of interest paid .

1. (a ) Franci s Venture and Co., Italians

Value of 2000 sacks of wool promised to them , probably, befor e 26 Jan. 1347, which Chiriton failed t o deliver on time. Place of loan unknown, but probably outside Calai s or at Bruges.

£1000 as compensation for delay .

2. (a ) Mass y Johan and Gabriel Lyprandi of Bruges, Italians .

£1800 on 21 Dec. [? 1346 ] a t Bruges

8. (a ) Henr y Causton of London and Tideman Blomerode , a German.

£5133 6 8d . Value of 70 0 sacks of Yorkshire wool (11 marks per sack), sold to them on 1 0 March 1347. Place of loan unknown.

Date of repayment.

Sources and remarks

4. (a ) Levy n Braam, Laurence van de Voerde and James uten Hoeue, burgesses of Ghent .

£1333 6 8d. in Januar y 1347 at Ghent .

£683 6 8d.

Before 19 June 1348 .

£2016 1 3 4d .

£2016 1 3 4d . in Flanders .

E. 122/197/4, filel, nos. 15-16 ; file 3 nos. 13-17;file4; E. 122/7/8no. 7. Cloths borrowed for £1850 and repledge d to the lendersfo r £1333 6 8 d (th e su m effectivel y received ) with a los s o f £51 6 1 3 4d., followe d b y a further paymen t o f £166 13 4d. i n interest. Chiriton and Co. lost altogether £1033 6 8d . (see Table III , no . 4b . fo r furthe r £35 0 of interest receive d b y Goldbete r an d Co.) .

5. (a) ' Great Cahorse 'of Bruges [owners Perceval Roie r and Otte Garett].

£5333 6 8d. on ? 6 May 1348. at Bruges .

£1600 for a period of 6 months.

? Nov. 1348 .

At leas t £6933 6 8d.

£1600 at Bruges .

E. 122/197/4 , file 1, nos. 1 7 and 1 8 ; file 3, nos. 18 , 21-23 ; file 4. Payment o f interest at th e rate of 30% for 6 months. Chiriton an d Co . los t altogethe r £200 0 (see Table III , no . 5b , fo r furthe r £40 0 of interest receive d b y Goldbete r an d Co.) .

6. (a ) Joh n Shakelok, William Rygeton, John Gra f ton and John Cottingham , merchants of York.

100 sacks of wool worth £800 on 1 7 April 1348 in England.

£533 6 8d.

Unknown, in 1348 .

£1333 6 8d.

£1333 6 8d.

E. 122/197/4 , fil e 1 , nos . 9-10 ; fil e 3 , nos. 4- 5 ; file 4. Chiriton an d Co . los t £20 0 o n th e wool . With additio n o f interest pai d t o Shakelok and Co . thei r tota l los s amounte d t o £733 6 8d. (Se e also Tabl e III , no . 6b) .

Table III: Transactions between Walte r Chiriton an d Co. and John Goldbeter and Co. of York, 1347-49 . Date of loan by Goldbeter and Co. and its place . l.(b) Between 25 March and 1 Ma y 1347 in Flanders.

Amount lent.

Purpose of loan

i s . d. 2333 6 8

Face value of bonds restored b y Goldbeter and Co. Amount Dat e

See Table II, no. la.

Amount of interest promised £s .d .

Manner of Repaymen t

Amount received b y Goldbeter & Co. with dates

233 6 8

Assignment on the custom s £2566 13 s 4d. betwee n at Hull , Lynn & Hartlepool. 15 July and 2 6 Aug. 1348

233 6 8

Custom and subsidy on 100 sacks of wool at 46s 8d. per sack.

£233 6s 8d. Credited on export a t Lyn n on 22 May 1348. £3033 6s 8d. credited on export of 130 0 sacks (109 sacks exported from Lynn on 26 Sept. 1348) .

2. (b) April-June 1348 at Bruges .

2866 1 8

See Table II, no. 2a.

147 5 0

Custom and subsidy on 1300 sacks of wool on th e same terms .

3. (b) June-July 1347 at Bruges .

1866 1 3 4

See Table II, no . 3a.

133 6 8

Assignment on the customs £2000 (£1000 received a t Newcastle and Hartlepoo l at Lynn , Newcastle and by 1 7 Sept. 1348). Hartlepool.

4. (b) Before 1 0 June 1348 in Flander s

2016 1 3 4

See Table II, no. 4a.

350 0 0

Custom and subsidy on 150 sacks of wool on th e same terms .

£350 credited o n export a t Lynn on 29 Aug. 1348.

Assignment on the custom s at Lynn , Hull, Newcastl e and Hartlepool .

£2016 1 3s 4d. by 20 Sept. 1348 (£843 6s 8d. were received b y 27 April 1348, £523 6s 8d. in May-Aug. 1348, £650 in Sept. 1348).

Sources and remarks

E. 122/197/ 4 file 1, nos. 1-4 : file 3, nos. 8-9 ; file 4. E. 122/158/13 , nos . 19-21 . E. 122/7/ 8 no. 5. Loan and repayment unde r an agreement o f 2 2 Februar y 1347 . E. 122/197/4 , fil e 1 , nos . 11-12 ; file 3, nos . 1- 3 ; file 4. E. 122/158/13 . Loan and repaymen t unde r a n agreement o f 2 6 Apri l 1348. E. 122/197/4 , fil e 1 , nos . 19-20 ; file 3, nos . 12 , 19-20 , 2 4 ; fil e 4 . E. 122/158/13 , no . 1 . Loa n an d repayment unde r agreement s o f 10 March and 1 1 July 1347 . E. 122/197/4 , file 1, nos . 15-16 ; file 3, nos . 13-1 7 ; file 4. E. 122/158/13 , nos . 3-7 ; E. 122/7/8 , no. 7. Loan an d repaymen t unde r agree ments o f 6 Januar y 134 7 an d 2 0 June 1348 .

5. (b) ? Nov. 134 8 at Bruges.

1600 0 0

See Table II, no. 5a.

400 2

0 Jan. 1349.

Delivery of 333 sacks, 2 0 stones o f Leicestershir e wool.

£2000 in wool received o n 2 Sept. 1348 at Leicester.

E. 122/197/4 , fil e 1 , no s 17-18 ; file 3, nos. 18 , 21-23 ; file 4. E. 122/158/13 , no . 2 . Loan an d repaymen t unde r agree ments of ? 6 May and 2 0 June 1348 .

6. (b) After 1 7 April 1348

1333 6 8

See Table II, no . 6a.

533 6 8 2

Oct. 1348.

Assignment on the customs at Hull .

£1333 6s 8d. between 26 June an d 6 Sept. 1348.

E. 122/197/4 , fil e 1 , nos . 9-10 ; file 2, no. 5 ; file 3, no 4-5 ; file 4. E. 122/158/13 , nos . 11-12 . Loa n and repaymen t unde r agreemen t of 1 8 April 1348 .

7. 26 January 1347.

At least 2000.

Assignment on the customs at Boston .

Presumably £2000

Permission t o export 150 0 sacks of wool customed a s 1000 sacks .

Export o f 150 0 sacks completed b y 5 May 1348 providing possibly a gain of £1333 6s 8d.

K.R.M.R. E . 159/143 , record a Easter, m . 7 ; E . 122/7/8 , nos . 4 and 6. Agreement o f 2 6 Januar y 1347 .

1333 6 8

8. 20 March 1347.

2666 1 3 4

2000 2

Oct. 1347.

9. 22 May 1347 at London .

[304 8 4]

[333 68 ] ?

24 May 1347.

10. 20 July 1347 .

1400

600 2

0 Aug. 1347.

11. 1 4 and 2 6 Sept. 1347 at Bruges .

833 6 8 [832 1 2 10] , may be a security bon d for more than wa s owed.

12. 27 Apri l 134 8

633 6 8

Assignment on the customs at Hull , Newcastl e and Hartlepool.

Assignment on the custom s at Lynn , Hull and Newcastle.

TOTAL

£2000 between 24 April and 2 9 Aug. 1348.

300 6

July 1348.

Assignment on the custom s at Newcastl e and Hartlepool.

£933 6s 8d. between 22 Aug. and 2 Sept. 1348 .

E. 122/197/4 , fil e 1 , nos . 13-14 ; file 3 , nos . 25-2 6 ; fil e 4 . E. 122/158/13 , nos . 8-9 . Agreement o f 2 7 Apri l 1348 .

Assignment on the custom s at Lyn n (£700 ) Hull , Newcastle and Hartlepool .

£969 3s 5d. from Hul l customs on 6 April 1348 .

E. 122/197/4 , file 2, no. 5 . E. 122/149/3 . It i s conjectured tha t th e paymen t at Hul l ma y b e connecte d wit h this bargain . E. 122/197/4 , fil e 2 , no. 1 .

100

1000 20649 8 4

(items in square bracket s not counted becaus e uncertain) .

E. 122/197/14 , fil e 1 , nos . 6-7 ; file 3, nos. 6-7 ; file 4. E. 122/158/13 , nos. 13-16 . Agreement o f 2 0 Jul y 1347 . Payment b y Goldbete r i n July a t Calais o f £333 6 s 8d . ma y b e con nected wit h thi s loa n (E. 101/128/3 , no . 9) . E. 122/197/4 , file 2, nos. 2 and 9 .

15. 3 0 Apri l 1348 . 16. 4 Aug . 134 8 at London.

E. 122/197/14 , fil e 1 , nos . 5 & 8; file 2, no . 5 ; file 3, nos . 10-1 1 ; file 4. E . 122/158/13 , nos . 17-18 . Agreement o f 2 0 Marc h 1347 . E. 210/562 3 ; E. 13/83 , m . 16 . It wa s alleged b y Acastre' s executors that instead of delivering bonds for £33 3 6s. 8d. he pai d i n cash a t the rat e o f 2 s 6d . fo r eac h poun d (£41 13s 4d.) This was confirmed b y a jur y in th e cours e o f a differen t case (E . 13/78 , m. 116) .

13. An unidentified bargain of £2500 mentioned in a. letter of 1 9 April 1348. 14. 28 Jul y 134 8 at Bruges .

£4666 13s 4d. b y ? 30 Aug. 1348.

3833 6 8

2430 1 1 8

Assignment of £486 13s 4d. on the customs at Lyn n (300 sacks).

£177 15s 8d. o n 1 5 May 1348, (expor t o f 10 6 sacks 17 stones) .

E. 122/197/4 , file 2, no s 4, 6-7 .

[Assignment on the customs ]

[£1000 by 1 8 May 1349]

E. 122/197/4 , fil e 2 , no . 3 ; ? E.122/58/6 . Loan in Sir John Pulteney's house.

£25613 12s 5d.

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XII

The Last Trials of Sir William de la Pole 1

T,

he career o f William d e la Pole of Hull form s one of the mos t remarkabl e 'success stories ' o f th e fourteent h century. 2 Th e monasti c chronicle r o f th e neighbouring abbe y o f Meaux, writin g withi n a generatio n o f Pole's death , remembered hi m a s 'secon d t o n o Englis h merchant'. 3 Thi s tribut e seem s justified. I n th e first half of the reig n o f Edward II I Pol e was certainly on e of the mos t influentia l busines s me n i n England . Othe r Englis h merchant s followed hi s lea d i n on e majo r enterpris e afte r another . A t time s some of his associates di d no t entirel y trus t him, 4 i t seem s wit h goo d reason , an d ye t continued t o follo w him . Betwee n June 133 8 an d Octobe r 133 9 h e raise d fo r the kin g a t least j£m,ooo. 5 H e claime d subsequentl y that h e ha d borrowe d most of it fro m others. 6 The amoun t of money provided b y Pole wa s nearly as large as the loans advanced b y the two wealthiest Italian firms in Europe, th e Bardi an d th e Peruzz i o f Florence, wh o jointly advance d t o Edwar d II I i n 1338-39, in th e spac e of slightly less than tw o years, £i25,88o.7 The fortun e and positio n achieve d b y Willia m d e la Pol e raise d hi s family in on e generatio n int o th e rank s o f the peerage : his eldest son , Michael , wa s personally summone d t o parliamen t fo r th e firs t tim e i n January 1366 , five months befor e William's death . Michae l becam e chancello r i n 138 3 and ear l of Suffolk i n 1385 . A century later hi s descendant wa s recognized a s heir t o th e kingdom by King Richard III , and , had the outcome of the battles of Bosworth 1

Al l the reference s to unpublished sources are t o records i n the Publi c Recor d Offic e i n London . N o satisfactory life of Pole exists. The brie f sketch in the Dictionary of National Biography is largely ou t of date. The lates t biography i s in A. S. Harvey, Th e de la Pole familyo f Kingston upon Hull (Eas t Yorkshir e Local History Society, 1957) , but th e author is unaware of several existing publications and make s only slight us e of the unpublishe d source s in th e Publi c Recor d Office . 3 Chronica Monasterii d e Melsa . . ., Ill (Roll s Series, 1868) , p. 48. 4 E . B . Fryde, 'Th e Englis h farmer s o f the customs , 1343-51', Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. 5th ser . vol. 9 (i959)»P-95 Th e tota l deb t to Pole fo r this period amounte d t o ca. £i 18,000. If some unimportant payment s made in England in June-July 133 8 are excluded, we are left with £i 17,551. i$s. $d. enumerated in the record o f Pole's tria l in 135 4 and mostl y advanced abroa d (Excheque r Ple a Roll , E. 13/79 , mm. iz^d and 125
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or Stok e bee n different , a D e l a Pol e migh t hav e becom e king o f England. At th e tim e o f his las t trial s i n th e exchequer , i n 1353-54 , Willia m ha d behind hi m mor e than thirt y years of business dealings with the roya l government. Bu t his activities ha d assume d a trul y nationa l importanc e onl y a t th e start of the war with France, in 1336-7 . At that time, high hopes were attached by the kin g to the possibilities o f financing the wa r ou t o f the wool trade, thu s exploiting England's chief economic asset, its monopoly of supplying fine wool, particularly t o th e grea t industria l area s o f the Lo w Countries . I n orde r t o organize the fiscal exploitation of the wool trade, Edwar d III secure d the help of the Englis h merchant s le d by William d e la Pole. 1 For th e first time in th e history o f medieva l England , Englis h merchant s became a seriou s sourc e o f credit fo r the crown , a s an alternativ e t o th e Italia n financiers. It i s probabl e that any crisis in royal finances comparable to that of 1337 would have compelled the Englis h crow n t o give the nativ e merchant s simila r opportunities . Bu t it was due abov e all to Pole and a few of his leading associates that th e English wool exporter s wer e successfully organize d in 133 7 into a wool company com prising the majorit y o f the importan t merchant s in th e kingdom. This first scheme for financin g th e wa r soo n miscarried , no t becaus e i t was inherently impracticable, but becaus e of miscalculations and fault s o n the part of both th e merchants an d th e king's advisers. In 1338- 9 Pole assumed personally th e tas k of raising loans for th e crow n an d provide d th e enormou s sums that hav e alread y bee n mentione d b y us . I n 134 0 h e fell into disgrac e wit h many othe r roya l agent s and officials . Pol e got, however , one mor e chance to play a n importan t par t i n th e histor y o f this countr y whe n h e originate d i n 1343-5 the schem e for the farmin g o f the custom s by Englis h merchants.2 Pole retired fro m activ e shar e i n thi s ventur e i n 1345 , bu t th e method s devise d b y him wer e used most successfully t o financ e th e campaign s of 1345- 7 whereby Edward II I achieve d hi s first decisive triumphs in France . The late r year s of William's lif e (1345-66 ) for m a t presen t one o f the leastknown portions o f his story. Th e write r of the notic e on him in the Dictionary of National Biography assume d that Pole enjoyed uninterrupte d royal favour during those last twent y years of his life. I n reality , i n 1353-4 , Pole was menaced wit h utter ruin as a result of an elaborate series of prosecutions both at the suit of the crown an d o f private litigant s actin g wit h royal , encouragement. Som e late r publications mentione d certai n incident s connecte d wit h thi s crisi s in Pole' s career,3 but th e full stor y has never been told. The attac k o n Pole was possibly linked with the setting up o f the home staples and wit h the prohibition of wool export b y Englis h merchants , enacte d b y the Grea t Counci l tha t sa t a t West minster in September-October 1353 . If the existence of this connexion could be proved, i t woul d confir m that Pol e wa s th e firs t an d foremos t o f the 'rogu e elephants' 4 whom the framer s o f these extraordinary measures were trying to exclude from foreign commerce and public finance so that they should no more 1

Ibid, chapte r I I an d Fryd e in History, new series, XXXVI I (1952) , cit. infra. Fryde , Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. 1959 (cit. supra). 3 Especiall y G . O . Sayles , 'Th e "English Company " o f 134 3 an d a merchant' s oath', Speculum, V I (1931), where he discusse s and partl y prints th e recor d o f one o f thos e trials . 4 E . Power' s phrase in Th e Wool Trade i n English Medieval History (Oxford , 1941) , p . 85 . 2

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menace th e interest s of English wool producers and lesse r merchants. Further more, th e trial s o f 1353- 4 suppl y valuabl e evidenc e abou t Pole' s busines s methods and the y provide some fresh insight s into th e enigmati c personality of this masterful financier. We get a glimpse of a man wh o weighs his words most carefully, wh o neve r seem s to sa y anythin g tha t migh t tur n late r t o hi s dis advantage, wh o canno t b e shifte d b y an y amoun t o f pressure from hi s chosen line of defence. These trial s rake d u p al l th e thing s i n Pole' s pas t wher e h e seeme d mos t vulnerable. Pol e appears t o have specially dreaded the resumption o f an earlier trial, starte d i n 1341 , an d formall y suspended i n 1344 , dealin g wit h charge s arising out of the failure of the English 'Woo l Company ' o f I337- 1 This com pany, a s w e hav e briefl y mentione d before , ha d bee n founded by a grou p of merchants le d b y Pol e i n orde r t o financ e th e wa r wit h Franc e an d i t wa s endowed for this purpose with the monopoly of the English wool trade and with control ove r th e entir e revenue from th e custom s on exporte d wool . Edward' s initial plan s fo r financin g th e wa r wer e mainl y base d o n thi s schem e an d it s breakdown earl y in 133 8 threw out o f gear th e time-tabl e for the campaig n o f that year . Substitut e woo l scheme s wer e improvise d i n a hurry , bu t the y yielded muc h les s mone y tha n ha d bee n expecte d fro m th e 'Woo l Company ' of 1337 , an d wha t wa s forthcoming came to o late t o aver t a n ultimat e roya l bankruptcy. The kin g acquired a deep conviction that al l the wool schemes of those year s ha d bee n badl y mishandled. 2 Archbisho p Stratford' s defenc e i n 1341 implies tha t Edward II I wa s inclined to trace his subsequent misfortunes in 1338-4 0 t o th e initia l collaps e o f Pole' s 'Woo l Company'. 3 Th e kin g dis played exceptiona l vindictivenes s toward s Pole ; h e wa s imprisoned fro m th e start o f Decembe r 134 0 t o Ma y 134 2 and , a s fa r a s i s known , wa s detaine d much longe r tha n an y o f th e othe r official s an d financier s arreste d afte r 3 0 November 1340 . I t mus t b e stresse d tha t Pole' s length y imprisonmen t wa s connected with his trial in 134 1 on charges arising exclusively out o f the failure of the 'Woo l Company' of 1337. Of the many accusations formulated in that trial the most irrefutable was the charge tha t th e merchant s associate d wit h th e 'Woo l Company ' smuggle d t o the Netherland s i n th e autum n o f 133 7 larg e quantitie s o f wool . A jury o f merchants an d mariners declare d tha t at least 2,500 sacks had been fraudulently exported.4 Pole and hi s fellow accused , Reginald Conduit , as the two chairmen of th e 'Woo l Company' , wer e held responsibl e an d o n 2 6 July 134 1 th e ex chequer ordere d sheriff s t o rais e fro m thei r land s an d chattel s £13,612 , a t which thei r liabilit y fo r thi s woo l wa s assessed. 5 I n a petitio n t o th e kin g 1 E . B . Fryde, 'Edwar d Ill' s woo l monopol y o f 1337' , History, ne w series, XXXVI I (1952) . Th e best summary of the tria l in D . Hughes , A Study o f Social an d Constitutional Tendencies i n the Early Years o f Edward H I (1915) , pp . 187-91 . 2 Chancer y Warrants (C . 81) , Privy Seal no. 1825 1 (1 8 April 1347 ) written with reference t o a fres h wool gran t fo r financin g th e sieg e o f Calais : 'pensantz totes voies content nous avons este hountousement deceu avant ces heures sur tieles eides des laines a nous grantes par voie de chevances faire\ 3 I n Anglia Sacra (ed . H . Wharton , 1691) , I , 30. 4 Hughes , op. cit. pp. 189-90 . See below for abundant independent evidence that much illicit export did occur. 5 K.R . Memorand a Roll, E . 159/117 , Brevia retornabilia, Trinity, m. nd.

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presented by Pole some time between July 134 1 and hi s release in May 134 2 he described himsel f as a ruine d ma n wh o ha d nothin g left fo r th e sustenanc e of his family.1 Conduit was allowed to regain his property in London in September 1342,2 bu t Pol e ha d t o wai t unti l Apri l 134 4 fo r order s t o restore hi s sequestrated lands , and som e of the restitutions of his goods were delayed until I345- 3 Even while the sequestration of his properties was still being enforced, Pole was sufficiently resourcefu l an d influentia l to rescue some of them. His friends wer e able to claim som e of the lands which the y then manage d o n Pole's behalf ; i n 1342 Pol e wa s collectin g debt s du e t o him , i n defianc e o f th e king' s rights . Royal custodian s o f Pole's good s largely failed t o fin d purchaser s an d h e was able t o recover ultimatel y some of his belongings. 4 The tria l o f 134 1 wa s formally annulle d i n Augus t 1344 , probabl y because the kin g needed Pole' s service s again t o organiz e the far m o f the custom s and the redemptio n o f royal debts. 5 But on e o f the unexpecte d result s o f this new venture o f Pole an d o f other simila r scheme s between 134 5 and 134 9 was th e disclosure of further fraud s i n 1337-8. 6 The charge s formulated against Pole in the tria l o f 1341 , thoug h no t pursue d o n thi s occasion , ha d i n n o wa y bee n challenged o r disproved . B y 135 0 th e excheque r possesse d muc h fulle r in formation abou t smugglin g in 1337 , and started a series of prosecutions agains t wool merchant s tha t wen t o n for many years. 7 I n th e course of these trials th e exchequer became convinced that the collectors of customs must have connived in 133 7 a t wholesal e evasions. 8 Thu s durin g proceeding s agains t th e collector of customs at Bosto n it wa s surmised by the excheque r that quantitie s o f wool ranging fro m i| - sack s to i f sack s had bee n falsel y custome d b y hi m a s only i sack. 9 It is not surprising that when the royal attack on Pole was resumed in 1353- 4 he shoul d hav e bee n particularl y frightene d b y th e reviva l o f the charge s of 1341 about smuggling . From November 135 3 to October 135 4 Pole obstinately refused t o give way to royal pressure , but when on 20 October th e king ordere d the resumptio n o f the tria l o f 1341 and declare d its annulment in 134 4 to have 1

Ancien t Petition s (S.C . 8) , no. 3369 . Calendar o f Close Rolls, 1341-43, p. 584 . Cal. Close R. 1343-46, p. 31 1 an d K.R . Excheque r Account s Various , E . 101/23/21 . 4 Cal. Close R. 1341-43, pp. 656-7 ; Memoranda Rolls, E . 159/118 , m. 21 3 and E . 368/114, m. 1 5 (1 6 Edw. Ill), E. 159/119 , m. 17 9 (1 7 Edw. Ill) ; K.R. Excheque r Accounts Various, E. 101/23/2 1 (thre e ships of Pole never sol d and restore d t o him i n March 1345) . There is a summary o f some of the printe d evidence in Harvey , op. cit. pp. 52-3 . 5 Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. 1959, pp . 8-10 . 6 Ibid. p. 14 . 7 Memorand a Rolls, E. 368/122, mm. 234-5 (24 Edw. Ill) and passim 25-34 Edw. Ill (chiefl y K.R . Memoranda Rolls). 8 K.R . Memorand a Roll , 2 6 Edw . Ill , E . 159/128 , Recorda, Hilary , m . 8 an d 8 d (collector s o f customs a t London) . Se e also th e nex t note . 9 'Presumitur penes curiam quod tune collectores custumarum . . . ibidem perminiserunt transire de eodem portu saccum et dimidium pro sacco, saccum et quarter' sacci pro sacco, saccum et tria quarteria sacci pro sacco in decepcionem Regis' (K.R . Memorand a Roll, 35 Edw. Ill, E. 159/137 , Recorda, Hilary, m . 4). This opinion was given seve n year s afte r Pole' s tria l i n 1354 , bu t excheque r official s wer e familia r wit h simila r mal practices alread y a decad e earlier . The y wer e prosecutin g Pol e himsel f o n simila r charge s i n 135 4 (Exchequer Plea Roll, E. 13/79 , m- 4°): alleged export of 110 sarplars from Hul l in 1348, each i £ sack being customed a s i sack . 2

3

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been du e t o error , Pol e capitulate d almos t a t once , withou t an y furthe r pleadings.1 The secon d imprisonmen t o f Pole, i n July 1354 , aros e ou t o f his refusa l t o answer questions about secre t loans advanced t o the king in 1337-8. 2 This ma y possibly provid e a clu e t o th e identit y o f some o f Pole' s opponents . Th e ex chequer displaye d i n 1337- 8 a strong aversion to secret loans for which no one was suppose d t o accoun t a t th e excheque r an d it s official s wer e probabl y responsible for the royal prohibition o f this practice i n July I338. 3 In thei r zea l they tried to make this ban retrospective and in the second half of 1338 Pole had great difficult y i n securin g allowanc e fo r olde r secre t loans , amountin g alto gether t o £9,027. Onl y afte r peremptor y royal orders did the excheque r gran t the require d allowanc e i n Decembe r 1338. 4 Bu t som e resentmen t persisted . Pole was challenged again abou t on e of the same loans in the summer of I348. 5 This tim e the matter wa s soon dropped, onl y to be revived in the general attack in 1354 , whe n al l hi s secret loans came unde r fres h scrutiny . Mere grudge s against Pole in th e mind s of the kin g or his officials migh t no t have suffice d t o inspire a fresh attac k on him in 1353-4 , but Edwar d II I coul d also hop e t o deriv e substantia l advantage s fro m thi s onslaught . Ther e wer e apparently tw o main objectives : t o force Pol e to give up al l the debt s tha t th e king stil l owe d hi m an d t o compe l hi m t o renounc e fo r eve r al l claim s t o royal propertie s sol d t o Pol e i n 1338 , bu t withhel d fro m hi m sinc e th e roya l seizure of his assets in December 1340 . The land s consisted of the great estate of Burstwick in Holderness , reserve d unti l 133 8 to th e King' s Chamber , an d th e manors of Wheatley and Gringle y in Nottinghamshire , forming par t o f Queen Philippa's lands . Thes e propertie s wer e partl y bough t an d partl y lease d b y Pole i n June I338, 6 an d b y th e en d o f January 133 9 h e ha d pai d fo r the m £22,650.7 I n th e cours e of 1339 , in recognitio n of further financia l services, he secured th e transformatio n of the lease s into grants in fee and h e also obtaine d new grants o f additional propert y in Holderness. 8 These supplementar y grants made Pol e th e hereditar y lor d o f the whol e o f Burstwick, whic h wa s likely t o yield a net annua l incom e o f some £850.9 1

Infra, p . 29. Excheque r Ple a Roll, E. 13/79 , m- I 2 ^- These were loan s fo r which n o account was to be rendered save t o the kin g o r his most intimat e advisers . The y comprise d payment s t o royal allies , t o spies , an d other expenditur e o f a confidentia l nature . 3 E . B . Fryde , 'Material s fo r th e stud y o f Edward Ill' s credit operations , 1327-48' , Bulletin of the Intsitute o f Historical Research, XXII (1949) , 113-14 . 4 Reference s ibid. p . 113 , n . 2 , and als o Chancer y Warrant s (C . 81) , Priv y Sea l no. 11.146 . 5 L.T.R . Memorand a Roll , 2 2 Edw. Ill , E . 368/120, mm. 93-4 . 6 Th e draf t o f the grant, approved by the king's council, Chancery Miscellanea, C. 47/file 7 , no. 8 ; identure o f agreemen t Cal. Close R . 1337-9, p . 50 9 (inadequatel y calendared) ; charter s an d letter s patent, Cal. Charter R . 1327-41, p. 446 , Cal. Fine R . 1337-47, p. 83 an d Cal. Patent R . 1338-40, p. 193 ; surveys an d extents , K.R . Ancien t Extents , E . 142/4 8 and 49 . 7 Receip t an d Issu e Roll s unde r 1 9 Octobe r 134 2 (E . 401/37 0 an d E . 403/327) ; Ancient Deeds , E. 43/32 4 an d Warrant s for Issues , Excheque r o f Receipt, E . 404/493 , nos. 50 , 153 , 403, 40 4 and 41 1 (original receipts) . 8 Cat . Patent R . 1338-40, pp. 383 , 393-4 ; Cal. Charter R. 1327-41, pp. 470-71 . 9 Th e royal receiver o f Burstwick charged himself with £989. y. 6%d. for the year from 26 Septembe r 1341 t o Michaelma s 134 2 an d b y 4 Marc h 134 3 h e ha d pai d £851. 135 . $%d. t o th e receive r o f th e King's Chamber , th e res t bein g allowe d fo r fee s o f official s an d expense s (Minister s Accounts , S.C . 6/1082/3). 2

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By June 134 0 Edward II I appear s t o have developed doubts about his profit from th e whol e transaction. Tw o letters of privy seal dated 1 8 June 1340 , a few days befor e th e departur e o f Edward's secon d expeditio n t o th e Netherlands , show tha t Pol e mus t have falle n into som e disfavour by tha t date . On e o f the letters wa s a warran t fo r Pole' s dismissa l fro m th e offic e o f a baro n o f th e exchequer an d i t include d a damagin g allegatio n tha t Pole , i n hi s ow n ac counting at the exchequer, had no t charged himsel f as fully a s he ought to have been charged. 1 The secon d lette r ordere d a fresh inquir y int o the real value of the estates acquired b y Pole from th e king as Edward ha d hear d tha t the y ha d not bee n properl y surveyed . I t wa s stresse d b y th e kin g tha t everythin g conceded t o Pol e shoul d ^ be acquire d b y hi m onl y b y purchas e a t th e rea l value.2 Fresh inquiries were accordingly held early in October 1340 ; the jurors in Holdernes s wer e almos t entirel y differen t fro m thos e empanelle d i n I338. 3 The ne w inquiry resulted in at least one significant fres h development . Whereas in 133 8 Pole had acquire d the lands granted to him in fee at ten years' purchase, in Octobe r 134 0 jurors i n bot h Holdernes s an d Nottinghamshir e assesse d the price o f these lands a t twent y years' purchase. 4 This suggest s a ne w polic y of demanding supplementar y payment s fro m Pole , bu t th e kin g soo n showe d a preference fo r a mor e radica l solution . Less tha n tw o month s afte r thes e inquirie s Pol e wa s imprisoned . Afte r judgment ha d bee n give n agains t hi m a t th e excheque r al l hi s land s wer e seized into th e king' s hands. 5 He woul d neve r again b e allowed to hold Burstwick. Som e o f the othe r roya l grant s wer e ultimatel y returne d t o him . Th e houses tha t ha d onc e belonge d t o th e Bard i i n Lombar d Stree t i n London , which Pol e ha d bee n give n b y th e kin g i n Septembe r 1339 , wer e restore d t o Pole i n Marc h 1346. 6 Quee n Philipp a readmitte d hi m t o Wheatle y an d Gringley fro m 9 Decembe r 1349 , thoug h apparentl y onl y a s a lessee. 7 Fo r Burstwick Pol e coul d onl y ge t a pecuniar y compensation . I n Marc h 134 6 h e was concede d al l th e revenu e fro m th e ancien t custo m a t Hull , t o hol d unti l he might regain Burstwick or else until he recovered the money that he had pai d to the kin g for these lands.8 Payment s t o Pol e began i n 134 6 9 and apparentl y continued unti l shortl y before hi s surrender of this grant i n November I354. 10 But the seque l to Pole's tria l i n 135 4 showed that th e king resented this tempo1

Chancer y Warrant s (C. 81), Privy Seal , no. 13,216. His successor William Norwell, wa s appointed on 30 June (K.R . Memorand a Roll , E. 159/116 , m. I2gd). 2 C . 81 , Priv y Seal , no . 13206 . Th e resultin g commissio n i s date d 1 8 July 134 0 (K.R . Ancien t Extents, E . 142/49) . 3 E . 142/49. 4 Ibid.: 'Et predicti iurati dicunt quod quilibet denarius valet ad vendendum infeodo iuxta verum valorem XXd. (Holderness) an d E t si c est summa vendicionis infeodo iuxta verum valorem, videlicet a d XXd.' (Wheatle y an d Gringley, Notts.) . 5 Burstwic k wa s seize d b y th e sherif f o f Yorkshir e o n 2 3 Augus t 134 1 (K.R . Memorand a Roll , E - 6i59/"7 > m - i79) Cal. Patent R. 1345-8, p. 94. ' Excheque r Ple a Roll , E . 13/78, m. 118. 8 Cal. Patent R. 1345-8, pp. 93-4 9 Earlies t recorde d paymen t b y John Wesenham befor e October 1346 (Pipe Roll, E. 372/192, m. 12) . 10 Cal. Close R. 1354-60, pp. 39 , 120; E. 356/8, m. 55 (Hull), recordin g payments unti l i March 1354 .

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rary settlement an d that he would welcome an opportunity t o force Pol e into a complete renunciatio n o f all hi s claims t o royal estates . Edward II I als o wante d t o forc e Pol e int o renouncin g anothe r grou p o f claims, nominall y a t least a s valuable a s Burstwick and th e other lands . A t th e time of his disgrace i n December 134 0 Pole was owed at least £22,513. i$s. ()d. for loan s advance d t o the crown since June I338. 1 Other miscellaneous debts 2 raised thi s tota l t o som e £25,00 0 an d Pol e als o hel d variou s roya l bond s fo r gifts an d favour s promised t o him . Th e existenc e o f these debt s an d promise s largely shaped hi s relations wit h the king until the final royal attac k on him in 1 353-4By December 134 0 Pole ha d successfull y recovere d abou t 7 7 per cen t o f the loans advance d sinc e June I338. 3 H e ha d fare d bette r i n thi s matte r o f repayment tha n an y of the other major creditors of Edward III: he was certainly more successfu l tha n th e Bard i and th e Peruzzi . This help s to explain wh y his prolonged imprisonmen t an d disgrac e di d no t resul t i n hi s bankruptcy . Presumably h e mus t hav e satisfie d hi s mor e dangerou s creditors . Whe n h e regained som e freedom o f action, which he certainly did b y the sprin g of 1343, Pole naturall y wishe d t o recove r fro m th e crow n a s muc h a s h e could. 4 Bu t there was, apperently, no desperate necessity for him to do so. His first objective was to regain th e king' s favour o r at leas t to convince the royal government of his continued usefulness. Recover y of the royal debts to him migh t then follow , but Pol e coul d survive without it. Pole manage d t o extricat e himself from th e consequence s of his disgrace in the cours e of 1343-4. There i s every reason t o assume that h e recovered royal favour b y organizing , i n th e sprin g o f 1343 , th e compan y o f th e Englis h farmers of the customs. 5 His othe r aim , of securing the repaymen t of some of the debt s owed hi m b y th e crown , coul d als o b e pursue d throug h th e inter mediary o f thi s sam e company . Th e kin g remaine d extremel y reluctan t t o honour th e liabilities h e had s o improvidently incurred in 1338-40 . Out o f this situation sprang up one of the chie f features o f the farm o f the customs between 1 Thi s total is made up of debts extinguished between 134 1 and 135 3 together with a residue remitte d by Pole to the king in November 1354 . I hav e traced th e final fate o f all the debts due t o Pol e excep t for tw o wardrobe bills of NorweU amounting together to £1,624 (no t include d in the total in the text), and a payment o f £1,000 to Cusance in November 134 0 (Enrolle d Wardrobe Accounts, E . 361/2 , m . 40), also not included. The discharge of wardrobe debts of'Norwell and Gusance amounting to £5,336. QS. id. entered in the accounts o f Wesenha m (Pip e Roll , E . 372/192 , Adhuc Res. London) an d Chirito n (E . 372/195 , Item London an d E . 372/196 , Adhuc Item London). A deb t o f £500 remitted b y Pol e in Novembe r 135 3 (L.T.R . Memorand a Roll , E . 368/125 , mm . 133-34 and-Co/. Close R. 1349-54, P- 5^7 ) • Remission o f all th e remainin g debt s in K.R . Memorand a Roll , E . 159/131 , Recorda, Easter , m . 4 . See also Receipt Roll, E . 401/34 4 under 2 1 July 1338 . 2 Hi s 'Dordrecht bond ' for £2,039 (se e below ) and a royal promise to provide suitable husbands for Pole's daughters or els e t o pay hi m 1,00 0 marks (K.R . Memorand a Roll , E. 159/131 , Recorda, Easter, m. 4). 3 Afte r payment s by Pole for estates are deducted (£22,650) , the loans from June 133 8 to May 134 0 amount t o £90,401 . QS. i\d. Loan s advance d in May-December 134 0 amounted to £5,440 (Enrolled Wardrobe Accounts , E . 361/2 , m . an d K.R . Memorand a Roll , E . 159/131 , Recorda, Easter, m. 4). I4 Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. 1959, p. 10 . 5 Ibid. pp. 9-10.

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1343 an d 1349 : th e specia l privileg e enjoye d b y th e farmer s t o bu y u p roya l debts a t a discount. 1 Normally th e farmer s acquired th e variou s roya l bond s and debenture s fo r onl y a tin y fractio n o f thei r fac e value . Bu t som e roya l creditors were in a position to secure much better terms for themselves. Pole, as the organize r of the whol e scheme, was one of them. Thus, i n 1343 , he sold to his fellow-farmer s a bon d fo r £2,03 9 fo r almos t it s fac e valu e an d receive d from the m a speed y paymen t o f nearl y 6 0 pe r cen t i n cash . H e omitted , however, t o disclos e t o hi s collaborator s tha t h e ha d als o assigne d anothe r 30 pe r cen t t o som e o f hi s agent s o r creditors. 2 I n subsequen t years furthe r royal obligation s belongin g t o Pole , amountin g t o £5,336 . 9,5- . id., wer e extinguished throug h th e intermediar y o f the farmer s o n term s tha t remai n unknown. But the bul k of the roya l debts owed to Pole in December 134 0 still remained unpai d i n I354. 3 The far m o f the customs , while bringin g som e immediate benefit s t o Pole , had, however , ver y unfortunat e long-ter m consequence s fo r him . Pol e ende d his direc t associatio n wit h th e othe r farmer s in 1345 , bu t h e coul d b e calle d upon t o share th e liabilities that h e and the y ha d jointly incurre d durin g th e period o f their partnership . Afte r hi s former associate s ha d gon e bankrup t i n 1349, thei r claim s on Pol e becam e a major menac e t o him. Thi s provide d th e king, wh o was the bigges t credito r o f Pole's bankrup t associates , wit h ye t on e more formidabl e weapo n agains t th e Hul l financier . I t wa s used t o star t th e attack o n Pol e in earnes t in Novembe r 1353 . Two minor prosecutions against Pole in the summer of 1353, though not very dangerous in themselves , may yet hav e bee n th e initia l sign s of an impendin g royal campaig n agains t him . I n Jul y proceeding s wer e initiate d i n th e ex chequer b y Quee n Philippa. 4 He r attorne y allege d tha t Pol e ha d neve r accounted fo r the farm of her manors of Wheatley and Gringle y in 1338-4 0 and again fro m 9 December 134 9 t o Easte r 1353 . Pol e admitte d hi s liability, bu t the cas e was adjourned and doe s not concer n us here any further. In th e same Trinity ter m of 1353, Pol e was prosecuted in the excheque r at th e king' s suit. 5 It wa s alleged tha t wool valued a t £473. QS. 8f
Ibid. pp. 7-9. Excheque r Ple a Roll , E . 13/79 , m. 59. Supra, p. 30. 4 Excheque r Plea Roll, E . 13/78 , m. 118 . 5 L.T.R . Memoranda Roll , E . 368/125, mm. 133-4. 6 Rotuli Parliamentorum, II, 246-53 . For a good discussion of these measures see G. Unwin, 'The Estate of Merchants, 1336-65 ' i n Finance and Trade under Edward HI , ed . G . Unwi n (Manchester , 1918) , also E. Power , op . cit. pp. 82-5 , 97-8 . 2 3

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proof i s possible , i t seem s justified t o surmis e tha t thi s legislatio n an d th e circumstances o f it s enactmen t provide d a favourabl e backgroun d fo r a prosecution of Pole. One o f the reason s for the Stapl e Ordinanc e wa s the breakdow n o f normal trade betwee n Englan d an d Flander s i n 1352 . Th e woo l stapl e a t Bruge s ceased t o functio n i n th e cours e o f that yea r becaus e of growing enmity be tween Englishme n an d Flemings . Al l shipment s fro m Englis h harbour s wer e prohibited on 3 September 135 2 for fear o f attacks by Flemish privateers and , when expor t o f wool wa s resumed, i t wa s confined exclusively t o alie n mer chants.1 Between Michaelmas 135 2 and Michaelma s 135 3 they shipped 16,75 5 sacks,2 roughl y hal f th e amoun t exporte d fro m Englan d i n norma l years . Obviously som e fresh reorganizatio n o f the woo l trade ha d becom e inevitabl e and was, no doubt, discusse d at a council of the English and foreign merchants held o n i July 1353 . I t shoul d b e noted tha t thi s assembly contained a t leas t seven merchant s wh o had reason s t o b e displease d wit h Pole' s action s i n th e past.3 Thi s bod y probabl y helpe d t o draf t th e Stapl e Ordinanc e formall y promulgated i n Octobe r 1353 . Besides the transient circumstance s explaining th e collapse of the system of a foreign stapl e i n 1352-3 , ther e wer e als o mor e fundamenta l an d endurin g reasons for the adoptio n o f a contrary policy . Widesprea d hostilit y in England towards the leading nativ e wool exporters was combined wit h a strong desire to encourage foreig n traders t o come to this country. The owner s of sheep hope d to secure better price s for their woo l from th e regime of home staples and fro m the restrictio n o f export t o aliens . Ther e wa s als o a fundamenta l cleavage of interest o n thi s issue between th e mor e important merchant s o f the exportin g harbours an d th e res t o f the Englis h merchan t class . Resentmen t a t th e high handed an d unscrupulou s proceedings o f the leadin g Englis h merchant s an d financiers, som e of whom had tende d t o monopoliz e th e woo l trade sinc e th e start o f the Frenc h wa r i n 1337 , wa s thu s only one o f several reasons for th e Staple Ordinance . Bu t in th e autum n o f 135 3 thi s resentment wa s clearly a n important factor. 4 I n th e openin g speec h t o th e Grea t Counci l th e king' s spokesman, Si r William Shareshull , th e chief justice, pointedly referred to 'the injury an d impoverishmen t suffere d b y th e communit y o f th e kingdom ' through th e usurpatio n of the profit s o f the woo l trade b y certain individuals. He spok e of those individual s 'accroachin g unt o themselves ' thi s profit. 5 Th e chief justice wa s usin g her e a menacin g word , wit h particularl y siniste r associations when coming from a n eminent lawyer. The accusatio n of 'accroach1 A . Beardwood, Alien Merchants in England, 1350 to 7377 (Cambridge, Mass., 1931) , pp. 25-6," L.T.R. Customs Accounts, E. 356/5, m . 1 6 (subsidy ) and E . 356/9 , mm. 24 , 34. 2 Figur e (combinin g wool and woolfells ) derive d from th e forthcomin g table s of English wool and cloth exports, 1275-1547 , edited by E. M. Carus-Wilson and O . Colema n (Oxford U.P . 1962) . I owe thanks to the author s for their kin d permission t o use these figures. 3 Summon s in Reports from th e Lords Committees touching th e Dignity o f a Peer of th e Realm, IV , 596-8 . William Melcheburn wa s associated wit h the prosecution of Pole in November 135 3 (infra). Si x others were removed by Pole from th e 'Englis h Company ' of 134 3 after Augus t 134 4 (Sayles , loc. cit. pp. 19 0 and 201) . 4 Beside s discussion by Unwin and Powe r quoted above, see the comments of T. F . T. Plucknet t on the legal aspect s o f earlier complaints agains t th e farmers in Trans. Roy. Hist. Soc. 1942, pp. 51-3 , 69. 5 Rotuli Parliamentorum, II, 24 6 (no. 2).

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ment of royal power' had been a ground for the execution of the Despensers and Roger Mortimer a s traitors in 1326-30 . It seem s more than a coincidence that, within a few weeks of the promulgation o f the Stapl e Ordinance, Willia m de la Pole should have been singled out for a determined onslaught by the crown. I n the late r stage s of this lega l attac k Shareshul l an d th e othe r judges played a direct part . Early in Michaelmas term 135 3 Pole was troubled by at least two legal cases. Both reveal that b y the middl e of November 135 3 he was being reduced to a n unusually tractabl e mood . Whe n th e proceeding s abou t th e expor t o f un customed wool by Pole' s agents were resumed, he offere d t o surrender a royal debt t o hi m fo r a large r su m o f £500, remittin g t o th e kin g th e differenc e between thi s su m an d th e valu e o f th e forfeite d woo l (£473 . QS. 8-|
L.T.R . Memoranda Roll , E. 368 (125, mm. 133-34). Th e source s for the disput e with Berland ar e Cal. Close R. 1349-54, p. 61 5 and Cora m Reg e Roll, K.B. 27/373 , Placita , m . 5 4 (reference supplie d b y my friend, M r J. B . Smith) . 3 *E.g. the complain t of Hugh Ulseb y in Sayles , loc. cit. p. 204. 4 See , for example, the preamble to their prosecution of Pole in Sayles, loc. cit. p. 196 . Several more such statements are scattere d through records of other trials. 5 Chancer y Warrants , C . 81/1538 , no . 42 , i s an undate d warran t o f the counci l for thei r releas e (probably i n Octobe r 1351 , a s in Cal. Close R. 1349-54, p. 394) 6 Lette r of privy seal of 19 July 135 2 in L.T.R. Memoranda Roll , E. 368/122 , Recorda, Michaelmas, mm. yid and 33. 2

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But their pardon o f 19 July 135 2 expressly excluded the debts due from the m to the crow n ou t o f the far m o f the custom s between Michaelmas 134 7 an d 2 1 April 1349 . This was precisely th e onl y part o f their liabilities for which Pol e could conceivabl y be made responsible. In thei r principa l suit 1 Chirito n an d Co . claime d tha t the y ha d satisfie d various creditor s o f the origina l compan y o f 1343-5 founded and directe d b y Pole. As they had, thus , discharged liabilitie s whic h Pole had wrongfull y failed to share , the y coul d blam e hi m fo r thei r subsequen t financia l difficulties . Chiriton an d Co . demanded, therefore , that Pol e should now be charged wit h their deb t to the crown for the farm of the customs up to 21 April 1349 . In thei r suit they mentioned only a part of the sums exacted from them for this reason, but we know from other records that th e total debt amounte d to £20,478. i8s. 8%d. 2 If Pole's liabilit y coul d be proved, he would have to pay thi s sum. Pole bega n b y denying tha t h e ha d eve r bee n a n associat e of Chiriton an d Swanland. Whereupo n they produced a notarial act of 10 June 1344, drawn u p at Chiriton' s house , defining th e terms of Pole's associatio n with the farmers of the customs. 3 The cas e was going badly for Pole and h e no w asked for a day' s delay t o conside r his answer . When th e tria l wa s resumed, several witnesses, chosen fro m amon g hi s forme r associates , testifie d agains t hi m an d full y confirmed th e fact s allege d b y Chiriton an d Swanland. 4 Concurrently wit h thi s mai n suit , Chirito n an d Swanland , togethe r thi s time wit h Willia m d e Melcheburn , brought a secon d charge agains t Pole , of fraudulent conduc t toward s them in 134 3 over th e sal e to the m o f a bon d fo r £2,309.5 They claimed £3,000 of damages. Pol e aske d for an adjournmen t on the groun d tha t h e needed fulle r information . In th e middl e o f December 135 3 bot h case s were adjourne d unti l Hilar y term 135 4 by a royal mandat e to the exchequer . This wa s done because, as a slightly later roya l wri t inform s us , Pol e 'ha s submitte d himsel f to th e king' s will touchin g al l th e debt s an d othe r thing s h e demand s fro m th e kin g i n accordance wit h th e treat y betwee n them'. 6 Thes e negotiation s ma y hav e lasted fo r a long time , fo r ther e i s n o know n record o f an y furthe r develop ments until July 1354 . The case s in the excheque r continued t o be adjourned. But Pol e mus t have remained obdurate , an d o n 7 July fresh proceeding s were started exclusivel y a t th e suit of the crow n this time and dealin g wit h entirel y different matters. 7 The ne w trial was conducted before the treasurer (Edington) and th e barons of the exchequer who were assisted, at the crucial stages, at an y rate, and possibly throughout, b y the lord chancello r (Thoresby), the keeper of the priv y sea l (Michae l Northburgh) , th e tw o chie f justices (Shareshul l an d Hillary), Justice Henr y Green an d other s of the king's council. 1

Th e recor d of it is published i n Sayles, loc. cit. Vie w of account o f Chiriton an d Co. , L.T.R. Memoranda Roll, E . 368/124, m. 240. Cf. a petition of Chiriton' s so n in th e reig n o f Richard I I claimin g tha t Pol e shoul d hav e bee n charge d wit h thi s amount (K.R . Custom s Accounts , E . 122/158/14) . 3 Sayles , loc. cit. pp. 199-200 . 4 Ibid. pp. 203-4. 5 Excheque r Plea Roll , E . 13/79 , m- 59 6 Cal. Fine R. 1347-56, pp. 384-5. 7 Th e recor d of this trial i s in Exchequer Ple a Roll , E. 13/79 , mm. 122-6 . 2

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Much i n th e ensuin g proceeding s remain s obscure . Bot h th e choic e o f grounds fo r prosecutio n an d Pole' s varie d reaction s to th e differen t charge s contain severa l puzzling features. Pole refused t o answer most of the questions. But he was quite flexible in this, and i n one matter of detail, wher e only £923 were involved , h e wa s eve n willin g t o mak e admission s unfavourabl e t o himself.1 Hi s repeate d silence s ar e al l th e mor e significan t an d i t mus t b e assumed that in all the cases where Pole refused t o testify h e must have scented serious danger . One grou p o f charge s h e strenuousl y denied . H e wa s accuse d o f havin g acquired gol d florins 'de scuto' a t 45. each and of having valued the m at ^s. 6d. each in making advances to the king. It wa s alleged that h e had mad e a profi t of £12,203. g,y. in this way at the king's expense. Pole maintained that , far fro m making an y profi t o n exchange , h e had , i n fact , incurre d a los s o f \\d. pe r florin in some of the payments. He offere d t o supply details about the source of his funds; h e was trying to show himself co-operative where he could afford t o do so . Bu t ther e i s n o recor d tha t h e supplie d thi s information . Perhaps i t ceased t o be needed, because this group of charges was soon dropped . Pole was questioned a t considerable lengt h abou t 'gifts ' promise d t o him by Edward II I i n 1337-9 . The y constitute d a t thi s perio d th e normal devic e for payment of interest to regular crown bankers.2 The cour t was concerned here with thre e 'gifts' . Th e earliest , fo r whic h Pol e hel d letter s paten t unde r th e great sea l dated i June 1337 , had bee n allowe d t o Pole on 23 December 133 8 and ha d bee n se t against payment s tha t h e ha d previousl y received fro m th e king, but thi s allowance was now challenged. The othe r two 'gifts', t o the joint value of £17,333. §s. 8^., were granted to Pole in November 1338 and January 1339 by letters patent o f keeper of the wardrobe, William Norwell. 3 In th e fac e of persisten t questionin g Pol e refuse d t o suppl y an y informatio n abou t th e loans whic h thes e 'gifts ' wer e suppose d t o remunerat e an d h e repeatedl y denied tha t h e wa s in an y wa y obliged t o accoun t for such 'gifts'. I t i s impossible t o discove r whethe r h e wa s merel y uneas y abou t som e of the detail s o r whether h e feared , on genera l grounds , an y discussio n of the interes t grante d to him . Thi s matte r o f 'gifts ' wa s likewis e ultimatel y dropped . Th e letter s patent for £2,000, already allowe d to Pole, were not challenged any more, bu t it looks as if the outstanding 'gifts ' fo r £17,333. ^s. 8rf. were henceforth regarded as nul l an d void . The y wer e no t eve n include d amon g th e roya l bond s tha t Pole was forced to surrender i n November 135 4 as part of a general settlement with the kin g and nothin g more is known about them. The prosecution , for reasons that remai n inexplicable , attache d th e greatest importance o f all to secret loans advance d b y Pol e in 1337-8 . The excheque r raised difficultie s abou t the m i n 133 8 and Pol e faced a prosecution about on e 1 2

Ibid. mm. 123, 125 . Fryde , Bull. Inst. Hist. Res. XXII (cit. supra), 119-20 . Thes e 'gifts ' usuall y too k th e for m o f separate roya l letters obligatory which normally should have been treated b y the exchequer officials a s if they represented real loans. In those documents the 'gifts' ar e normally state d to have been granted in compensation for losses suffered b y the lenders in connexion wit h loan s advanced to the king. Paymen t of such compensatio n coul d no t b e treate d a s usury. 3 Recorde d in Norwell's Boo k of Particulars, E. 36/203 , pp . 203 , 204 .

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of thes e loan s i n I348. 1 I n Jul y 135 4 h e wa s challenge d abou t thre e suc h transactions. Th e statement s of both sides at this trial seem very disingenuous . Pole claimed that he had presented (i n 1337 or 1338 ) a schedule containing th e particulars o f these payment s t o th e chancellor , treasure r an d other s o f th e king's counci l an d tha t h e coul d no t no w revea l an y o f the detail s withou t breaking hi s pledge o f secrecy. The cour t rule d tha t becaus e th e roya l letter s obligatory fo r thes e loan s expressl y declare d tha t nobod y shoul d b e charge d with these payments, thi s did not exonerate Pole from a n obligation t o accoun t for them . Thi s rulin g seems contrary t o the plain meaning o f the royal letters . For the only time during th e whole trial we can sense, on this issue, a feeling of exasperation i n Pole . T o th e las t o f a series of questions abou t secre t loan s h e replied tha t he neither could inform the court any further no r wished to do so.2 For thi s refusa l h e wa s committe d t o th e Flee t priso n o n 1 0 July wher e h e remained unti l October . On 1 8 October th e kin g ordere d a temporar y releas e o f Pole o n adequat e surety, and he was freed o n 20 October. O n th e day of his release Edward II I issued a mandate to the exchequer ordering th e resumption of the 134 1 trial of Pole an d Condui t abou t smugglin g by th e Englis h 'Woo l Company ' an d it s other misdeeds. 3 Thi s wa s th e las t tur n o f the scre w an d i t look s a s if Pol e capitulated a t once . O n th e sam e 2 0 October h e execute d deed s releasin g t o the king all the debts still owed him by the crown and renouncing al l his rights to Burstwick and t o Queen Philippa' s manor s of Wheatley an d Gringley. 4 When th e perio d o f Pole's releas e expired he was, however, recommitted t o prison o n 2 9 October an d kep t ther e unti l 7 November. 5 I t i s impossible t o account fo r this , especiall y a s several documents o f i Novembe r sugges t that the period o f Pole's disgrac e was over. On tha t da y were issued four warrant s of privy sea l bestowing various favours o n Pol e an d hi s sons. 6 Obviousl y th e worst was over by then, thoug h it needed another mont h befor e al l the details of the settlemen t could b e worked out an d implemented . The mai n term s o f the settlemen t betwee n Edwar d II I an d Pol e wer e as follows. I n additio n t o a general renunciation of all his claims on the king, Pole also surrendere d al l th e roya l bond s i n hi s possession. 7 H e renounce d i n thi s way debts amounting to £21,843. i is. 4frf. an d surrendere d further a bond for i ,000 sack s of wool and a roya l promis e t o provid e suitabl e husband s fo r his daughters o r else to pay him 1,00 0 marks. 8 In additio n t o giving up al l rights in Burstwick and othe r royal properties, Pole also renounced his hereditary fee of 260 marks a year out of the customs at Hull, but th e king, in exchange, gave 1

Supra, p. 21. E . 13/79 , m- !25^ : 'et alite r nescit informare curi e nee vult.' K.R . Memorand a Roll , 1 5 Edward III , E . 159/117 , m. 188 . 4 Calendare d in H. Hall, Red Book o f th e Exchequer, I, cxlv-cxlvi. Their date is given there erroneously as 20 October 1355 , bu t th e righ t date , i n 1354 , ca n b e verifie d fro m tw o o f the survivin g originals (E. 42/7 andE. 42/245). 5 E . 13/79, m- I2 66 Chancer y Warrants (C . 81), Priv y Seals, nos. 22, 572-75. Resultin g letters patent calendared i n Cal. Patent R. 1354-58, p. 158 . 7 K.R . Memoranda Roll, E. 15g/131, Recorda, Easter, m. 4, and Hall, op. cit.cxliv-cxlvii. Many of the surrendered origina l letters patent ar e preserved among Chancery Files, C . 202/H. n. 8 E . 159/131 , Recorda, Easter, m. 4 and Receipt Roll, E. 401/344 under 21 July 1338 . 2

3

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E LAST TRIALS OF SIR WILLIAM DE LA POLE

him an d hi s son Michael a n annua l ren t o f 400 marks out of the same customs for thei r lives. 1 Lastly, Pol e secure d a complet e pardon, date d 2 0 November 1354, for everything he had eve r done until that date. 2 This is a most elaborate and detaile d document . I t mus t have been drafted i n clos e collaboration with Pole and i t covers every conceivable contingenc y tha t coul d cause him dange r or embarrassment . On e immediat e resul t wa s tha t roya l proceeding s wer e resumed in Michaelmas term , 1354 , against Chirito n and Co . for the arrears of their far m of the customs; 3 they were again imprisone d an d thei r good s were rearrested. Thei r rui n wa s now irrevocable. Bu t Pol e coul d feel secur e henceforth. Wha t h e an d hi s family stil l retained the y could safel y keep . The proceeding s agains t Pol e forme d only one o f a whol e series of trials of crown banker s an d roya l financia l agent s i n th e thirteen-fortie s an d fifties . Some of those prosecutions were amply justified.4 Others involved in temporary or permanent rui n numerous English merchant s who do not seem to have been guilty o f an y seriou s misconduct. 5 Th e recor d o f som e o f th e mos t notabl e victims, including Pole, is more ambiguous and n o clear verdict seems possible today. Collectivel y al l thes e proceeding s ha d importan t an d endurin g con sequences. Ther e wa s th e discouragin g realizatio n tha t th e ope n pursui t o f profit ou t o f lending t o th e kin g involved unwelcom e publicity an d unpopu larity an d mad e a merchant ver y vulnerable to prosecution by the crown once his usefulness wa s ended. Man y leading Englis h business men became afraid t o get to o closel y involve d i n financia l dealing s wit h th e crown . Thi s mor e cautious attitude of the majorit y of English merchants is well illustrated by a n incident i n th e parliamen t o f 1382 . T o a reques t fro m th e governmen t fo r a large loa n o n th e security of the customs , the merchant s there present replie d that the y neithe r wishe d nor dare d t o len d i n thi s manne r for fear tha t the y might suffe r th e fat e o f 'Monsire Willia m d e l a Pole , John Wesenham , John Malwayn, Walte r Cherito n an d man y othe r grea t merchants , wh o fo r such transactions mad e with th e Kin g i n hi s great nee d an d fo r a little gain , hav e since bee n impeache d fo r thi s cause, and i n othe r collatera l way s an d i n th e end som e of them utterly destroyed'. 6

1 Th e fee of 260 marks was surrendered o n 30 November 1354 . Between the n an d Michaelma s 136 8 William and Michae l receive d £2,952.13,?. \d. from th e annual rent o f 400 marks and £735. i8s. i^d. of arrear s wer e sai d t o b e du e t o the m i n Ma y 136 9 (K.R . Custom s Accounts , E . 122/193/1 7 an d Chancery Miscellanea , C . 47/86/34, no. 911) . 2 Chancer y Warran t for it, C . 81/362, no. 22607 . Imperfectly calendare d i n Cal. Patent R. 1354-58, pp. 158-9 . I have used the transcript in Exchequer Ple a Roll, E. 13/79 , mm. 59 and 59^ . 3 L.T.R . Memoranda Roll, E. 368/124, mm. 240 and 240^ . 4 E.g . th e tria l o f Paul d e Mont e Florum , on e of the principa l financia l agent s o f Edward II I i n 1337-9 (K.R . Memorand a Roll , 2 3 Edward III , E . 159/125 , Recorda, Hilary, mm. 6-8) . 5 Thi s seems especially true of the proceedings against John Malwayn and other suretie s of Chiriton and Co . (L.T.R . Memorand a Roll , 3 0 Edward III , E . 368/128 , Recorda, Michaelmas , mm . 17-62 ; K.R. Custom s Accounts , E . 122/158 , nos. 3 7 and 38) . 6 Quote d fro m Power , op . cit. p. 119 .

XIII ENGLISH PARLIAMENT AND THE PEASANTS' REVOLT OF 138 1 The Grea t Revolt o f Ma y - Jun e 138 1 wa s triggere d of f b y an unpopula r poll-tax , impose d o n al l th e la y inhabitant s o f England from th e ag e of fifteen, a t th e rat e of Is. per perso n ('). Because i t precipitate d a genera l uprising , thi s impos t ha s earned an evil name for itself. But the parliament at Northampton selecte d i n Decembe r 138 0 this particula r fisca l expedien t for ver y cogen t an d intelligible reasons , afte r considerin g and rejecting som e othe r alternatives . It s motive s fo r makin g this choice deserv e a detailed study . This ill-fate d poll-ta x wa s introduced afte r nin e year s o f exceptionally heav y taxation. Betwee n Jun e 137 1 an d th e spring o f 138 0 at leas t £ 337,000 were assesse d o n th e la y po pulation a s th e resul t o f eight separat e parliamentar y grants . During tha t perio d ther e wa s onl y yea r withou t direct taxes , solely because o f th e refusa l o f th e Goo d Parliament o f 137 6 to mak e a grant . An y larg e ta x impose d i n Decembe r 138 0 was bound to be ver y unpopular . This particula r poll-tax was also th e las t i n a whol e series o f fisca l experiment s that ha d begun i n 1371 . I t wa s chose n i n preferenc e t o othe r kind s of levies becaus e al l thes e earlie r experiment s wer e regarde d as unsatisfactor y fo r on e reaso n o r another . The me n wh o se lected i t di d s o becaus e the y believe d tha t thei r choic e o f possible ne w fisca l device s wa s becomin g fairly limite d a s the resul t o f those earlier disappointments . Unfortunately they committed themselve s fo r thi s reaso n t o a ta x whic h wa s li kely t o caus e a grea t dea l o f opposition . Some of the difficul ties wer e graspe d b y th e governmen t fro m th e star t o f th e (*) Thi s articl e is partl y based o n m y introductio n t o th e second , revise d edition o f C . OMAN, Th e Great Revolt o f 1381 (Oxford: Th e Clarendo n Press , 1969), quote d hereafte r a s Th e Great Revolt. I a m studying i n greate r detail some o f the problem s which , for lac k o f space , coul d not b e full y discusse d in tha t introduction . All th e reference s to unpublishe d sources ar e t o docu ments in the Publi c Record Offic e i n London.

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levy ( 2), bu t nobod y apparentl y foresa w th e ful l exten t o f th e danger. I n th e firs t parliamen t of Richard II, i n th e autum n of 1377, a petitio n o f th e Common s had expresse d th e fea r tha t England might become the pre y o f troubles comparabl e to th e rebellion an d confederac y o f th e Frenc h servil e peasant s against thei r lord s ( s). Bu t th e parliamen t whic h grante d th e poll-tax o f 1380 presumably did no t anticipat e that fisca l exac tions coul d spar k of f this dreade d uprising . One o f the alternative s discusse d i n th e parliamen t a t Northampton, bu t finall y rejected , was th e impositio n of yet ano ther customar y fifteent h an d tent h assesse d o n movabl e pro perty. Th e yiel d o f a singl e ta x o n movable s ha d remaine d fixed sinc e 133 4 at abou t £38,00 0 (4). A s recentl y a s 137 8 tw o fifteenths an d tenths collecte d a t th e sam e time yielded abou t £75,000 an d l*/ 2 fifteenth s an d tenth s wer e grante d by parlia ment in March 1380. The fixed assessmen t on which these taxes were bein g levie d sinc e 1334 , wa s becomin g progressivel y outdated. Thi s process o f increasing obsolescenc e wa s greatl y accelerated b y th e plagu e epidemi c o f 1348- 9 and th e furthe r recurrent outbreak s o f this diseas e i n th e thir d quarte r o f th e fourteenth century . Periodi c reassessment s o f th e ta x o n movables coul d hav e provide d on e obviou s remedy , but n o at tempt wa s mad e t o d o this . I n th e parliamen t o f Novembe r 1380 th e magnate s explaine d thei r reason s fo r opposin g an other conventiona l ta x o n movable s b y allegin g tha t «th e tenths an d fifteenth s ar e i n man y way s ver y oppressiv e t o the poo r Community » ( 5). I t i s certainl y tru e tha t a variet y of abuses, som e o f the m hallowe d b y lon g establishe d usage , have graduall y clustere d aroun d thes e old-establishe d levies . As a n alternativ e t o thes e unpopula r taxes, parliament s be(2) Cf . Th e Great Revolt, p . XIX, fo r measure s take n o n 2 Januar y 138 1 to check possibl e evasion s o f the poll-tax . (3) Rotuli Parliamentomm, III , p . 21 , no . 88 : 'E t pu r eschuere tiel peril/ come nadgairs sourdy en la Roialme de Fraunce par tiel rebellioun et entrealliaunce des Villeins encontre lour Seigneurs'. (4) I n th e decad e befor e th e Peasants ' Revolt , eac h assessmen t totalle d c. £ 37,800. Cf. The Great Revolt, p. XII, n. 6. (5) Rotuli Parliamentorum, III, p. 90, no. 13.

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gan i n 137 1 a serie s o f experiments with differen t type s o f imposts, whic h wer e no t assesse d o n propert y bu t o n people ^ and wer e intende d t o reflec t th e variation s i n th e siz e o f th e population of different counties . The firs t o f these ne w devices , a ta x o n parishes , di d yiel d i n 1371- 2 nearl y £ 50,000, but i t proved a n exceptionall y complicate d ta x an d n o attemp t wa s ever mad e t o repea t thi s particula r experiment . Instead , i n 1377 an d agai n i n 137 9 recours e wa s mad e t o tw o differen t kinds o f poll-taxes. The y wer e no t oppressiv e taxes , bu t thi s attempt t o ta x everybod y presumabl y imposed a n unfai r bur den o n th e poores t clas s o f people . Thi s wa s especiall y tru e of th e firs t poll-tax , levie d a t th e unifor m rat e o f 4d . pe r per son, whic h yielde d som e £ 22,000 . Th e secon d poll-tax , granted b y parliamen t i n Ma y 1379 , was probabl y th e mos t equi table o f al l th e direc t taxe s o f the fourteent h century . I t wa s carefully graduate d accordin g t o th e socia l statu s o f th e tax payers. Furthermore , while the rat e fo r the poores t singl e per sons wa s agai n fixe d a t 4d. , thi s becam e als o th e join t mini mum fo r the poores t marrie d couples, so that eac h o f the spou ses wa s assesse d a t n o mor e tha n 2d . But the financia l result s were disappointing . Th e secon d poll-ta x yielde d quickl y onl y some £ 18,60 0 an d th e governmen t suspecte d considerabl e underassessments an d evasio n ( 6). The parliament convened t o Northampto n in November 1380 was aske d t o gran t a n exceptionally larg e su m of money, fixe d originally b y th e governmen t a t £ 160,00 0 ( 7). The political an d military reason s fo r thi s exhorbitan t reques t wil l b e discusse d later. Th e government' s demand s wer e eventuall y reduce d t o £ 100,00 0 an d i t wa s agree d tha t th e lait y shoul d furnis h 100,000 mark s ( £ 66,666 . 13s . 4d.) , representin g two-third s o f this total , whil e th e clerg y wer e t o pa y th e remainin g one third. A variet y o f possibl e fisca l device s wer e surveye d ( 8). In his openin g speech a t th e star t o f the parliamen t Chancellor (6) Th e foregoin g discussio n o f taxe s i s base d o n Th e Great Revolt, pp. XII-XVIII.

(7) Rotuli Parliamentorum, III, p. 89, no. 11.

(8) Ther e is a goo d summar y of thes e discussion s in J. G. EDWARDS , The Commons i n Medieval English Parliaments (London , 1958) , pp . 20-1.

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Sudbury declare d tha t th e revenue s fro m dutie s o n foreig n trade ha d collapse d becaus e o f th e civi l wa r tha t ha d broke n out i n Flander s i n Septembe r 137 9 (9). A glanc e a t th e actua l figures o f woo l export s show s tha t th e Lor d Chancello r wa s guilty o f serious exaggeration . Bu t i t wa s tru e tha t ther e ha d been a declin e i n th e shipment s o f wool ( 10). Th e Northampton parliament renewe d th e subsid y o n exporte d woo l fo r anothe r year ("), bu t clearl y th e governmen t coul d no t coun t o n an y sizable increase s o f incom e fro m thi s source . Th e possibilit y of imposin g a n excis e dut y o n interna l trad e wa s suggeste d by the magnates, but, a s this wa s quite unprecedented, they re cognized tha t n o on e coul d forecas t wha t i t migh t yield . Furthermore, a long time would elapse befor e a larg e su m o f money coul d b e secure d fro m thi s sourc e ( 12). A conventiona l ta x on movable s wa s regarde d a s undesirabl e fo r reason s tha t have alread y bee n discussed . Thus , th e choic e becam e finall y reduced t o som e variety o f poll-tax. It i s certai n tha t th e previou s experiment s wit h th e poll taxes largel y determine d th e organizatio n o f th e ne w levy . A graduate d poll-ta x wa s ou t o f the question , a s i t coul d no t yield enoug h money . Th e assessmen t fo r th e firs t poll-ta x amounted i n 137 7 to £ 22,580 , roughl y one-thir d o f wha t par liament wa s willin g t o impos e i n 1380 . Clearly , i f th e rat e o f 4d. pe r person , impose d in 1377 , was raise d t o Is . pe r person , this coul d b e expecte d t o produc e th e require d su m o f abou t (9) Rotuli Parliamentorum, III , p . 88, no . 4: 'E t voirs est, q ' de l Subside des Leynes, a cause de cest present riot en Flandres, rienz en effect n' est resceuz'. (10) E . M. CARUS-WILSO N an d O . COLEMAN , England's Export Trade, 12751547 (Oxford , 1963) , p . 51 (eac h yea r startin g a t Michaelmas) : 1374-5 — 26137 sacks. 1375-6 — 20975 sacks . 1376-7 — 1420 9 sacks. 1377-8 — 29882 sacks. 1378-9 — 16,528 sacks. 1379-80 — 19,92 2 sacks . 1380-81 — 18,719 sacks. ( n ) Rotuli Parliamentorum, III, p. 90, no. 15. (12) Ibid., pp. 89-90, no. 13.

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£ 66,666, especiall y a s th e ag e limi t fo r levyin g th e ta x wa s to b e increase d slightl y fro m 1 4 to 15 . It was realised tha t thi s would be unavoidably a harsher ta x than th e tw o earlie r poll-taxes . A n attempt wa s made to hel p the poorest inhabitant s b y providing tha t th e richer taxpayer s of eac h localit y shoul d come t o th e ai d o f their les s fortunat e neighbours. I n fixin g th e tota l quot a impose d o n eac h villag e or tow n th e assessor s ha d t o assum e tha t ever y perso n fro m the ag e o f 1 5 was liabl e t o a shilling . I t wa s the n lef t t o th e inhabitants o f eac h localit y t o redistribut e thei r collectiv e burden a s the y wished , bu t th e governmen t calle d upo n th e rich t o hel p th e poor . As a guid e t o wha t coul d b e done , on e of th e bes t features of the secon d poll-tax of 1379 was incorporated i n th e ne w levy . Th e permitte d minimu m rat e fo r th e poorest person s wa s fixe d agai n a t 4d . an d th e sam e amoun t was agai n adopted as the joint amount for the poorest married couples, s o tha t i n thei r cas e eac h o f th e spouse s coul d b e assessed a t n o mor e than 2d . The uneven wa y i n which these arrangements wer e implemented became one o f the mai n causes o f disconten t agains t th e thir d poll-tax . I f al l wer e poo r in a village, o r i f the riche r men refuse d t o bear a larger burden i n orde r t o relieve thei r humble r neighbours , the n every body woul d have t o pay a shilling an d eve n th e poores t married coupl e woul d have t o contribut e a s much as 2s. Unfortu nately, thi s overcharging of the poorer inhabitants doe s appear to hav e occurre d in many localities ( 13). In the parliamen t rol l th e gran t o f the poll-ta x i n December 1380 wa s expressl y earmarke d fo r th e discharg e o f financia l commitments previously approve d in parliament (14). Only on e major militar y expeditio n wa s mentione d b y th e Lor d Chan cellor t o justif y th e deman d fo r th e hug e su m o f £ 100,000. He referre d t o th e arm y o f Thomas, earl o f Buckingham , the youngest o f th e uncle s o f Richar d II , campaignin g i n Franc e since Jul y 1380 . Buckingham' s expeditio n wa s spendin g th e winter o f 1380-8 1 i n Brittan y an d th e governmen t intende d (ls) Th e foregoin g discussio n o f th e pol l ta x o f 138 0 i s base d o n Th e Great Revolt, pp. XVI-XVIII. (14) Rotuli Parliamentorum, III, p. 90, no. 16.

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to reinforce it so that it could resume military operation s mor e effectively i n th e followin g spring. Th e speake r fo r th e com mons, Joh n Gildsburgh , was closel y connecte d with Buckingham and , i n recordin g th e offe r o f th e poll-tax , h e pointedl y stressed tha t th e gran t wa s bein g made onl y fo r th e purpose s publicly declare d i n parliament. H e ma y have feare d tha t the money migh t b e misuse d fo r other , undisclose d purpose s ( 15). The governmen t wa s i n fac t preparin g ye t anothe r expedi tion t o sui t th e wishe s o f Joh n o f Gaunt , duk e o f Lancaster , the mos t powerfu l o f Richar d II' s uncles , wh o claime d t o b e the rightfu l kin g o f Castile. «Th e pursuit o f his elusiv e thron e can indee d b e interprete d a s th e mos t consistent interes t o f the duk e o f Lancaster' s lif e sinc e h e firs t assume d th e nam e of th e kin g o f Castile .. . i n 137 2 (16). John o f Gaun t wa s plan ning t o sen d a n expeditio n t o Portuga l unde r hi s younge r brother, th e ear l o f Cambridge . Thi s wa s neve r mentione d t o parliament, bu t a s soon as its sessio n wa s over o n 6 December 1380 «preparation s bega n t o b e mad e openl y t o sen d a n ex peditionary forc e t o Portugal» . Ther e i s als o a possibility tha t John o f Gaun t wa s plannin g ye t anothe r expeditio n i n th e second hal f o f 138 1 o r i n 1382 , whic h wa s t o invad e Castil e from Gascon y ( 17). Th e roya l governmen t ha d t o deman d a n exceptionally larg e su m o f mone y becaus e i t wa s tryin g t o finance tw o o r possibl y eve n thre e differen t expedition s i n addition t o covering th e ordinar y needs o f defending the Scot tish borde r an d protecting Englan d from nava l attacks . Henc e (ls) Gildsburgh' s tenur e o f th e speakershi p i s discusse d i n J . S. ROSKELL , The Commons an d their Speakers i n English Parliaments 1376-1523 (Man chester, 1965) , pp . 124-6 . Fo r Buckingham' s expedition se e als o J . W. SHER BORNE, 'Indenture d Retinue s an d Englis h Expedition s t o France , 1369-1380' , Engl. Hist. Rev., 79 (1964), pp. 731-3. (16) M . ASTON, Th e Impeachmen t o f Bisho p Despenser' , Bull. Inst. Hist. Research, XXXVII I (1965) , p . 135. Th e bes t accoun t o f Joh n o f Gauijt' s successive Iberia n venture s i s i n P . E. RUSSELL , Th e English Intervention in Spain an d Portugal i n th e Time o f Edward II I an d Richard I I (Oxford , 1955). (17) RUSSELL , op . cit., pp . 300-304. Th e connexio n betwee n th e gran t o f the poll-ta x an d th e pla n fo r sendin g on e arm y t o Portuga l and , possibly , a secon d t o Gascon y wa s firs t note d b y E . PEHROY, L'Angleterre e t l e Grand Schisme d'Occident (Paris , 1933) , pp. 219-20.

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came th e necessit y fo r imposin g th e ver y unpopula r poll-ta x of on e shillin g pe r person . Joh n o f Gaunt' s Spanis h plans , which the government was concealing from parliament , appea r to hav e playe d a considerabl e par t i n causin g th e Grea t Revolt o f 138 1 ("). As th e governmen t expecte d t o financ e tw o armie s i n th e spring an d summe r o f 1381 , i t wa s essentia l tha t th e levyin g of th e poll-ta x shoul d procee d smoothl y an d swiftly . B y late February th e authoritie s a t Westminste r ha d abundan t infor mation tha t th e lev y wa s a failur e i n bot h thes e respects . Widespread evasio n b y tax-payers wa s both slowing down the flow o f money an d reducin g catastrophicall y th e amoun t that the poll-tax was likely t o yield. Hasty steps wer e take n by the government t o spee d u p th e lev y an d t o overcom e evasion , but thes e additiona l measure s ultimatel y triggere d of f th e general uprising . In the cours e o f February th e excheque r official s wer e con ducting th e preliminar y «viewing » o f th e account s o f th e col lectors o f the poll-tax. This made it obviou s that th e lev y wa s failing t o produc e the larg e amount s expecte d by th e government ( 19). There wa s th e choic e o f eithe r cuttin g dow n expen diture o r reforming th e poll-tax. The government wa s not pre pared t o chang e it s militar y projects . O n 2 0 February agree ments wer e draw n up with leaders o f fresh contingent s whic h were neede d t o reinforc e Buckingham' s army i n Brittany . I n the last day s o f February payments were being made for Cambridge's projected expeditio n to Portugal ( 20). If there was t o b e no reductio n i n militar y expenditure , th e poll-ta x ha d t o b e made more productive. A ne w se t o f directives wa s issue d b y the excheque r to the collector s of the poll-tax i n the las t wee k of Februar y base d o n th e instruction s sent b y chancello r Sud bury. Th e fictio n tha t mone y wa s neede d onl y fo r Bucking ham's arm y was still being maintained in these mandates . The (18) RUSSELL , op . cit., p. 301, n. 2. (19) Th e foregoin g discussio n o f th e poll-ta x i s base d o n Th e Great Revolt, pp. XVIII-XX. (20) SHERBORNE , jfoc. cit., p. 732; RUSSELL, op . cit., p. 302, n. 2.

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collectors wer e no w tol d tha t th e amount s assesse d b y the m were much smaller tha n th e excheque r ha d anticipated . The y were therefore ordered to speed up the levy o f what remaine d to be collected . Th e final dat e fo r payments by th e collector s into th e excheque r was brought forward t o 21 April 138 1 fro m the origina l late r targe t o f 2 June ( 21). I t i s probabl e tha t thi s quickening u p o f th e lev y ma y hav e increase d th e popula r resentment agains t th e poll-tax. In view o f the later activitie s o f the collector s i t i s virtually certain tha t the y mus t als o hav e bee n give n furthe r ora l in structions abou t the nee d t o inquir e again int o the numbe r of persons wh o shoul d contribut e t o th e poll-tax . The y wer e t o rediscover th e missin g taxpayers an d asses s mor e people. I n almost al l th e case s wher e compariso n i s possibl e th e fina l returns of the collectors , dating mostly from lat e April or May, were large r tha n th e provisiona l figure s tha t the y ha d origi nally produce d at th e view s o f their account s i n Februar y o r March. As a supplemen t to th e inquirie s by th e ordinar y collectors, betwee n 1 6 March an d 2 0 May th e governmen t als o appointed additiona l commissioner s i n fiftee n countie s an d the tow n o f Canterbur y wh o wer e give n specia l power s t o arrest anybod y obstructin g them . Thes e additiona l inquirie s by specia l commissioner s appea r t o hav e bee n particularl y unpopular. A petition i s extan t fro m th e collector s i n Suffolk , sent t o th e exchequer , apparently , afte r th e revolt , i n whic h they as k fo r a respit e o f all demand s for th e su m o f £ 184 . 7s. imposed b y th e specia l commissioners . These collector s pro fessed thei r readines s t o answe r for al l th e sum s whic h were * first assesse d b y themselves , bu t the y ha d neve r dare d t o levy this additional amount . The activities o f the specia l commissioners, comin g o n to p o f inquiries by ordinar y collectors , precipitated the earlies t uprising in Esse x and, to som e extent, also i n Ken t (22). (21) K . R. memorand a r. , E . 159/157 , brevia retornabilia. e t nTetomabilia, Hilary t, m. 16 v. (22) Cf . The Great Revolt, pp. XIX-XXI.

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An instructiv e compariso n ca n b e mad e betwee n th e thir d poll-tax o f 1380-8 1 an d th e «ninth » o f 1340 , whic h wa s als o being collecte d a t a tim e whe n th e countr y was seethin g wit h discontent, bu t whic h di d no t provok e a genera l rebellio n ( M). Some contemporarie s di d thin k tha t th e peopl e o f Englan d were rip e fo r revol t i n 134 0 (u). Th e peculia r natur e o f th e «ninth» di d allo w th e developmen t o f effectiv e passive resistance to tha t tax in a way tha t was impossible in 1381. In Apri l 1340 Edwar d III secure d a gran t o f a tith e o f each man' s agricultural produce , to be collecte d i n kind an d sol d for the king' s profit. I t wa s modelle d on th e ordinar y tithes receive d b y th e clergy. Th e passiv e resistanc e o f th e tax-payer s coul d tak e the for m o f a refusal to bu y al l thi s corn , wool an d youn g ani mals a t th e price s demande d by th e roya l officials . Thi s ta x was suppose d t o yiel d som e £ 100,00 0 i n 134 0 an d th e kin g was empowere d t o receiv e a second , simila r tith e i n 1341 , which wa s expecte d t o produc e anothe r £ 100,000 . Betwee n April 134 0 an d Januar y 134 1 th e firs t «ninth » yielde d onl y some £ 15,00 0 and brough t a temporar y bankruptc y upo n th e government. Bu t ther e was , a t least , n o rebellion . Then , i n January 1341 , Edwar d II I mad e far-reachin g concessions , a greeing t o dispos e o f the «ninth » fo r th e amount s tha t peopl e were willin g to offe r an d abandonin g all attempt s t o maintain a minimu m pric e fo r it . Thi s mean t th e sacrific e o f som e £ 30,00 0 an d th e method s o f securin g th e residu e wer e als o (23) Th e 'ninth ' o f 134 0 i s discusse d i n m y 'Edwar d Ill's Wa r Finance , 1337-41' (D . Phil, thesis , Oxford , 1947 , desposited i n th e Bodleia n Library) , chapters VIII-X . Fo r th e financia l an d economi c backgroun d t o thi s ta x see als o m y article s i n Revue beige d e Philologie e t d'Histoire, XL V (1967) , pp. 1175-8 1 an d i n Essays i n Medieval History Presented t o Bertie Wilkinson (Toront o U. P., 1969) , pp. 412-36. (24) Croniques d e Londres ... , ed . G . J. AUNGIE R (Camde n Soc. , XXVIII , 1845), p . 83. H e speak s o f th e governmen t i n Englan d reportin g t o Edwar d III i n Flanders , 'q'ils n'oserent plus reddour faire pu r doute d e guerre, e t que le poeple einz vodroyent lever encountre eux avant q'ils vodroient plus doner'. A ver y disturbin g repor t o n th e conditio n o f Englan d wa s sent t o somebod y i n Edward' s entourag e abroa d (mos t probabl y Bisho p Burghersh o f Lincoln ) i n Septembe r 134 0 (Westminste r Abbe y Muniments , no. 12 , 195). I ow e thi s informatio n t o th e kindnes s o f Dr . J . R. L. Highfield .

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drastically revised . Edwar d als o renounce d th e righ t t o lev y a secon d «ninth » i n 1341 . By contrast, i n 138 1 ther e wa s muc h less roo m for a compromise . Once th e poll-ta x produce d mas sive evasion , th e roya l minister s coul d onl y condon e i t b y shutting thei r eye s t o manifes t frau d o n a n immens e scale . This the y wer e no t prepare d t o d o an d thei r militar y com mitments woul d no t allo w the m t o d o it . Instea d the y trie d to enforc e th e origina l gran t t o it s ful l extent . I f onl y th e or dinary collector s ha d bee n use d fo r thi s purpos e th e revol t might stil l hav e bee n avoided , a s thes e official s appea r t o have bee n keenl y awar e o f what wa s practicable: th e petitio n of th e collector s i n Suffolk , whic h I hav e alread y quoted , shows, thi s quit e clearl y ( 25). Th e appointmen t o f specia l ad ditional commission s o f inquir y i n highl y disturbe d countie s like Essex , Suffol k an d Ken t wa s th e fata l measur e tha t des troyed th e possibilit y o f a peacefu l compromise . The poll-ta x wa s secure d b y th e roya l governmen t fo r tw o expeditions tha t turne d ou t t o b e utte r failures . Buckingham' s enterprise wa s doome d t o disappointmen t eve n befor e th e poll-tax wa s granted,.thoug h n o on e i n Englan d realize d thi s in Decembe r 1380 . The deat h o f Charles V of France on 1 6 September 138 0 pave d th e wa y fo r a reconciliatio n betwee n th e French governmen t an d Buckingham' s hos t an d ally , Duk e John I V o f Brittany . Th e Breton s conclude d a secre t agree ment wit h th e Frenc h o n 1 5 January 1381 , though Buckingha m does no t appea r t o hav e graspe d unti l Apri l tha t th e gam e was up . His arm y ha d t o leave Brittan y on 28 April an d saile d back t o Englan d ( 26). Buckingha m owned extensiv e estate s i n Essex an d man y o f his follower s cam e fro m tha t county . Th e return o f these me n t o thei r home s i n th e cours e o f May per haps convince d man y Esse x peasant s tha t th e poll-ta x conti nued t o b e exacte d quit e unnecessarily . Thi s knowledg e ma y have contribute d t o th e risin g o f th e me n o f Brentwoo d an d other Esse x village s i n th e las t day s o f May , whic h sparke d off th e genera l revolt . (25) K . R. bille, E. 207/6/11 (Michaelma s t, 1381-2) . (26) SHERBORNE , loc. cit., pp. 732-3.

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In May-Jun e 138 1 Joh n o f Gaun t wa s on e o f th e mos t distrusted an d unpopula r me n i n England . Th e partia l misus e of th e poll-ta x fo r purpose s neve r sanctione d b y parliament , such a s Joh n o f Gaunt' s Portuguese scheme , ma y hav e beco me a matte r o f commo n knowledg e befor e th e outbrea k o f the Peasants ' Revolt , Furthermore, i n lat e Apri l an d Ma y th e central governmen t wa s assignin g t o hi m th e arrear s o f th e poll-tax in a number of counties f 27). I f this wa s widel y known, it woul d hav e adde d stil l furthe r t o th e unpopularit y o f th e poll-tax. Th e expeditio n t o Portuga l departe d finall y i n th e last day s o f June. I t disgrace d itsel f b y scandalou s plundering of it s Portugues e hosts . Fo r seventee n month s it waste d awa y without achievin g anything . Whil e mor e tha n fort y vessel s were neede d t o carr y i t t o Portuga l i n Jun e 1381 , 'littl e more than a doze n were require d t o bring it back' ( 28). Most of the poll-ta x assesse d b y th e ordinar y collectors wa s levied b y them before the outbrea k o f the revolts . Th e supplementary amount s demande d a s th e resul t o f th e inquirie s b y the specia l commissioner s wer e no t collecte d i n Suffolk . I n Essex th e resistanc e t o thes e additiona l payments precipitate d the genera l uprisin g ( 29). Thes e supplementar y charge s proba bly coul d neve r b e collecte d i n severa l othe r countie s (30). Even afte r th e revol t wa s over , th e collector s i n Suffol k stil l dared no t lev y th e additiona l ta x charge s fo r fea r o f deat h or othe r danger s ( 31). I n thei r petitio n t o th e excheque r the y asked tha t thes e additiona l sum s migh t b e respite d unti l th e H Receip t r. , E . 401/54 1 an d issu e r. , E . 403/48 4 unde r 1 0 an d 1 7 Ma y (£ 1666. 13s . 4d.). (28) RUSSELL , op . cit., pp. 306-43 . (29) Th e me n o f Fobbin g i n Essex , whos e resistanc e starte d th e uprising , told th e specia l commissione r tha t 77 s ne voderont nulle denier paier, pu r cause que Us avoient un acquitance pur celle subsidie' (The Great Revolt, p. 32, n . 2). Havin g pai d u p th e amoun t originall y assesse d o n thei r vil lage b y th e ordinar y collectors , the y clearl y assume d tha t the y wer e full y discharged. (30) Cf . The Great Revolt, pp. XIX-XXI. (S1) K . R. bille , E . 207/6/1 1 (Michaelma s t. , 1381-2) : 'La quele summe les dit' collectours noserount ne uncore nosent levere ne collier pur doute de mort ..."

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next parliament . A parliamentary intervention presumabl y re presented th e chie f hop e o f severa l group s o f collector s em broiled wit h th e exchequer . I n th e absenc e o f special instruc tions, th e official s o f th e excheque r continue d t o appl y al l the normal rules. Severa l collector s wer e i n trouble for having failed t o appea r o n th e day s appointe d fo r thei r accounts . Thus th e Esse x collector s did not tur n up a t th e excheque r o n 17 June, whe n muc h o f tha t count y wa s stil l i n th e hand s o f the rebels . Whe n the y finall y appeare d a t th e excheque r i n November 138 1 they pleade d tha t the y ha d no t dare d t o com e because o f «th e unhear d o f an d horribl e insurrection s o f th e people o f the count y o f Essex » ( 32). But th e excheque r official s were onl y willin g t o accor d the m a temporar y respit e fro m further prosecution . Severa l group s o f collector s stil l owe d arrears o f the ta x an d thei r trouble s partl y stemme d from th e disturbances o f th e previou s sprin g an d summer . Willia m Echingham, on e o f th e collector s i n Sussex , owe d £ 80 an d claimed tha t £ 60 ha d bee n carrie d awa y whe n hi s hous e had bee n plundere d b y th e rebels . I n thi s cas e eve n th e ex chequer relente d t o a certai n exten t an d allowe d Echingha m to repa y th e missin g amoun t i n si x instalments , sprea d ove r two year s ( 33). £ 42. 5s. wer e take n b y rebel s fro m thre e different collector s i n Suffol k ( 34). I n Cambridgeshire , on e o f th e most disturbed counties, the collector s owe d £ 41. 14s. 4., while their colleagues i n Essex were being summonsed for £ 52. 2s (35). The additiona l charge s impose d by th e specia l commissioner s could no t b e levie d i n severa l counties . Som e new settlemen t (82) L . T. R. memorand a r. , E . 368/153 , status e t visus compot., Easte r t , mm. 11-12. : 'quid inaudite e t horribiles commociones e t insurrectiones populi dicti comitalus Essex accidebant ad predictum crastinum Sancte Trinitatis ..." (3S) K . R. bille , E . 207/6/1 1 an d K . R. memorand a r. , E . 159/158 , recorder , Michaelmas t., m. 22 v. (34) K . R. bille , E . 207/6/1 1 (endorsement s o n th e petitio n o f th e collec tors in Suffolk) . (S5) L . T . R . memorand a r. , E . 368/154 , status e t visus compot., Hilar y t., m . 4v . (Staffordshire ) an d Easte r t. , m . 9r . (Cambridgeshire) ; E . 368/153, ibid., Easter t. , mm. 11-12 (Essex.) .

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of al l thes e difficultie s wa s necessar y an d i t coul d onl y com e from a decisio n taken i n parliament. The Grea t Revol t an d it s consequence s figure d prominentl y in th e proceeding s of the parliamen t that assemble d o n 3 November 1381 . It s decision s wit h regar d t o taxatio n ca n alon e be considere d here. I n repl y t o a number of common petitions the kin g mad e severa l concession s t o th e poll-ta x collector s and othe r accountants wh o wer e i n troubl e becaus e o f th e Great Revolt. There was to be a general pardon for all official s who ha d faile d t o appea r a t th e excheque r i n th e summe r of 1381. Th e collector s o f th e poll-ta x wer e onl y t o remai n res ponsible fo r th e amount s tha t the y ha d personall y assesse d on tax-payers . As fo r th e supplementar y charges impose d by the specia l commissioners , thes e wer e no t t o b e exacte d hen ceforth an d wer e wholl y remitted , excep t fo r suc h sum s a s had actuall y bee n receive d b y th e roya l collectors . Th e government appear s t o hav e dislike d thes e change s an d som e months elapse d befor e the y wer e implemented . Though par liament cam e to a n en d i n th e las t day s o f February 1382 , th e concessions t o th e collector s o f th e poll-ta x wer e notifie d t o the excheque r onl y o n 1 8 May ( 3e). Parliament prove d quit e adaman t i n refusin g request s fo r a fresh gran t of direct taxes. The treasurer Hugh Segrave aske d for ne w taxe s t o reliev e th e king' s heavy indebtedness . In it s first sessio n parliamen t agree d t o exten d th e subsid y o n ex ported woo l only fo r a fe w months , thoug h i t wa s ultimatel y renewed fo r anothe r fou r year s i n th e secon d an d fina l ses sion ( 37). As for a direct tax, the Common s answered «tha t they | neithe r wished nor dared to make any manner of grant becaus e o f th e ill-wil l an d rancou r o f th e commonalt y throughout th e country » ( 38). (3fl) Rotuli Parliamentomm, III , p . 115 , nos . 78-9 , p . 116 , no . 8 3 an d L. T. R. memoranda r., E . 368/154, recorder, Easter t., m. 1 4 r. (37) Rotuli Parliamentorum, III , p . 99, no . 8; p . 104, nos . 36 an d 40 ; p . 114, no. 67. (88) Ibid., p . 104, no . 36- . 'aiant consideration al mal coer que l a Commune porte encores en rancour par tout le Roialme, Us n'osent ne ne

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T AND THE REVOLT OF 138 1

The governmen t ha d t o wai t unti l Octobe r 138 2 befor e i t was abl e t o secur e a conventiona l ta x o n movables fro m ano ther parliamen t ( 39). Ther e wer e t o b e n o mor e experiment s with differen t method s o f direc t taxatio n unti l th e reig n o f Henry IV . Until the sixteent h centur y n o parliamen t imposed another poll-tax . veullent en aucune manere granter Taillage, n'autre chose quelle curroit entre la dite Commune et en lour charge'. (39) Cal. Fine R., 1377-83, pp. 335-6.

XIV ITALIAN MARITIM E TRAD E WIT H MEDIEVA L ENGLAND (c . 1270-c . 1530 )

The histor y o f th e visit s o f th e Italia n ship s t o medieva l England has been well known for some time in its main outlines. But the recen t publicatio n o f much new evidence has increase d the nee d fo r a revie w o f th e presen t stat e o f ou r knowledge , which woul d incorporate , especially , th e remarkabl e work s of J. Heer s o n Geno a an d o f M . E . Mallet t o n th e Florentin e galley fleets 1.

1

The contributions of J. HEERS include Genes au XVe siecle. Activite economique et problemes sociaux (Paris , 1961) , quote d hereafte r a s Heers, Genes; I I commercio nel Mediterraneo alia fine del sec. XIV e nei primi anni del XV, Archivio Stor. ItaL, 113 (1955) ; "Le s Genoi s e n Angleterr e : la cris e d e 1458-60" , Studi i n Onore di Armando Sapori (Milan , 1957) , II, pp . 809-32 , quoted hereafte r as Heers i n Sapori ; "Le prix d e 1'assuranc e maritime a la fin du Moye n Age", Rev. d'hist. economique et saddle, 3 7 (1959); "Rivalite ' au collaboration de la terre et de 1'eau", 7 e Colloque de l a Commission Internationale d'Histoire Maritime (Paris , 1965) . M. E . MALLET T has publishe d Th e Florentine Galleys i n th e Fifteenth Century (Oxford , 1967 ) an d "Anglo-Florentine Commercia l Relations , 1465-91" , Econ. Hist . Rev., an d ser. , XV (1962). E. M . CARUS-WILSO N and O . COLEMAN , England's Export Trade, 127$1547 (Oxford , 1963 ) ha s provide d i n it s table s o f expor t o f woo l an d clot h fro m England a n indispensable statistical base for all further work on these commodities, (quoted hereafte r a s Export, 1275-1547) . Thes e an d othe r publication s hav e con -

XIV 29 2 ITALIA

N MARITIME TRADE WITH ENGLAND

As fa r a s th e mai n fact s ar e concerned , w e no w kno w wha t happened an d whe n i t happened . W e ar e boun d t o remai n uncertain when , precisely , Italia n ship s bega n t o visi t thi s country wit h an y regularity , bu t w e know , a t least , tha t thi s development too k plac e i n th e firs t quarte r o f th e fourteent h century. These early comers were all ships belongin g to privat e owners. A flee t sponsore d b y th e Venetia n governmen t firs t appeared i n Englan d i n 131 9 2 , bu t regula r visit s b y Venetia n state fleets did no t star t unti l th e thirteen-ninetie s 3. Th e firs t Florentine stat e flee t cam e i n 142 5 an d th e las t i n 1478 . Th e Venetian maritim e trade t o thi s countr y dwindled int o insigni ficance after th e firs t year s o f th e sixteent h centur y an d thei r state fleet s altogethe r cease d t o visi t Englan d afte r 1533 . W e know muc h les s abou t th e voyage s of privately-owne d Italia n ships, bu t the y appea r t o hav e becom e les s numerou s durin g the firs t quarte r o f the sixteent h century . The Italia n maritim e trade t o thi s countr y has no t ye t been the subjec t o f a thorough , systemati c study . Ou r knowledg e about it i s spread very unevenly. The perio d o f origins is particularly obscure and s o are the middl e decades o f the fourteent h century. A n attemp t mus t b e made t o clarif y th e "economics " of th e trade , becaus e otherwise th e motive s an d calculation s of siderably modifie d an d supplemente d th e substantia l earlie r monograp h o f A. A . RUDDOCK, Italian Merchants and Shipping i n Southampton, 1270-160 0 (Southampton, I95I). 2 O n thi s occasion th e Venetians quarrelled wit h the men of Southampton ; some men wer e kille d an d injure d an d muc h lootin g occurred . Because o f thi s inciden t an d subsequen t trouble s (includin g a n attac k o n th e Venetian flee t b y English pirate s i n 1323 ) the Venetia n state maintaine d fo r many years a ban on visits of state fleets to England. Se e A. SCHAUBE , "Di e Anfang e de r venezianischen Galeerenfahrte n nac h de r Nordsee" , Hist . Zeitschrift, 10 1 (1908) , PP« 53-6 , 85- 9 and RUDDOCK , op . cit., pp . 25-7 . 8 Th e voyage s of the Venetia n galle y fleets are presented in a series of maps i n A. TENENT I e t C . VIVANTI , 'Le s grande s trafic s d'eta t a Venis e : les galere s d a mercato, 1322-1534" , Annales : Economies, Sodetes, Civilisations, 16 , no . i (1961) .

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V 29 3

the merchant s cannot b e understood. Lastl y there i s the important problem of the effect s o f this Italian activity on the Englis h economy. I t i s essentia l tha t som e o f th e mai n outstandin g questions o n al l thes e topic s should , a t least , b e formulated , though a number o f them canno t be satisfactoril y solved in th e present stat e o f ou r knowledge. I

The permanen t establishmen t i n Englan d fro m th e twelve seventies onwards of branches of several Tuscan firm s probabl y provided on e o f th e mai n initia l incentive s fo r th e arriva l o f ships fro m th e Mediterranea n t o England . Import s o f various luxuries an d o f alum and othe r necessitie s fo r the cloth industry appear i n som e o f th e earlies t record s o f suc h visit s 4 . I t i s probable tha t th e Catala n vessel s wer e th e firs t t o come 5. Catalan and Majorcan shipping continued to absorb an important share of this traffic i n the fourteenth century6, but in the absence of studies o f Catalan voyage s to north-wester n Europ e this part of our story is still very obscure. Among the Italians the Genoese were th e pioneer s i n sendin g ship s t o England . Th e earlies t known instanc e o f a n intende d voyag e comes fro m 127 8 an d concerns a cargo o f alum, partl y owne d by Benedett o Zaccaria , the leading Genoese alu m monopolist7. Genoese ships probably 4

R . S. LOPEZ, 'Majorcan s and Genoese on the North Sea Route in the Thirteent h Century", Rev . Beige d e Philologie e t d'Histoire, 2 9 (1951) , pp . 1172- 4 (example s of 127 8 and 1304) ; N . S . B. GRAS , Th e Early English Customs System (Cambridge , Mass., 1918) , p . 26 9 (Genoes e import s o f alum , 1303) , pp . 30 3 seq. (1304-5) ; RUDDOCK, op . cit., p . 2 1 (Catala n imports , 1311) . 6 LOPEZ , loc. cit. 6 Infra fo r som e late r evidence . 7 LOPEZ , loc. cit., pp. 1171-2 , 1176 ; cf. also R . DOEHAERD , 'Le s galere s g£noise s dans l a Manche et la Mer d u Nor d a la fin du XIII 6 et a u de"but du XIV e siecle" , Bull, de I'lnstitut historique beige de Rome, XIX (1938). The summar y of th e relevan t

XIV 29 4 ITALIA

N MARITIME TRADE WITH ENGLAND

did no t visi t Englis h harbour s frequentl y unti l th e star t o f regular Genoes e se a voyage s t o Flander s fro m 129 8 onward s This regula r sea-rout e wa s largel y inaugurate d by Zaccari a to promote th e sal e o f hi s alu m i n th e Netherland s 8 . To com e no w t o th e Italia n export s fro m England . A t thi s early perio d the y consiste d chiefl y o f wool. The stock s of woo l controlled b y the Tuscan firms in England in the late thirteenth century wer e certainl y considerable , thoug h ther e i s n o assu rance tha t the y wer e necessaril y al l destine d fo r shipmen t t o Italy. I n 129 4 te n Florentin e an d Lucches e firm s residen t i n England hel d betwee n them, o r wer e owed b y thei r customary suppliers, a t leas t 270 0 sack s 9. Thi s tota l represente d a littl e less tha n 10 % o f th e annua l Englis h export s a t tha t time 10, though i t mus t b e remembere d tha t a larg e proportio n o f th e fleeces annually acquired b y the Italia n firms was of particularly good qualit y and hig h value . Between the autum n of 129 4 an d October 129 7 th e Frescobald i o f Florenc e dispatche d abroa d some 140 0 sack s n, representin g abou t 3 % of the tota l export s of woo l fro m Englan d durin g tha t perio d 12 . Bu t w e d o no t know whe n th e Italia n companie s bega n t o transpor t sizabl e consignments o f Englis h woo l directl y b y se a t o Italy . Ther e contracts i n R . DOEHAERD , Les Relations commerciales entre Genes, l a Belgique e t I'Outremont d'apres les archives notariales genoises aux XIII e e t XIV e siecles, II I (Brussels : Rome, 1941) , nos. 1356-7 . This source is quoted hereafte r as DOEHAERD (I94I). (II941). (I94I 8 LOPEZ , loc. cit., especially pp. 1176-7 ; DOEHAER D (1941), no. 153 0 (pp . 868-71) . 9 Publi c Recor d Office , Londo n (quote d hereafte r a s P.R.O.), K.R . excheque r accounts various , E . 101-126-7 . Thi s evidenc e wa s use d b y G . BIGWOOD , 'U n marche d e matiere s premiere s : laines d'Angleterr e e t marchand s italien s ver s l a fin du XIII 6 siecle", Annales d'Histoire Economique et Sociale, II (1930) , pp. 20 0 seq. 10 I n 1289-9 0 wer e exported 31,25 0 sack s (Export, 1275-1547 , cit. supra, p . 38) . 11 P.R.O. , E . 101/126/9 . Se e also E . 101/126/13 . 12 Som e 53,00 0 sack s wer e exporte d i n 1294-7 . (P.R.O. , Enrolle d Custom s Accounts an d Export, 1275-1547 , cit . supra, p . 39) . Exports wer e muc h lowe r tha n wa s usua l becaus e o f th e Anglo-Frenc h war .

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V 29 5

are severa l problem s here. I n th e firs t place , som e of the woo l exported b y th e Tusca n firm s fro m Englan d ma y hav e bee n destined fo r th e textil e industrie s o f Flander s an d Brabant . Secondly, transpor t b y lan d wa s alway s possible . Th e grea t fifteenth centur y architect , L . B . Alberti , recalle d a traditio n that o n on e occasion , whic h mus t b e place d a t som e muc h earlier date , hi s ancestors averte d a shortage of wool at Florenc e by importin g enoug h o f i t overlan d fro m Flander s t o suppl y all the cloth manufacturers of the city13. Lastly, when shipments of woo l t o th e Mediterranea n di d begi n i n earnest , there i s no assurance tha t Spanis h o r Italia n ship s fetche d i t directl y fro m England. It is probable that initially wool destined for the Italian markets wa s sent firs t o f all to Flander s o r Brabant, i n Englis h or other northern vessels . At Sluys or Antwerp it was transferred to Spanis h o r Italia n ship s fo r transpor t t o th e Mediterranean . For example , the Riccardi of Lucca, who were the mai n bankers of Edwar d I fro m th e start o f his reign dow n to 1294 , are not known t o hav e exported woo l from Englan d i n an y Spanish o r Italian ships 14. Som e Majorca n an d Genoes e vessel s wer e fetching woo l fro m Londo n a s earl y a s 128 1 15, bu t massiv e shipments o f wool directl y fro m Englan d to Ital y probably did not begi n unti l th e firs t decade s o f th e fourteent h century . The economi c backgroun d t o thi s subsequen t expansio n o f shipments i s well-known , though som e o f th e detail s remai n controversial. A t Florenc e clot h productio n attaine d aroun d 18

Cite d i n G . A . HOLMES , "Florentin e Merchant s i n England , 1346-1436" , JEcon. Hist. Rev., 2nd ser., XII I (1960) , p. 195 , n . 7 . For transpor t o f English wool overland se e A. DEROISY , "Le s route s terrestre s de s laine s anglaises ver s l a Lornbardie", Revue du Nord, XX V (1939). 14 I ow e this informatio n t o Dr . R . W . KAEUPE R wh o i s preparin g a boo k o n the Riccardi . 15 LOPEZ , Joe . cit., p. 117 2 (512 sacks 20 stones loade d at Londo n i n on e "navis" of Finale , on e Genoes e galler y an d on e Majorca n galley) . A Genoes e shi p wa s loading woo l a t Sandwic h i n 128 7 (RUDDOCK , op . cit., p . 20) .

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1310 its highest recorded figures. According to Giovanni Villani, some 100,00 0 piece s wer e the n annuall y manufacture d in hi s native city . B y 133 8 Florenc e produce d accordin g t o Villan i between 70,00 0 an d 80,00 0 cloths . Th e credibilit y o f Villani' s figures ha s bee n substantiall y vindicate d b y scholar s bes t acquainted wit h Florentin e source s 16 On e o f th e reason s wh y these particular statistics have been challenge d by some modern critics lie s i n th e paucit y o f evidenc e abou t th e import s o f English woo l int o Florenc e 17. A twofol d answe r i s necessary. In th e first place, th e Florentin e clot h industr y di d not depen d on an y on e sourc e o f supply , but derive d it s woo l fro m man y different part s o f Europ e an d Nort h Africa 18. Secondl y th e paucity o f evidenc e abou t th e expor t o f Englis h woo l t o Ita y has been exaggerate d and enough is now known to suggest tha t considerable quantitie s wer e bein g transporte d ther e b y th e thirteen-twenties. It wa s revealed fo r th e firs t tim e i n 196 3 tha t th e medieva l English woo l trade reached its highest level in the years 1304-9, when annua l export s average d ove r 41,00 0 sack s 19. Increase d demand fo r woo l in Ital y ma y partiall y account for thi s excep tional growt h o f exports . I t wa s matche d b y a n increas e i n facilities fo r direc t transpor t b y sea . Down t o a t leas t the 133 0 ties these facilitie s wer e apparently much greater in the Nether lands tha n i n England an d in the first decades of the fourteenth century a hig h proportio n o f th e woo l destine d fo r Ital y was 18

R . DAVIDSOHN , "Blut e un d Niedergan g de r Florentine r Tuchindustrie" , Zeitschrift ftir di e gesamte Staatswissenschaft, 8 5 (1928) ; G . LUZZATTO , "Sull'atten dibilita di alcune statitisiche economiche medieval!" in his StudidiStoriaEconomica Veneziana (Padua , 1954) , especially pp. 273- 5 • A. SAPORI, "L'attendibilita di alcune testimonianze cronistiche dell' economia medievale" in his Studi di Stmia Economica (Florence, 1956) , vol . I , pp . 25-3 3 (furthe r suppor t fo r Luzzatto) . 17 Cf . LUZZATO , Joe . cit., pp . 274- 5 an d SAPORI , Joe . eft. , p . 29 . 18 R . DAVIDSOHN , Stori a d i Firenze, VI (1965) , pp . 116-25 . 19 Export, 1275-1547 , ctt . supra , p . 41 .

ITALIAN MARITIME TRADE WITH ENGLAND XI

V 29 7

probably stil l sen t i n th e firs t plac e to Sluy s o r Antwerp where it was picked up by Spanish or Italian ships 20 . Genoese merchant galleys visited th e Netherland s i n mos t year s afte r 1298 . Larg e Catalan an d Majorca n vessel s frequente d Flander s 2 1 an d w e hear eve n o f Flemis h galley s tradin g t o th e Mediterranea n 22 . The Venetia n galley fleets presented perhaps the greatest attraction of all, because of their exceptiona l safety. Venetia n voyages to th e Netherland s starte d i n 131 4 o r 131 5 23 an d unti l 133 7 their galley s trie d t o com e ever y year , unles s condition s wer e too insecure 24 . This was in complete contras t t o their avoidance of Englan d afte r 1319 . When , durin g period s o f wa r i n th e western Mediterranean the Florentine residents in England could not us e Genoes e o r Catala n ship s fo r transpor t o f wool , the y had t o depen d largel y o n th e Venetia n galle y fleet s callin g at Sluys o r Antwer p 25 . Th e earlies t regulation s o f th e Venetia n senate assume d tha t th e Venetia n galley s woul d retur n fro m the Netherland s lade n chiefl y wit h woo l an d cloth . Woo l wa s to pa y higher freigh t charge s in proportio n t o it s weigh t tha n any othe r commodit y an d whe n a fe w year s late r thi s initia l scale o f charges wa s moderated i n som e cases the hig h freight s for woo l were maintained unchanged 26 . Presumably the demand 20

Cf . RUDDOCK , op . cit., pp . 27- 8 and SCHAUBE , loc. cit., pp . 58- 9 for som e examples. Se e also belo w fo r shipment s o n th e Venetia n galley s fro m Flanders . 21 Se e for exampl e Revue beige d e Philologie e t d'Histoire, XL V (1967) , p . 118 3 (Spanish ship s an d merchant s robbed o f larg e and valuabl e cargoes in th e Zwi n in 1338) . 22 E.g. the galle y of Odo o f Ghent, who in 131 2 shipped fro m Bruge s to Genoa a sac k o f woo l belongin g t o th e Frescobaldi . Cf . A . SAPORI , L a Compagnia dei Frescobaldi i n Inghilterra (Florence , 1947) , p . 118 . 28 Th e dat e 131 5 has been recently (1963) suggested b y F . C . LANE , Venice and History (Baltimore , 1966) , p . 209 . 24 R . CESSI, "Le Relazion i commerciali tra Venezia e le Fiandre nel secolo XIV" in hi s Politica e d Economia d i Venezia ne l Trecento (Rome , 1952) . 25 E.g. DAVIDSOHN , Storia d i Firenze, V I p . 123 . 28 SCHAUBE , loc. cit.t pp . 42-3 , 80-2.

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for shipmen t o f wool on th e Venetia n galleys remained s o high that th e trad e coul d bea r heav y cost s o f carriag e 27. The growt h i n th e numbe r an d siz e o f wool shipment s sen t directly fro m Englan d t o Ital y ca n b e understoo d mor e easil y against thi s backgroun d o f development s i n th e Netherland s and Florence . W e ar e hampere d a t presen t b y th e lac k o f systematic studie s o f all the availabl e evidence an d n o compre hensive statistics can be quoted. Mentions of shipments multiply in th e firs t decad e o f th e fourteent h centur y an d thi s wa s th e beginning of a prolonged period of expansion. Wool was carried to Italy b y Genoese an d Catalan vessels . London , Southampto n and Sandwic h were the chie f ports of export. As early as 1304-6 some singl e consignment s amounte d t o a s man y a s 130 0 o r 1400 sack s 28. Th e larges t shipmen t s o fa r discovere d i n th e reign o f Edward I I totalle d som e 4000 sacks, carried b y a fleet of I I Genoes e galley s whic h appeare d of f Falmout h i n Sep tember 132 4 29. Th e Genoes e shipment s o f woo l ca n als o b e traced i n the Italia n sources . I n 130 7 English wool disembarke d at Geno a wa s bein g transporte d b y mule s t o Florence . Larg e shipments reache d Florenc e throug h Pis a whic h wa s regarded by Pegolott i a s th e norma l destinatio n fo r woo l from Englan d Freigh t charge s fo r woo l o n Genoes e merchan t galley s wer e quit e varie d a t this earl y period , thoug h the y appea r t o hav e bee n highe r tha n fo r the transpor t of alu m (LOPEZ , loc. cit., p . 1169 , n . i) . 28 I n 130 4 thre e galley s (on e Catala n an d tw o Genoese ) jointl y shippe d fro m London 132 4 sack s (LOPEZ , loc. cit., pp . 1173-4) . Four Genoes e galley s took 141 7 sacks from Londo n i n 130 6 (RUDDOCK , op . cit., p. 2 0 and LOPEZ , loc. cit., p. 1169 , n. i) . Smaller consignment s ar e mentione d a t th e lesse r harbours . 16 1 sack s were being shipped fro m Southampton on a Genoese galley in 130 8 (RUDDOCK , op . cit., p. 21 ) an d i n 131 1 a galle y (Spanis h o r Italian ) fetche d 20 4 sacks fro m th e sam e harbour (P.R.O. , K.R . custom s accounts , E . 122/136/19) . In 131 1 some Florentine merchants wer e taking 11 2 sacks to Sandwich for transhipment o n a galley awaiting them ther e (RUDDOCK , op . cit., p. 21) . 29 P . CHAPLAI S (ed.) , Th e War o f Saint-Sardos, 1323-2 5 (Camde n 3r d ser. , 87 , 1954), nos . 45- 6 (pp . 59-6i) . 27

ITALIAN MARITIME TRADE WITH ENGLAND XI

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and Flanders . I n 131 7 and subsequent years there ar e mentions of a special "fondaco" o f the Genoes e at Florence, wher e considerable quantitie s o f Englis h woo l wer e store d 30 . Othe r con signments of wool shipped b y the Genoese galleys were destined for Milan 31. Two remarkabl e Genoese, the brother s Antonio and Manuel Pessagno, probably did much to stimulate the activities of their compatriots in England during the reign of Edward II32. Their earliest recorde d venture s t o Englan d too k plac e i n 1306-7 , when they contracted fo r th e expor t o f over 100 0 sacks of wool on Genoes e galley s 3S. I n 131 0 the y wer e arrangin g fo r ship ments o f good s fro m Geno a an d Majorc a t o Englan d an d Flanders 34 . I n th e earl y month s o f '131 2 Antoni o bega n t o help Edwar d I I wit h loan s an d supplie s o f good s o n credit . He remaine d on e o f the chie f banker s o f that need y monarc h until Novembe r 131 8 and acte d also for a year as the senescha l of Gascon y 35. On e o f th e service s rendere d b y Antoni o wa s to procur e supplie s fo r th e king' s armies . I n 1317-1 8 h e was 80

Fo r these and other references see DAVIDSOHN, Storia di Firenze, VI, pp. 122-4 , 502-4. 81

88

DOEHAER D (1941) , III , nOS . 1630-31 .

Fo r brie f reference s t o th e brother s Pessagn o se e T. F . TOUT , Th e Place of the Reign o f Edward I I i n English History (2n d ed., Manchester , 1936) , pp . 197- 9 and i n RUDDOCK , op . cit., pp. 20 , 24 . Manuel becam e in 131 7 the commande r o f the Portugues e fleet . Cf . C . VERLINDEN , "L a coloni e italienn e d e Lisbonne... " in Studi in Onore di Armando Sapori (Milan , 1957) , I , p . 61 7 and n. 4 . 88 LOPEZ , loc. cit., pp. 1169 , n . i an d 1173 , n . 2 . DOEHAER D (1941) , III , no s 1630-31. I t i s possibl e tha t th e Manue l o f Geno a wh o brought 24 0 Ib. o f alu m to Sandwic h in 130 3 may have been on e of the Pessagn o brother s (GRAS , op . cit., p. 269) . 84 DOEHAER D (1941) , III , nos . 1683-4 , 1689 . 86 Th e mai n roya l accounts wit h Pessagn o ar e in Cal. Patent R, , 1313-17 , pp . 203-6 (from June 1312 to November 1314); P.R.O. chancery miscellanea, C. 47/25/2, no. 3 0 (accoun t fo r Gascony) ; K.R . memorand a r. , E . 159/93 , m * ? 6 (th e las t account dow n t o Novembe r 1318) .

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using southern shipping for this purpose , importing wheat fro m Casablanca i n Morocc o i n a sailin g shi p ("cocha" ) an d hirin g a galle y a t Sevill e fo r th e transpor t o f cor n t o England . H e was subsequentl y oblige d t o sel l a numbe r o f galley s that h e had used for this venture , with a loss of £ 18 0 36. The compan y o f the Bard i of Florence share d wit h Pessagno the positio n o f bankers t o th e Englis h crown . Thei r fir m con tinued t o mak e importan t advance s t o th e roya l governmen t until 134 1 37. I n retur n fo r loan s the y wer e allowe d to export wool free of duty and consequently, at certain periods, a separate record wa s kep t o f th e amount s o f woo l o n whic h the y ha d enjoyed exemption. Hence we know that they exported 31 2 sacks in 129 5 38 an d tha t betwee n 2 7 August 131 7 an d 2 9 September 1318 thei r shipment s amounte d t o 108 3 sacks 39. Th e latte r figure represents abou t 7 % of the export s by aliens during tha t period an d abou t 3 1/2% of the tota l export s b y all the Englis h and foreign merchant s 40. We canno t prove that thes e an d othe r exports o f th e Bard i wer e al l destine d fo r shipmen t t o Italy , but thi s i s eminently probable . Th e Genoes e galle y fleet which entered Falmout h i n 132 4 carried , a s par t o f it s carg o o f 4000 sacks o f wool , a consignmen t o f 50 0 sack s belongin g t o th e Bardi 41. A survivin g fragment of the accoun t books kept a t th e headquarters o f the Bard i a t Florenc e show s that i n tw o years 86

DOEHAER D (1941), III, nos . 1858 , 186 2 and P.R.O. , E . 159/93 , m . 76 . Earlier imports of supplies from th e Mediterranean, apparently in 1315-16 , ar e mentioned by DOEHAERD , ibid., I , pp . 234-5 . 37 Fo r a summar y of their dealing s wit h Edwar d II an d Edwar d II I se e Cambridge Economic History, II I (1963) , pp . 458-61 . 38 P.R.O. , E . 372/158 , m . 3 8 (account of th e Bard i i n 1312) . 39 P.R.O. , enrolle d customs accounts, E . 356/1 , m . 8 . 40 Thes e percentages are based on E. 356/1, m. 8 for the four principa l harbours (Boston, Hull , London , Southampton ) an d o n Export, 1275-1547 , p . 4 2 for th e remainder. 41 CHAPLAIS , op . cit. , p . 60 .

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(i33i-33) their gains from th e woo l trade amounted to 39,95 2 li "a fiorino" , a su m equivalen t t o 26 % o f th e socia l capita l o f their firm . Th e bul k o f these profit s wa s derived fro m dealing s in English wool 42. Other Florentine companie s were also deeply involved i n thi s trade , thoug h thei r resource s wer e smalle r 43 . A larg e consignmen t o f roya l wool , value d a t £ 113,595 , wa s offered fo r sal e i n th e Netherland s i n 1338 . Amon g th e Flo rentines, th e Bard i an d thei r clos e associates , th e Peruzzi , secured 34% . The shar e of the Buonaccors i was about 1 0 1/2 % while th e Acciaiuol i an d th e Alberti , actin g together , wer e allotted abou t 4 3/4% 44 . The woo l shipments o f th e Bard i and Peruzz i reached thei r peak i n 1338-40 . Durin g thos e year s th e Englis h governmen t insisted tha t al l wool must be sent exclusively to the woo l staple in the Netherlands . Bu t the Bard i and Peruzzi , who were then lending immense sums to Edward III 45, were given, the uniqu e privilege of sending their woo l directly t o Italy . I n Marc h 133 9 the kin g promise d t o th e tw o firm s tha t fo r a yea r h e woul d not permit an y other alien merchant to ship wool "par l e chemin Despaigne, Marro k o u Gascoigne " 46 . Th e Bard i an d Peruzz i had licences to send to Italy 800 0 sacks and were able to expor t at least 7365 sacks 47, representing abou t 9 % of the tota l Englis h 42

DAVIDSOHN , Stori a d i Firenze, VI , p . 124 . Th e informatio n abou t th e socia l capital o f th e Bard i is derive d from Y . RENOUARD , Recherches sur le s Compagnies Commerciales et Bancaires utilisees par les Papes d'Avignon avant le Grand Schisme (Paris, 1942) , p . 10 . 48 DAVIDSOHN , op . cit. , pp . 123-4 . 44 E . B. FRYDE, "Financia l Resources of Edward III in the Netherlands, 1337-40", Revue Beige d e Philologie e t d'Histoire, XL V (1967) , p . 1186 . 46 Fo r a most recent discussion o f these transactions se e my article, cite d in th e preceding note . 46 P.R.O. , E . 101/127/4 1 an d C . 47/13/6 , no . 17 . 47 M y total, based on the accounts of the Bardi and Peruzzi, P.R.O., E. 101/127/32 and 36 , E. 372/188 , m . 1 5 v. , E . 352/139 , m . 3 5 supplemented b y th e following

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exports during those years 48. Great difficulties wer e encountered in findin g th e necessar y shipping 49. Mos t o f the Genoes e were supporting France, while the Venetian galleys were not venturing to Flanders becaus e of the Anglo-French war . Gastilian, Catalan and Majorca n vessel s ha d t o b e used . Th e Bard i an d Peruzz i appear to have specially arranged for the arriva l of some of these ships t o England 50. Th e bigges t shipment s too k plac e fro m London. Originally the two firms intended to send large consignments fro m Southampton , whic h ha d a particularl y dee p an d safe harbour , suitabl e fo r the larges t ship s 50a . But after th e sack of Southampto n b y th e Frenc h i n Octobe r 1338 , som e o f th e wool ha d t o b e diverte d t o Bristol , whic h normall y wa s no t much use d b y th e Italians . The first phase of our story, extending from the late thirteent h century t o th e thirteen-forties , wa s concerned mainl y wit h th e export of wool by a few major Italia n companies , chiefl y Floren tine; muc h les s i s know n a t presen t abou t th e direc t Italia n imports durin g thi s earl y period . Thi s firs t phas e cam e to a n end wit h th e rui n o f th e Bard i an d severa l othe r Florentin e firms between 134 2 and 1346 . As customs account s ar e entirel y lacking betwee n 134 3 an d 1349 , w e hav e n o mean s o f tellin g how fa r othe r Italian s too k ove r th e trad e o f th e bankrup t companies. Th e fe w known instances ca n soo n be enumerated . The Leopard i o f Asti, a firm of pawnbrokers with headquarter s in th e Netherlands , ha d becom e th e creditor s o f Edwar d II I other source s : E. 159/117 , recorda , Trinity, m. 7; issu e roll s (E. 403) under 18 19 Octobe r 133 8 an d 1 6 Februar y 1340 ; E . 404/501 , nos . 133-4 . 48 Almos t 81,00 0 sacks . Cf. Export, 1275-1547, pp . 45-6 . 49 Fo r th e res t o f this paragrap h se e especially RUDDOCK , op . cit., pp. 30-4 . 60 E.g. , P.R.O. , chancer y warrants (C. 81) , priv y sea l no . 1195 3 (2 4 July 1339 ) taking under th e king' s protection tw o ship s of Majorca du e t o com e to England "pur charge r leines " o f the Bard i an d Peruzzi . 60a Th e bigge r vessels had to unload their cargoe s by tender, but the y could stay safely i n Southampto n Water .

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during his continental campaign s in 1338-40 . In part repayment they wer e shippin g 60 0 sacks from Southampto n i n 1341- 2 51. An Italia n grou p le d by Franci s Ventur e was trying to acquir e 2000 sack s fro m Walte r Chirito n an d Co. , farmer s o f th e customs, bu t onl y received 20 0 sacks a t Bruge s 52. We ar e almost a s much in th e dar k between 135 0 and 1370 . Information abou t th e name s o f exporter s i s normall y t o b e found onl y in th e particular s of customs accounts and the y ar e mostly missin g during tha t period ; ther e i s nothing fo r the al l important harbou r o f Southampton betwee n 134 2 an d 137 0 53. Records o f exemption s fro m th e paymen t o f dutie s provid e two significant glimpses of the new Italian groups and firms that came to participate in wool export. In 1351- 2 a group of Genoese merchants exporte d 109 7 sack s from Southampto n i n compen sation fo r losses tha t the y ha d previousl y suffered a t the hand s of Englishme n 54 . Fro m 135 3 t o 135 7 onl y aliens were able t o ship wool from thi s country, "t o th e great decrease i n the price of wools " accordin g t o th e Englis h merchants , an d th e trad e flourished exceedingl y 55. I t i s therefore particularly regrettable that almos t all the name s of the exporter s shoul d b e unknown. The on e importan t exceptio n i s provide d b y th e fir m o f th e Malabayla o f Asti, t o who m Edward II I owe d in 135 6 a t leas t

51

GRAS , op . cit., p. 176 . Fo r Edwar d Ill's debt s t o the m se e FRYDE , loc. cit., (1967), pp . 1190-91 , 1209 . 52 FRYDE , Some Business Transactions of York Merchants... 1336-49 , (York, 1966) , p. 1 2 an d Tabl e II . 63 Cf . A . BEARDWOOD , Alien Merchants i n England, 1350 t o 1377, (Cambridge, Mass., 1931) , p . 13 9 an d RUDDOCK , op. cit., p . 43 . 54 BEARDWOOD , op. cit., pp . 155-6 . 65 E . POWER , Th e Wool Trade i n English Medieval History (Oxford , 1941), p. 98 . Exports totalle d 4491 4 sack s in th e fisca l yea r 1353-4 , 32,93 8 i n 1354-5 , san k t o 29,775 i n 1355-6 , bu t ros e agai n to 37,93 0 sack s in 1356- 7 (Export, 1275-1547 , pp. 47-8) .

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£> 18,39 5 56. The y were allowed to shi p woo l at privilege d rate s of dut y an d i n 1356- 7 the y exporte d 10,39 5 sack s (c . 27 % o f the tota l export s tha t year) 57. W e cannot , however , be certai n that al l thi s immens e quantit y o f woo l was destine d fo r Italy . Genoa ha d becom e reconcile d wit h Edwar d II I i n 134 7 an d it is probable tha t Genoese ships , al l privately owned of course, henceforth visite d thi s countr y fairl y often . Th e stat e fleet s of Venic e resume d thei r voyage s t o Flander s i n 1357 , bu t continued t o avoi d England . Som e privat e Venetia n vessel s did howeve r visi t thi s country , thoug h mention s o f the m ar e rare 58. II

The nex t clearly discernible phase of our story is to be place d between roughl y 136 0 an d 1390 . Severa l ne w feature s appea r clearly fo r th e firs t time . Ther e emerge d a distinctiv e ne w pattern i n th e us e o f Englis h harbour s b y Italia n shippin g 59. The Genoes e were ceasing to employ merchant galley s for thei r trade t o north-wester n Europe , thoug h som e hybri d type s o f Genoese shipping, , possibly equipped with oar s as well as sails, still appea r occasionall y in ou r record s i n th e lat e fourteenth

56

CaL Close R. t 1354-60 , p . 33 6 and Cal. Patent R. , 1354-58, p. 469 . For th e origin of a part of this debt see also FRYDE, Joe . cit., (1967), p. 1191 . The Malabayl a became after 134 2 the financial agents of the papacy in place of the Bardi and other ruined Florentin e companies. Cf. Y . RENOUARD , op . cit,, (1942) , pp . 43-5 , 58-9. See als o A . SISTO , Banchieri — Feudatori Subdpini nei Secoli XH-XIV (Turin , J 963), pp . 89-9 1 (brother s Provana , the factor s o f the Malabayl a in England) . 67 BEARDWOOD , op . cit., pp . 150-1 ; Export, 1275-1547 , p . 48 . 68 RUDDOCK , op . cit., p . 4 0 an d n . 11 ; CESSI , loc. cit., pp. 14 9 seq. and p . 139 , n. 26 1 (saf e conduc t fo r th e ship s o f th e compan y of Cocc o o f Venice). 59 Fo r wha t follows se e chiefl y RUDDOCK , op . cit., chapte r II .

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century n. Whil e merchan t galley s coul d sai l safel y anywher e the approache s t o Londo n wer e regarde d a s dangerou s b y th e larger sailin g vessels . Fo r thi s reaso n th e Genoes e bega n t o have a marke d preferenc e for Southampto n a s their mai n por t of cal l i n England . Fo r a while , aroun d 1380 , som e o f thei r shipping als o used Bristo l n, bu t Southampto n ha d the advan tage o f being muc h nearer to London . The Genoes e vessel s whic h calle d a t Southampto n acte d both a s carrier s fo r othe r people , especiall y th e Florentine s 62 , and a s traders i n their ow n commodities. Thi s brings us to th e second ne w feature , th e mos t importan t o f all . A n Englis h woollen industr y manufacturin g for expor t wa s developin g i n the south-wester n regio n for whic h Southampto n provide d on e of th e bes t outlets . Th e Genoes e specialise d in the distributio n of dyes and other chemicals indispensable fo r the textile industry. They bega n t o suppl y th e south-wester n regio n wit h thes e essentials an d somewha t later , fro m th e thirteen-eightie s on wards, they also became interested i n exporting some of its cloth. The Genoes e clearl y did no t originat e th e developmen t o f th e woollen industr y i n south-wester n England , bu t the y playe d some par t i n promotin g it s furthe r growth . W e shoul d lik e to be able to appraise and date far more precisely their contributio n here. Thi s i s one o f the subject s that urgentl y require s furthe r research. Lastly, Southampton was within easy reach of the Cotswolds , from wher e th e Italia n fleet s derive d thei r supplie s o f wool . 60

E.g. , P.R.O. , K.R . customs accounts, E . 122/137/9 6 (mentio n of three ship s of th e "tarite " type , together wit h one "neyf") . 81 Cf . E . M . CARUS-WILSON , Th e Overseas Trade o f Bristol i n th e later Middle Ages (Bristo l Record Society , VII, 1937) , pp . 37-42 . 68 E.g. , P.R.O., E. 122/137/96 ; HOLMES , loc. cit., (1963), p. 205 , n. 5 . For othe r exports of woo l b y Florentine s (bu t without indicatin g what shipping wa s used), cf. ibid., pp . 201-2 .

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There is some controvers y abou t th e dat e a t whic h thi s regio n emerged a s a majo r woo l producing area . Dr . Ruddoc k place s this developmen t i n th e lat e fourteent h an d th e firs t hal f o f the fifteent h centurie s an d make s i t coincid e wit h th e increas e in th e Italia n trad e throug h Southampton 63. Bu t alread y i n the thirteen-thirtie s som e leadin g Londo n merchant s wer e purchasing severa l hundre d sack s of Cotswol d wool , includin g fleeces from famou s centre s lik e Northleac h an d Burfor d an d were able to secur e high price s fo r them i n th e Netherland s 64 . It i s probabl e tha t Dr . Ruddoc k ha s postdate d th e growt h o f important w6o l productio n i n thi s area . Whe n i n th e late r fourteenth centur y Italia n ship s bega n t o us e Southampto n a s their mai n por t o f cal l i n England , the y apparentl y foun d a wool producin g distric t o f high reput e i n it s hinterland . In 136 3 the staple for English wool was reestablished at Calais. During th e nex t fifteen year s arrangement s varie d but , durin g periods whe n th e stapl e wa s o n th e continent , direc t expor t from Englan d to Ital y coul d onl y take place under specia l royal licences. I n 137 6 i t wa s allege d i n th e Goo d Parliamen t tha t such licence s cos t us . pe r sac k (1 0 s . to the kin g and i s . to the chancer y clerks) and that the y were being issued principally for expor t t o Geno a an d Venic e 65. Thes e exceptiona l arrange ments cam e to a n end in 1378 . Unde r a statute enacte d in tha t year, th e Genoese , th e Venetian s an d othe r aliens , shippin g wool fro m Southampto n o r othe r harbours , wer e allowe d t o export freel y t o th e Mediterranean , provide d tha t the y gav e sufficient securit y that the y woul d no t dispos e o f their cargoe s

68 64

Op . at., p . 28 .

P.R.O. , E . 101/457/ 7 an d 30 . Se e als o E . B . FRYDE , Th e Wool Account s of William de l a Pole (York , 1964) , appendix . 66 Rotuli Parliamentarian, II, p. 326. See also BEARDWOOD, op. cit., pp. 26-28, 42-3 .

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anywhere else 66. Thes e arrangement s were substantiall y main tained unti l the secon d half of the fifteenth century. During th e first twent y on e year s o f thi s "ne w deal " (1379-1400 ) alie n exports fro m Southampto n amounte d to 33,33 0 sacks of wool67, giving a n annua l averag e o f 158 7 sacks . We ca n safel y ascrib e alien shipment s fro m Southampto n t o Italians , bu t n o suc h assumption ca n b e mad e a t som e othe r harbours , an d leas t o f all i n London . After 138 0 the mos t spectacula r developments i n th e patter n of Italia n export s fro m Englan d concerne d no t woo l bu t cloth . At Southampto n th e highes t previou s shipmen t b y alien s i n any on e yea r totalle d 145 3 cloths , bu t i n 1380- 1 ther e wa s a sudden upward leap to 3812. This higher level was substantially maintained hencefort h : the annua l average for the year s 1380 1391 work s ou t a t som e 336 0 cloth s 68 . Th e sam e thin g wa s happening a t othe r harbours . I t ha s bee n estimate d tha t i n the earl y thirteen-ninetie s Italia n shipment s o f clot h fro m thi s country average d annuall y abou t 9700 , representin g abou t a quarter o f th e tota l export s a t tha t tim e 69. Dr . Ruddoc k ha s suggested tha t Englan d benefite d fro m th e revolutionar y dis orders in Flander s fro m 137 9 to 1385 , whic h compelled Italians to see k cloth s elsewher e 70. Thi s ma y hel p t o explai n why th e increase i n the deman d fo r Englis h woollens suddenly occurred in 1380-82 , bu t i t wil l no t explai n why tha t deman d persiste d 66

Rotuli Parliamentorum III , p . 4 8 (no . 76 , text ver y damaged) and RUDDOCK , op. cit., p. 44 . A typica l indenture between the collector s of customs and th e ex porters (P.R.O. , E . 122/137/93 , o f 1390 ) included an undertaking of the merchants to take the woo l "to th e part s o f the West" and not elsewhere on pain of double the valu e of thei r carg o of wool. 67 Export, 1275-1547 , pp . 51-5 . 68 Ibid., pp . 80-4 . 69 E . M. CARUS-WILSON , Medieval Merchant Venturers (London , 1954) , p . 258, n. i . 70 Op . cit., pp . 49-50 .

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thereafter. Fo r fulle r understandin g w e must tur n t o th e wider changes tha t i n the las t decade s o f the fourteent h centur y wer e profoundly modifyin g th e Italia n maritim e trad e t o north western Europ e 71 . Once the s o called war of Chioggia between Genoa and Venice was ove r i n 1381 , th e Genoes e full y regaine d contro l ove r th e alum mine s o f Phocea an d th e adjoining commercial centr e o n the islan d o f Chios. Fro m Phoce a cam e th e bes t an d th e mos t plentiful supplie s o f this indispensabl e chemical , neede d b y all the Europea n woolle n industries . Durin g th e nex t fe w year s a grou p of leading Genoese business me n wer e able to organis e the transpor t o f alum in an exceptionally efficient and inexpensive manner. Unusuall y bi g sailin g ship s wer e speciall y buil t fo r this purpose, bu t they could also be used for moving other bulky and chea p commodities . The y wer e intende d t o carr y muc h more carg o tha n eve n th e larges t merchan t galleys . T o tak e one example , i n 139 9 a flee t o f five Venetian stat e galley s took to Flander s 22 0 tons o f cargo , but thre e Genoes e sailin g ships in 140 1 carrie d t o th e sam e destinatio n almos t fou r time s a s much (87 0 tons). On e o f the Genoes e ship s alon e transporte d more (33 0 tons) than al l these Venetian galleys 72. More heavily laden ship s neede d longe r tim e i n harbour . I t wa s therefore essential tha t the y shoul d mak e up fo r thi s b y callin g a t fewe r ports an d b y spendin g les s tim e a t sea . Ever y effor t wa s made to reduc e th e lengt h o f th e voyage s as far a s possible. Aroun d 1400 a journey from Southampto n t o Cadi z migh t tak e 10 days in favourabl e circumstances , whil e a tri p fro m Southampto n

71

Th e summar y that follow s i s based mainl y on the work s of J. HEER S cited i n the firs t not e t o thi s articl e (supra). 72 HEERS , Archivio Storico Italiano, 11 3 (i95S) » PP - 190-92. In practic e even th e larger Florentine and Venetia n merchant galleys rarely carried more than 15 0 tons of cargo . Cf . MALLETT , Th e Florentine Galleys (1967 , cit. supra), p . 31 .

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to th e Baleari c islands woul d require 1 6 day s 73. Th e turnove r of ship s wa s speede d up . W e hea r o f on e vesse l o f 75 0 ton s which i n 1 3 year s (1394-1407 ) mad e fifteen journeys from th e Mediterranean t o Bruge s an d Southampto n an d ther e wer e several mor e wit h equall y impressiv e record s o f voyage s 74. This grou p o f capitalist s wa s abl e t o impos e thei r term s o n shipowners an d ship-operators , s o that freigh t charges for long distance voyages could be reduced an d permanently maintained at a comparativel y lo w level. Th e Datin i archives , assemble d around 140 0 b y on e o f the leadin g commercial firms , suppl y a mass of information about freigh t charge s o n journeys betwee n the Mediterranea n an d north-wester n Europe . O n thi s rout e freights o n alum , a chea p an d bulk y commodity , amounte d to onl y 6 s. (Florentine) pe r lo o lb. , compare d with 1 9 s . paid on 10 0 lb. o f the muc h more valauble pepper. Alum and woad, two commoditie s importe d o n a large scale int o England , pai d freights amountin g t o abou t 8 % o f thei r purchas e price . A s for th e main English exports, charges on wool oscillated between 4.3% and 3.7% , while they cam e down to a s little a s 2.8% for tin, usefu l a s ballast75. A letter written i n January 139 7 by one of th e Albert i suggest s that Englis h clot h pai d eve n les s tha n wool i n proportio n t o it s valu e 76. Th e bigges t Genoes e vessel s (c. 95 0 tons) carried hug e crews of between 12 0 t o 15 0 me n 77 . Well manne d an d armed , the y coul d defen d themselve s ade quately. Excep t i n shallo w coastal waters , they wer e very seaworthy and could travel at all seasons. A document datin g fro m the early fifteenth century, found in the Datini archives, estimated the los s o f Genoes e ship s o n th e voyage s to Flander s a t les s 78

HEERS , 7 e Collogue (1965) , p . 28 . Ibid., pp . 34 , 40-2. 76 Ibid., p . 44 76 E . BENSA , Francesco d i Marco d a Prato (Milan , 1928) , pp . 377-8 . 77 HEER S i n 2 e Colloque Internationale d'Histoire Maritime (Paris , 1958) , p . in . 74

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than 2 % o f th e tota l numbe r o f th e relevan t vessel s 78. I t i s not surprising that the insurance premiums on these large ships and o n th e cargoe s carrie d o n the m remaine d reasonabl y low. England wa s on e o f the mai n beneficiarie s o f these develop ments and the English cloth producers most of all. As a business letter o f 139 7 pu t it , "cloth s o f hig h valu e ca n bea r th e cost s of transport b y land , th e others , not " 79 . The Englis h woollen s could onl y compet e b y remainin g reasonabl y cheap . Throug h the Genoes , th e Englis h clot h producer s gaine d acces s t o new markets, whic h otherwis e woul d hav e remaine d muc h longe r out of their effective reach . Th e numbe r o f ships bringing good s to thi s countr y increase d considerably . Th e suppl y o f commo dities fro m th e Mediterranea n improve d markedly , especiall y after th e Venetia n stat e galley s started comin g t o thi s countr y in th e thirteennineties . Thei r regula r visit s t o Londo n bega n in 1395 . Th e us e o f exceptionall y larg e ship s b y th e Genoes e enhanced stil l furthe r th e importanc e o f th e dee p an d saf e harbour o f Southampto n 80 . Maritime venture s t o Englan d an d Flander s wer e closel y interconnected, bu t t o th e Italian s wh o controlle d th e trad e on thi s rout e Englan d wa s an are a o f secondary importance i n comparison wit h th e Netherlands . Ther e was , i n particular , a massive disproportio n betwee n the siz e o f imports int o the tw o countries. Fo r example , th e custom s account s of Genoa recor d that i n 144 5 nin e ship s too k alu m t o north-wester n Europe . Only 400 0 cantari a wer e destine d fo r England , whil e 51,80 0 were bein g sen t t o Flanders . Ther e i s n o recor d o f an y larg e consignment o f alum eve r bein g sen t exclusivel y t o Englan d 81 . 78

HEERS , 7 e Colloque, p . 34 . Ibid., p. 4 6 : "I pann i d i gran pregio possono sopportar e gl i oneri dell a via terrestre, gl i altri no" ( a letter from Bruge s to Barcelona from th e Datini archives). 80 Mor e details will be give n in a later section of this article . 81 M. L. HEERS , "Les Genois et le Commerce de PAlun a la fin du Moyen Age" , Revue d'Histoire £conomique e t Sociale, XXXII (1954) , pp . 48-9 . 79

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A Venetia n flee t visitin g th e tw o countrie s aroun d 140 0 too k much greate r quantitie s o f pepper , ginge r an d othe r spice s t o Bruges tha n t o Londo n 82 . And , o f course , Venetia n voyages to Flander s precede d b y man y decades , thei r regula r visit s t o England. Th e Florentin e stat e fleets visited both countrie s fro m the star t o f thei r norther n expedition s i n 1425 , becaus e the y were speciall y interested i n procurin g woo l fro m England . O n their outwar d journeys the bul k of their cargoe s was, however, destined for the Netherlands , presumabl y becaus e commoditie s could b e markete d ther e mor e easil y and profitably 83.

Ill The importanc e o f th e Italia n shippin g an d commerc e i n this countr y reache d it s clima x betwee n abou t 139 0 an d 1460 . The contrast s betwee n th e differen t tradin g interest s o f th e Genoese, th e Venetians and the Florentine s emerg e particularly clearly during this period . Ther e were also marked divergencies in th e movement s o f thei r ship s an d i n thei r preference s fo r particular harbours . Bu t ther e wa s likewise a lot o f cooperation between al l th e Italians , especiall y i n highl y practica l matter s like usin g eac h other' s shipping . To star t wit h the ships. Aroun d 140 0 one has the impressio n of a n abundan t suppl y o f Italia n an d Spanis h shippin g calling 82

J . HEERS , Archivio Storico Italiano (1955 , cit. supra), p . 177 . Thi s commercial policy of the Florentines is amply documented in two articles by R . d e Roover and W . B . Watson : R. D E ROOVER , "L e balance commerciale entre le s Pays-Ba s e t 1'Itali e a u quinziem e siecle" , Revue beige d e Philologie e t d'Histoire, XXXVI I (1959 ) an d W. B . WATSON, "Th e Structur e of the Florentin e Galley Trade with Flanders and Englan d in the Fifteenth Century", ibid., XXXIX and XL (1961-2). They disagree in their explanations of this situation. The reason s suggested b y m e i n th e tex t ar e quit e differen t an d agre e with the view s of Dr . M. E . MALLETT , op . cit., (1967) , p . 133 . 83

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at English harbours 84. The Genoes e probably sent more vessels to thi s countr y tha n an y othe r Italia n group , though , a s the y were al l privately owned, we know much les s about the m tha n about th e Venetia n an d Florentin e stat e fleets . Th e breac h between Englan d an d Geno a i n 140 5 doe s no t appea r t o hav e interrupted th e Genoes e ventures to this countr y for more than a fe w years . The y wer e resumin g thei r dealing s i n Englan d from a t leas t 140 9 onwards , thoug h n o officia l reconciliatio n took plac e unti l 142 1 85. Our fulles t documentatio n abou t shippin g happen s t o com e from th e year s 1435-46 , thoug h wha t i t reveal s i s probabl y typical o f most of the reig n of Henry VI 86 . Londo n wa s visited regularly onl y b y th e Venetia n stat e galleys . A pai r o f the m usually calle d ther e eac h yea r fo r a prolonge d stay . Florentin e state galleys went to London onl y on their earliest three voyages 84

Se e fo r exampl e th e remark s o f F . Melis , base d o n hi s profoun d familiarity with th e Datin i archives, i n Stud i in onor e di Amintore Fanfani, II I (Milan , 1962) , P. 234 85 Geno a wa s unde r Frenc h occupatio n betwee n 140 1 an d 140 9 (cf . M . DE BOUARD, Les Origines d e Guerres d'ltalie. L a France e t I'ltalie au temps du Grand Schisme d'Occident, Paris , 1936) . A n Englis h expeditio n t o Sluy s i n Flanders , i n 1405, capture d som e Genoes e ship s an d othe r Genoes e vessel s an d good s wer e seized i n Englan d [J . H . WYLIE , History o f England under Henry IV , I I (London , 1894), pp. 104-5 , 326-7; R. DOEHAER D et Ch. KERREMANS, Les Relations Commercials entre Genes. La Belgique et VOutremont... 1400-144 0 (Bruxelles-Rome, 1952 ) no. 66]. The view that trade and visits of ships were resumed after 140 8 is based on numerous entries i n DOEHAER D et KERREMANS , passim. For th e treat y o f 142 1 cf. J. H . WYLI E and W.T. WAUGH, The Reign of Henry V , III, 1415-22 (Cambridge, 1929 , pp. 288-9) 86 Th e accoun t tha t follow s i s base d o n th e followin g mai n source s : P.R.O. , E. 101/128/3 0 an d 3 1 (account s o f th e host s o f th e Italia n merchant s 1440-46) ; P.R.O., E . 122/140/6 2 (Southampton , 1443-4) ; WATSON , loc. cit. an d RUDDOCK , op. cit., (Southampton) ; M . R . THIELEMANS , Bourgogne e t Angleterre. Relations politiques e t economiques entre les Pays-Bos Bourguignons e t I'Angleterre, 1435-146 7 (Brussels, 1966) , pp. 314-1 7 (London); HEERS , Genes (1961, cit. supra) for Genoes e shipping; MALLETT , op . cit. , (1967) , fo r Florentin e stat e galleys ; GRAS , op . cit . (London an d Southampton) .

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to Englan d (1425-8 ) an d di d no t reappea r ther e unti l 1459 , when temporar y trouble s a t Southampto n compelle d the m t o do so. The main choice of the Italian ships lay between Sandwich and Southampton . Sandwic h wa s a convenien t outpor t fo r London wher e vessel s goin g t o o r returnin g fro m Flander s might cal l fo r brie f visits . On e pai r o f Venetia n galley s fro m Flanders ofte n calle d at Sandwich on the return journey to pick up th e othe r pai r returnin g fro m London . Bu t Sandwic h had no commodities of its own to attract Italians, unlike Southampton which combine d th e nearnes s t o Londo n wit h a considerabl e independent traffi c i n woo l an d clot h fro m it s hinterlan d an d in ti n fro m south-wester n England . Betwee n Michaelmas 144 3 and Michaelma s 1444 , i n wha t appear s t o hav e bee n a fairl y typical year , twent y on e Spanis h an d Italia n ship s calle d a t Southampton. A t leas t eigh t larg e carrack s an d on e "navis " were Genoes e o r fro m Liguri a whic h wa s quitt e typical , a s between 143 9 an d 144 5 a n averag e o f n Genoes e carrack s came to Southampton. Some carracks shipped enormous cargoes. To clarif y th e significanc e of the trading figures that will follow, it shoul d be recalle d tha t aroun d 143 3 th e yearl y incom e fro m all th e dutie s o n foreig n trad e wa s estimate d b y th e Englis h government a t abou t £30,700 87. Th e Genoes e carrac k o f Percivale Grillo unloaded a t Southampton on 7 December 144 3 goods valued at c. £2455 (chiefl y alum ) and departed o n n Fe bruary 144 4 wit h a fres h carg o wort h ove r £2000 88. Tw o other Genoese carracks, of Pietro Embrono and Ilario Imperiale, left Southampto n o n u Augus t 1444 , afte r havin g picke d u p

87

J . L. KIRBY , "Th e Issue s of the Lancastrian Exchequer an d Lord Cromwell' s Estimates o f 1433" , Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., XXI V (1951), p . 133 . 88 Th e sam e man wa s in 144 5 th e captai n o f a vessel carrying a carg o of alum and othe r good s fro m Chio s to Flander s worth abou t £528 0 (quit e probably th e same ship) . Cf . HEERS , Gfries (1961 , cit. supra), pp . 650-51 .

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goods value d a t £591 9 89. Th e othe r mos t impressiv e visitor s were th e tw o Florentin e stat e galleys , whic h usuall y spen t several month s a t Southampto n o n thei r retur n journey s fro m Flanders. I n Apri l 144 4 they exporte d fro m Southampto n wool that Dr. W . B . Watson value s at £6885 and other commoditie s worth £2849 90. Thre e othe r galley s cam e t o Southampto n during th e fisca l yea r 1443-4 . On e ma y hav e bee n Venetia n and one Spanish. The y belonged presumably to private owners, as di d th e remainin g thre e vessels , al l describe d a s carracks . One wa s Venetia n an d on e clearl y cam e fro m Greec e o r th e islands o f the Egean . No Venetian stat e galley s came to South ampton tha t year , a s far a s we can tell, unlik e what happened , for exampl e i n 1441 . Men fro m eac h Italia n cit y showe d a preferenc e for sendin g goods o n ship s o f their compatriots . Th e bul k o f the commo dities handle d b y th e Venetia n colon y i n Londo n wa s carried by th e Venetia n stat e galleys . Th e leadin g Florentin e firm s resident i n Londo n assemble d eac h yea r clot h an d woo l a t Southampton in readiness for the arriva l of their ow n state fleet. But i n betwee n th e visit s o f thei r nativ e ship s man y Italian s used an y othe r vessel s that migh t b e available . Thus, t o stic k to ou r exampl e of 1443-44 , on e Venetia n an d severa l Genoes e were shippin g good s o n th e Florentin e galley s tha t cam e t o Southampton tha t year . The sam e point can be illustrated fro m the account s o f th e host s o f th e foreig n merchants . I n 144 0 Tommaso Contarin i o f Venice, beside s receivin g consignment s of good s o n th e tw o Venetia n galleys , also receive d almonds , sugar and sil k on a non-Venetian carrack and some merchandise was shippe d t o hi m o n Flemis h ship s 91. On e o f the mos t im 89

Embron o shippe d i n 144 5 fro m Chio s t o Flander s good s wort h c . £294 5 (cf. th e precedin g note) . 90 WATSON , loc. cit. (1962), pp . 338-9 . 91 P.R.O. , E . 101/128/30 , m . 6 .

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portant Venetia n partnership s activ e i n Englan d consiste d o f the brothers Andrea and Federico Corne r 9 2 in association with Carlo Contarini . Th e brother s Corne r belonge d t o a ver y wealthy family : around 1380 an earlier Federico was the richest man i n Venice 93. A n incomplet e se t o f record s abou t thei r dealings i n Englan d betwee n Marc h 144 0 an d th e summe r of 1443 mentions sales of commodities for £11,793 and purchases of wool , clot h an d ti n value d a t £11,998 . Th e Venetia n stat e galleys clearly provided their mai n means of transport, bu t the y also use d privat e o r non-Venetia n shipping . I n 144 1 the y received a consignment of wine worth over £"1700 from a carrack at Southampton . I n 1442- 3 anothe r carrac k unloaded som e of their pepper a t Bristol, while yet another carrack, described thi s time specificall y a s Venetian , brought som e malmse y wine t o Southampton. I n Apri l 144 4 th e Corne r shippe d clot h worth £66. 135 . 4d. on one of the Florentin e stat e galleys sailing fro m Southampton94. Each o f the mai n Italian group s had som e distinctive prefe rences for trade in particular types of commodities. Th e autho r of the Libell e o f Englyshe Polycye, written c. 1436-8 95, disliked them all , bu t th e Genoes e wer e the on e specie s o f Italians t o whom h e wa s willin g t o accor d a grudgin g acceptance . H e enumerates th e variou s usefu l commoditie s importe d o n thei r great carracks , especially dye s an d other ra w materials neede d 92

The y appea r als o i n th e recor d o f on e transactio n a t Venic e arisin g ou t o f their exports o f English wool . Cf. G . LUZZATTO , II Debito Pliblico della Repubblica di Venezia dagli ulttm i Decenni de l XI I Secolo alia Fine de l X V (Milan , 1963) , p. 242 , n. 145 . 98 G . LUZZATTO , Studi d i Storia Economica Veneziana (Padua , 1954) , pp . 118 19, 135 . 94 P.R.O., E. 101/128/30, m. 10; E. 101/128-31, mm. 3, 8, 36, 51; E. 122/140/62, f. 3 9 r . 98 Ed . b y Si r Georg e Warne r (Oxford , 1926) . Se e also G . A . HOLMES , "Th e Libel o f English Policy" , Engl Hist. Rev., LXXV I (1961) .

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by th e textil e industr y 96. H e mentions , o f course, alum . Fro m the late fourteenth century down to 1453 the Genoese controlled all the trade in this chemical and brought massive consignments of it to Southampton 97 . For example, a single carrack of Percivale Grillo unloade d ther e in Decembe r 144 3 alu m worth £1916 98. By 145 8 th e Genoes e wer e running ou t o f supplie s o f orienta l alum, bu t i n th e fourteen-sixtie s the y manage d t o participat e in th e distributio n o f Italia n alum , derive d fro m th e newl y discovered deposit s a t Tolfa , i n th e papa l territory . It s impor t into Englan d wa s less expensive than i n th e cas e of alum fro m Chios. It is possible to calculate exactly the profits on the import of the papa l alu m into Englan d i n 1466 . A consignment of 3880 cantares (183,30 0 kgs.) , purchase d b y th e cas a o f San Giorgi o of Geno a a t Civitavecchi a an d shippe d fro m there , yielde d a net profi t o f slightl y ove r 26% . I t ha d bee n purchase d fo r 54,000 li . gen . (c . £4187) . Freight s an d othe r expense s u p t o the arriva l in Englan d amounte d t o a n additio n o f only 3.7% . But cost s incurre d fro m th e tim e whe n thi s alu m reache d Southampton unti l th e fina l sal e adde d anothe r 8. 3 %. I t wa s sold fo r c . £584 4 (75,40 0 li . gen.)" . Ou r exampl e comes , however, fro m a perio d whe n th e trad e i n alu m wa s agai n highly competitiv e an d condition s wer e fluctuatin g sharpl y 10°. According t o the Libell e th e Genoes e als o brought "of woad great plente". This was the most important o f all the dye s used in th e medieva l textil e industrie s an d ther e existe d i n Europ e 96

Pp . 17-1 8 o f Warner' s edition , cit. supra. Th e accoun t of the Genoese trade with England that follows belo w is chiefl y based on J. HEERS , G£nes (1961, cit. supra). Fo r alu m see also M. L . HEERS , Revue d'Histoire £conomique e t Sociale (1954 , cit. supra). 98 WATSON , loc. cit. (1961), p . 108 5 an d P.R.O. , E . 122/140/62 , fos . 9 v.-i2 v . 99 HEERsi n Sapori (1957, cit. supra), pp . 822 , 831. Some of the figure s represen t my ow n calculations (reckoning 12.9 li . gen. to £i sterling) . 100 Se e especially R. D E ROOVER, Th e Rise and Decline of th e Medici Bank, 13971494 (Cambridge , Mass., 1963) , pp . 158-63 . 97

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several region s o f primar y production . Th e Genoes e onl y controlled th e supplie s fro m on e of them . The y wer e th e im porters o f woad fro m Lombardy , whic h ha d t o compet e i n th e English marke t wit h supplie s brough t b y othe r trader s fro m various regions o f France 101 . Considerabl e cost s wer e incurre d on th e transpor t o f woad from Lombard y into Genoa , bu t th e freights fo r th e journe y b y se a to Englan d were fairly lo w 102. When betwee n 145 8 an d 146 5 th e Genoes e trad e i n alu m collapsed fo r a time, woa d took its plac e a s their mai n impor t into England. I n 146 0 four Genoese ships transported t o England woad value d a t £780 0 an d anothe r expeditio n o f thre e ship s arrived in 146 7 at Southampton with 27,500 cantares (1,106,250 kg.), wort h ove r £800 0 103 . Genoes e ship s als o brough t t o thi s country considerabl e consignment s o f frui t an d win e fro m various part s o f th e Mediterranean . O f spice s w e hea r ver y little104. Pape r wa s th e onl y manufacture d articl e tha t the y imported i n an y quantity . Throughout this period the Genoese continued to be interested in the expor t of wool from England . But in the fifteent h centur y supplies wer e n o mor e sufficien t t o satisf y al l th e competin g Italian an d Englis h exporters . O n thei r retur n journey s th e Genoese carrack s often picke d u p furthe r substantia l consign ments o f wool from Spai n and other part s o f the wester n Medi101

I n additio n t o Heers in Sapori (1957) and HEERS , GeVie s (1961) see especially F. BORLANDI , "II guado nel Medio Evo", Studi in Onore di Gino Luzzatto, I (Milan, 1949) an d E . M . CARUS-WILSON , "L a gued e francais e e n Angleterre" , Revue du Nord, XX V (1953) . 108 A n averag e of 1 0 s . gen . pe r cantar e o n th e voyag e fro m Geno a t o South ampton compare d wit h 2 5 s. pe r cantar e fo r woo l carried fro m Southampto n t o Genoa (HEERS , Genes , 1961) , pp . 316-7 . 108 HEER S in Sapori (1957) , pp . 829-30 . 104 Cf . the commen t in Fabyan's chronicle under 145 8 : "for there is no nacion in Englond e tha t delyt h s o lytl e wit h spicis" . Quote d i n CARUS-:WILSON , Th e Overseas Trade o f Bristol (dt. supra), p . 118 .

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terranean, which might be less valuable than the English wool, 105 but coul d b e procure d i n muc h large r quantities . In th e reig n o f Henr y V I clot h forme d th e chie f Genoes e export from England. In certain years their shipments of woollens from Southampto n wer e bigge r tha n export s b y an y othe r Italian grou p : 730 0 piece s shippe d o n si x Genoese vessel s i n 1455-6, compare d wit h 646 0 taken o n board by three Venetia n galleys an d 168 5 exporte d b y th e Florentin e stat e galleys . I n 1458 the good s of all the Genoes e were seized in this countr y : assets value d a t c . £16,30 0 wer e confiscate d fro m 2 7 differen t merchants. O n thi s occasio n som e alu m wa s foun d i n thei r warehouses, quantitie s o f woo d an d sugar , bu t chiefl y cloth. When the y wer e allowe d t o trad e again , th e Genoes e colon y in England exported early in 1460 goods valued at some £26,000, consisting agai n almos t entirel y o f cloth 106. These textile s wer e not , a s a rule , destine d fo r Italy . Th e registers o f a specia l ta x collecte d a t Geno a i n 144 5 mak e i t clear tha t Englis h clot h wa s intende d mainl y fo r Spanis h o r for Mosle m markets . A s th e Genoes e carrack s mad e their wa y from Englan d t o Chios , the y wer e disposin g o f som e cloth s at eac h non-Italia n por t o f call . O n thei r retur n journey s t o Italy, th e Florentin e stat e galley s likewis e unloade d i n Spai n consignments o f Englis h clot h owne d b y Genoes e merchants . The Englis h woollen s were, a s yet, less valuable than th e fine r products o f the Italian workshops . English textile s could , there fore, b e markete d i n countrie s whic h coul d no t absor b larg e quantities o f Italia n luxur y cloths . I n th e Iberia n peninsul a considerable consignment s o f Englis h woollen s wer e disem barked eac h yea r a t Malaga , th e chie f harbou r o f the Mooris h 105

I n th e Pisa n custom s account s o f th e secon d hal f o f the fifteent h centur y English wool was rated at about double the value of Spanish varieties. Cf . MALLETT in Econ. Hist. Rev. (1962, loc. cit.), p. 257. 106 HEERS , G0nes (1961) , pp . 457-9 ; HEER S i n Sapori (1957) , pp . 825-7 .

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kingdom o f Granada , fro m wher e the y wer e reexporte d t o North Afric a b y th e loca l Jewis h an d Mosle m merchants . Important quantitie s o f clot h wer e als o taken b y th e Genoes e to Chios, for distribution i n Asia Minor 107 . Under the Venetian regulations al l th e Englis h clot h shippe d o n th e stat e galley s had firs t o f all to g o to Venice 108. Some Venetians, like Andrea Barbarigo, ar e know n t o hav e bee n sellin g Englis h cloth s i n the Levant 109, bu t w e need muc h mor e information about th e way in which other Venetians disposed of their stocks of English woollens. As for the Florentines , ttie y wer e above all concerned with exportin g thei r ow n fin e textile s t o th e Easter n Medi terranean 110. All the Italian groups stimulated cloth productio n in England , bu t i t wa s chiefl y throug h th e Genoes e tha t th e English clot h producer s gaine d acces s t o ver y extensiv e ne w markets whic h otherwis e woul d hav e remaine d muc h longe r out o f thei r effectiv e reach . The Genoese , lik e other Italians , exporte d man y varieties of English woollens , derived fro m severa l different manufacturing regions. Bu t th e hinterlan d o f Southampto n benefite d i n a special way from thei r activities . At Romsey , a few miles northwest o f Southampton , merchant s o f th e Gattane i and Spinelli families employe d local craftsmen to full , dy e and men d cloth s which the y the n re-exporte d fro m Southampton . I n 144 1 over 1000 broadcloth s wer e treate d i n thi s way . I t i s especiall y noteworthy that no t onl y English bu t als o Flemish cloth s were 107

HEERS , Genes (1961) , pp . 457-9 ; HEERS , "L e Royaum e d e Grenad e e t l a politique marchande de Gene s en Occident", Le Moyen Age, 63 (1957); F. MELIS, "Malaga sul sentiero economic© del XIV e XV secolo", Economia e Storia, 3 (1956); M. DE L TREPPO, "Assicurazion i e Commerci o internazional e a Barcellon a ne l 1428-9", Rivista Storica Italiana, 7 0 (1958) , pp . 46-50 ; MALLETT , Florentine Galleys (1967) , p . 138 . IDS p THIRIET , L a Romanic Venitienne au Moyen Ag e (Paris , 1959) , p . 419 . 108 F . C . LANE , Venice an d History (1966) , pp . 118-24 . 110 MALLETT , Florentine Galleys (1967) , pp . 122-3 .

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being sen t t o Romsey . Abov e all , th e Genoes e disembarke d each year at Southampton large quantities of alum, woad, madder and othe r chemical s neede d b y th e textil e industry . Romsey , Winchester an d othe r manufacturin g place s i n it s immediat e hinterland receive d eac h year sizabl e supplies o f these essential raw materials. Salisbury became the chie f centre fo r distributing them furthe r afield, throughou t th e manufacturin g area of south western England . In the middl e decades o f the fifteenth century merchants o f Salisbur y receive d annuall y fro m Southampto n an averag e o f ove r 80 0 bale s o f woa d (abou t 8 0 tons ) wort h over £2000 . I n a n exceptiona l year , lik e 1443-4 , a s man y a s 2087 bale s o f woa d wer e dispatche d t o Salisbur y a s wel l a s 159 bale s o f alum an d 13 5 o f madder m. The Genoes e helpe d to make Salisbury one of the most prosperous towns in England . In contras t wit h hi s reluctan t acceptanc e o f th e usefulnes s of th e Genoese , th e autho r o f the Libell e o f Englysh e Polycye lumped togethe r the galleys of the Venetians and the Florentines as importer s o f spices , swee t wine s an d unnecessar y luxurie s among whic h h e delighte d i n includin g long-taile d marmoset s and othe r pet s 112. I n actua l fac t ther e wer e considerabl e con trasts betwee n th e content s o f the Florentin e an d the Venetia n cargoes, thoug h th e write r o f the Libell e ha d goo d reason s fo r detesting bot h group s equally . Th e Venetian s sen t galley s t o north-western Europ e t o sel l som e o f th e valuabl e product s brought b y their fleets from th e easter n Mediterranea n an d th e Black sea. Hence the cargoes brought to England by the Venetian state galley s were mor e valuabl e i n proportio n t o thei r weigh t 111

O . COLEMAN , Th e Brokage Book o f Southampton 1443-4, 1 (.1960), pp. XXIII XXIX an d O . COLEMAN , "Trad e and Prosperit y i n the Fifteent h Centur y : Som e aspects o f th e Trad e o f Southampton" , Econ. Hist. Rev., an d ser. , XV I (1963) . 112 Op . dt., pp . 18-1 9 : "All spicery e and others grocers ware , Wyth swete wynes, all manere of chaffare , Apes an d japes an d marmuset s taylede Nifles , trifles , tha t litel l hav e availed. "

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than was usually the case with the Genoese and the Florentines. In 142 1 a single Venetian galley disembarked a t Londo n spices , silks an d othe r fin e textile s value d b y th e custom s official s a t £6848. This was an exceptionally costly cargo. In the fourteen forties the goods brought by the galleys to London were usually valued a t betwee n £300 0 an d £400 0 11S. Consignment s o f less precious good s suc h a s swee t wines , o r cotton , wer e normally disembarked b y privatel y owne d carrack s o r othe r type s o f naves a t Bristol , Southampto n o r Sandwich . Fo r exampl e i n February 144 1 th e brother s Corne r receive d fro m a carrack calling at Southampto n wine s worth som e £1900 114. In th e eye s o f th e Venetia n governmen t th e galle y fleets to Flanders an d Englan d wer e o f muc h smalle r importanc e tha n the annual expeditions to the various parts of the Mediterranean . Between 138 2 an d 149 8 a t leas t on e stat e flee t saile d every year to the Black Sea or the Levant , but ther e were several occasions during thi s perio d whe n n o stat e galley s were sen t t o north western Europe 115. A flee t t o Flander s an d Englan d involved a smalle r investmen t o f capital tha n a n expedition t o Constan tinople or Egypt116. But the arrivals and departures of the galley fleets were clearly the greates t events in the lif e o f the Venetian colony in England. Londo n was the chief abode of the Venetians in thi s countr y an d th e account s o f thei r host s betwee n 144 0 and 1443 are punctuated by the annual visits of the state galleys117 As has been alread y shown , the mor e valuable imports arrive d chiefly o n th e galley s and th e bul k of th e export s wa s sent o n them. I n th e fifteent h centur y four o r five galleys usually jour118

HOLMES , loc. cit., (1960) , p . 19 9 an d WATSON , loc. eft., (1961) , p . 1085 . P.R.O. , E . 101/128/31 , m . 8 . 115 Cf . TENENT I e t VIVANTI , loc. cit., (1961) . 116 E.g . HEER S i n Archivio Storico Italiano (cit. supra, 1955) , pp . 187 , 190-91 : LANE, Venice an d History, pp. 109-10 . 117 P.R.O. , E . ioi/i28/nos . 3 0 and 31 , passim. 114

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ITALIAN MARITIME TRADE WITH ENGLAND

neyed eac h yea r t o Flander s an d Englan d 118. Tw o normall y wintered i n Londo n an d th e other s spen t severa l month s a t Sluys o r elsewher e i n th e Netherlands . Th e whol e flee t wa s usually reunite d i n th e earl y sprin g of f Sandwich . I n som e years the galle y fleet, or parts o f it, als o called at Southampton , but th e Venetians did not go there frequently before th e second half o f the fifteent h centur y 119 . The record s o f th e Londo n branc h o f th e Borrome i ban k show tha t ove r fort y Venetia n busines s me n were active ther e between 143 6 an d 143 9 12°. Severa l o f the m acte d a s the commission agents for the much more numerous group of merchants who permanentl y reside d a t Venice . Bertucci o Contarin i an d Lorenzo Marcanuovo , wh o figur e prominentl y i n th e Londo n hosting accounts , wer e employe d i n thi s fashio n b y Andre a Barbarigo m. The information provided by the hosting accounts about th e commercia l transaction s o f thes e me n doe s not , therefore, represen t simpl y the preference s of a few individuals, but reflect s the trading interest s of numerous Venetians engaged in trade wit h England. O n thi s evidenc e the Venetian merchant were abov e all interested i n exportin g Englis h cloth . Woo l an d tin forme d their onl y othe r importan t exports . Thus , th e tota l purchases o f the brother s Corne r betwee n 144 0 an d 144 3 were valued a t £11,998 . Expenditur e o n clot h accounte d fo r £9924 , purchases o f ti n absorbe d £157 5 an d onl y £49 8 wer e spen t on wool 122. Among the othe r Venetian s covere d b y the hostin g

118

J . SOTTAS , Les Messageries Maritimes d e Venise aux X7V e et XVe siecles (Paris, 1938), p . 12 6 an d MALLETT , Florentine Galleys (1967) , p . 60 . 119 Cf TENENT I e t VIVANTI , loc. cit. , (1961) . 120

F . C . LANE , Andrea Barbarigo , Merchant o f Venice, 1418-1449 (Baltimore, 1944), p . 123 . 121 Ibid. , pp. 124-31 ; P.R.O., E. 101/128/30 , mm. 2, 6 and E. 101/128/31 , m. 29. 122 P.R.O. , E . 101/128/30 , m . 10 ; E. 101/128/31 , mm . 3 , 8 , 36, 51.

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accounts, onl y Leonardo Contarin i showe d a marked preferenc e for purchasin g wool 123. In May 144 1 Andrea Barbarig o receive d a t Venice a consign ment o f Englis h clot h an d ti n o n whic h hi s agent s i n Londo n had spen t som e £90 0 (542 0 Venetian ducats) . The sal e of these wares an d th e collectio n o f th e mone y fro m th e buyer s too k several years . No t everythin g coul d b e recovere d an d th e reinvestment o f th e proceed s o f sale s als o involve d Barbarig o in som e losses . Hi s profit s fro m thi s whole series o f connecte d transactions amounted to about a third of his original investment . If th e dealing s i n clot h an d ti n ar e analysed in separatio n fro m Barbarigo's overal l business , w e ge t a somewha t highe r rat e of return . Th e profit s o n ti n amounte d t o abou t 5 1 % o f th e original outlay in England . Fou r differen t varietie s of cloth ha d been sen t t o Venic e b y hi s Londo n agent ; th e origina l outla y of abou t £73 9 produce d a return o f c. 38 %124. A merchant' s notebook , datin g fro m th e secon d hal f o f th e fifteenth century , usuall y calle d th e "Noumbr e o f Weights" , supplies precis e figure s abou t th e profit s o n woo l exporte d b y a merchan t payin g th e alie n rate s o f custo m and subsidy 125. He wa s shipping Cotswol d woo l fro m Londo n o r Southampto n to Venice . Th e averag e purchas e pric e wa s estimate d a t £ 8 per sack . Th e freigh t charge s o n th e stat e galley s amounte d to £2 per sack and were thus considerabl y higher than th e costs

188

P.R.O. , E . 101/128/30 , mm . 7 , 8 . LANE , Venice and History (1966) , pp. 118-26 . In giving the sterling equivalents of the Venetian ducats I have used the ratio of i ducat = 3 s. 4 d. sterling (cf. the "Noumbre o f Weights", B. M. Cottonian Mss., Vespasian E. IX, f. 10 8 r.) . 125 B.M. , Cottonia n Mss. , Vespasia n E. IX , ff. 10 7 v.-io8 r. Thi s evidence was used by E. Power in Studies in English Trade in the Fifteenth Century (ed . E. Power and M . M . Postan , London , 1933) , pp . 45 , 70-1 . 124

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of transpor t o n th e larg e Genoes e carrack s 126. Th e merchan t estimated hi s tota l expense s u p t o th e sal e o f th e woo l a t £14. los . 6d. , bu t h e reckone d t o sel l i t a t £20 pe r sack . Hi s expected profi t o f som e £5 . los . pe r sac k woul d wor k ou t a t 47 % of the origina l outla y in Englan d u p t o th e tim e o f ship ment o r a t 3 7 % o f hi s tota l investment 127. H e wa s countin g on a much higher rat e of profit than th e Englis h stapler s could secure o n th e expor t o f woo l t o Calai s 128. I have been abl e to quote i n this study fou r group s of figures about th e profit s o f th e Genoes e an d th e Venetian s o n th e imports o f alum an d th e export s o f wool, cloth an d tin . Man y more suc h example s ar e needed . Thi s ver y inadequat e sample does sugges t tha t betwee n c . 144 0 an d c . 147 0 i n fairl y norma l conditions Italian s tradin g i n thi s countr y coul d recko n o n profits o f betwee n a quarte r an d a third . I t ma y als o be noted that i n 1449-5 0 th e Medic i branc h i n Londo n gav e its senio r partners a retur n o f abou t 2 5 % o n thei r investe d capital 129. The leadin g Genoes e capitalist s wer e abl e t o procur e chea p and efficien t transpor t an d t o organiz e remarkabl y well othe r necessary services . Th e Venetia n senat e assure d th e securit y and regularity of commercial operations needed by the Venetian citizens. On e suspect s tha t th e gain s tha t thes e privilege d Italians derive d fro m thei r Englis h venture s wer e greate r tha n 186

I n th e middl e decade s o f the fifteent h centur y th e freight s o n woo l shipped on the larg e Genoes e ship s fro m Southampton t o Geno a amounte d t o abou t 2 5 s. genoese per cantare (HEERS, Genes, 1961, p. 316). Assuming that £i sterling equalle d £12.9 Genoes e an d tha t a sac k o f 36 4 Ib. containe d abou t 4 1/ 6 cantares , w e get a rate of c. 8 s. 3 d. sterlin g per sack . 127 Eve n i f w e accep t W . B . Watson' s estimat e (loc. cit., 1961 , p . 1086 ) tha t Cotswold woo l cost o n averag e neare r t o £ 9 pe r sac k tha n t o £8 , th e merchant' s net profit woul d stil l amount t o c. 30% . "8 POWER , op . cit., (1933) , pp . 70-1 . 129 R . D E ROOVER, Th e Rise and Decline o f th e Medici Bank (Cambridge , Mass. , 1963), P . 324 -

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the profit s tha t th e contemporar y Englis h merchant s coul d normally secur e fro m foreig n trade . Throughout th e fifteent h centur y ther e wa s a flourishing Florentine colon y in England 13°. Several firms were established in Londo n fo r lon g period s an d som e Florentin e factor s per manently reside d a t Southampton . Th e Florentine s wer e habitually usin g Genoes e shipping , an d als o sometime s Catala n vessels131. We hear also of some privately owned Florentine ships, though regrettabl y littl e is known about the m a t present . Th e Alberti of Florence, who were very active in England until 1435 , had develope d a networ k of their ow n shipping b y th e en d of the fourteent h century . I n 139 6 the y wer e employin g thre e ships to take wool and cloth from Southampton to Porto Pisano; one o f thei r vessel s was in 142 7 bringin g wine from Bordeaux to England . Tw o privat e Florentin e galley s are known to have travelled t o th e norther n water s i n 1428- 9 an d on e o f the m called a t Southampton 132. Ther e i s n o evidenc e t o sugges t that th e Florentin e colon y in this countr y seriously needed th e Florentine stat e galleys . Whe n thes e ship s bega n t o trave l regularly t o Englan d fro m 142 5 onwards , th e Florentine s i n this country were glad to avail themselves of these new facilities, but thei r trad e i n England di d not depend upo n them . The acquisitio n b y Florenc e i n 142 1 o f Port o Pisan o an d Leghorn mad e i t possibl e t o organis e a flee t o f state-own e

180

Se e especially G. A. HOLMES, "Florentine Merchants i n England, 1346-1436" , Econ. Hist. Rev., and ser., XIII (1960); R. D E ROOVER, The Medici Bank (cit. supra, 1963); MALLETT , loc. cit., (1962) ; G . BISCARO , "I I Banc o Filipp o Borrome i e compagni di Londra, 1436-39" , Archivio Storico Lombardo, 4 0 (1913). 181 E.g. Som e Florentine s wer e shippin g good s o n a Catala n galle y tha t cam e to Southampto n i n Novembe r 144 1 (P.R.O. , E . 101/128/31 , m . 28) . Ther e i s abundant evidenc e i n th e custom s account s fo r shipment s o n Genoes e carracks . 182 HOLMES , loc. cit., p. 19 6 and n. i; BENSA , Francesco di Marco d a Prato (1928), pp. 377-8 ; MALLETT , op . cit. , (1967) , p . 83 .

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Florentine merchan t galley s 133. They were first used, fro m 142 2 onwards, fo r expedition s t o Egypt . Voyage s to Cataloni a bega n in 142 4 an d i n th e followin g yea r a fleet was sen t t o Flander s and England . Th e mai n purpos e o f th e stat e galley s wa s t o assure sufficien t supplie s o f th e ra w material s neede d fo r th e main Florentin e industries . Dye s an d tannin g product s forme d an importan t par t o f th e cargoe s brough t fro m th e Levant . The transportin g o f woo l from Englan d wa s the mai n priorit y on th e voyage s t o north-wester n Europe . I n th e year s whe n sufficient supplie s of wool had reache d Florenc e b y other means no stat e galley s wer e sen t t o Englan d an d Flanders . The Florentine s di d provid e thei r merchan t galley s wit h unusually large holds, suitable for the carryin g of specially large quantities o f wool . Fro m a strictl y commercia l poin t o f vie w it woul d hav e bee n cheape r t o operat e a flee t o f large carracks, charging less for freights, but transportin g much greater quantities of goods at a lower cost. A s i t turne d out , Florentin e busi nessmen wer e persistentl y reluctan t t o mak e satisfactor y bid s for th e financin g o f th e individua l voyage s of th e galle y fleet s and th e whol e syste m ha d t o b e subsidise d b y th e state . Bu t a variet y o f reason s induce d th e Florentine s t o choos e galley s and t o stic k t o the m henceforth . Initiall y the y wer e influenced by the succes s o f the Venetian merchant galleys and deliberately modelled thei r stat e fleet s o n th e Venetia n system . Th e Pisa n shipbuilding yards , wher e th e Florentin e galley s wer e buil t and refitted , ha d alway s i n th e pas t bee n use d fo r galleys . Above all , th e saf e transportin g o f essentia l supplie s o f woo l and dye s mattered mos t t o the Florentin e government s an d th e galleys wer e certainl y th e mos t secur e ship s afloat . The Florentin e galle y fleets operated o n a smaller scal e tha n 188

Th e accoun t o f the Florentin e stat e galley s that follow s i s based chiefl y o n Mallett's articl e (loc. cit.,1962 ) an d boo k (op . cit., 1967 ) an d o n Watson' s articl e (loc. cit., 1961-2) .

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the Venetians . Th e latte r invariabl y sen t nort h a t leas t fou r galleys whil e th e Florentin e governmen t coul d usuall y equi p only two galley s for this route , o r three a t most. Th e Venetian s sent spices , silk s an d othe r luxurie s o f grea t value . Th e Flo rentine galley s usuall y departe d fro m Tuscan y mor e tha n hal f empty an d picke d muc h o f thei r carg o b y callin g a t variou s Provencal an d Spanis h harbours . Henc e ra w silk , wine , frui t and suc h dye s a s coul d b e foun d i n Spai n (especiall y saffro n and madder ) formed a n importan t par t o f thei r cargoes . Th e quantities awaitin g thei r arriva l i n Spai n wer e s o larg e tha t on som e voyages the Florentin e galley s could not tak e on board as muc h a s they woul d like 134. Mos t o f wha t the y carrie d o n the outward voyage was destined fo r Flanders. Th e galley s were largely empt y whe n the y nex t proceede d t o England . A s the y were chiefl y seekin g Cotswold wool , Southampton becam e afte r 1428 thei r norma l por t o f cal l i n thi s country . I n additio n t o wool, a good deal of English clot h wa s often picke d up, thoug h some i t wa s destine d fo r Spanis h customers . I n contras t wit h the Venetia n commerce , th e Florentin e galle y fleet s brough t the mos t valuabl e cargoes not fro m th e Levan t bu t fro m north western Europe . O n thi s rout e th e highes t recorde d figure s were achieved b y the Florentine s i n 1466 , whe n a fleet of three galleys brought from England alone goods worth c. 80,000 ducats (over £13,000) , beside s anothe r 40,00 0 ducat s i n gol d an d miscellaneous merchandis e fro m Spai n and other region s visite d by it 135. In hi s attack s o n th e Venetian s an d th e Florentine s th e author o f The Libell e 13 6 espoused the criticism s o f the Englis h merchants tradin g to the woo l staple at Calais. He was probably writing durin g th e exceptiona l perio d o f the Anglo-Burgundia n 184

Thi s happened fo r exampl e i n 142 9 (MALLETT , op . cit., 1967 , p . 135) . Ibid., p . 141 . 188 Op . cit., pp . 18-24 .

188

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war when , betwee n 143 6 an d .1439 , alien s controlle d mos t o f the export s fro m England 137. A simila r situatio n recurre d onl y rarely durin g th e res t o f th e fifteent h centur y 13 8 an d i n mos t years woo l export s b y Italian s forme d onl y a smal l proportio n of total shipments 139 . Thus, in the two years between Michaelma s 1442 an d Michaelma s 1444 , a fairly typical perio d of prosperous trade, tota l export s o f woo l amounte d t o 27,41 4 sacks . Alie n rate o f dut y wa s pai d o n 366 8 sacks , representin g 13 % o f th e total shipments. Yet a tenacious jealousy of the Italians persiste d among th e Englis h woo l trader s 14 ° an d thi s require s som e explanation. The suppl y o f wool fluctuate d considerabl y fro m year to year and thi s introduce d a n elemen t o f constan t uncertainl y an d speculation int o th e trade . Italian s dealers , enjoyin g particularl y good facilitie s fo r raisin g fund s m, wer e wel l place d t o profi t from any special opportunities fo r acquiring wool. In the summe r 187

HOLMES , loc. cit. (1961) . I n 1444- 5 alien exports formed just ove r a half of the tota l shipment s (153 8 sacks out o f 2914 ) an d i n 1476- 7 they amounte d to two-third s (210 1 sack s out o f 3025). They wer e both year s of exceptionally shrunken trade. All these and subsequen t figures for wool export are derived from Export, 1275 1547 (cit . supra). 189 Export s payin g th e alie n rat e o f dut y include d som e shipment s o f good s belonging to English merchants. I f Englishmen exported wool to destinations other than Calai s they wer e liable to th e alie n rat e o f custom unless they ha d a special royal licence . Som e Englishmen, fo r specia l reasons , foun d i t profitabl e t o expor t under the name s of aliens, though this migh t involve breaches of the law . For on e such flagran t cas e se e THIELEMANS , op . cit., pp . 183- 4 (shipmen t of 272£ sacks of wool in 145 6 by Thomas Canynge s of London, unde r the nam e of two Venetians). 140 E.g . se e the petitio n i n the parliamen t o f 145 6 complainin g that th e Italian s travelled about the country buying up wool, cloth and tin and paying in ready cash. (RotuK Parliamentarian, V , pp . 334-5) . 141 The creditor s o f the Italian s include d important Londo n merchants . As the result o f loan s contracte d betwee n 146 1 an d 146 3 fro m Geoffre y Boleyn , John Crosby an d othe r prominen t Londoners , th e Genoes e colony in England incurred a deb t o f £5850 to Englis h mediants (HEER S i n Sapori , 1957 , pp . 816-22) . 188

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of 145 3 the hea d o f the Medic i ban k in England , Simon e Nori , instead o f buyin g onl y 6 0 sack s o f wool , a s h e ha d originall y intended, suddenl y decide d t o bu y a hundred a s the cli p was unusually fine and prices low (£7. 6s. 8d. per. sack) 142. Another feature o f the Italia n trad e was their capacity to secure the best wools by buying i n bulk fo r unusually larg e sums. Th e norma l price o f Cotswol d woo l oscillate d aroun d £ 8 pe r sack . Bu t i n 1442-3 th e exceptionall y wealth y Corne r brother s bough t 1 9 sacks fro m th e abbo t o f Cirenceste r a t £1 0 pe r sack . I n th e following yea r anothe r Venetian , Lorenz o Marcanuovo, bough t at the sam e price 4 0 sacks from th e prior o f Llanthony an d th e abbots o f Gloucester . Winchcomb e an d Osney . Betwee n 144 1 and 144 4 other Venetians Lucches e and Lombards were buying hundreds o f sacks a t £ 9 per sac k o r somewha t more143. As we have alread y shown , Venetia n exporter s coul d sel l woo l very profitably i n Italy and they could affor d t o outbid al l th e othe r prospective buyer s i n England . Englis h dealer s ha d t o operat e within muc h smalle r profi t margin s 144. Henc e th e oft-quote d complaint o f the elder Richard Cel y in a letter to his son written in October 148 0 : "I hav e not bowgyt thys zere a loke of woll, for th e wol l of Cottyswolde i s bogwyt be Lombardys." A month later his son replied fro m Calai s that "the r ys but lytyl l Cotteswolld wol l a t Calle z an d y underston d Lombardy s has bowght ytt up y n Ynglond." 145 Actually i n 1479-8 0 total woo l exports amounted t o 871 3 sack s ou t o f which onl y 86 9 paid th e alie n rate of duty whil e in 1480-8 1 total export s rose to n 382 sacks but th e shar e o f aliens increased t o n o more than 1428 . I n th e 148

148

R . D E ROOVER, op . Ctt. , (1963) , p . 328 .

Thi s information i s derived fro m th e hostin g accounts, P.R.O. , E ioi/i28 / nos. 3 0 and 31 . 144

146

Se e above .

H . E . MALDE N (ed.) , Th e Cely Papers (Camde n Soc. , 3r d ser. , I , 1900) , pp. 44-5 , 47-9 .

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light o f thes e figure s i t i s possibl e t o suspec t tha t th e Cely s tended t o blam e the Lombard s overmuc h fo r the ordinar y up s and down s of trade thoug h i t wa s probably tru e tha t muc h of the best Gotswol d wool wa s being engrosse d by th e Italians . The wors t outbreak s o f anti-Italia n hostilit y occurre d i n th e 1450*8. 146 Thi s wa s on e o f th e consequence s o f th e genera l breakdown o f effective governmen t which characterised the las t years o f th e reig n o f Henr y VI . I n 145 0 th e Kentishme n o f Jack Cade , o n enterin g London , levie d a contributio n fro m alle th e Italians . W e hav e notice d previousl y the existenc e a t Romsey nea r Southampto n o f a textil e industr y workin g fo r the Genoes e merchants . I n 145 0 som e o f th e me n o f Romsey marched upon Southampton "for to have roobyd the lumbardes" though wer e not allowe d to do much damage. There were antiItalian riot s i n Londo n i n 145 6 an d 1457 , stirred , i t appear s by th e loca l mercer s o r thei r employees . A t on e moment , i n June 145 7 147, th e representative s o f al l th e Italia n group s i n London eve n resolve d t o qui t th e capita l altogethe r bu t wer e later persuade d no t t o carr y ou t thi s threat . I n 145 8 a sudde n disaster overtoo k the Genoes e i n England . A pirate o f Genoes e origin captured of f Malta tw o English ship s belonging to Rober t Sturmy of Bristol. It wa s quite unjustified t o blame the Genoese merchants fo r thi s outrag e but th e Englis h governmen t seize d all th e Genoes e merchant s i n thi s countr y an d sequestrate d their good s on the assumptio n that the me n of Genoa were too keen on continuing their trade in England to brea k of f relations permanently. Thes e calculation s wer e justified . Th e Genoes e colony preferre d to pa y £600 0 i n compensatio n and t o sustain 146

Fo r wha t follows se e R. FLENLEY , "Londo n an d Foreig n Merchant s in th e reign of Henry VI", Engl. Hist. Rev., 25 (1910); RUDDOCK , op. at. (1951) , chapter VII (Th e anti-alie n movement) ; HEERS in Sapori (1957) ; CARUS-WILSON , Overseas Trade o f Bristol (1937) , pp . 116-18 . 147 HEER S in Sapori (1957) , p . 812 .

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other heavy losses in order to maintain their share of the English trade. Thi s wa s typica l o f th e attitud e o f al l th e Italians . A s long as there was a chance o f continuing a lucrative trade wit h England the y wer e not goin g to be deterred b y mere outbreaks of loca l hostilit y fro m sendin g ship s t o thi s country . Italian shippin g gradually disappeared fro m Englan d betwee n c. 147 0 an d c . 153 0 fo r a variety o f comple x reasons . Only i n the cas e o f th e Venetian s ar e th e mai n fact s reasonabl y wel l established. A s i n th e previou s periods , ou r knowledg e of th e economic expectation s o f thes e Italian s i s woefull y deficient . Yet thei r calculation s abou t probabl e profit s an d cost s mus t have playe d a majo r part , ofte n th e decisiv e part , i n thei r de cisions t o continu e o r abando n direc t maritim e trad e t o thi s country. The Florentin e galley s were th e firs t t o disappea r 148 . The y were see n fo r th e las t tim e i n Southampto n i n th e summe r of 1478. In 148 0 Florence cease d altogether t o use the state galleys. They were proving too costly to maintain. As far as the northern voyages were concerned , th e mai n purpos e i n sendin g ship s t o England wa s t o procur e sufficien t woo l fo r th e textil e workshops o f Florence ; i n th e 1440*5 . th e Florentin e stat e galley s carried between a third an d a half ot the total alien wool exports from England 149 . But by 1478 the provision of adequate supplies of woo l fo r Florenc e coul d b e assure d equall y wel l throug h transport o n Englis h ship s o r o n othe r privat e Italia n an d Spanish vessels . Shipment s o f woo l t o Ital y b y Englishme n increased t o suc h a degre e b y 149 0 tha t i t becam e possible i n the followin g year t o se t u p a stapl e fo r th e Englis h woo l a t Pisa whic h wa s t o b e supplie d exclusivel y b y Englis h ships . 148

Fo r wha t follows se e MALLETT' S articl e (loc. cit., 1962 ) an d boo k (op . cit., 1967). 149 P.R.O. , E. 122/140/62 ; WATSON , loc. cit. (1961-2); MALLETT , op . cit. (1967); Export, 1275-154 7 (1963) .

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The Frenc h invasio n of Italy in 149 4 followe d by the successfu l revolt o f Pis a agains t Florenc e pu t a n en d t o thi s arrangement before ther e wa s an y tim e t o tes t it . According to Dr. Ruddoc k "Southampton' s Genoes e carrack trade suffere d a catastrophi c declin e i n th e reig n o f Edwar d IV" 15 °. Change s i n th e patter n o f Genoes e trad e i n th e Me diterranean wer e probabl y th e mai n caus e o f thi s includin g especially th e los s b y th e Genoes e o f thei r virtua l monopol y in th e distributio n o f alum. I n th e 1460*5 . man y Genoes e shi p owners wer e i n financia l difficultie s an d i n th e las t decade s o f the fifteent h centur y the y wer e experimentin g wit h ne w type s of vessels 1B1 . In the years 1499-1528 Genoa itself passed throug h a serie s o f exceptionall y sever e upheavals . Th e effect s o f al l these change s o n th e Genoes e trad e t o north-wester n Europ e still awai t detaile d study . After 147 8 woo l shipment s b y alien s wer e confine d almos t exclusively to Southampto n whic h became henceforth the mai n English por t o f cal l fo r th e Venetia n galle y fleets 152 . I f th e period 1480-153 0 is compared with the earlie r fifteenth century, there wa s afte r 148 0 som e declin e i n th e quantitie s o f woo l paying th e alie n rat e o f duty , thoug h i n certai n exceptiona l years alie n shipment s fro m Southampto n stil l totalle d c . 150 0 or eve n ove r 200 0 sack s 153. Th e Venetian s wer e responsibl e for a large proportion o f these alie n wool exports and they were also shippin g considerabl e quantitie s o f tin . Thu s i n 1492-3 , admittedly a somewha t exceptiona l year , the y loade d a t South 180

A . RUDDOCK , "Londo n Capitalist s an d th e Declin e o f Southampto n i n th e early Tudo r Period" , Econ . Hist. Rev. , 2n d ser. , I I (1949) , p . 137 . 151 HEER S in 2 e Colloque International d'Histoire Maritime (Paris, 1958) , pp. 116 17; HEERS , Gene s (1961) , pp . 314-15 . 162 Export, 1275-1547 , pp . 68-70 . Ther e was, however , a revival of sizabl e alie n shipments fro m Londo n i n th e reig n o f Henr y VII I (ibid. , pp . 71-3) . 168 Ibid . : 1428 in 1480-1 , 156 3 in 1481-2 , 145 4 in 1487-8 , 222 8 in 1504-5 , 142 5 in 1505-6 , 150 3 in 1507-8 , 155 0 in 1522-3 , 171 7 in 1533-4 .

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ampton ti n i n rod s an d pewte r vessel s value d a t £399 2 154. This flourishing Venetian traffic wa s suddenly cu t shor t b y th e disasters whic h nearl y overwhelme d Venic e aroun d 1500 . A ruinous wa r wit h Turke y i n 1499-150 3 starte d a commercia l and financial crisis in Venice. The discover y by the Portugues e of a direc t se a route t o Indi a deprive d th e Venetian s o f their accustomed supplie s o f spice s an d thu s destroye d fo r severa l decades on e o f th e foundation s o f Venetia n trade . I n 150 9 Venice was defeated b y a coalition o f all her Italia n neighbour s whose troop s occupie d fo r severa l year s a majo r par t o f th e Venetian territorie s o n th e mainlan d o f Italy . Betwee n 150 9 and 151 5 n o Venetia n galle y fleet s saile d t o north-wester n Europe and there was a second interruption o f voyages between 1521 an d 1529 . Thei r las t visi t t o Southampto n too k plac e i n I 533- Durin g thi s las t stag e o f thei r Englis h expedition s th e galleys carrie d muc h les s valuabl e cargoes than the y ha d bee n wont t o d o i n th e past . I n Jun e 151 8 Henr y VII I personall y visited th e Venetia n flagshi p anchore d of f Southampton , bu t he an d Wolsey were very displeased b y the poo r quality of the cargo an d th e absenc e o f spice s 155. Bu t thi s collaps e o f th e Venetian maritim e trad e t o Englan d wa s in par t merel y du e to increase d competitio n o f mor e efficien t an d cheape r vessel s coming fro m othe r region s o f th e Mediterranean , suc h a s th e ships o f Ragusa, Venice' s mai n rival i n th e Adriati c 156.

164

RUDDOCK , loc. cit. (1949), p . 145 . RUDDOCK , op . cit. (1951) , pp . 226-8 . 166 J . TADIC , "Le port de Raguse et s a flotte au XVI e siecle", 2 e Colloque International d'Histoire Maritime (Paris, 1958) , especiall y pp . 19-20 . 156

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E. POWER , "Englis h Woo l Trad e i n th e Reig n o f Edwar d IV" , Cambridge Historical Journal, 2 (1926 ) . E. POWE R and M. POSTAN, Studies in the English Trade i n the Fifteenth Century (London , 1933) . E. POWER , Th e Wool Trade i n English Medieval History (Oxford , 1941). D. B . QUIN N an d A . A . RUDDOCK, Th e Port Books of Southampton for th e Reign o f Edward IV, 2 vols. (Southampton , 1937-8) . Y. RENOUARD , Recherches su r les Compagnies Commercials e t Bancaires utilises par le s Papes d'Avignon avant le Grand Schisme (Paris, 1942). A. A . RUDDOCK , "Italia n Tradin g Fleet s i n Medieva l England" , History, 2 9 (1944) . A. A . RUDDOCK , "Alie n Hostin g i n Southampto n i n th e Fifteent h Century", Economic History Rev., 1 6 (1946) . A. A . RUDDOCK , "Alie n Merchant s i n Southampto n i n th e Late r Middle Ages", English Historical Rev., 6 1 (1946) . A. A. RUDDOCK, "London Capitalist s and the Decline of Southampton in the Early Tudor Period", Economic History Rev., 2nd ser., 2 (1949). A. A . RUDDOCK , Italian Merchants an d Shipping i n Southampton, 1270-1600 (Southampton , 1951) . A. SAPORI , L a Crisi delle Compagnie mercantili dei Bardi e dei Peruzzi (Florence, 1926) . A. SAPORI , Studi d i Storia Economica Medievale, 2 vols. , 3rd . ed . (Florence, 1956) . A. SAPORI , " I prim i viagg i d i Levant e e Ponent e dell e galer e fiorentine", Archivio Storico Italiano, 11 4 (1956) . A. SCHAUBE , "Di e Anfang e der venezianischen Galeerenfahrten nac h der Nordsee" , Historische Zeitschrift, 10 1 (1908) . J. SOTTAS , Le s Messageries maritimes d e Venise a u XJV e e t a u XV e siecles (Paris , 1938) . A. TENENT I an d C . VIVANTI , "L e fil m d'u n gran d systeme de navigation ; les galeres marchandes venitiennes, XIV-XVI siecles, Annales: Economies, Societes, Civilisations, 1 6 (1961) . W. B . WATSON , "Th e Structur e o f th e Florentin e Galle y Trad e with Flander s and Englan d i n th e Fifteent h Century" , Revue Beige de Philologie e t d'Histoire, 39-4 0 (1961-2) .

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XV

THE ENGLISH CLOTH INDUSTRY AND THE TRADE WITH THE MEDITERRANEA N C. 1370-C . 148 0

I

The histor y o f the late medieval Englis h cloth industr y has been well know n fo r som e tim e in it s main outlines . Th e contributio n o f the Italia n merchant s t o th e developmen t of thi s indu stry durin g th e perio d whe n it s product s firs t bega n t o penetrat e int o foreig n market s i s on e of the subjects that still requires muc h furthe r research . The y supplied th e woollen industry wit h alum, dye s an d othe r essentia l chemicals. The y opene d u p t o it s products market s in th e Medi terranean tha t otherwise migh t have remaine d muc h mor e inaccessible . The y certainly stimulate d the growt h o f productio n i n Englan d an d ma y hav e affecte d t o som e exten t th e geographica l distribution o f th e clot h industry . The previou s work s o n thi s subjec t hav e onl y deal t wit h som e aspects of it. Dr . Ruddock' s publications ar e particularly informativ e bu t the y wer e concerne d mainl y wit h th e Italia n trad e through Southampton. 1 Th e Italia n communit y i n Londo n stil l await s a comparabl e study . The ' hosting accounts ' draw n u p b y th e London host s wit h who m foreig n merchant s ha d to reside betwee n 143 9 an d 1445 , provid e on e possibl e source of informatio n whic h ha s not bee n sufficiently exploite d hitherto. 2 Thi s form s one o f th e mai n type s of new evidenc e use d by me . The publicatio n i n 1963 by E . M. Carus-Wilso n and O . Colema n of England's Export Trade, 12751547,3 ha s give n economi c historian s an invaluabl e new tool : th e table s of expor t o f woo l an d cloth contained i n it provide a n indispensable statistica l base for al l furthe r wor k o n thes e com modities. Th e recen t publication s o n Italian shipping and the trade of the Italian merchants in various part s o f th e Mediterranea n hav e increase d th e nee d fo r a review o f the present state of our knowledge. O f particular importance have been the works of F. Melis on theDatini records atPrato4, 1 Th e mos t importan t are : A . A . RUDDOCK , Alien hosting i n Southampton i n th e fifteenth century, i n «Economi c History Review*, xyr, 1946 ; Alien merchants i n Southampton i n the later middle ages, in «Englis h Historical Review*, LXI , 1946; Italian Merchants an d shipping i n Southampton, 1270-1600, 1951 . Subsequen t work s o n Southampto n include : H . S. COBB , ed. Th e local Port Book o f Southampton for 1439-1440, 1961 ; O . COLEMAN , Th e Brokage Book o f Southampton, 1443-44, 2 vols . (1960-61 ) wit h a n importan t introduction ; Trade an d prosperity i n th e fitfteenth century: some aspects o f the trade o f Southampton, i n « Economic Histor y Review» , 2n d ser. , xvi , 1963 . 1 PUBLI C RECOR D OFFICE, LONDON , Exchequer Accounts, Various, E 101 128 , 130 , 13 1 - Th e Londo n hostin g ac counts are discusse d mor e fully i n th e appendix , infra. 1 Quoted hereafte r a s Export, 1275-1547. * F . MELIS , Aspetti delta vita economica medievale (Studi neU'Archivio Datini d i Prato), i , Siena , 1962 . Article s rele vant t o thi s paper are : Laformazione de i costi nell'industria laniera alia fine del Trecento, in «Economi a e Storia* . i , 1953 ; Malaga sul sentiero economico de l XI V e X V secolo, i n «Economi a e Storia* , ra , 1956 ; Uno sguardo al mercato de i panni di lana a Pisa nella seconda meta de l Trecento, in « Economia e Stori a », vi, 1959 ; L a diffusione nel Mediterraneo occidentale dei panni d i Wervicq e delle altre citta delta Ly s attomo a l 1400, i n « Studi i n onor e d i A . Fanfani» , m , Mila n 1962 ;

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of F . C . Lan e o n Venice, 5 o f J. Heer s o n Genoa 6 an d th e studie s o f M . E . Mallet t o n th e Florentine galle y fleet s an d th e Anglo-Florentin e trade. 7 Th e evidenc e fro m th e Englis h sources mus t b e re-examine d i n th e ligh t o f thes e an d othe r work s base d o n Italian , Spa nish an d Frenc h records . I n particular , b y studyin g th e penetratio n o f Englis h clot h int o diffe rent region s o f souther n Europ e w e ca n gai n mor e precis e information abou t th e developmen t of thi s expor t trade , abou t it s chronology , an d abou t th e reason s for th e growin g deman d fo r these Englis h cloths. 8 In on e o f hi s early work s Professo r Melis has expressed the hop e tha t a n attempt migh t b e made t o compar e th e cost s of clot h productio n aroun d 140 0 in Englan d and i n th e Datin i esta blishments a t Prato. 9 Thi s i s impossibl e a t presen t becaus e o f th e almos t tota l absenc e of th e account book s an d othe r busines s record s o f th e Englis h cloth producers . Bu t ther e i s som e Ge noese an d Venetia n evidenc e abou t th e expense s incurre d i n exportin g Englis h clot h t o Ital y and i n supplyin g th e Englis h manufacturers with alum . Thes e figure s an d othe r comparabl e evi dence abou t th e expor t o f woo l an d ti n wil l enabl e m e t o mak e som e suggestion s about th e profits o f th e Italia n merchant s tradin g wit h England. 10 The Londo n hostin g account s contai n a large numbe r o f price quotation s for cloth . Simila r information i s to b e found as the resul t of th e periodic attempt s to enforc e various othe r regula tions, suc h a s prohibitions t o unauthorise d person s to ac t a s brokers in London, 11 o r th e statutes enacted unde r Henr y V I forbidding aliens to buy.good s on credit. 12 Mos t o f thi s evidenc e does not unfortunatel y len d itsel f t o rigorou s statistica l analysis . Ofte n cloth s ar e classifie d b y thei r colour an d no t b y thei r geographica l provenance . In cases wher e regiona l description s are give n we ofte n hav e onl y th e overal l total price fo r a parcel o f cloth s o f diverse colour s an d varyin g worth. When reall y adequat e information is available in th e record s o f seizure s o f clot h fo r illi cit export , on e discovers a disconcerting variet y i n th e actua l dimensions of cloths whic h repea -

Werner Sombart e i problemi delta navigazione nel Media Evo, i n «L'Oper a d i Werne r Sombart ne l centenari o dell a na scita», vm , 1964 . 6 Especiall y Andre a Barbarigo; F . LANE , Merchant o f Venice, 1418-49, 1944 ; Venice an d History, i n «Th e Col lected Paper s o f Frederi c C . Lane» , vm , 1966 . Se e als o A . TENENT I - C. VIVANTI , L e fil m d'un grand systeme d e navigation ; les galeres marchaudes venitiennes, XIV'-XVI' siecles, i n «Annales , Economies , Societes , Civilisations» , xvi , 1961. * Th e mos t important are: J . HEERS , Les Genois en Angleterre: l a crise d e 1458-60, i n « Studi i n onor e d i Armand o Sapori», n , 1957 ; Genes au X V siecle. Activite economique e t problemes sociaux, 1961 . Othe r article s relevan t t o thi s pa per are : II comtnercio ne l Mcditerraneo alia fin e de l secolo XIV e ne t primi anni de l XV , i n «Archivi o Storic o Italian o », 113, 1955 ; L e royaume d e Grenade e t l a politique marchande d e Genes e n accident, i n « Le Moye n Ag e » , Lxm , 1957 ; JRi valiti ou collaboration de la terre et de I'eau, in « vn Colloque de l a Commission International e d'Histoir e Maritim e », 1965 . See als o M . L . HEERS , Le s Gtnois e t le commerce d e I'alun a l a fi n d e moyen age, i n «Revu e d'Histoir e Economiqu e e t Sociale», xxxn , 1954 . 7 M . E . MALLET , Th e Florentine Galleys i n th e Fifteenth Century, 1962 ; Anglo-Florentine commercial relations, 14651491, i n «Economi c Histor y Review », 2n d sen , xv , 1962 . Se e als o W . B . WATSON , Th e structure o f th e Florentine galley trade with Flanders an d England i n th e Fifteenth Century, i n « Revue beig e d e Philologi e e t d'Histoire» , XXXIX-XL , 1961-62; G. A. HOLMES , Florentine merchants in England, 1346-1436, in « Economic Histor y Revie w », 2n d ser. , xm , 1960 . 8 I n addition to th e work s o f Melis, Lan e and Heer s quote d abov e usefu l informatio n i s availabl e i n PH . WOLFF, Commerces e t Marchands d e Toulouse (v , 1350-v. 1450), Paris , 1954 ; C . TRASSELLI , II mercato del panni a Palermo nella prima meta de l X V secolo, i n «Economi a e Storia» , rv , 1957 , 2 parts ; B . CASINI , Patrimonio e d attivita de l fondaco de l Taglio d i Simone d i Lotto d a Sancasciano e fratelli, i n « Studi i n onor e d i A . Fanfani» , n , Milan , 1962 . ( a clot h fir m a t Pisa i n 1428) . 9 F . MELIS , Laformazione de i costi nell'industria laniera, etc., cit., p . 189 , n . 178 . 10

Infra. A . H . THOMAS , ed. , Calendar of Plea and Memoranda Rolls o f th e City o f London, 1413-37, 1943 , p . 145s . 12 PRO , LONDON , K . R . memorand a r. , 3 7 Hen . v i ( E 159/235) , recorda, Trinit y an d 3 8 Hen . v i ( E 159/236) , recorda, Michaelmas, passim. 11

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tedly exceede d th e statutor y requirements. 13 Obviousl y ther e i s no adequat e substitute for busi ness records o f manufacturer s or merchant s and , i n th e absenc e o f these , an y attemp t a t listin g this imperfec t price materia l woul d b e o f limited valu e and migh t b e positively misleading . To scholar s familia r with th e Englis h record s i t i s now quit e obviou s tha t th e descriptio n of cloths i n customs accounts a s ' without grai n ' (sine grand) merel y mean s that thi s particularl y costly dy e has not bee n use d in processing them . Mis s Coleman and Mis s Carus-Wilson i n thei r England's Export Trade hav e confirme d this, 14 bu t som e non-Englis h scholar s stil l remai n uncon vinced.15 Thes e doubt s have been strenghtened b y the relatively late date of the examples actuall y quoted i n thi s book , derive d a s the y ar e fro m th e lat e fourteen-eighties . Suc h doubt s ca n b e easily put t o rest. For example, 3 bales containing 6 0 cloths of diverse colours includin g a variety of greens an d reds, belongin g t o Simon e Lercari of Genoa, wer e arreste d i n the autumn o f 145 8 for contravenin g custom s regulation s an d were describe d b y the collectors o f customs a s ' panni curti sine grano '. 16 But the disbelief expressed by scholars familiar only wit h the export o f English woollens t o th e Netherland s doe s reflect th e fac t tha t i n the tim e o f Duke Phili p th e Goo d o f Burgundy (1419-67 ) a larg e proportio n o f Englis h cloth s shippe d t o Braban t wer e whit e an d unfinished.17 B y contrast , th e Englis h woollens exporte d t o th e Mediterranea n b y th e Italians were often coloured . Thi s is probably the case with a Considerable proportion o f the cloths mentioned i n th e hostin g account s o f 1439-44. 18 A stud y of th e expor t trad e in Englis h woollens can properly begi n onl y i n 1347 . A special duty on exporte d clot h wa s introduced for th e first time i n tha t year s o that th e siz e o f export s can b e studie d systematicall y only fro m tha t date . Th e mai n serie s o f th e resultan t records, th e enrolled custom s accounts, give s onl y th e tota l figure s o f export s fro m eac h harbou r an d doe s not differentiat e Italian s from othe r foreig n exporters . Informatio n about th e name s and cargoes of th e individua l merchants is available only in th e particulars of customs accounts, bu t n o con tinuous serie s o f thes e record s no w survive s fo r an y harbour . Th e numbe r o f cloth s exporte d directly t o th e Mediterranea n must remai n therefor e uncertain. W e ar e speciall y hampered b y the lac k o f adequat e information from London . It s harbour was visite d by vessel s fro m a particularly wid e rang e o f countries . Unless we ar e dealing wit h ship s that ar e know n fo r certai n t o have bee n returnin g t o th e Mediterranean , like th e Venetia n state galleys , which bega n t o visi t England regularl y from 139 5 onwards , it i s impossible to mak e a satisfactory us e of th e Londo n records. Thi s i s particularly regrettable as the mention s of Englis h cloth s in th e fourteent h cen tury inventorie s of Italian clot h dealer s refer chiefl y t o woollen s from Esse x and fro m Guildfor d in Surrey , for whic h Londo n woul d hav e provide d th e mos t natural outlet. These tw o varietie s alone figur e i n th e earlies t survivin g serie s o f relevant records : betwee n 135 5 an d 137 1 th e fir m of Sancascian o at Pis a handled 27 4 such cloths wort h 705 6 florins (over £. 1000). 19

13 Ibidem, E 159/235 , recorda, Michaelmas, N. 16-2 1 (cloth s o f Simon e Lercario o f Geno a an d hi s associate s wort h c. £ 750) . 14 pp . 14-15 . 16 M . R . THIELEMANS , Bourgogne e t Angletem... 1435-67, 1966 , p . 561 . 18 PRO , LONDON , E 159/235 , recorda, Michaelmas , N . 16-17 . 17 M . R . THIELEMANS , Bourgogne e t Angletene, etc., cit., p . 561 . 18 PRO , LONDON , E 101, 128/3 0 and 31 , passim. Where whit e cloths occur they are sometimes specifically describe d as such : e.g. ' kerseyes blanke' ( E 101/128/30, m . 4v) . Cfr . th e predominanc e of th e coloured cloths wit h som e mentions o f whit e one s i n th e inventor y o f th e Sancascian o fir m a t Pis a i n 1428 : B . CASINI , Patrimonio e d attivita de l fondaco de l Taglio, etc., cit., pp . 274-277 . 18 F . MELIS , Una sguardo al mercato de i panni d i lana a Pisa, etc., cit. , pp. 325-327 .

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II Between 134 7 an d 137 0 a large proportion o f Englis h cloth export s was shippe d fro m Bri stol, chiefl y by Englis h merchants . I t is generally assume d that a t this period shipment s fro m Bri stol were mainl y destine d fo r Gascon y an d thi s i s the reaso n fo r believin g tha t initiall y Gascon y provided th e mos t importan t foreig n marke t fo r Englis h woollens. 20 Fo r th e studen t o f direc t trade t o th e Mediterranean , shipments from Southampto n presen t the greatest interest. Unfortu nately n o particular s o f custom s account s surviv e fo r tha t harbou r betwee n 134 2 an d 1370, 21 while the enrolled accounts show tha t substantia l exports of cloth by aliens only bega n here shor tly afte r 1370 . Thi s ha s determined th e choic e o f tha t particula r year as the startin g dat e fo r m y study. Shipments o f clot h fro m Bristo l t o Gascon y decline d catastrophically afte r th e resumptio n of the Anglo-French hostilitie s in 1369.22 The first sizable exports of cloth by aliens from Southam pton occurre d i n 1372 . Whil e in th e yea r u p t o Michaelma s 137 1 alien s shipped onl y 17 0 cloths from Southampton , the y exporte d 88 3 in 1372 , partl y i n tw o Genoes e ships. 23 The y wer e th e harbingers o f th e increasingl y frequent Italia n visits t o Southampton , whic h create d a ne w pat tern i n th e us e of th e Englis h harbour s b y th e Italia n shipping . Fro m abou t 138 0 onward s w e can probabl y assum e tha t ' Southampton wa s carryin g th e greate r par t o f th e Mediterranea n trade an d littl e els e beside s *.24 In th e las t quarte r o f th e fourteent h century-the Genoes e probably sen t mor e ship s t o thi s country tha n an y othe r Italia n group . The y wer e no w ceasin g t o emplo y merchan t galley s fo r their trad e t o north-wester n Europ e an d wer e usin g instea d large sailin g vessel s known a s car racks. Th e approache s to Londo n wer e regarded a s dangerous for thes e sailing ships and fo r thi s reason th e Genoes e began t o hav e a marke d preferenc e fo r Southampto n as their mai n port o f call i n England . Fo r a while, aroun d 1380 , som e o f thei r shippin g als o use d Bristol, 25 bu t Sou thampton ha d the advantage o f being muc h neare r t o London. At th e tim e whe n th e Genoes e were beginnin g t o us e Southampton a s their chie f harbour in Englan d a n Englis h woolle n industr y capabl e o f manufacturin g for expor t wa s developin g in th e south-wester n regio n fo r whic h Southampto n provide d on e o f th e bes t outlets . The Ge noese specialise d i n th e distributio n o f alum , dye s an d othe r chemical s indispensabl e t o th e te xtile industry . The y bega n t o lan d considerabl e quantitie s o f thes e chemical s a t Southampton . To begi n wit h a ver y earl y instance , in Marc h 137 2 a Genoes e ship calle d Christophe r lande d at Southampto n 5 2 bales of woad, 2 6 of alum, 20 of madder and 6 of brazil. 26 Thes e wer e onl y the smal l beginning s o f a trad e tha t gre w steadily . Fiftee n year s later , betwee n Jun e an d De cember 1387 , fou r Genoes e ship s unloade d a t Southampto n reall y massiv e quantitie s o f woad , 959 bales worth £ 1198 , beside s 476 bales o f alu m an d som e scarle t grai n dye. 27 Mos t o f thes e ao

E. M. CARUS-WILSON , Medieval Merchant Venturers, London , 1954, chap . vi. A . BBARDWOOD , Alien Merchants i n England, 1350 t o 1377, Cambridge (Mass. ) 1931 , p . 139 ; A , A . RUDDOCK , Italian Merchants, etc., cit., p . 43 . 22 E . M. CARUS-WILSON , Medieval Merchant Venturers, cit. , p. 253 s. " PRO , LONDON, K.R. custom s accounts, E 122/137/19 and Export, 1275-1547, p . 79. H E . M . CARUS-WILSON , op . cit., p . 259 . " E. M . CARUS-WILSON , Th e Overseas Trade o f Bristol i n the later Middle Ages, in « Bristol Recor d Societ y », vn, 1937, pp . 37-42 . 2 ' PRO , LONDON , E 122/137/19. " Ibidem, 122/138/16 . Cfr. chancery miscellanea, C 47/6/6, N. 7 (return to th e Genoes e o f consignment s o f alum and scarle t grai n dy e sequestrate d b y roya l officials) . 81

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chemicals wer e normall y destine d fo r London , but , t o judge b y wha t happene d late r on , som e of thes e import s wer e probabl y bein g sen t t o variou s textil e centre s nea r an d aroun d Southam pton.28 Graduall y th e Genoes e and othe r Italian s also became intereste d i n exporting som e of th e cloths produce d i n th e hinterlan d o f Southampton . Hence , fo r instance , there appeare d betwee n 1391 an d 1397 a t the Datini cloth shop at Pisa cloths from th e Cotswolds shippe d fro m Southam pton.29 Th e Genoes e clearl y di d not originat e the developmen t o f a woollen industr y i n southwestern England , bu t the y playe d som e par t i n promoting it s further growth . Alien clot h exports from Southampto n becam e consistentl y fairl y high from 138 0 onwards . While the highes t previou s shipmen t b y alien s in an y on e year totalle d 145 3 cloth s (i n 1377-8) , in th e fisca l yea r 1380- 1 ther e wa s a sudde n upwar d lea p t o 3812 . Th e annua l averag e fo r th e years 1380-91 works out a t some 3360 cloths. 30 I n 1383-4 exports by aliens even rose to 5619 clo ths an d thei r valu e wa s estimate d i n th e custom s accoun t a t ove r £ 9000. 81 Ther e wa s a paral lel expansio n a t othe r harbours . I t ha s been estimate d tha t i n th e earl y thirteen-ninetie s Italia n shipments o f clot h fro m thi s country average d annually abou t 970 0 cloths, 32 representin g abou t a quarte r o f the total exports a t that time . In order to explai n th e expansio n o f English cloth exports afte r 1380 , Dr . Ruddoc k has sug gested tha t Englan d benefite d fro m th e revolutionar y disorder s i n Flander s fro m 137 9 t o 1385 , which compelle d Italian s to see k cloths elsewhere. 33 Thi s ma y hel p t o explai n wh y th e increase in th e deman d fo r Englis h woollens suddenl y occurre d i n 1380-82 , bu t i t wil l no t explai n wh y that deman d persiste d thereafter . Fo r a fulle r explanatio n w e mus t tur n t o th e change s i n th e business method s o f th e Genoes e and th e Venetian s and o f th e Italia n merchants wh o use d thei r fleets.

After 138 1 th e Genoes e full y regaine d contro l ove r th e alu m mine s of Phocea fro m whic h came th e bes t an d th e mos t plentifu l supplie s o f thi s indispensabl e chemica l neede d b y al l th e European woolle n industries ? Durin g th e nex t fe w year s a group o f leadin g Genoes e busines s men were abl e to organiz e th e transport o f alum in an exceptionally efficien t an d cheap manner . Unusually bi g sailing ships could specially be used for thi s purpose, which could also be employed for movin g othe r bulky and inexpensive commodities. Som e of these Genoese ship s were so huge as to merit being described as' castles '.34 A ship of Francesco Doria travellin g from Southampto n to Pis a in May 140 7 carrie d goods tha t wer e estimated to b e wort h 180.00 0 florin s (c . £ 29700) , including cloth , woo l an d ti n fro m Englan d a s well a s commodities previousl y take n o n boar d in Flanders. 35 Thi s grou p o f capitalist s wa s able t o impos e thei r term s o n shipowner s an d shipoperators, s o tha t freigh t charge s fo r lon g distanc e voyage s coul d b e reduce d an d permanentl y maintained a t a comparatively lo w level. 36 Th e Datin i archive s contai n fo r th e year s 1385-141 0 a grea t mas s o f informatio n abou t freigh t charge s betwee n th e Mediterranea n an d th e north western Europe . O n thi s route freight s o n alum , a cheap an d bulky commodit y amounte d t o an average o f onl y 6 s . (Florentine ) per 10 0 lb., compare d wit h 1 9 s. (Florentine ) paid o n 10 0 Ib. " There i s abundan t evidenc e o f thi s i n th e fifteent h century . Cfr. O . COLEMAN , Th e Brokage Book o f Southampton, etc., I,.pp. xxv-xxvi. " F. MELIS , Una sguardo al mercato dei panni di lana a Pisa, etc., cit., p . 353 . '" PRO , LONDON , Export Trade, 1275-1547, pp . 80-84 . 81 Ididem, E 122/138/11 . 11 E . M . CARUS-WILSON , Th e Oversas Trade, etc., cit., p . 258 , n . 1 . *» A . A . RUDDOCK , Italian Merchants, etc., cit., p . 4 9 s . ** F . MELIS , Werner Sombart e i problem! della navigazione, etc., cit., p . 101 : ' sono castella ' ( a letter o f Francesc o Tornabuoni fro m Bruge s t o th e Datini) . » Ibidem, p. 112 , n . 84 . " The summary tha t follow s i s based mainly o n Melis, (ibidem), an d on the works o f J. Heer s cite d supra.

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of pepper which wa s much mor e valuabl e and could stan d more easil y higher cost s of transport . Alum an d woad , tw o essentia l chemical s required i n large quantitie s by th e English woollen in dustry pai d freight s amountin g t o abou t 7 %-8 % o f thei r purchas e price . A s fo r th e mai n English exports , charges on woo l oscillate d betwee n 3. 7 % and 4. 3 % whil e the y cam e dow n t o as little as 2.8 % for tin , usefu l a s ballast. A letter writte n i n January 1397 by on e o f th e Albert i suggests tha t Englis h cloth pai d eve n Jes s tha n woo l in proportion t o it s value. 37 Professo r Melis estimates tha t o n cheape r varietie s o f Englis h woollen s whic h figur e mos t prominentl y i n th e Datini archives, such as cloths of Essex and Guildford , freight charge s amounted to only c. 2.8 % .38 England wa s one o f th e mai n beneficiarie s of thes e improvements i n Genoes e shippin g an d their us e of exceptionall y larg e ships enhanced still further th e importanc e of the dee p an d well sheltered harbou r o f Southampton . Venetia n merchan t galley s bega n t o visi t Londo n annually after 1395 . Th e freight s charged o n thes e exceptionall y splendi d an d secur e vessel s were highe r than o n th e Genoes e ships, but th e Venetian s became major exporter s of the mediu m priced and the mor e valuabl e varieties of Englis h cloths . As a busines s letter o f Ma y 139 7 pu t it , ' cloths o f high valu e ca n bea r th e cost s o f tran sport b y land , th e other s not'. Thi s wa s said by on e of th e Alberti residen t at Bruges. 39 A Fle mish merchant , writin g i n Ma y 139 8 estimate d tha t th e transpor t o f th e cloth s o f Wervic q t o Italy by land increase d thei r cos t by 21 3/4% a s compared wit h a n increase of only 15 1/8% i f they were sen t b y th e se a route. H e adde d a commen t tha t som e o f th e merchant s who hav e sen t their cloth s overlan d ' have los t al l the profit '. 40 Thes e consideration s applie d i n a n eve n mor e decisive manner t o th e Englis h cloth manufaturev s wh o wer e tryin g t o brea k into ne w market s dominated hithert o b y thei r foreign rivals. Their product s could only gain acceptance by remaining reasonabl y cheap. Throug h th e Italians , and i n particular throug h th e us e of Genoes e ship ping, th e Englis h clot h producer s gained acces s t o ne w market s whic h otherwis e woul d hav e remained muc h longer ou t o f thei r effectiv e reach . Ill

Our fulles t documentatio n abou t th e export s o f Englis h clot h b y Italian s happens to com e at presen t from th e decade 1436-4 5 when the y attained an exceptionally high level . Th e Anglo Burgundian war o f 1436-8 , which destroye d fo r a tim e most o f the trad e betwee n Englan d an d the Netherlands , benefite d the Italian merchants most o f all 41 an d thei r increased interest in En glish cloth s persiste d thereafter . To clarif y th e significanc e of the tradin g figure s tha t wil l follow , i t shoul d b e recalled tha t in 1431-3 3 the yearly royal income from all the duties on foreign trade averaged about £ 30,70 0 while th e tota l revenu e wa s estimate d b y th e Englis h governmen t a t c . £ 64.800. 42 Betwee n March 144 0 and Novembe r 144 3 th e Italian s mentioned i n th e extan t hostin g account s acquired in Englan d cloth wort h a t least £ 46.360. 43 This does not, unfortunately , include most of the Ge87

E . BENSA , Francesco di Marco d a Prato, Milan, 1928, p. 37 7 s . F . MBLIS , Werner Sombart e i problem! delta navigazione, etc., cit. , p. 141. 89 F . MELIS , L a diffusione net Mediterraneo occidentale del panni di Wervicq, etc., cit. , p . 233 , n . 30 . 40 Ibidem. 41 G . HOIMES , Th e Libel o f English Policy, i n «Englan d Historica l Review* , txxvi , 1961 , pp . 194-200 . 42 J. L . KIRBY , Th e issues of th e Lancastrian exchequer an d Lord Cromwell's estimates od 1433, i n «Bulleti n Ins t Hist . Res.», xxiv, 1951, p. 133 . 43 Infra, appendix , table I. I have included al l the figure s fro m th e colum n fo r th e purchase s o f clot h an d som e of th e item s fro m th e colum n fo r exports , taking car e no t t o cove r an y consignmen t twice. 38

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noese, th e grea t majorit y o f who m refuse d t o submi t t o th e regulation s abou t hosting . Som e indication o f thei r shar e of th e clot h trad e can be obtaine d fro m th e custom s accounts , thoug h the commoditie s entere d there ar e probabl y undervalued . Betwee n Februar y an d Augus t 144 4 cloths value d a t ove r £ 800 0 were exporte d fro m Southampto n i n Genoes e ships, 44 though , o f course, only a part belonged t o merchant s of Genoa . To return to the total of £ 46,360 supplied by the hosting accounts. At leas t £ 40,84 8 (8 8 %) represents th e purchase s of th e Venetians . Several of the m acte d a s commission agent s fo r th e much mor e numerou s group of merchants who permanently resided at Venice . Bertuccio Con tarini an d Lorenzo Marcanuovo, wh o figur e prominentl y i n the Londo n hostin g accounts, wer e employed i n thi s fashio n b y Andre a Barbarigo. 45 Th e informatio n provided b y th e hostin g ac counts about th e commercia l transaction s of thes e men doe s not, therefore , represent simply th e preferences o f a few individuals , but reflect s th e tradin g interest s of numerous Venetian s engage d in trad e wit h England . O n thi s evidenc e the Venetia n merchants wer e abov e al l intereste d i n exporting Englis h cloth. Ou t o f sixtee n important Venetia n dealers covered b y th e hostin g ac counts, onl y one , Leonard o Contarini , showe d a marke d preference for purchasin g wool. 48 One o f the most important Venetian partnerships revealed by th e hosting account s consisted of th e brother s Andre a an d Federic o Corner 47 i n association wit h Carl o Contarini. 48 Th e bro thers Corne r belonge d t o a ver y wealth y family : aroun d 138 0 a n earlie r Federic o wa s the ri chest ma n i n Venice. 49 I t i s interesting t o not e tha t th e onl y mentio n i n th e hosting accounts , of a direct sal e by Italians to an English magnate concern s thei r firm . I n 144 0 the y sol d a crim son damas k clot h t o Richard , Duk e o f Yor k fo r £ 23 . 15 s. 0 d. 80 W e hav e wha t appear s t o be a complet e se t o f record s abou t thei r dealing s i n Englan d betwee n Marc h 144 0 an d July 1443. Durin g that period the y sold spices, silks and other luxur y textiles , an d wine s fo r £ 11793 . Purchases o f cloth , woo l an d ti n absorbe d £ 1199 8 an d expenditur e o n agent s an d broker s amounted t o a t least £ 781 . Presumabl y a t leas t £ 1,00 0 ha d to b e procure d b y transfer s from abroad, or by borrowing from other Italians, but this influx of additiona l capita l forme d a muc h smaller proportio n of their tota l asset s in Englan d tha n wa s the cas e with Lorenzo Marcanuov o who wa s mainly , i t seems , th e facto r an d agen t o f othe r Venetians. 61 Th e Corne r purchase s of cloth , estimate d a t £ 9,730 , represente d 8 1 % o f th e valu e o f th e commoditie s acquire d b y them i n England . The enterprise s of Lorenz o Marcanuovo. 82 differe d i n severa l significant respect s fro m th e business dealings of th e Corne r partnership . He was a factor o f Giovann i Marcanuovo , residen t at Venice, an d he acted also as a commission agent for other Venetians . While the brother s Cor ner importe d virtuall y no n chemical s for th e English textil e industry , Marcanuov o sol d i n 144044 considerabl e quantitie s o f alum , woad , madde r an d othe r dyes , estimate d a t ove r £ 2,00 0 and constituting more than one third o f the total value of his imports. The other notabl e featur e 44

PRO , LONDON , E 122/140/62. For still larger exports by th e Genoes e later on, se e infra. F . LANE , Merchant o f Venice, etc., cit, pp. 124-131 . « PRO , LONDON , E 101/128/30, mm . 7 , 8. 47 Th e brother s Corner figur e als o i n a transaction at Venic e arisin g ou t o f thei r exports of Englis h wool. Cfr . G. LUZZATTO , // debito pubblko delta Repubblica d i Venezia dagli ultimi decenni de l XII secolo alia fine del XV , Milan , 1963 , p. 242 , n. 145 . 48 E . B. FRYDB , Anglo-Italian commerce in the fifteenth century: some evidence about profits an d the Balance o f trade, in «Re vue Beig e d e philologi e e t d'histoire» , L , 1972 , tabl e n. Se e also infra tabl e n . 49 G . LUZZATTO , Studi d i storia economica veneziana, Padua 1954, pp . 11 8 s, 135 . *° PRO , LONDON , E 101/128/31 , m . 53 . 61 Fo r hi s transaction s in Englan d cfr. FRYDB, in « Revue Beige », 1972 , tabl e m . " See ibidem, fo r most of the paragraph that follows . 4t

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of hi s business i s the immens e ga p betwee n hi s import s an d hi s exports . Becaus e of th e incom plete nature of th e evidence onl y a n approximate figur e ca n be given: the value o f his purchases in Englan d surpasse d b y a t leas t £ 9,00 0 hi s receipt s fro m th e sale s o f th e commoditie s consi gned t o hi m fro m abroad. Presumabl y his purchases in thi s country wer e finance d t o a conside rable exten t ou t o f remittance s o f fund s fro m Venice , muc h o f thi s mone y bein g provide d b y the merchants who employe d hi m as their agent. Thes e people als o gave him detaile d instructions. Thus Andre a Barbarig o directe d hi m t o acquir e cloth s mad e b y E . Webbe r an d thes e instru ctions wer e carrie d ou t t o Barbarigo' s grea t satisfaction. 53 Clot h constitute d ove r 9 0 % o f th e value o f Marcanuovo's export s i n 1438-44 . Betwee n Septembe r 144 0 and Apri l 144 4 he purcha sed in England cloths wort h a t least £ 1547 2 and exports valued at a further £ 2,84 3 shoul d pro bably b e adde d t o thi s figure. 54 Hi s export s wer e o n suc h a larg e scal e tha t i n 144 1 h e wa s able t o secur e a rebat e i n freigh t charge s o n cloth s shippe d t o Venic e o n th e Venetia n galle y fleet of tha t year. 55 All generalizations abou t th e type s o f cloth s exporte d fro m Englan d b y differen t group s o f Italians mus t be ver y tentative . I t appear s that th e Florentine s tende d t o expor t cheape r varieties and t o hav e differe d i n this respec t from many Genoese exporters. 56 I n th e year s 1440-4 3 a par ticularly distinc t patter n o f preference s ca n b e suggeste d fo r th e Venetians . I n tha t perio d the y appear t o hav e exporte d chiefl y woollen s o f mediu m quality , price d a t betwee n £ 1 . 4 s an d £ 2 per cloth . Th e tw o mos t commo n varietie s o f purchase s withi n th e pric e rang e wer e th e Westerns an d th e variou s type s o f ' bastards'. Th e Western s ar e nowher e define d i n mor e detail. I t i s probable tha t som e o f the m ma y hav e bee n produce d i n th e wester n part s o f Wilt shire and , i n thi s case , the y ma y hav e include d som e undye d broadcloths , a s these forme d on e of the specialities o f the area around Devize s an d Trowbridge. 57. But th e clothiers o f thi s distric t also produced coloure d cloths . John Wyk e of Trowbridge is of particular interes t t o us , just be cause hi s example show s tha t w e canno t b e sur e whethe r h e and hi s fellow s wer e sellin g whit e or coloure d cloth s t o Italians . In 145 9 th e Wiltshir e ulnage r seize d 102 of his whit e broadcloth s valued a t £ 122 . 8 s. 58 Bu t a substantia l dyehous e i s mentioned i n hi s will draw n u p i n 1460. 59 When i n 145 7 h e sol d 2 0 cloths , price d a t £ 10 0 to Nicol o Pisan o an d Bertucci o Soranz o o f Venice, ther e i s nothing t o indicat e whethe r thes e wer e coloure d o r white. 60 The bastar d cloth s loo m larg e i n th e Venetia n expor t trade . A considerabl e proportio n o f them cam e fro m wester n England . Fo r example , i n 1441 , tw o Venetia n galley s picke d u p a t Southampton 143 2 cloth s ' de bastarde de le West' price d a t £ 2,86 6 belonging t o Marc o Giu stiniani an d Tommas o Contarin i o f Venice. 61 Ther e ar e mention s o f whit e bastards, 62 whic h would sugges t tha t othe r bastard s wer e coloured . Th e origi n o f thei r nam e an d th e precis e nature o f thes e cloth s mus t remai n a matte r o f conjecture , bu t i t i s probabl e tha t the y wer e 83

F. . LANE, Merchant o f Venice, etc., cit., p . 128 . I have separated purchase s from shipments t o avoi d th e risk of counting som e cloths twice , bu t i n thes e parti cular case s w e ar e mos t probabl y dealin g wit h differen t cloths . " F. LANE , Merchant o f Venice, etc., cit., p . 130 . «« Infra. " E . M. CARUS-WILSON , in « Victoria County Histor y », Wiltshire, iv , 1959 , pp. 134-139 . 58 PRO , LONDON , E 159/23 5 (3 7 Hen. vi) , recorda Easter , m . 9. Th e cas e i s noted b y E . M . CARUS-WILSON , in «Victori a Count y Histor y », cit., p . 134 . 59 Ibidem, p. 135 . 60 PRO , LONDON , E 159/236, recorda, Michaelmas, m. 40 . The cas e is noted by E . M. CARUS-WILSON , i n « Victoria County History» , cit. , p . 134 . 61 PRO , LONDON , E 122/141/24 . " E. M. CARUS-WILSON , i n « Victoria Count y Histor y », cit., p. 139 . 54

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made up o f two distinc t types of wool, differen t kind s of yarn being use d for th e war p an d fo r the weft. 63 I f thi s supposition i s correct, bastard s were neve r fulle d an d represente d a n earl y fo renunner o f th e « new draperie s » which forme d such a prominent featur e o f th e Englis h expor t trade t o th e Mediterranea n i n th e late r sixteent h an d seventeent h centuries. In ou r ow n perio d Andrea Barbarig o an d othe r Venetian s regarde d bastard s an particularl y suitable fo r expor t t o Constantinople.64 This anticipates the later popularity of the new draperies in the Turkish markets. The different type s of cloths exported by th e Venetians fro m Englan d can bes t b e illustrated from th e busines s dealing s o f Bertucci o an d Leonard o Contarini , wh o bot h reside d wit h th e same London host . Bertucci o live d i n England for man y years, acting a s an agent fo r othe r Ve netians, and in 1456-6 0 he was the Venetia n consu l in London. 65 I n 1439-41 Bertuccio purchase d cloths value d at £ 2,384 , nearl y three quarter s of whic h consiste d of bastards an d Westerns . H e spent only £ 13 6 on th e mor e highl y priced cloth s of Colchester (£ 2 . 1 3 s. 4 d . each) , Ludlo w (£ 3 each) and Northampto n ( £ 4 each), while his expenditure on chea p varieties , priced a t les s than £ 1 per cloth , amounte d t o £ 342. 66 Th e tota l purchases of cloth b y Leonard o Contarini amounted i n 1440-4 2 to £ 5,161 . I n hi s case ther e wa s an even mor e overwhelmin g preponde rance o f Western s an d bastards . Fou r differen t varietie s o f bastar d cloth s ar e mentione d i n hi s hosting accounts , formin g b y themselve s 6 1 % o f his total purchases . Taken togethe r wit h We sterns the y accounte d fo r 9 3 % o f hi s acquisitions. More expensiv e Cotswold cloth s ( £ 2 . 1 3 s. 4 d . each ) absorbe d £ 24 8 and expenditur e on chea p woollen s amounte d t o onl y £ 207. 67 I n the hostin g account s of Marcanuov o and o f th e Corne r partnershi p different varietie s o f clot h are frequentl y lumped togethe r an d canno t be satisfactoril y disentangled . I t is clear, however , that both these business firms exporte d wa s quantities of bastards and Westerns. T o quot e som e partial figures , i n 1440-4 1 Marcanuovo bough t bastard s for £ 1822 , whil e th e Corne r acquire d in 1442- 3 bastard s wort h £ 1,103. 68 It i s probable tha t a considerable proportion o f th e Englis h cloths shipped by th e Venetians was coloured, thoug h thi s ca n be conclusivel y demonstrated only i n th e cas e o f some of th e va rieties exported b y them . I have already discussed suc h informatio n as there is about th e colou ring o f western s and bastard s for whic h th e Venetian s showed a special preference. A s far a s the bastards wer e concerne d i t woul d appea r tha t only som e of them were white. 69 The customs accounts ar e of scan t us e as a source o f evidenc e abou t th e colourin g o f cloths . Excep t fo r a fe w mentions o f fabric s dye d wit h grai n an d o f scarle t cloths, 70 th e collector s o f custom s classifie d the grea t bul k o f Italia n export s a s merely shortcloth s no t dye d i n grain . Th e me n wh o acte d as host s fo r th e Venetian s unfortunately recorde d les s informatio n about th e colou r o f cloth s than did thei r colleagues in charge of other Italia n merchants. The hostin g accounts do mention, however, som e export s o f particularl y valuabl e cloth s o f ' Musterdevylers' whic h i n Andre a " This interpretatio n i s suggeste d b y G . D E POERCK, L a Draperie Medievale e n Flandre e t e n Artois. Technique e t Terminobgie, n, Bruges , 1951 , p . 1 6 n. 70 . '* Andre a Barbarig o sent English bastard cloth s to Costantinopl e in 1441: F. LAMB, Venice an d History, cit. , p . 119 . Bastard wollen s ar e repeatedl y mentione d i n th e accoun t boo k o f Giacotno Badoer: II libra del conti d i Giacomo Badoer, Costantinopoli 1436-40, ed. U . DoMNi-T . BERTELB, Rome, 1956 , passim. " F. LANE, Merchant o f Venice, etc., cit., p. 13 0 s. M PRO , LONDON , E 101/128/30 , m . 6 ; E 122/141/24 . •' Ibidem, 101/128/30 , mm . 7,8 . M Ibidem, mm . 6,10 . •• Supra. Se e also below for a discussion o f Barbarigo's dealings in cloth s afte r the y have reached Venice . 70 E.g. o n 2 Apri l 143 9 Damian o d a Francesc o o f Venic e shippe d fro m Londo n o n a Venetia n galle y 5 ell s o f cloth of'/ a grai n whil e Bertucci o Contarin i embarke d 5 cloth s ' de scarlet' : PRO , LONDON , E 122/73/12 , mm . 32v , 33r.

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Barbarigo's Italia n record s appea r a s ' mostovalieri '.71 Th e nam e stoo d fo r a colour. 72 an d i t is possible tha t these cloth' s were imitation s o f the fin e cloth s fro m Villier s (Montvilliers ) in Nor mandy.73 Som e othe r valuabl e varietie s of woollen s exporte d b y Venetians , like th e Costwold s and th e cloth s o f Ludlo w wer e certainl y manufactured in severa l colours. 74 Th e latte r were so metimes purchase d i n considerabl e quantitie s i n 1442 : Lorenz o Marcanuov o bough t 14 0 pieces priced a t £ 56 0 (£ 4 per cloth). 76 Record s connecte d wit h lega l proceeding s agains t Venetian s add a fe w mor e bit s o f evidenc e fro m a late r period . I n fou r case s arisin g ou t o f th e statutes regulating purchase s on credi t b y alien s a number o f Venetian s wer e prosecuted ove r purchase s of cloth s o f ' diverse colours' , wort h £ 309 . 1 5 s. bought b y the m i n London an d Somerset. 76 According t o th e Venetia n doge , Tomas o Mocenigo , Venic e wa s importin g som e 48,00 0 cloths a yea r aroun d 1420 . The y wer e largel y destine d fo r re-expor t t o th e Easter n Mediterra nean.77 16,00 0 of thes e cloths allegedl y cam e from Florence. 78 Som e twent y year s later , i n 1439 41, when th e Italia n shipment s o f Englis h clot h reache d thei r peak, 79 thes e Englis h products , a s is clearly shown b y the hosting accounts, came to form a major element withi n thi s vita l branc h of Venetia n trade . Under th e Venetia n regulation s al l th e Englis h clot h shippe d o n th e stat e galley s had firs t of al l t o g o t o Venice. 80 W e ca n trac e i n detai l th e furthe r fortune s o f on e suc h consignment . In Ma y 144 1 Andre a Barbarig o receive d a t Venic e a carg o o f Englis h clot h an d ti n o n whic h his agents in London ha d spent some £ 90 0 (5,420 Venetian ducats). The cloth s alone were wort h £ 739 . The y consiste d o f 1 6 costly ' mostovalieri', 10 0 medium price d bastard s and 550 pieces of much cheape r sort , kersey s an d ' loesti'. The letter wer e probabl y a species of narrow straits . The cheaper varieties constituted more tha n half the value of his consignment. Barbarigo very soon disposed o f many of th e straits, kerseys and bastard s so that these varieties clearly included nume rous cloth s tha t di d no t requir e furthe r processing . Som e o f th e othe r cloth s were , however , entrusted b y hi m t o loca l dealer s fo r dyein g an d finishing . The sal e o f thi s tin an d cloth an d th e collectio n o f the mone y fro m th e buyers too k severa l years. No t everythin g coul d b e recovere d an d th e re-investmen t o f th e proceed s o f sale s als o 71 Barbarig o i s know n t o hav e deal t in thes e cloth s i n 1433-34 , 1437 , 1440-4 1 an d 1446 : F . LANE , Merchant o f Venice, etc., cit., pp. 188-193 ; Venice an d History, cit. , p . 118 . 72 E.g . PRO , LONDON , E 159/233 (3 5 Hen. VI ) recorda, Easter , m . 7 ( a cloth ' coloris Musterdevilers ' seize d on a carrack b y th e Londo n collector s of customs ; ibidem, E 159/235 , (3 7 Hen. VI ) recorda, Michaelmas , m . 2 0 (1 1 cloths ' coloris de Musterdevylers' belongin g t o Simon e Lercario o f Geno a seised i n London) . Such cloths might be priced at from £ 5 to £ 8 each: ibidem, E 101/128/30, mm . 4,6. 73 Cfr . PH . WOLFF , Commerces et Marchands d e Toulouse, etc., cit., p . 240 . 74 I n 142 8 the fir m o f Sancascian o of Pisa was stocking six varieties of Cotswold cloths , including one whit e an d five differen t colours : B. CASINI , op . cit., pp. 275-277 . Seizure s o f Ludlo w cloth s of 'diver s colours ' i n 142 2 ar e re corded i n Calendar o f Plea an d Memoranda Rolls o f th e City o f London, 1413-37, cit., p. 146 . 75 PRO , LONDON , E 101/128/31 , m . 29 . 76 Ibidem, K . R . memorand a r. , E 159/236 (3 8 Hen. VI) , recorda, Michaelmas , N . 54 , 55 , 66, 86 . Ther e i s als o a case o f a seizure in 146 3 of 2 9 white cloth s manufactured at Bradfor d in Wiltshir e an d foun d i n th e custod y o f Ber nardo Giustinian i o f Venice: E. M. CARUS-WILSON , in « Victoria County Histor y », cit., p. 134 . 77 D . SELLA , Th e Rise an d Fall o f th e Venetian Wollen industry, i n B . PULLA N (ed. ) Crisis an d Change i n th e Venetian Economy i n th e 16th and 17th Centuries, London , 1968 , p . 111 . Th e tex t o f th e doge' s speeche s may hav e bee n corru pted b y late r alteration s an d interpolations, bu t th e economic statistics in them ar e generally accepte d to-da y a s reliable . Cfr. G . LUZZATTO , Studi d i Storia Economica Veneziana, cit. , pp . 276-284 ; H . BARON , Humanistic an d Political Literature in Florence an d Venice a t the Beginning o f th e Quattrocento, 1955, pp . 185-189 . 78 H . KRETSCHMAYR , Geschichte vo n Venedig, n , 1920 , p . 619 . 79 PRO , LONDON , Export 1275-1547, p. 95 . Exports of woollen s b y non-Hanseati c alie n merchant s fro m Londo n and Southampto n average d annuall y durin g thes e year s over 21,00 0 cloths . 80 F . THIRIET , L a Romanie Venetienne a u Moyen Age, 1959 .

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involved Barbarig o i n som e losses . His profits from thi s whole serie s of connecte d transactions amounted t o abou t a thir d o f hi s origina l invementment. I f th e dealing s in clot h ar e analyse d in separatio n from Barbarigo' s overal l business w e ge t a somewha t higher rat e of return . Th e profits o n cloth amounte d to about 38 % of the original outlay in England. 81 IV

The Genoese made one major contributio n to the development of the English textile industry, by importin g hug e quantitie s of alum, woad and othe r dyes. 82 The y als o rivalled the Venetians as leading exporter s o f English woollens. A t Romsey , a few mile s north-west o f Southampton , some Genoese merchants even controlled a local textil e industry. Our informatio n about it dates from th e fourteen-fortie s bu t i t mus t have beeen a good deal older. Earlie r on, in th e firs t year s of the fifteenth century, th e Alberti and the Mannini of Florence an d the Quart i o f Lucca were in th e habit o f givin g ou t woo l an d othe r ra w material s t o textil e craftsme n of Courtra i an d Wervicq i n th e valle y o f th e Ly s in souther n Flanders an d a t Maline s and Lierr e i n Brabant . Subsequently thes e Italians markete d the finished cloths. 83 A t Romse y th e Genoes e merely em ployed loca l craftsme n to full , dy e an d men d o r finis h clot h previousl y purchase d elsewher e i n England o r importe d i n thei r ship s fro m th e Netherlands. Som e of th e consignment s o f cloth s sent fro m Southampto n to Romse y belonge d t o English merchants, but th e Genoes e use d thes e local facilitie s o n a particularly massive scale . Member s of th e Cattane o and th e Spinell i familie s were especiall y prominen t i n thi s enterprise . O n thre e consecutiv e day s betwee n 30t h Marc h and 1s t April , 1441 , a tota l o f 54 7 broadcloths, 11 9 kerseys and 94 5 straits, al l o f Englis h ma nufacture, wer e sen t b y Italian s fro m Southampto n to Romse y fo r suc h processin g togethe r with 5 9 cloths o f Flanders . After th e Romse y craftsme n ha d finishe d thei r appointe d tasks , th e cloths were carted bac k to Southampto n an d were exporte d t o the Mediterranean . I n 1441 ove r 1,000 broadcloth s mad e this return tri p fro m Southampto n t o Romse y an d back t o th e Ham pshire harbour. Ther e i s evidence of other similar consignments of cloths being sen t b y th e Ge noese to Romsey in 1443-5. 84 They may have been harsh employers to the craftsmen of Romsey; in July 1450 , profitin g fro m a wave of popular disorder s i n variou s parts o f souther n England , the me n o f Romse y marche d o n Southampto n « for t o hav e robby d th e lumbardes » bu t th e Italians wer e saved by a vigorous interventio n of th e tow n authorities. 85 The evasio n by the Genoes e of the hosting regulations has deprived u s of the most valuable type of evidence about their stake in the cloth trade. Other kinds of records at leas t confir m tha t the expor t o f Englis h clot h continue d t o pla y a vita l par t i n thei r busines s betwee n 144 0 an d 1460.1 have already mentioned that between February and August 1444 cloths worth ove r £ 8,00 0 were exporte d fro m Southampto n o n Genoes e ships. 86 I n th e yea r afte r Michaelma s 1455 thei r vessels too k o n boar d a t Southampto n mor e woollen s tha n di d th e ship s of an y othe r Italia n group: 7,300 pieces shipped on six Genoese vessels, compared wit h 6,46 0 fetched by three Vene 81 F . LANE , Venice an d History, cit. , pp. 118-126 ; Merchant o f Venice, etc., cit, p . 30 . I n givin g th e sterlin g equi valents o f the Venetia n ducat s I have used th e ratio of 1 ducat = 3s.4d . sterlin g (cfr . BRITIS H MUSEUM, LONDON , Cotton, MS , Vespasian E DC, f° 108r , i n the text known a s the ' Noumbre o f Weights' .

81

Infra. F . MELIS , L a diffusione net Mediterraneo occidental del panni d i Wervicq, etc., cit. , p . 23 9 s . 84 O . COLEMAN , Th e Brokage Book o f Southampton, etc., cit , pp . xxv-xxvi ; Trade an d prosperity, etc., cit. , p . 10 . 85 A . A . RUDDOCK , Italian Merchants, etc., cit, p . 16 6 s. 84 Supra. 83

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tian merchan t galley s and 168 5 exporte d b y tw o Florentin e galleys.87 O f course , i n bot h thes e years onl y a par t o f th e cloth s take n b y th e Genoes e ships belonge d t o merchant s o f Genoa . Foreign shipping was likewise used on a large scale by the Genoese for the export o f thei r Englis h cloths t o th e Mediterranean. Woollen s estimate d t o b e worth £ 3,59 3 were transporte d b y Ge noese merchants i n the four Florentine galle y fleet s tha t called a t Southampto n i n the years 1439 , 1443, 144 4 an d 1448. 88 Th e valuation s of good s i n custom s accounts are ofte n undul y lo w s o that th e figur e jus t quote d i s probably a n underestimate. On eac h of thes e four occasion s cloths accounte d for ove r tw o third s o f th e tota l valu e o f the commoditie s shippe d by th e Genoese . Th e preponderanc e o f clot h wa s accentuated b y th e preference o f th e Genoes e fo r woollen s o f a relativel y hig h value . Th e averag e pric e o f cloth s exported b y th e Genoes e i n thes e fou r fleets works ou t a t £ 2 . 1 0 s. per clot h compare d wit h £ 2 per piec e in the cas e of the Florentines. The contras t is even more striking whe n th e bigge r consignments ar e examined separately. The averag e value of 78 2 cloths exported b y th e Floren tines i n 143 9 wa s estimated a t onl y £ 1 . 16 s. per piece . I n 144 8 th e tw o group s exporte d al most identica l amounts , th e shar e of th e Florentine s totallin g 53 8 as against 569 shipped b y th e Genoese. Bu t the average value of the Florentine cloth s was estimated at only £ 1 . 15 s. per piece , while th e Genoes e cloths were valued at £ 2 . 1 7 s. each. The Genoes e catered for mos t diverse markets. Around 1445 most of their exports of English woollens wer e destine d for Spain , North Afric a an d Asi a Minor, 89 thoug h som e o f th e cloth s sold in Spain later found their way into Italy. 90 It was only natural that several Genoese merchant s should sho w a clear preference for particular varietie s of English cloths destine d fo r specifi c mar kets. Many Genoes e were speciall y interested i n costly fabrics , but som e specialised in cheap smal ler woollens . Thi s diversit y of interests can best be studie d in th e record s of governmen t prose cutions agains t foreig n merchant s for breache s of variou s regulations. In th e lat e fourteen-sixties at leas t sixtee n Genoes e were victim s o f pena l proceeding s involvin g cloth s wort h £ 3.862. 91 Cheap varietie s of cloth, priced a t below £ 1 per piece formed less than a quarter of the purchases of this sampl e of Genoes e merchants . Th e bigges t deale r withi n this group wa s Simone Lercari o who i n 1458-5 9 handle d a t leas t 25 5 cloths value d a t £ 947 . Hi s purchases consiste d largel y o f coloured cloth s of high value , averaging in price £ 3 . 14 s. per cloth ; only 1 6 pieces were white. 92 There als o exists Lercario's ow n statemen t of th e losse s suffere d b y hi m a s the resul t o f th e ar rest b y th e kin g o f al l the Genoes e i n England . Thi s occurre d i n th e las t month s o f 145 8 o r i n 1459 an d probabl y involve d a differen t collectio n o f cloths . Accordin g t o thi s inventor y Ler cario's confiscate d ware s consiste d entirel y o f cloth s (14 2 piece s estimate d a t £ 390). 93 Galeott o Centurione, wh o wa s primarily a financier, but investe d some spare capital in textiles , i s know n to hav e purchase d in 1457-8 , woollen s wort h a t leas t £ 238 . Thes e include d 3 9 highly value d broadcloths whic h h e acquire d fo r betwee n £ 4 . 6 s. and £ 4 . 1 0 s . each. 94 Th e inventor y o f his confiscated asset s mentions tha t hi s debtors owe d hi m £ 1,048 . He claimed tha t his merchan 87

J. HEBRS , Cenes au X V sihle, etc., cit, p . 458 . W . B. WATSON , Th e structure of th e Florentine galley, etc., cit., pp. 338-345 . 89 J. HEERS , Le royaume de Grenade, etc., cit. , pp. 115-117 . Also see infra. 90 E.g . a dealer o f Majorc a sen t in 1,42 8 cloths to Sicily , includin g 7 pieces o f Esse x cloth . Cfr . C . TRASSELLI , II mercato dei panni a Palermo, etc., cit. , p. 148 . 91 PRO, LONDON , E 159/235 (3 7 Hon. VI), recorda, Michaelmas , N. 16-2 1 an d Trinity , N . 30-63; ibidem, E 159 / 236 (3 8 Hon. VI), recorda, Michaelmas , N. 18-86 ; ibidem, E. 101/128/36. 92 Ibidem, E 159/235, recorda, Michaelmas , N. 16-21 ; ibidem, Trinity n . 34 ; ibidem, E 159/236, recorda, Michaelmas, N. 44 , 57. 8 • J. HBBRS , Les Genois en Angletene, etc., cit. , p. 825. 91 PRO, LONDON , E 159/236, recorda, Michaelmas, mm. 28r , 32, 36r; ibidem, E 101/128/36 . 88

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disc was worth £ 96 7 and that i t ha d consiste d mainl y o f cloth. Thi s inventor y reveal s a mor e diversified serie s o f purchases . Hi s woollen s range d o n thi s occasio n fro m 48 0 narro w straits , priced a t 7 s. each, t o th e mor e highl y value d cloth s o f Ludlo w (a t £ 2 . each) an d som e ver y expensive fabric s wort h £ 4 each. 95 Giovann i an d Tommaso Lomellini , member s o f on e of th e most importan t Genoes e busines s families, clearl y specialise d i n expensiv e broadcloths, price d a t £ 4 per piece or more. I n 1455-8, the y acquire d 13 4 cloths o f this sort wort h £ 561, 98 Leonard o Vivaldi wen t i n fo r eve n mor e expensiv e varieties. I n 145 4 h e bough t 3 2 cloth s o f divers e co lours value d a t £ 172. 97 B y contrast , Giulian o Salvag e appear s to hav e specialise d i n narro w straits, priced a t between 7 s. and 9 s. each. I n 1454- 6 h e handle d a t leas t 108 0 pieces , value d at £ 469. 98 Antoni o d e Lutian o on e o f th e man y merchant s speciall y connecte d wit h Simon e Lercario, combined dealing s in straits (200 worth £ 135 ) wit h purchases of Kerseys, another small and fairl y chea p variet y (150 , wort h £ 120 , a t 1 8 s. each). 99 Late in 1458 a sudden diaster overtook th e Genoese in England. A pirate of Genoese origin , Giuliano Gattilusio , earlie r o n tha t yea r had capture d of f Malt a tw o Englis h ships belonging t o Robert Sturm y o f Bristo l an d Sturm y himsel f wa s killed. 100 I t wa s quit e unjustifie d t o blam e his countrymen fo r thi s outrage, but th e English governmen t use d it as an excuse to seiz e al l th e Genoese in England and confiscate their goods . This i s the origin o f the inventories o f th e good s of Simon e Lercari o an d Galeott o Centurion e alread y describe d b y me . The roya l counci l acte d on th e assumptio n tha t the y coul d effectivel y blackmai l th e Genoes e into payin g compensation , because th e me n o f Geno a woul d b e to o kee n o n continuin g thei r trad e i n Englan d t o brea k off relation s permanently . Thes e calculation s wer e justified. A s late a s April 145 9 th e Genoes e in London wer e stil l unde r detention , bu t b y July a n agreement wa s reached. Th e Genoes e co lony i n Englan d preferre d t o pa y £ 6,00 0 in compensatio n an d t o sustai n other heav y losse s in order t o retai n thei r shar e of the Englis h trade. The Genoes e merchant s i n Englan d claime d subsequentl y tha t the y ha d los t asset s wort h £ 16,300 . This was, no doubt, an inflated figure. I t is very probable, on the other hand , that some of their mone y an d good s coul d b e effectivel y concealed . Claim s were advance d b y 2 7 differen t merchants. O n thi s occasio n som e alu m wa s found i n thei r warehouses , quantities o f woa d an d sugar, but chiefl y woolle n cloth. 101 Allowing fo r the possible concealment o f thei r mos t valuabl e goods, thi s lis t probabl y reflect s fairl y accuratel y th e rang e o f thei r mai n commercia l interest s in England . Th e aftermat h of thi s crisi s furnishe s eve n mor e impressiv e evidence o f th e importance attached b y th e Genoes e to th e exporting o f Englis h cloth. I n order t o compensat e th e victims of the Englis h governmen t Geno a imposed a tax o n al l the Genoes e traffi c wit h England . The resultant accounts reveal that, early in 1460, Genoes e merchants shipped from Englan d good s estimated to be worth some £ 26,000 and consisting almos t entirely of cloths. One single merchant, Antonio Doria , exported woollen s value d at £ 3,618 . His was a very mixed consignmen t compri sing 612 5 chea p straits and 33 7 kerseys as well a s 201 more expensiv e broadcloths. 102 " J. HEERS , Les Genois en Angleterre, etc., cit. , p. 825. •• PRO , LONDON , E 159/235 , recorda, Trinity , N . 43-44 , 61 ; ibidem, E 159/236 , recorda, Michaelmas , N . 19 , 52 . " Ibidem, N . 27 . 98 Ibidem, E 159/235, recorda, Trinity, N. 41 , 55 , 63; ibidem, E 101, 128/36 . •• Ibidem, E 159/235, recorda, Michaelmas, N. 21 ; ibidem, Trinity, mm. 48 , 36v; ibidem, E 159/236 , recorda, Michael mas, N . 72 ; ibidem, E 101/128/36 . 100 Th e mai n sources for thi s incident are J. HEERS , Les Genois en Angleterre, etc., cit. , E . M. CARUS-WILSON , Overseas Trade, etc., cit. , pp . 116-118 ; J. FINOT , Etude Historique sur les relations commentates entre l a Flandre e t l a republiaue de Genes au moyen Age, 1906 , pp . 175-182 ; Calendar Patent Rolls, 1452-1461 , p . 517 . 101 J. HBERS , Le s Genois e n Angleterre, etc., cit., pp . 824-826 . 108 Ibidem, p . 82 6 s.

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The register s of a special tax callected a t Geno a in 144 5 provide statistical information abou t the distributio n of Genoes e trade at tha t time . I n tha t yea r English cloths were destine d almost entirely fo r Spanis h an d Mosle m markets. 103 A s th e Genoes e carrack s mad e thei r wa y fro m England t o Chios , the y wer e disposin g o f som e English cloth s at eac h non-Italian por t o f call. On thei r return journey s t o Ital y th e Florentin e stat e galleys likewise unloade d i n Spai n consi gnments o f Englis h cloth owne d b y Genoes e merchants. 104 T o retur n t o th e evidenc e of th e tax register s of 1445 . A ship of Stefan o Dori a ma y serv e as a typical example. I t lef t Southam pton i n Decembe r 144 5 wit h 13 2 bales of woollen s wort h som e £ 10,500 . Cloth s worth som e £ 3,00 0 wer e unloaded at Cadiz an d Malag a and a large part of these were later o n re-exporte d to Morocc o an d Algeria. 105 Malag a was the chie f harbour o f th e Mooris h kingdom o f Granada and considerabl e consignment s o f Englis h woollens wer e disembarke d ther e eac h yea r an d sol d to th e local Jewish merchant s for re-export to Nort h Africa. 108 Fro m Malag a Doria's shi p travel led to Tunis where it unloaded 6 5 bales of cloths equivalent t o abou t one half o f it s tota l cargo . All the remainder wa s taken to Chio s which was used as a redistribution centre for export t o Asi a Minor. The ta x registers o f 144 5 als o provide information abou t th e varietie s o f clot h exporte d t o different destinations. 107 A t Chio s th e Genoes e sol d almos t exclusivel y th e chea p straits . Onl y broadcloths o f goo d qualit y were take n t o Malaga . Othe r evidenc e abou t th e Genoes e export s to Malaga confirm s that it was a centre fo r dealing s i n fairly valuabl e woollens . Th e cargoe s de stined for Cadi z were muc h more mixed. O f all the textiles distributed i n th e Mediterranea n b y the Genoese , th e high grad e Florentin e cloth s wer e th e finest. Th e cheapest and leas t good wer e the woolen s o f Barcelon a an d Majorca . Englis h cloth s ranke d i n qualit y betwee n thes e tw o extremes.108 Just becaus e they wer e les s costly tha n th e fine r product s o f th e Italia n workshops , they coul d b e markete d i n countrie s which coul d no t absor b large quantitie s of Italia n luxur y cloths. V

In th e secon d hal f o f th e fourteent h centur y Englis h woollen s wer e bein g importe d fairl y regularly int o Tuscany . The y figure in the records o f the firm of the Sancascian o of Pis a (1355 71), o f an Arezzo cloth fir m activ e between 138 3 an d 140 2 an d of the Pisa branch o f th e grea t firm o f th e Datini o f Prat o (1391-97) . In value th e Englis h cloth s constitute d abou t on e fifth of the import s o f th e Aretin e fir m an d a quarte r o f th e woollen s handle d b y th e Datin i a t Pisa . Fabrics o f lo w o r mediu m pric e predominate d amon g th e Englis h cloth s purchase d b y thes e three firms , especiall y th e smal l cloth s o f Esse x and th e relativel y chea p cloth s fro m Guildfor d in Surrey. 109 I t i s probable tha t a t firs t Genoes e merchants wer e chiefl y responsibl e fo r bringin g these woollens to Tuscany , but fro m th e 139 0 tie s onwards there is much evidence of sizable shipments by Florentin e merchants. 110 The y stil l mainl y use d Genoese ships, bu t als o some Floren 08

J. HBBRS , Le royaume de Grenade, etc., cit, pp . 115-117 . Ibidem; Genes au XV e siecle, etc., cit. , pp. 457-459 . 06 Ibidem. 04 Fo r Malag a see especially J. HEERS , L e Royaume d e Grenade, etc., cit.; F . MEIIS , Malaga sul sentiero econotnico, etc., ct. 07 J. HBERS , L e Royaume d e Grenade, etc., cit. , p. 11 7 s. 08 J. HBBRS , Genes au XV sihle, etc., p. 458 . 08 F . MELIS , Una sguarao al mercato deipanni d i tana a Pisa, etc., cit., 04

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V 35 7

tine ones . Thu s i n 139 6 th e Albert i o f Florenc e wer e employin g thre e o f thei r ow n vessel s t o take woo l an d clot h fro m Southampto n t o Port o Pisano , on e o f th e principa l harbour s o f Tu scany.111 In th e fifteent h century , a s in th e mor e distan t past, wool continue d t o constitut e the mai n Florentine export fro m England . From 142 5 to th e 147 0 ties fleets of Florentine state galleys visited Englan d in mos t year s to fetc h English wool fo r th e Florentin e cloth industry . They als o pi cked u p substantia l quantities of cloth , bu t thi s part o f thei r trad e wa s of secondar y importance . Not al l th e woollen s carrie d b y the m wer e eve n destine d fo r Tuscan y a s some o f thei r retur n cargoes wer e intende d fo r Spanis h customers. 112 I n 1441- 3 the survivin g hosting account s credit the Florentin e merchant s wit h shipment s o f clot h wort h £ 1,628. 113 Thi s i s a tin y figur e i n comparison wit h th e Venetia n purchase s o f cloth amountin g i n th e hostin g account s t o a t least £ 40.848. 114 In the fourteen fifties th e Florentine s were muc h les s intereste d in the export o f cloth than wer e th e Genoese . Numerou s Genoes e were prosecute d at that tim e b y th e Englis h Gover nment fo r buyin g clot h o n credit , i n contras t to th e Florentines who wer e mostl y arraigne d fo r dealings i n wool. 115 Afte r 143 9 th e Medic i wer e on e o f th e principal Florentine firms in England. They figur e prominentl y i n thes e penal proceedings as buyers of woo l an d thei r Londo n branch was alway s fa r mor e concerne d wit h woo l tha n wit h cloth. 116 The preferenc e o f th e Tusca n merchant s fo r cheape r varietie s o f Englis h clot h persiste d fa r into th e fifteent h century . A n inventor y o f cloth s o f th e Sancascian o o f Pis a reveal s that i n 142 8 the bul k o f thei r investmen t in Englis h woollen s wa s concerne d wit h cloth s o f Esse x an d Guil dford. (6 5 % o f th e tota l value). 117 Ou t o f 130 0 cloth s fetched by a Florentin e fleet which called at Southampto n earl y i n 143 0 a s many a s 670 were cloth s o f Guildford, 118 wort h aroun d £ 1 each.119 Th e us e of merchan t galley s involve d th e payment o f highe r freigh t charge s tha n wa s customary o n sailin g ships. Bu t th e averag e valu e o f th e woollen s exporte d b y th e Florentine s in th e galle y fleet s remaine d significantl y lowe r tha n th e valu e o f th e fabric s shippe d o n thes e very galley s b y th e Genoese. 120 Th e latte r use d th e galley s onl y fo r th e expor t o f thei r mor e valuable woollens . Bu t a s the Florentine s continued t o specialis e mainly i n cloth s of lo w o r me dium price they ha d perforce t o emplo y galley s fo r thes e cheape r textiles . Th e Florentine s wer e above al l concerned wit h the exporting o f their own fine textiles to th e Eastern Mediterranean 121 and the y wer e no t intereste d in th e importin g o f th e mor e valuabl e varieties of Englis h clot h as this woul d hav e presumabl y constituted unwelcom e competitio n fo r th e products of thei r ow n industry. When i n Fabruar y 145 7 Rober t Sturm y o f Bristo l secure d a roya l licenc e fo r hi s ill-fated 110 G . A . HOLMES , Florentine Merchants i n England, etc., cit., pp . 195 , n . 8 ; 206 , n . 3 ; PRO , LONDON , E 122 / 138/20 (15-1 6 Richar d II , unde r 22n d June 1391) . 111 There i s abundant evidence in th e custom s account s for shipment s o n Genoes e carracks . Fo r th e ship s o f th e Alberti se e E . BENSA , Francesco di Marco d a Prato, cit. , p . 37 7 s . 112 Se e especially M . E . MALLETT , Th e Florentine Galleys i n th e Fifteenth Century, pp . 123-143 ; W . B . WATSON , op. cit. 113 Se e FRYDE , i n « Revue Beige» , 1972 . Tabl e i . 114 Ibidem, an d supra. 115 PRO , LONDON , E 159/235, recorda, Trinity, N . 30-63 ; E 159/236, recorda, Michaelmas, N. 18-86 ; E 101/128/36. 111 Ibidem, R . D E ROOVER, Th e Rise an d Decline o f th e Medici Bank 1397-1494, 1963 , pp . 317-35 7 (chap . xm). 117 B . CASINI , op . cit., p . 277 . 118 M . E . MALLETT , Th e Florentine Galleys, i n the Fifteenth Century, cit. , p. 138 . u * Thi s was the averag e price of 50 Guildford cloth s bought by Tommas o Contarini in 1439-40 ; PRO , LONDON , E 101/128/30 , m . 6 . 120 Supra. 121 M . E . MALLETT , Th e Florentine Galleys i n the Fifteenth Century, cit. , p. 12 2 s.

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E ENGLISH CLOTH INDUSTRY AND THE MEDITERRANEAN

expedition int o th e Mediterranea n h e wa s trying t o ope n u p a new field of activity fo r Englis h merchants. Clot h wa s to for m th e mos t valuabl e par t o f th e cargoe s tha t h e intende d t o carr y there i n thre e ships . Th e roya l letter s paten t allowe d hi m t o expor t 6,00 0 cloths , 60 0 sac k so f wool an d quantitie s o f lead , ti n an d corn. 122 VI

The autho r o f th e Libelle o f Englyshe Policye, writte n c . 1436-8, 123 dislike d al l Italians , bu t the Genoes e were th e on e specie s of Italian s t o who m h e wa s willing t o accor d a grudging ac ceptance. H e enumerate s th e variou s usefu l commoditie s importe d o n thei r grea t carracks , espe cially dye s an d othe r ra w material s neede d b y th e textil e industry. 124 I n contras t wit h hi s re luctant acceptanc e o f the usefulnes s of the Genoes e h e lumped together th e galley s o f the Vene tians an d th e Florentine s a s importer s o f spices , sweet wine s an d unneccessar y luxuries , amon g which h e delighte d i n includin g long-taile d marmoset s an d othe r pets. 125 I n actua l fac t ther e were considerabl e contrast s betwee n th e content s o f th e Florentin e an d th e Venetia n cargoes . Before 146 3 th e Florentine galleys di d no t usuall y bring chemicals t o England, wit h the one occasional exceptio n o f saffron , whic h the y sometime s picke d u p i n Spain. 126 Bu t som e Venetia n merchants importe d considerabl e quantitie s of thes e goods , thoug h admittedl y thei r chie f inte rests la y i n th e commoditie s denounce d b y th e Libelle. The hostin g account s revea l tha t i n 1440-4 4 Venetian s importe d int o Englan d alum , brasi l wood, grain dye , madder , saffron an d woad worth at least £ 2,300 . The principal Venetia n deale r in thes e commodities wa s Lorenzo Marcanuovo , wh o acte d a s agent fo r severa l other Venetians . Chemicals constitute d more tha n one thir d o f th e tota l valu e o f hi s imports . Hi s sales o f alu m alone amounte d t o ove r £ 1,500. 127 To retur n t o th e Genoese . Fro m th e lat e frouteent h centur y dow n t o 145 3 the y controlle d most o f the trade in alum and brought massiv e consignments of it to Southampton. 128 Fo r example a single carrack of Percivale Grill o unloade d ther e in December 144 3 alu m wort h £ 1,916. 129 By th e lat e fourteen-fiftie s th e Genoes e wer e beginnin g t o ru n ou t o f supplie s o f orienta l alum . It ma y be significant tha t alum di d not figur e prominentl y among th e commodities seize d fro m the Genoese by the English Government i n 1458-9. But i n the fourteen-sixties the Genoes e managed t o participat e in the distributio n of Italian alum, derive d fro m th e newly discovere d deposit s at Tolfa , i n th e papa l territory . It s impor t int o Englan d wa s les s expensiv e tha n i n th e cas e o f alum fro m Chios and considerable profit s were possible. A consignment o f 3880 cantares (183.30 0 122 E . M . CARUS-WH.SON , Th e Overseas Trade, etc., cit., N . 128-129 , (pp. 113-151) ; PRO , LONDON , E 159/23 5 recorda, Michaelmas , N. 88 . 123 Ed . b y S m GEORG E WARNER , Oxford , 1926 . Se e als o G . A . HOLMES , Th e Libel o f English Policy, cit . 124 pp . 17-1 8 o f WARNER' S edition, cit. supra. 125 Ibidem, pp . 18-19 . All spicery e an d othe r grocer s ware , Wyth swet e wynes, all manere of chaffar e Apes and japes and marmuset s taylede Nifles, trifles , tha t litel l have availed. 126 W . B . WATSON , op. cit., p. 335 ; PRO, LONDON , E 101/128/31, m . 28. 127 Fo r Marcanuov o see supra an d FRYD E i n « Revue Beig e » , 1972, tabl e III . Smal l quantitie s o f madde r an d grain wer e importe d b y Bertucci o Contarini , th e Corne r partnershi p an d Vittor e Cappello . 128 Fo r wha t follow s se e J. HEERS , Genes a u XV sihle, etc., cit.; Les Genois e n Angleterre, etc., cit.; M . L . HEERS , Les Genois et le commerce de Valun, etc., cit. 129 W . B . WATSON , op. cit., p. 1085 ; PRO , LONDON , E 122/140/62, f°" 9v-12v.

THE ENGLISH CLOTH INDUSTRY AND THE MEDITERRANEAN

XV 35 9

kg.) purchase d b y th e casa o f Sa n Giorgi o a t Civitavecchi a an d shippe d t o Englan d earl y i n 1466 yielded a net profit of slightly over 26 % It had been purchased for £ 5400 0 gen . (c . £ 4,187) . Freights and other expense s up t o th e arrival in England amounted t o a n addition of only 3. 7 %, though cost s incurred fro m th e tim e whe n thi s alu m reache d Southampto n unti l th e fina l sal e were bigger , addin g a furthe r 8. 3 % I t wa s sol d fo r c . £ 5,84 4 ( £ 7540 0 gen.) , a d a n averag e price of 30 s. sterling pe r cantare. 130 Shortl y after th e arrival of this consignment i n England, Gio vanni Tornabuoni, th e head of the Medici branch at Rome, was forecasting that papal alum migh t be sol d i n London fo r a s much a s 35 s. sterling per cantare. 131 Thes e wer e unusuall y inflated pri ces. I n Ma y 145 7 a Londo n merchan t ha d sol d 2 4 bale s o f alu m t o a n Italia n fo r £ 990 , a t an averag e pric e mor e tha n 5 0 % lowe r tha n th e pric e secure d b y th e ban k o f Sa n Giorgio. 132 It ha s been estimated tha t betwee n 146 2 and 147 8 at leas t 153 1 ton s of papal alum wer e di spatched fro m Civitavecchi a t o England . Larg e quantitie s were brough t betwee n 146 3 an d 147 2 by Florentin e galleys. Thi s wa s a completely new ventur e fo r th e Florentines , resulting from th e acquisition b y th e Medic i o f a large shar e in th e marketin g o f th e papa l alum. Th e Medic i los t this concession i n 147 6 an d thi s may hav e been one o f th e reason s why afte r 147 8 th e Floren tine galley s cease d t o visi t England. 133 According t o th e Libelle th e Genoes e brought ' of woad grea t plente' . Thi s wa s the mos t important o f al l th e dye s use d i n th e medieva l textil e industrie s an d ther e existe d i n Europ e several regions o f primary production . Th e Genoes e only controlle d supplie s from one o f them . They wer e th e importer s o f woa d from Lombardy an d ha d to compet e wit h othe r trader s who brought i t fro m variou s regions of France. 134 Considerabl e costs had t o b e incurre d on th e tran sport o f woa d fro m Lombard y t o Genoa , bu t th e freight s fo r th e subsequen t journey b y sea to Englan d were fairl y low. 135 Whe n betwee n 145 8 an d 146 5 th e Genoes e trad e i n alu m colla psed fo r a time , woa d too k it s plac e a s their mai n impor t int o England . I n 146 0 fou r Genoes e ships transporte d t o Englan d woad value d a t £ 7,80 0 an d another expeditio n o f three ship s arri ved i n 146 7 a t Southampto n wit h 2750 0 cantares (1.106.25 0 Kg.), wort h ove r £ 8.000. 136 Southampton wa s only on e of a number o f ports throug h whic h alu m an d various dyestuff s were importe d int o England , bu t th e grea t bul k o f th e Genoes e trad e passe d throug h it . Thi s gives specia l valu e t o th e ' brokage books ' o f Southampton , a serie s o f municipa l record s con cerned with th e town's inland trade. The y survive , with som e gaps, from 1439 onwards and hav e enabled historian s t o trac e th e subsequen t distribution o f commodities disembarke d a t Southam pton.137 The Hampshir e harbou r wa s basically an outport o f London whic h absorbe d a larg e propor180 J. HEBRS , Les Genois e n Angleterre, etc., cit., pp . 822 , 831 . Som e o f th e figure s represen t m y ow n calculation s (reckoning 12. 9 li . gen. t o £ 1 sterling). 131 R. D E ROOVER, Th e Rise and Decline o f th e Medici Bank, etc., cit., p. 162 . 131 PRO , LONDON , E 159/236 , recorda, Michaelmas , N . 24 . Th e pric e pe r 10 0 Ib. wa s 16s . 6d . I n th e cas e o f th e sale b y th e ban k o f Sa n Giorgio th e comparabl e pric e pe r 10 0 Ib. woul d wor k ou t a t 37s. 8d. , reckoning 8 7 Ib. t o a cantare. Fo r thi s equivalenc e se e J. HBERS , Genes au X V sihle, etc., cit., p. 40 8 wher e 1 Englis h sac k o f woo l (36 4 Ib. ) is equivalen t t o 4 */« cantares . 188 M . E . MALLETT , Th e Florentine Galleys i n th e Fifteenth Century, cit. , p . 13 6 s. Se e also R . D B ROOVER , op . cit., pp. 157-164 . m I n additio n t o J . HBERS : Le s Genois e n Angleterre, etc., cit. Genes a u XV siecle, etc., cit., se e F. BORLANDI , // guado nel Media Evo, in « Studi in onor e di G . Luzzatto », i, 1949; E . M. CARUS-W~HSON , Laguede francaise e n Angleterre, in «Revu e d u Nord» , xxxv , 1953 . 136 A n averag e o f 10s . gen . pe r cantar e o n th e voyag e fro m Geno a t o Southampton , compare d wit h 25s . percan tare fo r woo l carrie d fro m Southampto n t o Genoa : J. HBERS , Genes, au XV siecle, etc., cit., p . 31 6 s. 188 J. HEERS , Le s Genois en Angleterre, etc., cit., p . 82 9 s. 187 O . COLBMAN , Th e Brokage Book o f Southampton, etc., cit; Trade an d prosperity, etc., cit.

XV 36 0 TH

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tion o f the goods unloade d at Southampton. Bu t th e merchants and the road hauliers of Southampton mad e i t als o into a n independent centr e fo r th e distributio n of chemical s needed b y th e te xtile industry . Huge quanititie s of alum an d woa d wer e disembarke d each year at Southampton. Most o f th e alu m wa s destine d fo r London, 138 thoug h som e o f th e individua l importer s wer e keen t o dispos e of som e o f thei r alu m a t Southampton . Fo r exampl e Lorenz o Marcanuov o o f Venice importe d i n 1441 , o n a carrack arriving fro m Crete , 34 0 bales o f alum o f Fogli a i n Asi a Minor. H e sol d 3 5 % o f hi s bale s at Southampto n fo r £ 346 . 1 8 s. 4 d. 139 Hi s mos t importan t customer ther e wa s Walto n Fetplace , on e o f th e town' s leadin g merchant s an d frequentl y it s mayor.140 I n mos t year s larg e quantitie s of woa d likewis e wen t t o London, bu t Southampto n itself an d dealer s fro m it s hinterland als o acquire d considerabl e amounts . Leadin g Southampto n merchants, lik e Fetplace , personall y importe d sizabl e consignments : thu s a Genoes e carrac k o f Simone Grille brough t hi m 72 6 balets in 1442-3. 141 Betwee n 144 3 an d 144 9 more woa d actuall y went fro m Southampto n t o Salisbur y than to London o r an y other place. 142 Salisbur y became the chief centr e fo r distributin g woa d furthe r afiel d throughou t th e manufacturin g area o f south western England. 143 I n th e middl e decade s o f th e fifteent h centur y merchant s of Salisbur y recei ved annuall y fro m Southampto n a n averag e o f ove r 80 0 bales o f woa d wort h ove r £ 2,000 . In a n exceptiona l year , like 1443-4 , a s many a s 2087 bales of woa d wer e dispatche d to Salisbury, as wel l a s 159 bales of alu m an d 13 5 of madder . Italians , and especiall y th e Genoese , helpe d t o make Salisbur y one o f th e mos t prosperou s town s i n England . In th e mor e immediat e neighbourhoo d o f Southampton , th e cit y o f Wincheste r absorbe d sizable quanitites of woad. Thus , whe n i n 144 1 Paol o Morelli , the mos t importan t Italia n busines s agent a t Southampton , receive d a consignmen t o f 246 balets of woad, h e sol d 29 %of thes e th o three me n o f Winchester , on e o f who m bore th e nam e of Walte r Dyer . Mos t o f th e sale s wer e made a t th e sam e price o f 1 3 s. per 10 0 Ib. as in th e cas e o f th e consignment s markete d i n Lon don.144 Ye t anothe r tow n whic h receive d considerabl e quantitie s of woa d fro m Southampto n was Coventry , th e grea t textil e centr e i n th e middl e o f England . Th e woad-dye d blu e cloth s of Coventry were one of its most famou s product s an d it received woa d fro m al l the mai n har bours, Londo n and Bristo l as well as Southampton. ' Usually betwee n two and thre e hundre d balets o f woa d a year wen t t o Coventry ' fro m Southampto n ' and i n th e fourteen-sixtie s sometimes betwee n si x and seven hundred ' , ofte n travellin g i n a ' convoy ' o f several carts. VII

It woul d greatl y exceed th e bound s o f thi s article t o attemp t a detaile d discussion of th e re lations between the Italia n merchants in Englan d and the men who supplie d them wit h clot h or who purchase d fro m the m alu m an d dyestuffs . I ca n onl y mak e her e a fe w genera l comment s based chiefl y o n th e informatio n i n th e hostin g account s and othe r exchaque r record s of th e pe riod 1440-60 . Since th e lat e fourteenth centur y Londo n ha d becam e the chie f centre for th e marketin g of 138

Thi s is the conclusio n of Miss O. COI.EMAN , in Th e Brokage Book o f Southampton, etc., cit., i , p i xxx . PRO , LONDON , E 122/141/24. 140 A.A . RUDDOCK , Italian Merchants, etc., cit. , pp. 16 9 s, 19 1 s. 141 Ibidem, p . 19 1 s. 142 O . COIEMAN , Th e Brokage Book o f Southampton, etc., cit. , n, p . 322. 143 Fo r wha t follows se e ibidem, I, pp . xxvi-xxxm ; Trade and prosperity, etc., cit. , pp. 9-14 . 144 PRO , LONDON , E 122/141/24.

139

THE ENGLISH CLOTH INDUSTRY AND THE MEDITERRANEAN X

V 36 1

English cloth s and i t i s there that English and foreig n exporter s acquired the grea t bulk o f thei r outward bound consignments of woollens. Hence th e opening in 1397-8, durin g th e firs t mayo ralty o f Richard Whittington, o f Blackwel l Hall , speciall y designed as the city' s marke t fo r th e sale o f cloth. 145 On e majo r consequenc e o f thi s developmen t wa s a change i n th e compositio n of the aldermanic class. In the fifteent h centur y for th e firs t tim e in London's history nearl y hal f the alderme n wer e draw n fro m th e tw o textil e guild s o f mercer s an d drapers. 146 In th e middl e decade s of the fifteent h centur y Italia n merchant s mostl y purchase d cloth s i n London. Eve n whe n the y occasionall y acquire d woollen s directl y fro m th e countr y clothier s the actual contracts were ofte n mad e in London. Mos t of the cloths were supplied b y Londoners, either workin g clothier s o r middleme n dealers . Th e hostin g account s mentio n purchase s made by th e Venetians and the Lucchese from wel l over a hundred men, many of whom ca n b e iden tified wit h certaint y as Londoners. Th e record s o f prosecution s of th e Genoes e for breache s of credit regulations in the ' fifties mak e it clear that they to o mostly purchased cloths from Londo ners. A few o f the London supplier s were aldermen at th e tim e of the sale s or wer e destined t o become aldermen in the future . The y include d such great figures a s the drape r Simon Eyre, wh o at hi s deat h i n 146 2 ha d 700 0 mark s (£ 4,666 . 1 3 s . 4 d. ) investe d in hi s business, 147 an d th e mercer Si r Geoffre y Boleyn , th e grea t grandfathe r o f Quee n Ann e Boleyn , wh o lef t a yearly income o f £ 11 5 from lan d an d probably abou t £ 2,00 0 i n mone y an d valuables. 148 Th e grea t majority wer e ordinar y citizen s an d include d severa l men fro m non-textil e guilds . Ou t o f 5 4 men who supplie d cloths t o Lorenzo Marcanuovo only six were at any time aldermen . The parti curlarly wealth y Corne r partnershi p numbere d te n me n o f th e aldermani c ran k amon g it s 46 suppliers. Much les s is kno'wn about th e me n who purchase d at London alu m and dyes from the Italians, bu t i t i s interesting t o not e tha t Lorenz o Marcanuov o sol d thes e chemical s t o a grou p of me n mostl y differen t fro m th e dealer s wh o supplie d hi m an d othe r Italian s wit h cloths. 149 In 144 1 a n original outla y o f £ 73 9 spent in England o n the purchase of cloths procure d fa r Andrea Barbarig o a return o f c . 38 %. The larg e sum s of mone y sen t from Ital y t o Englan d i n 1440-44 b y th e Corne r partnershi p (c . £ 1,000 ) an d b y th e me n wh o employe d Lorenz o Mar canuovo (c . £ 9,000 ) indicate that large profits wer e expected by thes e Venetians from the export of Englis h cloth. 150 Th e fac t tha t thes e surplu s supplie s o f capita l ha d t o com e fro m Ital y also suggests tha t th e mai n returns were likel y to b e secure d no t i n Englan d bu t i n th e market s o f the Mediterranea n region. The proft s o f Barbarig o fro m th e expor t o f clot h ca n be compare d wit h on e se t of figure s recorded b y a merchant shipping Cotswold woo l fro m Londo n o r Southampto n to Venice . His estimates date from th e second half of the fifteenth century . His expected profit woul d wor k ou t at 4 7 % of the original outlay in England or a t 37 % of his total investment. 151 H e wa s countin g 146 C . M . BARRON , Richard Whittington: th e man behind th e myth, in «Studie s i n Londo n History presented to Phi lip Edmun d Jones », 1969, p . 211 . 14< Cfr . th e figure s i n M . POSTAN , Studies i n English Trade i n th e Fifteenth Century, (ed . E . PowER-M . POSTAN , 1933), p . 373 , n . 11 . 147 S . L . THRUPP , Th e Merchant Class o f Medieval London (1300-1500), 1948 , p . 127 . Th e hostin g accounts list sale s of cloth by hi m to various Venetian and Lucchese merchants to th e total valu e of £ 3 , 474 (PRO, LONDON , E 101/128 / 30, m . 4,10 ; E 101/128/31 , mm . 3,7 , 10 , 13,27,51, 53 ) and h e bough t fro m th e Corne r parteshi p brazi l and gin ger wort h £ 43 1 (E 101/128/30, m. 10). 148 S . L . THRUPP , Th e Merchant Class, etc., tit. , p . 128 . Boley n i n associatio n wit h Stephe n Brown, a n alderman, sold cloth s worth £ 98 1 4 s. to th e Corner partnership: PRO, LONDON , E 101/128/31, m . 3 . 149 Se e FRYDE, i n «Revu e Beige », 1972, table s I I an d II I fo r reference s t o th e hostin g account s o f Marcanuov o and th e Corner . 160 Supra. 151 BM, LONDON , COTTONIAN , MS , Vesoasian, E DC , f f 107v-108r .

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on a higher rat e o f profit tha n th e Englis h woo l stapler s coul d normall y secur e on th e expor t of wool t o Calais. 152 I have alread y mentione d tha t a consignment o f alu m sen t t o Englan d i n 1466 b y the Genoes e casa of San Giorgio yielded a net profit of slightly ove r 2 6 %.153 Many more such example s ar e needed , bu t thi s ver y inadequat e sampl e doe s sugges t tha t betwee n c . 144 0 and c . 1470 Italian s tradin g i n thi s countr y coul d recko n o n profit s o f betwee n a quarte r an d a third if conditions wer e not too abnormal. I t may also be noted tha t in 1449-50 the Medici branc h in London gav e its senior partners a return o f about 25 % on their investe d capital. 154 On e suspects that th e gain s tha t al l these Italian s derive d fro m thei r Englis h venture s wer e greate r tha n th e profits tha t th e contemporary Englis h merchant s coul d normall y secur e fro m foreig n trade . In the fifteenth century Italia n merchants coul d expec t t o secure high profit s from th e expor t of Englis h cloth t o th e Mediterranea n largel y becaus e they coul d regularl y us e the se a route and could rel y o n dependabl e Italia n shipping . Bu t afte r c . 1470 th e visit s of Italia n ship s to Englan d became graduall y muc h rarer . Th e Florentine s wer e th e firs t t o disappear . Thei r galley s wer e seen fo r th e last time in Southampto n i n the summe r o f 1478. 155 Southampton' s Genoes e carrac k trade suffered a ' catastrophic decline ' in the second half of the reign of Edward IV.156 Th e reasons for thi s are stil l obscure , bu t th e los s b y th e Genoes e of thei r virtual monopoly o f trad e in alum was probably on e important factor. Similarly, the loss by the Medici in 1476 of their control over the papa l alu m help s t o accoun t fo r th e cessatio n of th e Florentin e voyages afte r 1478. 157 Onl y the Venetia n galley s continue d t o visi t Englan d unti l th e firs t decad e o f th e sixteent h century , but th e whol e subjec t o f Italia n busines s activitie s i n Englan d i n th e las t quarte r o f th e fif teenth centur y stil l awaits detailed study . Such a stud y will als o have to clea r u p th e fat e o f th e English textil e industrie s which catere d fo r th e need s of th e Italian s an d whic h presumabl y had to adap t themselves to th e demand s of othe r group s o f exporters .

1M

E . POWER , Studies in English Trade i n the Fiftenth Century (ed . E. PowER-M . M. POSTAN , 1933) , pp . 70-71 . "" Supra. 154 R . D E ROOVER, op . cit., p. 324 . 165 M . E . MALLETT , Th e Florentine Galleys i n th e Fifteenth Century, cit . 164 A . A . RUDDOCK , London capitalists an d the decline o f Southampton i n th e early Tudor period, in « Economic Histor y Review », 2nd ser. , n , 1949 , p . 137 . 167 M . E . MALLBTT , Th e Florentine Galleys i n the Fifteenth Century, cit. , p. 137 .

THE ENGLISH CLOTH INDUSTRY AND THE MEDITERRANEAN X

V 36 3

APPENDIX Detailed busines s records o f Italian s active in Englan d i n th e fifteent h centur y ar e rar e an d mostl y remain unpublished. The ' hosting accounts', drawn up by the English hosts with whom Italia n merchants had t o reside , provide on e possible source of evidence, thoug h hithert o historian s have treate d thes e re cords wit h distrust . A statut e o f 143 9 tightening u p th e hostin g regulation s (Rotuli Parliamentorum, V , pp. 24-5) an d operating for six years resulted in a series of accounts for hosting at Londo n an d Southam pton, which i s fairly complet e fo r th e years 1439-43. Only th e Southampton accounts have been critically discussed [A . A. RUDDOCK , Alien hosting in Southampton in the XV century, in « Economic History Review», xvi, 1946 , pp. 30-37 ] an d ther e i s not doub t tha t the y wer e draw n u p i n a ver y unsystemati c fashio n and tha t the y understat e considerably the total volume of transactions. Dr. Ruddock' s criticisms of thes e records hav e discourage d scholar s from treatin g seriousl y the paralle l series of Londo n hostin g account s (K. R. Exch. Ace., Various, E 101/128/30 an d 31). The London account s are, however , muc h mor e care fully compile d an d contai n man y minut e detail s which ar e probabl y true . I t i s possibl e tha t som e o f the transaction s may stil l have bee n conceale d fro m the London hosts , bu t th e very hig h figure s o f to tal purchase s and sale s furnishe d by severa l foreign merchant s suggest that the y ha d provide d informa tion abou t the great bulk of their commercia l operations . Genoese merchant s refuse d t o submi t to hostin g regulation s and the y ar e entirely missin g from th e Southampton accounts , thoug h on e Londo n accoun t list s a fe w lesse r Genoes e trader s ( E 101/128/31 , MS 33). This is the biggest single gap in our record of Italian commerce. Som e Italians in orde r t o escap e the scrutin y o f their Englis h host s secure d recognitio n a s denizens (e.g. Girolamo Dandolo an d hi s son s in 1441- 2 - E 101/128/31 , M S 33) The table s that follo w ar e based chiefly on th e London serie s of hosting accounts . Where these ar e supplemented b y th e Southampto n record s concerne d wit h th e sam e merchants , o r b y particular s o f customs account s ( E 122), I have trie d t o ensure that n o transaction shoul d b e counted twic e by enterin g evidence derive d fro m differen t source s in separate columns. Thus, in Table I all the evidence about cloth from th e London hostin g account s i s tabulated unde r th e ' purchases for shipment', while the informa tion fro m th e other source s has been entere d unde r ' exports'.

TABLE I . PURCHASE S FOR EXPORT AN D SHIPMENT S O F ENGLIS H CLOT H B Y ITALIANS

XV and XVI Table I Date:

Easter 144 0 (2 7 March) - 2 8 Octobe r 144 3

Names o f Merchants :

Purchases fo r shipment: L. s . d .

EXPORTS Place:

Value: L. s . d .

Sources an d remark s

27.111. 29.IX.1440

Federico Corner , Carl o Contarin i and partner s o f Venic e

27.111.28.X.1440

Bertuccio Contarin i o f Venic e Tommaso Contarin i o f Venic e

1,473. 5 . 4 . 763. 8 . 0 .

E. 101/128/30 , m . 6 . Ibid.

29.IX.144016.IV.1441.

Lorenzo Marcanuovo , facto r o f Giovanni Marcanuov o an d partners o f Venic e

7,092.18.11.

E. 101/128/31 . m . 1 3

Spring 144 1

Lorenzo Marcanuov o o f Venic e

29.IX.144016.IV.1441

Federico Corne r o f Venic e Damiano d a Francesc o o f Venic e

2,953.18. 4 1.043.12. 0 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 3 . Ibid., m . 10 .

28.X.1440 28.X.1441

Leonardo Contarin i o f Venic e Giuliano Contarin i o f Venic e Tommaso Contarin i o f Venic e Girolamo Barbador o o f Venic e

2,925.11. 4 . 320. 0 . 8 . 1,396.17. 8 . 280. 2 . 0 .

E. 101/128/30 , m . 7 .

16.IV. - 29. IX. 144 1

Filippo de Fagnano and Alessandro de Palastrell a o f Lucc a

44.13. 4 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 4 .

16.IV. 29.IX. 144 1

Lorenzo Marcanuov o o f Venic e Marco Giustinian i » » Bertuccio Contarin i » » Tommaso Contarin i » » Carlo Contarin i an d Federigo Cor ner o f Venic e Damiano d a Francesc o o f Venic e Nicolo d e Steph ' Ludovico Bernard o o f Venice Benedetto Borrome i o f Mila n Paolo Morell i o f Florenc e J. d e Veil l

29.IX. 144 1 - Federico Corne r o f Venic e I.IV. 144 2

512. 8 . 0 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 5 3 (Venetian )

739. 0.0 .

Southampton

2104. 0.0 2084. 0.0 811. 0.0 790. 0.0

. . . .

F.C. Lane , Venice an d History, pp. 118-1 9 an d F.C.Lane , Andrea Barbarigo, pp. 130-31. Shipments o n behal f o f Andre a Barbarigo o f Venic e value d a t 4,434 ducats .

E. 122/141/24 .

329. 0.0 . 417. 0.0 . 8. 0.0 . 138. 0.0 . 44. 0.0 . 172. 0.0 . 312. 0.0 . E. 101/128/31 , m . 51 .

3,456. 6 . 8 . •

segue: TABL E I

Date:

XV and XV I Table I

Names o f Merchants :

Purchases fo r shipment: L. s . d .

EXPORTS Place:

Value: L. s . d .

sources an d remark s

E. 101/128/31 , m . 7 .

Nov. 1441 .

Filippo d e Fagnan o an d patner s of Lucc a

28.X.1441 28.X.1442

Leonardo Contarin i o f Venic e Giuliano Contarin i o f Venic e

29.DC.1441 29.DC.1442.

Piero Borrome i o f Mila n Giorgio d a Lucc a o f Florenc e Ubertino d e Bard i o f Florenc e Tommaso Albert i o f Florenc e

29.IX.1441 July 144 2

Ambrogio Delphi n o f Geno a Michele d e Vace a o f Geno a Bernardo Pasquelig o and Giovanni de Pont e o f Venic e Vittore Cappell o o f Venic e Geronimo Dandol o o f Venic e

214. 8 . 0 . 532. 0 . 0 . 214.15. 0 .

Jan. - Oct . 1442

Giovanni Mantell' and others on his carrack

745. 0 . 0 .

I.IV-29.DC. 1442

Lorenzo Marcanuov o o f Venic e

1,122. 0 . 0 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 29 .

29.K.144230.VI.1443.

Federico Corne r o f Venic e

2,801. 1 . 0 .

E. 101/128/30 , m . 10 .

29.DC.144221.IV.1443.

Lorenzo Marcanuov o o f Venic e

7,145.19. 0 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 30 .

29.K.144221.IV.1443.

Filippo d e Fagnan o an d partner s of Lucca

631.11. 4 . 363, 2 . 6 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 24 . E. 101/128/31 , m . 2 .

21.IV29.IX.1443.

Filippo d e Fagnan o an d partner s of Lucc a

172. 0 . 1 .

28.X.1442 28.X.1443.

Galley o f Alessandr o Duod o o f Venice

1,397. 0 . 8 .

7.m-

20.FV.1443.

TOTAL

184. 6.10 .

E. 101/128/30 , m . 8 .

2,236. 4 . 0 . 447.18. 0 . Southampton »

258. 0.0 . 400. 0.0 . 566.18.4. 71. 6.8 .

E. 101/128/31 . m . 33 .

161. 4 . 7 . 28. 4 . 0 .

Florentine galley s a t Southampto n (includes shipment s b y F . d a Rabatta, Tommas o Alberti , Gerozzo d e Pigli , Piero ' d e la ' Reype)

E. 101/128/31 , m . 27 .

E. 101/128/30 , m . 15 .

E. 101/128/30 , m . 4 .

Southampton

40,659.17. 3 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 28 .

418. 7.6 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 3 6 an d M.E . Mallett, Th e Florentine Galleys i n the Fifteenth Xentury, pp . 158-9 .

XV and XVI Table II TABLE II . TRANSACTION S I N ENGLAN D O F FEDERIG O CORNER , CARL O CONTARIN I AN D PARTNERS , 1440-44 . Expendit.

IMPORTS

Date

VALEU

Commodities L . s . d .

27.IH-29. I X 1440

Madc'-r 16.5.6 Spices, win e silks, jewels. 733.1.

29.LX.1440 - 16.IV.144 1

Brazil 23.4.2 Spices 1041.2.1

. 9 l /s . .

Total valu e

PURCHASES fo r EXPOR T

L TI on agent s CLOTH WOO L. s . d . L. s . d . L . s . d. L

.s d

N

EXPORTS

512. 8 . 6.12. (canvass)

194. 2.10 .

713. 2.10 .

2953.18.4.

419. 9 . 0 .

3373. 7 . 4 .

E. 101/128/3 1 m. 53 .

Ibid., m . 3 .

270 West' cloths value d at. L . 329

1441 (after l.V )

16.IV-29.IX 1441

Malmsey wine 1681.4.7 Spices, silk s 811.8.1

. .

29.LX.1441 - 1.IV.144 2

Spices 2675.1.8

.

Ibid., m . 51.

3456. 6. 8 .

3456. 6.8 .

E. 101/138/3 0 m. 10 .

Brazil 196.8.0 . Wine, spice s 4615.5.6 .

781.5.0. 2801. 1.1 . 498.10.0.

1156. 5 . 0 .

Ibid.

4455.16. 0 .

Cloths valued at L. 66.13s.4d .

April 144 4

Totals

E. 122/141/2 4

E. 101/128/3 1 m. 8 .

1JC.-29.IX. 1442 absent because o f plague 29.LX.1442 30.VI.1443.

Sources

L. s . d .

11793.1.4 V ,

781.5.0. 9730. 6.0 .

498.10.0.

1769.16.10.

11998.12.10.

L.395.13s.4d.

E. 122/140/6 2 m. 39r .

XV and XV I Table III

TABLE HI : TRANSACTION S I N ENGLAND XF LORENZO MARCANUOV O AN D ASSOCIATES, 1438-44 EXPORTS

ALUM

Date

Quantity Valu

e L. s . d.

DYES

L. s . d.

29.LX.1438 29.LX.1439

29.LX.1440 16.IV.1441

340 bale s 746

. 6.5 .

250.18.1.

Other Imports L. s . d .

TOTAL O F IMPORTS L. S . d .

453. 3 . 4 .

453. 3 . 4 .

616. 2 . 7 .

1,613. 7 . 1 .

PURCHASES fo r EXPOR T

Cloth Woo L. s . d . L

l . s . d.

Cloth Ti

n an d other commodities i/4 L . s.d .

Sources an d remark s

916 pann i cort i 257.18.3 . E. 122/73/10 , m . 3r . 16 Kerseys E. 122/73/12 , mm . 32r . 33v. (London customs accounts) 7.092.18.11.

E. 101/128/31 , m . 1 3 (London hostin g account )

Spring 144 1

Cloths value d 164 . 6.8 . at the time o f export a t 4,434 ducat s = L . 739 .

F. C . LANE , Venice an d History, pp . 118-1 9 an d F. C . LANE , Andrea Barbarigo, pp . 130-131 . Shipments o n behal f o f Andrea Barbarig o o f Venice value d a t 5,42 0 ducats

Cloths value d 316 . 0.0 . at L . 2,10 4

E. 122/141/2 4 (Southamp ton hostin g account )

193. 0 . 0 .

539.18. 4 .

73. 9.0 .

1.072.11. 9 .

1.146. 0 . 9 .

1. 122 . 0 . 0 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 2 9 (London hostin g account )

29.IX.1442 21.IV.1443

108. 4.3 .

1,335. 4 . 2 .

1,443. 8 . 5 .

7.145. 0 . 0 .

E. 101/128/31 , m . 3 1 (London hosting account )

29.LX.1443 12.IV.1444

281. 5.1 .

361.10.10.

642.15.11.

713.16.5.

4.031.12. 8 .

5.838.13.10.

16.IV 29.LX.1441

131 bales 346.18. 209 bale s

4

l.IV 29.LX.1442

Totals

1.093. 4.9 .

112. 0 . 0 . 400.0.0 . 15,472.17.11. 400.0.0

.

E. 101/128/30 , m . 2 (London hostin g account )

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XVI

ANGLO-ITALIAN COMMERC E IN TH E FIFTEENT H CENTURY : SOME EVIDENC E ABOU T PROFIT S AND TH E BALANC E O F TRAD E i In a n articl e publishe d i n 195 9 Professor R. d e Roover mad e th e novel suggestio n that i n th e fifteent h centur y th e Netherlands , an d especially Flanders , suffere d fro m a n advers e balanc e o f trade wit h Italy ( 1). H e recognise d th e inadequac y o f th e documentatio n a t his disposa l an d expresse d a . hop e tha t hi s stud y migh t stimulat e a wide r discussio n of the question s raised b y hi m ( 2 ). Th e firs t t o respond t o thi s challenge wa s Professor W . B . Watson, wh o trie d t o provide some explanations o f the state of affairs reveale d b y Professor de Roove r ( 3 ). Mor e recently , Dr . M . E . Mallet t ha s laid stres s on the need t o study jointly the Italian maritim e trad e wit h both Flan ders an d Englan d ( 4). M y article wil l be concerned chiefl y wit h th e English side of the evidence. Lastly , Professor de Roover has restated the whol e proble m briefl y i n hi s mos t recen t boo k o n Th e Bruges Money Market around 1400 (5 ). H e notabl y widene d hi s previou s (1) Le balance commerciale entre U s Pqys-Bas e t Vltalie au quinzittne siecle, i n Rev. belg. d e phil. et d'hist., XXXVII (1959) , pp . 374-86 . Sinc e thi s article was written, Professor de Roover has died. H e made an immense contribution to our understanding of the Europea n economy in the later Middle Ages. He always welcomed new ideas and was amost generous of scholars . (2) Ibid., p . 386 . (3) Th e Structure of th e Florentine Galley trade with Flanders an d England i n th e Fifteenth Century, in ibid., XXXIX (1961) , pp . 1073-9 1 and X L (1962) , p. 317-47. (4) Th e Florentine Galleys i n the Fifteenth Century (Oxford , 1967) , pp. 132-3 . (5) Verhandelingen va n d e Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren e n Schone Kunsten va n Belgie, Klasse der Letteren, XXX (1968) , pp. 42-7 .

XVI 34 6 ANGLO-ITALIA

N COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY

formulation o f it whe n h e suggested that ' during th e greater part ' of the fifteenth century ' the balance of trade wit h Italy tended to be deficitary fo r norther n Europ e becaus e ther e wa s n o longe r an y sizeable Italia n marke t fo r Flemish , o r eve n fo r Englis h cloth ' ( l ) . This involve s Englan d a s muc h a s Flanders an d ther e i s an urgen t need fo r th e introductio n o f fresh Englis h evidence into thi s debate. Professor d e Roove r wa s hampere d b y th e paucit y o f relevan t statistical evidence. Professo r Watson relie d o n the Englis h custom s accounts, bu t thes e record s habituall y underestimat e th e valu e o f commodities an d mus t be used with caution. Fo r th e year s 1440-43 something muc h better is available i n the 'hostin g accounts'. Thes e records wer e draw n u p b y th e Englis h host s wit h who m Italia n merchants had t o resid e ( 2 ). The y provid e on e possible fresh sourc e for th e stud y o f th e Italia n trad e wit h England , thoug h hithert o historians hav e treate d thes e records wit h distrust . Onl y th e Sout hampton account s have been critically discussed . Ther e is no doub t that th e Hampshir e serie s wa s draw n u p i n a ver y unsystemati c fashion an d tha t thes e account s understat e considerabl y th e tota l volume of transactions ( 3 ). Dr. Ruddock's criticisms of the Southampton record s hav e unjustifiabl y discourage d scholar s fro m treatin g seriously th e paralle l serie s o f Londo n hostin g account s ( 4). Th e London account s are , however , much mor e carefully compile d an d contain man y minute details which are probably true. I t i s possible that some of the transactions ma y still have been concealed from th e London hosts . Bu t th e informatio n tha t w e hav e i s impressivel y large an d i t suggest s that , i n London , foreig n merchant s ha d t o provide adequat e evidenc e about th e great bul k of their commercia l operations. There ar e som e unfortunat e gaps . Som e o f th e hostin g return s (1) Ibid., p . 43 .

(2) Fo r th e statute of 1439 tightening up th e hostin g regulation s see Rotuli Parliamentorum, V, pp . 24-5 . (3) A . RUDDOCK , Alien Hosting i n Southampton i n the Fifteenth Century, in Econ. Hist. Rev. XVI (1946) , pp . 30-7 . (4) K . R . exch . ace. various, E. 101/128 , files 3 0 and 31 . Thi s and al l the subseqeun t references to unpublished sources are to documents in the Public Record Office in London , unless indicate d otherwise .

ANGLO-ITALIAN COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY XV

I 34

7

appear t o be missing. A few Italians secured recognition a s denizens in orde r t o escap e the scrutin y of their Londo n host s ( l ). Bu t this is a smal l matter . Muc h mor e seriou s is th e refusa l o f th e Genoes e to submit to hosting regulations. Mention s of the Genoese are entirely missing from th e Southampton accounts, though one London hosting return list s a fe w mino r Genoes e trader s ( 2 ). Thi s i s th e bigges t single gap i n ou r recor d o f Italian commerce . Fortunately , ther e is enough informatio n in othe r source s to provid e som e comparabl e figures about the Genoese trade with England ( 3). II

It i s clear tha t th e valu e of cloths exported annuall y b y Italian s from Englan d was much higher in the middle decades of the fifteenth century tha n Professo r d e Roover' s pessimisti c statement s woul d imply. Th e hostin g accounts came from a perio d whe n the Italia n shipments o f English clot h reache d thei r peak . I n 1439-4 1 export s of woollen s b y non-Hanseati c alie n merchant s fro m Londo n an d Southampton average d annuall y ove r 21.00 0 cloths ( 4 ). T o retur n to th e hostin g accounts . Betwee n March 144 0 and Novembe r 144 3 the Italian s mentione d in thos e records acquire d i n Englan d clot h worth a t leas t £46,360 . Th e purchase s by the Venetian s formed a t least 8 8 % o f this tota l ( 5). Tw o furthe r figure s concernin g the Ge noese export s should b e adde d here . The y bot h com e from record s preserved a t Genoa . I n Decembe r 144 5 a shi p o f Stefan o Dori a (1) E . g. Girolamo Dandol o o f Venice and hi s sons in 1441- 2 (E.101/128/31, m. 33) . (2) Ibid. (3) Infra. (4) E . M . CARUS-WILSO N and O . COLEMAN, England's Export Trade 1275-1547 (Oxford, 1963), p . 95 . (5) Supra, table I. I have included al l the figures from th e column for the purchases of cloth an d som e o f the item s fro m th e colum n fo r exports, takin g car e no t t o cover an y consignment twice . To appreciat e more fully th e significance of these trading figures, it should be recalle d that i n 1431-3 3 the yearl y roya l income from al l th e dutie s o n foreign trad e averaged about £30,700 , whil e th e tota l revenu e wa s estimated b y the Englis h governmen t a t c . £64,800. Se e J. L . KIRBY , Th e issues of th e Lancastrian exchequer and Lord Cromwell's estimates of 1433, in Bull. Inst. Hist. Res., XXIV (1951) , p. 133 .

XVI 34 8 ANGLO-ITALIA

N COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY

left Southampto n wit h 13 2 bales of cloth wort h som e £10,500 , des tined fo r Cadiz , Malaga , Tuni s an d th e islan d o f Chio s ( 1). Earl y in 146 0 five Genoese ships exporte d fro m Englan d good s estimated to be worth some £26,000 an d consistin g almost entirely of cloths ( 2). This wa s a n exceptiona l shipment, bu t i t testifie s t o th e persistenc e in th e Mediterranea n o f a hig h deman d fo r Englis h woollens. Several o f the Venetian s mentioned i n th e hostin g accounts acte d as commission agents for the much more numerous group of merchants who permanentl y reside d a t Venice . Bertucci o Contarin i an d Lo renzo Marcanuovo , wh o figure prominently i n th e Londo n hostin g accounts, wer e employe d i n thi s fashio n b y Andre a Barbarig o ( 3). The informatio n provide d b y th e hostin g account s abou t th e com mercial transaction s o f thes e me n doe s not , therefore , represen t simply the preferences of a few individuals, but i t reflects th e busines s interests o f numerou s Venetian s engage d i n trad e wit h England . On thi s evidence, th e Venetia n merchant s wer e above al l interested in exporting English cloth. Out o f sixteen important Venetian dealers covered b y th e hostin g accounts , onl y one , Leonard o Contarini , showed a marke d preferenc e for purchasin g woo l ( 4). When hostin g reports o n a particular merchant for m a continuou s series, it is possible to work out th e balanc e betwee n his imports an d his exports. Thre e importan t Venetia n firm s ca n b e studie d i n thi s way. Fo r Tommas o Contarin i w e hav e hostin g account s coverin g the perio d fro m Easte r 144 0 (2 7 March ) t o 2 8 Octobe r 1441 . H e sold good s value d a t £2,752 . 12s . 6d. an d bough t i n retur n commo dities worth £2,750 . 2s. 4d. Apar t from some tin priced at £115 . 16s . 8d., al l hi s purchase s consiste d o f cloths . Hi s sale s an d purchase s thus roughl y balance d eac h other , bu t w e have n o statemen t o f his expenses durin g tha t tim e ( 5). (1) J . HEERS , Le royawne de Grenade et la politique marchande de GSnes en Occident, i n L e Moyen Age, LXIII (1957) , pp . 115-18 . (2) J. HEERS , Les Genois enAngletene: la crise del'458-66, in Studi in onore di Armando Sapori, II (1957) , p . 827 . (3) F . G . LANE , Andrea Barbarigo, Merchant o f Venice, 1418-49 (Baltimore , 1944) , pp . 124-31. (4) E . 101/128/30 , mm . 7 and 8 . (5) Ibid. n. 6 and 7.

ANGLO-ITALIAN COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY

XVI 349

One o f the mos t importan t Venetia n partnership s activ e i n En gland consiste d o f Andrea an d Federic o Corne r i n associatio n wit h Carlo Contarini (*) . Th e brothers Corne r belonged t o a very wealthy family: aroun d 138 0 a n earlie r Federic o wa s th e riches t ma n i n Venice ( 2). Betwee n March 144 0 and July 144 3 the Corner partner ship sol d spices , wines , silk s and othe r luxur y textile s fo r £11,793 . Is. 4,5d. Purchase s o f cloth , woo l an d ti n absorbe d £11,998 , th e expenditure o n clot h amountin g t o 8 1 % o f the total . The y als o spent a t leas t £78 1 o n agent s an d brokers . Presumably , a t leas t £1,000 had to be procured b y transfers from abroa d or by borrowin g from othe r Italians . The enterprise s o f Lorenz o Marcanuov o ( 3) differe d i n severa l significant respect s from th e busines s dealings of the Corne r partner ship. H e was a factor o f Giovanni Marcanuovo , resident at Venice , and acte d a s a commissio n agent fo r other Venetians . Unlik e th e brothers Corner , wh o dealt mainl y in luxuries, Marcanuovo sold in 1440-44 considerabl e quantitie s o f cheaper , bulk y goods . Alum , woad, madde r an d othe r dye s wort h over £2,00 0 constituted more than one third of the total value of the imports handled by him. Th e most notable feature o f hi s business is the immens e gap betwee n th e imports an d th e exports . Th e valu e o f hi s purchase s i n Englan d surpassed b y at least £9,00 0 ,his receipts from th e sale of the commo dities consigned t o him fro m abroa d ( 4). Presumably , hi s purchases in England were financed to a considerable exten t out of remittances of fund s fro m Venice , muc h o f thi s mone y bein g provide d b y th e merchants who employed him as their agent . These peopl e als o gave him detaile d instructions . Thu s Andrea Barbarig o directe d hi m t o acquire cloths made by E. Webber and these instructions were carried out to Barbarigo's grea t satisfaction ( 5). Clot h constitute d ove r 90 % (1) Se e supra, table II, fo r a summary of their transactions in England in 1440-44 . (2) G . LUZZATTO , Studi di storia economica veneziana (Padua, 1954) , pp. 118-9 , 135. (3) Infra, tabl e III . (4) Ibid. Th e figur e o f £9,000 i s based onl y on the compariso n o f imports with pur chases fo r export . Th e differenc e betwee n the m amount s t o just unde r £10,000 , bu t allowance must be made for the import of 209 bales of alum, which may have been worth anything between £40 0 and £600 . (5) LANE , op . cit., p . 128 .

XVI 35 0 ANGLO-ITALIA

N COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY

of the value of Marcanuovo's exports in 1438-44 . Betwee n September 1440 an d Apri l 144 4 he purchase d i n Englan d cloth s worth a t least £15,472. 17s . lid. an d export s value d a t a furthe r £2,84 3 shoul d probably b e adde d t o thi s figur e ( 1). Hi s export s wer e o n suc h a large scale that in 144 1 he was able to secure a rebate in freight char ges on cloths shipped from Englan d to Venice on the Venetian galley fleet o f tha t yea r ( 2 ). Genoese record s suppl y on e comparabl e piec e o f evidenc e fo r working ou t th e balanc e betwee n import s an d exports . I n 145 9 a Genoese flee t consistin g of fiv e ship s se t ou r fo r Englan d carryin g commodities value d a t £15,675 . O n th e retur n journe y i t too k back to Italy goods worth some £26,000 and consisting almost entire ly o f clot h ( 3 ). Ill

It i s unfortunat e tha t bot h Professo r d e Roove r an d Professo r Watson ha d t o rely largely o n evidence derive d fro m th e voyage s of the Florentin e stat e galleys . Thes e Florentin e expedition s wer e designed abov e al l t o procur e goo d English woo l fo r th e textil e workshops a t Florenc e ( 4 ). The y als o picke d u p i n Englan d sub stantial quantitie s of cloth, bu t thi s part o f their trad e wa s of secondary importance. Th e Florentine s were not interested in the importing into Italy of the mor e valuable varietie s o f English cloth , a s this would hav e presumabl y constitute d unwelcom e competitio n fo r the product s o f thei r ow n industry . The preferenc e o f the Tusca n merchant s fo r cheape r varietie s o f English cloth can be illustrated from both Italian and English sources. (1) Supra, table III . I hav e separate d purchase s from shipment s to avoi d th e ris k of counting som e cloth s twice , bu t i n thes e particula r case s we are mos t probabl y dealin g with differen t cloths . (2) LANE , op . cit., p. 130 . (3) HEER S in Studi in onore di A. Sapori (cit. supra), pp . 813-14 , 826-7 . (4) Thi s is fully documente d b y both Professo r d e Roover and Professo r Watson . Se e also MALLETT , op . cit., pp. 82-103 , 132-43 . Som e o f the mos t importan t text s about th e motives of the organisers o f the Florentine voyages to England an d Flanders are published in A . GRUNZWEIO , Lesfonds duConsulat d e la Mer au x Archives de I'''jfitat d Florenc, in Bulletin de I'lnstitut Beige d e Rome (X , 1930) .

ANGLO-ITALIAN COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY XV

I 35 1

An inventor y o f cloth s possesse d b y th e fir m o f th e Sancascian o o f Pisa reveal s tha t i n 142 8 th e bul k o f thei r investmen t i n Englis h woollens wa s concerne d wit h th e fairl y chea p cloth s o f Esse x an d Guildford (6 5 % o f the tota l value ) ( 1). Ou t o f 130 0 cloths fetched by a Florentin e flee t whic h calle d a t Southampto n earl y i n 1430 , as many as 670 were cloths of Guildford ( 2 ), worth around £ 1 each ( 3). The custom s account s recordin g th e departur e fro m Southampto n of the Florentin e galle y fleets in 1439 , 1443 , 144 4 and 144 8 furnis h particularly significan t evidenc e ( 4 ). Th e us e o f merchan t galley s involved th e paymen t o f higher freigh t charge s than wa s customary on sailin g ships . Th e Genoes e therefore use d th e Florentin e galley s only for the expor t o f their mor e valuable woollens. Bu t a s the Flo rentines continue d t o specializ e mainly i n cloth s o f low or mediu m price, they had perforc e to emplo y galleys for these cheaper textiles . Therefore, th e average value of the woollens exported by the Florentines i n th e fou r galle y fleets remained significantl y lower tha n th e value o f the fabric s shippe d o n thes e ver y galley s b y th e Genoese . The averag e pric e o f cloths exported o n thes e four occasion s by th e Genoese work s out a t £2 . 10s . per cloth . B y contrast, th e averag e value o f 78 2 cloth s exporte d b y th e Florentine s i n 143 9 wa s onl y £1. 16s . per piece . I n 144 8 the tw o groups exported almos t identica l amounts, th e shar e o f th e Florentine s totallin g 53 8 a s agains t 56 9 shipped b y th e Genoese . Bu t th e averag e valu e o f th e Florentin e cloths wa s estimate d a t onl y £1 . 15s . per piece , whil e th e Genoes e exports wer e valued a t £2 . 17s. per cloth . In th e years 1440-4 3 the Venetians appear t o have exported fro m England chiefl y woollen s o f mediu m quality , price d a t betwee n £1. 4s. an d £ 2 pe r cloth . A specia l variety , know n a s th e bastar d cloths, loom s larg e i n th e Venetia n expor t trade . A considerabl e proportion o f them cam e fro m wester n England . Fo r example , i n 1441, tw o Venetia n galley s picke d u p a t Southampto n 143 2 cloth s 'de bastarde de le West' priced a t £2,866 , belonging to Marco Gius (1) B . GASIN I in Studi in onore d i Amintore Fanfani (Milan , 1962) , II , p . 277. (2) MALLETT , op. cit., p. 138 . (3) Thi s was the averag e price o f 50 Guildford cloth s bought b y Tommaso Gontarin i in 144 0 (E. 101/128/30 , m. 6) . (4) WATSON , loc. cit., (1962) , pp. 335-45 .

XVI 35 2 ANGLO-ITALIA

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tiniani an d Tommas o Contarin i o f Venice ( 1). I t i s probable tha t these cloth s wer e mad e u p o f tw o distinc t kind s of wool, diffieren t types o f yarn bein g use d fo r th e war p an d fo r th e wef t ( 2 ). I f thi s supposition is correct, bastard cloth s represented an earl y forerunner of th e lighte r draperie s whic h forme d suc h a prominen t featur e of the Englis h expor t trad e t o th e easter n Mediterranea n i n th e late r sixteenth an d seventeent h centuries . I n ou r ow n perio d Andre a Barbarigo an d other Venetians regarded bastar d cloth s as particularly suitabl e fo r expor t t o Constantinopl e ( 3 ). The Genoes e catered for most diverse markets . Aroun d 144 5 most of their export s o f English woollen s were destined fo r Spain,-Nort h Africa an d Asi a Mino r ( 4), thoug h som e of the cloth s sold i n Spai n later foun d thei r wa y into Ital y ( 5 ). I t wa s only natural tha t severa l Genoese merchant s shoul d sho w a clea r preferenc e fo r particula r varieties of English cloths, destined for specific markets . Some Genoese specialize d i n cheap , smalle r woollens , bu t man y o f the m wer e specially interested in costl y fabrics, wort h between £3 and £ 4 each , or even more. Thi s diversit y o f interests ca n bes t b e studie d i n th e records o f governmen t prosecution s agains t foreig n merchant s fo r breaches o f various regulations . I n th e lat e fourteen-fiftie s a t leas t sixteen Genoes e wer e victim s o f penal proceeding s involvin g cloth s worth £3,862 . Chea p varieties of cloth, priced a t below £1 per piece , formed les s tha n a quarte r o f the purchase s o f thi s sampl e o f Ge noese merchants , an d expensive , coloure d broadcloth s loo m larg e among thei r ware s ( 6). (1) K . R . custom s ace. , E. 122/141/24 . (2) Thi s interpretatio n i s suggeste d b y G . D E POERCK, L a draperie medievale e n Flandre et en Artois. Technique et terminologie (Bruges, 1951) , II, p . 16 , no. 70 . (3) Andre a Barbarig o sen t English bastard cloth s to Constantinople in 1441 . Se e F. G. LANE, Rhythm and Rapidity o f turnover in Venetian trade of th e fifteenth century (1949), republished in Venice an d HLtory. Th e Collected papers o f Frederic C . Lane (Baltimore , 1966) , pp. 11 9 and 123 . Bastar d woollen s ar e repeatedl y mentione d i n th e accoun t boo k o f Giacomo Badoer : // libro del conti d i Giacomo Badoer Constantinopoli, 1436-40. (ed . V . Dorin i e T . Bertele, Rome , 1956) , passim. (4) HEER S in L e Moyen Age, cit. supra (1957) , pp. 115-18 . (5) G . TRASSELLI , // mercato dei panni a Palermo nella prima meta de l XVsecolo, i n Economia eStoria, IV (1957) , p. 148 . (6) K . R. memoranda r. , E. 159/23 5 (37 Hen. VI) , recorda, Michaelmas, nos . 16-2 1 and Trinity, nos . 30-63 ; E . 159/23 6 (3 8 Hen. VI), recorda, Michaelmas, nos . 18-86 ; E. 10 1 /

ANGLO-ITALIAN COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY XV

I 35

3

The Genoes e were the Italia n grou p mos t likely t o remai n inter ested in the purchase of the more expensive Flemish an d Brabantin e cloths. Professo r de Roove r wa s unable t o find any evidenc e abou t that par t o f their business. W e get, however , one glimpse of it fro m an unexpecte d Englis h source. A t Romsey , a fe w miles north-west of Southampton, som e Genoese merchants controlled a local textil e industry. Ou r informatio n about i t date s fro m th e fourteen-forties, but i t mus t hav e bee n a goo d dea l older . A t Romsey th e Genoes e employed loca l craftsme n t o full , dy e an d mend , o r finish , cloth s previously purchase d elsewher e i n Englan d o r importe d i n thei r ships fro m th e Netherlands . Som e o f th e consignment s o f cloth s sent fro m Southampto n t o Romse y belonged to Englis h merchants, but th e Genoes e used these loca l facilitie s on a particularly massiv e scale. Member s of the Cattane o an d th e Spinelli familie s were especially prominen t i n thi s enterprise . T o quot e on e singl e example , on three consecutive days between 30th Marc h an d 1s t April 144 1 a total o f 547 broadcloths, 11 9 kerseys and 94 5 straits, al l o f Englis h manufacture, wer e sent by the Genoes e from Southampto n t o Rom sey for suc h processing , togethe r wit h 5 9 cloths o f Flanders (*) . IV

The problem s raised by Professo r de Roover can be studied in yet another way , throug h th e reconstructio n o f th e cost s an d profit s of particula r commercia l ventures . Thi s seem s feasibl e a t presen t in thre e case s that ar e relevan t t o thi s study . Ou r firs t exampl e concerns th e impor t o f alu m int o Englan d ( 2 ). A consignmen t o f 3,880 cantares, derived from th e papal mine s at Tolfa an d purchased by the Casa of San Giorgio of Genoa, was shipped from Civitavecchi a to Southampto n i n th e earl y par t o f 1466. I t ha d bee n purchase d for 54.00 0 li. gen. (c. £4.187). Freight s an d othe r expenses up t o th e arrival i n Englan d amounte d t o onl y 3. 7 % o f the purchas e price . 128/36. Ther e is also some evidence about the purchases of cloth by the Genoese in HEERS, Studi in onore di A. Sapori (cit. supra), pp . 824-6 , 831. (1) O . GOLEMAN , Th e Brokage Book of Southampton, 1443-4, 1 (1960),pp. xxv-xxvi an d in Econ. HLt. Rev., 2nd ser. , XV I (1963) , p . 10 . (2) Se e HEERS in Studi in onore di A. Sapori (cit. supra), p . 822, 831). Som e of the figure s represent my own calculations (reckoning 12. 9 li. gen. to £ 1 sterling).

XVI 35 4 ANGLO-ITALIA

N COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY

But costs incurred fro m th e tim e when this alum reached Southamp ton unti l th e final sale were bigger, addin g a furthe r 8. 3 %. I t was sold for c. £5,844 (75.40 0 It. gen.), at a n averag e pric e of 30s. sterling per cantare . Th e whol e transactio n yielde d a ne t profi t o f slightly over 2 6 %. Thi s wa s probably a n exceptionall y hig h rat e o f profit, as price s o f alum wer e unusuall y inflated i n England . Shortl y afte r the arriva l o f this consignmen t a t Southampton , Giovann i Torna buoni, th e head o f the Medic i branch a t Rome , wa s forecasting that papal alum might be sold in London for even as much as 35s. sterling per cantar e ( 1). A n exampl e o f more norma l prices ca n b e adduce d from 1457 . I n Ma y o f that yea r a Londo n merchan t ha d sol d 2 4 bales of alum t o a n Italia n fo r £990, a t a n averag e pric e mor e tha n 50 % lower than th e price secured by the ban k of San Giorgio ( 2 ). To com e no w t o export s fro m Englan d t o Italy . I n Ma y 144 1 Andrea Barbarig o receive d at Venic e a carg o of English clot h and tin on which his agents in London ha d spen t some £900 (5,420 Venetian ducats ) ( 3 ). Th e cloth s alon e wer e wort h £739 . The y consisted o f 1 6 costl y mostovalieri (whic h coul d b e wort h fro m £ 5 to £ 8 each) ( 4), 10 0 medium priced bastard s and 55 0 pieces of much cheaper sort. Som e of the bastard cloth s were sent to Constantinople , but muc h o f the clot h wa s disposed of at Venic e or sent to Fernio in the Marches . Par t o f the ti n wa s sold t o loca l tinsmith s a t Venic e and th e res t was shipped of f to Alexandria. Th e sal e of this tin an d cloth an d th e recover y o f th e mone y fro m th e buyer s too k severa l years. No t everythin g coul d b e recovered an d th e reinvestmen t o f the proceed s o f sale s als o involve d Barbarig o i n som e losses . Hi s profits fro m thi s whol e serie s o f connecte d transaction s amounte d to abou t a third o f the origina l investment. I f the dealing s i n clot h (1) R . D E ROOVER, Th e Rise and Decline of th e Medici Bank 1397-1494 (1963) , p. 162 . (2) E . 159/236 , recorda, Michaelmas, no. 24 . I n 145 7 the pric e per 10 0 Ib. was 16s . 6d In th e cas e of the 146 6 sale the comparable price per 10 0 Ib. would work out at 37s. 8d., reckoning 87 Ib. to a cantare. Fo r thi s equivalence see HEERS, GSnes au XV e siecle. Activiti economique e t problemes sociaux (Paris , 1961) , p . 408 , wher e on e Englis h sack o f wool (364 Ib.) is equivalent to about 4,1 6 cantares. (3) Se e F. G . LAN E in hi s Collected Papers (cit. supra}, pp . 118-25 . I n givin g the sterling equivalent of the Venetian ducats, I hav e used the ratio of 1 ducat = 3s.4d . sterling (cf. the 'Noumbr e of Weights', Brit . Mus., Gottonian MSS., Vespasia n E. IX , fo . 10 8 r.). (4) E . 101/128/30 , mm. 4 and 6 .

ANGLO-ITALIAN COMMERCE IN THE 15TH CENTURY XV

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are analyse d i n separatio n fro m Barbarigo' s overal l business , w e get a somewha t higher rat e o f return, amountin g to abou t 3 8 % of the origina l outla y i n England . Th e profi t o n ti n wa s higher still , amounting to about 51 % of the original outlay in England, the prices at Venic e bein g appreciabl y highe r tha n thos e at Alexandria. The profit s o f Barbarigo from th e expor t of cloth can b e compared with on e se t o f figures recorded b y a merchan t shippin g Cotswol d wool from Londo n o r Southampton t o Venice. The y for m par t of a merchant's notebook, usually referred to as the "Noumbr e of Weights" and datin g probably from th e second half of the fifteenth century (x ). The averag e pric e wa s estimate d a t £ 8 sterlin g pe r sac k an d th e exporter expecte d t o pay th e alien rates of custom and subsidy. Th e freight charge s on the state galleys amounted to £2 per sack and were much higher than the costs of transport on other types of shipping ( 2 ). The merchan t estimate d hi s total expense s u p t o th e sal e o f th e wool a t £14 . 10s . 6d., bu t h e reckone d t o sel l i t a t £2 0 pe r sack . His expected profit o f some £5. 10s . per sack would work out a t 37 % of his total investment and a t 47 % of the original outlay in Englan d up to the time of shipment. H e was counting on a much higher rat e of profit tha n th e Englis h stapler s could normall y secure on th e ex port o f wool to Calai s ( 3). Many mor e such example s are needed . Bu t eve n thi s very small amount o f evidence seriousl y suggest s the possibilit y tha t th e leve l of prices wa s much higher i n the countries bordering on the Mediter ranean, an d especiall y in Italy , tha n i n northwestern Europe. Onl y this explanatio n woul d account adequatel y for the ver y high rat e of profit secured by the exporters to Venice, in spite of the exceptionall y high cost s incurred throug h shipmen t o n the Venetia n stat e galleys .

(1) Brit . Mus., Gottonia n MSS., Vespasian E . IX , fos . 107 v.-108r. Som e of this evidence wa s use d b y E . POWE R in Studies i n English Trade i n th e Fifteenth Century (ed . E . Power and MM . Postan, London , 1933) , pp. 45, 70-1. (2) I n th e middle decades of the fifteenth century the freights o n wool shipped on th e large Genoes e carracks from Southampto n t o Geno a amounte d t o abou t 2 5 s gen. per cantare (HEERS , Gfaes, cit. supra., p . 316) . Assumin g tha t £ 1 sterling equalled 12.9 li. gen. an d tha t a n Englis h sack o f 364 Ib. contained about 4,16 ca n tares (cf. supra), w e ge t a freigh t rat e o f 8s. 3d. sterlin g per sack. (3) POWER , op . cit., pp. 70-1 .

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INDEX This is a selective index. Names of persons and places of slight importance in the context of the main subject s o f thi s volum e ar e omitted . Th e subjec t inde x ha s been restricte d t o th e mor e important theme s o f th e studie s i n this volume. References in footnotes t o publication s hav e been lef t out , bu t name s o f modern scholar s mentione d i n othe r context s hav e been indexed . The index doe s not distinguis h betwee n th e main text and footnotes . Acastre, John , bailif f an d mayor of York XI 5 Acastre, William, merchant o f York (partne r of Joh n Goldbete r o f York , q . v. , X I 3-5, 7-10 , 17-9 , tabl e I , table III ; Isolda , wife o f X I 5 ; Richard , brothe r o f X I 8 Acciaioli (Acciaiuoli) , o f Florence , bankers VII1185-6; XIV 301 Adolf o f Nassau , Kin g o f th e Roman s (1292-8)111170 Africa, northern , Englis h cloth exporte d t o XIV 319; X V 354, 356 ; XVI 352 Alberti, bankers an d merchants o f Florence: as banker s VI I 1185-6 ; XI V 301 ; a s merchants XIV 295, 309 , 325 ; XV 348, 353, 357 ; Leo n Battist a (fl472 ) XI V 295; Tommaso XVI table I Albret, Bernard-Ezi II, lord o f (f!359) IX 8, 14,appendix Aldyngham, Arnold , o f Malines , a moneylender VII1207 Alexander, protonotar y o f th e cit y o f Cologne, credito r o f Edwar d III , VI I 1213 Alexandria (Egypt) , harbou r o f XI V 321 , 326; XVI 354-5 Anglo-Burgundian Wa r (1436-39 ) XI V 327-8; XV 348 Anglo-French Wa r (1294-99 ) I 831-3 ; I I 1168, 1174-5 , 1180 ; XI V 294 ; confiscation o f th e good s o f Frenc h merchants i n Englan d cause d b y I I 1184; Anglo-Frenc h conflict s (befor e 1336)1831-3, 838-9; V 251 Anglo-Genoese conflict (1405 ) XIV 312 Anjou, Louis I, duke of I 854-5 Anshilt, Lubfight , credito r o f Edwar d II I (1338-9) VII 120 5 Antwerp (Brabant) , harbour an d tow n o f II 1176-8, 1187 ; V 253 , 262-3 , 266 ; VI I 1143-4, 1148-51 , 1154-5, 1160-2,1168 , 1170, 1178 , 1181 , 1198-9 , 1206 ; VII I 75-6; I X 11-14 , 25-6 , 29 , appendix ; X I 7-8; XI V 295 , 297 ; lender s t o Edwar d

III fro m VI I 1155 , 1189 , 1201 , 1204 , 1208 Armagnac, coun t of , attacke d b y rioter s a t Toulouse (1357 ) I 849 Artevelde, James van, of Ghent ( f 1345) VII 1196 Artois, Rober t of , coun t o f Beaumon t VII 1145 Arundel, Edmun d Fitzalan , ear l o f (1306-26) II I 358; Richard Fitzalan, ear l of (1330-76 ) X 12 Asia Minor , trade wit h XI V 319 ; X V 354 , 356; XVI 352 Askeby, Robert , financia l agen t o f Edward III, VII 1167 ; IX 12 , 15 ; XI table I; XII 17 Asti (Piedmont) , tow n of , creditor s o f Edward II I fro m VI I 1190 , 1204-5 , 1209; pawnbrokin g Lombard s o f I I 1176, 1178 ; Se e also Leopardi ; Malabayla; Mirabello, Simon Aumale, Isabell a d e Fortibus , countes s o f (1274-92) III 345 Aureo Capite, Joh n Senio r and John Junior , creditors o f Edwar d II I i n Cologne VII 1213 Auvergne (Centra l France) , popula r rebellions in (1363-84) I 854, 856- 7 Bache, Anthony , of Genoa , financie r activ e in Englan d IV 200, 205 ; VII 1203 , 120 8 Bachiler, Joh n le , mone y change r o f Antwerp, credito r o f Edwar d III , VI I 1204,1189 Baddeby, Thomas , king' s cler k (1339 ) V 267 Badoer, Giacomo , merchan t o f Venice , account boo k o f XV 351 Balearic Island s (Spain) , Englis h trad e wit h XV 308- 9 Bar, Henr y HI , coun t of , son-in-la w o f Edward I, II 1170,1172 Barbadoro, Girolamo, of Venice XVI table I Barbarigo, Andrea , o f Venice , merchan t

2 Cj-1449) XI V 319 , 322-3 ; X V 344 , 349-53, 361 ; XVI 348-9 , 352 , 354-5, table I, table III Barbieri, Guglielmo , merchan t o f Bruge s (1398) X V 348 Barcelona (Catalonia) , clot h o f X V 356; Datini branch at XV 310 Bardi o f Florence , banker s (bankrupte d 1346) I I 1172 , 1187; IX 12-13 ; X 5 ; XIV 300-2 ; banker s o f younge r Hug h Despenser (1321-6 ) II I 346-56 , 358-9 ; London house s o f (abandone d afte r 1326) XI I 22 ; banker s o f Edwar d II I (1327-32) IV 198-204 , 206-10 ; banker s of Edwar d II I (1336-42 ) V I 11 ; VI I 1143-4, 1146-7 , 1150 , 1152-4, 1158-65, 1169-71, 1174 , 1176 , 1178 , 1181 , 1183, 1185-6 , 1192 , 1195, 1197,1199, 1201-2, 1204 , 1209-10 , 1213 , 1215; VIII 77-8 ; XII 17 , 23 ; difficultie s o f ( 1 3 3 8 - 4 2 ) VI I 1158-9 , 1185 ; bankruptcy o f (1342-6 ) X 2 ; XIV 302, 304; Ubertin o de' , o f Florenc e XV I table I Barons' War, in England (1263-5) V 251 Barry, Richard , agen t o f Joh n Goldbete r o f York, q . v . VI I 1188 ; XI 4, 14-15 , 18 , table I Bartholomei, Nicholas , of Lucca, creditor of Edward III , VI I 1149 , 1183 , 1187, 1206-7 Basing, Robert, o f London I I 1177 Beaucaire (Languedoc), town of I 855 Beauchamp, Walter, knight o f younger Hugh Despenser III 36 2 Beaujeu (Forez) , lord s of I 84 2 Beauvaisis (Picardy) see Jacquerie Beche, Nichola s d e la , constabl e o f th e Tower o f London (1338-40 ) VIII 7 8 Beke, Hertwi n von , German merchan t VI I 1215 Bellardi, o f Lucca , banker s I I 1175 , 1176 ; III 350, 354-7 Belton, Henry , merchan t o f Yor k XI table I Berg, count of , ally o f Edward III, VII 1146 Berland, John , victi m o f a n attac k b y William de la Pole XII 26 Bernardo, Ludovico , o f Venic e XV I table I Berry, Jean , duk e o f (f!416 ) I 854 , 856 , 859 Berwick, John, financial agen t o f Edwar d I, II 1185- 6 Berwick, Thomas , merchan t o f Yor k X I table I Beziers (Languedoc), cit y o f I 856- 7

Blackwell Hall , clot h marke t a t London , opening of (1397-8 ) X V 361 Blawere, Pete r le, of Termonde , credito r of Edward III, VII 1203 Blomerode, Tidemann , Hanseati c merchan t XI 12 , table I I Blound, Willia m le , 'garderober ' o f younge r Hugh Despenser III 349, 360 Blount, Stephe n le , Englis h roya l purveyor V 259,266 Bochorn, John , Germa n merchant , compensation fo r losse s cause d b y English sailors to VII 117 0 Bole, John , o f Lincoln , woo l merchan t I X 20 Boleyn, Anne , Quee n o f Englan d (|1536) , her great-grandfather , Geoffrey , alderman o f Londo n (1452-63 ) XI V 328;XV361 Bonaccorsi (Buonaccorsi) , o f Florence , bankers VI I 1176 , 1185-6, 1203 ; XI V 301 Bonsignori of Sienna, bankers III 34 6 Bordeaux (Gascony) , harbou r o f XI V 32 5 Borky, John , o f Bruges , creditor o f Edward III, VII 1205 Borromei o f Milan , banker s XI V 322 ; Benedetto and Piero XVI table I Boston (St . Botolph, Lincolnshire) , harbou r of II 1183 ; VII 1160; IX 7,10,16, 26-7; XI 16-17 , table III; XII 19; XIV 300 Botetourte, John , illegitimat e so n o f Edward I (f 1324) I I 1177 ; III 36 0 Box, Adam, draper of London II I 361 Braam, Levyn , citize n o f Ghent X I tabl e I I Brabant, duch y of , econom y o f (c . 1294-8 ) II 1186 ; financial agent s o f Edwar d I in II 1181 , 1184; loans raised by Edward I in I I 1176 , 1178 ; loan s raise d b y Edward II I i n I I 1187 ; VII 1144-5 , 1163, 1166 , 1198-1204; cloth o f (15th century) XV I 353 ; Englis h clot h exported t o (15th century) XV 345 Brabant, duke s of : Joh n I I (1294-1312 ) I I 1172, 1178 ; Joh n III (1312-55) I I 1173 ; VII 1146 , 1148-9 , 11534 , 1156 , 1164-5, 1167 , 1173, 1180, 1189, 1194, 1201,1206, 1208 Bradestan, Thomas VII 1161 Brandenburg, Lewis , margrav e of , so n o f Emperor Lewis of Bavaria VII 115 7 Braque, brothers , master s o f Frenc h roya l mint I 829 , 849; Nicholas I 829, 849-50 Brentford (co . Essex), risin g a t (May-June , 1381) XII I 84

3 Brichart, Thomas , maste r o f Frenc h roya l mint (1294) I 834 Bristol (Gloucestershire) , tow n o f II I 347 , 349, 351-2 , 360 , 362 ; XI V 302 , 305 , 315, 321 ; XV 346, 36 0 Brittany, duch y of , Edward Ill' s expedition to (1342-43 ) V 263 ; ear l o f Buckingham's expeditio n t o (1380-1 ) XIII 79-81, 8 4 Brittany, duk e of : Joh n IV (1345-99) XII I 84 Brown, Stephen , alderma n o f Londo n (1429-60), clot h merchan t XV 361 Bruges (Flanders) , harbou r an d tow n o f I I 1171, im , 1187 ; VI I 1151 , 1161-2 , 1168-70, 1174 , 1181-3 , 1185-8 , 1190 ; IX 8 , 11-14 , 25-6 , 29 , appendix ; X 12 ; XI 4-5 , 7-8 , 10-12 , 14 , 17, 25, table II , table III ; XI V 297 , 309-11 ; X V 348 ; English woo l stapl e a t (1341-2 ) I X 8 ; lenders t o Edwar d II I fro m VI I 1145 , 1157-9, 1165-6 , 1178 ; subsid y fro m Edward III received by VII 1180 Brussels (Brabant) , tow n o f I I 1171 ; adherence t o Edwar d II I (1340 ) VI I 1145, 1177-8 ; lender s t o Edwar d II I from VI I 1144 , 1148 , 1155 , 1158 , 1163,1166,1172, 1174, 1198-120 1 Buckingham, Thomas , ear l o f (1377-97) , subsequently duk e o f Glouceste r (1385-97), estate s i n Esse x o f XII I 84 ; expedition t o Brittan y o f (1380-81 ) XIII 79-81, 84 Burford (co . Oxfordshire) , centr e o f woo l trade XIV 306 Burgh, William, merchant of York XI table I Burghersh, Bartholomew , lor d I V 203 ; V 252; VII 1176-7,1197 Burghersh, Henry , bisho p o f Lincol n (1320-40) V 252-4 ; V I 15 , 19 ; VI I 1147-8, 1150 ; XII I 83 ; hostag e fo r th e debts o f Edwar d III , VI I 1158 , 1199 , 1212-3 Burgundian allie s o f Edwar d I , I I 1171 , 1175 Burgundy, duchy o f I 844 Burgundy, Joh n of , financia l agen t o f Edward I, II 118 5 Burstwick (Eas t Riding , co . Yorks.) , roya l lordship o f XI I 21-3 , 29 ; sal e o f t o William d e l a Pol e VI I 1192 ; XI I 21-2 ; wool of IX 22 Burton, Robert , receive r o f th e king' s chamber (1346-7) XI 10

Bury, Richard , keepe r o f king' s wardrob e (1328-9) I V 199 , 201-5 ; bisho p o f Durham (133345) V 252 Bury St . Edmund s (co . Suffolk) , Benedictine abbey , valuable s len t t o Edward III by VII 115 4 Busdraghi, o f Lucca , banker s VI I 1202 , 1206-7; Jame s VI I 1173 , 1182-3 , 120 7 Byland (co . Yorks.) , Cistercian abbey , wool producer I X 9 Cabochian Ordinance (1413) I 859 Cade, Jack , Kentis h risin g o f (1450 ) XIV 330 Cadiz (Andalusia) , harbour o f XIV 308; XV 356; XVI 348 Cahorse, Great (alias la grande caversine), o f Bruges, pawnbroker s X I 11 , 13 , 16 , table II Calais (Boulonnais) , tow n of , sieg e o f (134647) I 841 ; VI I 1181-2 ; X 11-12; XI 4-5 , 10-11 ; wool stapl e a t XI V 306 , 324, 327-9; XV 362; XVI 355 Calsteren, John van , of Louvain , creditor of Edward III , VI I 1163 , 1194-5 , 1202- 3 Cambridge, Edmund , ear l o f (1362-1402) , subsequently duk e of York (1385-1402 ) XIII 80- 1 Campsor, Anthony , o f Brussel s VI I 1200 ; Walter, o f Brussel s VI I 1166 , 1189 , 1191, 1201 ; Walter , o f Maline s VI I 1180, 1189,1203,121 1 Canello, Horrigus de, creditor o f Edward III, VII 120 5 Canterbury (co . Kent), city of XIII 82 Canynges, Thomas, of London XIV 328 Cappello, Vittore , o f Venic e X V 358; XV I table I Carcasonne (Languedoc) , cit y o f I 855-6 , 859 Carus-Wilson, Eleonora M . II 1179; XV 343, 345 Castille, kingdom of XIII 80- 1 Castle Goodrich , Thoma s of, younge r Hugh Despenser's clerk III 361- 2 Catalonia, merchant s of , i n Flander s VI I 1183, 1186 , 1206-7 , 1209 ; ship s o f i n north-western Europ e VI I 1183 ; XI V 293, 295 , 297-8 , 302 , 32 5 Cattaneo family , o f Geno a XI V 319 ; X V 353; XVI 353 Causton, Henry , merchan t o f Londo n X I 12, table II

4 Cavaceon, Matthew, of Asti VII 1190,1209 ; see also Leopardi Cely family , merchants of the wool staple at Calais I X 7 ; XI V 329-30 ; Richar d XIV 329 Centurione, Galeotto , merchant of Genoa X 354-5 Cerchi (White) , o f Florence, bankers III 35 6 Chalon, Jea n de , Lor d o f Arla y I I 1171 , 1175 Champagne, fairs of II 117 7 Charles V , Kin g o f Franc e (1364-80) , a s Dauphin and regent of France (1356-60 ) I 829, 837 , 848, 850 ; as king I 828, 845 , 854-8; XIII 84 Charles VI , Kin g o f Franc e (1380-1422 ) I 824, 828-9, 834 , 855-7 , 859 Charles VII, King of France (1422-61) I 858 Charlton, John, mayor of the wool stapl e III 350 Charnels, John , financia l agen t o f Edwar d III, VI 15; VII1149,1167,1195-6; VIII 76-7; IX 23 Chastellion, John , merchan t o f Lombardy , creditor o f Edward HI, VII1199 Chauchat, Jean , banke r o f Clermon t (Auvergne) I 828 Chesterfield, John , treasurer' s cler k (1338 ) VIII 77 Chesterton, Gilbert , financia l agen t o f Edward I, II 1176-7 , 1181 , 1184-5 Chioggia, Wa r of , betwee n Geno a an d Venice (1378-81) VII 1184 ; XI V 308 Chios, islan d o f (Greece ) XI V 308 , 3134 , 316, 318 , 356 ; XV 358; XVI 348 Chiriton, Walter , merchan t o f London , farmer o f th e roya l custom s (1346:49 ) U 1171 ; VI I 1190 ; X 3-7, 11-16; XI 34, 6, 10-20, tabl e II , table III; XII 26-7, 30 ; Richard, son of X 13; XII 27 Cirlo, James de, of Cologne VII 121 3 Citeron, Anthony , merchan t o f Geno a II I 361 Civitavecchia (Papa l State) , harbou r o f XI V 316; XV 359; XVI 25 3 Clippyng, merchan t family , o f Dortmund : Albert VI I 1215 ; Conrad, keeper o f th e English roya l custom s (1340-43 ) VI I 1200, 1215-6 ; X I 18 ; Godescalcu s VI I 1215;John VII 121 6 Cloth (English) , varietie s an d price s of : 'bastards' X V 350-2 ; 'bastard s d e l a West' X V 350 ; Bradfor d o n Avo n (co . Wiltshire) X V 352, 354 ; broadcloths XV 350, 353 ; Colchester , (co . Essex ) X V

351; Cotswold XV 347, 351-2; Coventry (co. Warwickshire ) X V 360 ; Esse x X V 345, 348 , 354 , 356-7 ; XV I 351 ; Guildford (co . Surrey ) X V 345 , 348 , 356; XV I 351 ; kersey s XV 352-3, 355 ; 'loesti' X V 352 ; Ludlo w (co . Shropshire) X V 351-2, 355;Montvillier s (alias Mostovalieri ) X V 351 ; shortcloths XV 351 ; Somerse t X V 352; 'straits ' XV 352-3; westerns XV 350-1; Wiltshire XV 350, 352; prices of XV 354-5 Cloth Industr y (English ) XI V 305 , 307 , 310,319,327 Clutynck, Lewis, of Cologne VII 121 3 Cobolde, Willia m de , o f Cologn e VI I 121 3 Cocco (Cacos) , o f Venice , merchant s VI I 1148, 1184 , 1186 ; XI V 304 Coleman, Olive II 1179 , X V 343, 345 Colle, Giles, o f Brussels , creditor o f Edward III VII 1200- 1 Colle, Thomas , o f Shrewsbury , woo l merchant IX 8, appendix Cologne (Rhineland) , cit y of , lender s t o Edward II I fro m VI I 1145 , 1165 , 1212-13 Coluche, Colus, , o f Antwerp , credito r o f Edward III, VII1166,1180,1189,1201 Conduit, Reginald , alderma n o f Londo n (1321-39) V I 13 , 15 ; VII 1160-1,1163, 1202-3; I X 6 , 8-9 , 11 , 13-15 , 214 , appendix; XI I 19-20 , 29 ; propert y i n London o f XI I 20 ; tria l o f (1341 ) V I 19-20 Constantinople (Byzantium) , cit y of , Venetian export s t o XI V 321; XV 351 ; XVI 352, 354 Contarini family , o f Venice : Bertuccio , Venetian consu l i n Londo n (1456-60 ) XIV 322 ; XV 349, 351 , 358 ; XV I 348 , table I ; Carl o XI V 315 ; X V 349 ; XV I 349, tabl e I, table II; Giuliano XVI table I; Leonardo XI V 323 ; X V 349 , 351 ; XVI 34 8 tabl e I ; Tommas o XI V 314 ; XV 350, 357 ; XVI 348, 351-2 , table I Controne, Panciu s da , Edwar d Ill' s physician VII 118 5 Cog, Robert le , bishop of Laon I 849 Corne, Lamber t del , o f Bruges , creditor o f Edward III, VII 120 5 Corner family , o f Venice : Federic o (activ e c. 1380 ) X V 349 Andre a and Federico , brothers (activ e i n the secon d quarte r of 15th century ) XIV 315, 321-2, 329 ; XV 349, 351 , 358 , 361 ; XV I 349 , table I , table II

5 Cornu, Joh n de , o f Cologne , knigh t VI I 1213 Cornwall, Pete r d e Gaveston , ear l o f (1307-12) II I 356 Cottingham, John , merchan t o f Yor k X I table I I Councils (Great) : a t Nottingha m (June , 1336) V 252 ; a t Nottingha m (September, 1336 ) V 252 , 257-8 ; XI 5 ; at Stamfor d (May-June, 1337) V 253; at Westminster (July , 1337 ) V 2534 ; a t Northampton (July , 1338 ) V 261, 263 ; VII 1150 , 1161 ; a t Westminste r (September, 1353 ) XI I 18 , 24-5 Courtrai (Flanders) , clot h industr y o f X V 353 Cove, Matthew, of Cologne VII1213 Coventry (co . Warwickshire) , cit y of , clot h industry o f XV 360 Crecy (Picardy) , battle of (1346) I 841 Crosby, John , alderma n o f Londo n (1468-76) XI V 328 Culpho, William , Eleano r Despenser' s wardrobe clerk III 36 1 Cusance, William , cler k o f younge r Hug h Despenser HI 346, 348-9 , 360 ; keeper of king's wardrob e (1340-1 ) I I 1186;'VI I 1145,1164,1176-7,1181,1183; XII 23 Cuyk, Otto , lord of , all y o f Edwar d III, IV 206; VII1163,1166,1179 Damiano d a Francesco , o f Venic e X V 351; XVI table I Damme (Flanders), harbou r o f IX 28 Dandolo, Geronimo, of Venice XV I table I; Girolamo XV 363 Datini, Francesco , merchan t o f Prat o (1335-1410): busines s branche s o f a t Barcelona XI V 310 ; a t Pis a X V 356 ; cloth trad e o f XI V 347 ; records o f XT V 309-10, 312; XV 3434, 347-8 David, a Je w o f Antwerp , credito r o f Edward III, VII 1191-2,1204 Delphin, Ambrogio , of Genoa XVI table I Denholm-Young, N. Ill 345 Denton, Robert , o f Newcastl e upo n Tyne , associate o f Willia m d e l a Pol e V I 21 ; VII 1159 ; I X 25 Derby, Henr y o f 'Grosmont' , ear l o f (1337-45), subsequentl y ear l an d duk e of Lancaste r (1345-61 ) VII1151,1155; X 15 ; X I tabl e I ; hostage fo r th e debt s of Edwar d III , VI I 1158 , 1164 , 1181 , 1185, 1199 , 1203 ; loa n o f jewel s t o Edward H I by (1340 ) VII 1176 , 1204- 5

Despenser, Hug h th e Elde r (1261-1326) , earl o f Wincheste r (1322-26 ) II I 356 , 358, 360-1; XII 26 Despenser, Hug h th e Younge r (f!326) II I 344-56, 358-61 ; XI I 26 ; wealt h o f II I 348-9; Londo n house o f ('hoste l d u noveal Temple' ) II I 35 2 Caerphilly (co . Glamorgan), castl e o f H I 352 , 362 ; his wife, Eleanor (de Clare) III 361 Devizes (co . Wiltshire) , tow n of , clot h industry at XV 350 Dolsely, Thomas , merchant and alderman of London (1355-60) X 5 Donington, Reginald , financia l agen t o f Edward III, VII 1167,1213 Dordrecht (Holland), harbour of II1187; VI 17; VI I 1147 ; I X 7 , 9 , 11 , 13 , 15-19 , 214, appendix ; X 3; XI6-7, 10 ; XII 24; 'bonds' of , issue d b y Edwar d III, V I 9 ; X 3 , 8 , 10 , 14 ; XI 10 ; XII 23 ; Edward Ill's seizur e o f woo l at (1338 ) I I 1184 ; VI 9,16,18-22; VII 1185-6; IX 13, 21-5 Doria family , o f Genoa : Antoni o X V 355 ; Francesco (shi p of ) X V 347 ; Stefan o (ship of) X V 356; XVI 347 Drisacorne, Francis , o f Genoa , credito r o f Edward III, VII 120 8 Droxford, John , keepe r o f th e king' s wardrobe (1295-1307 ) I I 1171-2 , 1176-8,1185 Due alias Hertoghe , Catherine le , daughte r of William , of Brussel s and William , her brother VI I 1166 , 1199 ; Clae s le , o f Brussels VII 1145,1198-9 ; William le, of Brussels VII 1145,1201 Duivenvoorde (Duvord) , Willia m van , lor d of Oosterhout, chamberlain o f the count of Hainault , creditor o f Edwar d HI, VII 11524,1162,1198 Dunstable, William , roya l purveyo r (1337-39) V 259 , 263 ; Thomas , hi s brother V 203 Duodo, Alessandro , o f Venic e XV I tabl e I Durham, cathedra l prior y of , declin e afte r 1348 o f revenues of I 845 Durham, county palatine o f I 845, XII 26 Duys, John, of Louvain, creditor of Edward HI, VII 1163,1202 Eastry, Henry , prio r o f Chris t Church , Canterbury (1285-1331) III 356 Echingham, William, collector o f poll tax of 1381 i n Sussex XII I 86 Edington, William , bisho p o f Wincheste r (1345-63), king' s treasure r (1344-56 )

6 XII 27 Edward I , Kin g o f Englan d (1272-1307 ) I 831-4, 836 , 839 ; II 1168-87; III 356; IV 198; V 251; X 2; XIV 295 Edward II , Kin g o f Englan d (1307-27 ) I 832-3, 838-9 ; HI 346, 348 , 355 , 359; IV 199; VI 14; XIV 298-3 0 Edward III , Kin g o f Englan d (1327-77 ) I 830, 839-42 , 847 , 851; II 1168,11704, 1177-8, 1181,1186 ; IV 199-203, 206-7 , 209-11; V 250-69 ; V I 8-24 ; VII 1142-6 , 1148-69, 1171 , 1173 , 1175-86 , 1189-93, 1201-5 , 1209 , 1212 ; VII I 74-7; I X 3 , 5-8 , 12-13 , appendix ; X 1-17; X I 3-4 , 6-12 , 16 , 20, table I ; XII 17-30; XII I 834 ; XI V 300, 3024; claim to th e Frenc h crow n o f V 253 ; estrangement fro m governmen t i n England durin g absenc e abroa d (133840) V 261-2 ; VII I 74-6 ; Grea t Crown o f pawne d abroad VI I 1154 , 1165-6,1190 Edward IV , Kin g of England (1461-83) XIV 332; XV 362 Edward, th e Black Prince (1330-76) I V 203; X15 Ellerker, brother s Joh n an d Nicholas , o f Newcastle on Tyne IV 205 Ellerker, John , cler k o f younge r Hug h Despenser HI 36 2 Embrono, Pietro , o f Genoa , shi p o f (14434) XIV 313-14 Essex, count y o f I 847 , 852-3 ; clot h industry o f X V 345, 348; XVI 351; poll tax o f 138 1 i n XII I 84-6 ; risin g i n May-June, 138 1 i n XIII 82 , 84-6 Estates Genera l (o f France) , a t Compiegn e (1382)1857 Eveloghe, Walter , o f Louvain , credito r o f Edward III, VII 120 2 Eyre, Simon , drape r an d alderma n o f London (1444-58) XV 361

Fagnano, Filippo, of Lucca XVI table I Falabrayne, Gaillard , o f Lucca , credito r o f Edward III, VII 1178 , 120 8 Falmouth (co . Cornwall) , harbou r o f XI V 298, 300 Faucogney, Henri , lord o f II1171 Fawtier, R. I 829 Feltplace, Walter , of Southampto n X V 36 0 Ferre, Guy , senescha l o f Gascon y II I 350 , 356 Fifanti, Albissus da, merchant of Florence I I 1176

Flanders, count y o f I X appendix ; X 11-13 ; XI 4-5 , 7-9 , 11-12 , 21 , table s I-III ; privateers o f XI I 25 ; shippin g o f (galleys) i n th e Mediterranea n (1312 ) XIV 297; - i n th e Anglo-Frenc h wa r o f 1297-8 ; economy o f 1186 ; financia l agent s o f Edward I i n II 1184 ; loan s contracte d by Edward I in 1176 , 1178 ; - i n th e Anglo-Frenc h wa r (133640) ; breaches o f ba n o n sale s o f woo l t o (1336-7) X I 6-7 , 10 ; condition s o f wool trad e i n (133840 ) I X 12-15 ; financial agent s o f Edwar d II I i n I I 1181; loan s raise d b y Edwar d II I i n (133840) I I 1187 ; VI I 1144-5 , 1204-5, 1207 ; X 12 ; Edwar d II I i n (Winter, 133940 ) VI I 1175 , 1177-9 ; XIII 83 ; Edwar d Ill' s secon d expedition t o (1340 ) VII 1181 ; - civi l war in (1379-85) XII I 78; XIV 307; XV 347 Flanders, Guy , coun t o f (1278-1305 ) I I 1172, 1185 ; subsidies b y Edwar d I to II 1185; Loui s d e Nevers , coun t o f (132846) V I 12 , 17-18 ; VI I 1175 ; Louis d e Male , coun t o f (1346-84 ) X I 21; Flanders, Henr y of , coun t o f Lodi I I 1173 ; VII 1166,1171-2,1174,119 7 Fleet prison (London) XI 10; XII 29 Florence (Tuscany) , cit y clot h industr y o f XIV 295-6 , 319 , 326 ; XV I 350-1 ; English woo l i n (a t th e Genoes e 'fondaco') XIV 299 ; merchant s of see Acciaiuoli; Alberti ; Bardi ; Bonaccorsi ; Franzesi; Frescobaldi ; Medici ; Peruzzi; Portinari; Pulci-Rimbertini ; merchant s of, exportin g Englis h woo l (13th-15t h centuries) XI V 294-5 , 297-8 , 300-2 , 305, 309 , 325 , 327 , 331 ; merchant s of exporting Englis h clot h (lat e 14th-15t h centuries) XIV 318, 325 ; X V 350, 354 ; shipping of : (1 ) merchan t galley s XIV 291-2, 308 , 311-5 , 318 , 325-7 , 331; XV 354, 356-7 , 359 , 362 ; XVI 350-1, tabl e I (2) sailing ships XIV 3 25 Fobbing (co . Essex) , risin g a t (May-June , 1381) XII I 85 Focea (Foglia ) (Asi a Minor) , Genoes e control o f alu m mine s of XI V 308 ; XV 347,360 Fourquin, C. I 833 Fountains (co . Yorkshire), Cistercian abbey, lender t o Edwar d III , I V 205 ; woo l

7 producer IX 9 France, kingdo m of , I passim; invasion b y Edward II I o f (September , 1339 ) VII 1163-4, 1167 , 1169 , 1171-2 , 1174-5 , 1179-80 Franzesi, o f Florence , bankers , Musciatt o and Bichio I 834 Fraunceys, Adam , merchan t an d alderma n of London (1352-75) X 5, 15 Frescobaldi, o f Florence , banker s I I 1171 , 1175-6, 1178 ; III 344 , 346-7, 355, 357, 359; XIV 294, 297 Galeys, Nicholas , o f Antwer p VI I 1191 , 1211 Galeys, Peter, goldsmith of Paris IV 203 Caret, Otto , co-owne r o f th e chie f pawnshop o f Bruges , 'l a grand e caversine' VII 1190; XI table II; See also Cahorse Carton, Thomas , keepe r o f th s king' s wardrobe (1329-31 ) IV 199 , 201-2, 206 Gascony I 834 , 854; II 1168-9 , 11734 ; V 259, 266 ; XIII 80 ; XV 346; royal wool shipments t o VI I 1162 ; seneschal o f V 254 Gattilusio, Giuliano, of Genoa XTV 330; XV 355 Genoa (Liguria) , cit y o f XI V 291 , 297-8, 317, 332 , 355-6; XVI 347; 'banco d i S. Giorgio' at XI V 316; XV 359, 362; XVI 3534; merchant s o f XI V 299 , 303 , 313-4, 324-5 ; X V 346-50 ; XV I 347-8 , 350-3; merchant s of , exportin g Englis h cloth XI V 310 , 318-9; X V 350, 3534; XVI 352-3 ; merchant s of , exportin g English woo l XI V 306 ; merchants of , resident i n England , seizur e of good s of by Henr y VI (1458 ) XI V 318, 330; XV 354-5, 358 ; defianc e o f Englis h regulations b y X V 348-9 , 353-4 , 357, 363; loan s contracte d fro m Englis h merchants b y (1461-63 ) XI V 328 ; merchants of , importin g int o Englan d and Flander s alu m and dye s XIV 2934, 308-10, 316-7 , 320 , 322 ; XV 346-8 , 353, 359 , 362; XV I 3534; shippin g of : (1) galleys XI V 297-300 , 30 4 (2) sailing ships XI V 293, 295, 297-8, 302 , 304-5, 308-9, 3124 , 324 , 332; XV 346-9, 353, 359, 362; XVI 348, 350, 355 Gerardyn, James , credito r o f Edwar d HI , VII 1183 , 120 8 Gertruidenberg (Holland) , tow n of , breakdown o f th e Englis h woo l

company i n conferenc e a t V I 17 , 19 , 21-2 Ghent (Flanders) , tow n o f I I 1170 , 1173; VI 18 ; X 12 ; XI 11, table II; cloth o f XI 12-13; lender s t o Edwar d II I fro m X I 13; loan b y th e Bardi and Peruzzi to th e municipality o f VI I 1185 ; proclamation of Edwar d II I a s kin g of Franc e a t VI I 1175; subsidy fro m Edwar d III received by VII1180 Gildesburgh, John, Speake r in Northampton parliament (November-December , 1380) XIII 80 Giustiniani, Bernardo , o f Venic e X V 352; Marco, o f Venic e X V 350 ; XVI 351-2, table I Code, John , younge r Hug h Despenser' s Valet'III 361 Goldbeter, Henry , o f Yor k IX 8; John, th e younger, o f York , merchan t an d financier VI I 1187-8 ; X 3-5 , 13-14; XI 3-21, table s Mil Gower, John, poet I 851 Gra, Thomas , merchan t o f Yor k XI table I Grafton, John, merchant of York XI table II Granada (Spain) , kingdo m o f XI V 319; XV 356 Green, Henry, king's justice XII 27 Griffon, Ludekinu s de, of Cologne VII1213 Grille, Percivale, o f Genoa, ship of (14434) XIV 313 , 316 ; X V 358 ; Simone , o f Genoa, ship of (1442-3) X V 360 Gringley (co . Nottinghamshire), mano r o f Queen Philipp a sol d t o Willia m d e l a Pole XII 21-2, 24, 29 Gryn, Richivin, of Cologne VII 1213 Guido, Angel, of Catalonia VII1183,1186 , 1206-7, 1209 Guelders, Reginal d II , coun t o f (afte r 1 9 March, 133 9 duke of ) I I 1173 ; VI 17 ; VII 1146-7 , 1153 , 1155-6 , 1163 , 11724, 1179-8,1189 , 1194 Guildford (co . Surrey) , tow n of , clot h industry of XV 345, 348; XVI 351 Hainault, Joh n of , Lor d o f Beaumont , brother o f Coun t Willia m I o f Hainaul t II 1173 ; I V 202-3 , 206-7 , 210 ; VI I 11734,1180,1195 Hainault an d Holland , Willia m II , coun t o f (133745) I I 1170 , 1173 ; VII 1146 , 1165-6,1173,1194 Halen (alias Mirabello) , Simon van, ruwaert of Flander s VI I 1166 , 1176-7 , 1190 , 1197,1204

8 Hampshire, cloth industr y of XV 347 Hanseatic merchant s in England X 2-3, 5; XI 8; loan s t o Edwar d II I b y VI I 1164 , 1169-70, 1178 , 1196 , 1200 , 1205 , 1213-6; custody o f th e Englis h customs by (1340-43) VII1215 Hardevust, Everar d (i n Vic o Reni) , o f Cologne, credito r o f Edwar d III , VI I 1212-3 Hartlepool (co . Durham) , harbour of XI 14, table HI Hastings, Isabella , younge r Hug h Despenser's sister HI 361 Hatfield, Thomas , receive r o f king' s chamber (f!381 ) I I 1170 ; VI I 1143 , 1174 Haxby, William, merchant XI 5,19 Heers, Jacques XIV 291; XV 344 Henry III, King of England (1216-72) V 251 Henry IV , Kin g o f Englan d (1399-1413 ) I 853; XIII 88 Henry V , Kin g of Englan d (1413-22 ) I 824 , 860 Henry VI , Kin g o f Englan d (1422-61 , 1470-71) XI V 312 , 318 , 330 ; X V 34 4 Henry VIII , King of England (150947) XIV 332-3 Hereford, Humphre y d e Bohun , ear l o f (1275-98) I 832 ; Humphre y de Bohun , earl of (1299-1322) H I 350, 355 , 358 Hillary, Roger , chief justic e of the Common Pleas XII 27 Holland, Flori s V , coun t o f (1256-96 ) I I 1172; Joh n I , count o f (1296-9) I I 117 2 Horses (fo r war) , pledge d fo r debt s o f Edward III, VII 115 8 Hosting regulation s (English) , enforcemen t of i n Londo n XI V 312 ; X V 351 , 361 , 363; Genoes e defianc e o f X V 348-9 , 353, 363 ; ineffectivenes s o f a t Southampton X V 363 Hovingham, Roger, merchant XI 5, 21 Hughes, Dorothy VI 8,16 Hull (Kingsto n upo n Hull ) (Eas t Riding , co. Yorkshire), harbou r o f I I 1182-3 ; VI I 1160; I X 4 , 7 , 10-11 , 16-19 , 27 , appendix; X I 3 , 6 , 8 , 14 , 18 , table HI ; XII 22 , 29; XIV 300; commercial rivalry with York of XI 8 Hungerford, John , M. P. for Somerset (July , 1340)V 269 Huntingdon, Willia m Clinton , ear l o f (1337-54) V 252 Hurle, William , king's chie f carpente r (firs t half of 14t h century ) III 352 , 362

Imperiale, Ilario, o f Genoa, ship of (1443-4) XIV 313 4 Isabella, Quee n o f England (f!358 ) IV 206 Italian banker s i n Englan d (c . 1290 - c . 1345): bankruptcie s o f I I 1175 ; X 2 ; XIV 302 ; busines s record s o f II I 347 , 350-3, 357 ; deposit s wit h II I 345-52 , 354-9; efficienc y o f II I 344 , 354 ; I V 202-4; exchange transaction s o f III 349 , 354; loan s t o th e Englis h king s I I 1174-6; I V 2004 , 207-8 ; VI I 1147 , 11524, 1158 , 1160-2 , 1185 ; losses of II 1174-6; VII 1158-9 , 1185 ; profits of III 344, 348 , 354-5 ; I V 209-11; VII 1162 ; XIV 300-2 ; woo l trad e o f I I 1180 ; II I 359; VI I 1161-2 ; I X 12 ; XI V 294-5 , 300-2; wool expor t t o Florenc e b y XIV 295-6, 301- 2 Jacquerie (peasan t risin g i n Beauvaisis , Picardy(1358)I849;XIII76 Jervaulx (co . Yorkshire) , Cistercia n abbey , wool producer IX 9 Johan, Massy , Italian merchan t at Bruges XI table II John, Kin g of Franc e (1349-64 ) I 829, 843 , 845, 848 , 850 ; captur e o f a t Poitier s (1356) I 842 John th e Fearless , duk e o f Burgund y (1404-19) I 859-60 John, so n o f Simo n o f Ghent , burges s o f Bruges, creditor o f Edward HI, VII 120 5 Juliers, William , margrav e o f I I 1173 ; I V 206-7; VI I 1146-7 , 1155-6 , 1166 , 11724, 1180,1195 Kayser, William , of Boston , wool merchan t 1X20 Kelsterne, William , merchan t o f Yor k X I table I; Walter, of York XI10 Kent, count y I 842 , 853 ; taxatio n o f (1338-9) V 256 ; risin g i n (May-June , 1381) XII I 82, 84 Kerling, N. IX 6 Kerman, William , o f Malines , credito r o f Edward III, VII1203 Kilsby, William , keepe r o f th e priv y sea l (1338-42) VII 119 5 Lancaster, Thomas , ear l o f (1298-1322 ) II I 355, 358-9 ; Henry , ear l of (132645) IV 1206 Lancaster, Joh n o f Gaun t (1340-99) , duk e of (1361-99 ) XIII 80 ; birth o f a t Ghent

9 VII 1201 ; his claims to crown of Castille XIII 80, 85 Lane, F. C. XV 344 Langres (Champagne), dioces e of I 851 Langton, Walter , keepe r o f th e king' s wardrobe (1290-95) , treasure r (1295-1307), bisho p o f Coventr y (1296-1321) I I 1171 , 1175-6 ; III 350 , 354-7, 35 9 Languedoc I 830 , 845 , 854-6 , 858 , 860 ; Estates of I 849; treasure r of I 828 Lantele, Joh n de , merchan t o f Lombardy , creditor o f Edward III, VII1208 Lape, Peres, of Pistoia VII1206 Latilly, Pierre , chancello r o f Franc e (1313-14) I 836-37 Leghorn (Livorno ) (Tuscany) , harbou r o f XIV 325 Leicester (co . Leicestershire) , tow n o f X I table III Leopardi o f Asti , pawnbroke r o f Maline s VII 1174 , 1180 , 1183 , 1209 ; XI V 302 Lercari (Lercario) , Simone , merchan t o f Genoa XV 345, 352 , 354- 5 Lewis, o f Bavaria , Empero r (1314-47 ) I I 1170; VII1146,1156,115 7 Leyns, Mar con de, of Catalonia VII1183 Libelle ofEnglyshe Polycye (c . 1436-8) XIV 315-6, 320, 327; XV 358-9 Liege, Adolph e d e la Marche , bishop o f VII 1148 Lierre (Brabant) , tow n of , cloth industry of XV 353 Limburg, Tidemann, merchant of Dortmund (Westphalia) VII 1205; X 5-6 Lincoln (co . Lincolnshire) , cit y o f IX 9,16, 26 Lincoln, Henr y d e Lacy , ear l o f (1272-1311) II 1169 ; II I 355 , 357 , 359 Lincolnshire, inquirie s int o abuse s o f officials i n (1341) V 259 Lindsey, Thomas , merchan t o f Yor k X I 5 , 7-9,18, table I Loef, Gerard, of Cologne VII1213 Loen, Hertwin von VII 121 5 Lomellini, o f Genoa , Giovann i X V 355 ; Tommaso XV 355 London, cit y of X 16; XI 5,13-14, table HI ; XIV 330 ; X V 345 , 347-8 , 360 ; XV I 346, 348 , 355 , tabl e III ; loan s t o Edward II I by I 827 ; IV 205; VII1196; economic distres s a t V 264 ; hostin g accounts a t X V 343-4, 349 , 351 , 361 , 363; Italia n community in XIV 325; XV 343; Londo n supplier s o f clot h t o

Italian community X V 361; lenders t o Edward H I i n th e Netherland s fro m (133940) VI I 1175 ; merchant s of XVI 354, tabl e III ; exporting Cotswol d wool (1337-8) XI V 306 ; harbour o f I I 1183 ; IX 22 , 24 ; XI V 295 , 298 , 300 , 305 , 307, 310-3 , 332 ; XV 346; Southampton (co. Hampshire ) a s outpor t o f X V 359-60 Loos, Thierry of Heinsberg, count of, ally of Edward III, VII 114 6 Louis IX , Kin g o f Franc e (1223-1270 ) I 824,827;V 251 Louis X, King of France (1314-16 ) I 838 Louvain (Brabant) , tow n of , lender s t o Edward H I fro m VI I 1144 , 1163-4 , 1172, 1179 , 1181-2 , 1202-3 ; adherence to Edwar d II I o f (1340 ) VI I 1145 , 1177-8 Level, William , knigh t o f younge r Hug h Despenser II I 361 Lucas, Agnes, of London , woo l exporter XI 17-18 Lucca (Tuscany) , cit y o f se e Bartholomei ; Bellardi; Busdraghi ; Rapondi ; Riccard i (all merchant companies o f Lucca ) Lucca, Giorgi o da , o f Florenc e XV I table I Ludlow, Laurence , merchan t O f 1294) I I 1180-1 Lutiano, Antonio de, of Genoa XV 355 Lutrington, Adam, merchant o f York XI 5 , 19 Luzzatto, Gin o XIV 296 Lynn (co . Norfolk) , harbour o f I X 28; X 7; XI 4, 14-15 , 17-18, tabl e III Lyprandi, Gabriel , Italia n merchan t a t Bruges XI table II Magna Cart a (1215) , deman d fo r confirmation o f V 259 Mainz (Franconia) , archbisho p of , subsid y by Edward III to VII 121 2 Majorca (Baleari c Islands) , cloth o f XV 356; English clot h exporte d to XV 354; ships of i n nort h wester n Europ e XI V 293 , 295, 297, 302 Malabayla o f Asti , bankers VII 1186,1191 ; XI19; XIV 3034 Malaga (Spain) , cit y o f XI V 318 ; X V 356; XVI 348 Malapris, Dynus, creditor o f Edward HI, VII 1209 Malines (Brabant) , cit y of , cloth industr y of XV 353 ; lenders to Edward III from VI I 1144, 1148 , 1155-6 , 1158 , 1164,1174 ,

10 1177, 1180-1 , 1183 , 1185-6 , 1188 , 1190; politica l adherence t o Edwar d II I (1340) VII1144,1177-8 Mallett, Michae l XI V 291 , 311 , 326 ; X V 344; XVI 345 Malwayn, John , merchan t o f Londo n X 4, 16; X I 3 ; William, collector o f custom s at Lynn XI 4; XII 30 Manby, John, merchan t o f York X I table I ; Thomas, merchant o f York XI table I Mannini, merchant s o f Florenc e (activ e under Richar d II) XV 35 3 Marcanuovo, Giovanni , o f Venic e XI V 322 , 329; X V 349; XVI 349 table I; Lorenzo , of Venice , residen t i n Englan d X V 349-52, 358 , 360-1 ; XV I 348-50 , tabl e I, table III Marcel, Etienne , prevo t de s marchand s o f Paris I 835-6 Marck, Conra d d e la , brothe r o f Bisho p Adolphe o f Liege II1173; VII 119 6 Mare, Ada m d e la, attorney o f the sherif f of Somerset an d Dorse t a t th e exchequer , freed o n complain t o f th e Hous e o f Commons (1340) V 269 Maulay, Eleanor, Lad y HI 362 Mauny, Walter de VII1158 Meaux (Eas t Riding , co . Yorkshire) , Cistercian abbe y I X 3; XII17 Medici, of Florence , bankers , alu m trad e o f XV 359 , 362 ; Londo n branc h o f (headed b y Sim one Nori) XIV 324, 329; XV 357 , 362 ; Rom e branch o f (heade d by Giovann i Tornabuoni ) XV 359; XVI 354 Meine, Peter , o f th e compan y o f Cocc o o f Venice, 4. v. VII 1148,1184, 120 9 Melchebourn, brothers , farmer s o f Englis h royal custom s (1343-5) ; Thomas , merchant o f Lyn n VI I 1212-3 ; X 3-5 , 8-11; Wiilliam , merchan t o f Lyn n VI I 1160-1, 1163 , 1172 , 1178 , 1187 , 1202-3;X 3,10-11; XII 25,27 Melis, Federigo XI V 312; XV 3434, 348 Menythorp, Thomas , merchan t o f Yor k X I table I Merchant assemblie s (English) : a t Nottingham (September , 1336 ) V 257-8; a t Stamfor d (May-June, 1337) V 253; a t Westminste r (July , 1337 ) V 253 Middelburg (Islan d o f Walcheren, Zeeland), town of IX 19,21,23,28 Mikele, Jaunoru s de , merchan t o f Florenc e II 117 6 Milan, English woo l importe d int o XI V 299

Miller, Edward V 264 Mirabello, Leon, of Asti VII 120 4 Mirot, Leon VII 118 5 Miskimin, H. A. I 830 Mocenigo, Tommaso , dog e o f Venic e (f 1423) X V 35 2 Mollat,M.I851 Molyns, John , stewar d o f chambe r land s (133740) V H 1167 ; VII I 74 , 76-8 ; IX 13,appendix Montague, Willia m (130244) , subsequentl y earl o f Salisbur y (133744 ) I V 203 ; V 252; VI I 1174 , 1177-8 , 1216 ; I X appendix; hostag e fo r th e debt s o f Edward III, VII 1158,1199 Montbreton, Simon , -younge r Hug h Despenser's constabl e o f Bristo l Castl e 111351,362 Monte, Wesselin de VII 121 5 Monte Florum , Pau l d e (fl359) , financia l agent o f Edwar d III , I I 1169 , 1171 ; VI 13, 21-2 ; VI I 1144 , 1148-9 , 1153-5 , 1157-62, 1165-6 , 1168-9,11714, 1182 , 1185-9, 1192 , 1194 , 1196 , 1198-1203 , 1209-10, 1212 ; I X 12-14 , 23, appendix; X 14; XII 30 Monte Magno, Gabriel de , of Asti VII 1174 , 1190,1209; see also Leopardi Monte Selio, Peter de , Cardinal IV 203 Montgomery, John , financia l agen t o f Edward HI, VII 1156 Montpellier (Languedoc), town of I 855 Morelli, Paolo , o f Florence , Italia n agen t a t Southampton X V 360; XVI table I Morley, Robert II I 362 Mortimer, Constantine , knigh t o f younge r Hugh Despenser II I 351, 353, 360- 1 Mortimer, Roge r (c . 1287-1330) , ear l o f March (1328-30) IV 199, 206 ; XII 26 Mouns, Godfrey de , o f Brussels , creditor o f Edward III, VII 1199-1201 Mozzi, of Florence, bankers II 117 6 Muddepenyng, Henry , o f Dortmund , creditor o f Edward III, VII 215 Murimuth, Adam , chronicle r V 264-5 ; VII 1167 Myton (co . Yorkshire) , i n Swaledal e (woo l producing region ) I X 9,17 Nantes (Brittany), cit y o f XI 21 Nateby, Richard , cler k o f younge r Hug h Despenser III 361 Naval raids , by French o n England (1338) V 262

Netherlands I 839 ; X I 6-7; XII 19 , 22 ; XVI 345; trade of XV 345, 348; XVI 35 3; - expeditio n o f Edward I to (1294-8); allies of Edwar d I fro m I I 1172 ; Englis h merchants in II 1176 ; - expeditio n o f Edwar d I t o (1297-8 ) II 1168-9, 1174 , 1178 , 1183 , 1186 ; expenditure of Edward I in II1176; - preparation s of Edward III for expedition to (1336-8) ; embargo on export of wool to V I 12-13 , 17 ; negotiation s fo r alliances in V 252; VI 11,15; - expedition s o f Edward III to (133840) II 1168, 1171 , 1173 ; V 263 ; VI I 1142 , 1145; borrowing by Edward III in II 11 ; VII1198-1216, tables I-III Neuchatel, Thibault, lord o f II1171 Newcastle o n Tyne , harbou r o f I I 11834 ; IX 27; XI, table II I Niccolo d i Stefano , Italia n merchan t XV I table I Nimes (Languedoc), city o f I 856 Norfolk, county o f I 840, 85 2 Norfolk, Roge r Bigod , earl of (1270-1306) I 832; Thomas , ear l of (1312-38) III 348 , 351, 356, 360-1 ; IV 206; V 264 Normandy (France) , duch y o f I 833 , 837 , 856 Normanni, James , o f Lucca , credito r o f Edward III, VII1178,1208 Northallerton (co . Yorkshire ) (woo l producing region) IX 9,17 Northampton, Willia m Bohun , ear l o f (1337-60) VII I 76-7 ; hostag e fo r th e debts of Edward III, VII1164,1177 Northburgh, Michael , keepe r of the priv y seal (1350-54) XII 27 Northburgh, Roger, bishop o f Lichfield (an d Chester) (1321-58) III 351, 36 0 Northleach (co . Gloucestershire) , centr e o f wool trade XIV 306 Northumberland I 845 Norwell, keepe r o f th e king' s wardrob e (133840) II 1170-1 , 1173 , 1181,1186 ; VI 13 ; VI I 1143 , 11534 , 1158-61 , 1168-9, 1171-2 , 1176 , 1181 , 1191 , 1194-7,1205; IX 25; XII 23, 28 Nottingham (co . Nottinghamshire) , tow n of IX 10,26 'Noumbre o f Weights' (Brit . Libr. Cottonian ms., Vespasia n EIX , fo . 108 r) XI V 3234; XVI 355 Odendorf, Zilki n von, o f Cologn e VI I 121 3 Ogbourne, prior o f (dependency o f abbey of

11

Bee i n Normandy) , loa n t o Edwar d III by IV 205 Orleton, Adam , bisho p o f Wincheste r (133345) V 252 Orwell (co . Suffolk) , harbou r o f V I 15 ; IX 19 Osgodby, Adam , chancer y cler k II I 350 , 356 Osnabriick, Joh n von , compensatio n fo r losses cause d b y Englis h sailor s t o VI I 1170 Overstolz alias d e Porta , John , o f Cologn e VII1213 Palastrella, Alessandro, of Lucca XVI table I Palatinate o f the Rhine , Ruprecht, count of , ally of Edward HI, VII 114 6 Paris, cit y o f I 829 , 835 , 848-9 , 857-9 ; th e Temple a t I 835 ; university o f I 859 ; I I 1176 Parisis (France), regio n of I 833 Parliaments: a t Westminste r (March , 1337 ) V 252 ; (February , 1338 ) V 254 ; (February, 1339 ) V 262 ; (October , 1339) V 265-7 ; V I 24 ; VI I 1175 ; (January, 1340 ) V 267-8; (March, 1340 ) V 268-9; (July, 1340) V 269; the 'Good' (April-July, 1376 ) XII I 75 ; XIV 306; at Northampton (November-December , 1380) XH I 75-80 ; a t Westminste r (November, 1381-February , 1382 ) XII I 87; (October, 1382 ) XIII 88 Pasqueligo, Bernardo , o f Venice XV I table I Payl, Walter , o f Melto n Mowbra y (co . Leicestershire) X 15; XI 3 Peasants' Revol t (1381), in England I 825-6; XIII 75, 81-2, 84- 7 Pegolotti, Francesc o Balducci , o f Florenc e IX 9; XIV 298-9 Peletta, Louis , of Asti VII1204-5 Pembridge, William X 15 Perrin, Ch. E. I 824 Peruzzi, o f Florence , banker s (bankrupte d 1342-3) I I 1172 , 1187 ; VII I 77-8 ; I X 12-13; XI V 300-2 ; banker s o f younge r Hugh Despense r (1321-6 ) II I 346-56 , 358-62; withdrawa l fro m dealing s wit h the Englis h king s (1326-36 ) I V 200-1 ; bankers o f Edward III (133642 ) VI11; VII 11434 , 1146 , 1149 , 1150 , 11524 , 1158-65, 1169-71 , 1174 , 1176 , 1181 , 1183, 1185-6 , 1192 , 1197 , 1199 , 1201-2, 1204 , 1206 , 1213 , 1216 ; XI I 17, 23 ; difficultie s o f (1338-9 ) VI I 1158-9; bankruptcy of (1342-3) X 2

12 Pessagno, Antonio , o f Genoa , banke r XI V 299-300; senescha l o f Gascon y XI V 299; galley s o f XI V 300 ; Manuel , hi s brother, Admira l o f Portuga l XI V 29 9 Peterborough, abbey o f VIII 77- 8 Philip I V ('th e Fair') , Kin g o f Franc e (1285-1314) I 826-7 , 831 , 833-8 , 842 ; II 117 1 Philip VI , Kin g o f Franc e (1328-50 ) I 826 , 829, 835 , 839 , 843 ; I V 203 ; V 252-3 ; VII1145 Philip th e Good , duk e o f Burgund y (1419-67) XV 345 Philipoccus, Henry , butle r o f Archbisho p Baldwin of Trier VII1211 Philippa, Queen of England (f!369) IV 201 , 203-4; VII 1151,1177, 1201,1206; XII 21-2, 24 , 29 ; Grea t Crow n of pawne d abroad VI I 1212 ; Secon d Crow n o f pawned abroad VII 120 8 Picard, Henry , merchan t an d alderma n o f London (1348-61 ) VII 1207 ; X 5-6, 15 Pickerell, William , saddle r o f Londo n H I 352, 362 Pigli, Gerozzo , o f Florence , agen t o f th e Medici in England XVI table I Pisa (Tuscany) , cit y o f X V 347; customs of XIV 318 ; outport o f (Porto Pisano) XIV 325; X V 357; shipbuilding at XI V 326 ; staple fo r Englis h wool at (14914) XIV 331-2 Pisani, Bertuccio, of Venice VII1184,1210; Niccolo, of Venice XV 350 Picket, Nicholas, merchant o f London X 15 Poilevilain, Jean , maste r o f Frenc h roya l mint I 849-50 Poitiers (Poitou) , battle o f (1356) I 848 Pole, John de la, of Hull (brother o f Richard and Willia m q . v. ) V I 17 ; I X 20 , 224 ; Richard, o f Hull , alderma n o f Londo n (133040) (t!345 ) I V 200-2 , 204 , 207-8; VI11; IX 4 Pole, Willia m de la, o f Hull , banneret (sinc e 1339) Cj-1366 ) I I 1187 ; I V 200-2 , 204 , 207-8; V I 11 , 13 , 15-17 , 19-21 ; VI I 1143, 11524,1159-60,1162-3,11704 , 1176, 1181 , 1187 , 1192 , 1194-5,1197 , 1205, 1209 , 1214 ; VII I 77-8 ; I X 3-29 , appendix; X 9-11 ; X I 3 , 7 , 10 , 18 , 21 , table I ; XI I 17-30 ; trials o f II 1173 ; V I 19-20; XI I 19-23 , 26-30 ; sons of XII 29; Michael, eldes t so n of , ear l o f Suffol k (1385-8), lor d chancello r (1383-6 ) IX 4; XII 17 , 26, 30 Pole, Joh n d e la (1462-87) , ear l o f Lincol n

(1467-87), hei r o f Kin g Richar d II I (since 1484) I X 4; XII 17-1 8 Potenhale, Richard , Englis h roya l purveyor (133940) V 266 Ponte, Giovann i de , o f Ast i VI I 1204 ; Giovanni de, of Venice XVI table I Portinari, o f Florence , banker s VI I 1149 , 1155,1160,1166,1185-6,1210 Portugal, kingdo m of , Englis h expedition t o (1381) XHI 80-1, 85 Potenhale, Richard , Englis h roya l purveyor (133940) V 266 Power, Eileen VI 22; X 1; XIV 323 Prest, Walter, merchant of Melton Mowbray (co. Leicestershire ) VII-1205 ; I X 9 ; X 10 Provana brothers , o f Asti , factor s o f th e Malabayla o f Ast i i n Englan d XI V 30 4 Provence, county o f I 845; harbours of XIV 327 Pulci an d Rimbertini , o f Florence , banker s II 1176 ; II I 346, 350, 355- 6 Pulteney, John , merchan t an d alderma n (1327-38) o f Londo n (f!349 ) II I 362 ; X 5 , 14-15 ; XI table III ; Londo n house of XI13 Pyel, John , merchan t an d alderma n o f London (1369-77) X 5, 15 ; XI 3, 18 Quarti, of Lucca, merchants XV 353 Quattermart, Henry , 'vicecomes ' Cologne, knight VII 121 2

of

Rabatta, F. da, of Florence XVI table I Ragusa (Dubrovnik , Dalmatia), ships of XIV 333 Rapondi, o f Lucca , banker s VI I 1184-5 , 1210 Reading (co . Berkshire) , Benedictine abbey, valuables o f len t t o Edwar d HI , VI I 1154 Redingen, Rudolp h van , o f Louvain , creditor of Edward III, VII1202 Reims (Champagne) , St . Remi , abbo t o f I 834 Revele, famil y o f Germa n merchants : Alvinus VII 1214 ; Godekinus , keeper of the Englis h royal customs (134043) VII 1177-8, 1214-6 ; Thileman VII 121 5 Rey, M. I 824 Reype, Piero de la XVI table I Riccardi, of Lucca, bankers II 1174-5,1179 , 1181-2, 1184;III 345-6; XIV 294-5 Richard II , Kin g o f Englan d (1377-99 ) I 851; XII 27; XIII 76, 79-80, 87

13

Richard III , Kin g of England (1483-5) IX 4; XII17 Richmond (co . Yorkshire ) IX 9,17 Richmond, Joh n d e Bretagne , ear l o f (1306-34) II 1169; III 360- 1 Rievaulx (co . Yorkshire) , Cistercia n abbey , wool producer IX 9 Rikier, John, of Malines, creditor o f Edward III, VII1202-3 Ripon, John , merchan t o f Yor k X I table I Roelants, Walter, of Louvain VII1202 Roier, Perceval , co-owne r o f th e chie f pawnshop o f Bruge s (l a grand e caversine') VI I 1190 ; X I tabl e II ; Se e also Cahorse Rokeby, Thomas , keepe r of Edinburg h an d Stirling castle s V 267 Romsey (co . Hampshire) , villag e of , centr e for clot h finishin g (15t h century ) XI V 319-20, 330; X V 353; XVI 353; Flemish cloth sen t fo r finishin g t o XI V 319-20; attack b y me n o f o n Italian s a t Southampton (1450 ) XIV 330 Roover, R . de VII 1188-9 ; XVI 345-6, 350 , 353 Rouen (Normandy), city o f I 854, 85 7 Rouston, John, merchant XI4 Ruddock, A . XIV 306-7, 332 ; XV 343, 347 , 363; XVI 346 Rudham, Geoffrey , cler k o f younge r Hug h Despenserlll 361 Russel, Elias, merchant of London, financial agent o f Edwar d I , I I 1176-7 , 1181 , 1184-5 Rygeton, William , merchan t o f Yor k X I table II St. Anna ter Muiaen (Arnemutha, Flanders) , harbour o f IX 28 St. Flour (Auvergne ) I 854 Salisbury (co . Wiltshire) , cit y o f XI V 320 ; XV 360 Salisbury, earl of see Montague, William Salvage, Giuliano, cloth merchan t o f Geno a XV 35 5 Sancasciano, o f Pisa , clot h merchant s X V 345, 352 , 356-7; XVI 351 Sandwich (co. Kent), harbour o f VI15; XIV 295, 298-9, 313 , 321- 2 Sapori, Armando VII1159 Sarton, Gade, o f Lucca , creditor o f Edward III, VII1210 Scala, of Florence, bankers III 350 Scargill, William , M . P . fo r Yorkshir e (February, 1339 ) V 263

Scorby, Henry, merchant of York XI 10 Scotelaere, Jame s van , o f Bruge s VII 119 7 Scotland I 845 ; Englis h invasio n of (1296 ) H 1169 , 1173 , 1175 ; Edwar d Ill's war against V 255^6 , 258 , 260 , 267-9 ; VII 1143; I X 4-6 ; Englis h defenc e o f Scottish borde r XIII 80 Scrope, Richard , archbisho p o f Yor k (1398-1405)1853 Segrave, Hugh , lord , king' s treasure r (1381-6) XIII 87 Segre, Robert , financia l agent o f Edward I, 111170,1172,1177,1181,1185-6 Serre, Joh n de , creditor o f Edward III, VII 1204-5 Shakelok, John, merchant o f Yor k X I table I, table II Shareshull, Si r William , chie f justic e o f King's Bench (1351-61) XII 25-7 Shepeye, Simon , garderobe r o f younge r Hugh Despenser III 36 2 Shirburn, William , merchan t o f Yor k X I table I Sicily, kingdo m o f I 856 ; Englis h clot h exported t o XVI 354 Silkeston, Robert , cler k o f younge r Hug h Despenser III 346 Silva, Godescalcu s VI I 215 ; Joh n an d Thomas, his brothers VII1215 Skelton, William, merchant o f Yor k XI4-5, 89, table I Sletholm, Richard, business agent of William de la Pole IX 11, 20 Sluis (Flanders), harbour of VII1179,1186; IX 19 , 27-8; XIV 295, 297, 312, 32 2 Smale, John , cler k o f younge r Hug h Despenser HI 353, 36 2 Smythusen, Constantine , Germa n merchant VII 121 6 Soranzo, Bertuccio, merchant of Venice XV 350 Southampton (co . Hampshire) , harbour and town o f I I 1184 ; XI V 292, 298 , 300 , 302-3, 305-10 , 313-22 , 324-5 , 327 , 330-3; X V 348-9 , 3534 , 356-62 ; XVI 346-8, 351 , 353-5 , tabl e I , tabl e III ; attacks o n alien s a t (1319 ) XI V 292 ; French attac k o n (October , 1338 ) XI V 302; hostin g account s o f X V 363 ; Italian colony a t XIV 325 Southorp, Gawain , maste r o f Londo n min t IV 205 Spain, o n the trad e rout e between Ital y and England XI V 317-9, 327 ; XV 348, 352 , 354, 357- 8

14 Speculo, John de, of Cologne VII 121 3 Spieenare (alias Spissenaghel) , Sifrid , German merchant VII 1215- 6 Spinelli, family , o f Genoa , merchant s XT V 319; XV 353; XVI 35 3 Spini, of Florence, bankers I I 1180 ; III 357 Spissenaghen, Zenardus , Germa n merchan t VII 215 Stave, Hildeger von, of Cologne VII1212 Stratford, John , bisho p o f Wincheste r (1323-33) II I 349 , 351 ; I V 206 , 208 ; archbishop o f Canterbur y (1333-48 ) V 253, 267 ; V I 234 ; VI I 1170 , 1175 , 1205; IX 12, 22; XII19 Strayer, J. R. I 833, 837 Sturler, Jean de II 117 9 Sturmy, Robert , o f Bristol , ship s o f captured b y a Genoese pirat e XI V 330; XV 355-8 Sudbury, Simon , archbisho p o f Canterbur y (1375-81), lord chancellor (1380-1) XIII 77-9, 81 Suderman, famil y o f Germa n merchants , of Dortmund: Hildebran d VI I 1197 , 1214-5; John, th e elder , hi s brother VI I 1214-5; John, th e younger VII1215 Suffolk I 852 ; pol l tax o f 138 1 i n XII I 82 , 84-6; rising in June, 138 1 i n XIII 86 Sully, Henr y de , chie f butle r o f Phili p V of France III 35 1 Swanland, Thomas , merchan t o f London , farmer o f th e custom s (1346-9), partner of Walte r Chirito n q . v . X 4, 7 , 12 , 16 ; XI 11-13, 17; XII 26-7

(1352-73), lor d chancello r (1349-56 ) XII 2 7 Thorp, John , envo y o f th e Englis h roya l council to Edward III (1339) V 262 Tideswell, Henry, merchant of Stamford VI I 1172;IX7,9;X10 Tin, seizure s o f i n Devo n an d Cornwal l (1338)V 261 Tolfa (Papa l State), alu m mines of XIV 316; XV 358; XVI 353 Toulousain, region of I 836, 837, 849 Toulouse I 827, 85 5 Tournai (Flanders) , cit y of , sieg e of (1340 ) VII 1145 , 117 8 Trappe, John, saddler, of London III 362 Treasurer (o f England) , replacement o f VIII 74, 76-7 Treharne, Reginald Francis VI 24 Trier, Baldwi n vo n Luxemburg , archbisho p of VI I 1155,1165-6 , 1181,1191, 1211 ; Great Crow n o f England pledge d t o VII 1155,1191,1211 Trowbridge (co . Wiltshire) , tow n of , clot h industry o f XV 35 0 Troyes (Champagne) , cit y o f I 828 ; treat y of (1420 ) I 824 Tuchins (popula r rebel s i n centra l Franc e (1363-84)) I 854, 856-7 Tunis (Nort h Africa) , tow n of , expor t o f English cloth t o X V 356; XVI 348 Turplingon, Hugh , knight o f younge r Hugh Despenser (f!330) III 352, 362 Tyssebury, Richard , treasure r o f younge r Hugh Despenser a t Bristol II I 349

Talany, Alexander , credito r o f Edwar d III , VII1168,1187,1210 Talbot, Richard , nephe w o f younge r Hug h Despenser III 36 2 Taxation (English) : on movables I 832, 842 , 847-8; IV 208-9; V 255-7; XIII 76-7, 88; on woo l (direc t taxes ) V 260-1, 268 ; VI 24; VI I 1161-2 , 1168 ; VII I 74-5 ; o n people (paris h ta x an d poll taxes) I 848 , 852-3; XII I 77-82 , 84-7 ; wa r taxatio n (1294-8)1 832-3; (1336-41 ) I 839-41; V 255-7, 260-1 , 267-8 ; VII 1161-2 , 1168 ; VIII 74-5 ; (1348-59 ) I 847 ; (1371-81) I 848, 852-3 ; XIII 75-8 8 Termonde (Flanders) , lender s t o Edward III from VI I 1172, 1182-3 , 120 3 Terry, S. B. VI 8, 22 Thebaud, Nigel , Englis h credito r o f Edwar d HI (1340) VII 1179 Thoresby, John , archbisho p o f Yor k

Ulnagers (royal), i n Wiltshire XV 350 Ulseby, Hugh , wool merchan t VI I 1159 ; IX 10-11, 14-15 , appendix ; XI I 26; mayor of the wool staple at Bruges IX 8 Unwin, George VI 8-9, 22 ; X 1-2 Uso d i Mare , Antonio, o f Genoa , constabl e of Bordeaux VII 116 2 Vacea, Michele de, of Genoa XVI table I Valkenburg (alias Faukemont) , Thierry , Lord o f I I 1173 ; VI I 1146 , 1166 , 11734,1180,1196 Van Houtte, J. A. VII 118 2 Veneto-Turkish Wa r (1499-1503) XI V 33 3 Venice, cit y o f X V 349 ; merchants of : X V 349-50, 352 ; XV I 347-8 ; exportin g English clot h XI V 318-9 ; X V 350-2 ; XVI 351-2 ; exportin g 'bastard ' cloth s XV 350-1; XVI 351-2; exporting English wool XI V 298 , 306 , 315 ; importin g

15

alum int o Englan d X V 358; resident i n England XI V 314, 321-2; regulation s of maritime trad e b y Venetia n senat e XIV 324; tinsmith s a t XV I 354; shipping of (state owne d galleys ) XI V 297-8 , 312 , 320, 326-7 ; X V 345, 348, 3504; XVI 350, 351 , 355 ; attacke d a t Southampton (1319 ) XIV 292; attacked by Englis h pirate s (1323 ) XI V 292 ; visiting Englan d XI V 292 , 310-5, 318, 321-2; X V 362; galleys visiting Flander s VII 1184 ; XI V 297-8 , 304 , 308, 311, 313, 321-2 , 331-3 Venture, Francis , of Florence, merchant X I 12, table II; XIV 303 Vescy, Isabella de III 350, 355-6 Vetsamdere, Cristina , o f Cologne , credito r of Edward III, VII1212 Vileyn, Terricu s le , burges s o f Ghen t I I 1176 Villani, Giovanni , Florentin e banke r an d chronicler f t 1348 ) VII 1158 ; XIV 296 Vivaldi, Leonardo, of Genoa XV 355 Vivelin, le Rous, Jew of Strassburg, financial agent o f Archbisho p Baldwi n o f Trie r VII1155,1165,1189, 1191,1211-2 Vivian, Jew of Cologne VII1211 Wale, Henry, of Dortmund VII 1215 Wales, risin g i n (1294-5 ) I I 1169 , 1173, 1175 Wallingford, William , roya l purveyo r (1337-9) V 259, 266-7 Walton Ordinance s o f Edwar d II I (July , 1338) V 261-2 Warrenne, John de, earl of Surrey (1306-47) IV 206 Wartre, Willia m atte , merchan t o f York XI table I Warwick, Thoma s Beauchamp , ear l o f (1329-69), hostag e fo r th e debt s o f Edward III, VII 1164 Wateville, Robert , knigh t o f younge r Hugh Despenserlll 353,362 Watford, Robert , financial agen t o f Edwar d III, VII1160,1213 Watson, W . B . XI V 311 , 314 , 326 ; XVI 345-6, 35 0 Webber, E., clothmake r of London XV 350; XVI 34 9 Welles, Robert , knigh t o f younge r Hug h Despenser II I 361 Wendlyngburgh, Gilbert , farme r o f th e customs (1346-9) , partne r o f Walte r Chiriton q . v. X 12; XI11-13

Wert (Wahert) , Willia m le , o f Brussel s VI I 1200 Wervicq (Flanders) , clot h industr y o f X V 348,353 Wesenham, John, merchan t of Lynn, farmer of th e custom s (1345-6 ) X 3-5 , 7-8, 10-12; XII 22-3, 30 Westminster, abbo t of , loa n t o Edwar d H I by I V 205 Wheatley (co . Nottinghamshire), mano r o f Queen Philippa XII 21-2, 24, 29 Whittington, Richard , alderma n o f Londo n (1393-1423) X V 361 Wilkinson, Bertie V 251, 269 Winchester (co . Hampshire) , cit y o f XI V 320; X V 360; Walter Dyer, merchant of XV 36 0 Wodehouse, Robert , keepe r o f th e king' s wardrobe (1323-8 ) H I 353 , 361 ; treasurer of Edward III (1338) VIII 74-8 Wold, Joh n von , Germa n merchan t VI I 1215-6; Tiru s von , Germa n merchan t VII1215-6 Wolesthorp, Roger, wool merchant X 10 Wolff, Ph. 1851 Wolsey, Thomas , archbisho p o f Yor k (1514-30) XIV 333 Woodlock, Henry , bisho p o f Wincheste r (1305-16)111356 Wool (English ) (1294-98) , expor t t o th e Netherlands o f I I 1180 ; embarg o o n export o f b y Edwar d I , I I 1180 ; royal seizure o f (1297 ) I I 1182 ; royal woo l exported t o th e Netherland s I I 1184 ; receipts fro m sal e o f I I 1181 ; prices of (1338-9) V I 13 , 21-2 ; I X 8 , 12-14 , appendix Wool (English) , varietie s an d price s of : Cotswold VI I 1168 ; IX 13 ; XIV 305-6, 3234, 327 , 329-30; XV 361; XVI 355; cloth mad e fro m X V 347 , 351 ; o f Cirencester (co . Gloucestershire ) XI V 329; o f Derbyshir e I X 26 ; o f Gloucestershire I X 9 ; o f Glouceste r abbey XI V 329 ; of Herefordshir e I X 9, 14; o f Hertfordshir e I X 9 ; o f Leicestershire X I 16 , tabl e III ; o f Linclonshire VI I 1170-1 ; I X 5 , 12 , 14 , 25-6, 29 ; X I tabl e II ; o f Lindsey I X 9 , 13-14, 16 ; o f Llanthon y prior y (co . Gloucestershire) XI V 329 ; o f Norfol k IX 26-8 ; of Northamptonshir e IX 26; of Northumberland I X 26-7 ; o f Nottinghamshire I X 8-9 , 14 , 18 ; o f Oseney abbe y (Oxfordshire ) XI V 329 ;

16 of Rutlan d I X 26 ; o f Shropshir e VI I 1161; I X 9 , 13-14 , 26; of Staffordshir e IX 26 ; of Warwickshir e I X 26 ; o f Welsh March I X 5; o f Winchcombe abbe y (co . Gloucestershire) XI V 329 ; o f Worcestershire I X 9 ; o f Yorkshir e I X 5-9,17, 26; XI 6, table II Wool (English) , expor t o f i n 15t h centur y XIV, 328-9 Wool (Spanish) XIV 318 Wool Compan y (English ) o f 133 7 I I 1180 ; V 253 , 257 , 260 ; VI 8-24; VII 1147-50, 1186; VII I 74; IX 5,9,11,13, 20- 1 Wool Staple (unde r Edward HI) VI14 Worcester, bishopric of , estates of I 845 Worcestershire I 847 Wyke, John , o f Trowbridg e (co . Wiltshire) , clothier X V 350 Wymundeswold, John , wardrob e cler k o f younger Hug h Despenser II I 361 Yarmouth (co . Norfolk) , harbou r o f I I 1183;IX 28 York (co . Yorkshire) , cit y o f I X 5, 10 , 17 ;

XI tabl e I; merchants of X 5,13; XI 34, 6-10, 15 , 19 , 20, tabl e I ; royal custom s at X I 7; royal excheque r a t (1333-8) IX 5; St. Mary's, abbot of , loan t o Edward III by IV 205 York, Richard , duk e o f (1425-60 ) XV 349 York Thomas, merchant of York XI 4-5,11, table I Yorkshire, count y of I 845, 853 ; wool of XI 6, table II Ypres (Flanders) , tow n o f I I 1173 ; subsid y to th e municipalit y o f b y Edwar d III , VII 118 0 Ysalguier, brothers , money-changer s o f Toulouse I 827 Zaccaria, Benedetto, of Genoa (fl311) XIV 2934 Zieriksee, islan d o f Schouwe n (Zeeland ) IX 19 Zouch, Willia m d e la , treasure r (1339-40 ) VIII 74-7 Zwin (Flanders), estuary o f VII 1183