Proto-Romance Morphology

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE General Editor E.F. KONRAD...

Author: Robert Anderson Hall

103 downloads 3481 Views 17MB Size Report

This content was uploaded by our users and we assume good faith they have the permission to share this book. If you own the copyright to this book and it is wrongfully on our website, we offer a simple DMCA procedure to remove your content from our site. Start by pressing the button below!

Report copyright / DMCA form

DOWNLOAD PDF

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

AMSTERDAM STUDIES IN THE THEORY AND HISTORY OF LINGUISTIC SCIENCE General Editor E.F. KONRAD KOERNER (University of Ottawa)

Series IV - CURRENT ISSUES IN LINGUISTIC THEORY

Advisory Editorial Board Henning Andersen (Copenhagen); Raimo Anttila (Los Angeles) Thomas V.Gamkrelidze (Tbilisi); Hans-Heinrich Lieb (Berlin) J.Peter Maher (Chicago); Ernst Pulgram (Ann Arbor, Mich.) E.Wyn Roberts (Vancouver, B.C.); Danny Steinberg (Tokyo)

Volume 30 Robert A. Hall, Jr. Proto-Romance Morphology (= Comparative Romance Grammar, 3.)

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

ROBERT A. HALL, Jr. Cornell University

JOHN BENJAMINS PUBLISHING COMPANY AMSTERDAM/PHILADELPHIA 1983

The publication of Robert A. Hall, Jr.'s Comparative Romance Grammar has been aided by grants from the Hull Publication Fund of Cornell University.

CIP Hall, Robert A. Proto-romance morphology/Robert A. Hall. -Amsterdam [etc.]: Benjamins. (Amsterdam studies in the theory and history of linguistic science. Series IV, Current issues in linguistic theory, ISSN 0304-0763; vol. 30) Met index, lit. opg. ISBN 90-272-3522-8 geb. SISO roma 837.3 UDC 804.55 Trefw.: Romaanse talen; historische taalwetenschap; morfologie.

© Copyright 1983 - John Benjamins B.V. ISSN 0304 0763 / ISBN 90 272 3522 8 No part of this book may be reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means, without written permission from the publisher.

To Phil, Sue, Rebecca, and Stephen

PREFACE

The present volume is the t h i r d in the series forming a Compar a t i v e Grammar of the Romance Languages. The f i r s t (Hall 1974) dealt with t h e i r "external h i s t o r y , " i . e . the conditions under which they developed, were used, and ( i n some instances) went out of use. The second (Hall 1976) treated the phonology of t h e i r common source, Proto-Romance, as i t can be reconstructed on the basis of the languages themselves and in comparison with Classical L a t i n . S i m i l a r l y , t h i s volume deals with the reconstructed morphology of Proto-Romance. I t i s hoped to present, in future v o l umes, the syntax of Proto-Romance and i t s lexicon. In t h i s f a shion, l i g h t i s cast, not only on Popular Latin speech by means of i t s surviving elements in the Romance languages, but also on the extent to which the comparative method can be regarded as v a l i d and useful in instances where no attestations are available f o r a language as closely related to the reconstructed proto-language as High Classical Latin was to Proto-Romance. In the preparation of t h i s , as of the two previous volumes of the s e r i e s , I have of course drawn upon the great mass of work done by over a century of our predecessors i n Romance l i n g u i s t i c s and philology, and above a l l on the great foundation l a i d by W. Meyer-Lübke in his Romanische Grammatik (1890-1900) and i n his Romanisches

etymologisches

wörterbuch

(191]; t h i r d e d i t i o n ,

1936). I am also indebted to reviewers of Hall 1974 and 1976 f o r positive suggestions, and to my wife Alice M. Colby-Hall f o r valuable discussion of the problems involved in Romance l i n g u i s t i c s and philology. R.A.H. Jr.

Ithaca, N.Y. February, 1983.

A NOTE ON TRANSCRIPTION

In this volume, as in the preceding two volumes of this series, our phonemic transcription differs somewhat from that which is cus tomary in Romance philological works. For typographical conveni ence, we use a free-standing circumflex /^/ following a vowelletter to indicate a phonological component of tenseness, and a free-standing raised dot /•/ for vowel-length. Indication of open ness (often made with a hook under the vowel-letter, e.g. e, 9) and of shortness (often made with a breve over the vowel-letter, as in ) has been omitted as unnecessary. Those who do not like the transcription used here are free to replace it with the customary dot under the vowel-letter or hook over it, and with the customary macron or breve, as shown in the following tables: Our transcription

Customary transcription

Tense vowels:

Our transcription

Customary transcription

Lax vowels:

i^

i

i

ł

e^

e

e

ę

o^

0

0

u^

u

u

Long vowels:

Short vowels:

i.

ī

i

e.

ē

e

a.

ā ō ū

0

o. u.

ų

ě

a

u

u

CONTENTS

I.

INTRODUCTION 1. Morphology in Linguistic Structure 1.0. The Rôle of Morphology 1.1. Types of Morphological Variation 1.2. The Reconstruction of Morphology 1.3. Morphology and Syntax 1.4. Morphophonemic Alternations 1.5. Classical Latin and Romance Morphology

II.

1 1 1 2 3 4 5

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION 2. Morphological and Syntactic C r i t e r i a 2 . 1 . Categories of I n f l e c t i o n 2.11. Gender 2.12. Case 2.13. Number 2.14. Person 2.15. Tense 2.2. D i s t i n c t i v e Syntactic Functions 2.21. Predication 2.22. Protagonism 2.23. A t t r i b u t i o n (Modification) 2.24. Complementation 2.25. Substitution 2.26. Introduction 2.27. Connection 2.28. Minor-Clause Function 2.3. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Forms

7 7 7 8 9 9 9 9 10 10 10 10 11 11 11 11 12

3. Form-Classes: Substantives and Pronouns 3.0. Structure of I n f l e c t e d Forms 3 . 1 . Substantives 3.11. Sub-Classes (Declensions) 3.12. Nouns

15 15 16 16 16

3.13. Adjectives 3.131. Descriptive Adjectives 3.132. Numeral Adjectives 3.14. Morphophonemic Alternations 3.2. Pronouns 3.21. Personal Pronouns 3.22. Demonstrative Pronouns

29 29 33 37 37 37 39

x

PROTO ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY 3.23. Relative-Interrogative Pronouns 4. Form-Classes: Verbs 4 . 1 . The Structure of F i n i t e Forms 4.11. Stems and Stem-Formants 4.12. Conjugations 4.13. Tenses 4.14. Tense-Markers 4.15. Personal Endings 4.16. C l a s s i f i c a t i o n of Verbs 4.2. Stem A 4.21. Non-Past A 4.22. Past A 4.23. Timeless A 4.24. Imperative 4.25. Future 4.3. Stem B 4.4. Stem C 4.41. Stem-Formants 4.42. Non-Past C 4.43. Past C 4.44. Pre-Past C 4.45. Timeless C 5. Form-Classes: Indeclinables

5.1. Morphophonemic Alternations 5.2. Classes of Indeclinables 5.21. Adverbs 5.211. Interrogative-Relative 5.212. Non-Interrogative-Relative 5.22. Adverbs Having Other Functions 5.23. Prepositions 5.24. Subordinators 5.25. Coördinators 5.26. Minor-Clause-Forms III.

42 47 47 47 49 49 51 51 51 51 51 62 70 70 71 72 72 72 76 76 82 88 101

101 101 101 101 101 103 106 106 107 107

PR0T0-R0MANCE DERIVATION

6. Types of Derivation 6.1. Affixation 6.2. Compounding 6.3. Endocentric and Exocentric Formations 6.4. Practical Considerations

108 108 109 109 110

7. S u f f i x a t i o n 7.0. Automatic Replacement of Phonemes 7 . 1 . Substantives (Adjectives and Nouns) 7.11. On Substantives 7.12. On Verbs

112 112 112 112 117

7.2. Adjectives 7.21. On Substantives 7.22. On Adjectives, Nouns and Adverbs

117 117 119

CONTENTS

xi

7.23. On Nouns 7.24. On Numerals 7.25. On Pronouns 7.26. On Verbs 7.261. Participles 7.262. Other Adjectives Formed On Verbs 7 . 3 : Nouns 7.31. On Substantives and Verbs 7.32. On Substantives 7.33. On Adjectives 7.34. On Nouns and Verbs 7.35. On Nouns 7.36. On Verbs 7.4. Numerals 7.5. Verbs 7.51. The "Supine"-Stem 7.511. Special Morphophonemic Replacements 7.512. Formation of "Supine" Stems 7.52. On Substantives 7.53. On Adjectives 7.54. On Nouns 7.55. On Verbs 7.56. On Adverbs 7.6. Adverbs 7.61. On Adjectives 7.62. On Adverbs

120 121 122 122 122 122 124 124 128 129 130 130 134 138 138 138 138 139 142 142 143 148 149 149 149 149

8. Prefixation 8.1. Verbs 8.11. On Substantives and Verbs 8.12. On Verbs 8.2. Adverbs

151 151 151 152 153

9. Compounding 9.1. Endocentric Compounds 9.11. Adjectives 9.12. Nouns 9.13. Numerals 9.14. Verbs 9.15. Adverbs . 9.2. Exocentric Compounds 9.21. Verbs 9.22. Adverbs

154 154 154 154 154 154 159 159 159 163

IV. FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE 10. I n f l e c t i o n a l Categories 1 0 . 1 . Nouns 10.11. Proto-Indo-European 10.12. Latin 10.120. From PIE to Latin 10.121. Automatic Replacements

.

164 165 165 167 167 167

xii

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

10.122. Noun-Classes 10.13. Proto-Romance 10.2. Adjectives 10.21. Proto-Indo-European 10.22. Latin 10.221. Automatic Replacements 10.222. Adjective-Classes 10.223. I n f l e c t i o n a l Endings 10.224. Morphophonemic Alternations 10.23. Proto-Romance Adjectives 10.3. Numerals 10.4. Pronouns 10.5. Verbs 10.51. Proto-Indo-European 10.52. Latin 10.53. Proto-Romance 11. Derivational Categories 11.1. Derivational Patterns 11.2. Derivational Processes 11.21. S u f f i x a t i o n 11.22. Prefixation

167 168 170 171 171 171 171 173 173 173 175 175 176 176 178 181 186 186 186 186 187

V. EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE 12. I n f l e c t i o n a l Categories and Morphophonemics 12.1. Loss of Contrasts 12.2. Development of New Contrasts 12.21. I n d e f i n i t e A r t i c l e . . 12.22. Definite A r t i c l e . 12.23. Morphophonemic Developments . . .

189 189 191 191 191 192

13. I n f l e c t i o n a l Classes 13.1. Nouns 13.2. Adjectives 13.3. Pronouns 13.4. Numerals 13.5. Verbs 13.6. Indeclinables

195 195 197 198 199 200 202

14. Derivational Elements 14.1. Suffixes 14.2. Prefixes 14.3. Patterns of Compounding

204 204 205 206

V I . APPENDICES I . Further Comparative Tables Abbreviations I I . L i s t of Proto-Romance Words

208 286 287

CONTENTS

REFERENCES Abbreviations Authors and Titles INDEX OF TOPICS

xiii

293 293 295 .' 303

I.

INTRODUCTION

1. MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

1.0. The Rôle of Morphology There are very few languages in which all words have the same phonological shape in every instance of their occurrence. In the languages with which most of us have regular contact — Indo-Euro pean, Semitic, Finno-Ugric, or even Basque or the Caucasian tongues — variation in minimum free forms ("words") is normal. In some instances, such variation does not convey a difference in meaning, as in, for instance, the alternation of English an before vowels with a before consonants. In others (perhaps the majori ty), a difference in form signals a change in meaning, as in wellknown instances like man

men,

sing

sang

sung.

These differences in form are the object of the branch of both descriptive and historical linguistics termed M O R P H O L O G Y . It is independent of (though not unrelated to) both phonology and syn tax. The former deals with the "articulation" of language which involves phonological units, meaningless in themselves but serving as the "building-blocks," as it were, of elements of the other, or meaningful, articulation. Morphological complexity varies from one language to another, but the rôle of such variation is always to signal one type of patterned difference in meaning or another within minimum free forms. In this, it is fundamentally different from syntactic variation, which signals semantic differences be tween longer combinations involving at least one free form plus either further free forms or else forms which are bound on the phrasal or clausal "level." Of course, in a great many instances one language will signal a given change in meaning by morphologi cal variation, whereas another will signal the same change by syn tactic means. Trite examples are Latin homo '(a) man" hominis 'of (a) man' (morphological variation), as contrasted with French un homme 'a man' d'un homme 'of a man' (syntactic variation). This well-known phenomenon does not, however, invalidate the basic distinction between morphology and syntax, nor the necessity of keeping them apart.1 1.1. Types of Morphological Variation In the Romance languages, as in the Indo-European family in gen eral, we may distinguish fairly sharply between two types of vari ation in linguistic form: I N F L E C T I O N and D E R I V A T I O N . 2 Inflection al variations serve to relate linguistic forms to each other in

2

INTRODUCTION

syntactic combinations, or else (as in vocatives) to indicate spe cifically the absence of further syntactic relationships. The form-classes of Romance, like those of other Indo-European langua ges, are determined by a combination of morphological and syntac tic criteria. Romance substantives, for instance, normally show variations for grammatical gender, number, and (in Proto-Romance and some of its descendants) case. At the same time, their syn tactic functions include (among others) those of acting as sub jects ( P R O T A G O N I S M ) and objects of verbs and objects of preposi tions ( C O M P L E M E N T A T I O N ) . These two types of criteria serve to establish Romance formclasses exhaustively. Derivational variations, on the other hand, play no part in the determination of syntactic relations or of form-classes. Rather, in conjunction with other linguistic el ements (bases), they act as formants for the derivation of further items, all of which belong to one or another inflectional formclass. Both inflection and derivation take place, in Romance, primarily through the grammatical processes of suffixation and prefixation, with morphophonemic alternation playing, for the most part, a secondary and non-significant role (cf. §1.4). 1.2. The Reconstruction of Morphology For us to set up a given form in a reconstructed proto-language, the following types of consistent correspondences3 must be discoverable (or clearly identifiable reasons, e.g. analogical re-formation, for the absence of correspondence must be given) between: A. Sounds; B. Morphological classes (parts of speech); C.

Syntactic functions;

D.

Meanings.

Only if all four of these criteria are met, can the existence of a reconstructed form be considered to have been plausible. We can ascribe a form to Proto-Romance if a consistent set of correspondences, of all four of the types just discussed, is pre sent either: a. In Sardinian and/or Roumanian, and one or more of the lan guages of the Italo-Western group (cf. Hall 1974:9-16); or b. In any one of the three groups just mentioned and in at tested Latin (whether Old or Classical). In either of the circumstances just mentioned, the presence of

MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

3

corresponding forms normally justifies the assumption that they must have existed, not only in our documentation, but also in intervening periods of popular speech. In determining the probable characteristics of the morphology of a reconstructed proto-language, we must proceed in a somewhat different fashion from that used in reconstructing phonological features. For the latter, it is possible to use primarily rootmorphemes in which little or not analogical fluctuation is present (see the comparative tables presented in Volume 2 of this series). Phonetic change over the centuries is, in general, the orime fac tor to be taken into account in phonological reconstruction. In morphology, however, and especially in inflection, the factor of analogy enters — often extensively — into the change of inflec tional and derivational elements and into their distribution throughout the system. Considerable caution is therefore advisa ble in ascribing to a proto-language any features of inflection which do not show wide-spread correspondences throughout the group of related languages. This is especially true for Romance verbs, which have a large number of inflected forms that are highly likely to influence each other's development. On the other hand, if a given form shows a particular irregu larity which is shared by corresponding forms in a group of rela ted languages, this is a good indication that the irregularity was present in the proto-language as well. 4 Thus, in Old North French, the word for 'man' was /όma/ in the oblique singular and /om/ in the nominative singular; and, similarly, Old South French (Provençal) had /ómne/ and / ό m / respectively. Italian, although it has no case-variation, has the form /uόmo/ 'man' in the singu lar, and /uόmini/ 'men' in the plural, corresponding exactly to Roumanian /om/, /oamenV respectively. These irregularities point back to the existence of a Proto-Romance word for 'man' having two stems, /όmo/ and /o'min-A the former serving as nomi native singular, and the latter occurring as a base in all other functions. This observation helps us, in turn, to interpret such forms as Spanish /όmbre/ (Old Spanish /omne/), Portuguese /όm / (Old Portuguese /όm e / ) , clearly from /o'min-/. We would be able to interpret the material in this way even if we were not able to "look in the back of the book," as it were, and discover that Latin had /homo-/ m.sg.nom., and /homin-/ as a base for other forms. 1.3.

Morphology and Syntax

In recent decades, there has been extensive discussion of the relation between morphology (especially inflection) and syntax. The proponents of one extreme position5 maintain that it is ne cessary to present a complete descriptionand analysis of mor pheme-classes (inflection) before proceeding to syntax, since (they argue) the latter depends on the former. At the opposite extreme, others6 reverse the argument entirely, considering syn-

4

INTRODUCTION

tax as primary and morphology as derived therefrom at a "lower" level of structure. Neither of these positions, in the extreme form, is tenable. In all probability, the appropriate order of description will be determined independently for each separate language or language-family, by its specific characteristics, ra ther than by abstract a priori considerations. For the more con servative Romance languages, as for Indo-European in general, the traditional order of inflection first, syntax later, is best, since so much of syntax is correlated with the form-classes in volved and is best described after these latter have been identi fied and expounded. For modern French, on the other hand, as for modern English, syntactical features are at least considerably more important than in more conservative varieties and must be given correspondingly greater weight. Since our discussion is concerned primarily with what can be reconstructed for Proto-Romance (by definition the most conservative of all Romance varie ties), we shall treat morphology in this volume and syntax in Vo lume 4. 1.4.

Morphophonemic Alternations

In many instances, elements which should be classified toge ther as variants of the same unit of linguistic form (i.e. as A L LOMORPHS of the same M O R P H E M E ) show a variation in their phono logical shape. Thus, in Spanish and Italian, the vowel / e / mani fest in, say, the unstressed verb-root /ten-/ 'hold' is replaced in certain stressed forms by /ie7, as in /tiene/ 'he, she, it holds'. Here we have an alternation between /e/ and /ié/, of the type termed M O R P H O P H O N E M I C , since it involves the relationship between phonemes in morphemes. A morphophonemic alternation can be formulated concisely by using the symbol 'alternates with' — e.g., in this instance, /e/ /ié/. The phonemes involved in such an alternation can be classi fied together as forming part of a single M O R P H O P H O N E M E , for which a single cover-symbol (such as a capital letter) can be used and enclosed between upright lines: in this instance, |E| = /e/ /ié/. This typographical practice enables us to use a single morphophonemic transcription for a morpheme inclusive of such variants as we care to include in our definition of the mor phemes involved, as in |tEn-| = /ten-/ /tien-/. Many orthogra phical "irregularities" in the conventional spellings of such languages as English or French are morphophonemic in nature. Thus, the "1iaison-consonants" -s and -t of modern French stand for alternations'of final / z / and /t/ respectively with zero, as in il dort = /ildor/ in /ildorbj / il dort bien 'he sleeps well' as opposed to /ildort/ in /ildortãkor/ il dort encore 'he is still sleeping'. Morphophonemic alternation can be either significant, i.e. con veying in itself a difference in meaning, or non-significant. In some languages, such as English, many such alternations are sig-

MORPHOLOGY IN LINGUISTIC STRUCTURE

5

nificant, as in sing (basic form of the verb) sang (past) sung (past participle) song (noun). In other instances in English, morphophonemic alternations are not in themselves signi ficant: thus |F| = /f/ /v/ is not significant in /najf/ knife (sg.) /nájvz/ knives (pl.). Most Romance morphophonemic alter nations are of the latter type, as in the example of |tEn-| just given. Modern Romance morphophonemic alternations have arisen from conditioned sound-changes in the history of the individual lan guages. The most wide-spread types of modern Romance morphopho nemic alternations will therefore be discussed in Chapter 12 ("Ear ly Developments in Romance"). Such morphophonemic alternations as are to be ascribed to Proto-Romance morphology (e.g. /a/ /eˆ in /fak-/ 'do', imperfective, versus /feˆk-/, perfective, are not frequent enough to warrant special symbolization, and will be treated under the individual forms in which they occur. 1.5.

Classical Latin and Romance Morphology

It has been maintained (e.g. by Mańczak 1977) that Romance is to be derived directly from Classical Latin, without our needing to set up any common ancestral stage for the Romance languages dis tinct from Classical Latin, whether we call it "Vulgar Latin," "Proto-Romance," or anything else. Such an extreme position is untenable, on both negative and positive grounds: A. The Romance languages show no trace of a great many fea tures that were very common in Classical Latin, such as the entire passive voice (and hence the category of deponents), the future tense, and most of the non-finite forms (infinitives, participles) — to limit our examples to verb-inflection and -derivation alone. B. The Romance languages manifest a number of features which were avoided as much as possible in Classical Latin, such as the noun- and adjective-forming suffix / áriu-/ '(person, thing) con nected with ... ', or the extreme ease of formation of first-con jugation verbs on noun-bases (cf. Cooper 1895, passim). That Proto-Romance as it can be reconstructed from the evidence of later Romance was closely related to Classical Latin seems (des pite the arguments of Leonard 1978) beyond question. The situation was undoubtedly similar to that of large modern speech-communities, involving what Hockett (1978:322-325) has termed an "L-complex," with moderate varieties in the middle being mutually intelligible, but with non-intelligibility prevailing between the extremes. Some concern has been caused by the term GRACCHAN L A T I N which I proposed (Hall 1974:16, 71) for the stage immediately preceding the first split between popular and literary Latin. Those who are un happy with the expression Gracchan Latin may perhaps be mollified if we use, instead, E A R L Y C L A S S I C A L L A T I N for the period from

6

INTRODUCTION

Plautus to Lucretius, and H I G H C L A S S I C A L L A T I N for that from Cae

sar and Cicero onward (abbrev. ECL, HCL respectively).

NOTES T O CHAPTER 1

1. For an over-all discussion of morphology in descriptive linguistics, cf. especially Matthews 1974. 2. Occasionally, the distinction between the two is slightly blurred, as when a derivational suffix is added after an inflec tional element, e.g. in German Kinderchen 'little children'. Such instances are, however, rare (cf. Bloomfield 1933:126). 3.

Reformulated from Kent 1932 (19453):15.

4.

As pointed out by Bloomfield 1933:318.

5. Especially G. L. Trager, in a series of pronouncements ranginq from Bloch and Traqer 1942:53 to Trager 1972:49-50: cf. also Z. S. Harris 1951:280-281. 6. As established by L. Tesnière (1959; cf. Guiraud 1971), and, in the middle of the twentieth century, in numerous works by Noam Chomsky and his followers. It would be impossible (and be side the point) to present even a partial bibliography of the latter here; but cf. Hagège 1976 (1983T) for an enumeration and critical evaluation of Chomsky's major works and tenets.

II. 2.

2.1.

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA

Categories of Inflection

In the Indo-European languages (and hence in Romance), the various form-classes or "parts of speech" are determined, as we have just seen, on the basis of both morphological and syntactic characteristics. The morphological characteristics involved fall into "categories of inflection," which, in some instances, convey distinctions in meaning by variation in form. In other instan ces, they are purely or partially formal, having no semantic cor relates1 or only incomplete ones. In Romance, there are six principal categories of inflection which serve to distinguish the several parts of speech: gender, case, number, person, tense, and mood. 2.21. G E N D E R . There is considerable confusion, in almost all grammatical discussion as well as in popular parlance, between the terms G E N D E R and S E X - R E F E R E N C E . In the latter, a variation in inflectional forms is correlated with variation in the physi 2 cal sex of the referent, as in the English pronouns he, she, it. Gender, on the other hand, is a purely grammatical phenomenon. It involves obligatory agreement, in one formal respect or ano ther, between the elements of a construction in which one element modifies another—usually, but not exclusively, an adjective and the noun it modifies. A grammatical gender is a C O N C O R D A N C E C L A S S , i.e. a group into which fall those forms which are requi red to vary in a given way when they are combined, as attributes or heads, with certain forms of another part of speech. From traditional grammar, we are accustomed to regarding the three grammatical genders of M A S C U L I N E , F E M I N I N E , and N E U T E R as normal. This division is valid for inflectionally conservative Indo-European languages such as Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, or Rus sian. In some non-Indo-European languages, e.g. those of the Ba ntu family, there can be as many as twenty or more concordanceclasses.3 For no Romance language (including reconstructed Proto-Romance), however, need we set up more than two grammatical genders. These might just as well be called "blue" and "orange," or "A" and "B"; but, since most (not all) terms referring to males fall into the one, and most referring to females fall into the other, we can retain the traditional terms M A S C U L I N E and F E M I N I N E provided we understand that the sex-reference involved is only partial and is not the essential factor in the distinction

8

PROTO-ROMANCE

INFLECTION

between the grammatical genders.4 The wide-spread use of the term N E U T E R for certain phenomena in Portuguese, Spanish, and Roumanian is unjustified. This category in Ibero-Romance is bet ter termed "abstract" (e.g. Spanish lo 'the matter, that which is ... ', esto 'this matter', eso 'that matter'), and does not derive historically from the Latin neuter.5 The Roumanian "neu ter" nouns are, from the inflectional point of view, simply A M B I GENES, i.e. they belong to one gender in the singular and to the other in the plural.6 2.12. CASE. Morphologically speaking, the term C A S E refers to a variation in form which signals the syntactic relation of an item to other items in a given type of construction.7 All Romance languages manifest distinctions of case in their pronominal sys tems (except for Romance-based creoles), and some (Roumanian, Old South and North French, together with relics in Old Sardinian, Rhaeto-Romance, and Franco-Provencal) in substantival inflection is well. The following case-distinctions are found: 1. N O M I N A T I V E , used primarily to indicate the protagonst ("subject," §2.22) of a predication (§2.21); as an attribute n a predicate (§2.23); as a citation-form, to tell what a person or object is called (whence the term N O M I N A T I V E or "naming-form"); and, when there is no separate vocative-form (cf. the next paragraph), to call or apostrophize some-one or something. 2. V O C A T I V E , used to call or apostrophize some-one or omething, and normally not modifying other elements of an utternce, but forming a separate minor clause. 3. G E N I T I V E (possessive), used in attributive relationhip (§2.23) to a noun — or, less frequently, as complement in a erbal phrase, §2.24), indicating a close relationship, especialy that of a possessor to a thing possessed, or (when modifying a erbal noun) the direct object of the action referred to by the erb-root; also as object of certain prepositions. 4. D A T I V E , normally used as complement in a verbal hrase (§2.24), indicating the person or thing to whom something is given or for whose benefit something is done ("indirect object"); or, on occasion, as object of certain prepositions such a PRom. /a(d)/ 'to'. 5. O B L I Q U E or "general" case, fulfilling on occasion the functions of the vocative, genitive, or dative (nos. 2-4 above), and also that of "direct object" complement of a verb (§2.24) and after many prepositions. 6. P A R T I T I V E , an inflection which certain Italian and ¡turian dialectal forms require us to reconstruct for Proto-Romance, derived from the Latin ablative and referring to substances (e.g. wheat, iron, etc.) viewed as masses rather than as sin-

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA gle units.8 The PRom. partitive could be used as subject (pro tagonist) in a clause, as direct object in a verbal phrase, or as object of a preposition. 2.13. NUMBER. In the earlier stages of the Indo-European lan guages, there were three numbers manifested in both substantival and verbal inflection: singular (referring to one), dual (two), and plural (more than two). The Romance languages, however, have only a contrast between singular (one) and plural (more than one), with no trace of a special dual inflection.9 The Ro mance singular normally refers to a single person or thing, but in a few instances it may refer to an indefinite number (as in Span. /d θe/ dice 'people say, it is said'. Similarly, the plu ral in Romance refers to either a specific number or an indefin ite number, but always more than one — never, as in modern Eng lish, to a single undefined person ("if somebody telephones, tell them ... " ) . 2.14. P E R S O N . This category refers to the distinction between the speaker, alone or together with others (first person singul ar and plural, respectively); the one or ones spoken to (second person singular and plural); and some person(s) or thing(s) which is/are neither the speaker nor the person spoken to (third person singular and plural). The third person singular, being unmarked for either person or number, is the natural form for impersonal reference, e.g. in verbs denoting meteorological phe nomena such as PRom« /piό it/ 'it rains', /tonat/ 'it thunders'. 2.15. T E N S E . In traditional grammatical discussion, this term corresponds to Fr. temps, Span. tiempo, It. tempo, etc. 'time', and refers to difference with respect to the time of the action (present, past, future). For discussing Romance phenomena, how ever, it is better to extend the meaning of the term T E N S E be yond simple time-reference, to include also the distinctions commonly termed M O O D and A S P E C T . A T E N S E , for Romance, is best defined as 'a set of verbal forms differing in their person- and number-reference but having the same reference to time, mood, and/or aspect'. Verbal forms belonging to tenses (hence, by definition, in flected for person and number) are called FINITE; those not hav ing such inflection are N O N - F I N I T E . The latter normally belong to other parts of speech than the verb-root on which they are based, and, descriptively speaking, their formation should be treated under derivation rather than inflection. It must be re membered, however, that in the course of linguistic change there are extensive cross-currents of influence between finite and non-finite forms (especially, in Romance, past absolutes and past participles). 2.2.

Distinctive Syntactic Functions The syntactic functions which serve to distinguish inflec-

9

10

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

tional classes are: predication, protagonism, attribution, com plementation, substitution, introduction, and connection. 2.21. P R E D I C A T I O N is the' function of making a statement con cerning a situation, and is normally fulfilled in Romance lan guages by a verb (usually, though not always, a finite one). The section of the utterance containing such a verb as its principal element is the P R E D I C A T E . In the more conservative Romance lan guages, the central element of the major or favorite clause-type is the predicate, with a finite verb whose person- and numberreference can stand alone (being made clear 10by the non-linguis tic environment), or can (in most instances ) be amplified by the optional addition of a subject (see the next paragraph). 2.22. P R O T A G O N I S M is the indication of the topic or P R O T A G O N I S T of an utterance on which a predicate comments and to which it refers minimally by the person and number of the verb. In the earlier-attested Indo-European languages and likewise in conser vative varieties of Romance, a predicate can stand alone with no further indication of its protagonist (normally when this latter is clear from the linguistic or non-linguistic context). The person- and number-reference of the verb can be further explica ted by a noun or pronoun, normally (where case-distinctions are present) in the nominative; the element which thus explicates the predicate, and whose person, number, and case are determined by it, is the S U B J E C T of the clause. 2.23. A T T R I B U T I O N ( M O D I F I C A T I O N ) is the function exercised by a form when it is combined with another in a construction and its position and/or grammatical shape is determined by the form with which it is combined, i.e. with which it A G R E E S . Thus, in Span./eipapéibiánko/ el papel blanco 'the white paper' and /lakasabiánka/ l a casa blanca 'the white house', the definite ar ticle /el la/ 'the' and the adjective /blanko -a/ 'white' are in attributive relation to the nouns /papel/ papel 'paper' (m.) and /kasa/ casa 'house' (f.) respectively, and their position, number, and grammatical gender are determined by this fact. Here, the definite article and the adjective are attributes of their respective nouns, and M O D I F Y them (DEPEND on them, are D E P E N D E N T on them). 2.24. C O M P L E M E N T A T I O N is the function exercised by elements at tached to a verb, which (in traditional terminology) C O M P L E M E N T it. The various types of verbal complements include: 1. Objects (nouns or pronouns), both direct (normally, when case-distinctions are present, in the oblique case [§2.12.5], and in some Romance languages introduced by a prepo sition 11 ); and indirect (marked by the dative case, §2.12.4). 2. Predicate adjectives or nouns, normally in the nomi native, and referring to the protagonist of the situation indi-

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA

11

cated by the verb, hence limiting protagonism to the number of the predicate noun or adjective and also to the grammatical gen der of the adjective, as in Old Sardinian /solusiokkísi/ solus l ' o c k i s i 'I [m.] alone killed him'. If a noun or pronoun sub ject explicating the protagonist is present, its number and gen der is similarly limited by the consideration just mentioned. 3. Other complements, usually termed ADVERBIALl. These may be either single forms (adverbs or other parts of speech functioning as adverbs), phrases (usually exocentric, introduced by prepositions) or clauses. Such complements indicate aspects of the situation which the hearer or reader is to take into con sideration as relevant to whatever the verb tells him. 2.25. S U B S T I T U T I O N . Certain forms act as S U B S T I T U T E S for others, thereby avoiding the necessity of repeating elements al ready known to the hearer or reader from preceding utterances or the non-linguistic context. The element replaced is the A N T E C E D E N T of the substitute-form, and the semantic reference of the substitute to its antecedent is termed A N A P H O R A . The best-known substitutes are of course the PRONOUNS (of various types: perso nal, interrogative, relative, demonstrative, indefinite). The Romance languages have also developed other types of substitutes. Among these are the P R O - P H R A S E S , which take the place of phrases introduced by certain prepositions (e.g. French /i/ y and /ã(n)/ en), and the P R O - P R E D I C A T E - C O M P L E M E N T , which replaces a predi cate adjective or noun, or certain types of adverbial comple ments (e.g. the invariable French /l(ə)/ le, Spanish and Italian /lo/

lo).

2.26. I N T R O D U C T I O N . The function of certain forms is to precede others (whether single or in longer sequence) and introduce them while indicating the way in which they are related, both gramma tically to the rest of the utterance and semantically to the si tuation. Forms which thus introduce phrases are P R E P O S I T I O N S (e.g. PRom. /a(d)/ 'to', /per/ 'for'; the element following a preposition is its O B J E C T . Forms introducing clauses are termed C O N J U N C T I O N S . If they introduce clauses which have an equal function with other clauses in the utterance, they are C O O R D I N A TORS or COORDINATING conjunctions. If, however, they introduce clauses which are included ("embedded") in larger constructions and which are thereby subordinate to some other element of an utterance, they are S U B O R D I N A T O R S or S U B O R D I N A T I N G conjunctions. 2.27. C O N N E C T I O N . Certain elements, which are not conjunctions in that they do not introduce only clauses, are used to connect two or more elements, normally of the same form-class and func tion, thus forming universal combination-types (e.g. PRom. /et/ 'and', /a t/ 'or'. These elements, often termed "coordinating conjunctions," are better termed CONNECTORS. 2.28.

MINOR-CLAUSE FUNCTION.

Certain forms are normally used

12

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

alone to form minor clauses, or are only rarely included in lar ger constructions. Of this type are, not only interjections (exclamations), but also vocatives and expressions used for greeting and leave-taking (e.g. modern Italian /cao/ ciao 'hi!; good-bye!') and indications of assent or denial. 2.3. Classification of Forms Using the criteria set forth in §2.2, we can establish the inflectional form-classes of Proto-Romance as shown in Table I. To emphasize the fact that these classes are to be arrived at purely inductively on the basis of their morphological and syn tactic characteristics, they are referred to in the table only by letters and superscript numerals. The equivalence of these letters and numerals with our generally accepted grammatical terms is as follows: A A1 A2 B C D D1 D2 D3 D4 D5

Substantives Nouns Adjectives Pronouns Verbs Indeclinables Adverbs Prepositions Conjunctions Coordinators Interjections and other minor-clause-forms

In our discussion, we shall use the traditional terms, but it must be understood at all times that we are defining them by the criteria discussed in this chapter and summarized in Table I, rather than by the.customary vague characterizations such as "a noun is the name of a person, place, or thing."

NOTES TO CHAPTER 2

1. A good example of a purely grammatical inflectional fea ture is the Melanesian Pidgin English adjectival suffix /-f l /, whose only function is to tell the hearer "the word to which

-

-

Attribution Complementation: + Object + Pred. Compl. Adverbial -

-

-

Minor-Clause Function

-

Substitution Introduction: Phrases Clauses Connection

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

+

+

+

-

-

+

+

+

+

C

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

TABLE I: PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTIONAL CLASSES

+

+

-

+

+

+

+

-

+

+

+

-

+

2

B

1 only

+

Predication Protagonism

Gender Case Number Person Tense

Criteria:

Form-Classes:

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

D

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

-

-

-

-

-

-

+

MORPHOLOGICAL AND SYNTACTIC CRITERIA 13

14

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

this is attached is an adjective used attributively"; cf. Hall 1943a:25. 2. Cf. Hall 1951. English nouns and pronouns (pace Hockett 1958:231-233 and many others) have no grammatical gender; and we have the inflectional category of sex-reference in our thirdperson singular pronouns and possessives, and nowhere else. 3.

Cf. Gray 1939:190.

4. We need think only of the arbitrary assignment of grammatical gender to such nouns referring to living beings as French le lapin 'the hare' (m.), la souris 'the bat' (f.), la victime 'the victim', la sentinelle 'the sentinel' (f.), and corresponding words in other Romance languages. For non-animate things, the assignment of grammatical gender is, as is well known, completely arbitrary; the use of the "masculine" with, say, le fleuve 'the river' and of the "feminine" with la rivière 'the river' has no relation at all to sex. 5.

Cf. Hall 1965.

6. The only respect in which the term N E U T E R may be applied to the Roumanian ambigenes is semantic, in that they all have [ - observable sex] as a common feature, whether natural or ar bitrary (ascribed); cf. Hall 1972. We may disregard the unne cessary assumption of a "neuter" gender for Italian (as suggest ed by Bonfante 1961, 1964, 1977; cf. also the reply of Migliorini 1963). 7. I do not accept the theory of Fillmore (1968) and his followers that there is a category of case, whether marked mor phologically or not, in some kind of imaginary neo-Platonic ideal "deep structure." Fillmorean case-grammar confuses lin guistic relationships with those prevailing non-1inguistically between elements of the world around us. 8. Cf. Hall 1968; Messing 1972. The terms "neuter of mate rial" or "collective neuter," often applied to the Asturian and Italian forms, are misleading and should be abandoned. 9. Semantically, a few Italian noun-plurals in -a show tra ces of dual reference, as in /lelen¢uόla/ le lenzuola 'the bedsheets (counted by pairs)1 /ilen¢uόli/ i lenzuoli 'the bedsheets (not by pairs)'; a true dual never developed, however, from these few instances (cf. Hall 1956). 10. With certain verbs, however, such as the impersonals referring to meteorological conditions (cf. §2.14) when used in their literal meaning, no subject is possible; cf. Hall 1980a. 11. Notably in Ibero-Romance and Roumanian; cf. the discus sions of the Romance "prepositional accusative" by Müller (1971) and Rohlfs (1971).

3.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

In Chapters 3-5 we shall enumerate and describe the inflec tional characteristics of the several form-classes (parts of speech) of Proto-Romance, insofar as they can be reconstructed by comparison of the Romance languages or inferred with the as sistance of Latin (especially Popular Latin) attestations. The task of the grammarian, with respect to the inflectional system of a language, is to state the elements which enter into the combinations found in inflected forms, their distribution, and their meanings. 3.0.

Structure of Inflected Forms

Proto-Romance inflected forms, like those of the more con servative Romance languages down to the present day, were built on a STEM, which in its turn consisted of a ROOT plus a S T E M F O R M A N T . To the stem were (and still are) added I N F L E C T I O N A L E N D I N G S . Thus, such forms as PRom. and Span. /kas-a-s/ 'houses' show these three elements (here separated by hyphens, indicating breaks between inflectional elements): the root /kás-/, the stem-formant (for nouns of this declension, the stem-vowel /-a-/, and the ending /-s/, which in Proto-Romance marked case (oblique) and number (plural), but which in Spanish signals only the plural. In Italian and Roumanian /kas-e/ 'houses', the end ing /-e/ like-wise signals number, and has replaced the stemvowel (It. /-a-/, Roum. /-a-/) which appears in the singular (/kás-a/ and /kás- / respectively). Using the morphophonemic symbol A for 'replacement of the stem-vowel by ... ', we may symbolize the Italian and Roumanian plural-endings in this in stance as |-Δe|. For verbal forms, we must recognize the existence of more than one verb-stem (two in Proto-Romance, Sardinian, and Rouma nian; three in Italian and Western Romance). We must also iden tify, under the heading of inflectional endings, both T E N S E M A R K E R S and P E R S O N - A N D - N U M B E R - M A R K E R S . With both of these, the absence of an element can function as a marker, and, for book-keeping purposes, will be termed a ZERO-element.1 Thus, in PRom. /kant-a-ba-t/ 'he was singing', the stem is /kant-a-/, consisting of the root /kant-/ plus the stem-vowel /-a-/ ; the tense-marker of the past built on this stem (the "imperfect") is /_ba_/ ; and /-t/ is the third person singular ending. The first

16

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

person singular imperfect is constructed similarly, but has zero for the first singular ending in this tense: /kant-a'-ba/. In PRom. /kánt-a-t/ 'he sings', we have the stem /kant-a-/, zero as tense-marker of the present, and the 3.sg. ending /-t/; in /kant-o/ 'I sing', we have the stem /kant-a-/» the tense-marker zero, and the l.sg. personal ending /-Ao/. The position of the stress is to be stated separately for each tense. 3.1. Substantives Under the heading of substantives come N O U N S (which normally manifest only one grammatical gender; cf. §2.3 and Table I) and A D J E C T I V E S (which manifest both). Since the sub-classes of ad jectives are almost wholly combinations of those which are to be set up for nouns, we shall describe first those of the latter. 3.10. S U B - C L A S S E S ( D E C L E N S I O N S ) are determined by the stem-vow el manifested in the noun-forms. The stem-vowel and the gramma tical gender are, in most instances, the same in both numbers, but in certain sub-classes the sinqular has a different stemvowel and/or gender from that of the plural. 3.11. N O U N S . The following noun-declensions are to be set up for Proto-Romance: I. Stem-vowel: /a/, e.g. 203 /korda/ 'cord', 179 /kása/ 'house'. a. Declensional Endings: i. Singular: Oblique, Nominative, Vocative: zero. Stem + ending = /-a/.

Genitive, Dative: /-Ae/. ii. Plural : Oblique: /-s/. Stem + ending = /-as/. Nominative, Vocative: /-Ae/. Genitive: /-ru/. Stem + ending = /-a'ru/. b. Gender: usually feminine. c. Examples: see Table II. d. Remarks: i. Roumanian has a separate vocative in /-Ao/, as in /soro/ soro! 'o sister!'; /mar o/ Mario! 'o Mary!, which is used with some (not all) feminines in /-a/; it is becoming obsoles cent. 2 By4some,3 it has been ascribed to a Slavic superstratum; by others, to the Latin nominative in /-a/ plus the ending /-Ao/ = the exclamation /oˆ/ '0!'. Decisive evidence is lacking.

kόrda

koárda; kásə

kόrda; kása

kόrda; kása

kόrd

kόrdə; kásə

kuéda; kásə

kόrda; kása

kόrda; kása

k(h)orda; kasa

Sard.

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Obl-Nom-Voc Sg

k(h)orda s; kasa-s

kόrdas; kásas

kόrdas; kázas

kuérdas; kázas

kόrdəs; kázəs

kόrdəs

kόrdas; kázas

kόrdas

Obl Pl

k(h)orda rum; k(h)ordae; kasae

kasa rum

kordáru; kasáru

(-áro)

Gen Pl

kόrde; káse

kόrde; káse

koárde; káse

Nom-Voc Pl

TABLE II: NOUN-DECLENSION I (EXAMPLES)

k(h)ordae; kasae

korde; káse

či s

(pόrte)

koárde; káse

Gen-Dat Sg

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 17

18

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

ii. The genitive-dative in /-Ae/ has been preserved as a regular feature of inflection, down to modern times, only in Roumanian. There are isolated survivals, however, in Old Ital ian and Old North French which confirm our ascription of this case-ending to Proto-Romance. The earliest attestations of Old Italian, the Placiti cassinesi of the 960's, have such forms as /partesantemar e/ parte Sancte Marie 'the party [i.e. the ab bey] of St. Mary', Similar genitives occur in Tuscan placenames, e.g. /víapo'rtesantemaríe/ Via Porte Sante Marie 'St.-Ma ry's-Gate-street'. There is no need to follow most commentators in seeing a Latinism in these and similar genitives (cf. also the discussion in section II, below). 5 Old French /čiaæs/ chiés 'at the house of' ( > Modern French /šeˆ Z / chez) clearly points back to a Proto-Romance dative-genitive /kase/ = Latin /kasae/ casae, dative. iii. The relation of the Italian and Roumanian pluralendings /-Ae/ to the Proto-Romance ending /-as/ ( = Lat./-a s/) has been the object of considerable debate. They are in comple mentary distribution with the ending /-as/ in the other Romance languages, and this fact has led some scholars6 to trace them back to that ending, as a phonetic development, thereby elimina ting PRom. /-Δe/ and Lat. /-ae/ from consideration. In favor of this position, it is urged that forms ending in /-a s/ are used in Old Latin and Late Latin in nominative as well as accusative function. Against this view, it can be pointed out 7 that there has obviously been a great deal of analogical fluctuation be tween endings in both Roumanian and Old Italian. Many first-de clension nouns in Roumanian have their plural in /-Ai/ rather than /-Ae/, e.g. /or i / ori 'hours' ( : /όrә/ oră 'hour), by ana logy with the /-Ai/ of the second declension (see below). Old Italian likewise had a number of first-declension plurals in /-Ai/, e.g. /lepόrti/ le porti 'the doors ', and also some in /-Aa/, e.g. Tusc, /lakapra/ la capra 'the goats', Lunigiana /dό^dόna/ 'two women'. These endings cannot all come from /-as/. The best solution is to regard all final vowels in Rou manian and Italian as coming from the corresponding vowels in Proto-Romance (with loss of a following / - s / where this conso nant was present earlier; cf. Hall 1976:80), and discrepant cor respondences as due to analogical replacements. iv. The ascription of a genitive plural /-aru/ to Proto-Romance rests on tenuous evidence, much less sure than that for a corresponding ending /-ό^ru/ in the second declension (see below). Old North Italian /paradisdeli¢iáro/ paradis deliciaro 'paradise of delights' (in Uguccione da Lodi) can fairly be sus pected of being a Latinism. In the place-name Monte de S p e i e n garu (attested in the Old Italian Codex C a v e n s i s 9 ) , however, we have a clear survival from a period when phrases introduced by /de/ in genitive function were replacing the no longer under stood inflected forms in /-a'ru/; in this instance, the two phrase-types were fused.

;

duéņo; iérro

duéņu; iérru

dόno ; férro

dόmnu; férru

dominu-; ferru-

Cat.

Span.

Astur.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1. 2.

;

;

;

dominus

dόminus; férrus domine

dόmne

doámne

Voc.Sg.

domini ; ferri

dόmini^; férri^

(pergoáldi)

Gen.Sg.

ferro (d)4

férroˆX

iérro

férroX

Part.Sg.

TABLE III: NOUN-DECLENSION III-A —

SINGULAR (EXAMPLES)

With discrepant /-a-/, probably due to the influence of 706 /dámnu/ '(power to do) harm; rule'. Old Sardinian. 3. Old Catalan. 4. Ablative, with /-d/ in Old Latin.

Notes to Table III:

dám 1 ; fér

ONFr. (ğuğa¢) 3

dόn¢; férs

dόn; fér

OSFr.

férra

dόn¢; férs

dό^nnu; fé^rru

SIt.dial.

;

;

dόnno; férro

Ital.

;

dόmn(u-); fiér(u-)

Roum.

(solus) 2

dόmnu; férru

Nom.Sg.

Sard.

Obl.Sg.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 1

20

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

Stem-vowel s: /-u/ in obL., nom.sg., /-of elsewhere: e.g. 1094 /dόmnu/ 'lord', 117 /ferru/ 'iron'. a. Declensional endings: i. Singular: Oblique: zero. Stem-vowel + ending = /-u/. Nominative: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-us/. Vocative: /-Δe/. Genitive: /-Δi/. Partitive: /-Δo x /. ii. Plural: Oblique: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-os/. Nominative-Vocative: /-Δi/. Genitive: /-ru/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-óˆru/.

II-A.

b. c. d.

Gender: normally masculine, except for 235 /mánu/ 'hand'. Examples: see Tables III, IV. Remarks:

i. That the Proto-Romance oblique singular of this de clension had /-u/ rather than /-o/ is shown by the survival of /-u/ in Sardinian, Roumanian, and South Italian dialects and Asturian. 10 In the three last-mentioned varieties, there is a con trast between /-u/ and /-o/, as in Asturian /múču/ 'much' (adj., < /raúltu/) /múc / 'very' (adv., < /múlto/). ii. The nominative singular ending /-s/ is attested by its survival in Old South and Old North French, in both of which a two-case system contrasts this ending with zero ( < /-u/) in the oblique singular. iii. A special vocative in /-Δe/ is found only in Rou manian, where it occurs mostly, but not exclusively, with nouns referring to persons (proper names and titles): e.g. /doámne/ Doamnel 'Lord!'; /kolonéle/ colonelel

' colonel!'; /petre/ Petrel

'Peter!'. It can also occur with nouns that are followed by the "suffixed" definite article: e.g. /dόmnule/ domnule! 'Sir! (lit. The gentleman!)'; /dobitόkule/ dobitocule! 'eaglet!'. Even if, as some maintain, 11 there may have been Slavic influence in keep ing the vocative case alive in Roumanian, the /-e/ of the mascu line singular clearly corresponds to the same ending in Latin and hence must have been present in Proto-Romance.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

21

iv. For the genitive singular, the same considerations apply as expounded above for the ending /-Ae/ of the first de clension (cf. §3.1.I.d.ii). The Placiti Cassinesi of the 960's have SUCh forms as Pergoaldi

'of Pergoald' and Sancti

Benedicti

'of St. Benedict'. In the latter we have Central Italian umlaut in the -i- of Benedicti.12 There are also certain Romansh pro per names whose final consonants point back to the previous pre sence of a final /-i/, e.g. /lorenc/ 'Lawrence' < /lauréntii/. v. Virtually all scholars have considered that the Latin ablative did not survive in Romance, except in a few individual words or phrases where it had lost its case-function, such as Port. /agora/ 'now' < PRom. /akόˆra/ : Lat. /ha k ho ra / 'in this

hour'. There is, however, in certain Central Italian and Asturian dialects, a contrast between distinct forms of some nouns, best interpreted as a difference between "mass-nouns" and "count-nouns". Thus, in Lena (Asturias), we find, say, fiérro 'iron' (as a col lective or mass-noun) fiérru 'iron' (as a single piece, e.g. a smoothing-iron); in Servigliano (Ascoli Piceno) lo péššo 'the fish' (collective) lu péššu 'the (single) fish'. In other dia lects, absence of palatalization or of umlaut points back to a PRom. /-o/, as opposed to its presence caused by a final /-u/. In Neapolitan and some other South Italian dialects, mass-nouns manifest syntactic doubling of their initial consonants after the m.sg. definite article, whereas count-nouns do not, e.g. Neap. o mmelә 'the honey' ( < PRom. / (il)loˆmméle/)

o kanә 'the dog '

( < PRom. /(il)lukáne/). These various phenomena point back to the presence of final /-o ˆ x / (i.e. /oˆ plus syntactic doubling) in Proto-Romance mass-nouns and their accompanying proto-articles, as opposed to /-u/ in corresponding count-nouns, e.g. /(il)loˆfferru/ 'the iron' (mass) /(il)luférru/ 'the iron' (count). This special form is best interpreted as a survival of the abla tive, originally with partitive meaning in phrases formed with /de/

'of'.

13

vi. With regard to the oblique and nominative-vocative endings, there is little or no problem. As evidence for PRom. /-i/, we may cite, not only the Italian and Roumanian endings listed in Table IV, but also masculine plural past participles and adjectives in Romansh, Franco-Provençal, Old South French, and Old Catalan: e.g. OSFr. pagadi 'paid , salvi 'safe', soli 'alone'. 14 vii. The genitive plural ending /-όˆru/ is continued in such Old South French forms as /an¢ianό^r/ ancianor 'of the an cients', /kompaņό^r/ 'of the companions', and in certain more or less set expressions in Old North French (e.g. la gent paienour 'the people of the pagans', al tems ancienour 'in the time of the ancients') and Old Italian le pene 'nfemor 'the pains of hell'. 15 There is no need to regard them as Latinisms; ra ther, they are fossilized survivals, in these set phrases, of earlier productive endings.

dónos; férros

dómnos; férros

domino s; ferro s

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

;

;

;

fér

fér

domini ; ferri

dómni;férri

dán;

dόn;

dónni; férri

doámni; féri

;

Nom.-Voc.Pl.

domino rum

domnó^ru

(anciәnó^ur)

(an¢ianó^r)

(infernó^r)

Gen.Pl.

TABLE IV: NOUN-DECLENSION II-A — PLURAL (EXAMPLES)

duéņos; iérros

; férs

Span.

Cat.

dán¢; férs

ONFr.

dómnos; férros

dón¢; férs

;

;

OSFr.

Ital.

Roum.

Sard.

Obl.Pl.

22 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

; ;

Soan. ;

;

O u-; karru-; brakkiu-

Latin o a;

NOUN-DECLENSION II-B (EXAMPLES)

; brakkia

ό a; kárra; brákkia

čárrә; brá¢ә

;

uόva; (OIt.) kárra

όuә

Obl.-Nom.Pl.

TABLE V

ό u; kárru; brákkiu

PRom.

Port.

Cat.

;

čár 'cart'; brá¢ 'arm'

'cart'

;

ONFr.

;

uόvo; kárro

Ital.

OSFr.

όu

Roum.

Sard.

Obl.Sg.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 23

úlpe-;

Lat.

Friulian.

Mallorcan

1.

2.

Notes to Table VI:

káne; frόnte

úlpe;

PRom.

kane-; fronte-

; kae 3 ; fr te

Port.

4.

3.

káni; frónti

ulpi-; kani ; fronti

úlpi;

Datives.

TABLE VI

4

vúlpi; k (i)ni ; frúnti

; ;

Gen.-Dat.

Old Portuguese; Modern Portuguese /kãu/.

ulpes; kanis; frons

kánes; frόnt(e)s

;;

;; úlpes;

;;

;;

;;

;;

frόn¢

frón¢

;;

; či n s ;

v ó ˆ l p s ; ká(n)s;

;;

;;

;;

;;

;;

Nom.-Voc.

DECLENSION III-A (SINGULAR): EXAMPLES

bólp1 ; či n; frόnt

ONFr.

; kán; frénte

vό^lp; ká(n); frόnt

OSFr.

Span.

vό^lpe; káne; frόnte

Ital.

; ká2 ; frόnt

vúlpe; k (i)ne; frúnte

Roum.

Cat.

gúrpe; káne; frόnte

Sard.

Oblique

24 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

25

II-B. Stem-vowel /u/ in obl., nom.sg.; replaced by ending /-Δa/ in plural. a.

Declensional endings: i.

Singular: as for II-A.

ii.

Plural: oblique and nominative-vocative: /-Aa/.

b.

Gender: masculine in singular, feminine in plural.

c.

Examples: see Table V.

d. Remarks: This is a small sub-class of nouns whose inflection is like that of II-A in the singular, but in the plu ral manifests but one ending, /-Δa/, for oblique and nomina tive-vocative. Such forms are often termed A M B I G E N E S . Table V shows this plural for 198 /6uu/ 'egg' and other forms which follow the same pattern. The gender of these nouns is normally masculine in the singular, feminine in the plural. Many of them show the ending /-uri/ in Roumanian, corresponding to /-6ra/ in Old Italian;16 the ending /-a/ has clearly been re placed by the /-i/ of declension II-A. Many of the Romance nouns which point back to the Proto-Romance declension II-B correspond to Latin neuters. There was, however, in Late Latin and mediaeval times, a great deal of fluc tuation and passage of individual nouns, in each separate Ro mance language, from declension II-B to II-A and vice versa. In no Romance language 17 can these ambigenes be said to consti tute a separate "neuter" gender, from the morphological point of view (cf. above, §2.11), and we must therefore reconstruct a special sub-declension, not a separate grammatical gender, for Proto-Romance. 18 III-A. Stem-vowel /e/: e.g. 712 / úlpe/ 'fox'; 1184 /káne/ 'dog'; 177 /frόnte/ 'forehead'. a.

Declensional endings: i.

Singular: Oblique: zero.

Stem-vowel + ending = /-e/.

Nominative-Vocative: /-s/. Stem-vowel + ending = /-es/ (or / - i s / ) . 1 9 Genitive-Dative: /-Ai/. ii.

Plural:

Oblique-Nominative-Vocative: /-s/. Stem + ending = /-es/. b.

Gender: masculine in some, feminine in others. 2 0

c.

Examples: see Tables VI, VII.

úlpe•s;

Note to Table VII:

Lat.

fréntes

kaes; fr tes

kánes;

frόn¢

; ;

káni; frόnti

; ;

; ;

; ;

TABLE VII

úlpi;

frόnt

; či n; frόnt

vό^lp; ká(n);

vό^lpi; káni; frόnti

vúlpi; kí( )ni ; frúnti

; ;

Nominative-Vocative

NOUN-DECLENSION III-A (PLURAL): EXAMPLES

1. Mallorcan.

kane s; fronte s

úlpes; kánes; frόntes

;

Port.

PRom.

;

Span.

káns 1 ;

ONFr.

;

OSFr.

Cat.

vó^lps; ká(n)s; frón¢

; či ns; frόn¢

; ;

; ;

gúrpes; kánes; frόntes

Ital.

Roum.

Sard.

Oblique

26 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

d.

27

Remarks:

i. The contrast between oblique and nominative singular in Old Gallo-Romance, with the nominative in /-s/, confirms the existence of such a contrast in Proto-Romance. In Old North French and Old South French, feminine nouns coming from ProtoRomance declension III-A were invariable in the singular, like those of declension I. In some instances, this phenomenon was the result of analogical levelling; in others, the Proto-Romance form may, like the Latin, have had no /-s/, e.g. OSFr. /mar/ mar, ONFr. /m r/ mer 'sea' < PRom. 490 /máre/ : Lat. /mare/ (neuter); OSFr. /fióˆr/, ONFr. /fió^ur/ 'flower' < 1491 ,/fiόˆre/ ≠ Lat. /flo s/ (stem flo re/ ). ii. Roumanian /-Ai/ in the genitive-dative points back to the same ending in Proto-Romance, corresponding to the Latin dative in /-Δi-/. iii. For the plural, the Italian and Roumanian endings in /-Ai/ and the zero-ending in Old South French and Old North French would seem to point back to Proto-Romance /-Ai/ for the nominative-vocative plural. This was probably an analogical re placement of earlier /-es/ by /-Ai/ under the influence of De clension II-A, rather than a phonetic development.21 For the oblique plural, / - s / is clearly indicated, corresponding to Latin /-s/ in the accusative. III-B. Stem-vowel /e/, like III-A: e.g. 49 /omine/ and 230 /ómo/ 'man'; 1324 /pastóˆre/ and 500 /pastor/ 'shepherd'; 1407 /sorόˆre/ and 227 /sóror/ 'sister'. Unlike nouns of type III-A, those of III-B have a special shortened form of the stem in the nominative singular, normally with zero case-ending. The short ened form is often equivalent to the bare root; but in roots ending in /-n-/, this final consonant is absent in the nomina tive singular. For examples, see Table VIII. See §3.13 for a list of the nouns and adjectives of type III-B, of which certain can be reconstructed for Proto-Romance as having morphophonemic alternations in their stems, especially for the nominative singular. IV. Stem-vowel /i/. There are only three of these: 59 /síti-/ 'thirst'; 63 /turri-/ 'tower'; and 646 /tússi-/ 'cough'. The stem-vowel / i / is attested by its preservation in Sardinian /sítis/, /túrri/, and /tússi/. On the basis of scanty Latin attestations22 we can conclude that the nominative singular had /-s/ (of which the / - s / of Sardinian /sítis/ 'thirst' is probably a direct continuation 23 ), and the plural likewise had / - s / in both oblique and nominative, giving a paradigm:

όmә; pasto^r;

ómne 3 , ombre; pastor;

óm e; pastôˆr;

όmine; pastό^re; sorό^re

homine-; pasto re-; soro re

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

5.

6.

; sόr(ә)

sórre

;

; ;

;

; sόr8

7.

4.

Singular. 8. 'sister > nun'.

Old Spanish. Old Catalan.

Old Roman.

Old Italian.

2.

homo ; pastor; soror 3.

sόr 8

sόr 8

όrno ; pástor ; sóror

όm7;

όm; pástrә; suér

óm; pástre; sόˆr(re)

TABLE VIII NOUN-DECLENSION III-B (SINGULAR): EXAMPLES

Old Trevisan, Old Bellunese.

;

uόmo 4 ; pástre - o 5 ; suóro6

όm(u)-;

;

Nominative

Stem of pl. /uómini/.

όmә; pastó^ur; sәro^ur

ONFr.

1.

óm(n)e; pastόˆr; sorόˆr

OSFr.

Notes to Table VIII:

uómin- 1 ; pastóˆre; sorόˆre2

; pastόr;

Roum.

Ital.

όmine; pastόre;

Sard.

Oblique 28 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

Singular

Plural

Oblique

túrri

túrris

Nominative

turris

turris

29

Even in classical Latin, there was considerable fluctuation be tween the "pure i-stems" of the third declension,24 and the "mixed i-stems," with plural /turre s/ alongside of /turri s/, and the same situation probably prevailed in popular Latin and hence in Proto-Romance. In some varieties of popular Latin, the roots /turr-/, /tuss-/, /sit-/ had already passed wholly to our Declension III-.A. V. Stem-vowel zero, in certain nouns whose singular ended in /-us/, e.g. 110 /kórpus/ 'body', 111 /péktus/ 'chest', 813 /tempus/ 'time'. Invariable in the singular, the /-us/ of these nouns /-or-/ before the plural ending /-a/, similar to the ending of nouns of Declension II-B. Like the nouns of that de clension, also, the singular of these three was masculine and the plural feminine. For examples, see Table IX. Remarks: These nouns corresponded, of course, to Latin neuters of the "third" declension. To this group belonged, in the singular, PRom. 197 /opus/ 'need'; the earlier plural /opera/ had, in Proto-Romance, become a collective meaning 'work' (PRom. 164 /όpera/).

VI. Some scholars 25 consider that the "pure u-stem" or "fourth" declension was continued in popular Latin and Romance, in the developments of such forms as 235 /manu-/ 'hand', pointing to their continuation with /-u/ in both singular and plural, e.g. in Italian dialects. In all such dialects, however, the development of /-o/ is also /-u/, so that it is impossible to tell whether a plural form like /lemánu/ comes from /mánu(s)/ or /máno(s)/. The Romance evidence, therefore, does not compel us to set up such a declension for Proto-Romance, although it may well have existed in some varieties of popular Latin speech. 3.13. A D J E C T I V E S in Romance, as already stated, manifest both masculine and feminine grammatical genders. The chief type of adjective is the DESCRIPTIVE; there is also the special sub-type of NUMERAL. (Demonstrative, relative, interrogative and indefi nite adjectives fit into the regular Romance inflectional pattern.) 3.131. I-II.

DESCRIPTIVE

adjectives are of two major types:

Stem-vowel /a/ in feminine, following noun-declension I; /u/ A V in masculine (patterned as in noun-de clension II): e.g. 583 /bland-/ 'soft'; 1093 /domes-

kόrpus; péktus; témpus; όpus

korpus; pektus; tempus; opus

PRom.

Lat.

Aromunian.

Old Italian.

'benefit'.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table IX:

; témprәs 6

korpora; pektora; tempora

kόrpora; péktora; témpora

; ;

'betimes'.

OIt. 'times'; Mod.It. 'ember-days'.

Old Spanish.

;;

TABLE IX NOUN-DECLENSION V: EXAMPLES

6.

5.

4.

(kόrpo); (péito); (t po)

Port.

péčos 4 ; (tiémpo);

uébos 4

(kuérpo);

Span.

;;

kόs;

Cat.

(pít); témps; όps

kόr(p)s; pí¢ ; tém(p)s; ués 3

ONFr. ;

kérs; piéj¢; térns; όps

OSFr.

;;

kόrpora ; péttora 2 ;

kόrpo; pétto; témpo; uépo 2

Ital.

témpora5

kόrpuri ; piépturi ; t mpuri

;

kόrp(u-); piépt(u-); t mp(u-); όp(u-) 1

;

Roum.

;

kόrpus; péttus; témpus; όpus

Plural

Sard.

Singular

30 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

31

tik-/ 'domesticated'; 1273 /retund-/ 'round'. a. Declensional endings: in feminine, as for noun-declen sion I; in masculine, as for noun-declension II-A. b.

Examples: see Table X.

c.

Remarks:

i. There may have been, in Proto-Romance times, some sur vivals (which would already have been archaisms) of adjectival endings of noun-type II-B (continuing the old neuter), with con structions like */(akku)íˆk iákent (ip)sa όssa súa/ 'here lie (pl.) his bones' (cf. none 22 to this chapter); but nothing of this kind has survived into even the earliest attestations of the Romance languages. ii. To this declension belong also past participles of verbs: e.g. 239 /fakt-/ ( : 388 /fak-/'do': 1492 /potúˆt-/ ( : 323 /pot-/ 'be able'). Inflectionally, such forms are adjec tives, with the meaning 'in a condition resulting from the action referred to by the verb-root' on which the past participle is based. Their morphological relation to the verb-root is to be described under derivation (word-formation). iii. In the Franco-Provençal dialect of the Mauri enne, in two languages closely related to Old South French (Romansh and Catalan), and in Old Sardinian, / - s / survived as a special ending for predicate adjectives, only in the masculine singular of adjec tives of the I/IIa declension (see § 3.121), as in Maurienne lo laez è frey 'the milk is cold'; 26 Romansh quei gat ei cat is white' ( in gat alv 'a White cat'), or el ei

is come'; 27 Old Sardinian solus

in solus

l'okkisi

him'; 28 Old Catalan gui no creurá ja es jutjaz

alvs vinius

'that 'he

'I alone killed 'he Who Will not

believe is already judged'. 29 Historians of the individual lan guages, not taking into account the situation in other Romance languages, are in general inclined to dismiss mediaeval attesta tions of / - s / in these instances as Latinisms, or in Catalan as Provençal isms. This particular use of the inflectional / - s / in m.sg. predicate adjectives has survived, however, in popular speech down to the present in the out-of-the-way areas of the Maurienne and Romansh, and is attested in the Middle Ages in all the Romance areas (Sardinian, Gallo-Romance, Ibero-Romance) where /-s/ was not lost. It is therefore clear that this construction, and hence the /-s/-ending, must be interpreted as a survival from Proto-Romance in popular speech, and not as a group of chance co incidences in Latinisms in the separate regions. III-A. Stem-vowel /e/ in both masculine and feminine: e.g. 717 /dúlk-/ 'sweet'; 76 /kmˆdéˆl-/ 'cruel'. a.

Declensional endings: as in noun-declension III-A.

blándas

blánde

blandáru (?)

Oblique

Nom.-Voc.

Genitive

Plural :

Vocative

TABLE X

dúlkes

dúlkis

dúlki

dúlke

Fem.-Mase.

/dúlk-/ 'sweet'

PROTO-ROMANCE ADJECTIVAL PARADIGMS

blandόˆru

blándi

blándos

blánde

blándus

Nominative

blándi

blándu

blándox

blánda

blánde

blánda

Masculine

Partitive

Dative

Genitive

Oblique

Singular:

Feminine

/blánd-/ 'soft'

meliό^res

mélior

melio^ri

melió^re

Fem.-Mase.

/melió^r-/ 'better'

32 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

b.

33

Examples: see Table X.

c. Remark: to t h i s declension belong also present p a r t i ciples of verbs, e.g. / k a n t á n t - / ' s i n g i n g ' ( : 831 / k a n t - / ' s i n g ' ; / d o l é n t - / ' h u r t i n g ' ( : 1091 / d o l - / ' t o h u r t ' ) . As with the past p a r t i c i p l e s , these forms are i n f l e c t i o n a l l y adjectives, with the meaning 'performing the action referred to by the verb-root' on which the present p a r t i c i p l e is formed. Their morphological r e l a t i o n to the verb-root is d e r i v a t i o n a l , rather than i n f l e c t i o n a l . III-B. Stem-vowel /e/ in both masculine and feminine, and having shortened forms in the nominative singular, with result ant morphophonemic alternations in their stems (cf. § 3.13): e.g. 274 /peiό^r-/ 'worse'; 900 /meliό^r-/ 'better'. a.

Declensional endings: like those of noun-declension

b.

Examples: see Table X.

III-B.

c. Remark: most of the adjectives of this type are compa ratives, with a derivational relationship to the adjectives on which they are based. 3.132. NUMERAL A D J E C T I V E S include only 1451 /ú^n-/ 'one', of adjective-declension I/II, and 364 /du-/ 'two'. For the second of these, in addition to adjectival endings of type I/II, we can reconstruct and invariable form, for both genders and used in the oblique and the nominative (presumably also the vocative), ending in /-o/: /duo/. A similar ending can also be reconstruc ted for 1493 /ámbo/ 'both'. Of the other numerals, the simple ones from '1' to '10' were indeclinable: 540 /tré's/ '3'; 224 /k áttoro/ '4'; 1494 /k ˆnk e/ '5'; 691 /sékse/ '6'; 143 /sépte/ '7'; 238 /ókto/ '8'; 1495 /noue/ '9'; 139 /déke/ '10', as well as 1474 /uí(i)nti/ '20'; 228 /kéntu/ '100'; and 1279 /m ˆlle/ '1000'.. Discussion of the morphological structure of compound numerals (e.g. 541 /tré^diki/ '13') belongs under derivation. Demonstrative adjectives in Romance overlap in their origin and form with the demonstrative pronouns ( § 3.22). 3.14.

M O R P H O P H O N E M I C A L T E R N A T I O N S are found in the stems of

certain nouns and adjectives of class III-B, in the shortening of the stems in the nominative singular, normally through the loss of the stem-vowel. Nouns with roots ending in dentals (/t/, /nt/, /d/, /n/) also lose their final consonant(s). The stress in the nominative singular is always on the penultimate syllable. These forms fall into several sub-classes:

34

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

1.

Roots ending in /-r/: a.

Nouns:

i. With no further change in the root: nouns ending in the agentive suffix / + όˆr-e/, including such forms as: Our No.

Meaning

Romance Examples

Oblique

Nominative

499, 'commander' 1496

imperató^re

imperator

ONFr. /emperәðóˆur/, /empar ðrә/

500, 'shepherd' 1324

pastó^re

pastor

ONFr. /pastό^ur/, /pástrә/

1036, 'lover' 1497

amató^re

amátor

OSFr. /amadó^r/, /amáire/

1498 'ancestor'

antekessó^re antekéssor

ONFr. /an¢eisó^ur/, /an¢éistrә/

1499 'debtor'

debitó^re

debitor

OSFr. /deudó^r/, /devé^ire/

1500 'tailor1

sartó^re

sártor

It.dial . /sartó^re/, It. /sárto/

1501 'senator'

senatóˆre

senator

It. /senató^re/, 0It. /senáto/

1502 'holder'

territόˆre

tenítor

Sp. ./tenedór/ 'fork'; OSFr. /tené^ire/

1503 'weaver'

teksató^re

teksátor

It.dial. /tesádro/

1504 'traitor'

tradi^tό^re

tradí^tor

ONFr. /traðítrә/; OSen. /tradíto/

1505 'hunter'

enatόˆre

enátor

ONFr. /vәnәðόˆur/, /van ðorә/

and also such words as: 89, 'woman' 1506

muliére

múlier

ONFr. /moļér/; It. /mόˆļļe/ 'wife'

227, 'sister' 1407

soró^re

sóror

ONFr. /sәrόˆur/, /suér/

1507 'marble'

mármore

mármor

ONFr. /márbrә/; It. /mármo/

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

35

1508 'father'

pátre

páter

ONFr. /p ðrә/; 0It. /páte/

549,

frátre

frater

ONFr. /fr ðrә/;

'brother'

1509

0It.

b.

/fráte/

Adjectives, with the comparative suffix /+ ό^re/:

1510 'fairer'

bellat ó^re

bellát or

1511 'stronger'

fort

fort

1512 'nobler'

gent

1513 'greater'

grand

1514 'younger'

un

ó^re

όˆre

όˆre

όˆre

OSFr. /bela ó^r/, /beláire/ or

ONFr. /for¢ó^ur/, /fórtrә/

gent or

OSFr. /gen¢όˆr/, /ğén¢er/

gránd or

ONFr. /graņόˆur/, /gráņdra/

ún

or

ONFr. /ğoņόˆur/, /ğόņdrә/

498, 'greater' 1515

ma

όˆre

má or

It. /mağğόˆre/; ONFr. /máirә/

900, 'better' 1516

mel

όˆre

mêl or

ONFr. /meļo^ur/, /miéļdrә/

1517 ' l e s s e r '

minόˆre

m nor

OSFr. / m e n ό ˆ r / , /mé^nre/

nugál or

ONFr. /noaļόˆur/, /noáļdrә/

1518 'less imnugal portant'

ó^re

274, 'worse' 1519

pe

όˆre

pé

or

894, 'older' 1520

sen ó^re

1521 'fouler'

sordid όˆre sord d or

sén or

Sp. /peόr/; ONFr. /p ra/ ONFr. /seņόˆur/, /s ra/ OSFr. /sordeiόˆr/, /sordéier/

2.

Roots ending in dental stops. a. In /-t/. All of these have nominatives in /-s/:

150, 'nephew' 1522 1523 'companion, count'

nepόˆte

népos

kómite

kómes

ONFr. /nәvόˆuð/, /niés/ ONFr. /kóntә/, /kuéns/

36

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

b.

In /-nt/:

1524 'child'

infante

ínfas

ONFr. /enfánt/, /énfәs/

753, 'serpent' 756

serpente

sérp(e)s

It. /serpente/, /sérpe/ 30

é^res

It. /eréˆde/;

c.

In /-d/:

1525 'heir'

eˆréˆde

ONFr. /é^irs/ 3.

In /-n/: a.

Without further root-change:

1526 'herdsman'

abigόˆne

ábigo

OPort. /abigo/

551, 'thief' 1527

Iatrόˆne

látro

0NFr. laðrón/, /l ðrә/

598, 'glutton' 1528

gluttόˆne

glutto

ONFr. /glotón/, /glό^t/

1075, 'strong man' barόˆne 1529

báro

OSFr. /barό^(n)/, /bár/ 31

1530 'cock-sucker' felló^ne

féllo

ONFr. /felon/, /fél/ 3 2

1531 'lion' b. 49, 230

leόˆne

léo

OSFr. /leóˆ(n)/, ONFr. /leu/

όmo

OSpan. /όmne/; It. /uómo/

With root-change:

'man'

όmine

Remark: Certain words and formation-types have been intentio nally omitted from this listing, because, although they are widely attested in Italo-Western Romance, they have no correspondences in Balkan Romance, Sardinian, Classical or Old Latin, and are later formations dating, at the earliest, from Imperial times, largely introduced in connection with Christianity. They can therefore not be ascribed to any earlier stage than Proto-Italo-Western Romance. They include: A. Specific forms, SUCh as PItWRom. /abbáte/ /ábbas/ 'abbot'; /kompan όˆne/ /kompán o/ 'companion'; /brikkόˆne/

/br kko/ 'scoundrel'; and

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

37

B. The "hybrid" formation of (mostly feminine) nouns with oblique stem in /-áne/ and nominative singular in /-a/, e.g. /nonnáne/

/nonna/

'whore', /barbáne/ such as /bertáne/

'grand-mother; nun', /pu^ttáne/

/pú^tta/

/barba/ 'uncle', and a number of proper names /berta/ 'Bertha'; and

c. The application of the declension of type III-B to pro per names Of the type Of /ottó^ne/ /otto/ 'Otto', /burgund όˆne/ /burgúndio/ ' Burgundian ' , /karlόˆne/ /kárlo -us/ ' Charles ' . 3.15.

CLASSIFICATION O F SUBSTANTIVES.

For nouns, indication of

their classification should include gender and declension, as in: /rόˆsa/

'rose'

/fráksinu/ /brákkiu/

f/I

' a s h - t r e e ' m/II-A 'arm' m/H-B

/ g l a n d e / ' a c o r n ' m/III-A /dol όˆ re/ 'pain' /sartόˆre/

f/III-A

'tailor'

/ m u l i é r e / 'woman'

m/III-B f/III-B

For adjectives, indication of this fact (or of their status as participles, present or past) and their declension is called for, as in: /bona - u / 'good'

adj/I-II

/ f r ˆkta - u / ' f r i e d ' /forte/

'strong'

past

part/I-II

adj/III-A

/geménte/ ' g r o a n i n g ' p r e s p a r t / I I I - A /grandiό^re/ 'greater' 3.2.

adj/III-B

PRONOUNS

The basic function of pronouns, as their traditional gramma tical name indicates, is to serve as substitutes, replacing ei ther nouns or forms of other classes serving as nouns. For Proto-Romance, we can reconstruct the following types of pronouns: PERSONAL, DEMONSTRATIVE, RELATIVE-INTERROGATIVE, 3.21.

and INDEFINITE.

PERSONAL-PRONOUNS can be reconstructed, f o r Proto-Romance,

for the f i r s t and second persons (singular and p l u r a l ) and f o r the t h i r d person r e f l e x i v e (without contrast i n number). The t h i r d person non-reflexive, however, is not represented in the Proto-Romance i n f l e c t i o n a l system, since a l l third-person nonr e f l e x i v e pronouns i n Romance go back to demonstratives. The cases t h a t can be reconstructed are: OBLIQUE, D A T I V E , 3 3 and NOMINATIVE-VOCATIVE.

38

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

The comparative tables f o r 1100 /égo/ ' 1301 / n ό ˆ s / 'we, u s ' , and 1393 / s e 7 ' h i m - , selves' are given in Hall 1976. For /méˆ/ / m í ˆ / (/m b i / ) ' t o me', and / t í ˆ / ( / t í b i / ) 1532-1535, presented in Table X I . 1532 'me'

1533 'thee'

Sard.

me

te

Roum.

míne

tíne

It.

néˆ(ne)

téˆ(ne)

OSFr.

méˆ

ONFr.

méˆi

Cat.

méˆ

Port.

méˆ méˆ(ne)b

REW §

5449

ti,c

téˆved

téˆ

(mi)

me

méˆved

téˆi

a

Lat.

mi,c

1535 ' t o thee'

téˆ

Span.

PRom.

1534 ' t o me'

I ' , 1445 / t ú ˆ / ' t h o u ' , her-, i t s e l f ; them'me', / t e " / ' t h e e ' , ' t o t h e e ' , c f . §§

(ti) a

mi

ti

mí

tí

téˆ(ne)b

míˆ, míbi

tíˆ, tíbi

te

mi(h)i

tibi

téˆ

Notes to Table XI: a.

From dative /mi"/, /ti"/ respectively ( §§ 1534, 1535).

b.

Suffixed /-ne/ is of uncertain origin; perhaps through analogy with verb-forms like /tene(t)/ 'he has' (cf. Grandgent 1927: §§ 52, 171; Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§336).

c.

Unstressed.

d.

Old Cassinese. TABLE XI ROMANCE OBJECT PRONOUNS (FIRST, SECOND PERSON SINGULAR)

In Table XII (p. 39) is shown the inflectional pattern of Proto-Romance personal pronouns as a category.

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

First Person

Second Person

39

Third Person Reflexive

Singular: Oblique Dative

méˆ míˆ, míbi

tíˆ, tíbi

séˆ síˆ

égo

Nom.-Voc.

Plural : Obi.-Nom.

téˆ

nóˆs

túˆ

όˆs séˆ"

Dative

nóˆbis

όˆbis

TABLE XII PR0T0-ROMANCE PERSONAL PRONOUNS Remarks: A. As in the other Indo-European languages, personal pronouns in Romance show considerable i r r e g u l a r i t y in ther i n f l e c t i o n , so that the few observable p a r t i a l resemblances are insuff i c i e n t f o r establishing a symmetrical o v e r - a l l pattern. At most, i t is useful to i d e n t i f y the elements / m - / l.sg., / t - / 2 . s g . , / n o " - / l . p l . , and / όˆ-/ 2 . p l . , primarily because of t h e i r recurrence in derivation ( e . g . i n possessive adjectives). B. The plural ending / - s / f o r 1301 /noˆs/ 'we, us' and 420 / όˆs/ 'ye, you' i s attested in a l l the Romance languages that preserve f i n a l / - s / . The f i n a l / - i / of I t a l i a n and Roumanian has been interpreted by some34 as a phonetic development from / - s / . I t i s , however, more r e a l i s t i c to assume, as do o t h e r s , 3 5 that i t is the result of analogical s u b s t i t u t i o n , coming from the nominative-plural-ending of nouns of declension II-B. c. The pronouns l i s t e d i n Table X I I have a l l been shown i n t h e i r stressed forms. As i s well known, a l l the Romance languages have unstressed c l i t i c personal-pronoun-forms, f o r which Proto-Romance forms can be reconstructed. These a l l have the same phonemic shapes as the forms given i n Table X I I , minus stress. 3.22.

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS were formed on the stems 1536 /

st-/

and 677 / p s - / ' t h i s ' , and on 18, 1146, 1147 / l l - / ' t h a t ' . Their declension followed, on the whole, that of adjective-types I - I I , especially with regard to the stem-vowels, but with certain additional special features.

40

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

a.

Declensional endings: i.

Singular:

Oblique: zero.

Stem + ending = fem, /-a/, masc. /-u/.

Genitive: fem. / - Δ e / , masc. / - Δ i / . Dative: fem. / - e / or / - Δ é i / , masc. / - A o / or / - Δ ú ˆ i / . P a r t i t i v e : fem. / - x / ( ? ) ; masc. / - o x / . Nominative: fem. zero (stem + ending = / - a / ) , masc. / - i ˆ , / - e/. ii.

PIural:

Oblique: fem. /-Δe/, masc. / - s / (stem + ending = /-os/). Genitive: fem. / ru/ (?); masc. / ru/ (stem + ending = /-όˆru/.

Dative: fern., masc. / - Δ i ˆ s / . Nominative: fem. / - Δ e / , masc. / - Δ i ˆ / . b.

Examples: see Table X I I I .

c.

Remarks:

i. All the Romance languages have third-person pronouns which go back to these demonstratives. In Popular Latin (and hence in Proto-Romance), the demonstratives were undergoing a transition to their function as personal pronouns, but still con serving a certain amount of deictic meaning. ii. The nominative singular masculine ending /-Δiˆ/ is to be reconstructed on the basis of It. /(ku)éˆsti/ 'this one', /(ku)éˆlli/ 'that one'; of the umlauted Old South French / l/, / ļ/ 'he' and Old North French / l/ 'he', / st/ 'this one', and / s/ 'that one'. Spanish /este/ 'this one' and /ése/ 'that one' might come from forms with either /-i/ or /-e/: but Old Sardinian (e)custe 'this one', (e) eusse 'that one' and Modern Sardinian (Bitti) /ikú e/ 'that man' point clearly back to /-Ae/. 3 6 iii. The dative in /-ei/ (fem.) and /-uˆi/ (masc.) is attested in Late Latin. 37 There were also genitives written -aeius /-eius/ (fem.), -uius/-uˆ us/ (masc.), which did not sur vive in Romance and hence cannot be ascribed to Proto-Romance. The forms in /-Δe/ (fem.), /-Δi/ (mase.) are continued in Ital ian /le/ 'to her', Old Italian /ii/ 'to him', as well as in OSFr., ONFr. /ii/ 'to her, to him'.

sti -e

Nom.-Voc.

Nom.-Voc.

sti

istόˆru

Genitive

Dative

stos

Oblique

Plural :

stox

Partitive

istúˆi,

sti

Genitive

Dative

stu

Oblique

Singular:

m.

sti

ste

stas

psis

psi (?)

pse

psas

ipsáru (?)

psas

psa

psax

ipséi,

pse

psa

f.

'that'

TABLE XIII

psi

ipsό^ru

psos

psi -e

psox

ipsú^i,

psi

psu

m.

ips-

PROTO-ROMANCE DEMONSTRATIVES

istáru (?)

stas

sta

sta X (?)

stéi,

ste

sta

f.

'this'

stis

ist-

lli

illόˆru

llos

lli -e

llox

illúˆi,

lli

llu

m.

lli

lle

llas

illáru (?)

llas

lia

lla X (?)

illéi,

lle

lia

f.

'that'

llis

ill-

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS 41

42

PROTO-ROMANCE

INFLECTION

iv. The genitive plural /-όˆru/ is widely continued in Romance possessive pronouns and adjectives (e.g. OSFr. /lόˆr/, ONFr. /lόˆur/, OSpan. /lúr/ 'their', as well as in the Roumanian /lόr/ 'their; [as definite article] of the, to the'. In Italian, /lόˆro/ has become a kind of Figaro among pronouns, being used as subject and object, dative, and possessive. Cf. also Sardinian /issoru/ 'their' < /ipsόˆru/.

v. The dative plural /illi^s/ is continued in Sardinian /lis/, and in the Italian use of /li/ as a plural form. 38 vi. All the Romance languages have a definite article, for which we can reconstruct Proto-Romance forms based on either /(il)l-/ or /(ip)s-/, 39 identical to the forms shown in Table XIII except for stress. On the basis of Late Latin evidence,40 it is clear that we are dealing with a kind of "pre-article," which still had a great deal of deictic force, and was not yet wholly transferred to the function of a definite article. The same may be said of unstressed forms of the numeral /uˆn-/ 'one', in their function as "pre-indefinite article." vii. Of the Romance indefinite adjectives (whose struc ture, insofar as they are compounds, is to be discussed under de rivation), 1033 /ált(e)r-/ 'another, some-one else' has forms in Italo- and Gallo-Romance pointing back to a Proto-Romance pronomi nal dative singular masculine /altrú^i/ 'to some-one else' and to a nominative singular masculine /áltri/: Italian /altrúi/, /áltri/; OSFr. /autrui/; ONFr. /altrúi/ ( > Mod.Fr. /otrųi/. Cf. Grandgent 1907:§395. 3,23. R E L A T I V E - I N T E R R O G A T I V E P R O N O U N S . These had the same in flection, whether functioning as relative or as interrogative. They were formed on the stem A u - / . In the oblique singular and in the nominative, a distinction existed between forms re ferring to humans and those referring to non-humans (animals, things). a.

Declensional Endings: i.

Singular: Oblique: human /-ene/ 'whom'; non-human /- d/ 'which,

that'. Genitive-Dative: / - ú ^ i / ' t o , of whom, which'

Nominative: human / - í ˆ ; non-human /-íd/. ii.

Plural: Oblique: /-é/. Nominative: human / - í ˆ ; non-human /-é/..

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

43

b. Examples: Table XIV presents the comparative evidence for 912 /k ˆ/ 'who', 1537 /kú^i/ 'whom, of whom, to whom', 461 /k éne/ 'whom', and 1538 /k d/ 'what, that'.

912 'who' Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1537 'to whom'

k —

461 'whom'

1538 'what, which'

kén č ne k ne

c

čé

k

kúi

k

kúi

kéˆ

k

kúi

kéˆi(ð)

k

kéˆ(d)

kéˆ

k

a

kién

ké

k

b

k

kéˆ

PRom. Lat.

k i

REW3 §

6953.1

k

ˆ

kúˆi

k éne

k

kui

k em

k id

d

6953.2

6953.4

Notes to Table XIV: a. Old Spanish. b. Old Portuguese. c. Dia lectal (Umbrian, Roman, Calabrian).

TABLE XIV PROTO-ROMANCE RELATIVE-INTERROGATIVES ***** NOTES TO CHAPTER 3

1. For discussion of the rōle of "zero" in linguistic des cription, cf. especially Haas 1957:33-53; Hoenigswald 1959. My own position is that Z E R O means 'nothing in contrast with some thing', and is simply a convenient book-keeping-device. 2. Cf. any grammar of Roumanian. The most extensive des criptions of current usage are those of Weigand (1918:65-67) and Lombard (1974:78, 80). 3. E.g. Meyer-Lübke 1890-1900:2. § 6; Densusianu 1901:1.244; Tiktin 1905:87; Gartner 1904:150; Sandfeld 1930:146-148; Graur 1967:25-26; Schaller 1975:141-143. 4.

E.g. Tucker (1944).

44

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

5. As suggested, for instance, by Pei 1941:70; Rohlfs 194954:2.§346. 6. E.g. Gerola 1950; revived by Aebischer 1971 and Gaeng 1971, 1972, and apparently accepted by Tekavcic 1972:2.§489. 7. As done, for instance, by Merlo (1952), Rohlfs 1949-54: §§362, 363; Hall 1961/62; Manczak 1973. 8. Cf. Grandgent 1927:§55; Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§§362, 363. 9.

Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§347.

10. Cf., for Central and South Italian, Rohlfs 1949-54: l.§§145, 147; for Asturian, Canellada 1944. 11. Cf. the references given in note 3. 12. According to this interpretation, the only Latinism in /benedítti/ Benedicti would have been ct for /tt/, a spelling which was wide-spread in mediaeval Italy; cf. Façon 1971:1.372. 13.. Cf. Hall 1968. Messing (1972) agrees with the deriva tion from the ablative, but considers that this use comes from phrases with cum. 14. Cf. Grandgent 1905:33. 15. For Old South French, cf. Grandgent 1905:87; for Old North French, Ewert 1933:§173 or Pope 1934:77; for Old Italian, Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§47. 16. The / ora/-ending was quite widespread in Old Italian, having been extended analogically to forms which originally be longed to declension II-A (e.g. /kámpora/ 'fields', /lókora/ 'places', /fόkora/'fires' (cf. Grandgent 1927 : § 151.1). The only one of these / ora/-plurals to have survived into modern Italian is /témpora/ (as an ėcclesiastical term, 'ember-days'), contrasted with the normal plural /tempi/ 'times'. 17. Pace Bonfante 1961, 1964, 1977; cf. also Migliorini 1963; Hall 1965, 1972. 18. At first glance, OSard. /sóssasúa/ sossa sua 'his bones' would seem to provide an instance of agreement between noun and adjective with a special adjectival ending /-a/ for the plural, which would constitute a true morphological neuter similar to that of Latin, Greek, or Russian. However, this Old Sardinian phrase is clearly shown to be singular, by the verb in the sen tence in which it occurs: I A G H E T C U G H E S O S S A S U A 'here lies his bones', in which /iáget/ 'lies' is singular, and /sόssasúa/ means something like 'his skeleton, the ensemble of his bones = Ger. sein Gebein1. Cf. Casini 1905:358 (inscription no. 62). The Sardinian singular /iáget/ contrasts with the Latin plural

FORM-CLASSES: SUBSTANTIVES AND PRONOUNS

45

in the inscription HIC SUNT OSSA [...] (Casini 1905:355, inscrip tion no. 58). Old Sardinian has no /-a/-plurals: forms like /lára/ 'lip' ( < PRom. /labra/; cf. ONFr. /l vrә/, Mod.:fr.

lèvre), /línna/ 'wood' ( < PRom. /ligna/) are all collective singulars: cf. Salvioni 1909:816-817. 19. Our written sources for Late Latin show confusion between -ēs and - s endings; cf. Väänänen 1960 (19813):§241. 20. Some third-declension nouns show up as masculines in cer tain Romance languages and feminines in others, such as the out comes of 825 /dente/ 'tooth' (feminine in South and North French, but masculine elsewhere, including Picard, Walloon, and Lorrain [cf. Meyer-Lübke 19363 :§2556]). In each instance, the question of the gender of the Proto-Romance etymon has to be decided sepa rately; that of /dénte/, for instance, would seem to have been masculine, with the French feminine as an innovation (which did not extend even to the outer edges of Gallo-Romance). 21. For the theory of /-es/ > /-i/ as a phonetic development, cf. Politzer 1952; Aebischer 1961; Gaeng 1972. For the "analo gical" theory, cf. Richter 1909; Bacinschi 1926; Grandgent 1927:§164; Hall 1961/62. Puşcariu (1927) ascribed the Italian and Roumanian /-i/ to the OLat. ending /-i s/ of the "pure istems." 22.

Cf. Kent 1946:§§260, 263.

23. M. L. Wagner's earlier opinion (1938:99) was that this -s was probably a Latinism. Later, however, he revised his opinion, considering (1960-64:2.421-422) that it was the sole survivor of an earlier situation in which many Sardinian nouns had a nomina tive singular in -s. 24. Cf. any fairly extensive reference-grammar of Latin, e.g. Allen and Greenough 1903:§§65-78. 25.

E.g. Rohlfs 1940; 1949-54:§367.

26. With frey < PRom. /fr gdus/, through an intermediate stage */fréyts/; cf. Vatel and Tuaillon 1956. 27.

Cf. Bourciez 1910 (1967 5 ) : §§ 526, 530; Schmid 1951.

28. Cf. Wagner 1960-64:2.425. 29. Cf. Badia i Margarit 1951:247 (§112.11). 30. Cf. Maner 1969a, 1969b; Hall 1969; Romeo 1969.

46

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

31.

Cf. Hall 1948b, 1978.

32.

Cf. Hall 1981.

33. The assumption of a dative case for Proto-Romance per sonal pronouns is based on (1) the Spanish forms /mí/ 'me', /tí/ 'thee', /sí/ 'himself, etc.', which cannot be traced back to /méˆ etc.; (2) the attestations in mediaeval Italian (especially the Placiti cassinesi of the 960's) of forms like meve 'to me', teve

'to thee', nobe

'to US', bobe 'to you (pl)'.

34. E.g. Grandgent 1927:§94; Pei 1941:192; and (somewhat more hesitantly) Rohlfs 1949-54:1.§ 308. 35.

E.g. Puscariu 1901; Hall 1961/62.

36.

Cf. Wagner 1938:126.

37.

Cf. Grandgent 1907:§390; Väänänen 1960 (19813) :§276.

38.

Cf. Wagner 1938:117-118; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. § 463.

39. Forms from /(ip)s-/ are found in a wide arc from the Abruzzi in central Italy to Sardinia, Gallo-Romance (to the present day in parts of southern France and Gascony), Catalonia, and Mallorca. Cf. Grandgent 1907:§392; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. §420. 40. Summarized in Väänänen 1960 (19813):§275. Cf. also the extensive discussions in Wolterstorff 1919; Trager 1932; Gamillscheg 1936; Lerch 1940; Aebischer 1948; Dauzat 1949; Pisani 1953; Ruggieri 1967; PiotrovskiT 1959, 1960, 1963; Ducháček 1961; Abel 1970, 1972; Douvier 1972; Orlandini 1981.

4.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

Romance verb-forms,1 as pointed out in §2.15, are to be di vided into two basic types: those which indicate, by their end ings, the person and number of the P R O T A G O N I S T of the situation (their S U B J E C T , in traditional terminology), and those which do not. The first type are normally called F I N I T E verb-forms; the second, N O N - F I N I T E . Only the analysis of the finite forms be longs under inflection. 4.1. The Structure of Finite Forms In every Romance language, the finite forms of verbs have the structure S T E M + T E N S E - M A R K E R + P E R S O N A L E N D I N G . The stem, in its turn, consists of R O O T + S T E M - F O R M A N T . The root carries the basic meaning(s) of the action, state, etc., referred to by the verb. In some modern Romance languages, the root may have a zero-allomorph, as in certain forms of the root /av-/ 'have' in French and Italian, e.g. French /(ž)eˆ/, Italian /ό X / 'I have' = root zero + tense-formant zero + personal ending /-eˆ/, /-ό X / respectively.2 All such forms are, however, the result of phonological reduction in the individual languages. There is no Proto-Romance verb for which we need reconstruct a zero-allomorph for its root. Phonological variation, on the other hand, has played a certain r le, throughout the history of Latin and the Romance languages, in the allomorphs of verbal roots, especially in the formation of the "preterite" stem or Stem C (see below, § 4.41 ), as in PRom. /fákit/ 'he does' /féˆkit/ 'he has done, he did', with /a/ in Stem A /eˆ in Stem C. The stem-formant, the tense-marker, and the personal endings can, in contrast to the root, all have zero-allomorphs — a phe nomenon found quite widely in mediaeval and modern Romance, and to be ascribed to Proto-Romance as well. The extreme case of such zero-allomorphs is found in such Modern French verb-forms as /(il)šãt/ '(he) sings', which consists of root alone, as con trasted with such a form as /(kәnu)šãtasjõz/ 'that we sang [past subjunctive]' = root /sãt-/ + stem-vowel /-a-/ + tense-sign /-sj-/ + personal ending /-õ z /. Similarly, in such a form as Italian, Spanish and Proto-Romance /kánta/ 'sing! [2.sg.]', the tense-sign and the personal ending are both zero. 4.11. S T E M S A N D S T E M - F O R M A N T S . For the present-day Romance lan guages as a group, we must set up a total of three possible stems on which the forms of a verb can be built. These are tradition ally termed the "present" stem (e.g., for Spanish /ae-/ 'do', the

48

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

root plus zero), the "future" stem (Spanish /ar-/, as in /aré/ 'I shall do'), and the "preterite" stem (Spanish /iθ-/, as in / θe/ 'I did'). However, since the basic meanings of these stems are related, not to time, but to reality, it is better to avoid the traditional terms, and to label them as shown in Table XV. LetterName

Traditional Name

Reference

Proto-Romance Examples

A

Present

reality, not com pleted

/kántat/ 'he sings' /fáket/ 'he does'

B

Future

probability (not completed or completed)

/kantáret/ '(that)

he might sing' /fákeret/ '(that) he

might do'

C

Preterite

non-reality, com pleted

/kantá( ) (i)t/ 'he

sang' /féˆkit/ 'he did'

TABLE XV ROMANCE VERB-STEMS As can be seen from the table, all three stems are to be set up for Proto-Romance. With Stems A and C, there is no difficul ty, since they are widely attested in Romance. Our justification for setting up a Stem B in Proto-Romance, however, lies in Portu guese and Sardinian. The Portuguese "personal infinitive" is usually considered, on syntactic grounds, as an infinitive plus personal endings, but it is, morphologically speaking, a tense.3 Sardinian also preserves a "subjunctive" built on the infinitive, i.e. on R O O T + T H E M A T I C V O W E L + /-re/. 4 These two, taken inde pendently of each other, would not justify our projecting a Stem B back into Proto-Romance, but together they afford evidence for such a formation.5 The "future" and "conditional" of Italo-Western Romance lan guages, on the other hand, is a later formation, derived from an initially phrasal sequence of I N F I N I T I V E + forms of /av-/ 'have'.6 In mediaeval varieties of Romance (e.g. Old Spanish), the fusion of these elements was not complete, and it still is not in cer tain conservative varieties such as literary Portuguese.7 Stem A consists, in all Romance languages, of R O O T + T H E M A T I C VOWEL,

i.e. with stem-formant zero. Stem B consists of R O O T +

T H E M A T I C V O W E L + /-re-/, and is therefore homonymous with the

infinitive. Stem C is formed either by the addition of further elements to the root (with or without thematic vowel), or by change in the phonological composition of the root itself (mor-

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

49

phophonemic alternation, shift of stress, or suppletion). In the later Romance languages, the processes of formation of Stem C are scattered and have to a certain extent disappeared.8 For ProtoRomance, however, we can assume a full representation of this stem for virtually all verbs. On occasion, we find S U B S T I T U T E thematic vowels, especially in the use of vowel-substitution as a tense-marker (cf. §4.13). A number of roots were extended, in Stem A, with the suffix / + í^sk-/ /+eˆsk-/, originally of Conjugation Illa. This suffix earlier had the meaning 'begin to ...', 'get into the condition Of ... ', as in Lat. /obdormi sk-/ 'go tO Sleep' ( : /dorm-/

'sleep'), or /kale sk-/ 'become warm' ( : /kal-/ 'be hot'). In Romance, this meaning was lost, but it is nevertheless customary to refer to such verbs as "inchoatives."9 The suffix was gener alized in various manners in the different Romance languages. For Proto-Romance, the most we can do is to set up the possibi lity of various roots having been extended with either / + é ˆ s k / or / ^ s k - / , i t h no change in meaning, e.g. /lu^ké^sko/ / l u k ^sko/ 'I Shine' (cf. Roum. /lučêsk/) , or/flo^ré"skunt/

/fio^rí^skunt/ + 'they flower' + (cf. Ital. /fior skono/). The dis tribution of / é^sk-/ and / í^sk-/ in the various Romance lan guages will be discussed in Chapter 14. 4.12. C O N J U G A T I O N S , for Proto-Romance as for Latin and the later Romance languages, are sub-classes of verb-roots determined by the thematic vowels which occur with them. The Romance conjuga tions, with examples, are shown in Table XVI. Conjugation

I II IIIa IIIb

Thematic Vowel

Example

a

/kant-a-/ 'sing'

i^

/dorm-i^-/ 'sleep'

e^

/ id-e^-/ 'see'

e

/batt-e-/ 'beat'

TABLE XVI PROTO-ROMANCE CONJUGATIONS 4.13. T E N S E S . For Proto-Romance, we must recognize four fully inflected sets of forms or T E N S E S (cf. §2.25), with the time-ref erences shown in Table XVII: N O N - P A S T , 1 0 P A S T , P R E - P A S T , and TIMELESS.11 In addition, there is an incomplete set of forms, the I M P E R A T I V E , which for Proto-Romance can be set up for only two persons, the second singular and second plural. 12 Since the meaning of the imperative is that of a command for something to be done at the present time or in the future, it excludes refer ence to wholly unreal or completed situations, and hence impera-

Not restricted to past

Restricted to past

Before the past under discus sion

Non-Past

Past

Pre-Past

doing'

fakéˆbat 'he was

singing'

kantábat 'he was

fáket 'he does'

kántat 'he sings'

Stem A

Imperative

Present or future

PROTO-ROMANCE TENSES

might do'

fákeret 'he

might sing'

kantáret 'he

Stem B

(2.sg.) fák(e) 'do!' (2.sg.) TABLE XVII

kánta 'sing!'

Time not relevant; kántet '(that) Timeless situation might ("Subjunctive") he sing' be different fák( )at '(that) he do'

Time-Reference

Tense

did'

féˆkisset '(that) he

he sang'

kantá( i)sset '(that)

done'

féˆkerat 'he had

had sung'

kantá( e)rat 'he

sang? fêˆkit 'he did'

kantá( )(i)t 'he

do'

feˆkerit 'he might

might sing'

kantá( e)rit 'he

Stem C

50 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

51

tives are build only on Stem A. Lying wholly outside of the rest of the system is a set of forms referring to future time alone, only with the verb 'be', and reconstructible on the basis of survivals in Old South and North French (cf. § 4.25). 4.14. T E N S E - M A R K E R S can consist either of zero, of sequences of phonemes (as in /-ba-/, marker of Past A for "regular" verbs), or of the substitution of one thematic vowel for another (e.g. in /a/ /e(^)/ in the formation of the Timeless A of verbs of Conjugation I, as in /kantet/ '(that) he sing'). 4.15.

PERSONAL ENDINGS

occur as follows:

1. .sg.: /-Ao/ in "regular" verbs in Present A; /-iV in Past C; zero in other tenses. 2. 2.sg.: zero in imperative; /-iV in Past C; /-s/ else where. 3. 3.sg.: /-t/. 4.

.p .: /-mus/.

5.

2.p . : / - t e / i n imperative; / - t i s / elsewhere.

6.

3.p .: / - n t / .

4.16. C L A S S I F I C A T I O N O F V E R B S is determined by their conjugation and the relation of Stems A and C to the root. A verb which fol lows regular patterns in Stem A will be termed "regular" (abbrevi ated Reg.); in Stem C, "weak" (abbr. W ) . One 1 3 which shows varia tion in Stem A will be termed "irregular" (Abbr. Irr.); in Stem C, "strong" (abbr. S ) . For each verb, its conjugation and the forma tion of its Stem A and Stem C should be listed, as in: /kant-/ 'sing' I/Reg/W /d-/ 'give' I/Irr/S /dorm-/ 'sleep' II/Reg/W /par-/ 'appear' II/Irr/S /uid-/ 'see' IIIa/Irr/S /batt-/ 'beat* IIIb/Reg/W /fak-/ 'do' IIIb/Irr/S 4.2.

4.21.

S T E M A. NON-PAST

A, usually called "Present Indicative."

k±nt

kánto

kánt

cánt

kánt 1

kánto

käto

kánto

kanto*

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

kanta* s

kántas

katas

kántas

kántas

cantas

kántas

kánti2

kínjzí

kántas

2.sg.

Sit. (Lucanian) /kándasa/.

Sit. (Lucanian) /kándata/.

2.

3.

kanta-mus

kantámus

kätamos

kantámos

kantám

cantons

katä6

kätades6

kanta-tis

6.

5.

TABLE XVIII-A

OPort.

OSpan.

kantant

kántant

kántan

kantádes5

kantátis

kántan

cántant

kántan

kántan(o)

kínta

kántant

3.pl.

kantáu

cantad

kantám

kantáte

kintájzí

kantátis

2.pl.

4. Oit.; m o d e m dial. (non-Tuscan).

kantat

kántat

käta

kánta

kánta

cántao

kantám

kantámo

kánta3 kánta

kintám

kantámus

i.pi.

kínta

kántat

3.sg.

PROTO-ROMANCEPJON-PASTA (1 S T CONJUGATION)

Old Catalan.

1.

Notes to Table XVIII-A:

kánto

Sard.

Lsg. 52 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

dorm

dormid

dormim

dormon dormant dormán duermen

dormes dorméjzí dormíu dormídes 5

dprme^m dormons dormim

dorm dort dorm

dors

dors

dorms

ONFr. dorm

Cat.

dormiunt dormi*tis

dormí^mus dormi-mus

dormit

dormios

dormi* s

PRom. dormo

Lat.

Sit. (Lucanian) /dormoso/

Sit. (Lucanian) /dormata/

2.

3.

6.

5.

4.

TABLE XVIII-B

OPort.

OSpan.

Oit.; modern dial. (non-Tuscan)

PROTO-ROMANCENON-PAST A ( 2 N D CONJUGATION)

OCat.

1.

Notes to Table XVIII-B:

dormit

dórmunt -ent

dormí^tes

dormimos

dorme

dormes

Port. dormo

dormo*

dorme

dormídes 6

dormimos

duerme

duermes

Span. duermo

dorm

OSFr. dorm

dor mon (o)

dormite

2

dormimo

dormi

Ital. dormo

dorme

*

doárme

dorm

Roum. dorm

dormint

dormitis

dormimus

dormit

dormis

Sard. dormo

3.pl.

2.pi.

î.pi.

3.sg.

2.sg.

Lsg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

53

bá¿

bájzí

bât

bát

bat 1

bato

bato

bátto

battuo•

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

f

bátte3

bâtti2

bâtto

Ital.

Cf. Sit. (Lucanian) /spártasa/

1

thou dividest .

battuit

báttet

bate

bate

battent battuunt

battent 3 battuitis

baten

batédes5

bate

baton

b8téAu

baté^des

bâtant

baten

bátton(o)

bát

battene

3.pi.

batéjzi

bate"**

batté^te

batêV

battides

2.pi.

6. OPort.

5. OSpan.

4. Oit.; modem dial. (non-Tuscan).

battuimus

batte^mus

bateamos

batémos

baté^m

batons

baté^m

batté^mo 1 4

batem

battemus

l.pl.

TABLE XVIII-C PROTO-ROMANCE MON-PAST A (3 R D CONJUGATION)

3. Cf. Sit. (Lucanian) /spártata/ ?he divides1.

2.

1. Old Catalan.

Notes to Table XVIII-C:

battuis

battes

bates

bates

bát

bát

bát

bate

bájzí1

bat

Roum.

ba¿

báttet

battes

3.sg.

bátto

2.sg.

Sard.

Lsg,

54 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

sumus

est e(ste)

ses

éstï 1

séi

Sard. so

Roum. s±ntū1

Ital. so"(no)

OSFr. so"(n)

so"n son sé 2 sunt sunt

só"u sodés so áes^ éstis 7 estis

só"m somos so"mos sumus sumus

es ês ê(ste) ést est

éç£

eres

es

es

es

Cat.

Span. soi

¿2 Port. so^

PRom. sun

Lat.

1. 2. 3.

ORoum. OPort. Oit.; Sit. (lucanian) /suma/, /sima/.

Notes to Table XVIII-D:

sum

TABLE XVIII-D

PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST A (/ess-/ 'be')

8.

Probably also /sentis/, /sútis/. Macedo-Roum.

so"nt

éstos

sommas

est

es

ONFr. sui

7.

so"(n)

estes

ésmes, sé"m

ês

es

Probably also /sé"mus/. Oit. OSpan.

so"n(o)

sé"te 5

sé 3 se mo J

ex

so"

suntu 8

seti1

sém

3.pl. sunt

2.pl. sêtes

4. 5. 6.

l.pl.

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 55

Cf. a l s o S i t .

0 1 t . ; modern d i a l .

2.

3.

OSpan.

5.

OPort.

TABLE XVIII-E PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST A (/a -/ 'have')

(non-Tuscan).

(Lucanian) / s e t / .

Oit.

1.

4.

habent habe-tis

habe*mus

habet

habe•s

Notes to Table XVIII-E:

habeo

Lat.

á(u)nt

abe-tis

abé^mus

¿5

a

ave^des

avê^mos

á á(be)t

ás

Port. éi

án

án

abemos

abedes

(avjé^u

ont

á(u)n

án(no)

áu

áen

3.pl.

á

a(vé^)m

avons

áð á

avê'V

aveAm

á avejzí

avéAte

ave mo 3

avecé

ates

2.pl.

á(e)s

ás

Span. é

á(i)o

ás

Cat. é

PRom.

ás

ONFr. ái

ái

ás

óx , áğğo1

OSFr. ái

Ital.

avem

áve

ái

Roum. ám áx2

ámus

á(e)t

áes

Sard. áppo

l.pl.

3.sg.

2.sg.

lsg.

56 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

57

a. Reference: to r e a l i t y , but not l i m i t e d to the past, and therefore r e f e r r i n g to the present (temporal or gnomic), and also on occasion to the future or ( i n the " h i s t o r i c a l present") to situations e x i s t i n g i n the past. b.

Tense-marker: in general, zero.

The forms of this tense

c o n s i s t , t h e r e f o r e , of STEM + PERSONAL ENDING.

The stem-vowel

/ u / or / e / in the t h i r d person plural i n Conjugcation I I and with the root / a b - / 'have' (see below, Remark i i ) and / e s s - / 'be' (see below, Remark i i i ) . c. Stress: arhizotonic (on the penult) in the f i r s t and sec ond persons p l u r a l , rhizotonic elsewhere. d. Examples: c f . Tables XVIII-A, - B , and -C f o r the compara t i v e Romance evidence f o r s e t t i n g up the individual forms of the Proto-Romance paradigms of regular verbs, and Tables XVIII-D and -E f o r those of the roots / e s s - / 'be' and / a b - / ' h a v e ' , res pectively.

e.

Remarks:

i. A certain number of roots show, in varying distribution in the later Romance languages, evidence for the addition of a root-extension /-i-/ before a back vowel, in the first person singular and the third person plural on Non-Past A and before the substitute stem-vowel /-a-/ in Timeless A. We list them here with indication of their conjugations: II:

aper- -

'open'

fer- - 'strike' mor- - 'die' IIIa. ab- - 'have'

par- - 'appear' sal- - 'go up, out' en-

'come'

sap- - 'know'

de^b- - 'owe'

sol- - 'be accustomed to'

dol- - 'hurt, feel pain'

ten- - 'hold'

kad

' b e worth'

'fall'

kap- - 'get, take' pot- - 'be able' IIIb: fak- - 'do, make'

i d - - 'see' ol- - 'wish, want' po^n-i- 'put'

We can, therefore, set up such alternating pairs as / όlo/ ˜ /

/ 'I Want', /moro/ ˜ /mor o/

'I die', /poto/ ˜ /pot o/

'I am able' for roots of this type. The root-extensions /-ng-/ and /-ig-/,, present in such Ital ian and Spanish forms as /tengo/ 'I hold (have)', /salgo/ 'I go up (out)', are not to be projected back into Proto-Romance. they

cant vәs

kәntávәs

kantábas

katávas

cant v ә 3

kantáva

kantába

kâtava.

kantába

kanta•bam

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

ORoum.

Olt., dial.

1.

2.

Notes to Table XIX-A:

katáva

kantavas

kantáva

OSFr.

4.

3.

kanta-bat

kantábat

kantáva

cant vəð

kantáva

kantáva

5.

OPort.

kanta-ba-mus

kantabamus

kätavamos

kantabamos

kәntávәm

———

kantavám

kantavámo

kintám

kantabamus

1.pl.

katáva 5

katávades5

kanta. ba•tis

kanta-bant

kantábant

kantaban

kantábades4

kantabátes

kantávan

cant vant 3

kantávan

kantávano

kintá1

kantábant

3.pl.

kәntavәu

————

kantavá¢

kantaváte

k±ntá¢

kantabátes

2.pl.

TABLE XIX-A PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A (1 S T CONJUGATION)

OSpan.

Eastern OFr.

kanta-ba. s

kantábas

kantaba

kantavi

kantáva2

Ital.

kintá

kintai

kintá.1

Roum.

kantábat

kantábas

3.sg.

kantaba

2.sg.

Sard.

lsg.

58 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

dormíva 3

dormívas 3

dormívә3

dormía

dormía

dormía

dormí^(b)a

dormie'barn

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1. 2.

ORoum. Olt.

3.

dormie'ba-s

dormí^(b)as

dormías

dormías

dormías

dormie'bat

dormí^(b)at

dormía

dormía

dormía

dormie'ba'mus

dormi*(b)ámus

dormíamos

dormíamos

dormíam

dormiám

dormie'ba* tis

PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A ( 2 N D CONJUGATION)

TABLE XIX-B

4. OSpan. 5. OPort.

dormie* bant

dormí^(b)ant

dormía 5

dormíades 5 dormi^(b)átis

dormían

dormían

dormívant3

dormían

dormívano

dormí a

dormíant

3.pl.

dormíades

dormíau

dormiám

dormiváte

dormi á¢1

dormibátis

2.pl.

OLorr. Elsewhere, the endings of this conjugation in ONFr. were all replaced by /-ê"ia/ < /-é"ba/ etc.

Notes to Table XIX-B:

dormía

dormías

dormía

OSFr.

dormivámo

dormiva

Ital. dormíva

dormi ám

dormí a 1

dormí i 1

dormí a 1

Roum.

dormívi

dormibâmus

dormíat

l.pl.

dormías

3.sg.

dormía

2.sg.

Sard.

Lsg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 59

battue-ba* s

battue*bam

Lat.

OSard.

*

1.

"

4.

battue'bat

battê^(b)at

batê^iaö

battê^va

batèâ

battéat1

3.sg.

battue*ba-mus

batte^bámus

bate^iéns

battevamo

batearn

l.pl.

battue.ba.tis

batte^batis

bate^iéjzi

battevate

bateau

2.pl.

TABLE XIX-C PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A ( 3 R D CONJUGATION)

was replaced by / i / in Past A of this conjugation.

In OSFr. and Ibero-Romance, the thematic vowel / e " /

Notes to Table XIX-C: .

battê^(b)as

4

baté"i9s

battê^vi

batté^(b)a

4

4

bate^iә

4

batte^va3

PRom.

Port.

Span.

Cat.

ONFr.

OSFr.

Ital.

bateai

battêas

battéa 1

Roum. batea 2

Sard.

2.sg.

l.sg.

battue*bant

batte^(b)ant

bate^iant

battë^van o

batea 2

battéant1

3.pl-

60 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

eras

eras

eras

eras

era- s

era

Cat.

Span. era

Port. era

PRom. era

Lat.

1 1

era-mus

i

era-tis

era(bá)tis

erávades

erábades

êrau

erá¢

eraváte

era¢1

2.pi.

TABLE. XIX-D PROTO-ROMANCE PAST A (/ess-/ 'be')

The modern Sardinian forms are built on the substitute stem /f-/.

5.' OPort.

ORoum. OSpan

*/erates/.

2.

erant

érant

era

eran

eran

(i )érant

éra(n)

érano

era'2

érant1

3.p1.

^

The only attested Sardinian form on the stem /er-/ is OSard. /érant/ (Wagner

erat

era(bá)mus

erávamos

era erat

erábamos

eram

eram

eravamo

eram

l.pl.

era

era

(i)éraö

era

era

era

3.sg.

1938/39:§117); presumably there were also */era/, */éras/, */érat/, A/êramus/,

1.

Notes to Table XIX-D:

eram

(i)eras

(i)era

eri

^ 3 era °

Ital.

ONFr.

erái

-2 era

Roum.

eras

1

1

Sard.

OSFr. era

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

61

62

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

are, rather, to be ascribed to Proto-Italo-Western Romance, hav ing arisen probably in back-formations at a time when /-n -/ and /-ng-/ before front-vowels had become /-nn-/, and /l -/ and /-lg-/ before front vowels -ad given /- -/, which were thus in alternation with /-ng-/ and /-lg-/ before back vowels, so that, say, PItWRom. / ./ could be equated with /tengo/ and /¡ " >/ With /salgo/. ii. The root /pot-/ 'be able' had a variant /poss-/,(coming, of course, from earlier /possum/ and /possunt/, respectively) in the first person singular and the third person plural, surviving in such forms as Ital. /pósso/ 'I can' and /possono/ 'they can'. iii. The root /ab-/ 'have' had a variant /a(i)/ in the first person singular, and /a-/, occurring with or'without stemvowel, in the other rhizotonic forms. These shorter variants were the source for the later developments in Italo-Western Romance, and especially for the endings in the so-called "synthetic" future and conditional. iv. The roots /fak-/ 'do' and /uad-/ 'go' had similar short variants, /fa-/ and /ua-/ respectively, in rhizotonic forms, giving: /fab/

or /fό/ 'I do'

/fas/

'thou

/fat/

'he does'

dost'

/fa(u)nt/ 'they do'

/ ao/ or /uό/ 'I go' / as/ 'thou goest' / at/ 'he goes' / a(u)nt/ 'they go'

v, The root /ess-/ 'be' here, as in other tenses (and, in general, in the Indo-European languages throughout its conju gation) had a wide variation in its forms, corresponding only par tially to the normal inflection of other roots in this tense. The root itself appears as /es-/ in the second and third per sons singular and in the third person plural, and as /s-/ in the other persons (probably also in the second person plural in some dialects). The personal endings appear as /-n/ in the first person singular, as zero in the second person singular, and in their regular form elsewhere. In the first person singular and the first and third persons plural, we find the substitute stemvowel /u/ (probably also / e V , / i V in some dialects). 4.22.

PAST

A, traditionally termed "imperfect."

a. Reference: limited to the past, to a situation for whose beginning no sharp onset, for whose cessation no sharp end is in dicated. From the semantic point of view, the Romance and Latin "imperfect" is a Past Non-Punctual. It is therefore approximate ly equivalent in meaning to English was ...-ing or used to ... .

čánjzf

ONFr. čánt

OIt.

OCat.

Eastern ONFr.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table XX-A:

kante-tis

kante-mus

kantet

Old Aquilan.

OPort.

TABLE XX-A

6.

5.

OSpan.

kanté^tis

kante^mus

kántet

4.

katédes

käte^mos

kate

kante^u kantédes

kanté^m kantémos

2

2

kantent

kántent

kate

kánten

kantan

čántant

cante í¢3

kánte

kant

cánt

kánten

kanté^m

kánt kanté'V

kanteno

kante mo

kántent

3.pl .

kánte kante te

kantétes

2.pl.

kínte

kantémus

l.pl.

kínte

kantet

3.sg.

PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A ( 1 S T CONJUGATION)

kante-s

kántes

PRom. kante

kantem

kates

Port. kate

Lat.

kántes

Span. kante

kant

kánjzí

kánjzí

OSFr. kánt

2

kante

Ital. kánte

„

kíngí

Roum.

Cat.

kántes

2.sg.

Sard. kante

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 63

dórmas

Sard. dorma

dórmas

dórmas

Port. dorma

PRom. dorma

OCat.

OSpan.

OPort.

1.

2.

3.

Notes to Table XX -B:

Lat.

dórmiat

duerma

dormía-mus

dormámus

dormámos

dormamos

dormarn1

(dormiéns)

dormarn

dormiámo

dormámus

l.pl. 2.pl.

dormán 1 duerman dórma 3 dormant dormiant

dormádes2 dormádes 3 dormátis dormía- tís

dormant

dormán

dormán(o)

doarma

dormant

3.pl.

dormáu1

(dormie¢)

dormá¢

dormíate

donnátes

TABLÉ XX J B PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (2 N D CONJUGATION)

dórmía-s

dórmat

duermas

Span. duerma

dormiam

dórma

dórmas1

dorma1 dórma1

dórmaö

dórmas

ONFr. dorms

Cat.

dórma

dórmas

OSFr. dorma

dórma

dórma

doarma

dórmat

3.sg.

liai. dorma

Roum.

2.sg.

l.sg.

64 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

bata

bata

bátta

battuam

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

4. OPort.

bátan báta4

báttant báttuant

batádes3 batádes4

battátis battua-tis

batamos

battámus battua-mus

batamos

bátan1

batáu1

báta(n)

báttan(0)

bâtant

batáf¿

battiáte

bata

battant

3.pl.

(batiefá).

TABLE XX-C PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (3 R D CONJUGATION)

Garfagnana (Tuscany).

2.

battuat

bátta

bâta

3. OSpan.

ba t. tua* s

báttas

batas

bâta

1, OCat.

Notes to Table XX-C:

batám 1

bâta1

batas1

bata1

Cat.

batas

(batiéns)

bátao

batas

bata

batám

ONFr.

bâta

batas

bata

OSFr.

bátta

bátta

battamo2

battátes

battámus

báttat

báttas bâta

2.pl.

i.pi.

3.sg.

2.sg.

Itai. bátta

Roum.

Sard. bátta

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

65

áias

ázas

Span. áia

Port. áza

OSp.

3. OPort.

2.

ázam aiámos azámos

áza áia áza

TIMELESS A (/av-/ 'have")

TABLE XX-D

habea-mus

aiaéns

áieo1

habeat

aiám

abbiamo

appamus

l.pl.

áia

PROTO-ROMANCE

1. Earliest OFr.; later /áit/.

Notes to Table XX-D:

Lat.

habea•s

ázas

áza

Cat.

habeam

áias

ONFr. áia

PRom.

áias

OSFr. áia

ábbia

ábbia

ábbia

áppat

Ital.

áppas

3.sg.

áiba

áppa

2.sg.

Roum.

Sard.

lsg.

habeant

ázan3

azádes3

habea-tis

áian

ázan

áiant

áian

ábbian o

áiba

áppant

3.pl.

aiades

ázau

aiáé^í

aiájzí

abbiáte

appatis

2.pl.

66 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

si( )as

si(a-)s

PRom. si( )a

La.t. .si(.a ; >_

Instead of

OSpan. OPort.

TABLE XX-E

4.

3.

si(a)t

si(. )at

)amus

si(*)(a-)mus

si(

PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS A (/ess-/ 'be')

as might have been expected.

OCat.

1.

2.

*/sé^iaö/,

se^zámos

seAza

seA zas

Port. s e A z a

Notes to Table XX-E:

seamos

sea

seas

Span. sea

siám 1

' 1 sia

sias

sia1

Cat.

se^iaéns

se'it2

sepias

ONFr. se^ia

siám

siat

sias

s i amo

siarnus

l.pl.

OSFr. sia

sia

siat

3.sg.

sia

sias

2.sg.

Ital. sia

Roum.

Sard. sia

l.sg.

sí( )ant ai(a)nt

si(-)(a-)tis

se A zä 4

sean

sían1

sériant

sían

sían(o)

sí(a)nt

3.pl.

)atis

si(

se^zádes

seades

siáu 1

se^iáéjzf

siájzí

siáte

siátes

2.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 67

kínta

kánta

kánta

canto

kánto

kánta

käta

kánta

kanta*

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

5. OSpan.

habe-

es

sé- 3

éve3 abe

sé 5

(síos) 2

(sías)

é

(ážos)

TABLE XXÎ-A PROTO-ROMANCE IMPERATIVE (2.SG.)

4. ONIt.

OCat.

2.

battue

bátte

báte

báte

bát

bát

bát

(aías)

ábbi

bátte 4 síi

(fí)

aib

bátte báte

/ess-/ ?

/av-/ ?

Conjug. III

3. POrt.

dÓrmi•

dÓrmi

dÓrmi

duerme

dÓrm

dÓrm

dÓrm

dÓrmi

dÓrm

dÓrmi

Conjug. II

1. Dialectal.

Notes to Table XXI'-A

kánta

Sard.

Conjug. I

68 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

(siáte)

( s e ^ iáéjzí ) (siáu) sed sé~de2 site este

(abbiáte)

( a i ¢) (ážau) abed ave^de2 abé^te habe-te

batté^te (baté^¢) (bat ¿) (bateau) (batíd) 1 (batíde)1,2 batté^te battuite

dormite

(dormí¢ 1 )

(dorm ¢1)

(dormíu)

dormid

dormíde

dormite

dormi-te

Ital. kantáte

OSFr. ( k a n t á ¢ )

Span. k a n t á d

Port. k a n t á d e 2

PRom. k a n t á t e

1.

TABLE XXI-B

(aiá¢)

PROTO-ROMANCE IMPERATIVE (2.PL.)

With substitute thematic vowel /if.

Notes to Table XXI-B:

kanta-te

(kəntáu)

Cat.

Lat.

( c a n t ¢)

ONFr.

2. OPort.

(fí/)

avejzí

baté¢1

dormí¢1

(siá¿)

?

Roum. k i n t á ¢ 1

?

battête

dormite

/ess-/

Sard. k a n t á t e

/av-/

Conjug. I I I

Conjug. II

Conjug. I

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 69

70

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

b. Tense-Marker: i. For /ess-/ 'be', /-ss-/ /-r-/, with following vowel /a/; the resultant stem-form = /era-/. ii.

For all other verbs, /-ba-/.

c. Stress: on the next to the last syllable throughout. d. 4.23.

Examples: cf. Tables XIX-A through -D. T I M E L E S S A, usually called "present subjunctive."

a. Reference: to a real situation, but time is not relevant. Use of this tense indicates that the situation might in some way be different from what it is, and that the speaker has an emo tional attitude toward it. In independent clauses, it therefore served (as in Latin and the later Romance languages) to give a command or to indicate a wish or desire, e.g. / Iniat/'let him come', /kanté^mus/ 'let's sing!'. In subordinate (included, em bedded) clauses, its chief use was with verbs indicating wish, de sire, command, possibility, doubt, and other "iffy" situations. b. Tense-Markers: i. For regular conjugations, exchange of thematic vowel: in Conjugation I, /a/ /e^ (reduced to /e/ when not stressed), and in Conjugations II and III, /i^/, /e/, and /e^/ /a/. ii. For /ab-/ 'have' and /ess-/ 'be', use of thematic vowel /a/ and of special stem-variants (see below). c. Stress: arhizotonic (on penult) in first and second per sons plural, rhizotonic elsewhere. d.

Examples: cf. Tables XX-A through - C

e. Remarks: i. As in the Non-Past A, a number of roots (such as those listed in § 4.21.e.i) had, at least in some persons' speech, the root-extension /- .-/ before /a/ (and, therefore, in all six per sons of this tense): e.g. /fák(i)a/ '(that) I do'; /mór( )at/ '(that) he die'; /ten( )amus/ '[that) we hold'. ii. The root /ab-/ 'have' had a variant /a( ) - / , and /ess-/ 'be' had /si( ) - / , in all six persons. 4.24. I M P E R A T I V E , formed only (in accordance with its meaning) on Stem A (cf. § 4.13) and only in the second person (singular and plural).

FORM-CLASSES:

VERBS

71

a. Reference: to present or future time, f o r the giving of a command. b. Stress: arhizotonic in the p l u r a l , rhizotonic in the singular. c.

Examples: cf. Tables XXI-A and XXI-B.

d.

Remarks:

i. For /ess-/, the Romance evidence does not suffice to set up a second person singular imperative form. One would have been understood, probably, if one had used the Timeless A /sí^as/. ii. For commands in other persons, the Timeless A ("present subjunctive") was used, as in Latin and the later Romance languages. 4.25. F U T U R E . This tense, as observed in § 4.13, is reconstruc tible only for /ess-/ 'be', and only on the basis of Old South and Old North French, and of sporadic survivals in Old North Ital ian. 1 7 a.

Reference: wholly to future reality.

b.

Stress: rhizotonic throughout.

c.

Examples: cf. Table XXII.

l.Sg. Lsg. 2.sg. 3.sg. l.pl. 2.pl. 2. pi. 3. pi. 3.pl.

ONFr.

OSFr. OS Fr.

ONIt.

PRom.

Lat. Lat.

iér

ér

ero

ero*

iérs

ers

éris

eris

iert

er

érit

erit

érimus

erimus erimus

*éritis

eritis eritis

erunt

erunt erunt

er

iérmas

ierant

érant

TABLE XXII PROTO-ROMANCE FUTURE (/ess-/ 'be') d. Remarks: i . I f i t were not f o r the evidence of L a t i n , we would not know whether to assign t h i s tense to Proto-Romance or not, and we might be i n c l i n e d to consider i t a Gallo-Romance and North I t a l i a n

72

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

innovation which had had only a very short l i f e . ii. In the absence of evidence from Romance languages which preserve f i n a l vowels other than / a / , we have to reply on Latin f o r ascribing / i / and / u / to the f i n a l s y l l a b l e of these forms i n Proto-Romance. For the f i r s t person singular, we might guess at a f i n a l / - o / on the analogy of the Non-Past A; here, t o o , however, we are r e a l l y dependent on the Latin evidence. 4.3.

S T E M B.

This stem, consisting of R O O T + T H E M A T I C V O W E L + S T E M - F O R MANT /-re-/ (§4.11), was by definition equivalent to the infini tive: e.g. /kantare-/, /dormi^re-/, /teksere-/ 'to Weave', /essere-/ ' to be', /uide're-/

' to See', /abe^re-/ 'to have'.

For Proto-Romance, we can set up only one tense on this stem, a TIMELESS B, with reference, not to reality, but to a possible or probable situation. Stress was arhizotonic in the first and sec ond persons plural of all conjugations and in the other persons of all conjugations except IIIb; in this latter, it was rhizotonic in the other persons. Examples are given in Table XXIII (using, for Sardinian, the forms attested in Wagner 1938-39:§§119125, including those of /téksere/ instead of our usual /báttere/). 4.4.

S T E M C.

4.41. S T E M - F O R M A N T S . In Stem C, in Proto-Romance as in Latin, we find a number of different elements used as formants:18 a.

In weak verbs: i. Conjugations I, II: A.

e.g.

In Past C: /-u-i-/ (

/kanta(u)i-/,

B.

/-u-e-/ before /r/) ~ zero:

/dormi~(u)i-/.

In other tenses built on Stem C: zero: e.g. /kanta-/,

/dormi^-/.

ii.

Conjugation III:

A. In Past C: /-u-/ in third person singular and first person plural ~ zero in other persons: e.g. /batte u -/. B. b.

In other tenses built on Stem C: zero: e.g. /batte-/.

In strong verbs: /-i-/ ( i. /-u-/ (formant = /-ui-/):

/-e-/ before / r / ) , preceded by:

katár

kantáre

kanta-rem

dormiré

dormir

dormí^re

dormi-rem

téssere

te¢é^r

teksere

tekserem

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Sard.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

Sard.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1.

kantares

2.sg.

teksere-s

tekseres

te¢é^res

tésseres

dormi-re-s

dormi^res

dormires

dormires

kanta-re-s

kantáres

kätares

Cf. Wagner 1938/39:§§119-125.

Notes to Table XXIII:

kantáre

Sard.

l.sg.

teksere- tis

teksere tis

te¢é^rdes

tesserétes

dormi-re-tis

dormire^t

dormirdes

dormiretes

kanta-re-tis

kantare^t

katárdes

kantaretes

2.pl.

PRom. /téksere/, Lat. /teksere/ 'to weave'.

teksere-mus

tekseré^mus

te¢e^rmos

tesserémus

dormi-re-mus

dormiré^mus

dormírmos

dormiremos

kanta-re-mus

kantare^mus

katármos

kantaremus

l-Pl -

TABLE XXIII PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS B

2.

tekseret

tékseret

te¢é^r

tésseret

dormi-ret

dormí^re

dormir

dormiret

kanta-ret

kantaret

katár

kantaret

3.sg.

tekserent

tékserent

te¢e^rë

tissèrent

dormi-rent

dormí^rent

dormiré

dormirent

kanta•rent

kantarent

katarë

kantarent

3.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 73

74

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION A.

Conjugation

Added directly to such roots as: Root

Stem C

Meaning

II

1458

Illa

1021

ab-

353 323 307

de'b†pot-

'be able'

†sap-

'know'

1414

†tak-

'be silent'

1420

†ten-

'hold'

1431

†toll-

'take'

479 348 291 840

†uol-

'wish, want^

Illb

'ome'

uen-

'Have' 'owe'

•drink'

†bib„

†mou-

'move'

†uink-

' conquer'

B. With a change in the root, in such verbs of Conjuga tion IIIb as: 348 213

ii.

'drink'

†bibkogno^sk-

'know'

751

kre^sk-

'grow'

1540

nask-

'be born'

/-s-/ (formant = /-si-/):

A. Added directly (with voiced consonant automatically voiceless consonant), to such roots of Conjugation IIIb as: 1541

de^stru^g-

de^stru^k-si-

'destroy'

361

di^k-

di^k-si-

'say'

71

du~k-

du^k-si-

'lead'

1542

fing-

fink-si-

'pretend'

1543

fi^g-

fi^k-si-

'fix, fasten'

855

iung-

iunk-si-

' join'

22

king-

kink-si-

'gird around'

1544

leg-

lek-si-

'read'

356

plang-

plank-si-

'weep'

1545

re^g-

re^k-si-

'govern'

75

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

1546 1547 1414

skri^bstringttak-

skri^p-si-

'write'

strink-si-

'squeeze'

tak-si-

'be silent'

543

trag-

trak-si-

'pull, draw'

1424

ting-

tink-si-

'dye,

858

ung-

unk-si-

'smear, anoint

840

B. I lib as:

'conquer'

With change in the root, to such verbs of Conjugation 781

ard-

ar-si-

515

1

burn'

•kill'

1548

de^fend-

de^fe^-si-

'ward off'

1121

find-

fe^s-si-

'split'

1549

ke"d-

ke^s-si-

'yield'

510

1

911

'ask for, s<

shut'

614

mitt-

mi^-si-

'put'

723

mulg-

mul-si-

'milk'

521

prem-

pres-si-

'press'

127

pre~nd-

pre^-si-

'take'

1366

rad-

ra-si-

'shave'

458

(re)man-

(re)ma-si-

'stay'

1372

respo^nd-

respo^-si-

'answer'

5

ri"d-

ri^-si-

'laugh'

484

ro~d-

ro^-si-

'gnaw'

1550

sparg-

spar-si-

'scatter'

1551

terg-

ter-si-

'wipe off'

1431

ttoll-

tol-si-

'take•

tork-si-

'twist'

1552 290

i i i. A.

color'

'live'

Root alone, but changed as follows: Reduplicated, in two verbs of Conjugation I: 359

d-

ded-i-

'give'

737

ist-

istet-i-

'stand, stay

76

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

B. With change in vowel of root, in: 'come'

1458 338

fak-

fe^k-i-

'do'

c. With suppletion (complete replacement) in one verb of Conjugation IIIb: 647 4.42.

ess-

fu-i-

'be'

N O N - P A S T C.

a. Reference: to situations removed from reality, but not restricted to the past (roughly equivalent to English phrases with might

... Or should

... .

b. Tense-sign: /-re-/. c. Stress: arhizotonic in all persons. d. Examples: see Tables XXIV-A through -D. e. Remark: in weak verbs, the Timeless B and Non-Past C were homonymous, as they still are in Spanish and Portuguese. This homonymy was undoubtedly a major factor contributing to their loss in most regions. 4.43.

PAST C.

a. Reference: to situations removed from present reality and limited to past time, with a sharp beginning and end (semantically a Past Punctual). b. Tense-signs: i.

In second person plural, /-s-/.

ii.

In second person singular, /-sti-/.

iii.

In third person plural, /-(^)ru/.

iv.

In other persons, zero.

c. Stress: i. In weak verbs, arhizotonic, on syllable immediately following root. ii. In strong verbs: A . In first person singular and plural, and in third person singular, rhizotonic.

(konsi^áre) 3

Ital.

katár

kantáre

kanta-

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

kantárent kanta-

kantárétis kanta-

kantáremus kanta•

kantáret kanta-

kantáres

kanta-i

5.

ORoum.

OIt. '(that) he should advise'

2.

3.

OPort.

TABLE XXIV-A PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (WEAK, 1 S T CONJUGATION)

4.

OSard. '(that) he should raise'.

1.

OSpan.

katáre

katáredes 5

katáremos 5

katár

kätares

kintáre2

3.pi.

kantáren

kintaretu

2.pi.

kantáredes

kintarému2

i pi -

kantáremos

kintare

(leváret)1

3.sg.

kantáre

kantáres

kintári 2

2.sg.

Notes to Table XXIV-A:

kantáre

Span.

Cat.

ONFr.

OSFr.

kintare2

Roum.

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

77

2

———

———

ORoum.

OSic. '(that) I should hold'

2.

3.

6.

5.

4.

OPort.

OSpan.

OIt. '(that) he should serve'

dormi•

TABLE XXIV-A PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (WEAK, 2ND CONJUGATION)

OSard. '(that) he should serve'

dormi" ^

dormi*

dormí^rent

dormí^retis

dormí^retnus

dormí^ret dormi *i

dormiré

dormíren

———

———

———

———

dormiré

———

3.pl.

dormíredes

dormíredes

———

———

———

———

^ 2 dormiretu

———

2.pl.

dormiremos

dormiremos

———

———

———

———

dormiremú

———

l.pl.

dormir

dormiré

———

———

(serviré)

dormiré

(serviret)*

3.sg.

1.

Notes to Table XXlV-A

dormi*

dormí^res

PRom. dormí^re

dormi•

dormíres

Port. dormir

Lat.

dormíres

Span. dormirE

Cat.

———

———

———

dormiri

———

2.sg.

ON.Fr.———

OSFr.

Ital. (teñiré)

ROUM. dormiré

Sard.——

l.sg.

78 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

batéres

bátteres

Port. batér

PRom. báttere

OSic. 'you might be able'.

2.

OPort.

(gemuerimus)

(gemueritis)

battéretis

battéremus

(gemuerint)

bátterent

batérë

bátere1

3.pl.

TABLE XXIV-C

4. 'that I should groan' etc. ( : /gerne-/ 'groan').

3.

(gemuerit)

bátteret

batéredes3

baterétu1

bateremu1

batéremos 3

3.pl.

l.pl.

PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (WEAK, 3 R D CONJUGATION)

ORoum.

1.

Notes to Table XXIV-C

(gemuerim)4

(gemueris)

(poteri) 2

Ital.

Lat.

bátere1

báteri 1

Roum. bátere1

batér

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

79

fi3eres

fé^keres

OPort. fi3er

fe^kere

fe-kerim

PRom.

Lat.

fe-keris

hi3iéreS

2.sg.

OSpan. hi3iére

l.sg.

fe-kerimus

fe^kéremus

fi3eremos

hi3iéremos

l.pl.

TABLE XXIV-D PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (STRONG)

fe-kerit

fé^keret

fi3er

hi3iére

3.sg.

fe-keritis

f e^kêretLs

fÍ3eredes

hi3iéredes

2.pi.

fe-kerint

fé^kerent

fi3erë

hi3iéren

3.pl.

80 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

fores

fores

f oris

OPort. for

fore

forim1

PRom.

Lat.

1.

forit

foret

for

fuére

3.sg.

forimus

foremus

foremos

fuéremos

l.pl.

foritis

foretis

foredes

fuéredes

2.pi.

TABLE XXIV-E PROTO-ROMANCE NON-PAST C (STRONG, /ess--/ 'be')

Less frequent than /fuerim/ etc.

Note to Table XXIV-E:

fueres

2.sg.

OSpan. fuére

lsg.

forint

forent

fore

fueren

3.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 81

82

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

B. In third person plural, in some regions arhizotonic (on penult) before /-^ru-/), in others rhizotonic before /-ru-/c. d.

In second person, arhizotonic (on penult).

Examples: cf. Tables XXV-A through -E.

e. Remark. due to its time-reference and aspect, the Past C was — in those varieties of Romance where it survived — exten sively subject to analogical influence and re-shaping, particu larly in the strong verbs. Especially in the third person singu lar in the weak verbs also, we must allow for an alternation between forms with and without /- -/, /- i-/, and /-i-/. Thus, for the root /kant-/ 'sing', the forms in the various Romance languages point back to the co-existence of /kantai it/, /kantá t/, /kantáit/ and /kantát/, all 'he sang'. 19 4.44.

PRE-PAST C.

a. Reference: to a time previous to a past which has just been under discussion (and hence wholly removed from present reality). b.

Tense-sign:

c. Stress: i.

In weak verbs: arhizotonic, on penult

ii.

in all persons.

In strong verbs: A.

In first and second persons plural, arhizotonic, on

B.

In other persons, rhizotonic.

penult.

d.

Examples: cf. Tables XXVI-A through -E.

e. Remark: this tense, having no semantically corresponding set of forms built on Stem A, was in an "exposed" position and — insofar as it survived at all — liable to a shift of meaning. In the earliest attested stages of Gallo- and Italo-Romance, forms from the Proto-Romance Pre-Past C are found, some with pre-past meaning, others (e.g. ONFr. /rov reö/ 'he ordered', /auraö/ 'she had' in the Cantilene

de Sainte

Eulalie)

referring

simply to the past. In Ibero-Romance, these paradigms are still very much alive; in mediaeval Portuguese and Spanish, they were still pre-past in meaning, but have in modern usage come to be nearly synonymous with Timeless C (wherefore they are often re ferred to in traditional-type grammars as simply "the second past subjunctive").

kintái

kantái

(kantéi)

cantai

(kontí)

kante

kãtei

kantá(u)i

kanta'ui*

Roum.

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

1. 2.

kãtou

kanto

kantá

cantáo

(kantét)

kanto

kintá

kantá(i)t

3.sg.

kanta-uisti

kantáron kãtáro kantárunt kanta-ue(•)runt

katástes kantá(ui)stts kanta-uistis

katámos kantá(ui)mus kanta-uimus

kantáran

čant rant

(kantéren)

kantástes

(kantárou)

čantástas

(kanten)

kantáro (no}

kintára

kintátu1 kantáste

kantárunt

3.pl .

kantáistis

2.pl.

kantámos

(kantáram)

cantásmas

(kantém)

kantámmo

kintámu

kantáimus

í.pi.

TABLE XXV-A PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (WEAK, 1 S T CONJUGATION)

ORoum. Sit. /kantá/; Lucanian /kandáiata/.

kanta-uit

kantá(ui)ste -i kantá(u)(i)t

katáste

kantáste

(kontáras)

cantás

(kantest)

kantásti

kintás

kantásti

2.sg.

Notes to Table XXy-A:

kantá(v)i

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

83

1. 2.

dormie-runt dormi•

dormi-i

TABLE XXV-B PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (WEAK, 2 N D CONJUGATION)

;

dormí^runt

dormí^stis

dormí~( i )mus

dormí^sti^

ORoum. Oit.; Mod. it. /dormí x /; Lucanian /dormívata/.

Notes to Table XXV-B:

Lat.

PRom.

dormíro

dormístes

dormimos

dormíu

dormiste

dormí

Port.

durmieron

dormístes

dormimos

durmió

dormiste

dormí

Span.

dormirán

(dormírau)

(dormíram)

dormí

(dormiras)

dormí

Cat.

dormírant

dormístas

dormímas

dormíð

dormís

dormí

ONFr.

dormíro(n)

dormí¢

dormím

dormí(t)

dormíst

dormí

OSFr.

dormirə

dormírunt

3.pl.

dormírono

dormímmo

dormío 2

dormísti

dormíi

Ital.

dormitu

dormÍ3Ís

2.pl.

dormiste

dormimu

dormí

dormís

dormíi 1

dormívimus

Roum.

dormívit

l.pl.

dormísti

3.sg.

dormívi

2.sg.

Sard.

l.sg.

84 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

(batui)

battéi

bat(i )éi

batí

(batí )

(batí)2

(batí)2

battéi

Ital.

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

1.

)

battésti"

(bateras)

baties

batest

battésti

(batúš

batté(u)t

bate

batiét

baté(t)

battéo3

(batú)

————

3.sg.

3ç

battérunt

batéran

batiérant

batéro(n)

battéro(no)

(batura)

————

3.pl.

Spanish and Portuguese verbs of this con-

battéstis

(bâteras)

(batistas)

batéjzf

battéste

(baturajzí )

——

2.pl.

OIt.; Mod. It. /batte*/.

jugation all have substitute stem-vowel /i/.

2.

batté(u)mus

(batéram)

(batímas)

batém

battémmo

(batúram)

———

l.pl.

TABLE' XXV-C PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (WEAK, 3 R D CONJUGATION)

Old or Modern Sardinian.

This conjugation is not represented in

Notes to Table XXV-C

Lat.

2.sg.

1 ——— —————

Roum.

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 85

fÍ3e

fe^ki

fe-ki-

PRom.

Lat.

2. 3. 4.

1.

fe-kit

fe^kit

7

fe-kistis

fe^kístis

fe3Ístes

he3Ístes

fe-ke(•)runt

fé^kerunt, fe^ké^runt

fÍ3ero7

hÍ3Íeron6

féran

fistrәnt

fe^ro n

féčero

(venera) 4

(bénnerunt)

3.pl.

Cf. also Lucanian /féčat(ә)/. OSpan. OPort.

PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (STRONG)

5. 6. 7.

fe-kimus

fé^kimus

fe3Ímos

TABLE XXV-D

OSard. only; in the absence of forms built on /fe^k-/, we cite those on /okkis-/ 'killed1, /benn-/ 'came'. ORoum. ORoum. /féče/ or /feáče/. ORoum., to /ven-/ 'come1.

fe-kisti-

fe^kísti

fÍ3Íste

fí3o

7

he3Ímos

7

hí3o

7

he3Íste

7

Notes to Table XXV-D:

hí3e

6

6

6

(férәu)

fíu 6

(férәm)

féu

(feras)

fís

6

f(a3)ístәs

f(03)imәs

fist

feze^¢

fezé^m

fé^¢

fe3Ís(t)

(fačéoste)

(fačé^mmo)

2.pl.

fa3is

3

l.pl.

fí¢

féče

5

fe(a)če

(fačé^sti)

fečĕŠi

fé^ci

féci

2

2

fékit1

(okkisísti)1

féki1 -

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

86 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

fui 1

fust

fus

(fó^res)

fuéste,

Ital. fúi

OSFr. fúi

fúi

fúi

fúi,2

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

fósti2

fu

fuisti-

Lat.

OSard.

OSpan.

1.

2.

Notes to Table XXV-E:

fuit

3. 4.

fómos

OPort.

Asturian.

fuimus

fuistis

fu(^)istis

fú(^)imus

fue(-) runt

fú(^)erunt

fó^rō4

fueron, forón

fó^stes

fuéstes, 2 fóstes

fúrәnt foAron

(fó^rәu)

fó^mos

TABLE XXV-E

fû(^)it

fó^i

fuémos,

(fó^rәm)

fumas

fustas

fó^ron

fó^¢

fó^m

furo no

fútu fó^ste

fura

3.pl.

fúmmo

2.pl.

fumu

l.pl.

PROTO-ROMANCE PAST C (STRONG, /ess-/ 'be')

fu(^)ísti^

PRom. fú(^)i^

fUi-

fúste 4

Port. fúi

fosti3 fue, 2 fó 2

fó^u

fu5

fó^

fu

3.sg.

fó^sti

2.sg.

fusi

Roum. fúi

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

87

88

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

4.45.

T I M E L E S S C.

a. Reference: to situations removed from reality but to which time is not relevant — and therefore especially fitted to refer to conditions contrary to fact but hypothesized as possi

ble or desirable (e.g. if it were true Or O that it were truel). b.

Tense-signs: i.

/-sse ^-/ in f i r s t and second persons p l u r a l ,

ii.

/ - s s e - / in other persons.

c.

Stress: arhizotonic, on penult throughout.

d.

Examples, c f . Tables XXVII-A throuah -E.

NOTES T O CHAPTER 4

1. For general discussions of the Romance verbal system, cf. Mourin 1966-68; Coseriu 1976. 2. Cf., for French, Hall 1948:29 (§2.3221.1.a); for Ital ian, Hall 1971:93 (§2.331.3.a). As pointed out by Tekavcic (1968), in the Italian spelling of such forms, the letter h- re presents the phonemic zero-allomorph. 3.

Cf. Hall 1945.

4.

Cf. Wagner 1938-39:§§120-125.

5. Note that, if Sardinian is not taken into account, there is no justification for ascribing this Stem B to Proto-Romance — another instance of the extreme importance of Sardinian in comparative Romance studies. 6. Cf. the extensive discussions of the morphology and se mantics of this formation in Benveniste 1968; Valesio 1968a, 1968b, 1969/70, 1970; Wunderli 1969, 1970a, 1970b; Müller 1969, 1970; Butler 1969; Mañczak 1974; Clancy 1974/75. 7.

For mediaeval Ibero-Romance, cf. such constructions as

OSpan. aorallo

e

'I shall adore him' (Auto

de los

Reyes

Magos)

and OPort. direy e non estar 'I shall say and not be' (with the element ey 'I have' applying to both infinitives). Modern lite rary Portuguese still has constructions like dir-te-hei 'I shall say to you'. 8. To such an extent in Roumanian, for example, that it is only in order to account for a few verbs, such as /s-/ ~ /f-/ 'be' and a few others, that we need to recognize a Stem C in

kätara

kantára

kanta-

Port.

PRom.

Lat.

kanta•

kantáras

kátáras

kantáras

OIt.

2.

kanta-

kantárat

kátára

kantára

rov rað 3

kanta-

kantarámus

katáramos

kantáramos

-mus

kanta-

4. SIt. (Cosenza).

6.

OSpan.

7.

3.

'he ordered'

kanta*

Cf. also SIt. (Trasacco)

TABLE XXVI-A PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (WEAK, 1 S T CONJUGATION)

5. OPort.

tis

kantárant

kátáre6

kátárades 6 kantarátis

kantáran

kantáran

kantárano7

3.pl.

kantárades5

kantará¢

kantérravu4

2.pl.

SIt. (Acerno [Salerno]); cf. also Lucanian /kanterisi/.

/kombrerana/ 'they bought'.

(Ste. Eulalie).

1.

Notes to Table XXVI-A:

kantára

Span.

ONFr.

kantarám

kantára

OSFr. kantára

kantáramo1

kantára1

kantári 2

kantára1

Ital.

kantáras

1.sg.

3.sg.

2.sg.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 89

dormira

dormira

dormira

dormí^ra

dormi-

OSFr.

OSpan.

OPort.

PRom.

Lat.

1sg.

dormi•

dormi•

dormi^rat

dormira

dormira

dormira

3.sg.

dormi-^

mus

dormi^ramus

dormiramos

dormiramos

dormirám

1.pl.

dormi*

'tis

dormi^rátis

dormirades

dormírades

dormirá¢

2.pi.

TABLE XXVI-B PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (WEAK, 2 N D CONJUGATION)

dormí^ras

dormiras

dormiras

dormiras

2.sg.

dormi•

dormí^rant

dormira

dormiran

dormiran

3.pi.

90 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

baté^ri1

baté^ra1

baté^ra

batiera

baté^ra

batté^ra

OItal.

OSFr.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

1.

ONlt.

Notes to Table XXYI-C:

batté^rat

baté^ra

batiera

baté^ra

baté^ra1

3.sg.

batte^rámos

baté^ramos

batiéramos

bate^rám

baté^ramo1

l.pl.

batte^rátis

baté^rades

batiérades

bate^rá^í

2.pl.

TABLE XXVI-C PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (WEAK, 3 R D CONJUGATION)

batté^ras

baté^ras

batieras

baté^ras

2.sg.

l.sg.

batté^rant

baté^ra

batieran

baté^ran

3.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

91

fé^kera

fe-keram

PRom.

Lat.

fe-kera* s

fé^keras

fÍ3eras

2.

fe-kerat

fé^kerat fe'kera-mus

fe^kerámus

fi3éramos

hÍ3Íéramos

ferám

fačé^rəmə

1.pl.

TABLE XXVI-D PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (STRONG)

Also early dial, /fizdra/, /fe^ðrə/.

1. SIt (Lucanian)

Notes to Table XXVI-D:

fi3era

OPort. fi3éra

hi3iéra

hi3iéras

hi3iéra

féra

OSpan.

feras

fačé^rəmə

3.sg.

firað 2

féra

OSFr.

favcé^rasa

2.sg.

ONFr.

fačé^rә

Ital.1

l.sg.

fe.era*tis

fe^kerátis

fÍ3erades

hi3iérades

ferá¢

fačé^rəvə

2.pl

fe'kerant

fé^kerant

fi3éra

hi3iéran

féran

fačé^rənə

3.pl

92 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

fora

foram, fueram fora's, fuera' s

PRom.

Lat.

fóras fora-mus, fuera-mus

forámus

fóramos

fuéramos

fó^rarn

1.pl.

fora. tis, fuera.tis

forátis

forades

fuérades

fo^rá¢

2.pl.

TABLÉ XXVI-E PROTO-ROMANCE PRE-PAST C (/ess-/ 'be')

forat, fuerat

forat

fora

fora

Port.

fóras

fuera

fuera

Span.

fueras

fúrəð

ONFr.

fó^ras

fó^ra

fó^ra

OSFr.

3.sg. fó^ra

2.sg.

OItal. fó^ra

l.sg.

forant, fuerant

forant

foran

fueran

fó^ran

3.pl.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

93

94

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

9. Cf. Väänänen (1960 [19813]:§316) or virtually any histo rical grammar of one or more Romance languages. 10. I.e., not restricted to the past, as shown by such uses as 'tomorrow we go to the city', which in Proto-Romance would have been expressed by some such sentence as /máne í^mus ad (il)la kiuitáte/, with a non-past tense-form like /í^mus/ 'we go'. The^traditional term P R E S E N T does not cover the entire range of meaning of this tense in the Indo-European languages in general. 11. Customarily called the "subjunctive", because its basic function is supposedly that of being "subjoined" or subordinated to verbs in other (main) clauses. This view of the "subjunctive" is unjustified for either the modern Romance languages (cf. Hall 1976b) or Proto-Romance — or, for that matter, for Latin and Indo-European as a whole. 12. It is interesting to note that, in some modern Romance languages, the forms of the imperative have come to be almost wholly homonymous with those of one or more other tenses. In every instance, however, a few imperative forms cannot be thus des cribed (e.g. French /sašô z / sachons 'let US know', /saše^ Z / sachez 'know!' (2.pl.); Italian /ábbi/ 'have!', /síi/ 'be!', /sáppi/ 'know!' [all 2.sg.]), and hence, even for these languages, the imperative must be set up as a separate tense. 13. The terms W E A K and S T R O N G , although they reflect early nineteenth-century grammarians' animism with respect to languagephenomena, will be kept because they are so firmly established. Of course, terms like "green" and "blue" would do just as well, but tradition should always be preserved unless there is a com pelling reason to override it. 14. The term R H I Z O T O N I C will be used to refer to forms in which the stress is on the root; ARHIZOTONIç,for those in which the stress is not on the root. 15.

Cf. Väänänen (1960 [1981 3]:§321.

16. In the absence of the stem-formant /-ui-/, the Stem C of weak verbs of course comes to be identical with Stem A, and the burden of distinguishing the tenses falls wholly on the tensemarkers and personal endings. If there were such a thing as a non-creolized Romance language with no "strong" forms at all, in the "past absolute," "past subjunctive," "future subjunctive" and "pluperfect," these tenses would form part of a single sys tem, of a quite different nature from that of even the most "advanced" Romance language of the present. 17. Cf. Rohlfs 1949-54:2.§592; Fouché 1930 (19672):§220, with the observation: "Il est remarquable qu'on ne trouve pas

2.

1. 4.

OCat. OSpan .5. OPort.

3.

TABLE XXVII-A PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (WEAK, 1 S T CONJUGATION)

With /-m/ from l.pl.

probably an imitation of Catalan.

Modern Sardinian Timeless C in /-essi/ is

Notes to Table XXVII-A:

kanta.uisse.mus kanta.uisse*tis

kanta.uisset

kanta-uisse* s

Lat.

kanta'uissi*

kantássitis

kantássimus

kantásset

kantásses

PRom. kantássi*

kanta.uissent

kantássent

katáse

kätasedes5

katásernos

katáse

katáses

Port. katáse

kantásen

kantásedes4

kantásemos

kantase

kəntásən3

kantasəu3

kantasam

kantás 3

Cat.

kantases

čantasənt

čantase^¢

čantasiens

čantast

čantases

ONFr. čantasea

Span. kantáse

(kantéso[n])

(kantesé^¢)

(kantasé^m)

(kantés)

(kantéses)

OSFr. (kantés)

kantáses

kantássero

kantaste

kantassimo

kantasse

kantássi

Ital. kantássi

kәntás 3

kintáse

3.pl.

kintáse¢

2.pl.

kintásem

1.pl.

kintáse

3.sg.

kintáses

1

2.sg.

2 Roum. k±ntasem

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS

95

dormíssi

dormíses

dormísos

dormís

Ital. dormíssi

OSFr. dormís

ONFr. dormísa

Cat.

dormíses

dormí^sses

dormi•

Port. dormíse

PRom. dormí^sse

Lat.

Cf. note 2 to Table XXVII-A.

4.

3.

OPort.

OSpan.

cjormi*

dormíse

dormísedes4

'tis

dormi*

dormí^ssent

durmiesen

durmiésedes33

dormí^ssitis

dormísan

dormísant

dormí so(n)

dormíssero

dormíse

3.pl.

dormísәu

dormise^¢

dormíse^¢

dormiste

dormíse¢i

2.pl.

'mus dormi-

dormí^ssimus

dormísernos

durmiésemos

dormísam

dormisóns

dormíse^m

dormíssimo

dormísem

1.pl.

TABLE XXVII-B PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (WEAK, 2 N D CONJUGATION)

Cf. note 1 to Table XXVII--A.

dormi•

2.

s

dormí^sset

dormíse

durmiese

dormísas

dormíst

dormís

dormisse

dormíse

3.sg.

1.

Notes to Table XXVII-B:

dormi *

durmiéses

Span. durmiese

dormís

dormíses

2.sg.

Roum. dormísem2

Sard. 1

l.sg.

96 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

bәtésәs

batieses

bates

batiésә

bates

batiese

btese

battésse

OSFr.

ONFr.

Cat.

Span.

Port.

PRom.

batéso(n) batiesant

batesé'V batiese^

batesé^m

bátese battéssent

batésedes battéssitis

batésemos battessimus

batese battésset

batéses

battésses

Cf. note 2 to Table XXVII-A.

2.

A.

OPort.

TABLE XXVII-C PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (WEAK, 3 R D CONJUGATION)

Cf. note 1 to Table XXVII-A.

1.

OSpan.

batiesen

batiesedes

batiésemos

batiese

3.

batésan

batésau

batésam

bates

battéssero

battéste

battéssimo

bátese

3.pl.

batésejzí

2.pl.

batesem

1.pl.

batiesóns

bates

battisse

batese

3.sg.

batiést

batéses

Notes to Table XXVII-C:

Lat.

batiesәs

battéssi

Ital.

battéssi

batésem 2

Roum.

bateses

1

2.sg.

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 97

fi3ésë4 fe^kíssent fe-kissent

fi3ésedes 4 fe^kissé^tis fe-kisse*tis

fresemos 4

fi3ese4

Cf. note 2 to Table XXVII-B.

2.

OSpan. OPort.

4.

TABLE XXVII-D PR0T0-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (STRONG)

Cf. note 1 to Table XXVII-A.

1.

Notes to Table XXVII-D: 3.

fe-kisse-mus

fe-kisset

fe-kisse-s

Lat.

fe-kissem

fe^kissé^mus

fe^kísset

fe^kísses

PRom. fe^kísse

Port, fisese 4

hi3iésen3

hi3iésedes3

hi3iesemos3

hi3iése3

hi3ieses3

Span. hi3iése3

fésin

fésiu

fesim

I S

fәzís

fís

Cat.

fә3isәnt

fә3is^¢

fә3is6ns

fә3Íst

fә3Ísәs

ONFr. fә3isә

fә3é^sen

(fačé^ssimo) fe3esé^¢

fәkuse

3.pl.

fe3esé^m

fe3és

fe3éses

OSFr. fe3és

fәkúse¢i

2.pl.

(fačé^ssero)

(fačé^ssi )

(face^ssi)

Ital . (face^ssi)

fәkúsem

1.pl.

(fačé^ste)

fәkuse

3.sg.

fәkuses

1

2.sg.

Roum. fәkusem 2

Sard.

1.sg.

98 PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

2.

4.

fó^së

fó^sedes4

OSpan.

fuisse' tis

fuissent

fu(i)ssent

fuesen

fuesedes3

fu(i)ssé^tis

fó^sәn

fusant

fó^sen

fó^ssero

fusese

3.pl.

fó^sәu

fusé^i¢

fo^se^¢

fó^ste

fusése¢i

2.pl.

OPort.

TABLE XXVII-E PROTO-ROMANCE TIMELESS C (/ess-/ 'be')

Cf. note 1 to Table XXVII-A.

With variable stress: /fusse/ ~ /fuisse/ etc.

1.

Notes to Table XXVII-E: 3.

fuisse'mus

fuisset

fuisse's

fuissem

Lat.

fó^sernos

fu(i îssé^mus

fó^se

fó^ses

fuésemos

fu(i)sset

fó^se

Port,

fuese

fuéses

fó^sәm

fusons

fo^sé^m

fó^ssimo

fusese¢ i

1.pl.

fu(i)sses

fuése

Span,

fó^s

fust

fó^s

fó^sse

fusése

3.sg.

PRom. fu(i)sse 2

fó s

Cat.

fó v s a s

fusas

ONFr. fúsә

v

fó^ses

OSFr. fó^s

fuseses

fó^ssi

fusésem

1

2.sg.

Ital. fó^ssi

Roum.

Sard.

l.sg.

FORM-CLASSES: VERBS 99

100

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

de traces de la 2 e pers. plur. *iertes ou *ertes. Cela prouve que dès l'ancien français, les paradigmes provenant de ero etaient déjà en voie de disparition." 18. Roots ascribable to Proto-Romance as having, at that stage, more than one type of stem-formant or belonging to more than one conjugation are indicated by a dagger t.

5.

FORM-CLASSES: INDECLINABLES

Under this heading come forms which do not belong to any of the classes of inflected forms described in Chapters 2 to 4, and which, as pointed out in § 2.3, are to be classified according to their syntactic functions. Some indeclinables belong to more than one such class. 5.1. Morphophonemic Alternations For a few Proto-Romance indeclinables we must set up alter nations in form, determined by the initial phoneme of the imme diately following element (but not affecting the syntactic func tion or meaning of the indeclinable). Of this type were at least the following: 1.

2.

Prepositions: Meaning

Pre-Vocalic Form

Pre-Consonantal Form

'to'

375

ad

ax

'from'

1554

(d)ab

(d)ax

et

ex

Coördinators: 'either, or'

1555

'and'

1556

3. Subordinators:

5.2.

'that' 1557 'if' 1558 si(^) Classes of Indeclinables

si(t)( x ) 1

5.21. A D V E R B S . The largest class of indeclinables was, as in the modern Romance languages, undoubtedly that usually termed "adverbs," which included some forms used in interrogative or relative function (formed, for the most part, on : Eng. /hw-/) and a number of others. Some of these latter were used only attributively; others functioned to introduce utterances. A few adverbs were forms of Proto-Romance nouns. 5.211. I N T E R R O G A T I V E - R E L A T I V E adverbs included such forms as the following:

102

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

846

k ándo 'when'

1559

k ó^mo 'how'

1446 845 5.212.

úbe

'where'

únde '(from) where'

N O N - I N T E R R O G A T I V E - R E L A T I V E adverbs include:

1. Derived forms ending in /á x / 'on this side, hither' ( : CL /ha.k/ 'hither'; in / Í ^ x / 'here' ( : CL /hi.k/ 'here'; in /lá(ke)/ 'there' ( : CL /illa.k/ 'there'; in /istÍ^ x / 'over there' ( : CL /isti.k/ 'over there'; and in / I Í ^ X / 'there' ( : CL /illi.k/), preceded by:

2.

a.

Elements meaning 'behold', as shown in Table XXVIII.

b.

The preposition /a/ ( § 5.25), in 1577 /a Í x / Non-derived forms such as: 1574

abÍnke 'from here'

15 75

abunde 'enough, sufficient^

1576

adÍpsu 'at once'

1577

adú^nu 'at once'

1578

ad Íks 'hardly'

1579

ale 'otherwise'

916

alik ando 'some time, ever'

1584

al unde 'elsewhere'

1585

anko^ra 'yet, still'

1014

ánk e 'also'

54

assátis 'enough'

1587

attrás(e) 'behind, beyond'

173

bene 'well'

1558

d(e)abÍntus 'from inside'

17

eri 'yesterday'

1589

ester us 'outside'

1590

Íbi

1149

Índe

1593

Íntus

1594

Í^

x

269

ax

'there' 'from there, thence' 'inside' 'here; there' 'already'

'here'.

1567 (ek) 1568 (ak)

1564 (ek)

1565 (ak)kuáx

1561 ékke

1562 ákku

TABLE XXVIII

1569 allá(ke)

ADVERBS IN /ekku °e/, /akku/

1566 (ek)

1563 (ek)

110 ékku

1570 allí^*

1571 (ek)kustí^x

FORM-CLASSES: INDECLINABLES 103

104

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

1596

ó^so

'downwards'

1597

ú^so

'downwards'

557

krás 'tomorrow'

1599

k ási 'almost'

1600

lónge 'far away'

175

mále 'badly'

419

mélius 'better'

1602

metípse 'likewise; just thus'

1277

mínus 'less'

1603

módo 'only, now'

1604

núnkůa 'never'

877

ód e 'today'

115

pé

as 'worse'

576

plú^s 'more'

1607

pú^re 'purely, indeed'

1608

rétro 'backwards'

175

sémpre 'always'

231

sé^ro 'at evening'

1609

só^lo 'only'

460

tán 'so'

1610

tánto 'so much'

1611

túnk 'then'

1612

únk

a 'ever'

3. Certain nouns and adjectives were used as adverbs, as in the instances of: a. Nouns: 1613 339

génus 'kind', negatively 'not at all' lóko

'on the spot'

1249

máne 'morning-, tomorrow'

1614

mí^ka 'crumb', negatively 'not at all'

181

ó^ra

'(in this) hour, now'

FORM-CLASSES: INDECLINABLES

105

b. Adjectives:

5.22.

1615

múlto 'much, very'

1616

pá ko 'a little; not very'

A D V E R B S H A V I N G O T H E R F U N C T I O N S included those doubling as: 1.

2.

Introducers: 1617

dunk e 'well then' 3

55

máis 'more; rather; but'

Minor Clauses: 459 1402

nó^ n 'not; no' sí^x 'so, thus; yes'

3. Prepositions, involving, in general, expressions of spa tial and/or temporal relationships: 243

abante 'before'

1618

abestra 'outside (of)'

1619

abíntro 'from inside (of)'

1620

abultra 'beyond'

1042

antes 'before'

929

appressu 'near'

930

apprope 'near'

1065

assupra 'above'

261

foras

1148

inánte 'before'

'outside'

950

intro 'inside, within'

1621

kirka 'near'

1355

pos 'after(wards)'

1622

prope 'near'

171

súper

'over, above'

116

súptus

120

sú^su 'upwards'

'under'

162 3

ultra 'beyond'

106

PROTO-ROMANCE INFLECTION

5.23. P R E P O S I T I O N S . Among forms functioning solely as preposi tions were such as the following: 1624

a(b) 'from' (cf. § 5.1)

375

a(d), a x 'to' (cf. § 5.1)

225

áppos 'after'

1625

ásk a °e 'except for'

1626

áttenu 'as far as, until'

1554

da(b), da x 'from'(cf. § 5.1)

366 1627 463 1628 170 1629

de^

'from, of'

(de)u^sk a 'as far as' in 'in' ínfra

'among, under'

inter 'between, among' uksta 'next to; in accordance with'

949

kontra 'against'

464

kun 'with'

497

per 'through, by'

1630

pro^

'for, on behalf of'

990

sént a 'without'

1631

síne 'without'

1632

sub 'under'

2155

tras(e) 'through, across, beyond'

1462

érsu

'towards, against'

In addition to these, certain nominal or adjectival forms were used prepositionally, such as:

5.24.

114

latus 'side > at the side of, beside'

852

sekundu 'second > according to '

SUBORDINATORS included:

1633

k án 'than'

1634

kuáre 'for which reason; wherefore'

FORM-CLASSES: INDECLINABLES 5.25.

COÖRDINATORS

107

were such forms as:

1068 1097 1635

né^ X 'neither, nor'

1636

5.26.

'either, or'

MINOR-CLAUSE-FORMS included:

1637

árri 'giddap!'

1638

e

1639

Ó^

a 'eh, hey!' 'oh!'

NOTES T O CHAPTER 5

1. Cf. Nicholson 1935, 1938; Armstrong 1936; McKenzie 1936; Place 1937; Lograsso 1938; Spitzer 1939; and, most recently, de Dardel 1978. 2.

Cf. Merlo 1908:624 and 1926:295-296; Hall 1937a.

3. Cf. Hall 1937b.

III.

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

6. TYPES OF DERIVATION

In derivation (word-formation), as pointed out in § 1.1, we are dealing with the construction of items belonging to one or another of the form-classes (parts of speech) described in Chap ters 3-5. Morphology consists of two layers: an "outer" one, involving inflectionally bound forms, and an "inner" one, that of derivation, to which we come when we have "peeled off" all the in flectional elements. When the latter have been taken away from a form, what is left is a S T E M . If a stem cannot be broken down in to further elements, i.e. if it consists of a single morpheme, it is a S I M P L E stem, such as we have in Eng. paper, French mal 'bad ly', or PRom. 2020 sheep'. A stem consisting of more than one morpheme is a D E R I V E D stem, such as Eng. writ-er, PRom. 2022 'sheep-fold'. Any stem, whether simple or derived, which is used as an element in the construction of further forms, is a BASE. l

In the Romance languages in general, and hence in our recon structed Proto-Romance, derivation is accomplished by two main processes, A F F I X A T I O N and C O M P O U N D I N G . In some types of deriva tion, it is useful to distinguish between E N D O C E N T R I C and E X O CENTRIC.

6.1.

Affixation

The term A F F I X A T I O N covers three related processes of formal variation: S U F F I X A T I O N , P R E F I X A T I O N , and I N F I X A T I O N . If the de rivation involves simply a shift in form-class, with no affix of any kind, we can speak of a ZERO-suffix (symbolized by / + 0 - / . Uncomplicated examples of these types of derivation are: SUFFIXATION: English taker,

On take;

PRom. 621 /bukkáta/

' m o u t h f u l ' , on 81 /búkk-/ 'mouth' f / I . PREFIXATION: Eng. delouse,

'to renew' on 287

On louse;

PRom. 2084 /reno áre/

'new' adj/I-II.

INFIXATION: PRom. 2005 /níng ere/ ' to Snow'

'snow' f/III-A with infix

24

/-ng-/.

ZERO-SUFFIX: PRom. 884 /bas are/ 'to kiss', On 885 /bás -/

'kiss' m/II-A.

TYPES OF DERIVATION

109

In some instances, affixes are added, not directly to a stem in the form in which it appears in inflection, but to an allomorphic variant of the stem, as in PRom. 2078 /rekordáre/ 'to remem ber', formed, not directly on 1211 /kor-/ 'heart', but on a va riant thereof, /kordV'.2 Normally, when a prefix is added to a derivational base, the stress remains in its original position. In a suffixed form, the stress is customarily shifted to the suffix, as in PRom. 207 /okta -/ 'eighth', formed on 228 /6kto/ 'eight'. In some in stances, however, the stress is shifted from the suffix to a syllable preceding the prefix, as in PRom. 365 /dékim-/ 'tenth' adj/i-II, on 139 /dék-/ 'ten' num/III. This phenomenon will be indicated by written preceding the notation of the suffix, e.g. '-th'. 6.2.

Compounding

When two (occasionally more) elements, each of which is a base in its own right, are juxtaposed and unified by some special lin guistic characteristic, they form a C O M P O U N D . Latin had a great many compounds of various types, e.g. multivius 'having many ways' = mult- 'many' + connecting vowel -i- + vi- 'way' + the endings of adj/I-II. So do the modern Romance languages, but almost wholly in mediaeval or modern Graeco-Latin borrowings or new-formations. For Proto-Romance — i.e. what we can assume, on the basis of sur vivals in the Romance languages, for the variety or varieties of popular Latin speech out of which they developed — we can recon struct only a few types of compounds, such as 61 /kuí^ndeki/ '15' /kui^n + / (variant of 174 /kí^nk e/ '5') + 139 /dék-/ '10', with final vowel /-i/. One fairly extensive type of compounding was that of PARASYNTHETIC verbs ( § 9.21), in which a preposition and a substantive (noun or adjective) combine to form a verb which takes the inflectional endings of one conjugation or another, e.g. 219 /adoklare/ 'to look at' 375 /ad/ 'to' + 588 /ókl-/ 'eye' + / + 0 - / I/Reg/W. 6.3.

Endocentric and Exocentric Formations

Especially for compounds, the distinction between endocentric and exocentric formations is important. In the former, a derived form belongs to the same part of speech as the base on which it is built, as in diminutive, pejorative, intensive, etc. substantiveor verb-forms, e.g. PRom. 2098 /rotéiia/ 'little wheel' 481 /rot-/ 'wheel' f/I + / + éii-/ diminutive suffix, or 1720 /búllik-/ 'to seethe' I/Reg/W 92 /bull-/ 'to bubble, boil' II/Reg/W. In exocentric derivation, the derived form belongs to a different form-class from that of its base, as in the already cited examples Of PRom. 2084 /reno are/ 'to renew' or 219 /adokiare/ 'to look at'.

In Romance suffixation and prefixation, so many affixes are used in both endocentric and exocentric formations that it would

110

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

be wasteful to have separate sections for endo- and exocentric de rivation, with resultant double or even triple listing of affixes. In compounding, on the other hand, the distinction is sharp enough to warrant keeping these two types of derivation separate. 6.4.

Practical Considerations

Together with the listing of each separate derivational ele ment (suffix, prefix, type of compound), we have listed all the pairs of reconstructed Proto-Romance forms which seem to us to justify the assumption of the specific relationship involved. These listings make no pretense of being exhaustive, but will per haps serve to indicate the probable relative productivity of each formation. There were undoubtedly many other formations which have not survived into Romance (e.g. those listed in great detail in the excellent study of Cooper 1895), and which we therefore cannot include here, no matter how productive they may have been in their time. We shall mark bondage on the derivational level with the raised plus-sign /+/, e.g./re + / 're-, again'; / + í^1-/ 'place for ... '. As already mentioned ( § 6.1), shift of stress to a syllable preceding a suffix will be indicated by /-/. The colon, preceded and followed by a space, means 'related to; based on', as in 1920 /gémitu/ 'groan' (noun) : 380 /gem-/ 'to groan' III-B/Reg/W. Wherever it is desirable for the sake of clarity, bases will be cited without inflectional endings and with indication of the form-classes to which they belong.

NOTES T O CHAPTER 6

1. For more detailed discussion and exemplification, cf. Hall 1964:175-190. 2. This /kordV has, of course, the same phonemic shape as the inflectional base of Lat. /kord-/, whose nominative-accusa tive singular /kor/ served as the point of departure for the re structuring of the inflected form into PRom. /kore/. We should not, however, make the mistake of confusing the two, since the PRom. derivational allomorph is not identical with the Latin in flectional form, but a development out of it. 3. In English and most of the Romance languages, the presence of a compound is signalled by some special type of stress-pattern, e.g. "primary-tertiary" accent in such English forms as /strít+kar/ street-car, or loss of stress on the first element of

TYPES OF DERIVATION

111

a compound in Spanish, e.g. /martimpéņa/ Martin Peña (Puerto Rican place-name) as opposed to /martimpéņa/ Martin Peña (personal name). In French, on the other hand, compounds are identifiable, not by stress-pattern, but by their syntactic cohesion, in that they are not susceptible to the addition of further modifying ele ments within the construction itself, as in /sažfam/ 'mid-wife' /saž/ 'wise' + /fam/ 'woman'. (To say 'a very wise woman', One WOuld have to say /ynfamtresaž/ une femme

très

sage.)

7. SUFFIXATION

7.0. Automatic Replacement of Phonemes There are certain automatic replacements which take place in internal sandhi, which are universally present in Proto-Romance derivation and are best stated in advance: 1. /e/ in hiatus, i.e. before another vowel (also symbolized 'ahead'. 2. Assimilation of a voiced consonant to a following voice less consonant takes place in /b/ /p/, as in /iskri^pt+ / (suine-stem, cf. § 7.50) = //iskri^bt+// 942 /iskri^b-/ 'write' + / + t + / supine-stem-formant. 3. A nasal consonant is assimilated in its place of articula tion to a following stop-consonant, as in 165 /kon/ 'with' + 344 /bátt-/ 'beat' 822 /kombátt-/ 'fight'. Other replacements, additions, or losses of phonemes in indi vidual allomorphs will be listed in the appropriate contexts. 7.1. Substantives (Adjectives and Nouns) Certain suffixes occur in the formation of both adjectives and nouns, as follows: 7.11.

O N SUBSTANTIVES

(both adjectives and nouns):

+

1. / ál-/ 'of ..., connected with ... , pertaining to ... ", forming adjectives and masculine nouns of declension III-A, in: a. Adjectives, based on nouns of declension: i.

f / I , in 2118 / i s p i ^ n á l - / 'of the spine' : 6 / i s p í ^ n - /

'spine'.

ii. m/II-A, in 1688 /annual-/ 'yearly' : 656 /ánn-/ 'year' preceded by / + u + /iii. 'flesh'.

f / I I I - A , in 1739 / k a r n á i - / ' c a r n a l ' : 805 / k á m - /

SUFFIXATION iv.

113

m/III-A, in 1737 /kapitál-/ 'capital' : 1462 /kápit-/

'head'. b.

Nouns, based on nouns of declensions: i.

f / I , i n 1718 /bukkále/ " j u g , j a r '

ii.

: 81 /búkk-/

'mouth'.

m/II-A, in 448 /mi^dále/ 'nest-egg' : 368 / n í ^ d - /

'nest'. iii.

m/II-B, in 872

'arm-band' : 532

'arm'. iv.

m/III-A, in 1082 /dentále/ 'plow-sole' : 825 /dént-/

'tooth'. m/IV, in 217 /pektoráie/'chest-harness' :/pektor+/

v.

: 111 /pektus/ 'chest'; 1419 /temporale/ 'time; Storm' : /temporV

: 813 /tempus/ 'time'. / + a n - / 'Of . . .

2. a.

As a d j / I - I I , on:

i Adj/I-II ' s u r e ' ; 2217 rustic' b.

':

i n : 1752 / k e r t á n - / ' c e r t a i n ' : 1751 / k é r t - / 'middle' : 881 'half'.

i i . Noun f / I , i n 2180 : 282 'villa'.

' o f a v i l l a ; peasant,

As noun m/II-A, in 1 7 6 2 ( i ) t a t á n u / 'city' f/III-A.

' c i t i z e n ' : 1761

3. / + ár-/ ¡pertaining to ... ', forming adjectives and nouns of declension III-A, in: a.

Adjectives, on nouns of declensions: i.

f/I, in 695 /maksillár-/'molar, of the jaw' : 250

/maksill-/ 'jaw'.

ii. m/II-A, in 2032 'pertaining to private property' : 2031 'private property'. b. i. 'school'.

Nouns m/III-A, on nouns of declensions: f/I, in 2109 /iskoláre/ 'scholar' : 745 /iskól-/

ii. m/II-A, in 1686 /angláre/ 'corner-stone' : 965 /ángl-/ 'corner'; 1769 /kolláre/ 'collar' : 1768 / k ó n - / 'neck'.

114

BROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

iii. m/III-A, in 2048 /pollikáre/ 'thumb' : 2047 /póllik-/ 'thumb'. / + ár -/, a very

4. a.

productive suffix:

as Adj/I-II, 'pertaining to ... ', on nouns of declen

sions: i. m/II-A, in 2228 /fe^nár -/ 'pertaining to hay' : 1119 /fé^n-/ 'hay'; 1755/kibar -/ 'pertaining to food' : 1753 /kíb-/ 'food'. ii. f/III-A, in 2 2 2 7 ' p e r t a i n i n g 596 /glánd-/ 'acorn'.

to acorns' :

iii. m/III-A, in 2226 /laktari-/ 'pertaining to milk' : 681 /lákt-/ 'milk'; 1344 /piskár -/ 'pe taining to fish' : 294 /pisk-/ 'fish'. b.

As noun f/I, 'object connected with ... ', based on: i.

Adj/I-II, in 1174 /kaidár a/ 'kettle' : 722 /káid-/

'hot'. ii. Nouns m/II-A, in 1193 /karrár a/ 'cart-, wagon-road' : 670 /kárr-/ 'cart, wagon'; 1194 'cheese-basket' : 883 /kás -/ 'cheese'. c. As noun m/II-A, 'object for holding or dealing with ...; person connected with ... ', extremely widely used and clearly very productive in every-day speech, as in the following based on nouns of: f/I: DERIVED FORM: 1028

'water-holder'

BASED ON: 913

ák - 'water'

1056

are^nár u 'sand-pit'

452

aré^n- 'sand'

1058

armar u

797

arm- 'weapon'

'cupboard'

1847

e^skar u 'food-holder'

1868

fari^nár u 'flour-dealer'

249

1727

kamerár u 'room-servant'

1726 kámer- 'room'

1749

ke^pár u 'onion-dealer'

302

ké^p- 'onion'

1953

lanár u 'wool-dealer'

465

Ián- 'wool'

1956

'lancer'

1308

operár u 'workman'

2018

'heap of straw'

• 128

é^sk-

'food, bait'

fari^n-

'flour'

1954 lank - 'lance' 164

oper- 'work'

895

pal - 'straw'

SUFFIXATION

115

1339

petrár u 'quarry'

142

pétr- 'stone'

1354

portár u 'door-keeper'

293

pόrt- 'door'

2227

po^már u 'apple-tree'

1357

pό^rn- 'apple'

1391

sellár u 'saddle-maker'

407

séll- 'saddle'

2149

te^lár u 'loom'

474

té^l- 'cloth'

1454

u^su^rár u 'usurer'

1453

u^sú^r- 'usury'

2173

'cow-herd'

625

ákk- 'cow'

m/II-A: 1039

anellár u 'ring-maker'

666

anéll- 'ring'

790

argentár u 'silver-smith'

247

argént- 'silver'

1061

asinár u 'donkey-driver'

1062

ásin- 'donkey'

1874

ferrár u ' (black)smith'

117

férr- 'iron'

1922

granar u 'granary'

562

gran- 'grain'

526

kaprár u 'goat-herd'

525

kápr- 'goat'

1154

isku^tár u 'shield-maker'

1155

iskú^t- 'shield'

1969

makellar u 'butcher'

1245

makéll- 'shambles'

904

porkár u 'swine-herd'

1669

pόrk- 'pig'

700

lígn- 'wood'

301

áp

m/II-B: 1236

lignár u 'wood-dealer' f/III-A:

1691

'bee-hive'

+

: ap- 'bee'

1740

karnár u 'meat-room'

805

kárn- 'meat'

2037

pellár u 'furrier'

662

pell- 'skin, fur'

berbé^k- 'sheep'

m/III-A: 2177

berbe^kar u 'shepherd'

1076

1080

boár u 'ox-herd'

288

1191

karbo^nár u 'coal-dealer'

775

2219

karkerár u 'jailer'

2218

kárker- 'jail'

686

pektenár u 'comb-maker'

685

pekten- 'comb'

2030

pékor- : pékus 'sheep'

bo+

:

'ox'

karbo^n- 'coal'

m/V: 1334

pekorár u 'herdsman'

116

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

num/III-B: 1985

'group of 1000' 1279 mí^ll- '1000' +

/ éll-/, diminutive:

5. a.

As Adj/I-II, on:

i . A d j / I - I I , in 2004 / n i g é n - / 'blackish' : /nig + / : 507 /nígr-/ ' b l a c k ' ; 449 /no é l l - / 'young, new' : 287 ' 'new'. ted'

i i . A d j / I - I I , with loss of / r e / , in 1386 / s a t ú n - / 'sa: 2336 / s á t u r - / ' s a t i a t e d ' .

i i i. Adj/III, and preceded by / + ik + /, in 1987 /mollikéll-/ 'softish' : 1281 /móll-/ 'soft'. b.

As noun of declensions: i.

f/I, on feminine nouns of declensions:

A.

I, with no preceding element:

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1731

kannélla 'little reed'

653

kann- 'reed'

1760

kistélla 'little basket'

1759

kíst- 'basket'

2098

ro^télla 'little wheel'

481

ró^t- 'wheel'

2166

turturélla 'little dove'

314

túrtur- 'turtle-dove'

785

írg-

1477

irgélla 'little rod'

'rod'

B. II, preceded by /u/, in 1974 /manuélla/ 'little hand, handle' : 235 /mán-/ 'hand'. c. III-A, preceded by / + ik + /> in 1369 /partikeiia/ 'little piece' : 1318-/párt-/ 'part'. ii.

m/II-A, on nouns of declensions:

A . f/I, in 514 /a kéllu/ '(little) bird' : 1070 /á k-/ «little bird'. B.

m/II-A, with no further preceding element, in:

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1024

agnéllu 'little lamb'

1025

ágn- 'lamb' '

1722

karaméllu 'shawm'

1721

káram- 'pipe'

1757

kirkéllu 'little ring'

768

kírk- 'circle, ring'

SUFFIXATION

1765

117

kla éllu 'little nail'

586

klá

-

'nail'

658

pannéllu 'little cloth'

65 7

pánn- 'cloth'

1351

porkéllu 'piglet'

766

pork- 'pig'

c. m/III-A and preceded by / + ik + / in 1892 /follikéllu// 'little bellows' : 1890 éntr-/ 'bellows'; 1459 entrikéiiu/ 'little belly' : 948 éntr-/ 'belly'. 7.12.

O N V E R B S in the "supine" stem (§7.50), with

in:

1. Adj/I-II, meaning 'connected with ..., suited for ...', on verbs of conjugation I/Reg/W, in 1052 /arato^r -/ 'suited for plowing' : 1051 /ár-/ 'to,plow'; 2262 /sikkato^r -/ 'drying' : 1400 /síkk-/ 'to dry'. 2.

Nouns, indicating 'means of ... -ing', of declensions: a.

f/I, on verbs of conjugations:

i. 'to chop'.

I/Reg/W, in 1835 /dolató^ria/ 'axe' : 1090 /dól-/

ii. III-B/Reg/S, in 11980 /messó^r a/ 'sickle' : /mess + / : 1981 /met-/ 'to harvest'. b.

m/II-A, on verbs of conjugations:

i. I/Reg/W. in 1723 /kalkató^r u/ 'wine-press' : 720 /kálk-/ 'to tread on'. ii. /kopert + /

II/Reg/S, in 906 / k o p e r t ó ^ u / 'cover, blanket' : 157 /koper-/ 'to cover'.

i ii-

III-B/Reg/S, i n 1995 /mulsó^r u/ 'mi 1 k i n g - p a i l '

: /muls+ / : 723 /múlg-/ 'to milk'; 416 / r a s ó ' r u/ 'razor' : / r a s + / : 1366 / r á d - / ' t o shave'. /faktV 7.2.

i v . I I I - B / I r r / S , in 1966 / f a k t ó ^ r i u / ' o i l - p r e s s ' : 338 / f á k - / ' t o do, make'.

:

Adjectives

7.21. 1.

ON SUBSTANTIVES, with two s u f f i x e s , both of declension I - I I : / + ó ^ s - / '-ous, - y , having the characteristics of . . .

a. With no f u r t h e r element preceding, in the following based on nouns of declensions:

':

118

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

f/1: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1029

ak ó^s- 'watery'

913

1928

erbó^s- 'grassy'

269

ák - 'water'

2270

fol ó^s- 'leafy'

897

fól - 'leaf'

1901

formi^kó's- 'antsy'

214

formí^k- 'ant'

801

formó^s- 'shapely'

186

fórm- 'shape'

1914

frondó^s- 'leafy'

1909

frónd- 'leaf'

383

guió^s- 'greedy'

82

gul- 'throat, greed'

1156

isk amó^s- 'scaly'

1012

isk am- 'scale'

14

ispi^nó^s- 'thorny'

6

ispí^n- 'thorn'

1164

ispu^mó's- 'foamy'

71

ispú'm- 'foam'

1805

krustó^s- 'crusty'

1804

1228

lanó^s- 'woolly'

465

1359

pulpóos- 'fleshy'

711

2070

rab ó^s- 'mad, raging'

873

ráb - 'anger, rage'

2153

tin ó's- 'scurvy'

2152

tin - 'scurf'

916

umbró's- 'shady'

98

1449

undó^s- 'wavy'

87

und- 'wave'

érb-

'grass'

krúst- 'crust' lán-

'wool'

púlp- 'flesh'

úmbr-

'shade'

136

e^nó^s- 'veined'

1469

é^n-

'vein'

1478

iskó^s- 'sticky'

1479

ísk-

'bird-lime'

m/II-A: 1884

flokkó^s- 'flaky'

602

flókk- 'flake'

1239

li^mó^s- 'slimy'

1240

lí^m- 'slime'

1968

lu^tó^s- 'miry'

1242

lú^t- 'mire'

2209

morbó's- 'sickly,diseased'

2208

mórb- 'sickness'

622

mukkó^s- 'snotty'

430

múkk- 'snot'

1997

mustó^s- 'like must'

431

múst- 'must'

1299

no^dó^s- 'knotty'

446

nó^d- 'knot'

2035

pedukló^s- 'lousy'

592

pedukl- 'louse'

478

piló^s- 'hairy'

296

pil- 'hair'

2075

ramó^s- 'branching'

435

ram- 'branch'

2174

adó^s- 'shallow'

1455

ád- 'ford'

2181

i^nó^s- 'winy'

1

i^n- 'wine'

SUFFIXATION

119

f/III-A: 1836

dolo^ró^s- 'painful'

1092

1907

fri^go^ró^s- 'chilly'

1906

fri^gó^r- 'chill'

1741

karnó^s- 'fleshy'

805

kárn- 'flesh'

289

'snowy'

2108

sanitó^s- 'healthy'

24 44

doló^r- 'pain'

'snow' sanit + : sanitát- 'health'

Derivative Base: 2029

pekkó^s- 'spotted'

b.

pekk + 'spot'

Preceded by / + ik + /, in 1035 /amarikó^s-/ 'bitter' :

242 /amár-/ 'bitter'.

/ + u^t-/ 'provided with ... , having ... ':

2.

a. On 1729 /kán-/ 'gray [of hair]' adj/I-II, in 1187 /kanú^t-/ 'qray-haired'. b. On nouns, of the following declensions: i. m/II-A, in 1030 /akú^t-/ 'pointed, sharp' : 335 /ák-/ 'point'; 1736 /kapillú^t-/ 'covered with hair' : 1735 /kapill-/ 'hair'; 1292 /nasú^t-/ 'big-nosed' : 411 /nás-/ 'nose'. ii. m/II-B, in 332 /kornú^t-/ 'hornéd' : 806 /kom-/ 'horn'. iii.

f/III-A, in 1742 /karnú't-/ 'fleshy' : 805 /kárn-/

'flesh'. 7.22. O N A D J E C T I V E S , N O U N S , A N D A D V E R B S . From Latin grammars we know that the formation of comparatives and superlatives was pos sible with virtually every adjective in the language. No super lative formations traceable to a suffix */+íssim-/ adj"I-II (cog nate with Latin / +issim-/) can be reconstructed for Proto-Romanee, since all such apparent formations are of later, learned origin. For the comparatives, a certain number of PRom. forma tions in adj/III-B-Can be hypothesized, going back, for the most part, to formations requiring us to set up special allomorphs (corresponding, in general, to those of Latin irregular comparatives). The following can be set up, based on adjectives, nouns, and adverbs: 1. With on adjectives, nouns, adverbs, and bases of the following classes:

120

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

adj/I-II: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1510

bellat ó^r- 'handsomer'

141

bellat + : béll- 'beautiful'

1515

ma ó^r- 'greater'

698

ma

1521

sordid ó^r- 'dirtier'

1668

sordid- 'dirty'

: mágn- 'great'

adj/III-A: 1511

fort ó^r- 'stronger'

760

fort- 'strong'

1512

gent ó^r- 'nobler'

1665

gent- 'noble'

1513

grand ó^r- 'greater'

1137

grand- 'great'

1514 1518

'younger'

167

nugal ó^r- 'more trifling' 1666

'young' nugál- 'trifling'

m/III-A: 804

sen + : sének- 'old man'

sen ó^r- 'older'

165

900

mei ó^r- 'better'

419

mel+

1519

pe ó^r- 'worse'

115

pe

adv: : mél as 'better' : pe us 'worse'

+

2. With / o ^ r - / , in 1517 /minó^r-/ ' l e s s e r ' : /min + / : 1277 /minus/ ' l e s s ' adv. 7.23.

ON NOUNS, w i t h :

1. 'pertaining to ..., made of ... ' I-II, in the following adjectives based on nouns of declensions: a.

f/I: 2207 /galli'nak -/ 'of chickens' : 381 /gallí^n-/

'hen'. b. m/II-A: 1 4 8 1 ' p e r t a i n i n g 'wine'. c. 'flesh'.

f/III-A: 1738

to wine' : 1

'of flesh' : 805 /kam-/

2. / + ástik-/ 'pertaining to ... ' I-II, in 1897 /forástik-/ 'foreign' : 393 /for-/ 'out-of-doors, market-place' m/II-A. 3. / + át-/ 'provided with ... ' I-II, in the following adjec tives based on nouns of declensions: a.

f/I: 1074 /barbát-/ 'bearded* : 237 /bárb-/ 'beard';

SUFFIXATION

121

1216 /kristát-/ 'crested' : 1215 /krist-/ 'creat'; 1476 'striped' : 785 'rod, stripe'. b. 'sting'.

m/II-A: 2210 /akul at-/ 'pointed' : 2211 /akúl -/

4. / + éstik-/ 'of, pertaining to ... ' I-II, in 1093 /doméstik-/ 'domestic' : 1837 /dom-/ 'house' f/II-A. 5. / + éstr-/ 'pertaining to ... ' III-A, in 1728 /kampestr-/ 'rustic' : 331 /kámp-/ 'field, country' m/II-A. 6. /+é^1-/ 'possessing the quality of being ... ' III-A, in 1879 /fideé^l-/ 'faithful' : 1878 /fíd-/ 'faith' f/III-A. 7. / + í^n-/ 'characteristic of ... ' I-II, on nouns of declensions: a.

With no preceding element:

i. f/I: 2216 'equine' : 914 'mare'; 2213 /kaprí^n-/ 'pertaining to goats' : 525 /kápr-/ 'goat'; 2215 /kolumbí^n-/ 'pertaining to doves' : 2214 /kolúmb-/ 'dove'. ii. m/II-A: 2212 /agní^n-/ 'pertaining to lambs' : 1025 /ágn-/ 'lamb'; 1671 'of a stag' : 916 'stag'. iii. f/III-A: 2023 'sheep'.

'pertaining to sheep' : 2020

b. Preceded by / + ot + /, in 1687 /annotí^n-/ 'of the previous year' : 656 /ann-/ 'year' m/II-A. 8. 'related to ... ' I-II, in 2249 mery' : /estV : 145 /estát-/ 'summer' f/III-A. 9. a. b. c. /sang

'sum

'(colored) like ... ' I-II, on nouns of declensions: f / I : 2106

'rosy' : 2107 / r o s - / ' r o s e ' .

f/III-A: 2 2 0 6 ' p e r t a i n i n g 'vine'.

to the vine' : 1484

m/III-A: 2 1 0 5 ' b l o o d - c b l o o d - C o l o r e d ' en-/

: 1017

'blood'.

7.24. O N N U M E R A L S , forming ordinals of declension I-II, with the suffixes: 1. 2.

in 207

'8th' : 228 /ókto/ '8'.

/ + -im-/, in 365 /dékim-/ '10th' : 139 /déke/ '10'; 2113

122

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

/séptim-/ '7th' : 143 /sépte/ '7'.

3. / + At-/, in 762/kárt-/'4th'+ : /k ar + / : 224 /k áttoro/ '4'; 1494 /k í^nt-/ '5th' :/kí^n /: 174 /kí^nk e/ '5'; 2114 /sekst-/ '6th' : 691 /sekse/ '6'. in 999 /tért -/ '3rd' : /ter +/ : 540 /tré^s/ '3'.

4.

7.25. O N PRONOUNS, forming possessive adjs/I-II, with the fol lowing suffixes (and loss of /^/ in the pronoun-base): 1. / + 0-/: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1982

mé- 'my'

1532 mé^ 'me'

2167

tú- 'thy'

1445 tú^ 'thee'

405

sú- 'his, her, its own'

1393 su

2.

: sé^ 'him-, her, it self'

/ + tr-/

2009

nóstr- 'our'

1301 nó^s 'we, us'

1487

óstr-

420

'your'

ó^s

'ye, you'

7.26. O N VERBS. From the point of view of productivity, it is desirable to distinguish here between those adjectives which could be formed on virtually every verb ("participles") and those for which we can reconstruct only a few PRom. ancestral forms. 7.261. PARTICIPLES. Of these, we can reconstruct.two for ProtoRomance, the "past" and the "present". 1. The past p a r t i c i p l e , i n d i c a t i n g the condition in which a person or thing is as a r e s u l t of the "action" indicated by the verb, was an a d j / I - I I formed on the "supine"-stem ( § 7.50). Examples of past p a r t i c i p l e s ( i n the f . s g . ) formed on verb-roots of various conjugations are given i n Table XXIX.

2. The present participle, meaning 'engaged in the 'action' signified by the verb-root', was formed with the suffix adj/III-A, added to Stem A of verbs of conjugation I/Reg/W, and to the root + /e/ of other verbs. For examples see Table XXX. 7.262. O T H E R ADJECTIVES FORMED O N V E R B S were formed with suffixes such as the following: 1. / + í b i l - / ' - a b l e ' I I I - A , i n 1817 / d e k í b i l - / ' f i t t i n g ' : 1816 / d é k - / 'be f i t t i n g ' III-B/Reg. 2. 'manifesting . . . f o l l o w i n g , of conjugations:

' I - I I , on verb-roots such as the

SUFFIXATION

123

Past Participle Supine Root and Conjugation Stem 1646 amáta 'loved'

amat

1647 fi^ní^ta 'finished' fi^ni^t

í^sta

440

ám-

457

fí^n- 'finish' II/Reg/W

abu^t +

2269 abú^ta 'had' 2270

+

1021 áb- 'have' III-A/Irr/W

i^st+

'seen'

'love' I/Reg/W

281

Id- 'see' III-A/Reg/S

2271 battu'ta 'beaten'

battu"t +

344

1649 di(")kta 'said' 2092 re érsa 'turned back'

di(")kt + re ers

361 dí^k- 'say' III-B/Reg/S 2096 re ért- 'turn back' III-B/Reg/S

bátt- 'beat' III-B/Reg/W

TABLE XXIX SAMPLE PAST PARTICIPLES

Present Participle

Root and Conjugation

amánte 'loving'

440

dorménte 'sleeping'

3

dorm- 'sleep' II

abénte 'having'

1021

áb- 'have' III-A

kre^dénte 'believing'

374

kré^d- 'believe' III-B

ám-

'love' I

TABLE XXX SAMPLE PRESENT PARTICIPLES

]24

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

DERIVED STEM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 1919

gélid- 'frosty'

373

gél-

'to freeze'

2165

túrbid- 'confused'

2164 túrb- 'to disturb'

II/Reg/W: 2192

láng id- 'faint, weak

2191 láng - 'to be faint, weak'

1991

mú^kid- 'mouldy'

1992 mú^k + : múk- 'to be mouldy'

1363

pú^tid- 'stinking'

1364 pú^t- 'to stink'

2069

pútrid- 'rotten'

2067

839

ránkid- 'stale, rancid'

1662 rank- 'to be stale'

pútr- 'to rot'

III-B/Reg/W: 1905

fri(^)gid- 'cold'

1904

fri(^)g- 'to be cold'

Base: 305

tepid- 'luke-warm'

7.3.

Nouns

7.31.

tep + 'to be luke-warm'

O N S U B S T A N T I V E S A N D V E R B S , with the following suffixes: 1.

f/I, with collective meaning, on:

a. Adj/I-II, in 1986 /minu^tál a/ 'mince-meat' : 34 /minú^t-/ 'tiny'. b. Verb III-B/Reg/W, in 620 /battál a/ 'fight' : 344 /bátt-/ 'beat'. 2.

f/I, with: a.

Collective meaning in forms based on nouns of declension:

i. f / I I I - A , i n 1910 / f ŕ o n d a/ ' f o l i a g e ' : 1903 / f r o n d - / ' l e a v e s ' ; 2121 / i s t a m i n a/ ' s t r a i n i n g - c l o t h ' : 439 / i s t á m i n - / 'woolen y a r n ' ; 1743 /karó^n a/ 'carcass' : /karo^n+/ : 805 / k á r n - / 'flesh'. ii. m/III-A, in 991 /se^mént a/ 'seed' : 135 /se^mént-/ 'seed'. b.

Abstract meaning, '-ness', in the following based on

SUFFIXATION

125

adjectives of declensions: i. I —II: 1001 /angúst a/ 'anxiety [ < narrowness]' : 854 /angúst-/ 'narrow'; 1924 /gross a/ 'fatness' : 1144 /gross-/ 'thick, over-sized'. ii. III-A: 996 / f o r t a/ 'strength' : 760 / f o r t - / ' s t r o n g ' ; 131 /kre^dént a/ 'belief' : / k r e ' d é n t - / 'believing' ( : 374 / k r é ^ d - / ' b e l i e v e ' ) . c. Indicating ' s t a t e of . . . -ing' in 1918 ment, joy' : 1917 / g a d - / 'to enjoy' II-B/Reg/W.

'enjoy-

3. / + - k i - / f / I on feminines, m/II-A on masculines, with meaning:

a.

Diminutive, formed on nouns, and preceded by: i. /í/

in the following, based on nouns of declensions:

A. f/III-A: 2230 /anatíkla/ 'duckling' : 2231 /ánat-/ 'duck'; 1692 /apíkla/ '(little) bee' : 301 /áp-/ 'bee'; 2021 /o íkia/ 'little sheep' : 2020 'sheep'. B. m/IIm/III-A: 2235

ermíklu/ 'little worm' : 799

'worm'. ii. /ú/, in the following, based on nouns of: A.

f/I, in 2076 /ranúkla/ '(little) frog' : 454

/ran-/ 'frog'.

B.

m/II-A, in /fe^núkiu/ 'fennel' ; 1119 /fé^n-/

'hay'. b. 'means of ... -ing', in 969 /kopérkiu/ 'cover, blanket' : 157 /koper-/ 'to cover' II/Reg/S. 4. / + mént-/ m/II-B, with the meaning of: a.

'collection Of ... ', in 2019 /ossaménta/ (pl.)

'bones' : 201 /óss-/ 'bone' m/II-B. b. 'result of ... -ing', in forms based on the Stem A or the root of verbs: i. On Stem A of verbs of the following conjugations: A.

I/Reg/W: /ferraméntu/ 'iron-work' : 116 /férr-/ 'to

work iron'; 1915 /fundamentu/ 'foundation' : 95 /fund-/ 'to found'; 1174 u^ramentu/ 'oath' : 272 'to swear'; 1183 /kan améntu/ 'foot-gear' : 1005 'to shoe'.

126

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

B. II/Reg.: 1210 /koperi^méntu/ 'covering' : 157 /koper-/ 'to cover'; 1466 ^méntu/ '(piece of) clothing' : 1467 'to clothe'. 5. / + ó^r-/ based on:

'quality or action of ... ' f/III-A,1

in nouns

a. Adjs/I-II: 1678 /albó^re/ 'whiteness, dawn' : 721 /alb-/ 'white'; 2186 /kaidó^re/ 'heat' : 722 /káid-/ 'hot'. b.

Verb-roots of the following conjugations: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I: 1685

amó^re 'love'

440

ám-

2198

erró^re 'error'

146

érr-

1763

klamó^re 'calling, uproar' 587

klárn- 'to call'

371

su^dó^re 'sweat'

sú^d- 'to sweat'

74

'love' 'to wander'

II: 2190

lang ó^re 'faintness'

2191

láng - 'to be faint, weak'

341

mu^kó^re 'mildew, mould'

1992

mú^k + : muk- 'to mildew'

1675

orró^re 'horror'

1674

orr- 'to be horrified'

1365

pu^tó^re 'stench'

1364

pú^t- 'to stink'

1367

rankó^re 'rancor'

1662

ránk- 'to be rancid'

III-A: 1054

ardó^re 'burning'

781

árd- 'to burn'

1092

doló^re 'pain'

1091

dól- 'to hurt'

1889

fetó^re 'stench'

1888

fét- 'to stink'

1180

kaló^re 'heat'

1176

kal- 'to be hot'

206

oló^re 'odor'

1305

ól-

1385

sapó^re 'taste, flavor'

307

sáp- 'to know, taste of'

fri^gó^re 'cold'

1904

fri(^)g- 'to be cold'

'to smell'

III-B: 1906 Base: 2151

tepó^re 'luke-warmness'

tep

'to be luke-warm'

SUFFIXATION

6.

127

/+ú^r-/ collective or abstract, f/I, in forms based on: a.

Adjs/I-II, with no intervening element, in 1175

/kaldú^ra/ 'heat' : 722 /káld-/ 'hot'.

b. Noun m/II-A, with root extension / + at + /, in 1735 /kapillatú^ra/ 'hair' : 1734 /kapíll-/ '(single) hair'. c. Verbs, added to: i. The root, in 1453 /u^sú^ra/ 'usury' : 73 /ú^s-/ 'to use' I/Reg/W; 1055 /ardú^ra/ 'burning' : 781 /árd-/ 'to burn' III-B/Reg/S. ii. The "supine"-stem ( § 7.50), in forms based on verbs of conjugations: DERIVED FORMS

BASED ON :

I/Reg/W: 1701

aratú^ra 'plowing'

1051

arat + : ár- 'to plow'

1059

armatú^ra 'equipment'

1057

armat

: arm- 'to arm' +

1881

fi^latú^ra 'web'

477

fi"lat

1903

frikatú^ra 'rubbing'

570

frikat+

: fí^l- 'to weave'

1801

krepatú^ra 'crack'

308

krepat

1232

la atú^ra 'washing'

255

la at

: la - 'to wash'

472

ligatú^ra 'binding'

31

ligat

: líg- 'to bind'

: frík- 'to rub' : krep- 'to crack'

II/Reg/W: 1468

esti^tú^ra 'piece of clothing'

1469

esti^t

:

est- 'to clothe'

II/Reg/S: 763

apertú^ra 'opening'

1044

apert

781

ars

: áper- 'to open'

III-B/Reg/S: 7951108

arsû^ra 'burning'

faktú^ra 'feature, form' 338

fakt

: árd- 'to burn' +

: fák- 'to do, make' +

1902

fraktú^ra 'break'

857

frakt

1903

fri^ktú^ra 'roast'

387

fri^kt + : frí^g- ' to fry,roast'

676

iskri^ptú^ra

1166

istrinktu^ra 'narrowness'

'writing' 942 939

: fráng- 'to break'

iskri^pt

: iskrí^b- 'to write'

istrinkt+ : istríng- 'to squeeze'

128

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

1203

kinktú^ra 'belt'

22

1764

kla sú^ra 'closing'

510

kinkt+

: kíng- 'to gird on'

kla s

: klá d- 'to close'

+

1766

koktú^ra 'cooking'

1205

kokt

1797

ko^stú^ra 'sewing'

185

ko^st + : kó^s- 'to sew'

: kok- 'to cook'

1278

mistú^ra 'mixture'

1661

mist

: mísk- 'to mix'

1895

mulsú^ra 'milking'

723

muls

: múlg- 'to milk' : pásk- 'to feed'

1326

pastú^ra 'pasture'

295

past

2267

pinktú^ra 'painting'

2265

pinkt

: píng- 'to paint'

2065

punktú^ra 'puncture'

1360

punkt

: pung- 'to prick'

2077

rasú^ra 'scraping'

1366

ras

90

ruptú^ra 'break'

1376

rupt

: rád- 'to shave, scrape' : rump- 'to break'

142 7

tinktú^ra 'dye'

1424

rinkt

91

unktú^ra 'salve'

858

unkt

+

: tíng- 'to dye' : ung- 'to smear' +

7.32. O N S U B S T A N T I V E S , with the suffix / ít a/, on one noun and a number of adjectives: 1. With collective meaning, in 1335 /pellít a/ 'fur' : 662 /pell-/ 'skin'. 2. With the meaning 'condition of being ... , -ness', on ad jectives of declensions: I-II: 1683

altít a 'height'

713

1034

amarít a 'bitterness'

242

1712 1838

'avarice, greed' du'rít a 'hardness'

1952

'rightness'

1725

'baldness'

ált-

'high'

amár- 'bitter'

1713

a ár- 'miserly'

65

dú^r- 'hard'

742 922

ú^st- 'right' kál

- 'bald'

17 30

kanit a 'gray hairs'

1729

kán- 'gray'

1958

largít a 'breadth, generosity'

786

lárg- 'broad'

568

nigrít a 'blackness'

567

nígr- 'black'

III-A: 1282

mollít a 'softness'

1281

moll- 'soft'

2167

tri^stít a 'sadness'

2

trí^st- 'sad'

SUFFIXATION

7.33.

129

ON ADJECTIVES, w i t h the s u f f i x e s .

1. / + 0 - / f / I , with various separate meaninqs, on a d j s / I - I I , in 1112 /féera/ ' w i l d beast' : 1876 / f é r - / ' w i l d ' ; ' 2043 / p l a n a / 'plane [carpenter's t o o l ] ' : 524 / p l a n - / ' l e v e l ' ; 2102 / s a i í ' n a / 'salt-works' : 2163 / s a l í ^ n - / ' s a l t y ' , 2160 / t r a érsa/ 'crossbeam' : 2158 / t r a é r s - / ' t r a n s v e r s e ' . 2. / + 0 - / 'person or thing who i s . . . ; action of . . . ' m/II-A, on past p a r t i c i p l e s or "supine"-stems; probably quite f r e quent in every-day speech, but reconstructible only i n the f o l lowing b u i l t on verbs of conjugations: a . I / R e g / W : 608 on' : 1654

'called

b. /sed-/

'advocate, one called upon' : 'to call o n ' .

III-A/Reg/S: 2263 /séssu/ 'seat, hunkus' : / s e s s + / : 372 'sit'.

c. III-B/Reg/S: 972 / k í n k t u / ' b e l t , g i r d l e ' : / k í n k t - / 'girded' : 22 / k í n g - / ' t o g i r d o n ' ; 1756 / n í k t u / 'damp weather' : V n í k t - / 'snowed' : 2005 " ' t o snow'; 415 / r í " s - / 'laught e r ' : / r í " s - / 'laughed' : 5 / r í ^ d - / ' t o l a u g h ' . 3. '-ness' f / I , i n 2115 / s í k k i t a / 2 'drouth' : 466 /síkk-/ 'dry' I - I I . 4. / + i t á t - / , forming abstract nouns f / I I I - A , on adjectives of the following declensions: DERIVED FORMS

BASED ON:

I-II: 346

bonitáte 'goodness'

118 bón- 'good'

1923

kastitáte 'chastity'

1746 kást-

1978

med etáte 'half' [n.]

881 méd - 'half'

'chaste'

2045

ple^nitáte 'fullness'

375 plé^n- 'full'

2176

e'ritáte 'truth'

124

2179

iki^nitáte 'neighborhood'

35

é^r-

'true'

iki^n-

'neighboring'

III-A: 1880

fide^litáte 'faithfulness '

1879 fidé^l-

'faithful'

1923

gra itáte 'heaviness'

1141 grá - 'heavy'

130

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

7.34. ON NOUNS AND VERBS, w i t h the s u f f i x / + i ^ l - / ' t h i n g connected with . . . , place for . . . ' , in the f o l l o w i n g based on: 1.

Nouns, of the f o l l o w i n g declensions: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

f/I: 1927

astí^le 'lance-haft'

1926 ást- 'lance'

1081

brakí^le 'belt, pants'

529

brák- 'breeches'

2200

kaprí^le. 'goat-fold'

525

kápr- 'goat'

m/II-A: 1677

agní^le 'lamb-fold'

1025 ágn- 'lamb'

2201

fe^ni^le 'hay-loft'

1119 fé^n- 'hay'

f/III-A: 2022

'sheep-fold'

2020

'sheep'

m/III-A: 2199

'cow-stall'

288 bo- 'ox, bovine animal'

2. Verb-roots, i n 1218 /kubí^le/ 'den, l a i r ' : 355 / k u b - / ' t o r e s t , brood' I/Reg/W; 2112 / s e d i ^ l e / ' s e a t ' : 372 / s e d - / ' t o s i t ' III-A/Reg/W. 7.35.

ON NOUNS, w i t h the s u f f i x e s :

1. / + 0 - / , forming feminines f / I on nouns denoting masculine beings, as i n the f o l l o w i n g based on nouns of declensions: m/II-A: 705

dómna 'lady, mistress'

1094 dómn- 'lord, master'

704

kognáta 'sister-in-law'

1204 kognát- 'brother-in-law'

1428

púlla 'hen'

664 púll- 'rooster'

1428

tí^a 'aunt'

1430 tí^- 'uncle'

917 2172

'widow' úrsa

'she-bear'

917

'widower'

792 úrs- 'bear'

m/III-A: 980

'niece'

150

: nepó^t- 'nephew'

SUFFIXATION

131

2. / + 0 - / 'plant, tree bearing ... ' m/II-A, on names of fruits, normally f/I, as in the following: 2083 /abellánu/ 'hazelbush' : 2082 /abellán-/ 'hazel-nut'; 2041 /píru/ 'pear-tree' : 21 /pír-/ 'pear'; 2058 /prú^nu/ 'plum-tree' : 518 /prú^n-/ 'plum'. 3. / áme(n)-/ a.

collective m/III-A, on nouns of classes:

m/II-A: 1212 /kor áme(ne)/ '1eather-work' : 905 'leather'; 2040 /piláme(ne)/ 'hair' : 296 /píl-/ 'hair'.

b. m/II-B: 1235 /lignáme(ne)/ 'wood-stuff, -supply' : 700, 701 /lígn-/ 'wood'. c. f/III-A: 2036 /pellame(ne)/ 'skins, furs' : 662 /pell-/ 'skin, fur'. 4. / + án-/ intensive f/I, in 1894 /fontana/ 'fountain' : 1893 /font-/ 'spring, source' m/III-A. 5.

'something pertaining to ... ' m/II-A, in 892 'heel' : 719 /kálk-/ 'heel' m/III-A.

6. / + ástr-/ 'incomplete ... ' f/I, in 2060 /puliástra/ 'young hen' : 299 /púll-/ 'hen' f/I. / + át-/ collective, '-ful', on nouns of declension s:

7.

a.

f/I: 621 /bukkáta/ 'mouthful' : 91 /búkk-/ 'mouth'.

b.

m/II-A: 1970 /annáta/ 'year's yield' : 656 /ánn-/ 'year'.

c. f/III-A: 1974 /mas o^náta/ 'house-hold' : 882 /mas ó^n-/ 'dwelling'. d.

m/III-A: 1799 /koráta/ 'giblets' : 1211 /kór-/ 'heart'.

8- / + e^t-/ 'grove, growth of ... ' m/II-A, on nouns of declensions: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

f/I: 1732

kanné^tu 'reed-bank1

653

kánn- 'reed'

2046

po^mé^tu 'fruit-orchard'

1357

pó^m- 'fruit'

m/II-A: 696

fraksiné^tu 'ash-grove'

571

fráksinu 'ash-tree'

2168

ulmé^tu 'elm-grove'

728

ulm- 'elm-tree'

132

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

f/III-A: 1302

nuké^tu 'walnut-grove'

445

núk- 'walnut'

1379

saliké^tu 'willow-grove'

46

sálik- 'willow'

m/III-B: 776

arboré^tu 'grove'

221

arbor- 'tree'

2095

ro^boré^tu 'oak-grove'

2094

ro^bor- 'oak'

9. nouns of classes:

'place of ... ' or diminutive, f/I, based on

a. m/II-A: 1862 /fábrika/ 'work-shop' : 535 /fábr-/ 'smith, worker'. b. f/III-A: 1070 /á uka/ 'goose [ < little bird]' : 286 /á -/ 'bird'. c. m/III-A: 1332 /pedika/ 'foot-print, -fetter' : 424 /péd-/ 'foot'. 10. / + í^n-/ forming feminines, 4 diminutives, etc., of f/I, on nouns of the following declensions: m/II-A: 381

gallí^na 'hen'

1132

gáll- 'rooster'

42

medikí^na 'medicine'

48

médik- 'doctor'

2049

porkí^na 'pork'

1663

pórk- 'pig'

1182

kálk- 'lime'

f/III-A: 1177

kalkí^na 'lime, mortar'

2072

radi^kí^na ' little root' 2071

radí^k- 'root'

m/III-A: 1934

e^likí^na 'holm-oak'

1933

é^lik-

2042

piskí^na 'fish-pond'

294

písk- 'fish'

'holm-oak'

132

re^gí^na 'queen'

385

ré^g- 'king'

11. / + ikí^n-/ diminutive m/III-A, in 2061 /pullikí^nu/ 'chick' : 664 /pull-/ 'rooster' m/II-A. 12.

/ + ól-/ diminutive, forming nouns of classes.

a. f/I, in 908 /ar óla/ 'little threshing-floor' : 907 /ar a/ 'threshing-floor'.

SUFFIXATION

133

b. m/II-A, on nouns of that declension: DERIVED FORM 1716

ban óolu 'little bath'

BASED ON: 343

bán - 'bath'

1966

lint ólu 'sheet'

1965

lint

1973

mall ólu 'little hammer'

982

máll - 'hammer'

'strip of linen'

1931

ord ólu 'barley-corn'

1009 órd - 'barley'

2171

urk ólu 'little jug'

2170

urk - 'jug'

13. / + ó^(n)-/ 'big ... ', 'little ... ', or pejorative m/III-B, based on nouns of declensions: a. m/II-A. 598 /gluttó^ne/ 'glutton' : 1657 /glútt-/ 'throat'; 1767 /ko^l ó'ne/ 'testicle' : 899 / k ó n -/ 'testicle'. b. m/III-A. 1330 /pa uo^ne/ 'pea-cock' : 2029 /pá -/ 'pea-cock'; 2033 /pedó'ne/ 'pedestrian, foot-soldier' : ?24 /péd-/ 'foot'. 14.

forming diminutives of declensions: a. f/I: i.

Preceded by no further element, on nouns of classes:

f/I: 2229

búkkula 'little mouth'

81

búkk- 'mouth'

1781

kónkula 'little mussel'

837

k n k - 'mussel-shell'

2234

ménsula 'little table'

122

mé^s- 'table'

1984

mí^kula 'little crumb'

1983

mí"k- 'crumb'

f/III-A: 1898

forfíkula 'ear-wig'

50

fórfik- 'shears'

1341

píkula 'pitch'

28

pík- 'tar'

596

glánd- 'acorn'

m/III-A: 597

glándula 'little acorn, gland'

i i . Preceded by / u ^ k + / , in 1547 / a k ú ^ k u i a / ' l i t t l e needle' : 335 / á k - / ' p o i n t , needle' m/II-A. b.

m/II-A, on nouns of m/II-A:

134

PROTO-ROMANCE

DERIVATION

i. With no following element, in 2162 /trúnkulu/ 'Little trunk' : 546 /trunk-/ 'trunk'. ii. Followed by / /, in 2211 /akúl u/ 'sting' : 335 /ák-/ 'point, needle'. 15. / + úll-/ diminutive f/I, on 1750 /ke^púlla/ '(little) onion' : 302 /ké^o-/ 'onion' f/I. / +u ^ g i n - / Collective

16.

f/III-A,

i n 2239

/testú^gine/

'tortoise' : 1422 /tést-/ 'potsherd'. 7.36.

ON VERBS,

with the following suffixes:

1. / + 0 - / ' " a c t i o n " referred to by the root' ( i n f i n i t i v e ) m / I I I ( i n v a r i a b l e ) , 5 on Stem B of verbs, with stress on the antepenult in Conjugation I I I - B , and on the penult in the other conjugations. Examples: a.

I:

amáre 'to love' : 440 ám-.

b.

II:

dormí^re 'to sleep' . 3 dorm-.

C.

III-A:

abérre 'to have' : 1021

d.

III-B:

báttere 'to beat' : 344 bátt-.

áb-.

2. / + 0 - / f/I, forming nomina actionis on roots of Conjugation I/Reg/W: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1641

a ú'ta 'help, aid'

1027

a ú't- 'to help'

1871

fatí^ga 'weariness'

1872

fatí^g- 'to tire, weary'

2027

pausa 'pause, rest'

502

2054

proba 'test, proof'

354

pá

s- 'to stop, pause'

prob- 'to try, test'

3. / + 0 - / 'result, action of ... ' f/I, on "supine"-stem of verb, in 1285 /morsa/ 'bite' : /mors*/ : 780 /mord-/ 'to bite' III/Reg/S. 4. / + 0 - / 'thing used for, action of ... -ing' m/II-A, in nouns based on: a. Root, in 2017 /ordín u/ 'implement, device' . 2016 /ordín -/ 'to prepare' I/Reg/W? b. "Supine"-stem, in formations on verbs of the following conjugations:

SUFFIXATION

135

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 1824

diktátu 'speech'

1823

diktat + : dí(^)kt- 'to dictate'

1962

latrátu 'barking'

1230

latrat+ : látr- 'to bark'

513

a di^t+ : á d- 'to hear'

II/Reg/W: 1069 2178

a dí^tu 'hearing' estí^tu 'clothing'

1467

esti^t

:

est-

'to clothe'

II/Irr/S: 1705

assáltu 'assault'

1704

assalt

238

sáltu 'jump'

1380

salt

458

mas

: assál- 'to assail' : sal- 'to jump'

III-A/Reg/S: 1255 másu 'resting-place'

: mán- 'to remain'

III-B/Reg/W: 2264

físsu 'split'

1121

fiss + : fínd- 'to split'

1785

konduktu 'conduit'

1784

kondukt

: kondú^k- 'to

lead' 86

kúrsu 'race'

1219

kurs+

: kurr- 'to run'

793

mórsu 'bite'

780

mors

: mórd- 'to bite' +

1325

pástu 'nourishment'

295

past

973

plánktu 'lament'

856

plankt

974

punktu 'prick, point'

1360

punkt

: pásk- 'to feed' : pláng- 'to weep' : púng- 'to prick'

+

5. l 0-l 'result of ... , action of ... -ing' f/III-A, on the "supine"-stem, in 202 /morte/ : 496 /mór-/ 'to die' II/Irr/S. 6. / + áki-/ 'means of ... -ing' m/II-B, on verb-root, in 1717 /battáklu/ 'club' : 344 /bátt-/ 'to beat' III-B/Reg/W; 2150 /tenákiu/ 'clamp, pliers' : 1420 /ten-/ 'to hold' III-A/Irr/W. 7. / + áme(ne)/ 'that which ... -s' m/II-B, on verb-root, in the following on verbs of Conjugation I/Reg/W: 1963 /leuámene/ 'leaven' : 471 /leu-/ 'to raise'; 1964 /ligámene/ 'string, tie' : 31 /líg-/ 'to tie'. 8. / + án-/ 'nomen agentis' m/II-A, on verb-root,in 949 /iskri^banu/ 'scribe' : 942 /iskrí^b-/ 'to write' III-B/Reg/S.

136

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

/ + í^n-/ 'place for ... -ing', on verb-root:

9.

a. As f/I, in 210 /kokí^na/ 'kitchen' : 1205 /kok-/ 'to cook' III-B/Reg/S. b. As m/II-A, in 433 /molí^nu/ 'mill' : 476 /mól-/ 'to grind' III-B/Reg/W. 10. / + -it-/ 'action of ... -ing' m/11-A, in the following, based on verbs of conjugations: a.

I/Reg/W: 2119 /sonitu/ 'sound' : 1404 /són-/ 'to

sound'. b. I I/Reg/W: 1893 /mú^gitu/ 'lowing, bellowing' : 1994 /mú^g-/ 'tO low, bellow'. c.

III-B/Reg/W: 1920 /gémitu/ 'groan' : 380 /gém-/ 'to

groan'. / + ó^n-/ 'act of ... -ing' f/III-B, on:

11.

a. Verb-root, in 1733 /kant ó'ne/ 'song' : 831 /kánt-/ 'to sing'; 2187 /part ó l e / 'separation' : 1320 /part-/ 'to sepa rate' II/Reg/W. b.

"Supine"-stem, in forms built on verbs of conjugations:

i. I/Irr/W: 2122 /istát o/, 2123 /istat ó'ne/'standing-, stopping-place' : /istát4"/ : 737 /istá-/ 'to stand, stay'. ii. II/Irr/S: /rapt ó'ne/ 'robbery' : /rapt + / : 2188 /ráp-/ 'to rob'. /mas + /

iii. III-A/Irr/S: 883 /mas ó^ne/ 'dwelling-place' : : /mán-/ 'to remain'.

iv. III-B/Reg/S: 1003 /past ó^ne/ 'meadow, pastureland' : /past*/ : 295 /pásk-/ 'to feed'. 12. / + ó^n-/ 'one who ... -s' m/III-B, on verbs of I/Reg/W, in 1530 /felló^ne/'cock-sucker' : 2195 /fell-/ 'to perform fella tio'; 2193 /fulió^ne/ 'fuller' : 2194 /full-/ 'to full'. 13. /'ó^r-/, forming nomina agentis m/III-B, on the "supine"stem. Probably extremely widely used, and reconstructible in the following forms based on verbs of conjugations: I/Reg/W:

SUFFIXATION

DERIVED

137

FORMúíóá

BASED ON: amat+

1036

amató^re 'lover'

440

1200

arató^re 'plowman'

1051 arat+ : ár- 'to plow'

1715

ban ató^re 'bather'

343

ban at+ : bán - 'to bathe'

1233

la dató^re 'praiser'

370

la dat+ : lá d- 'to praise'

2000

natató^re 'swimmer'

322

natat+

1333

pekkató^re 'sinner'

154

pekkat+

1345

pistakó^re 'fisher'

2053

pre^dató^re

2066

putató^re 'pruner'

1471

: ám- 'to love'

: nát- 'to swim'

1353 piskat

: pékk- 'to sin'

+

'plunderer' 1353 pre^dat

e^nató^re 'hunter'

: písk- 'to fish' +

: pre^d- ' to plunder'

1361 pru^nat+ : pru^n- 'to prune' 1470

e^nat+

: e^n- 'to hunt'

II/Reg/W: menti^t + : mént- 'to lie'

1262

menti^tó^re 'liar'

832

1271

meti^tó^re 'reaper'

1270 meti^t+ : mét- 'to reap'

1504

tradi^tó^re

1664 tradi^t

'traitor'

: trad- 'to betray'

II/Irr/S: 1500

sartó^re 'tailor'

2261 sart + : sark- 'to sew'

III-A/Irr/W: de^bit+

1469

de^bitó^re 'debtor'

353

1502

tenitó^re 'holder'

1420 tenit + : ten- 'to hold'

: de^b- 'to owe'

2196

akkettó^re 'taker; hawk' 2197 akkett

1077

bibitó^re 'rdinker'

348

bibit

+

1324

pastó^re 'shepherd'

295

past + : pásk- 'to feed'

2266

pinktó^re 'painter'

2265

pinkt+

1503

teksitó^re 'weaver'

692

teksit+

+

1473

e^nditó^re 'seller'

168

: akkíp- 'to take' : bib-

'to drink'

: ping- 'to paint'

+

e^ndit

: teks- 'to weave' : ué'nd- 'to sell'

14. / + r í ^ k - / , -forming nomina agentis f / I I I - B on the "supine"stem of verbs. T h e o r e t i c a l l y formable p a r a l l e l to any masculine noun i n / + o ^ r - / ( c f . previous s e c t i o n ) ; d i r e c t l y r e c o n s t r u c t i b l e f o r Proto-Romance (as opposed to Proto-Italo-Western Romance) only i n 1684 /amatrí^ke/ ' l o v e r ( f . ) ' : 4 4 0 / á m - / ' t o love' I/Reg/W.

138

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

7.4. Numerals The s u f f i x following:

/ + a ( i ) n t - / n u m / I was used to form 'tens' on the

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1015

ki^nk á(i)nta '50'

174

kí^nk e '5'

502

k ará(i)nta '40

224

k ar+

503

noná(i)nta

1495

non + : nó e '9'

410

seksá(i)nta '60'

691

sékse '6'

268

septá(i)nta '70

143

sépte '7'

7.5.

Verbs

'90'

: k áttoro '4'

As in Latin and the later Romance languages, Proto-Romance verb-formation was accomplished by both suffixation and prefixation. The former occurred chiefly in verbs based on nouns, with a scattering of other types of bases. 7.51. T H E " S U P I N E " - S T E M 6 was used only in word-formation, not oc curring as such in any inflectional function, although it was in many (not all) instances similar to the Stem C of "strong" verbs when the latter was formed by the addition of /s/ (cf. § 4.41.b.i i [pp. 74-75]). The "supine" stem served in most instances as the base for the past participle, and, insofar as any semantic feature can be ascribed to this stem, it is one of (somewhat vague) refer ence to past time. 7.511. 1.

SPECIAL MORPHOPHONEMIC REPLACEMENTS

Before

include the following:

/s+/:

a. /.o/ / o ^ / , in /asko^s + / : 1063 /askúnd-/ 'to hide'; /to^s+/ : 315 /t únd-/ 'to shave, shear'. b. A root-final consonant / s / in / f i s s + / : 1121 /fínd-/ 'to s p l i t ' ; /ke^ss + / : 1549 /ké^d-/ 'to y i e l d ' ; /messV : 1981 /met-/ 'to harvest'; /perkuss + / : 2260 /perkút-/ 'to s t r i k e ' ; / s e s s V : 372 / s é d - / 'to s i t ' . c. Root-final /nd-/ and /n-/ /^/, as in /te^s + / : 848 /ténd-/; /fu^s + / : 849 /fúnd-/ 'to melt'; /mas + / : 458 /mán-/ 'to stay, remain'.

2. Before /t/:a.A voiced root-final consonant is usually assimilated to voiceless, as in /kinkt+ / : 22 /kíng-/ 'to cird on'; /iskri^pt+/

SUFFIXATION

139

: 942 / i s k r í ^ b - / ' t o w r i t e ' . b. In a c l u s t e r of / r / + consonant, the /c/ /tort+/ : 770 /tórk-/ ' to twist'. 7.512. FORMATION OF "SUPINE"-STEMS. the following final elements:

is l o s t , as in

These stems are formed with

1. /s + /, in verbs of conjugations: VERB-ROOT

"SUPINE"-STEM

II: 1044

äper- 'to open'

apert+

496

mór- 'to die'

mort+

1328

pát- 'to suffer'

pass+

1380

sál- 'to jump'

salt +

mán- 'to stay, remain'

mas +

111-A : 458

III-B: 781

árd- 'to burn'

ars +

1063

askúnd- 'to hide'

asko^s

515

a kí^d- 'to kill'

a ki^s +

1548

de^fénd- 'to ward off'

de^fe^s +

1121

fínd- 'to split'

fiss +

849

fúnd- 'to melt'

fu^s+

732

ispárg- 'to scatter'

ispars

1549

ké"d- 'to yield'

ke~ss +

1219

kúrr- 'to run'

kurs

2132

mérg- 'to dive'

mers

1981

mét- 'to harvest, reap'

mess

614

mítt- 'to put'

miss

780

mórd- 'to bite'

mors

723

múlg- 'to milk'

muls

1336

pénd- 'to hang'

pe^s

2260

pérkút- 'to strike'

perkuss

521

prém- 'to press'

press

140

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION pre^s+

127

pré^nd- 'to take'

1366

rád- 'to shave'

ras+

1372

respond- 'to answer'

respo^s+

5

rí^d- 'to laugh'

ri^s+

484

ró^d- 'to gnaw'

ro^s+

372

séd- 'to sit'

sess+

848

ténd- 'to stretch'

1551

térg- 'to wipe'

ters+

315

tund- 'to shave'

to^s+

1653

ért-

te^s+

ers+

'to turn'

2. /t/: a. Preceded by no f u r t h e r derivational element, in verbs of Conjugations: III-A: 281.

i^st+

id- 'to see'

III-B: 2192- akkíp- 'to take' 724

akkept+

akkólg- 'to receive'

, akkett+ +

akkolt

1541 de^strú^g- 'to destroy'

de^stru^kt+

361

dí^k- 'to say'

di(^)kt+

71

du^k- 'to lead'

dukt+

338-

fák- 'to do, make'

1542

fíng- 'to pretend'

1543

fí^g- 'to fix, fasten'

fi^kt+

857

fráng- 'to break'

frakt+

387-

frí^g- 'to fry'

942-

iskrí^b- 'to write'

939

istríng— 'to squeeze'

855-

úng-

22

kíng- 'to gird on'

'to join'

fakt+ fikt+

fri^kt+ iskri^pt+ istri(n)kt unkt kinkt

1205- kok- 'to cook'

kokt+

1643- kollig- 'to gather'

kolt+

185-

ko^st

kó^s- 'to sew'

SUFFIXATION

lekt +

1544

lég- 'to read'

1661

mísk- 'to mix'

mist+

1540

násk- 'to be born'

nat+

2005

níng - 'to snow'

nikt+

2002

óffer-

295

pásk- 'to feed'

past+

1328

pát- 'to suffer'

pass+

2265

píng- 'to paint'

pi(n)kt+

856

pláng- 'to weep'

plankt+

2050

pórg- 'to reach'

port+

300

pó^n- 'to put, place'

post+

1360

púng- 'to prick'

punkt+

2188

ráp- 'to rob'

1545

ré^g- 'to rule'

re^kt+

814

rúmp- 'to break'

rupt+

409

sól - 'to dissolve, melt' solt+

1416

táng- 'to touch'

692

téks- 'to weave'

tekst

1424

tíng- 'to dye'

tinkt +

1431

tóll- 'to take'

tolt +

770

tórk- 'to twist'

tort +

543

trág- 'to draw'

858

úng-

840

ínk-

1660

ól

'to offer'

'to smear' 'to conquer' - 'to turn'

141

offert +

rapt +

takt+

trakt+ unkt+ i(n)kt+ olt+

b. Preceded by /i/ (and not normally used in Romance past participles) in the following verbs of Conjugations: III-A: 1420

tén- 'to hold'

tenit +

III-B: 348 bíb- 'to drink' bíbit+ 692

téks- 'to weave'

168

é^nd-

'to sell'

teksit+ e^ndit+

142

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

7.52. O N S U B S T A N T I V E S , verbs were formed with the suffix / -ik-/,7 with basically causative meaning, 'to render ... ' or 'to engage in activity connected with ... ', I/Reg/W, in forms of the following adjective- or noun-classes: 1. adj/I-II: 2256 /álbik-/ 'to whiten' : 721 /álb-/ 'white'; 1645 /amárik-/ 'to embitter' : 242 /amar-/ 'bitter'; 1842 /dúplik-/ 'to fold together' : 1096 /dúpl-/ 'double'. 2. adj/III-A: 1771 /komu^nik-/ 'to communicate' : 1770 /komú^n-/ 'common'. 3. m/II-A: 1177 /kabállik-/ 'to ride horse-back' : 351 /kabáll-/ 'horse'. 4. Base: 2257 /kándik-/ 'to blanch' : /kand+/ 'white'. 7.53.

ON ADJECTIVES,

with the suffixes:

1. /+0-/ 'to be or cause to be in a state of ... -ness', on adjectives of the following classes: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I-II: 1698

aprí^k- 'to shelter'

528

aprí^k- 'sunny'

1828 1841

dígn- 'to deign'

1827

dígn- 'worthy'

dúpl- 'to double'

1096

dúpl- 'double'

363

dú^r- 'to be hard; last'

65

2248

estí^ - 'to become summer' 2249

estí'

1859

estrán - 'to estrange'

1858

estrán - 'strange, foreign'

726

fals- 'to falsify'

1110

fals- 'false, untrue'

1658

klí^n- 'to lean'

1659

klí^n- 'inclined'

1804

krísp- 'to crinkle'

558

krísp- 'crinkly'

1810

kúrt- 'to shorten'

1220

kúrt- 'short'

1811

kúr - 'to curve'

1812

kúr - 'curved'

1959

dú^r- 'hard' - 'summery'

1960

láss- 'to weary'

434

matuú^r- 'to ripen'

492

matú^r- 'ripe'

1288

múnd- 'to cleanse'

1289

múnd- 'clean'

2144

plán- 'to level'

574

plán- 'level'

1362

pú^r- 'to purify'

297

pú^r- 'pure'

2091

re érs- 'to turn around'

924

sál

-

'to save'

lass- 'weary'

2092

re érs- 'turned around'

923

sál - 'safe'

SUFFIXATION

143

1382

sán- 'to heal'

403

sán- 'whole, entire'

2253

satúll- 'to sate'

1386

satúll- 'sated'

2237

satú^r- 'to saturate'

2236

satú^r-

99

sekúnd- 'to favor'

852

sekúnd- 'second'

1000

síkk- 'to dry'

406

síkk- 'dry'

93

suspékt- ' to be suspicious' 735

1417

tard- 'to delay, be late' 778

tárd- 'late'

2159

tra érs- 'to cross'

2158

trauers- 'cross'

1259

mel o^r- 'to improve'

900

mel o^r- 'better'

1401

símil- 'to resemble, seem' 47

'saturated'

suspekt- 'suspect'

III:

simil- 'alike'

2. / + 0 - / causative II/Reg/W, on adjs/I-II, in 1079 /bland-/ 'to flatter' : 583 /bland-/ 'soft'- 1998 /mu^t-/ 'to become mute' : 319 /mu^t-/ 'mute'. 3. / + -/ causative-intensive ('to make more ... ') I/Reg/W, in verb-roots based on adjectives of classes: I-II: 1546

akú^t - 'to sharpen'

1030

akú^t- 'sharp'

995

ált - 'to raise'

713

alt- 'high'

984

báss - 'to lower'

983

bass- 'low'

989

de^ré'kti- 'to stand up.'

126

de^ré^kt- 'upright'

III: 215

molli- 'to soften'

1281

moll- 'soft'

40

simili- 'to resemble'

47

símil- 'alike'

2137

suptí^l- 'to thin'

673

suptí^l- 'thin'

7.54.

ON NOUNS,

with the following suffixes:

+

1. / 0 - / 'to engage in activity connected with ... ' I/Reg/W. Obviously a very productive derivational process (re constructible for the following examples but probably even more wide-spread), on nouns of the following declensions: f/I: 1057

arm- 'to arm'

797

arm- 'weapon'

144

PROTO-ROMANCE

DERIVATION

2251

bú^kin- 'to blow a horn'

2250

bu^kin- 'horn'

1863

fábrik- 'to manufacture'

1862

fábrik- 'work-shop'

1865

fábul- 'to speak'

1864

fábul- 'tale, speech'

1869

fáski- 'to bind'

1006

fáski- 'bundle'

604

flamm- 'to flame'

613

flamm- 'flame'

1800

fori- 'to have diarrhoea' 1788

fori- 'diarrhoea'

1900

formí^k-

formí^k- 'ant'

1000

forti- 'to force'

996

forti- 'strength, force'

1916

fu^g- 'to put to flight'

1911

fú^g- 'flight'

1013

isk árn- 'to scale off'

1012

isk árn- 'scale'

'to itch'

214

1163

ispu^m- 'to foam'

71

ispu^m- 'foam'

2127

istupp- 'to caulk'

2126

istupp- 'oakum'

1005

kálki- 'to shoe'

1004

kálki- 'stocking, shoe'

1202

ké^n- 'to dine'

1201

ké^n-

'dinner'

1798

kokí^n- 'to cook'

210

kokí^n- 'kitchen'

1803

koro^n-

211

koro^n- 'crown'

334

kú^r- 'to care for, cure' 1808

kú^r- 'care, cure'

1955

lánki- 'to hurl'

1954

lánki- 'lance'

1238

lí^m- 'to file'

722

lí^m- 'file'

37

rnakin-

'to crown'

'to grind'

1656 rnákin- 'mill, mill-stone'

1247

mámm- 'to suckle'

649

mámm- 'breast'

1264

merend- 'to lunch, sup'

1263

merend- 'lunch, supper'

79

me^sú^r- 'to measure'

129

me^sú^r- 'measure'

1307

oper- 'to work, effect'

164

oper- 'work'

1349

plant- 'to plant'

240

plant- 'plant'

2052

pre'd- 'to plunder'

517

pre'd- 'plunder'

2097

ró^t- 'to turn, rotate'

481

ro^t- 'wheel'

2100

sabúrr- 'to ballast'

2099

sabúrr- 'ballast'

2101

sagítt- 'to shoot with

253

sagítt- 'arrow'

1388

sek- 'to cut, saw'

1387

sek- 'saw'

2164

túrb- 'to disturb'

2163

túrb- 'crowd, mob'

947

úmbr- 'to shade'

88

1448

und- 'to wave'

87

arrows'

úmbr- 'shade' únd-

'wave'

SUFFIXATION

145

m/II-A: 1714

bán - 'to bathe'

343

bán - 'bath'

884

bás - 'to kiss'

885

bás - 'kiss'

1814

damn- 'to harm'

706

dámn- 'harm'

191

do^n- 'to give'

360

do^n- 'gift'

1846

erí^k - 'to stand on end [of hair]'

1845

erí^k - 'hedge-hog'

1116

férr- 'to put iron on, to shoe [horse]'

117

férr- 'iron'

1877

fé^t- 'to bring forth young' 1120

fé^t- 'child, foetus'

317

fú^m- 'to smoke'

436

fú^m- 'smoke'

400

fú^r- 'to steal'

1131

fú^r- 'thief'

378

gél- 'to freeze'

1123

gél- 'frost'

384

gúst- 'to taste'

1145

gúst- 'to taste'

2120

ispú^t- 'to spit'

2119

ispú^t- 'spit'

2251

istábul- 'to stable'

740

istábul-

89

isternú^t- 'to sneeze'

2124

isternú^t- 'sneeze'

1167 i^ érn- 'to winter'

9

i^ érn- 'winter'

271

ók-

1160

ók-

'to play'

'play, game'

769

kírk- 'to go around'

768

kírk- 'circle'

1758

kírkl- 'to ring around'

968

kírkl- 'circle'

1754

kíb-

1753

kíb-

1778

kómput- 'to count, tell'

1779

kómput- 'account, tale'

1957

lák - 'to tie'

870

lák - 'string'

1256

médik- 'to doctor'

48

médik- 'doctor'

1967

lúkr- 'to win'

560d

lúkr- 'gain'

1975

marí^t- 'to marry'

1252

marí^t- 'husband'

192

mó^str- 'to show'

1988

mó^str- 'wonder, monster'

1286

mukk- 'to blow the nose'

430

mukk- 'snot'

1041

nó^d- 'to knot'

446

nó^d- 'knot'

94

numer- 'to count'

447

numer- 'number'

1322

pass- 'to pass'

641

pass- 'step'

2026

pástin- 'to break up [soil]'

2025

pástin- 'newly tilled field'

'to feed'

417 pé^s- 'to weigh' 298 pé^s- 'weight' 1343 píl- 'to pluck' 296 píl- 'hair'

'food'

146

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

96

púgn-

2255

'to

fight'

697

púgn- 'fist'

sákk- 'to take out'

624

sákk- 'sack'

971

sárkl- 'to chop, weed'

970

sárkl- 'chopper, weeder'

703

sígn- 'to mark'

702

sígn- 'sign'

1404

son- 'to sound'

1405

son- 'sound'

2243

trí^bul- 'to thresh'

2244

trí^bul- 'flail'

844

trunk- 'to cut short'

546

trunk- 'trunk'

73 2175

ú^s-

'to use'

ú^s-

414

ué^l- 'to veil'

280

'use'

ué^l- 'veil'

m/II-B: 477

fí^l- 'to spin'

394

fí^l- 'thread'

2224

isterkor- 'to dung'

2225

istérkor- (pl.) : isterk'

dung'

f/III-A: 659

nék- 'to kill'

2002

2006 ní - 'to snow'

24

nék- 'death' ní

- 'snow'

256

pák- 'to pay'

1312

pák- 'peace'

96

pík- 'to adhere, stick'

28

pík- 'pitch'

1381

salú^t- 'to greet'

70

salú^t- 'health'

grándin- 'hail'

m/III-A: 1138

grándin- 'to hail'

1139 45

373

ú^dik-

720

kálk- 'to step, tread on' 719

'to judge'

kalk- 'heel'

1188

kápit- 'to take'

1642

kápit- 'head'

1206

koló^r- 'to color'

491

koló^r- 'color'

1223

labó^r- 'work'

1224

labó^r- 'work'

1265

meridi- ' to take a siesta'

1266

ú^dik-

'judge'

meridi- 'noon'

1283 mónt- 'to go up'

827

158

nó^men- 'to name'

1300

nó^m(en)- 'name'

honor'

mónt-

'mountain'

1930

onó^r- 'to

1929

onó^r- 'honor'

169

orden- 'to order'

169

orden- 'order'

752

písk- 'to fish'

294

písk- 'fish'

1018

sánguen- 'to bleed'

1017

sángu(en)- 'blood'

SUFFIXATION

147

1386

sé^min- 'to sow'

1394

sé^min + : se^m en

1395

se^mént- 'to sow'

135

se^mént- 'seed'

1129 699

fund + : fundus 'bottom' pignor- (pl.) : pígnus 'pledge'

'seed'

V: 95 fúnd- 'to found' 2268 pígnor- 'to pledge' Base: 1896

for- 'to bore'

for + 'hole'8

2. / + 0 - / causative II/Reg/W, in verbs based on nouns of the following declensions: a.

f/I: 92 /búll-/ 'to boil' : 81 ,/búll-/ 'bubble'.

b. m/II-A: 129 /mútt-/ 'to mutter, speak' : 1999 /mutt-/ 'word'; 156 /séru-/ 'to serve' : 925 /séru-/ 'servant, slave'. c. f/III-A: 457 /fí^n-/ 'to finish': 1126 /fí^n-/ 'end'; 1467 / ést-/ 'to clothe' : 1465 / ést-/ 'garment'. d. m/III-A: 196 /fló^r-/ 'to blossom, flower' : 1491 /fió^r-/ 'flower'; 2104 /sal-/ 'to salt' : 233 /sal-/ 'salt'. e.

f/IV: 1444 /tuss-/ 'to cough' : 646 /túss-/ 'cough'.

3. /+o-/ 'to give off' III-A/Reg, in 340 / l ú ^ k - / 'to shine' : 467 /lú^k-/ 'light' f/III-A. 4. / + o - I 'to act with, manifest ... ' III-B/Reg: a. With no change in the root, in 1904 /frí^g-/ 'to be cold' : /fri^g +/ : 1908 /frí^gus/ 'cold' m/V; 476 /mól-/ 'to grind' : 200 /mól-/ 'grind-stone' f/I. b. With infix /ng/ before the final consonant of the root: 2005 /níng -/ 'to snow' : 24 /ní -/ 'snow' f/III-A. 5 5. 'to act in connection with ... ' I/Reg/W, in 1891 /fóllik-/ 'to move like a bellows' : 1890 /fóil-/ 'bellows'; 1172 /kabállik-/ 'to ride horse-back' : 351 /kabáii-/ 'horse'; 1744 /kárrik-/ 'to load' : 670 /kárr-/ 'cart' m/II-A. 6. 'to make ... ' I/Reg/W, in 39 /kírkin-/ 'to make a circle' : 768 /kírk-/'circle'. 7. 'to act with ...' I/Reg/W, in 1178 /káikitr-/ 'to kick out with the heels' : 719 /kálk-/ 'heel' m/II-A. 8.

/ + -/

'to act in connection with' I/Reg/W, in the follow-

148

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

ing based on nouns m/II-A: 2010 /ókl -/ 'to eye, look at' : 588 ' e y e ' ; 2064 /punkti-/ 'to stick' : 974 /púnkt-/ 'point'; 1403 /sómni-/ 'to dream' : 708 /sómn-/ 'sleep'. 9.

'to act in connection with ... ' I/Reg/W:

a. With no preceding element, in 1460 /uentui-/ 'to win now' : 828 / ént-/ 'wind' m/II-A. b. Preceded by / + ik + /, in 1899 /foríkul-/ 'to rummage through' : /for + / 'hole'.8 7.55. O N V E R B S , with: 1. / + 0 - / intensive I/Reg/W, on the "supine"-stem in the fol lowing based on verbs of Conjugations: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

II: 715

salt-

'to jump'

1380

salt

: sál- 'to jumpce

sekú^t- 'to pursue'

1949

seku^t+

1823

dí(^)kt- 'to dictate'

361

di(^)kt + : dí^k- 'to say'

III-A: 2111

: sèk - 'to follow'

III-B:

1979

mess- 'to sow'

1981

mess

2154

trákt- 'to treat'

543

trakt + : tra(g)- 'to draw'

: mét- 'to harvest'

281

érs-

'to turn, pour'

1653

ers+

: ért- 'to turn'

716

ólt-

'to turn around'

1660

uolt

:

ól -'to turn over'

+

2. / é^sk-/ (originally 'to begin to ... ) III-A"Reg"S, in 1048 /apparé'sk-/ 'to (begin to) appear' : 1046, 1047 /appár-/ 'to appear'. 3. / + f-/ causative I/Reg/W, in 1724 /kálf-/ 'to heat' : 1176 /kál-/ 'to be hot' III-A"Reg. 4.

intensive or diminutive I/Reg/W, on:

a. The root of the following verbs of Conjugation II: 1720 /búllik-/ 'to seethe' : 92 /bun-/ 'to boil'; 1939 /impédik-/ 'to hinder, prevent' : 1938 /imped-/ 'to hinder'; 2018 /pútrik-/ 'to rot' : 2067 /pútr-/ 'to rot'. b. The "supine"-stem of the following verbs III-B/Reg/S:

SUFFIXATION

149

488 /rásik-/ 'to scrape' : /ras + / : 1366 /rád-/ 'to shave'; 1990 /mórsik-/ ' to nibble' : /mors + / : 1780 /mórd-/ ' to bite'.

5.

diminutive or intensive I/Reg/W, on:

a. The root in 1839 /dormit-/ 'to go to sleep, doze off' : 3 /dórm-/ 'sleep1 II/Reg/W; 2273 /alit-/ 'to breathe' : 2237 /ál-/ 'to breathe' I/Reg/W. /

b. The "supine"-stem in 2239 / í ' s i t - / i^s + / : 281 / í d - / ' t o see' III-A/Reg/S.

' t o see o f t e n ' :

6. / + kl-/ intensive I/Reg/W, in 959 /ráskl-/ 'to scrape' : /ras + / : 1366 /rád-/ 'to shave' III-B"Reg"S. 7. diminutive I/Reg/W, on the following: 1912 /gárrui-/ 'to gabble' : 382 /gárr-/ 'to chatter, talk' II/Reg/W; 2074 /rágl-/ 'to bray' : 2073 /rág-/ 'to bellow' III-B; 442 /trémui-/ 'to tremble' : 542 /trém-/ 'to tremble'. 7.56. O N A D V E R B S , directly on the adverbial stem (i.e. with /+0-/) I/Reg/W, and with preservation of stem-final /e/ ( /i/ in hiatus, § 7.0.1) but not of /o/, in 993 /abánti-/ 'to ad vance, go ahead' : 243 /abante/ 'ahead'; 863 /appropi-/ 'to come near, approach' : 930 /apprópe/ 'near'; 30 /íntr-/ 'to enter' : 950 /íntro/ 'within'; 1410 /super-/ 'to go above, overcome' : 171 /súper/ 'above'. 7.6.

Adverbs

7.61. O N A D J E C T I V E S , of declension I-II, with /+ e/ '-ly', in 1600 /longe/ 'far away, distantly' : 853 /long-/ 'far, distant'; 1607 /pú^re/ 'purely, indeed' : 297 /pú^r-/ 'pure'. 7.62. O N A D V E R B S , with /+ is/, in 992 /ánt is/ 'beforehand' : 1042 /ante/ 'before';9 1605Vpost is/ 'afterward' : 1356 /post/ 'after'.

NOTES T O CHAPTER 7

1. For the feminine gender of these nouns, cf. de Darde1 1960. 2. Obviously a survival of the Latin nominative singular /sikkita s/; cf. the next entry. /sikkita-s/;

150

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

3.

In 1896 /foráre/ ' to bore', Lat /for+/'hol e' (cf. fn. 8).

4. For the early use of this suffix to form feminines, cf. Hoenigswald 1941. 5. In several later Romance languages, the infinitive can be inflected in various ways (e.g. as a feminine noun in Roumanian, as a masculine noun in Old French), but not in such a way as to justify the ascription of inflectional characteristics to the Proto-Romance infinitive. 6. A term used in traditional Latin grammar, arising from the metaphor in which the different inflectional forms of substantives were viewed as "falling away" from an "upright" form (hence the Greek term and its Latin translation cāsus 'a falling', whence English case). The "supine" form of the verb, which had few inflectional features, was viewed as a word (not a case) "lying on its back" ([uerbum] supīnum), as shown in the accompa nying diagram.

* Also called nōminātīvus because it was the form used in telling the name of something or somebody.

7. Cf. Rohlfs 1959 for discussion of exaggerations in the as sumption of this suffix, applicable to both verbs and substantives. 8.

Cf. Latin /foru-/ 'cell (in bee-hives)'.

9.

Cf. Hall 1937.

8.

PREFIXATION

Reconstructed Proto-Romance forms manifest only a few deriva tional relationships involving pure prefixation, and only in verbs and adverbs. The distinction between endocentric and exocentric derivation is not important enough to set up separate sections in the description of prefixation. After the vowel of a prefix, initial /i/ before clusters of /s/ + consonant is lost. 8.1.

Verbs

8.11. back':

ON SUBSTANTIVES A N D VERBS,

with the prefix /re + / 'again,

1. On substantives, in exocentric formations with the suffix / + 0-/ I/Reg/W, in 2078 /rekord-/ 'to remember' : /kord+/ : 1211 /kór-/ 'heart' m/III-A; 2084 /renó -/ 'to renew' : 287 /nou-/ 'new' adj/I-II. 2. On verbs, in endocentric derivation, forming verbs of the same conjugation as that of the base, on verbs of: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 2081

relé

- 'to raise again'

2085

repá s- 'to repose'

471

lé

- 'to raise'

512

paus- 'to stop, pause'

737

ist- 'to stand'

458

mán- 'to stay'

71

dú^k- 'to lead'

I/Reg/S: 1703

rest- 'to remain'

III-A/Irr/S: 2082

remán- 'to stay back'

III-B/Reg/S: 2080

redú^k- 'to lead back'

1371

rekognósk- 'to know again' 213

kognósk- 'to know'

152

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

2079

rekúrr- 'to run back'

1219

kúrr- 'to run'

2083

remítt- 'to put back'

614

mítt- 'to put'

2086

repó^n- 'to place back'

300

pó^n- 'to place'

2087

repré^nd- 'to take back'

127

pré^nd- 'to take'

2088

restríng- 'to bind back,

939

stríng- 'to bind, squeeze'

retórk- 'to twist back'

770

tórk- 'to twist'

2090

retrá(g)- 'to draw back'

543

trá(g)- 'to draw, pull'

2093

re ól - 'to turn around'

1660

ól

2096

re ért- 'to turn back'

1653

ért-

restrain' 2089

- 'to turn' 'to turn'

Derivational Base I/Reg/W: 2240

+

reképt- 'to take up'

kept- 'take'

8.12. O N VERBS (endocentric), with the following prefixes, each forming derivatives of the same conjugation as the base: 1. / + dis-/ 'un-, dis-, out, away', on verbs of: I/Reg/W: 1829

dislíg- 'to unbind'

31

líg- 'to bind'

2258

displík- 'to unfold'

579

plík- 'to fold'

II/Reg/W: 1832

dispárt- ' to separate out ' 1320

párt- 'to separate'

III-A/Irr/W: 1833

displák- 'to displease'

580

plák- 'to please'

III-B/Reg/S: 1830

disi úng- 'to unyoke'

855

úng-

1831

dispénd- 'to dispense'

1336

pénd- 'to hang'

'to yoke'

III-B/Irr/S: 1834

dispó^n- 'to dispose'

300

+

po^n- 'to place' +

2. /eks / (before vowels) ~ /es / (before consonants) 'out', in verbs of: I/Reg/W: 1104

eskó^l- 'to drip, run off'

195

kó^l- 'to flow'

PREFIXATION

153

1809

eskúrt- 'to shorten'

1810

kúrt- 'to shorten'

1861

es ól- 'to fly out'

209

úl-

1320

párt- 'to separate'

369

kád- 'to fall'

'to fly'

II/Reg/W: 2024

espárt- 'to set aside'

III-A/Reg/W: 1102

eskád- 'to fall out'

III-B/Reg/S: 1843

esmúlg- 'to milk'

723

múlg- 'to milk'

148

espó^n- 'to set out'

300

pó^n- 'to place'

1853

esprím- 'to press out'

521

prim- : prém- 'to press'

1106

esténd- 'to stretchout'

848

ténd- 'to stretch'

1855

estérg- 'to wipe off'

1556

terg- 'to wipe'

1108

estork- 'to twist out'

770

tork- 'to twist'

1670

í^-

IV/Irr/W: 147

eksí^- 'to go out'

'to go'

8.2. Adverbs The only prefix used in adverb-formation seems to have been /ali + / 'some' in 916 /alik ándo/ 'some time' : 846 /kuándo/ "when?".

9. COMPOUNDING

Except for verbs ( §§ 9.14, 21), the number of specific com pounded forms that can be reconstructed for Proto-Romance is small. In many instances, the pattern is old, but the individual formations change from one stage of the language to the next. Often, phonetic change moves old compounds from the status of analyzable combinations to that of unanalyzable single morphemes; and new compounds are always being made as nonce-formations, some of which survive and others go out of use. For compounds, it is useful to distinguish endocentric from exocentric formations. The first element loses its stress. 9.1. Endocentric Compounds 9.11. A D J E C T I V E S . A combination of the preposition 427 /per/ 'through' and the adjective 853 /lóng-/ 'long' is found in 2038 /perióng-/ 'very long' adj/I-II. 9.12. N O U N S . The noun 1189 /kaprifól u/ 'honey-suckle' m/II-A consists of 525 /kápr-/ 'goat' f/I + substitute stem-vowel /i/ + 1127 /fól u/ 'leaf' m/II-A. 9.13. N U M E R A L S . The numerals from '1' to '6' combined with 139 /dek-/ '10' (with stress passing to the preceding syllable) + final vowel /-i/ to form the numerals from '11' to '16', as follows: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1095

dó'deki 'twelve'

364

do^ + : dú- 'two'

60

k attordeki 'fourteen'

224

k áttor- 'four'

61

k í^ndeki 'fifteen'

174

k i^n+ : kínk e 'five'

62

sé^deki 'sixteen'

691

se^ + : sékse 'six'

541

tré^deki 'thirteen'

540

9.14.

tre^+

: tré^s 'three'

VERBS.

1. With a preceding adverb: the adverb 175 /male/ 'badly; evil' is compounded with 361 /dí^k-/ 'to say, speak' III-B/Reg/S, giving 1246 /maiedí^k-/ 'to curse' III-B/Reg/S.

COMPOUNDING

155

2. With a preceding preposition: verbs of the same conjuga tion as that of their bases are formed with the following prepo sitions: a. 1550 /ab/ 'from, down, away', in 1671 /aberr-/ 'to wan der off' : 146 /érr-/ 'to wander' I/Reg/W; 1673 /aborr-/ 'to ab hor' : 1674 /órr-/ "to be horrified' II/Reg/W; 629 /abbátt-/ 'to beat down, slaughter' : 344 /batt-/ 'to beat' III-B/Reg/W. b. 375 /ad/ (before vowels and semi-vowels) ~ /a x / (before consonants) 'to', in verbs of conjugations: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 635

addó^n- 'to give to'

191

dó^n- 'to give'

1595

adó^r- 'to pray to, adore' 189

1605

akkátt- 'to get'

1147

kátt- 'to go for, seek'

1844

annék- 'to drown'

659

nek- 'to kill'

ó^r-

'to pray'

1694

appár- 'to get ready'

494

par- 'to prepare'

955

applík- 'to attach'

579

plík- 'to fold'

1697

apport- 'to bring to'

1353

port- 'to bring'

1702

arrést- 'to stop'

1703

rest- 'to stop, remain'

3

dorm- 'to sleep'

II/Reg/W: 634

addórm- 'to put to sleep'

II/Irr/W: 1704

assál- 'to attack'

1380

sal- 'to jump'

605

a

1458

én-

én- 'to come to'

'to come'

III-A/Reg/W: 1560

adi ák-

1635

akkád- 'to befall, happen'

'to lie next to '

270

ák- 'to lie'

369

kád- 'to fall'

1420

tén- 'to hold'

III-A/Irr/W: 1066

attén- 'to hold onto, attain'

156

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

III-B/Reg/W: 636

addí^k- 'to say to'

361

dí^k- 'to say'

633

addú'k- 'to lead to'

71

dú^k- 'to lead'

1577

ad úng- 'to join to'

1850

úng-

724

akkólg- 'to receive'

1643

kólg- 'to gather'

1667

akkré^sk- 'to increase'

751

kré^sk- 'to grow'

1553

akkúrr- 'to run up, help'

1213

kurr- 'to run'

'to join'

1693

appénd- 'to hang onto'

1336

pénd- 'to hang'

1050

appó^n- 'to place at'

300

pó^n- 'to place'

931

appré^nd- 'to grasp, learn' 127

pré^nd- 'to take'

1708

attáng- 'to reach'

1415

tang- 'to touch'

618

atténd- 'to attend, wait'

848

tend- 'to stretch'

1711

attrá(g)- 'to attract'

543

tra(g)- 'to draw, pull'

607

a

1653

ért-

737

ista- 'to stand'

ért-

'to inform'

'to turn'

IV: 1708

asta- 'to be present'

Derivative Base (I/Reg/W): 1850

aspekt- 'to look for, at, await'

spekt- 'to look'

c. 366 /de^ 'of; down', in 1819 /de^mánd-/ 'to ask' : 1820 /mánd-/ 'to order' I/Reg/W; 1084 /de^pó^n-/ 'to put down' : 300 /pó^n-/ 'to place' III-B/Irr/S; 1851 /de^spékt-/ 'to look down upon, despise' : the derivational base / + spekt-/ 'to look' I/Reg/W. d.

467 /in/ 'in(to)' in verbs of Conjugations: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 963

inklí^n- 'to bend over'

1658

klí^n- 'to lean'

1320

part- 'to separate'

II/Reg/W: 1940

impart- 'to impart'

COMPOUNDING

157

III-B/Reg/S: 1937

immérg- 'to dip in'

1936

merg- 'to dip, dive'

1152

inking- 'to gird on'

22

kíng- 'to gird'

1948

insék - 'to pursue'

1949

seku- 'to follow'

29

intend- 'to turn towards'

848

tend- 'to stretch'

1958

intork- 'to turn'

770

tórk- 'to twist'

918

in ól - 'to wrap up'

1660

ól - 'to turn'

e.

1651 /kon/ 'with', on verbs of Conjugations:

I/Reg/W: 1775

kompórt- 'to bear with'

1353

port- 'to bear'

1780

konkák- 'to befoul'

1173

kák- 'to defecate'

1458

én-

344

bátt- 'to beat'

II/Irr/W-S: 1209

kon én- 'to come together, agree'

'to come'

III-B/Reg/W: 822

kombátt- 'to fight'

III-B/Reg/S: 632

kommítt- ' to put together ' 614

1772 kommó - 'to move

emo-

291

mítt- 'to put' mó

- 'to move'

tionally ' 1773

kompláng- 'to complain'

1774 1777

kompó^n- ' to put together ' 300 kompré^nd- 'to grasp, 127 understand'

856

pó^n- 'to put' pré^nd- 'to take'

1782

kondí'k- 'to agree'

361

dí^k- 'to say'

1784

kondú^k- 'to bring with'

71

dú^k- 'to lead'

1802

konfríng- 'to smash'

857

fríng

1789

konfúnd- 'to confuse"

849

fúnd- 'to melt'

1790

kon úng- 'to join together ' 865

úng-

1795

ko(n)stríng- 'to force'

string- 'to squeeze'

939

pláng- 'to weep'

: frang- 'to break'

'to join'

158

PROTO-ROMANCE

f.

DERIVATION

With 949 /kóntra/ 'against', in 1208 /kontradí'k-/

'to

speak against, contradict' : 361 /dí^k-/ 'say' III-B/Reg/S. g. With 497 /per/ 'through', in 2039 /permán-/ 'to remain' : 458 /mán-/ 'to stay' III-A/Irr/S. h. With 1530 /pro^/ 'for, fore-', in 2057 /pro^ íd-/ 'to foresee, provide' : 281 / íd-/ 'to see' III-A/Irr/W-S; 2056 /pro^mítt-/ 'to promise' ? 614 /mítt-/ 'to put' III-B/Reg/S; 2055 /pro^ké^d-/ 'to go ahead' : the derivational base / + ké^d-/ 'go' III-B/Reg/S. j . With 1632 / s u x / ~ /sub + / ~ /sus + / 'under', in the following Conjugations: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I/Reg/W: 2130

sublé - 'to raise up'

471

2144

support- 'to support, bear' 1353

lé

- 'to raise'

port- 'to carry'

II/Irr/S: 1458

én-

1420

tén- 'to hold'

sukkúrr- 'to succor'

1219

kurr- 'to run'

2131

summérg- 'to submerge'

2132

mérg- 'to dip, dive'

2133

summítt- 'to let to submit'

614

mítt- 'to put'

2143

suppó^n- 'to put under'

300

pó^n- 'to place'

2145

surrí^d- 'to smile'

5 '

rí^d- 'to laugh'

2146

suspend- 'to hang up'

1336

pénd- 'to hang'

1670

í^-

737

istá- 'to stay'

2140

su én- 'to help, to remember'

'to come'

III-A/Irr/W: 2147

sustén-

'to sustain'

III-B/Irr/W: 2140

down.

IV/Irr/W: 2129

subí^- 'to go

up'

2136

sust- 'to stop' +

'to go'

k. With /tra(s) / 'across, over' ( : 2155 /tras(e)/ id.), in 2157 /tramú^t-/ 'to change (over)' : 75 /mú^t-/ 'to change' I/Reg/W; 1438 /tramítt-/ 'to send over, transmit' : 614

COMPOUNDING

159

/mítt-/ 'to send' III-B/Req/S; 2156 /transí^-/'to qo across' : 670 / Í ^ - / 'to go' IV/Irr/VL 3. On the "supine"-stem of 1458 /uén-/ 'to come', / ent+/> with the preposition 375 /a x / 'to', in 606 /a ént-/ 'toncóme to, arrive' I/Reg/W. 9.15.

A D V E R B S , having as their first element:

1. Another adverb, as attribute to the second adverb, in the following formed with /al(i)(k)V : 1579 /ale/ 'otherwise': DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1580

alikube

1581

alik ántu 'to some extent ' 909

k ántu 'how much'

1583

al úbe 'elsewhere'

1446

úbe

1584

aliunde 'elsewhere'

845

unde 'whence'

2.

'elsewhere'

1446

úbe

'where'

'where'

An adverb preceding a noun head used adverbially:

1582

a l ó^re ' y e t , s t i l l '

181

ó^re

1586

a n t ( )ánnu ' i n t h e p r e vious y e a r '

656

ánnu ' y e a r '

3.

'hours'

A preposition as f i r s t element: a.

1550 / a b / ' f r o m ' , i n :

243

abante 'ahead'

1042

ánte

1618

abestra 'outside'

1669

estra 'outside'

1573

abínde 'away from

1149

índe

1619

abíntro ' from the inside'

1620

abúltra

b. 53

there'

'beyond'

950

'before'

'thence'

intro 'inside'

1623

ultra 'beyond'

261

foras 'outside' rétro 'back'

375 /ad/ 'to', in:

affóras

'outward'

555

adrétro 'backward'

1608

1577

adú^nu 'at once'

1451 ú^nu 'one'

c. 'then'. 9.2. 9.21.

463 /in/ 'in', in 1592 /intúnk(e)/ 'then' : 1611 /túnk/

Exocentric Compounds V E R B S , in "parasynthetic" compounds, all involving the pre-

fixation of a preposition to a noun, adjective, or numeral, and

160

PROTO-ROMANCE

DERIVATION

and the suffixation of the endings of a given conjugation (for the most part, / + 0 - / I/Reg/W), in the following types of combi nations: 1. With / + 0 - / I/Reg/W, in compounds introduced by the prepo sitions: a. 375 /ad/ ~ /a x / 'to', based on substantives of the fol lowing classes: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

f/I: 367

adí^r- 'to get, make angry' 1640

í^r-

1598

adóper- 'to use'

óper- 'work'

628

akkórd- 'to tune; to grant' 243

kord- 'chord, string'

16

arri^p- 'to come to the bank; to arrive'

303

rí^p- 'bank (of stream)'

648

assédi- 'to sit, seat'

1652

sedi- 'seat'

adókl- 'to look at' affú^m- 'to smoke'

1588 436

ókl- 'eye' fú^m- 'smoke'

1049

appé^s- 'to load,

298

pé^s- 'weight'

1696

appodi- 'to lean on, support'

879

podi- 'hillock, podium'

2013

fó^k- 'gullet, mouth'

177

front- 'forehead, brow'

164

'anger'

m/II-A: 219 78

crush'

f/III-A: 2014

affó^k- 'to suffocate'

m/III-A: 933

affront- 'to face'

43

akkápit- 'to seize'

1643

kápit- 'head'

1680

allákt- 'to suckle'

681

lákt- 'milk'

1682

allú^men-

1243

lú^m(en)- 'light'

1710

attí^tt -'to set alight'

867

ti^tt

'to

light'

+

: ti^tt ó^n-

'fire-brand'

m/IV: 639

affúnd- 'to sink'

1129

fund

: fúndus

'bottom'

COMPOUNDING

161

b. 366 /de^ 'down, away', in 1821 /de^spól -/'despoil' : 1160/ispóii-/ 'booty' f/I. c. /es + / ~ /eks + /

'cut', in forms based on:

DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

Adj/I-II: 1103

eskáld- 'to heat'

722

káld- 'hot'

1852

espían- 'to level'

574

plan- 'level'

eskápp- 'to escape'

236

kápp- 'cape'

f/I: 611

m/II-A: 1854

eksú^k- 'to dry out'

1413

sú^k- 'juice'

1860

es ént- 'to air out'

828

ént-

1856

kortik- 'skin, bark (of

'wind'

m/III-A: 1857

eskórtik- 'to flay'

tree)' d.

463 /in/ 'in', in forms based on:

Adj/I-II: 1150

indú^r- 'to harden'

65

dú^r- 'hard'

1944

inkúr - 'to bend'

1812

kúr - 'curved'

1935

imbúkk- 'to put in one's mouth'

81

búkk- 'mouth'

1939

impédik- 'to hinder'

1332

pédik- 'fetter'

1941

impínn- 'to feather'

654

pínn- 'feather'

936

kapístr- 'halter'

f/I:

m/II-A: 1943

inkapístr- 'to put a halter on'

26Ö

inkánt- 'to hex'

1947

innó^d- 'to knot'

446

nó^d- 'knot'

1946

insígn- 'to teach'

702

sígn- 'sign'

1186

kánt- 'song'

162

PROTO-ROMANCE DERIVATION

f/III-A: 1942

impík-

'to

tar'

654

pík- 'pitch, tar'

e. 1651 /kon/ 'with', in 1785 /konfort-/ 'to strengthen' : 760 /fort-/ 'strong' adj/III. f. 1632 /su x / ( : /sub/) 'under', in 2128 /sukké^n-/ 'to dine' : 1201 /ké^n-/ 'dinner' f/I. 2. / + 0 - / I/Reg/W, on adjectives of declensions as follows, with 375 / a x / 'to', in causative meaning: DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

I-II: 97

allúng- 'to lengthen'

1644

lung- 'long'

1706 1707

assekú^r- 'to assure'

342

sekú^r- 'sure, safe'

assíkk- 'to dry out'

406

síkk- 'dry'

1644

aggrá - 'to make heavy'

1141

grá - 'heavy'

3. / + 0 - / I/Reg/W, on a numeral, in 1022 /adú^n-/ 'to join together' 375 /ad/ 'to' + 1451 /ú^n-/ 'one'. 4. / + 0 - / II/Reg/W, , in causative meaning, with the following prepositions: a. 375 / a x / 'to', in 651 /ammórt-/ 'to kill, deaden' : 202 /mort-/ 'death' f/III-A; 100 /assúrd-/ 'to deafen' : 777 /súrd-/ 'deaf' adj/I-II. b. 1651 /kon/ 'with', in 1787 /konfor-/ rrhoea' : 1788 /fori-/ 'diarrhoea' f/I.

'to have dia

c. 463 /iñ/ 'in', in 1938 /impéd-/ 'to hinder' : 424 /ped-/ 'foot' m/III-A; 98 /inglútt-/ 'to swallow' : 1657 /glútt-/ 'throat' m/II-A; 1951 /inuest-/ 'to invest' : 1465 / ést-/ 'garb' f/III-A. 5. /+' er-/ I/Reg/W, in 631 /abbíber-/ 'to give drink to' : 340 /bíb-/ 'to drink' III-B/Reg/W. 6.

/ + -/ I/Reg/W, in formations with the prepositions:

a. 375 / a x / 'to', on adjs/III, in 932 /abbre -/ 'to short en ' : 530 /breu-/ 'short'; 1655 /aggré -/ 'to make heavier ' : 1143 /gré -/ 'heavy'; 1601 /aiié -/ 'to lighten' : 1681 /lé -/

COMPOUNDING

163

' l i g h t ' ; 902 /assimíl - / ' to make l i k e , to resemble' : 47 / s í m i l - / 'alike'. b.

463 /in/ 'in', in 952 /ingráss -/ 'to fatten' : 564

/grass-/ 'fat' adj/I-II.

9.22.

A D V E R B S , based on phrasal combinations of: 1.

Preposition + adverb, introduced by: a. 375 /a×/ 'to, at', in 930 /apprópe/ 'near' : 1651 /própe/ 'near'; 1065 /assúpra/ 'above' : 121 /supra/ 'over'. b. /post + / ( : 1356 /pos/ 'after'), in 2051 /postkrás/ 'the day after tomorrow' : 557 /krás/ 'tomorrow'. 2. Preposition + pronoun (accusative) + a suffixed element / + ku/ (unanalyzable from the Romance point of view, but of course coming from Latin /kum/ 'with'), in DERIVED FORM

BASED ON:

1977

konmé^ku 'with me'

1532 me^ 'me'

2110

konsé^ku 'with him-, her-, itself; with themselves'

1393

2148

konté^ku 'with thee'

533

sé^ 'him-, her-, itself; themselves' té^

'thee'

IV.

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

10. INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

Except for artificially maintained "dead" languages — i.e. such as are learned in school by set rules, and are not the native language of any-one — no language constitutes a rigid, un-changing system free from all fluctuation. As Dante rightly observed (De vulgari Eloquentiă l. ix. 6 ) : Cum igitur omnis nostra loquela, praeter illam homini primo concreatam a Deo, sit a nostro bene placito reparata post confusionem illam, quae nil fuit aliud quam prioris oblivio, et homo sit instabilissimum atque variabilissimum animal, nec durabilis nec continua esse potest; sed sicut alia, quae nostra sunt, puta mores et habitus, per locorum temporumque distantias variari oportet. 'Since, therefore, all speech of ours, except for the one created by God together with the first man, was restored according to our pleasure after that confusion [i.e. of the tower of Babel], which was nothing else than the forgetting of the former speech, and man is a most unstable and changeable being, it cannot be either permanent or lasting; but, like other things of ours, such as customs and garb, it has to vary in time and space.'

Taken at any given point, therefore, any language, even a reconstructed one, shows some incompleteness in pattern and some variation in its structure — phonological, morpho-syntactic, and lexical. For reconstructed Proto-Indo-European, for example, it has long been recognized that the later languages do not furnish evidence for a single ending for the dative-ab lative plural; we must allow for an alternation between /-bhis/ and /-mis/. 1 We can reconstruct a single word for 'foot' for PIE, but none for 'hand' — but this fact does not authorize us to conclude that the speakers of PIE had feet, but no hands. 2 Whether there is any over-all long-range tendency or, to use Sapir's term, "drift,"3 in language-change, is not certain. The Indo-European languages seem to have changed, in general, over four or five millennia, in the direction of simplification of one part or another of the inflectional system. Whether Otto Jespersen was right or not in considering simplification in the

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

165

course of time as a universal of language, may be doubted. 4 Some Indo-European language-families seem to have simplified primarily their verbal inflection (as in Slavic), others their nominal system (as in Romance 5 ). Certain Germanic languages, notably English and Danish, have simplified both. Yet it can be argued that inflectional simplification is only part of the story, and that it is normally accompanied by a corresponding in crease in syntactic complexity, especially with regard to wordorder. At the earliest period for which we have attestations for La tin or can determine its characteristics by means of internal re construction, 6 therefore, it was (like all languages) in a state of transition. It must not be assumed that any stage of Latin — Old, Early Classical ("Gracchan"), or even High Classical — was a thoroughly firmly established "etat de langue." 7 In this chapter, my aim will be to out-line the major developments in inflection from Indo-European, Old and Early Classical Latin, to Proto-Romance, especially in contrast with High Classical Latin. Chapter 11 will treat of developments in derivational patterns. 10.1.

Nouns

10.11. PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN. For Proto-Indo-European, compara tive grammarians normally hypothesize a substantive-system with the inflectional categories of case, number, and gender. 8 ProtoIE is considered to have had eight cases: the six familiar to us from Latin (accusative, genitive, dative, ablative, nominative, vocative) plus locative (indicating position) and instrumental (indcating means used). The three-number-system (singular, dual, plural) familiar from Greek and Sanskrit is clearly a heritage from Indo-European, as is also the three-way distinction in gender between masculine, neuter, and feminine. 9 There were noun-stems built with five vowels: /-a--/, /-o-/, /-i-/, -/i'-/, and /-u-/, as well as with zero-vowel (noun-stems homonymous with roots in final /-s/, /-r/, /-t/. If every Proto-IE noun had had a separate case-form for each of the eight cases and the three numbers, it would have had twen ty-four inflectional variants. Multiplying twenty-four by six (the number of separate declensions by stem-vowel), there would have been a total of 144 possible endings for nouns. For adjectives manifesting three genders, had there been a distinctive ending for each case- and number-form, there would have been 432 separate endings. Mercifully, such an abstractly possible number was never reached, because in many instances (especially in the dual, and in the masculine and neuter genders) there was syncretism among caseforms, i.e. the same form did duty for several cases (as in the Latin dative-ablative plural in all nouns, e.g. /terri's/ 'to lands' and also 'from lands'. Nineteenth- and early twentieth-century scholars made exten sive reconstructions of paradigmatic inflectional sets, such as

166

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

Singular

(-bhi),

Plural

Dual

(-mi)

TABLE XXIX DECLENSION OF PROTO-IE

'WOLF'

that shown in Table XXIX for the Proto-Indo-European o-stem noun / lq o-/ 'wolf'. 10 Some twentieth-century scholars have been skėptical of the realism of such detailed reconstructions, so that, for instance, Pisani 1939 (1961 3) and Adrados (1975) give no tables of paradigms and only scattering reconstructed forms, limiting themselves to listing correspondences without drawing even obvious conclusions. This skepticism is based in part on a presumed unpronounceability of the reconstruc ted forms, especially the syllabic liquids and nasals; 11 on the necessity of reconstructing more than one ancestral shape for a given inflectional form (e.g. dative-ablative plurals with /-bh-/ ~ /-m-/) and hence the impossibility of considering Proto-Indo-European as an "état de langue"; and on the incompa tibility of reconstructed sounds or forms with the aprioristic dogmas of one or another theory. 12 To such objections, it may be replied that (l) we must not limit our conception of an ear lier phonological system to our own experience of our particu lar native tongue, as many linguists tend to do; (2) there is no such thing as an "état de langue", and every "language", at tested or reconstructed, must be envisaged as having dialectal variations; 13 and (3) no one linguistic theory is or ever can be all-inclusive enough to form a closed circle outside of which no discrepant phenomenon can be valid.

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

10.12.

167

LATIN

10.120. F R O M PIE T O L A T I N . For the details of the development from our reconstructed Proto-Indo-European to the earliest attes tations of Latin, we have of course no direct documentation. In substantive-declension, the /i-/-declension disappeared, but a new declension in /e-/ developed. The case-system was reduced by the almost complete loss of the locative and instrumental, and the survival of the vocative as a separate form only in the "second" declension (e.g. /domine/ 'lord!'). In the number-system, the dual disappeared entirely from verbal conjugations. The Proto-In do-European substantive-ending /-o'u/ for the dual survived only as a morphological fossil, in the /-o-/-ending of the numeral for two, OLat. /duo-/ (later /duo/), and the numeral pronoun 'both'. 10.121. A U T O M A T I C R E P L A C E M E N T S . At the end of a word in Latin, certain phonemes were automatically replaced by others. Among the replacements of this type, the following affected nouns-: 1.

In absolute final position: a. Syllabic /i/ was replaced by /e/: /mari/ 'sea'

/mare/.

b. The second consonant of certain groups (double conso nant, /rd/, /kt/) was lost: /mell-/ 'honey' /mel/. c. After another consonant, /r/

/er/: /patr-/ 'father'

/pater/.

2. Before /i'/, /i/ was (optionally) lost: /imperio-/ 'com mand', with the substitute stem-vowel /i/ + the ending /•/ (vowel-length) of the genitive singular /imper (i) i% 3. Before /r/, a long vowel was shortened: /amo.r-/ 'love' + -ø

/amor/.

4. Before /s/ or /-s/: a. /d/ and /t/ were lost: /seget-/ 'crop' + /-s/ /seges/; /ped-/ 'foot' + /-s/ /pe . s/. When this took place, an immediately preceding /n/ was replaced by / . n/: /dent-/ 'tooth' + /-s/

/de . ns/.

b. /b/ and /g/ were replaced by /p/ and /k/, respectively: /re . g-/ + / - s /

/re . ks/ 'ki ng' .

5. Before /s/ or /m/, /o/ /dominus/, /dominum/

10.122.

NOUN-CLASSES.

/u/: /domino-/ 'lord' + /s/, /m/

respectively.

Each noun had the structure

ROOT

+

168

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

STEM-VOWEL + ENDING: thus, in /domus/ 'house', the rOOt iS /dorn-/,

che stem-vowel is /u/, and the ending is /-s/. Wherever a form has less than all three of these elements, the missing elements will be considered to be ZERO: thus, /ko-nsul/ 'consul' = the root /ko-nsul-/ + stem-vowel 0 + ending 0. The term E N D I N G will be restricted to those phonemes F O L L O W I N G the stem-vowel : thus, in /domu-s/ the ending is / - s / .

rent of a stem fore

A S U B S T I T U T E S T E M - V O W E L is a diffe

vowel (or zero) appearing in place of the normal stem-vowel word. The term S T E M will mean 'root + stem-vowel'. The is normally that portion of the Latin noun appearing be /-um/ or/- . rum/of the genitive plural: e.g. /stella-/

'star' : /stella-rum/; /turri-/ 'tower' : /turrium/; /ko-nsul-/ 'consul' : /ko.nsulum/. 14

Traditional grammars group nouns into five classes or declen sions. They should, however, be grouped into six, according to their stem-Vowel: I, /a/; II, /o/ ~ /u/; III, /i/; IV, /u/; V, /e/; VI, 0. Masculine and feminine nouns of III fell into two subdivisions: III a , in which a substitute stem-vowel appeared on ly in nom.pl., e.g. /turre . s/, and III b , in which it occurred also in acc.pl., abl.sing., and acc.sg., e.g., for /na i-/ 'ship', /na e-s/, /na e/, /na em/ respectively.

In addition to automatic replacements of phonemes at the end of words, there were also a great many morphophonemic alternations in noun-roots, e.g. between / s / and /r/ in such forms as /flo . r-/ 'flower' ~ /flo . s/ nom.sg. In many instances, these alternations were due to discrepancies created by sound-change, such as, in this and many other instances, OLat. / s / > /-r-/ intervocalically but remaining unchanged in non-intervocalic position. In Table XXX are given traditional-type paradigms of certain Latin nouns: /steiia-/ 'star' f/I; /domino-/ 'lord' m/II; /bello-/ 'war' n/II; /turri-/ 'tower' f/III ; /manu-/ 'hand' f/IV; /kornu-/ 'horn' n/IV; /die-/ 'day' m or f/V; /ko-nsul-/ 'consul' m/VI; the irregular stem /re-g-/ 'king' m/VI (to exemplify the automatic replacement mentioned in §10.121.4.b.15 10.13. PROTO-ROMANCE. The following developments took place in the transition from Early Classical Latin to Romance: 1. Number. What few traces of a dual number remained in La tin ( § 10.12) were lost, with only singular and plural remaining. 2. Gender. As pointed out in § 3.11, under declension 11-A, no Romance language affords a valid base for setting up a sepa rate morphological "neuter" grammatical gender, and hence no such case can be ascribed to Proto-Romance. The loss of Latin final /-m/ robbed the Latin second-declension neuters such as /ouum/ 'egg' of their characteristic ending, and the neuter-plural ending /-a/ became widely confused with that of the feminine singular.16

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

169

Sg.: Acc Dat Abl Gen Nom Voc

stellam stellae Stella˙ stellae Stella

doninum domino˙ domino˙ domini˙ dominus domine

bellum bello˙ bello˙ belli˙

turrim turri˙ turri˙ turris

animal anima˙li˙ anima˙le anima˙lis

bellum

turris

animal

domino˙s domini˙s domino˙rum domini˙

bella belli˙s bello˙rum bella

turri˙s turribus turrium turre˙s

anima˙lia anima˙libus anima˙lium anima˙lia

ko˙nsulem ko˙nsuli˙ ko˙nsule ko˙nsulis ko˙nsul

re˙gem re˙gi˙ re˙ge re˙gis re˙ks

ko˙nsule˙s ko˙nsulum ko˙nsulis ko˙nsul

re˙ge˙s re˙gibus re˙gum re˙ge˙s

Pl.: Acc Stella˙s Dat-Abl stelli˙s Gen Stella˙rum Nom-Voc stellae

Sg.: Acc Dat Abl Gen Nom-Voc

manum manui˙ manu˙ manu˙s manus

kornu˙ kornu˙ kornu˙ kornu˙s kornu˙

manu˙s manibus manuum manu˙s

kornua kornibus kornuum kornua

diem die˙i˙ die˙ die˙i˙ die˙s

Pl.: Acc Dat-Abl Gen Nom-Voc

die˙s die˙rum die˙bus die˙s TABLE XXX

LATIN NOUN-DECLENSIONS 3. Case, as a category, remained, with all six of the normal Latin cases, except that the ablative changed its meaning and function, becoming a partitive (cf. §§ 2.12.6; 3.11, s.v. Declen sion II-A). However, the representation of the various cases in Proto-Romance (which is, by definition, the totality of those features of Popular Latin which have been continued in Romance) was scat tering, as shown in Tables II-IX. Only the nominative and ac cusative can be reconstructed for all declensions in the singular and plural. The others survived, as we have seen, but only in part. 1 7 Why should the case-system have fallen apart in this way The best explanation is found in the treatment of /-m/ and of

170

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

in pre-classical and popular L a t i n , and in the treatment of vowels i n f i n a l s y l l a b l e s , together with the growth in frequency of constructions i n v o l v i n g PREPOSITION + NOUN replacing case-

forms, p a r t i c u l a r l y the g e n i t i v e , dative, and a b l a t i v e . I t i s s i m p l i s t i c to take e i t h e r one of two possible extreme positions with regard to the r e l a t i o n among these changes, saying e i t h e r ( l ) that the loss of / - m / and / - s / obscured case-relationships to such an extent that the case-forms had to be immediately and completely replaced by phrases introduced by p r e p o s i t i o n s ; 1 8 or (2) that the increasing use of such phrases caused speakers to regard case-distinctions as no longer necessary, and hence to confuse and eventually drop them, and to cease pronouncing the f i n a l consonants as no longer necessary. 19 There was, i n a l l p r o b a b i l i t y , a continual a l t e r n a t i o n and combined e f f e c t of both f a c t o r s , the phonological and the s y n t a c t i c . I t is a matter of debate whether the w e l l - a t t e s t e d loss of Latin / - s / i n preclassical times 2 0 was d i r e c t l y continued i n popular speech and hence in those Romance v a r i e t i e s ( I t a l o - , Balkan Romance) where i t was l o s t , 2 1 or whether the "Eastern Romance" loss of / - s / was a separate, l a t e r phenomenon.22 In any case, i t was possibly the early loss of / - s / that gave the i n i t i a l impulse to the gradually increasing use of PREPOSITION + NOUN

phrases, which i n i t s

turn

weakened the case-system even in those v a r i e t i e s of Popular Latin where / - s / was preserved. 4. Declensions were greatly s i m p l i f i e d . The /u/-stems (Latin decl. IV) merged with those of I I to form the Proto-Romance /o ~ u / declension. The neuters of Latin I I continued, to a certain extent and with a good deal of analogical s h i f t i n g , 2 3 as a new set of "ambigenes" (what we have termed PRom. declension II-B), with masculine gender i n the singular and feminine in the p l u r a l . 2 4 A few old neuter plurals i n / - a / , e . g . / f o l i a / ' l e a v e s ' , were treated as collectives and passed, as singulars, to the f i r s t or / - a / - d e c l e n s i o n . 2 5 Of the older I I I a , a few ( e . g . / t u r r i - / 'tower') retained t h e i r stem-vowel / i / into Popular Latin and Proto-Romance, but most of I I I b (which was by f a r the larger group i n terms of class-membership) passed i n t o a declension with stem-vowel / e / (our PRom. declension I V ) , joined by most mouns of Latin V and V I . Table XXXI presents i n graphic shape the major s h i f t s in declension from Latin to Proto-Romance. The numbers on the lines refer to the examples c i t e d in the l i s t on the r i g h t of the table.

5. Morphophonemic alternations in stems were, by and large, smoothed out analogically, with only a few remaining in noun-de clension, especially in stems of PRom. declension III-B, of the type Of /omine/ ~ /ómo/'man' Or Of /sartó^re/ ~ /sartor/

'tailor'. 10.2.

Adjectives In the Indo-European languages in general, adjectives have

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

171

Lat. PRom. StemVowel Examples a o/u

o/u, pl. a i e ø

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.

203 /kórda/ 1094 /domnu/ 198 /ó u/ 235 /mánu/ 63 /túrri/ 490 /máre/ 110 /kórpus/ 1325 /dí^e/ 869 /fák e/ 1184 /káne/

TABLE XXXI DEVELOPMENT OF DECLENSIONS (LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE) had essentially the same declensional characteristics as nouns. 10.21. PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN adjectives manifested the three numbers, in addition to the six cases and two numbers found in nouns. Different types of adjectives were indentifiable by t h e i r stem-vowels, which were the same as those of nouns.

10.22. LATIN continued essentially the same system, with the same loss of the dual number and of the locative and instrumental cases as took place in nouns ( § 10.120). 10.221. A U T O M A T I C R E P L A C E M E N T S of phonemes, in addition to those listed for Latin nouns ( § 10.121), included also the re placement of /i/ by /e/ in the final syllable of a root, in roots ending in /-it-/ and /-ip-/ before the ending /-s/ (with automatic loss of / t / ) , e.g. /di. it-/ 'rich' adj/VI + /-s/ */di˙ ets/ /di˙ es/; /pri˙nkip-/ 'chief' + /-s/

10.222. main types:

ADJECTIVE-CLASSES.

/pri˙nkeps/,

Latin adjectives were of two

1. Those having a feminine stem in /-a-/ (and therefore, for the feminine, following the pattern of Latin declension I), and a masculine-neuter stem in /-o-/ ~ /-u-/, hence of declension II. This adjective-class will therefore be termed I-II. Under this class there were two main sub-types: a. Those not varying from the corresponding noun-classes (traditional type /bonus °a °um/ 'good').

172

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

b.

A small group of adjectives which differed from the usual ones of declension I —IIin having special endings in four sub-types: i. The genitive singular (/-Ai˙us/) and the dative singular (/-Ai-/) for all three genders, e.g. /u-ni-us/ 'of one', /u˙ni˙/ 'to one' : /u˙n-/ 'one'. ii.

iii.

iv.

Like those of declension I —IIexcept in having a special accusative-nominative singular neuter in /-d/: /alius °a °ud/ 'other'. Like those just described in sub-sections i and ii, but having also a masculine nominative singular in /e/ (traditional type /iste °a °ud/ 'that' (near the hearer). To this type belonged most demon strative adjectives. With added A /

in the accusative-nominative

plural

neuter and in most forms in the singular, with va riations in the stem, in the demonstrative /hu-/ ~ /ho-/ ~ /ha-/ 'this' (near the speaker), e.g. in the well-known nominative singular forms /hi˙k/, /haek/, /hok/.

2. Those having stem-vowel /e/ ~ /i/ and belonging to noundeclension III , with three main sub-types.distinguished by the number of separate forms for the three genders in the nominative singular: a.

Having three separate forms for the three genders, e.g. /akr-/ 'bitter': m. /aker/, f. /akris/, n. /akre/.

b.

Having two separate forms in nom. and acc.sg., one for m.f. and one for n., e.g. /leu-/ 'light': m.f. /le is/, n. /leue/.

c.

Having only one form for all three numbers, e.g. /atro˙k-/ 'fierce': /atro˙ks/.

3. Those having stem-vowel ø ~ /e/ (as shown by their having a genitive plural in /-um/, not /-ium/) and hence belonging to a mixture of declensions III and VI. These also fell into two sub classes according to the number of separate forms in the nom.sg : a.

Having two forms, one for m.f., and one for n., e.g. /mel o˙r-/ 'better' (and other comparatives): m.f. /melior/, n. /melius/.

b.

Having only one form for all three genders, e.g. /di˙ it-/ 'rich': /di˙ es/.

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

173

The Latin adjective-classes are shown schematically in Table XXXII. Genders Declension

Stem-Vowel

Distinguished

Examples

Meaning

TABLE XXXII LATIN ADJECTIVE-DECLENSIONS 10.223. INFLECTIONAL ENDINGS were substantially the same as those of the corresponding noun-classes, except for the special endings mentioned in § 10.222.l.b, immediately preceding. 10.224. M O R P H O P H O N E M I C A L T E R N A T I O N S peculiar to adjectiveroots included, in the accusative-nominative neuter singular, the following: 1. /o˙r/ /us/ in all comparatives, e.g. /melius/ : /mel o˙r-/ 'better'. 2.

/er/

/us/ in /uetus/ : / eter-/ 'old'.

10.23. P R O T O - R O M A N C E A D J E C T I V E S , like the corresponding nouns, underwent a massive simplification. The basic Indo-Euro pean and Latin pattern was preserved, but analogical re-shuffling of endings reduced the adjective-declensions to two: I-II, with stem-vowels /a/ and /o/ ~/u/; and III, with stem-vowel /e/. To adj/I-II belonged also such adjectives as /ku' -/ < OLat. ku˙ -/ cuius -a -um 'whose', also attested in Late Latin, but

174

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

banned from High Classical Latin while continuing "underground" in popular usage. 25 Under Proto-Romance adj/III it is necessary to distinguish the same two classes III-A and III-B as for nouns. The latter included primarily a number of comparatives ( § 7.22) which had a shortened nominative singular with recessive stress, e.g. /mé or/ 'better' ( > ONFr. /miéļdrə/) ~ /mel ó^re/ in other case-forms ( > ONFr. /meļó^ur/ > Mod.Fr. /mejœr? meilleur). The neuter sin gular of such comparatives was "left out in the cold" and passed out of the adjectival category into that of indeclinable adverbs, e.g. /mél us/ ( > ONFr. /miéļ¢/ > Mod.Fr. /mjø/ mieux). In a few instances, adjectives with morphophonemic stem-alternations split into two separate morphemes, as in the case of / etus/ 'old' ~ /uetere/. The former was continued in OIt. /vieto °a/, going over to adj/I-II, whereas the latter survived in such fixed forms as the Italian place-name /cervéteri/ Cervèteri < /kaere Caere vetere ( Caere vetus 'old Caere').

etere/

Of the specialized types of adjectives, the declinable nu merals were reduced to the stems /ú^n-/ 'one' I/II and /dú-/ 'two'. For the former, a plural was developed in popular speech, e.g. /ú^ni^/ , m.pl., with the meaning 'some'. 26 Unstressed /u^n-/ is attested throughout the Romance languages as an indefi nite article, so that its use as at least a kind of Droto-article must be ascribed to Proto-Romance.27 The demonstrative-system underwent considerable shifting in the function and reference of the individual stems. The stems /e-/ and /hu-/ ( § 10.222.l.b) disappeared, leaving only scattered traces. 28 The stem/íll-/, when used alone and stressed, passed to the function of a third-person pronoun. In its funcMeaning

Latin

Proto-Romance

'same', '-self' near neither speaker nor hearer near hearer near speaker TABLE XXXIII LATIN AND PROTO-ROMANCE DEMONSTRATIVES tion as a demonstrative adjective, it was semantically "streng thened" by the prefixation of the demonstrative particles /ékke/ 'behold', /ékku/

(OLat.

/ekkum/ ekkum < /ekke hum/ 'behold

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

175

him', 29 /ákke Or /ákku/: PRom. /(ek)k(e)íst-/, /(ek)kuíst-/, /akk(e)íst-/, /akk íst-/, etc.

10.3.

Numerals

Indo-European numerals from 'l' to '4' were declinable: PIE /oin-/ 'l', /duo˙ / '2' (with dual inflectional endinos), /tre es/ '3', /kuetueres/ '4'. By Latin times, only those from 'l' to '3' retained inflectional characteristics. In passing into Proto-Romance, the genitive plural /trium/ 'of three' and the dative-ab lative plural /tribus/ 'to, from three' were lost, and only the accusative-nominative /tre's/ '3' remained as an indeclinable. The roots /ú^n-/ '1' (already discussed, § 10.23) and /dú-/ '2' were the only numerals to remain declinable. The latter showed considerable fluctuation in its adaptation to the adj/I-II class; Romance evidence points to the endings /-a/, /-e/, -/i/, /-os/ and /-as/ having been added to this stem in various syntactic func tions in popular speech. The Latin neuter plural of /mi-lie/ '1000', /mi˙l a/, was de tached from its numeral allegiance and become a measure of dis tance, the PRom. noun 898 /mí^l a/ 'mile' f/I (Lat. milia passuum 'a thousand steps'). 10.4.

Pronouns

In all Indo-European languages, the pronoun-system is morpho logically disjointed, so that all that can be done is to point out partial resemblances without wasting ink, energy, and paper on enumerating every item of morphemic status. Latin pronouns are best presented in tabular form (cf. Table XXXIV). We may observe the presence of the roots /m-/ l.sg., /t-/ 2.sg., /no-/ l.pl., and / o-/ 2.pl. Proto-Romance continued the accusative, dative, and nominative of the Latin first and second person pronouns. The syntactic doubling to be reconstructed for PRom. 1532 /mé^ x / 'me', 1533 /té^ x / 'thee' is undoubtedly to be traced to assimilation of the Old Latin forms /me˙d/, /te˙d/, respectively, before a fol lowing consonant. As is well known, Latin had no separate third-person pronouns, using instead the demonstratives based on the stem /e-/ (nom.sg. /is/ m., /ea/ f., /id/ n.) These disappeared entirely and were not continued in Romance. In their stead were used various de monstrative forms, basically adjectival in their declension (cf. $ 3.22). The masculine singular nominative ending / - i V and the dative ending /-ú^i/ spread from the relative-interrogative nominative /k í^/ and dative /kú^i/, respectively, to the demon stratives. On the analogy of the masculine singular dative in /-û^i/ there was formed a feminine singular dative ending in /-éi/: /istéi/ etc. 30

176

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

Notes 1.

Identical with the gen.sg.m. of the respective possessive adjectives.

2.

Old Latin /me˙d/.

3.

Old Latin /te˙d/.

TABLE XXXIV LATIN PRONOUN-DECLENSIONS (1 ST AND 2 N D PERSONS)*

10.5.

Verbs

10.51. PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN had a quite complicated verbal sys tem. Comparison of the Indo-European languages justifies the re construction of a contrast between non-finite and finite forms. The former were, in Proto-Indo-European as in later stages, forms belonging to other parts of speech but derived from verbal roots, and sharing certain syntactic characteristics of verbs. The lat ter, defined as those manifesting inflectional contrasts between person (first, second, and third) and number (singular, dual, plural), manifested the further categories of ASPECT, MOOD, TENSE

and VOICE. Differences in aspect indicate differences in the type of action (Ger. Aktionsart): e.g. PERFECTIVE (over and done with at the time referred to by the verb), IMPERFECTIVE (not over and done with), ITERATIVE (repeated), CONTINUATIVE, , and PUNCTUAL

(taking place at a single point of time).31 The range of moods in Indo-European included INDICATIVE (stating a fact), VOLITIVE (indicating a desire), INJUNCTIVE and IMPERATIVE (giving an or der), DELIBERATIVE (enquiring as to what to do), PROSPECTIVE (re

ferring to a future event), and OPTATIVE (indicating a wish or

* For a tabular presentation of Proto-Romance first- and sec ond-person pronouns, cf. Table XII (p. 39).

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

177

possibility). Tense-differences were not as important in the Proto-Indo-European verb as they seem to us, speakers of later developments out of Indo-European in which tense has largely dis placed earlier categories of inflection. The chief contrast in tense in Proto-Indo-European was between P A S T and N O N - P A S T (pre sent); there was no separate future tense. In voice, the major contrast was between A C T I V E and M I D D L E (indicating action affec ting the subject, including passive). The formal markers by which differences of mood, aspect, tense, and voice were indicated in Proto-Indo-European verbs included: (a) Prefixation of the syllable /e˙-/, to indicate past time, as in IE */e˙bherom/ 'I was carrying" ~ */bhero˙/ 'I am carrying'. (b) Use of different sets of personal endings ("primary" for non-past, "secondary" for past), as in the examples just given under (a). (c) Use of a different verb-stem for the perfective as opposed to the non-perfective. This stem could be formed on the verb-root in one of several ways: (i) Use of a different vowel in the root, as in */ oide/ 'he has seen = he knows' ~ */ ideti/ 'he sees'. (ii) Reduplication of part or all of the first syllable, e.g. */lele q w e/ 'he has left' : */le qw-/ 'leave'. (iii) Addition of a further element to the stem, parti cularly /s/. (d) The infixation of a nasal consonant before the final consonant of a root to form a continuative stem, e.g. */ ung-/ 'to be yoking' : */ ug-/ 'yoke'. (e) The suffixation of one or more phonemes to form other aspects, e.g. inchoative or iterative: e.g. Vprksko˙/ 'I begin to ask' ~ */prko˙/ 'I ask'; */ oghe eti/ 'he moves, travels back and forth' ~ */ ogheti/ 'he moves, travels'. The tense-sets which can be reconstructed for Proto-Indo-Eu ropean are many but scattered and incomplete. Table XXXIII gives a sample of reconstructed Indo-European present-tense-sets for the roots V e s - / 'be' and */bher-/ 'carry'.

178

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

'be'

'carry'

Sing.: 1.

esmi

bhero˙

2.

es(s)i

bheresi

3.

esti

bhereti

1

sues

bheroues

2.

st(h)es

bheret(h)es

3.

stes

bheretes

1.

smes(i)

bheromes(i) °mos(i)

2.

st(h)e

bheret(h)e

3.

senti, sonti

bheronti

Dual :

Plural :

TABLE XXXV SAMPLE INDO-EUROPEAN PRESENT TENSES 10.52. L A T I N , like the other "daughter"-languages of the In do-European group, already simplified the earlier verb-system to a considerable extent. Especially the Indo-European pattern of moods had been reduced to three: indicative, imperative, and "subjunctive," with the latter assuming the functions of injunc tive, volitive and optative. The asDects, likewise, were reduced to two, imperfective and perfective, with different stems for each. The imperative remained as a simple tense. Other aspectforming elements (e.g. /-sk-/ for "inchoatives") became produc tive for a time in derivational processes, as in /kale˙-sk-/ 'become hot' : /kale˙-/'be hot'. A new, but morphologically somewhat incoherent tense, the future, was developed. Together with Keltic, Latin developed a new voice, the passive, marked by the ending /-(u)r/ (as in /ama˙tur/ 'he is loved' ~ /amat/ 'he loves'.), which also took over the meanings of the middle voice ( § 6.21). Morphologically, the Latin passive belongs, not in inflection (where all grammars place it), but in derivation. The numbers were reduced to two, singular and plural. The persons remained the same, two of them marked for identification of pro tagonist (first = 'I', second = 'you') and the third unmarked ( = 'neither you nor I'). The various verb-roots of Latin fell into four groups of "conjugations," differentiated by the stem-vowel which character ized the greater part of the inflectional forms based on their im-

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

179

perfective stem. These conjugations were not, however, those usu ally presented in Latin grammars. The stem-vowels were four in number: /a/, /i/, /e/ (each of these three either long or short), and zero. Table XXXIV shows the seven resultant conjugations. Conjugation

Stem-Vowel

a

Example

a˙

kant-a˙-

'sing'

I b

d

a

a

a-

i˙

'give'

dorm-i˙- 'sleep'

II b

i

a

e˙

b

e

kap-i- 'seize' kal-e˙-

'be hot'

III IV

re˙g-e-

zero

'rule'

es- 'be'

TABLE XXXVI LATIN VERB-CONJUGATIONS It will be seen that the traditional presentation (which is based on the relation of the first person singular present indi cative to the infinitive) errs in a number of ways. It collapses the long and short /a/-verbs; it misclassifies the short /i/verbs, putting, say, /kapere/ 'to seize' with /re˙gere/ 'to rule' because the infinitives of both end in /-ere/; and it does not recognize the existence of a separate conjugation with stem-vowel zero, except by classifying such verbs as "irregular." As a result of the combination of three tenses, two moods, and two aspects, an ordinary Latin verb could manifest a total of ele ven paradigmatic sets or "tenses." Table XXXV gives a conspectus of the resultant forms in ten of the tenses of a typical "firstconjugation" verb, /kant-a--/ 'sing', and Table XXXVI affords a similar conspectus of the corresponding forms of a verb with a "strong" perfective stem, i.e. one formed with some other element than /- i-/ added to the root plus characteristic stem-vowel : in this case, /re˙g-/ 'rule', whose perfective-formant was /-si-/. In addition to the ten paradigmatic sets shown in Tables XXXV and XXXVI, the ordinary Latin verb had two further incomplete sets, those normally termed "imperative." They are usually labelled "present" and "future" imperatives, but the semantic difference between them seems to have been, rather, one of degree of formal-

kanto˙ kanta˙s kantat kanta˙mus kanta˙tis kantant

kanta˙bam kanta˙ba˙s kanta˙bat kanta˙ba˙mus kanta˙ba˙tis kanta˙bant

kanta˙bo˙ kanta˙bis kanta˙bit kanta˙bimus kanta˙bitis kanta˙bunt

PRESENT:

PAST:

FUTURE:

INDICATIVE

LATIN VERB-FORMS

TABLE X X X V I I

kanta˙rem kanta˙re˙s kanta˙ret kanta˙re˙mus kanta˙re˙tis kanta˙rent

kantern kante-s kantet kante.mus kante-tis kantent

SUBJUNCTIVE

IMPERFECTIVE

kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙

kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙

kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙

ro˙ eris eris erimus eritis erint

erat era•mus era-tis erant

eram

isti˙ it imus istis

INDICATIVE

SUBJUNCTIVE

kanta˙ kanta˙ era* s kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙ kanta˙

issem isse˙s isset isse˙mus isse˙tis issent

i˙ kanta˙ erim kanta˙ eris kanta˙ erit kanta˙ erimus kanta˙ eritis kanta˙ e( )runt erint °re

PERFECTIVE

180 FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

PRESENT: PAST:

FUTURE:

kanto˙

kantem

kanta˙bam

kanta˙

kanta˙rem

kanta˙

kant˙'bo'

i˙

kanta˙

181

erim

eram kanta˙ issem

kanta˙uero˙ TABLE XXXVIII

LATIN VERB-TENSES (l.SG., FIRST CONJUGATION)

ity. For the present imperative, the bare stem was the normal form, e.g. /kanta-/ 'sing!', /dormi-/ 'sleep!', /re˙ge/ 'rule!', for the second person singular, and the ending /-te/ was added thereto for the second person plural (with automatic replacement of the stem-vowel short /e/ by /i/ in conjugation III-B: /kanta˙te/, /dormi˙te/, /re˙gite/. These were the only persons of the present imperative. In the more formal future imperative, the element /-to-/ was added to the imperfective stem for the second and third persons singular (as in /kanta˙to-/ 'you [2.sg.], he shall sing', and similarly /dormi˙to-/, /re˙gito˙/. The same ele ment was added directly to the third person plural of the present indicative (with automatic simplification of /-ntt-/ to /-nt-/), and in the second person plural, /-to-/ was added directly to the singular of the future imperative: /kanta˙to˙te/, /kantanto˙/, etc. Latin verb-roots showed a large number of morphophonemic al ternations, especially in verbs of Conjugations III-B and IV as between the imperfective and perfective stems: e.g. /kad-/ 'to fall' (imperf.) ~ /kekid-/(perf.); /fak-/ 'to do' (imperf.) ~ /fe˙k-/ (perf.), In some instances, the perfective stem manifes ted complete suppletion, i.e. had wholly different phonemic struc ture from that of the imperfective, as in /fer-/ 'to carry' ~ (imperf.) ~ /tul-/ (perf.) 10.53. P R O T O - R O M A N C E verbal inflection showed a fair amount of reduction vis-à-vis that of Latin, though not as great as that manifested in the substantive-system. The categories of person and number remained unchanged. That of tense was reduced by the almost total disappearance of the future (except for the partial survival of /er-/ : /ess-/ 'to be'; cf. § 41.25). This disap pearance has been ascribed by some to a change in world-outlook and loss of belief in an earthly future (!); by others, more rea listically, to troublesome homonymity caused by loss of endings and resultant merger with forms of the imperfect (Past A) or the present subjunctive (Timeless A ) . The distinction between the

182

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

remaining moods disappeared; the subjunctive and imperative became simple tenses, differing from the "indicative" only in their timereference. The formal imperative in /-to-/, /-to˙te/ (§10.52) disappeared. The contrast between imperfective and perfective continues to be the fundamental difference between what we have termed ( §4.11) Stems A and C. The means of forming them remained substantially the same, except that almost all the older perfective stems which involved reduplication (e.g. /kekid-/:/kad-/ 'to fall', /fefeii-/ : /fall-/ 'to deceive') disappeared, with the exception of /den-/ : 359 /dá-/ 'to give' and /istet-/ : 737 /istá-/ 'to stand' ( § 4.41.b.iii.A). Intermediate between these two, there arose a Stem B (cf. Tabke XV), developed out of the Latin "imper fect subjunctive" ( § 4.3), with a meaning of 'not real, but possible or probable'. The conjugations remained basically the same, but with some simplification in their stem-vowels, due in part to the disap pearance of the contrast between short /a/ and long /a-/, and to the homonymy of many finite forms in the Latin conjugations IIb and IIIb. The four chief conjugations (I, II, IIIa, IIIb) remained pretty much as such, but the constituencies of Ib, IIb, and VI were dispersed among the other conjugations, as shown schematically in Table XXXVIII.*

Latin

PRom.

Latin stems 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11.

kanta˙- 'to sing' da- 'to give' dormi-- œto sleepœ fugi- 'to fleeœ faki- 'to do, make' sapi- 'to know' uide˙- 'to see' batte- 'to beat' offer- 'to offer ' pot- 'to be able' es- 'to be'

TABLE XXXIII* LATIN AND ROMANCE CONJUGATIONS

*

As in similar tables, the numbers along the lines refer to the sample verb-stems given at the right.

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

183

A certain amount of fluctuation and analogical shifting is al ways going on among the inflected forms of any language, at any given time. Often the sub-category having the greatest frequency (in either list- or text-occurrence) is likely to attract forms of other categories into its orbit, the so-called "regular" nouns and verbs like those of declension m/II-A or conjugation I in Romance. This is not always the case, however, and irregularities may spread even to previously regular sets (e.g. English formations like arrive ~ arrove ~ arriven On the model of drive ~ drove ~ dri ven. Some verbs which belonged to a given conjugation in Latin shifted to one or another different conjugation in Romance. Among these were the following: Latin Ib > PRom. IV: da- 'to give' > dásta- 'to stand' > istá-

Latin IIb > PRom. II: fu˙gi- 'to flee' > fú^gi^Latin IIb > PRom. III-A: sapi- 'to be wise' > sape^- 'to know' Latin IIIa > PRom. II: flore«- 'to flower' > flori^lang e ˙ - 'to languish' > langui^putre˙- 'to rot' > putri^Latin IIIa > PRom. III-B: arde-- 'to burn' > arde-* miske˙- 'to mix' > mískemorde˙- 'to bite' > mórdemo e˙- 'to move' > móue-* mulge˙- 'to milk' > múlgeri˙de˙- 'to laugh' > rí^deresponde˙- 'to answer' > respondeterge˙- 'to wipe' > térge-

Latin IIIb > PRom. III-A: kade- 'to fall' > káde^Latin VI > PRom. II: offer- 'to offer' > óffri^suffer- 'to suffer' > súffri^-

Latin VI > PRom. III-A: pot- 'to be able' > póteúol- 'to wish' >

Latin VI > PRom. III-B 10.6.

óle^-

es- 'to be' > esse-

INDECLINABLES.

The categories of indeclinables did

not change from Latin to Proto-Romance, but of course there were some inevitable losses (e.g. that of such prepositions as Lat.

*Inpart.

184

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

/ko˙ram/ 'in the presence of' or /praeter/ 'along by'; such ad verbs as /uiks/ 'hardly'; such coordinators as /nam/ 'for'; or such subordinators as /k amk am/ 'although' or /ut/ 'in order that'. These were of course replaced by newer, more popular form ations in every-day speech (cf. below, § 13.6). There were a certain number of morphologically non-significant allomorphic variations in Latin indeclinables. Some of them were clearly continued in Romance, even though they are often left unindicated in the manuscript tradition of Latin texts, e.g. the as similation of the /d/ of /ad/ 'to' to a following consonant (espe cially in derivation, as evidenced in the very word assimilation). Other variations (such as the alternation between /tum/ ~ /tunk/ 'then', or that between /si e/ ~ /seu/ 'or') had no continuation in Romance.

N O T E S T O C H A P T E R 10

1.

Cf. Buck 1933:172-174.

2. An observation attributed to Chr. Bartholomae by his pupil Antonino Pagliaro (personal communication of the latter). 3.

Cf. Sapir 1921: ch. 1.

4.

Cf. Jespersen 1922: ch. 17, 18.

5.

Cf. M e i l l e t 1925.

6.

Cf. Hoenigswald 1943/44.

7.

Cf. Hall 1974:11, 17; 1976a: 10-11.

8.

Cf. Brugmann 1903:2.311-446; Adrados 1975:1.327-514.

9. These distinctions may well have been built up out of an earlier, different and perhaps smaller set of contrasts. Thus, for gender, the suggestion of Brugmann (1897) is widely accepted, that the IE feminine in /-a-/ had originated in an extension of neuter plural abstracts and collectives to refer to females, as in Proto-IE /ek a-/ 'a drove, herd of horses' > Lat. /ek a/ 'mare'. 10. Reproduced from Brugmann 1903:2, fold-out table opposite p. 398. A circle under a letter indicates syllabicity, i.e. the function of the sound as the centre of the syllable (as in English ['sIliəb ] ) , and [k ] stands for a labio-velar consonants. The stress presumably fell on the first syllable. 12. Thus, M. G. Bartoli (1925:48-60) rejected the ascription of the phoneme / ə / to Proto-IE on the grounds of areal distribu tion, as formulated in his "norms" or rules-of-thumb (cf. also Hall 1946b:276, 280.

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES

13.

Cf. the well-balanced observations of Messing 1947.

14.

As suggested in Hall 1946a:85.

185

15. For the details of Latin irregular noun-inflection, cf. any complete reference-grammar. 16. As evidenced in the passage of a certain number of old neuter plurals in /-a/ to feminine singulars, often initially col lective in meaning, e.g. /folia/ 'leaves' > PRom. 897 /folia/ 'leafage > leaf (sg.)'. The process is still going on in modern English Latinisms, such as media and data, which are often treated as singulars. 17.

Cf. Hall 1980c.

18.

As suggested by the majority of Romance linguists.

19. As suggested by such "idealistic" philologians as Karl Vossler. 20.

Cf. Havet 1891.

21.

Cf. Politzer 1947.

22.

Cf. Väänänen 1950; Hall 1961/62.

23. Especially in Old Italian, where feminine plurals in -a and -ora were extended to many ordinary nouns of declension m/II-A. 24. These can hardly be considered as forming a M O R P H O L O G I C A L neuter, pace Bonfante 1961, 1964, 1977. Semantically, the Roumanian "neuter" refers only to things or to beings [ - sex ] (cf. Hall 1972); but this observation cannot be extended to ItaloRomance. 25.

Cf. fn. 16, above.

26.

Cf. Väänänen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 263.

27.

Cf. Väänänen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 275.

28.

Cf. Bonfante 1934.

29.

Cf. Kent 1946: § 316.11.

30. illaei

Cf. Väänänen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 276, c i t i n g attestations of ' t o that person [ f . ] ' .

31. The last-mentioned meaning is the chief distinguishing feature of the so-called "perfect" or "past absolute" i n Romance.

11. DERIVATIONAL CATEGORIES

Unlike those of inflection, patterns and processes of deriva tion are subject to relatively rapid replacement in the course of linguistic history, being in this respect intermediate between in flection and lexicon. This chapter will be devoted chiefly to those aspects of suffixation and compounding which did not survive directly into Romance. 11.1.

Derivational Patterns

In the development of Latin from Indo-European, several wide spread derivational processes ceased to be productive, and sur vived only in fossilized morphological relations. The two most important processes of this type, both of them in verbal morpho logy, were reduplication and infixation ( § 10.51). The latter was important in Indo-European for forming continuative verbs with an infixed nasal, e.g. /iung-/ 'to be yoking' : /iug-/ 'to yoke'. Such Latin verbs as stilî retained these relationships were re latively few, e.g. /tang-/ 'to touch' (imperfective stem) : /tag-/ in /tetig-/ (perfective) ( < */tetag-/)• The only such verb to survive into Romance with this relationship was 2005 /níng -/ 'to snow' III-B/Reg, but it was in general replaced by forms'based on 2006 /ní -/ or /ní ik-/ I/Reg/W except in certain Umbrian dialects.1 11.2.

Derivational Processes

11.21. S U F F I X A T I O N . Both High Classical and Popular Latin were rich in suffixes, of which a fair number (at a rough estimate, perhaps half) survived directly into Romance.2 As will be seen in Chapter 14, some suffixes which cannot be ascribed to Proto-Romance but were used in High and Late Classical Latin were later re-introduced into popular or semi-popular usage, e.g. /+í^u-/ '-ive'. 3 The loss of productive suffixes was most evident in nouns, verbs, and adverbs, but somewhat also in adjectives, as can be seen in the following selected items: 1. Nouns: such suffixes as/ + mo-n˙a/ f/I and / + mo-n u-/ n/II 'collective', as in /k erimo˙n a/ 'complaint' ( : /k er-/

'to complain', /testimo˙n um/ 'testimony' ( : /test-/ 'to wit ness'); / + tu˙t-/ f/VI '-ness (abstract), as in / irtu˙te-/, nom. /uirtu˙s/ 'manliness'; or the "supine" (n/II) formed on the "suine"-stem of verbs, e.g. /di˙ktum/ 'the act of saying' ( : /di˙k-/ 'to say'.

DERIVATIONAL CATEGORIES

187

2. Adjectives: the post-verbal derivatives in / + t u ˙ r - / 'about to . . . ' a d j / I - I I ("future active p a r t i c i p l e " ) and / + n d - / 'to be . . . -ed' ("future passive p a r t i c i p l e " ) a d j / I - I I , e.g. /moritu˙rus °a °um/ 'about to die' ( : /mor-/ 'to die'); /amandus °a °um/'to be

loved, loveable' ( : /am-/ 'to love'). 3. Verbs: especially the entire process of derivation of the medio-passive verb-forms by the addition of certain suffixes to the active forms, as in /ama˙tur/ 'he is loved' ( /amat/ 'he loves' + / + u r / ) , /ama˙mur/ 'we are loved' ( /ama˙mus/ 'we love', with /-us/ replaced by / + u r / ) , or /ama˙ri˙/ 'to be loved (infini tive)' ( /ama˙re/ 'to love', with /-e/ replaced by / + i % From a paradigmatic point of view, the loss of the passive derivation knocked out almost half of the verb-forms which were still avail able to users of High Classical Latin; from a semantic point of view, it eliminated the morphological expression of the passive and hence the category of voice from Romance verb-structure. A certain number of individual verbal suffixes, also, were either lost or transmogrified. The suffix / + sk-/, which had ear lier indicated the inception of an action — as in /labe˙sk-/ 'to begin to totter' ( : /labe--/ 'to totter') — lost this meaning and (as will be seen in Chapter 13) passed to the realm of inflec tion as a stem-formant. Other suffixes such as the intensive / + ess-/ IIIb (e.g. in /kapess-/ 'to lay hold on' : /kap-/ 'to take') disappeared with the obsolescence of the individual verbs containing them. 4. Adverbs. Of major importance for the later history of adverb-formation in Romance was the total loss of the suffix / + Aiter/ (as in /ina˙niter/ 'emptily' [ : /ina˙n-/ 'empty']), which formed adverbs on adjectives of the Latin declensions IIIb and VI, and the almost total loss of / + e˙/, which func tioned similarly for adjecives of declension I /II. The only di rect survivors of the latter in Romance seem to have been 1600 /longe/ 'distantly' and 1607 /pú^re/ 'purely, indeed' ( § 7.62). 11.22. P R E F I X A T I O N , interestingly, was not an extensively used process of word-formation in Indo-European or early Latin. The specifically prefixoidal elements which survived into Romance were only two: /re + / 'again' ( § 8.11) and /dis + / 'dis-, un-' ( § 8.12.1). To these was added /es + / ~ /eks + / 'out of ..., ex-' ( § 8.12.2) when that form ceased functioning as a preposi tion. Other elements which seem to us to be prefixes (e.g. /ad/ ~ /a×/ 'to', /per/ 'through', etc.) were in both Latin and ProtoRomance simply the first elements of compounds, since they were still independent prepositions. 11.23. C O M P O U N D I N G was a fairly wide-spread process in Latin, but mostly according to patterns which did not survive into Romance. The most wide-spread of these was that involving a combination of + S U B S T A N T I V E + / i/ (substantive stem-vowel) + V E R B - R O O T + the

188

FROM LATIN TO PROTO-ROMANCE

endings of either n/II or adj/I-II. Thus, from /pan-/ 'bread' + /fik-/ ( : /fak-/ 'to make'), we have /panifikium/ 'the making of bread; baked goods' n/II; from /ina˙ni-/'empty' + /lok -/ 'to speak', /ina˙nilok us °a °um/ 'speaking emptily' adj/I-II. On the other hand, the compounding of adverbs or prepositions with verbs (cf. § 9.14) and of prepositions with nouns, adjectives or numerals to form parasynthetic verb-compounds (cf. § 9.21), which was very common in Latin, survived extensively into Romance.

N O T E S T O C H A P T E R 11

1. Cf. Hall 1962a; di Pietro 1963. 2. For an extensive listing of the word-formations of Popular Latin, cf. Cooper 1895. 3. 1941.

For a careful, detailed study of this suffix, cf. Malkiel

4. Cf. the extensive listing of Popular Latin compounds in Cooper 1895:246-314.

V. 12.

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOPHONEMICS

The earliest developments in the gradual divergence of the different varieties of Romance undoubtedly took place under the Roman Empire, although by no means causing wide enough splits to justify our projecting the later standard languages back on them. (In other words, what was spoken in Gaul in, say, 500 A . D . was hardly "French" or even "pre-French," and similarly for the other Romance-speaking areas.) The relative break-down in interregional communication from the fifth century onwards undoubtedly speeded up the process, at least somewhat. In this section, we shall pre sent some of the salient developments in early Romance, primarily between the earliest reconstructible stage (which we have been calling Proto-Romance) and those which can best be termed ProtoBalkan-, -Italo-, -Gallo-, and Ibero-Romance. 12.1.

Loss of Contrasts

Among the morphological categories which we have to set up for Proto-Romance, those of grammatical gender, number, person, and tense have shown themselves fairly resistant, on the whole, as long as the phonological base on which they rested have remained firm, or as long as an adequate substitute was available. Thus, in Eastern (Italo- and Balkan) Romance, the loss of final/-s/ and /-t/ did not seriously weaken the distinction between singular and plural. These phonological losses affected only certain forms, and other endings (especially /-i/) could be extended to take the place of those in /-s/, while zero (in contrast to one or more phonemes elsewhere in a paradigm) was sufficient to mark those forms which had earlier been distinguished by /-t/. Thus, the nominative plural ending /-e/ for f/I and /-i/ for m/II-A and m or f/III easily replaced /-as/, /-es/ and /-os/ respectively in Italian1 and Roumanian, in such forms as /káse/ 'houses', /boni/ 'good (m.pl.)' or /omini/ 'men'. Similarly, /kánti/ 'thou sing est' was as good as /kántas/ to distinguish the second singular from other persons, and similarly /kánta/ 'he sings' replacing /kántat/.

Case, on the other hand, was far weaker, and gradually disap peared, to the point where it is no longer represented (except in fossilized forms) in our earliest Romance texts except in Balkan and Gallo-Romance (North and South French and Rhaeto-Romance). But why should the case-system have disappeared almost wholly in the very regions where we might perhaps have expected it to sur-

190

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

vive most extensively, Ibero-Romance and Sardinian? We may sus pect that its loss was due, paradoxically, to the fact that those were the areas where both / - s / and the vowel of the final syllable was preserved. The latter phenomenon meant that noun- and adjec tive-stems were clearly marked; the former, that / - s / served very clearly as a plural-marker, due to its occurring far more fre quently in the plural than in the singular. In the dative-abla tive plural, the ending /-i˙s/ (which would have become /-es/ in Central and Western Ibero-Romance) was much less distinctive, for the identification of the class of any noun to which it was added, than were the endings /-as -os -es/, corresponding to stems in /-a -u -e/ respectively. In Italo- and Balkan Romance, with the loss of /-s/, the onus of distinguishing between singular and plural fell on the alterna tion of final vowels: /-a/ ~ /-e/ for the first declension, /-u/ ~ /-i/ for the second, as contrasted with (at the out-set) /-e/ ~ /-e/ in the third. In this latter absence of contrast, we find the reason for the substitution (wide-spread but not complete2) of /-i/ for /-e/ in the plural-ending of the third declension, by analogy with the second. In Italian, /-i/ as a plural-marker spread to the /a/-stems in the masculine, and, in Old Italian, even to some feminines.3 We are to ascribe a similar origin to the /-i/ of a great many feminine plurals in Roumanian, particu larly those of the "ambigenes" in /-uri/ < /-ora/.4 Conditions were thus favorable to a partial preservation of case-markers in Roumanian and (at least in fossilized traces) in the earliest Old Italian. In Gallo-Romance, on the other hand, the vowel of the final syllable was lost (except for / - a / ) , whereas / - s / was, for some centuries at least, preserved. In this situation, the first de clension was the only one in which / - s / was an unambiguous plu ral-marker. In the others, the presence of / - s / in most m.sg. nominatives was frequent enough to serve as a case-marker, as was its absence in m.pl. nominatives. Evidence of this is found in the wide-spread analogical extension of / - s / to m.sg. nominatives which originally had none, e.g. ONFr. /b rs /≠/br/ 'hero' ( PRom. 1075 /báro/), and also the analogical loss of / - s / in m.pl. nominatives of the third declension, e.g./či n/ ≠ /ci ns/ (as was to be expected from PRom. 1184 /kanes/). There was, however, enough confusion throughout the ONFr. and OSFr. period for a great deal of analogical shifting to develop, so that when the condi tioned sound-change of / s / > zero took place in pre-consonantal position, it served as a catalyst for word-final / - s / to be lost analogically elsewhere, in pre-pausal position and finally, in Modern French, even in pre-vocalic position as well. As a re sult, present-day French and Provençal seem to be as wholly devoid of case in their substantives as are the Ibero-Romance varieties, Sardinian and Italian, but they have arrived at this stage by a different route.

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOPHONEMICS

191

Modern Romance forms have developed, in short, not out of one single case (as is often assumed 5 ), but out of a gradual fusion of the various non-nominative cases into a more or less generalized "oblique" stem. This latter then became the only form to serve, in most of the vocabulary, in Ibero-Romance and Sardinian, and (later) in Italo- and most (but not all) of Gallo-Romance. De Dardel (1964) was undoubtedly on the right track in hypothesizing an intermediate stage, which he considered to have manifested three cases, between the earlier syxtem of six cases and the la ter, caseless stage. We must, however, go even farther and postu late a gradual decline of the case-system, which fell apart at va rying rates and with different results in various parts of the Ro mance territory. It is perhaps not excessively fanciful to com pare the linguistic situation with that which prevailed in postImperial use of the inherited monuments of Roman architecture. The successors of the Roman Empire lived, to a large extent, in. buildings which were gradually falling apart, and whose remaining rooms were used for purposes which were often quite different from their original functions, eked out with fragments of other parts of the same building or of other edifices brought in an adapted to aims for which they were not originally intended. In each in stance, the process was gradual, lasting centuries and even mill ennia. In Romance linguistic structure, it is not over yet (and presumably never will be). 12.2.

Development of New Contrasts

In certain instances, however, new categories or sub-categor ies of inflection arose. These included the beginnings of the indefinite and the definite article, as well as those of an inde finite pronoun based on 230 /6mo/ and 49 /omine/ 'man'. 12.21. INDEFINITE ARTICLE. Neither Latin nor Greek, as is well known, Liad an indefinite article.6 In popular speech, 1451 was used to mean 'a certain ... ', as in unus servus indoientissimus 'a certain man [who is] a most indolent slave'. 7 From this use to the function of an indefinite article is only a very short step. In the "Vulgate" (St. Jerome's translation of the Bible, fourth century A . D . ) , one finds such expressions as accessit ad eum una ancilla 'there came up to him a serving-maid' (Matt. 26.69). The decisive step in this process was the loss of stress, when /u^n-/ stood in pre-tonic position and became unstressed, thereby coming to constitute a new form-class. The presence of this usage in the Latin of the Vulgate invalidates the suggestion8 that it originated, not in popular speech, but in the learnèd language of mediaeval Neoplatonism. On the other hand, the use of /ú^n-/ in the sense of 'a certain person' continued at least down into Boccaccio's time, as evidenced in his use of the expression una sua madre, which is certainly to be taken as 'a certain woman, his mother' (not 'a mother of his'!). 9 12.22.

DEFINITE ARTICLE.

Although Greek had a definite article,

192

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

ò /ho he˙ ton/, Latin had none. In Popular Latin, there ex isted a situation similar to that prevailing with regard to /u^n-/, in that a kind of pre-definite-article was in process of formation. Two demonstratives, /ill-/ 'that' and /ips-/ 'the same, the very one', were used in such expressions as ille opulentissimus 'that man [who is] very rich', and (speaking of apples, mela, n.pl.) illa acida 'the ones [which are] sour'. 10 Here, too, as with the development of the indefinite article ( § 12.21), the decisive step in the establishment of a new form-class was the loss of stress in pre-tonic position. At first, the pre-definite-articles /ill-/ and /ips-/ were in nearly free alternation, as in this sequence of sentences from the Late Latin Peregrinatio Sanctae Aetheriae'. Requisivi de eo quam longe esset ipse locus. Tunc ait ille presbyter ... 'I

asked of him how far away the place was. Then the holy elder said ...'.10 Later, forms developing from /ips-/ became localized in Sardinia, parts of southern France, and Catalonia, whereas forms based on /ill-/ prevailed elsewhere. In Balkan Romance, the definite article came to occupy the second slot in the nounphrase,11 but the first slot elsewhere. 12 12.23.

MORPHOPHONEMIC DEVELOPMENTS.

Such morphophonemic alterna

tions as can be set up for Proto-Romance served primarily to dis tinguish inflectional functions, e.g. in such contrasts as that between imperfective and perfective verb-stems (as in 338 fák-/ 'to do' ~ /fé^k-i-/; cf. § 4.41.b.iii.A), Other, non-functional alternations were present sporadically, in such pairs as the as similation of a final consonant to a following one in sentencesandhi or derivation, e.g. 375 /ad/ 'to' ~ /a×/ or1555/aut/ 'or' ~ /a ×/ ( § 5.1). Even in the earliest stages of Romance, however, phonemic splits resulted in the development of new morphophonemic alter nations: 1. The first of these splits was probably that of /k/ into /k/ and /c/, and of /g/ into /g/ and /ğ/, due to palatalization before front vowels.13 In the varieties in which this change took place or to which it spread (eventually virtually all except the most conservative dialects of Sardinian), substantive- and verb-roots ending in /-k-/ and /-g-/ developed palatalized alter nants before front vowels. Thus, for Proto-Continental Romance (PCRom.), we have to set up such forms as /pórku/ 'pig' ~ /pórči/ 'pigs'; /doméstika/ 'domestic' f.sg. ~ /doméstiče/14

f.pl.; /díko/ 'I say' ~ /díčit/ 'he says'. For roots ending in /-g-/, likewise, we must set up, say, PCRom. /fágu/ 'beech' ~ /fáği/ 'beeches', and /fíngat/ 'that he pretend' ~ /fínğet/ 'he pretends'. The resultant two morphophonemes may be symbolized by /K/ and /G/, respectively, and the roots cited above may be re-written as PCRom. /pórK-/, /doméstiK-/, /díK-/, /fáG-/, /fínG-/

respectively.

This alternation was and still remains very wide-

INFLECTIONAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOPHONEMICS

193

spread in all Romance languages whose palatalized consonants com ing from /ĉ/ and /ğ/ have either remained at the stage /ĉ/, /ğ/ or have developed farther to / ¢ / , and then gone to /G/, or to /s/ and /z/. 2. Umlaut 15 gave rise to alternation between umlauted and non-umlauted vowels in various instances of differentiation in ad jectival, pronominal and verbal paradigms. Thus, we find plurals distinguished from singulars in some dialects where a final /-i/ raised a preceding stressed /á/, e.g. Piedmontese /kér/ 'carts' ( < PRom. 670 /kárri/) ~ /kár/ 'cart' ( < PRom. /kárru/). Neapotan distinguishes masculine from feminine in some adjectives by the presence of a closer vowel in the former versus a more open vowel in the latter, as in /bó^nə/ 'good' (m.sg.) ( < PRom. 118 /bonu/) ~ /bona/ (f.sg.) ( < PRom. /bona/). In Old North French, the presence of a final /-i/ in Proto-Gallo-Romance raised a pre ceding stressed / e V , as in the pronouns /íl/ 'he' ( < PGRom., PItWRom. /é^lli/ < PRom. 18 /ílli/ ) ~ /é^lə/ 'she' ( < PGRom. /é^llə/ < PItWRom. /é^lla/ < PRom. 1146 / í l a / ) . Similarly in verb-forms: ONFr. /prís/ 'I took' ( < PRom. /pré^si/) ~ /prən-/ as in /Prən /¢ 'you take'. 3. Diphthongization16 gave rise to similar alternations, whether conditioned by final vowel (often as an extension of um laut) or by stress. Old North French and Italian had fairly ex tensive alternations of this type, as in ONFr. /pruef/, OIt. /pruovo/ 'I try' ( < PRom. 354 /probo/) ~ ONFr. /prov r/, It.

/prováre/ 'to try' ( < PRom. /probáre/). Many of these mediaeval alternations have been ironed out in later times, especially in Modern French, as in Fr. /(zə)pruv/ je prouve (which would have been, in the normal development, */ prøv/ je preuve). Castilian had and still has a great number of such alternations in forms which contained a lax mid vowel, due to these vowels having diph thongized under stress whether in free or checked syllable: e.g. Spanish /siento/ 'I feel' ( < PRom. 155 /sénto/) ~ /sentir/ 'to

feel' ( < PRom. /sentí're/j. For these alternations, also, appro priate morphophonemic symbols can be used as needed, e.g. ONFr., Olt. /prOv-/ 'to try', Span. /sEnt-/ 'to feel'. 4. A number of other types of morphophonemic alternation arose in the various Romance languages as they gradually became differentiated and new conditioned sound-changes took place. Rou manian and Old North French were perhaps the richest in such pho nological and hence morphological developments. Roumanian, for instance, manifests such alternations as /a/ ~ /á/ in a great many forms, e.g. /kətá(re)/ 'to earn' ( < PRom. 1197 /kattáre/ 'to get') ~ /kátə/ 'he earns' ( < PRom. /káttat/). Old French had a number of such special developments, often giving rise to alternations of not only two, but three or even more vowels depending on their phonological environment: e.g. /mané^ir/ 'to stay' ( < PRom. 458 /mané^re/) ~ /máint/ 'he Stays' ( < PRom. /mánet/) ~ /mé^s/ 'I

stayed' ( < PRom. /mási/) ~ /m s/ 'stayed [past part.]' ( < PRom.

194

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

/masu/). Similarly, there arose such consonant-alternations as /v/ ~ /č/ in, say, /sav-/ in /savé^ir/ 'to know' ( < PRom. 307 /sapé^re/) ~ /sac-/ in /sáčəө/ 'that he know

( < PRom. /sáp a t / ) .

Many of these alternations have been ironed out analogically in Modern French; many fewer in Modern Roumanian. Their detailed enumeration and development is of course part of the history of the individual languages. N O T E S T O C H A P T E R 12

1.

Cf. Hall 1961/62.

2. Old Italian had some third-declension plurals in /-e/, as do some modern dialects, e.g. Old Paduan i dente 'the teeth', Tus can le chiave 'the keys'. Cf. Grandgent 1927: § 55; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. §363. 3. spin!

Cf. such Old Italian forms as porti 'doors', veni 'veins', 'thorns'; cf. Grandgent 1927: §55; Rohlfs 1949-54:2. § 362.

4. Through the stages /- ure/ < /- ore/, with /-e/ analogically from the plural of the first declension; cf. Puscariu 1943:290. 5. E.g. by Sundstedt 1896, Merlo 1911, and even as recently as Orban 1972. 6. If Greek had had an indefinite article, Plato would not have needed to hypothesize his ideal archetypes. 7. Cited by Väänänen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 263, as is also the ex pression from the Vulgate in the following sentence. 8.

Made by Mancinelli 1969.

9.

Cf. Hall 1956/57.

10.

Cited by VäänSnen 1960 (1981 3 ): § 275.

11.

Cf. Hall 1969b.

12. For detailed discussions of the development of the Ro mance definite article, cf. Aebischer 1947; Ruggieri 1957; Piotrovskii 1960; Abel 1970, 1972; Orlandini 1981. 13.

Cf. Hall 1976a: § 4.32.

14. This alternation must be projected back into Proto-Continental Romance because of its all-pervasive presence in Rouman ian. Italian forms in /-ke/ (e.g. /doméstike/ domestiche) are the result of analogical levelling, as emphasized rightly by Mañczak 1973. 15.

Cf. Hall 1976a: §4.21.

16.

Cf. Hall 1976a: §4.22.

13.

INFLECTIONAL CLASSES

The later Romance languages have, by and large, continued the fundamental class-structure of Latin and Proto-Romance. Sardin ian, Italo- and Ibero-Romance have perhaps been the most conserva tive, Balkan Romance rather less so, and Gallo-Romance least of all — to the point where, according to some observers, Modern French has, in its typology, moved quite far away from its Romance congeners. Even so, the basic form-classes have remained the same. 13.1.

Nouns

Especially in the intermediate (mediaeval) stages, nouns deve loped in two main directions, depending on the maintenance or oth erwise of word-final vowels. In the languages where final vowels were, on the whole, retained, the major noun-declensions have not changed. For Sardinian, Roumanian, Italian, Spanish, and Portu guese, we can still set up the three main declensions, character ized by the stem-vowels /a/, /u/ or /o/, and either /e/ or zero, and can still assign them the same numbers, I, II and III respect ively. In certain languages, one sub-declension or another has had a special development. The most striking of these is declension II-B, of the "ambigenes," which has had a tremendous expansion in Roumanian, being extended even to a very large number of modern loan-words from French and other languages. We find, just to cite two instances out of many hundreds, such forms as /bombón/ 'piece of candy, bonbon' m.sg. ~ /bomboáne/ 'bonbons', f.pl., and /endokárd/ 'endocardium' m.sg. ~ /endokárduri/ 'endocardia', f.pl. In Old Italian, also, there was a notable extension of the "ambi genes" in /-a/ and /-ora/,1 to such words as /kámpo/ 'field', m.sg. ~ /kámpora/ 'fields', f.pl. In certain instances, these Italian forms began to be specialized in reference to two objects of a.kind forming a pair, as in /len¢uóio/ 'bed-sheet', m.sg. both /len¢uola/ 'bed-sheets (in pairs)', f.pl., and /len¢uoli/ ~ 'bed-sheets (without reference to pairs) , m.pl. Further develop ment to a revived dual number2 did not take place because of homonymy with first-declension nouns and adjectives. In Old North French, there were only scattered survivals of such plurals, such as /bra¢ə/ 'arms' (also in the personal name /fierəbr¢ə/ 'StrongArms') or /čarrə/ 'carts'. Ibero-Romance did not continue any ambigenes.

196

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

In Gallo-Romance, however (and presumably also in pre-literary Catalan), final vowels except /-a/ dropped in most instances, with a resultant re-arrangement of substantival declensions. That cha racterized by /-a/ (or its later development to /-ə/ or /- /) re mained, in general, as such. In the others, though, the determin ing characteristic of declensions became the distribution of in flectional / - s / in the two remaining cases, oblique and nomina tive. Taking Old South French as an example, we can set up the declensions shown in Table XL, using as examples /dómna/ 'lady', /mur/ 'wall', /lívre/ 'book', /ka(n)/ 'dog', and /nás/ 'nose. La ter, when word-final /-s/ was almost wholly lost in Gallo-Ro mance, the category of case went with it (as mentioned in § 12.1). Sg. Decl.

Obl.

Pl. Nom.

I IIa

-s -s

Nom. -s

dómna ~ dómnas

-s

IIb III

Obl.

Examples

múr ~ múrs

-s -s

lívre ~ lívres

-s

-s

ká(n) ~ káns

IV

nás TABLE XL OLD SOUTH FRENCH NOUN-DECLENSIONS

For the development of noun-declension to Old South French, we can set up the graphic representation shown in Table XLI. 3 Simi lar tables could of course be set up for the other Romance lan guages as well. Examples 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

dómna > mátre > múru > líbru > násu > káne >, túrri > kórpus >

dómna 'lady' máire 'mother' múr 'wall' lívre 'book' nás 'nose' ká(n) 'dog' tó^r 'tower' kór(p)s 'body'

TABLE XLI DEVELOPMENT OF CASES FROM PROTO-ROMANCE TO OLD SOUTH FRENCH

INFLECTIONAL CLASSES 13.2.

197

Adjectives

The Romance languages have continued the basic pattern of hav ing two main sub-classes of adjectives, of which one distinguishes morphologically between feminine (normally with an ending derived from Proto-Romance /-a/) and masculine (with a different ending or none at all), and the other does not so distinguish. The first type of course continues the Proto-Romance class adj/I-II, and the second continues adj/III. Table XLII shows the Old South French adjective-declensions in relation to the noun-classes, and Table XLIII represents graphically their development from Proto-Romance. The examples given are listed, with numbers and glosses, alongside Table XLII. Decl.

Endings

Examples m.

f. sg.

pl.

sg.

pl.

obl. nom. obl. nom. obl. nom. obl. nom. I-IIa

-s

I - IV

-s

-s

-s

-s

-s

bóna, bó(n), bó(n)s fáusa, fáus; dóusa, dóus

III-IIa I-IIb

-s

-s

-s

-s

-s

-s

-s

léu

-s

meļó^r

TABLE XLII OLD SOUTH FRENCH ADJECTIVE DECLENSIONS Examples 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

bóna ~ bó(n) 'good' fáusa ~ fáus 'false' dóusa ~ dóus 'sweet' léu 'light, easy' meļó^r 'better' (nom.sg.m. mieudre)

TABLE XLIII DEVELOPMENT OF ADJECTIVE-DECLENSIONS FROM PROTO-ROMANCE TO OLD SOUTH FRENCH Example 3, with the feminine /dóusa/ PRom. 717 /dúlke/, is typical of a number of adjectives which have been influenced by the much larger class adj/I-II, in this instance taking over the final /-a/ of the feminine, as happened also in a number of ONFr.

198

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

adjectives, e.g. /dó^l¢ə/ 'sweet' or /grande/ 'large' ( ≠ PRom. 1137 /gránde/). 4 In other instances, adjectives have shifted their entire declension, as in the case of Olt. /trísto °a/ 'sad evil' ( ≠ PRom. 2 /trí^ste/ 'sad'). In the mediaeval and modern Romance languages, there have ari sen, on occasion, new declensional classes of adjectives when words have been introduced from outside sources. On occasion, aimilar formations may be of radically different origin. Both Ital ian and Spanish, for instance, now have adjectives with stem-vowel /i/. Italian /pari/ 'equal' is an indeclinable learnēd loan-word from Latin /pari-/ adj/III-A, of the same meaning. Spanish /kúrsi/ 'cheap, vulgar, "campy"', on the other hand, is a borrow ing from Maghrebian Arabic /kúrsi/ 'prestigious > arrogant > ped antic, presumptuous', and is (in at least some speakers' usage) variable, forming a plural /kúrsis/. 13.3.

Pronouns

The personal pronouns in the various Romance languages have remained, in general, quite faithful to their prototypes so far as their inflectional relations were involved. The use of the second person plural forms related to PRom. 420 / ó^s/ 'ye, you' as a manner of courteous address is considered to have arisen in Roman Imperial times, starting with the emperors' habit of refer ring to themselves as /nó^s/ 'we' and their courtiers' replying to them using the plural for 'you'. Later customs, wide-spread in Renaissance and modern Romance, involved the use of various third-person noun-phrases or related pronoun substitutes to ad dress some-one held in reverence ('your Highness, your Lordship, your Excellence'), e.g. Roumanian dumneata 'thy Lordship', dumneavoastra 'your Lordship'; various Italian formulas replaced by the third-person pronouns Ella, Lei 'she > you [sg.]', Loro 'they > you [p].]'; Spanish usted 'you [sg.]', ustedes 'you [pl.]'. 5 The details of these developments belong to the later history of the individual languages. Spanish and Portuguese have developed a form of the third-per son pronoun which refers, not to a specific person or thing, but simply to some situation as a whole or to some aspect of it. Spanish /ló/, Portuguese /ó/, as in Spanish /ló de mi tío/ 'the matter of my uncle', /ló buéno/ 'that which is good'. (In this last example, contrary to the dicta of virtually all traditional grammars, /lo/ is not a definite article modifying the adjective; it is a pronoun modified by the adjective). This form is usually termed lneuter', and considered to be a continuation of the Latin neuter demonstrative /illud/, with a special treatment of the fi nal syllable due to its ending in /d/. However, as I have argued elsewhere,6 this is a development restricted to Ibero-Romance, with no relation (semantically or phonologically) to /illud/, and better termed the 'abstract'.

INFLECTIONAL CLASSES

199

A phenomenon which might have led to the development of an in definite pronoun meaning 'people in general, "one"' in all of Italo-Western Romance was the wide-spread use,in the mediaeval and early Renaissance vernaculars, of forms meaning 'man' and coming from PRom. 230 /ómo/, 49 /ómine/.7 Among the forms used in this way were Old Italian /uóm(o)/, , Old French (North and South) /óm/ from /ómo/; Catalan /ómə/, Spanish /ómbre/ ( < /ómne/), and Portuguese /óm / from /ómine/. In Imperial times, philosophical and religious writers used Latin homo in the sense of 'man in gen eral, man-kind'. Words from this source and in this meaning.were, until the seventeenth century, a feature common to Italo-Western Romance. However, they were largely used with the definite arti cle, and were, with the exception of North French /om/, 8 always stressed. They therefore remained homonymous with the correspond ing common count-noun for 'man'. In the later Middle Ages and the Renaissance, they were subject to increasing competition from syn onymous and less troublesome expressions for an indefinite prota gonist, such as the numeral for 'one' and the reflexive. North French was the only Romance language in which the to-be-expected development into a true indefinite pronoun took place. This was because the Old North French word for 'man', alone of the ItaloWestern Romance languages, had two declensional forms, /ómə/ ob lique, and /om/, nominative, which diverged in their phonemic shape due to sound-changes. The oblique /ómə/ became /om/ homme, and was used as the ordinary caseless count-noun for 'man', where as the nominative /om/ became /õ/. The last-mentioned form was now set adrift from its phonological relation to /om/ homme 'man', and was thereby enabled to develop the true indefinite pronominal function which it now fulfills in Modern French. 13.4.

Numerals

Most of the Romance languages have continued the Latin and Proto-Romance numeral-system fairly faithfully, for the numbers from 'one' through 'sixteen', for the 'tens',9 and for 'hundred' and 'thousand' respectively. Between 'seventeen' and 'nineteen', no Proto-Romance etyma can be set up. The Italo-Western languages agree on having the numeral for 'ten' followed by those for 'seven', 'eight', and 'nine'; but they differ in the conjunction (if any) used to connect the numerals. Ibero-Romance uses / i / 'and'; Italo-Romance, /a×/ (probably < / a k / ) ; Gallo-Romance, zero. The two chief exceptions to the above generalizations are found in Gallo- and Balkan Romance. In the former territory, Old North French made extensive use of the vigesimal system, i.e. reckoning the 'tens' from 'forty' onwards by scores, using the numeral /vínt/ 'twenty; a score'. 10 Thus, 'forty' was /dó^usvín¢/ 'two twenties, two-score'; 'sixty' was /tré^isvín¢/ 'three twen ties, three-score', etc. Modern standard French preserves relics of this system in /katrəv t quatre-vingts '80', and the reckoning of the numbers from '81' through '99( by the addition of the ap propriate terms from 'I' through '19', as in /katrəv trez/ qua

tre-vingt-treize

'93',

/katrəv

nœf/ quatre-vingt-neuf

99 , etc.

200

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

Another relic of the vigesimal system in modern standard French is the addition of /dis/ dix '10' through /diznœf/ dix-neuf '19' to /swasãt/ soixante '60' to form the numerals for '70' through '79', as in /swasãtkatorz/ soixante-quatorze

'74'.

In

certain dialects and also varieties of regional standard French, Speakers use /septãt/ s e p t a n t e , /uitat/ huitante

or /oktãt/ oc-

tante '80', and /nonãt/ nonante '90', with numerals from '1' to '10' added to signify the intermediate numbers, e.g. /septãtsis/ septante-six

'76'

instead of /swasãtsez/ soixante-seize.

In both

Belgium and Switzerland, many speakers use these more 'logical" numerals as a form of (minor) assertion of linguistic independence from the linguistic hegemony of metropolitan France. Roumanian went much farther than French in departing from the inherited Romance pattern for numerals beyond '10'. The system of counting by 'tens' was preserved, but with new phrasal combina tions from '20' through '90', consisting s imply of M U L T I P L I E R + 'TEN': /dóuəãzéči/ 'two tens = twenty', /tréizéči 'three tens = thirty', etc. The number for '100' is of Slavic origin: /suta/ '100', /douəzeč1 / '200', and so on. Those from '11' through '19' consist of phrases with the semantic pattern N U M E R A L + 'ON' + 'TEN': /unsprezéce/ '11', etc. These formations all follow Slavic patterns, and are among the features which give Roumanian the ap pearance of having grown out of a moderately, but not thoroughly well learned Popular Latin in the mouths of speakers of Slavic. 13.5.

Verbs

Romance verbs, like the other parts of speech, continue in ge neral the inherited organization of conjugations and stems. The basic pattern of three conjugations, with stem-vowels going back to /a/,/i^/,and/e/ or /e^/, respectively, is still recognizable in every non-creolized Romance language.11 The /a/- or "first" conjugation is still the most productive, to which new formations are normally assigned, as in twentieth-century Italian /allunáre/ 'to land upon the moon' ( : /luna/ 'moon'), or French /batike^/ batiquer

'to

do batik-WOrk' ( : /batik/ b a t i k ) , /šãpwine^/ cham-

puoiner 'to shampoo' ( : /šãpw / shampooing). The distinction be tween stems in PRom. stressed /é^/ (conjugation III-A) and un stressed /e/ (conjugation III-B) is in general preserved except in Ibero-Romance, where Spanish and Portuguese roots with stem-vowel /e/ have all been given the infinitive-ending /-ér/, going back to /-é^re/. Through special conditioned phonological change, Rouman ian has developed an added stem-vowel /i/, thus forming a new con jugation related to Proto-Romance II, as in /kobor-i-/ 'descend', /omor-i-/ 'kill'. 12

The chief new development in Romance verb-inflection which took place in early times (roughly during the Imperial period) was the extension of the stem-increment /-sk-/. 13 This element lost its "inchoative" force and came to be simply a sequence of pho nemes whose main function was to bear the word-accent in forms

INFLECTIONAL CLASSES

201

which would otherwise have the stress fall on the root-syllable, as in PCRom. /flo^re^re/ 'to flower', say, but /flo^ré^sikt/ 'it

flowers', as opposed to an earlier /flo. ret/ in Latin. The suffix / + sk-/ could, in Latin, be used after a stem-vowel /a-/, /e. /, or / i . / , as in /inuetera.sk-/ 'to grow older', /kuie.sk-/ 'to rest', /obdormi.sk-/ 'to fall asleep'.14 Later, it became limited, in the lateral regions of Balkan and Ibero-Romance, to following /e^/, and in the central areas of ltalo- and Gallo-Romance to following /i/. In most regions, those verbs which added /sk/ to their roots came to belong to a special sub-section of Conjugation II (stemvowel /i/ or developments thereof). In this conjugation in Bal kan, ltalo- and Gallo-Romance, some roots (such as /dorm-/ 'to sleep') did not take the /sk/-increment, whereas others, such as /fin-/ 'to finish' did. The latter may, therefore, be given a special label, II-isK, with a special morphophonemic symbol //K// to represent a A / which is palatalized before a following front-vowel ending (or development thereof, including zero). Thus, Italian /fin-/ 'to finish' has /finísko/ 'I finish' and /finískono/ 'they finish', but /finíssi/ 'thou finishest' and /finisse/ 'he finishes'. Similarly, Roumanian /mul¢zum-/ 'to thank' has /mul¢umésk/ 'I thank, they thank', but /mul¢uméšte/ 'he thanks'. Old South French had /finísk/ 'I finish', /finískon/ 'they finish', but /finises/ 'thou finishest' and /finís/ 'he fin ishes' . In Ibero-Romance, however, verbs with a /sk/-increment passed into the /-er/-conjugation, and the / ¢ / which developed out of /sk/ before a front vowel was generalized, replacing the /s/ in forms like Old Spanish /meré¢o/ 'I deserve' (modern /meréθko/) ~ /meré¢e/ 'he deserves'. The Ibero-Romance verbs of this type have extended the / ¢ / (or its later developments to /e/ or /s/) to all forms of the verbs concerned, e.g. Spanish /mereeía/ 'he deserved', /mereeér/ 'to deserve'. As a result, these verbs do not form a separate conjugation in Ibero-Romance, and the /k/-increment is simply an element forming special allomorphic variants, as in /mereθk-/ ~ /mereθ-/.

The development of conjugations for each Romance language can be shown graphically, as in Table XLIII, again for Old South French. In the history of each language, individual verbs have of course shifted from one conjugation to another, a phenomenon which needs to be treated separately by language. Likewise, the history of the development of Stem C differs from one language to another, and can best be treated separately in individual histories. In some instances, the phonological de velopment of the stem-formant / / led to the extension of the re sultant /k/ or /g/ to entire tenses, as in Old South French /ak/ (morphophonemically //ag//, as in the Timeless C /ages-/ '(that) he had', and thence analogically to other verbs.

202

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

Old South French Examples 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

kanta- 'to sing' da- 'to give' dorm- 'to sleep' fin- 'to finish' ten- 'to hold' diz- 'to say' bat- 'to beat'

TABLE XLIV VERB-CONJUGATIONS FROM PROTO-ROMANCE TO OLD SOUTH FRENCH ''''''''''

13.6.

Indeclinables

There is little to say about indeclinables, since the chief classes remained pretty much the same from Proto-Romance onwards; what developments took place in the rise of allomorphic variants were conditioned by phonological changes in the individual lan guages. In the instance of the forms for 'behold' (coming from PRom. 1561 /ekke/ or 119 /ékku/), such as Old Spanish and Old French (South and North) /é¢/, Sardinian /ékku/, Italian /ékko/, their use with enclitic pronominal forms caused their development into a kind of "verbaloids", non-inflected but behaving syntac tically like imperatives. 15

N O T E S T O C H A P T E R 13

1.

Cf. § 3.11, s.v. declension II-B.

2.

Cf. Hall 1956.

3.

The tables in this chapter are adapted from Hall 1980b.

4. ONFr. /grant/ f.sg. has continued in such Modern French compounds as /grãmer/ 'grand-mother', formerly spelled grand'mere (as if the final -e of grande had been omitted through some "cor ruption" or disobedience to the rules of grammar). Nowadays, how ever, through a gracious dispensation from the Académie Française, i t iS p e r m i s s i b l e t o

write

grand-mère.

INFLECTIONAL CLASSES

203

5. Spanish usted is usually considered to have been a con traction of sixteenth-century vuestra Merced 'your Mercy', but it is more likely a borrowing into standard Spanish, through Andalucian, of Maghrebian Arabic /ustà:ð/ [us'tæ:ð] 'master' (cf. Krotkoff 1963/64). 6.

Cf. Hall 1965, 1968.

7. Cf. Brown 1931, 1936; Schlaepfer 1933. Unfortunately, Brown never pulled his findings on this topic together into a mo nograph.. 8. Stressed /6mo/ > ONFr. /uém/, which, if it had continued in use, would have become modern /æ/, homonymous with the numeral /æ/ un 'one'; cf. Pope 1934 (1956 3 ): § 870. 9.

Cf. Jud 1905; Almeida Lucas 1940-42; Schmid'1964.

10. Cf. Rösier 1910; Spitzer 1925; Rohlfs 1943; Reichenkron 1952. Some ascribe the use of the vigesimal system to a Keltic substratum, others to a Germanic superstratum; but adhuc sub judice lis est. 11. The inherited Romance conjugations are still recognizable in the derivational patterns of some Romance-based creoles, such as Haitian Creole; cf. Hall 1953: §2.141. 12. The occurrence of /i/ or /i/ after a root ending in /r/ cannot be predicted by phonological or morphological criteria, and therefore stems in / - ¿ - / must be considered as constituting a sep arate conjugation. 13. Cf. above, § 7.54.2, and Maurer 1951; Iliescu 1959; Blaylock 1974/75; Manoliu Manea 1976. 14.

Cf. Väänänen 1963 (1981 3 ):§ 316.

15.

Cf. Hall 1952/53.

14.

DERIVATIONAL ELEMENTS

Romance continued the two basic patterns of affixation by the addition of suffixes and prefixes to derivational bases, with a considerable number of new elements from various sources. The formation of compounds, on the other hand, followed several new patterns, especially in the passage of syntactic combinations to the status of single words. 14.1.

Suffixation

To the suffixes enumerated in Chapter 7 were added others, in Imperial and post-Imperial times, from such sources as the fol lowing: 1. Greek, as in the verbal suffix / + ídi-/ '-ize' I/Reg/W, from / 4 ízein/ -iselv, in such words (principally of Christian origin) as/baptidi-/ 'to baptize' ( < /baptizein/ (βαπτíζειv 'to dunk'), or/skandalídi-/'to Scandalize' ( < /skandalizein/

oxavoaaiselv 'to cause to stumble, give offence'). This suffix became and has remained very productive in mediaeval and modern times, in Spanish / + é - / , French / + w a j - / , Italian / + egg-/, all of conjugation I, even in such nonce-formations as Italian mariiynmonroeggiare 'to act like Marilyn Monroe'. Another suffix of Greek origin formed abstract nouns in / + ia/ f/I ( < Greek / + i a - / ) , as in /melodía/ 'melody' ( < /melo-idia ./

μελφδiα 'a singing'), or in /mania/ 'madness' ( < /manía . / μ α v í α ) . This suffix, likewise, became very productive in the mediaeval Romance languages, as in Old French /fәloníә/ 'felony', Italian /gelosía/ 'jealousy', Spanish /alegría/ 'cheerfulness', or Roumanian /avu¢íә/ 'riches'. 2. Learned usage, bringing back into every-day usage a number of elements which had survived in High and Late Classical Latin. Among these were such suffixes as / + íuu-/ '-ive' adj/I-II, espe cially through grammatical and medical vocabulary, 2 or / + antia/, / + entia/ '-ance, -ence' f/I, formed originally on present parti ciples and then becoming independent suffixes in their own right. 3 In this way, such adjectives as /affirmati. uu-/ 'affirmative' and /aborti . uu-/ 'abortive' served as starting-points for the use of this suffix to form both adjectives and nouns (of both f/I and n/II in Latin or m/II-A in Romance) in both Latin and the verna culars. For the latter suffix, such forms as /essentia/ 'essence'

DERIVATIONAL ELEMENTS

205

became frequent in philosophical and religious writing. In popu lar or semi-popular usage, we find such forms as Roumanian /stiín¢a/, Italian /sién¢a/, French /siãs/, Spanish /¢ićn¢ia/, all

'science'. Later, the ending / + án¢a/ was often extended to ele ments of Germanic origin, as in Italian /baldán¢a 'boldness' ( : /bald-/ 'bold, daring'. The process of borrowing Latin and Graeco-Latin words, with their suffixes, has continued uninterruptedly down the centuries, through the Middle Ages and the Renaissance to modern times, and is still going on. Even in the earliest vernacular texts with any literary pretensions, we find such Latinisms as Old North French /redemp¢zió^n/ ' r e d e m p t i o n ' , / s a k r әm e n t / 'sacrament' or / o s p i t á l /

'hospital', or Italian /ğustí¢ia/ 'justice'. We have chosen these examples so as to illustrate the creation of pairs of doublets. In these instances, the words cited took their place beside the popular developments /rәðen¢ón/ (later /ran¢on/, modern /rãso/ rançon) 'ransom', /særment/ 'oath', /ostæl/ 'hostel', and /ğústé^¢¢a/ 'rightness' respectively. In this way, a number of suffixes of learned origin re-entered Romance usage, such as French/ + al/or Italian / + í¢ia/ just exemplified. 3. Various other sub- or adstrata, often unidentified, con tributed suffixal elements, such as / + í(^)tt-/ diminutive, adj/I-II and noun f/I and m/II-A, very widely used in ltalo-, Gallo-, and Ibero-Romance, in such forms as Italian / + é^tt-/ (e.g. /licen¢iose^tto/ 'rather irresponsible' (A. Fogazzaro), French / + é ^ t / m., / + é^tә/ f. (as in /blance^tә/ 'whitish' f.Sg.,

/ricardé^t/'little Richard, Dick' 4 ), or Spanish / + ít-/ (e.g. /karríto/ 'little cart'.

4. Germanic languages contributed certain derivational ele ments to Romance, especially where there were lengthy periods of bilingualism (e.g. with speakers of Visigothic in Castile, of Langobard in northern Italy, and especially of Frankish, i.e. a kind of pre-Dutch-Flemish, in northern France). Such Germanic suffixes as / + áld-/ are found in, say, Old North French /rәnált/ Renaît and Italian /rináldo/ Rinaldo (proper names); / árd-/ in ONFr. /ricárt/ Richart, Italian /rikkárdo/ Riccardo, Spanish /rikárdo/ Ricardo; Or / + i n / in ONFr. /flamé^nk/ 'Fleming' ( >

modern /fiama d / flamand, with change of morphophonemics in the final consonant), Italian /fiammíngo/ id. In some instances, these suffixes were also added to Romance bases, as in ONFr. /cambrәié^nk/ 'chamberlain', /vielárt/ 'old man', and probably also /bastárt/ (Ital. and Span. /bastardo/) 'illegitimate child', formed on /bást-/'burden', through the semantic development 'beast of burden > mule > of mixed origin' (cf. Span. /muláto/). 5 14.2.

Prefixation

A number of elements which had, in Latin and Proto-Romance, been prepositions and had formed compounds, especially with verbs

206

EARLY DEVELOPMENTS IN ROMANCE

(cf. §§ 8.1, 9.14, 9.21) ceased to be used as free forms and came to occur only as bound forms before other words, i.e. as prefixes. Among these were 1530 /pro^ + / 'for, pro-', 1632 /su x / ~ /sub/, and 1651 /kon/ 'with' (in those regions where it was replaced by other prepositions such as ONFr. /avuék/ < /abok/ 'with this'). To these prefixes were added others of Germanic origin such as /mis + / 'mis-, wrongly' and /for + / 'wrongly', as in ONFr. /mesdírә/ 'to speak evil of, to curse', Ital. /miskon6^ssere/ 'to refuse to re cognize, disregard', or ONFr. /forve^iær/ 'to take or send on the wrong way'. This latter prefix was, in North French, homophonous with and became confused with /fors/ < PRom. 261 /fóri^s/ 'out side'. 14.3.

Patterns of Compounding

Certain patterns of compounding are clearly very old, al though they do not seem to go back as far as Proto-Romance times, since they are not present in Roumanian or Sardinian. The most wide-spread of these is the combination of V E R B - S T E M 6

+ NOUN,

with the latter having the meaning of a direct object, and with the compound meaning 'person or thing who does x to y'. Such compounds are very frequent and easily formed in Ibero- and Italo-Romance, and only somewhat less so in Gallo-Romance, as in Spanish /botafuego/ 'person or thing which throws fire; matchstick; irritable person', Italian /pòrtabagálli/ 'man who carries luggage; porter', or French /esuime/ 'that which dries hands, hand-towel'. No single specific combination can be reconstructed, even for Proto-Italo-Western Romance; as Leonard Bloomfield said of a similar situation in the Algonquian languages, "the meaning is modern, but the habit of formation is old." In other instances, phrases were fused together to form single words, especially in place-names like Italian /altavilla/, Old North French /hàltәvílә/ (modern French /'o^tvil/ Hauteville < /áltauí^lla/ 'high town'. The history of these formations, like that of the other derivational patterns discussed in this chapter, belongs in the story of the individual languages.

N O T E S T O C H A P T E R 14

1. The elements and exemplifications here are intended to be illustrative, not exhaustive. 2.

Cf. Malkiel 1941.

3.

Cf. Malkiel 1945.

4.

This suffix was so common in Old French proper names as to

DERIVATIONAL ELEMENTS

207

be extracted and used humorously as a nonce-formation by Henry of Andely in his La Bataille des sept arts in the expression les etz 'the " - e t s " , the men whose names ended in -et'; cf. Jenkins 1933:44-45. In exactly the same way, we can speak in modern Eng lish of a girl in her teens, taking up all kinds of isms and ologies.

5.

Cf. Hall 1962b.

6. That this element in these compounds is a verbal stem, not an imperative, is shown by such phenomena as the use of substitute stem-vowels in formations like Italian /fàčidánno/ 'evil-doer, mischief-maker', with /faciV ≠ the imperative /fá x /; cf. Hall 1948c. 7.

Bloomfield 1946:106, fn. 13.

VI, 15.

APPENDICES

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

This appendix fulfills a function parallel to that of the si milar list appended to Volume 2 of this series (Hall 1976:a:207265), in that it contains tables showing the material on which are based our comparisons leading to the reconstruction of a further series of Proto-Romance etyma. We have followed the same basic scheme, that of listing the number assigned to the etymon, the available forms in the eight major Romance languages (with dialec tal variants where relevant), 1 the reconstructed Proto-Romance form, the corresponding Latin word where there is one, and the lemma in the third edition of Meyer-Lübke's Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch under which related forms are gathered. The ear liest available forms are normally cited. The sets are not in al phabetical order. NOTE 1. As in the previous volumes, Rhaeto-Romance (Friulian, Ladin, and the various dialects of Romansh) is regarded as belonging to North Gallo-Romance, and hence available for comparative purpo ses when no related North French form (standard or dialectal) is available.

1495

No.

4305

REW 3

5968

imperatô^re impera. to. re- 3

imperató^re emperedo^r empereoo^ur emperadó^r emperador emperado^r

'emperor'

PRom. noue Lat. nouem

Span. nuébe Port. nove

OSFr. nou ONFr. nuéf Cat. nóu

Roum. noua Ital. nuove2

Sard. noe

M'ng: 'nine'

8315

32

REW 3

1496

istríngere stringere

PRom. akkólgere Lat. akkolligere

akkollere akolír akuelír akulír akogér akolê^r

istríngere stringe re stríngere estré^ner estre^indra estrener estrenir

939

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

724

'to squeeze'

No.

M'ng: 'to collect'

407

amátor4 ama. tor4

amaire4 amierrә 4,

'lover'

1497

3382

flo^re flo . re-

flore floare fio^re flo^r flo^ur fló^r

'flower'

1491

5

ambo.

1498b

411

ambo

ambo(s) ámbi ambo ám ám ám ám(os)

'both'

1493

496

antekesso^re antekesso.re-

anceso^ur

antekessor4 antekessor4

anczestre 4

'predecessor, ancestor'

1498a

potu^tu

potut(u-) potu^to pogut peouo pogut

'been able'

1492

1. The only Span. verb with past participle in /-údo/ is /hodér/ 'to have sexual in tercourse with': /hodúdo/. 2. Olt. 3. 'commander'. 4. Nominative. 5. Old Poitevin.

Notes

6966

kui^ntu kui .ntu-

kuínto kínt kínt kínt kínto kíto

'fifth'

1494

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 209

dәtór debitó^re deudó^r detó^ur deut^ór deudór

1499a1

1502a

2492

de . bito . re-

dé^bitor, de^bítor de.bitor

1502b

'tailor'

1500a

1503a

7614

sarto.re-

sartó^re

sartó^re2 sartó^r3

devedó^re

devé^ire

'debtor'

1499b1

1503b

sartor

sártor

sastre sastre

de^trә

sárto sártre

1500b

sena . to . re-

senató^re

senató^re

'senator'

1501a

Notes

sena.tor

senátor

sártrә sástrә

senáto 2

1501b

teksitó^re

tenítor

PRom. tenitó^re

Lat. REW3

3. te¢edó^r

tjso^ur

tene^ire

tessito^re

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. tenedór Port.

Ital.

forms traceable to a PRom. n o m i native. t e v S ә d o ^ r 4 2. OIt. Dauphinois. 4. 'penis'. 5. North Italian. teksítor °átor

teisier

tesádro5

M'ng: 'holder; fork' 'weaver' 1. In ## 1499 to 15 31, the column Sard. --------- --------- --------- --------- with the numeral + suffix "a" Roum. lists caseless or oblique forms,

No.

REW

3

Lat.

PRom. de^bitó^re

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard.

M'ng:

No.

210 APPENDIX I

No.

1504a

traidor traidó^r

traitóre trәdәtór traditó^re traidó^r

REW 3

5368

PRom. mármore Lat. marmore-

marmore

márbra marbra

mármore1

mármaru

mármor marmor

mármol

mármurә mármo márme

6289

pátre patre-

para pádre padre

2. 3. pátre 4 páire

1508a 'father'

1507b

9188

uenató^re vena . to . re-

venador 2

vәnәtór venató^re venadó^r vәnәðó^ur

'hunter'

1505a

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1507a

No.

tradí^tor traditor

traítrә

tradito1

1504b

M'ng: 'marble'

8830

REW 3

PRom. tradi^tó^re Lat. tradito.re-

Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng: 'traitor'

pate(r) pater

1.

Notes

OSpan.

OIt.

5730

muliére muliere- 3

moiere mo^lléra moler moler muļér mugér moler

'wife'

1506a

. Latium, CamPania. pæðrә 5. OTusc., Umbr., Latium, Campania.

'woman' páte 5 4.

1508b

uenátor uena.tor

venáire vәnæðrә

1505b

múlier muiier 3

mó^ļәr

moļļe mo^ļer

1506b

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 211

'brother'

M'ng:

1512a

No.

Lat. REW 3

—

PRom. gentió^re

Cat. Span. Port.

OSFr. ğen¢ó^r ONFr. gen¢ó^ur

Sard. Roum. Ital.

M'ng: 'nobler'

3485

REW3

PRom. frátre Lat. fratre-

Span. Port.

Roum. frátro 1 Ital. frátre 2 OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Sard.

1509a

No.

—

géntior

ğén¢er

1512b

fráter frater

fráte fráte 2 fráire fræðrә

fráte

1509b

grandió^re

graņó^ur

'greater'

1513a

bellatió^re

belazó^r bәlaizó^ur

1510b

grándior

gráņdrә

1513b

bellátior

beláire

'more beautiful'

1510a

1. Vegliote. 2. OIt., dial.

Notes

fortio^re fortio.re-

for¢ó^r for¢ó^ur

'stronger'

1511a

fortior fortior

fórtrә fráirә

1511b

212 APPENDIX I

1514b

Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

mәnó^r menór menó^r mino^re mino .re 5592

OSFr. menó^r ONFr. mәnó^ur

Sard. minore Roum. Ital. minó^re

4

M'ng: 'lesser'

minor minor

mé^nre mé^indrә

'less

5989

nugalió^re

noaļo^ur

1515b

nugalior

1518b

máior maior

máğğo máior 2 máirә

mere

'greater'

important'

3.

1518a

1517a

No.

1517b

5247

4623

1515a

REW 3

'younger'

mağğó^re maió^r maió^ur megó^r maiór maór maió^re maio . re

1514a

Ital . ğiņņó^re1 OSFr. ONFr. ğoņó^ur ğóņdrә Cat. Span. Port. PRom. iunió^re iúnior Lat. iunio .reiunior

Roum.

Sard.

M'ng:

No.

4.

2.

1.

OIt.: 'appren-

Notes

tice', OIt., dial. Franco-Provencal: 'swineherd' noáļdrә 'little1.

5479

miļļó^re meļó^r meļó^ur miló^r megór meļó^r melió^re melio. re-

'better'

1516a

mélior melior

—

miêldra

mêļļo 3

1516b

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 213

pәğó^r peor peo^r

peğğó^re peğó^r

nepó^te nepo . te-

5890

Span. Port. PRom. Lat.

REW 3

Cat.

népo^s nepo .s

niévo néps niés

2078

konde kode kómite komite-

kónte kónte kóntә

'companion;

1523a

'nephew'

1522a

senió^re senio.re-

siņņó^re seņo^r senó^ur sәņó^r seņór seno^r

siņņo^re

367

1522b

péior peior

1520b

kómes komes

kóndә

kuéns

count'

1523b

sénior senior

sener sírә

'older man; lord'

1520a

5890

Sard. nepote 2. Also 'grandchild'. Roum. nepót(u-) Ital. nipo^te2 OSFr. nebó^t ONFr. nәvó^uð

M'ng:

No.

REW3

PRom. peio^re Lat. peio . re-

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Roum.

peğğo

1519b

péğğo 1 péier pírә

'worse' (adj.)

M'ng:

Sard. peğğo^re

1519a

No.

1.

Notes OIt.

7821

sordidió^re sordidio.re-

sordeió^r sordeió^ur

'fouler'

1521a

sordídior sordidior

-

sordé^ier

1521b

214 APPENDIX I

1524a

3

REW3

PRom. Lat.

4931

latró^ne latro.ne-

ðrә

látro latro .

l

ļadró^

látrә láire

Cat. Span. ladrón Port. ladro

l. lairó^

ONFr. laðron

I ta OSFr.

SIt.

3808

gluttó^ne glutto.ne-

ļádrә

glotón

giottó^ne greedy'

—

—

—

— — — 3.

1528a

Sard. — Roum.

1527b 'glutton'

1527a

No.:

4115

M'ng: 'thief'

4393

REW 3

ínfas infa . ns

eréu

eré^de here.de-

eré^de

PRom. infánte Lat. infante-

eré^

'heir'

1525a

erél1

énfәs

1524b

Ital. (in)fánte OSFr. enfán ONFr. enfánt Cat. enfánt Span. Port.

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'child'

No.

glútto glutto .

glotó^

gló^t

1528b

éres heres

é^r é^irs

1525b

Notes

ábigo abigo .

ábugo 2

1526b

gió^tto 4 glotó^

Old Portuguese. Aragonese :'boor ' .

dial.

l. 2.

27

abigó^ne abigo . ne-

— abego

'herdsman'

1526a

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 215

1529a

baró^ne1 baró^ 2 barón 2 baró^ 2 barón 3 varó 4

1532

No.

REW3

5449

Cat. mé Span, ( m í ) 1 2 Port PRom. me^ ne 1 3 Lat. me.

ONFr.mé^i

Sard. Roum. mine I t a l . mé^, me^-ne 1 1 OSFr. '

M'ng: 'me'

1038

REW3

PRom. baró^ne 5 Lat. baro . ne- 8

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Roum.

Sard.

M'ng: 'strong m a n '

No.

mé^ te^

ne 1 3 te.

(tí)12

té

mé tíne té^, té^ne11 mé

'thee'

1533

báro

báro 7 bár 2 b r2

—

1529b

------------mí tí mí mí^, míbi mi(h)i

te^i

— —

'to me'

1534

1535

féllo

féllo9 fél 8 fél 8

1530b

-

4984

leó^ne leo. ne-

león

lión

leó^ne

leóne

'lion'

1531a

Notes

leo leo.

origin.

leó

leo^

leó^

leu

1531b

6. tí tí^, tíbi tibi

-------------

1979. 14. 'lout' 15. Old 7. 'card-sharp'. 8. 'wicked m a n ' 9. Adjective, 'wicked' .

Unstressed. Cassinese.

'thee; to thee' 1. 'nobleman; 10. Cf. Hall scoundrel'. 1980d. te 2. ' n o b l e m a n ' . 11. OIt. 3. 'nobleman; 12. From d a t i v e . mi,14 m e ^ b e 1 5 ti, 14 té^be15 13. Suffixed /ne/ té^ 4. 'husband'. of u n c e r t a i n 5 Cf. Hal1 1948b,

felló^ne 10 baro.

fell6"ne 8 feló^ 8 fәlón8

'cock-sucker'

1530a

216 APPENDIX I

1542

No.

1544

ļәğír leer lé^r légere legere 4970

fi^gere fi.gere 3289

fe^ņdrә

ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. fingere Lat. fingere REW 3 3313

léğğere

leğír

hizeáre 4 fíğğere

'to fix, fasten' 'to read'

1543

6953.4

id

ké^

OSFr.féņer

Roum. Ital. fínğere

Sard.

M'ng: 'to pretend'

4553

REW 3

kuíd k

PRom. ístu, íste °i Lat. istum °d, iste

kú^i ku(^)i

ké

kí čé ké^(d) kê^ ké^i(ð) ké

'what'

1538

Span. é s t o , é s t e Port. e ^ s t o , é ^ s t e

íst

kúi kui

é^st,

(of, to) whom'

1537

Sard. Roum. ast Ital. ê^sto OSFr. é^st ONFr. Cat.

1536

M'ng: 'this'

No.

lírә

3.

1540

ré^gere re.gere 7168

ré^ğğere

reqere

aguzár

'to govern'

1545

163

ade^skáre ade . ska . re

ade^skáre aze^skár2

iskái1

agizi r 5 aguír aguzar aguzár akutiáre aku . tia . re 134

'to agu¢¢áre

akutare

'to sharpen'

1546

5832

náskere naski.

na¢ér na¢é^r

náskere nášte(re) 3 náššere náiser náistre náišer

' to feed, entice' 'to be born'

1539

feed oneself' beget. Macedo-Roum. /g/.

5. With semilearnèd

4.

Notes 1. Campidanian. 2. Refl.: 'to

2606

de^strúgere de.struere

destruir destruir

struggere destruire destruirә destruir

'to destroy'

1541

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 217

1547

1548

2517

119

1553

REW 3

No.

akorrer akorré^r akkúrrere akkurrere 89

Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3 X

akorre r

Cat.

(d)ab, (d)aX d(e .)ab 1

o

Sard. akkuirrere (d)ava °e 2 Roum. Ital. akko^rrere da x OSFr. akó^rre da ONFr. akó^rrә da6

o ou a t, a aut 810

'or' a au o (d), o X o(z) o^

M'ng: 'to run up, help' 'from'

1555

1798

ké^dere ke .dere

čé^dere

'yield'

1549

i e et, e x et 2919

i

ex e e(d), e x e(z) e ð

'and'

1556

1

ab ab

ax a a

ava,

'from, by'

1550

2.

ke ke k e(d), k e X k ia 6954

ka

3. ke(d), ke x ke ka(ð) 5.

ki

Notes 1. Olt.

115

akrú^me

ave2 akrum5 akrume1 agrúm aigrúm agrúm

'bitterness'4

1552

6. Rhaeto-Rom.

Osard. Ospan. 4. Also bitter fruit' 'scrurvy of the mouth

'that' (conj . )

1557

8663

tergere tergere

terzér 3

térğere térzer têrdra

'wipe off'

1551

"

1554

de^fendere de.fendere

agó^kkia, agú° diféndere aguļa deféndre agúļә déféndra aguja daféndra aguza defender aguja def de^r

PRom. aku ^ kula Lat.

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng: '(little) needle''ward off'

No.

218 APPENDIX I

'over here'

M'ng:

'

ONFr. Cat. ¢á ---------- aki 8. Rhaeto-Romance. Span. aka Port. PRom. (ek)kiáx akkua x9 Lat. (ek)ke ha .k REW 3 3965 3965

íči

'over here'

Roum. 4. < /kuo^m(o) e t / . Ital. 5. OSFr. ¢á

Sard.

1564

No.

1565

6972

°e X4

7892

ko kúm kó'mo 3 ko^m koma 4 ko^m komo kó^mo

2

REW 3

si se 1 se(d), se x si so, s i si si se

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1559

'how'

k ó^mo k o. mo (do.)

'if'

M'ng:

PRom. si(^), sit 2 Lat. si-, sit

1558

No.

1561

in

(ek)kuí^x (ek)ku(m) hi.k 4129

ikí

aíči

'here'

1566

169

adiaké^re adiiake.re

ağğače^re 3 agazé^r agezír agauro6

which

3.

(ek)keí^X (ek)ke hi.k 4129

(i)¢í

'here'

1567

2822

ékke ekke

e¢ es es

'to lie next to' 'behold'

1560

Notes

aici way' . ai¢í 6. 'to lie down' 7. In /aki/'here' etc.

OIt.

1. ORoum. 2. Cf. de Dardel 1978.

3965

(ek)kuax ekku ha.k

kuá x e¢ ká8

'over h e r e '

1563

X aki 9. =1562/akku/+/a / . aki (Lat. /ha /). akkui^ X 1 1 10. Unstressed. 11. = 1562 /ákku/ + / i x / 4129 (Lat. /hi.k/).

'here'

1568

4129

akku

ak°7 ak°7 ak°7 ak°7

'behold'

1562

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 219

No.

1569

ala

aoáce la x lá(i) lá °

1575

0

ļá.

ke 1

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. avuonda4, Cat. Span. Port. PRom. abunda Lat. abunde REW3 52

M'ng: 'enough'

No.

PRom. allá x Lat. REW 3 4265

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

M'ng: 'over there1

adipsu ad ipsum

adieso'

— — ades6 ade^sso ade^s 5 ade^s

'at once'

1576

allí^ X (il)li-k 1570

alí

(a)lí2 aļí

lí x

'there1

1570

aļá

'here'

1572

a.ļí

adiungere adiungere 171

aiungere agunge re aggungere ago^indre ago^ndre ag^ner

'to join to'

1577

aduíks ad uiks 224

— — abes

abea

'hardly'

1578

(ek)ku(i)stí^ aí^ x (ek)ku(m) isti.ka(d) hi.k 4129

'over there'

1571

3.

349

ael al — al 9 ale

-

Notes

abínke ab hink 21

aí aí

kostíx

avínke

1. = /ak(ku)/ /(il)la.ke/. 2. Friulian. OSard 4. Rhaeto-Romance al 5. Plus Romance verb-forms based on 358 /abund-/. 6. often'. 7. Ospan. 8. OCat. 9. OPort.

'other(wise)'

1579

abínde ab inde 28

d° navént4

avínde3

-------

1574

'away from there' 'from here'

1573

220 APPENDIX I

1580

1586

No.

antan

antano antaño ant(i)ánnu ante annum 495

Lat.

Span. Port, PRom. Lat. REW 3

atras atrás attrás ad trans 202

atras

dabíntus de ab intus 30

9.

------dave n£

— atrás antán

'from inside'

1588

esteris

!

343

alió^re

inúri 4 a^ó^r(s) alo^urs

8

still'

antiannu

M'ng: 'the year before' 'behind, beyond

1587

344a

338

REW 3

alguánto

alkuánto alkán alkánt

alikuántu alikuantus

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. antán ONFr. Cat. antan

1582

'to some extent' 'yet,

1581

PRom. al(i)kúbe Lat. alikubi

Roum. arkuó1 Ital. OSFr. ONFr. invalgó2 Cat. Span. Port. algúres 3

Sard.

M'ng: 'elsewhere'

No.

estêrius eksterius 3089

esters

estiers

aster^ estiérs

'outside'

1589

347

aliube aliubi

enló^uro alu(m)bre5

aiurea

'elsewhere'

1583 still'

Macedo-Roum. Rhaeto-Rom. (Ladin). OPort. 4. NIt. 5. OSpan. Under influence of /hink/ 'hither1.

Notes

4176, 9051

ankó^ra hanc ho.ram

ankó^ra enko^ra6 enkó^ro6

'yet,

1585

ONIt.

lso Rhaeto-Rom. /davains/. 8.OSard.

7. Old Walloon, Old Picard; cf.

1. 2. 3. 6.

348

aliunde aliunde

alio^ndre

ainde

'elsewhere'

1584

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 221

1590

ió^so deo. rSum

2567.1

REW 3

go^s

qosso qos go so' go~s

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat.

2567.2

iu.so

gus agus 8

gu(so)

190

adoperáre adopera.re

adoperare azovrár aoovr r

'to use'

1598

'downwards'

1597

1596

No.

M'ng: 'downwards'

4518

4465

4252

REW 3

e^nc

etoce4 intúnk(e) in tunk

entón,2

---

'then'

1592

insémel °ul in semel 3

ensiémo2 eto,

insiéme enséms ensémbla

'together'

1591

PRom. ibi Lat. ibi

Ital . (i) v i OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard. bi Roum.

1

M'ng: 'there'

No.

6937

káize kuási kuasi

kuasi káis

kasi

'as if, almost'

1599

4520

íntus intus

°ces

enc

é n t (o)

'inside'

1593

5

5116

longe luéne 2 loge longe longe.

. lungi luen,

lon

'far away'

1600

4129

i^1 hi.k

i i i i i

'here, there'

1594

6.

Notes

OCat. lo^n

3. 'in once' . 4. OPort.

1. Unstressed. 2. OSpan.

191

ado^ráre ado . ra . re

ado^ráre azo^rar ao^r r aorár aorár aorár

'to pray to'

1595

222 APPENDIX I

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

áre a•re

1608

5551

met pse °o metipse

motéš

rétro retro•

7269

6858

riédro 8

riétro10 réire riéðrə

pú^re pu•re•

púre púr pýr7

'purely; indeed'' 'backwards'

1607

361

alle alle

allebbiáre 1 aleu ár ale iáér aļeu ar2 aliviár aliviar

562

8080

tánto at±t tánto tán tán tánt tán(to) tá(to)

'so much'

1610

tánto tanto•

(adv.)

5995

núnk a num° nunk am

sό^lo so•lo•

sόlo8

só^ul

só^lo sό^n

'only'

1609

5630

modo modo •

nó^nka nónkə(s) núnka núnka núka

nínkə5

(kό ) mo mút3 mό4

metéiš

'never'

'only ; n o w '

' likewise'

allebbiáre

'to lighten'

1604

1603

1602

1601

akkaptáre akkapta re

akkattáre akaptár ačət r

8983

túnk tunk

tonka 9

'then'

1611

65

1606

10.

6. 7. 8. 9.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Notes

pué^iš

Pisan. OCat. Vegliote. OSpan. Macedo-Roum. : 'nought' OSard. Rhaeto-Romance. OSpan. Old Paduan; Poschiavo. Olt. (Jacopone)

6687

pόst is postea*

pόšša pόišas, púis pú is pués pόis

pustis

beg, buy' 'afterwards'

akkattáre 6

'to get,

1605

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 223

génus genus

3738

1619

únk a un° umk am

9051

1618

'outside (of)'

No.

M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

1620

5559

m ^ka mi ka

m ga

ko3 ka ga a

davé^ntro9

abíntro ab intro

29

avéstra 8

abéstra ab ekstra

20

a ntru

51b

abúltra ab ultra

a(v)últra 10 avútra11

'from inside of' 'beyond'

éno é(n)s iéns

m m m m

'crumb', neg. 'not at all'

'kind' , neg. 'not at all'

'ever'

2

1614

1613

1612

únkua1 ό^nkas ónk(əs)

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

No. M'ng:

1937

kírka kirka

érka é^rka

čérka 1 2

'near'

1621

5740

múlto multo

múlt mό^ito mό^ut mό^lt mó^lt múčo múito

'much; very (adv.)'

1615

Notes

2795

dunk e °as 7

dúnkue adó^nk dónk dónkəs dónkas 6

dúnkas

'well then'

1617

1. Olt. 2. Romanesco. 3. 'minute1. 4. Cabranes, contrasting with /múču/ adj. 'much'. 5. Vegliote. 6. OSpan. 7. = /de nik e/ 'finally' X /tunk/ 'then'. Cf. Hall 1939. 8. Calabrian; also Sicilian /ab(b)éstra/ 'except' 9. Aquilano; also Abruzzese, Molisano /davé^ndrə/. 10. Old Milanese. 11. Dauphinois. 12. Old Venetian.

6303

pá ko pa ko

páko páuk 5 pόko páuk pόu pόk pόko póuko

'a little; not very (adv.)'

1616

224 APPENDIX I

ultra 2 όltre ό^ltra ό^ltro ό^ltro

pruόvo prόp pruéf prόp

prope °o prope

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3 7936

6762

4644

4410

8344

sub (su , sus) sub

se s ne8 sine

sob + 9 so 7 sob

su

'under'

1632

sens sene 7 se

pro^ pro*

por por

po^r

sina 6 se (ne)s

sene

iústa °o iuksta

řó^sta ğó^stə

pro

'without'

nfra infra

fraX é^nfra

jústo

'next to, in ac 'for' cordance with'

1631

Notes Olt. Vegliote. OSard. 4. Lombard. Also /ğo^ ğuska/. Istrian. OSpan. With /se°/ under influence of 990 /sént a/. 9. Minorcan.

1. 2. 3. 5. 6. 7. 8.

'among, under'

1630

1629

1628

No.

M'ng:

3967

47

9038

6781

1

de ú(^)skua de u'skue

áttenu ha ktenus

ásk a °e abskue

ab, aX ab, a*

ultra ultra

'as far as'

1627

dó^ °duska5 ğúsko

áska4

'so far' ántinu

'except (for)'

e3

'with'

'beyond'

'near' (adv.) ava

1626

1625

1624

1623

1622

a

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3 FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 225

61

6934

6928

1639

No.

M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

akkadé re

k ár(e) k a re 3

k an k am

6048a

ói

ói

454a

i ra

í^ra

ra ra rə rə

όi+7

ói

'anger'

1640

kár kár kár

'oh!'

ka 1 ka 2

kan

172

a ú^ta

aiúto8 aiúda aiúðə aiúdə aiúda aiúda

'help, aid'

1641

kjáde4 akáurə 5 akae íér ake e^r

akkadé^re

'to b e f a l l '

'therefore'

'that' (conj.)

ka ka

1635

1634

1633

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

9

1668

kápite kapite

čiæft+11

kápitu10

kápute

'head'

1642

se se

səu

'either, or'

1636

Notes

2832

é( )a e a

éa éia

éa a iéia6 éia és

'eh ! hey !'

1638

OSpan. 2. OPort. 'for which reason'. Rhaeto-Romance (Ladin, Val di Non). OCat.: 'to be near'. Sicilian. In /oime^ X / 'alas'. With gender-change. 'New Year's song', with /u/ from 1190 /kapu/. 10. Latium: 'young vine-shoot'. 11. In / čiæftáin/ 'captain', etc.

1. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

674

árri °e

árri árri

árre árre

'giddap!'

1637

226 APPENDIX I

amarikáre ama rika re

401

aggra áre aggra a re

279

1650

'laughed'

No.

M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

kon ko

kon, kum

2385

rísu rís(u-) 3 ríso rís3 rís3 rís3 rrízo3,4 rrízo3

rí^su ri su-

7336

kun 7780

séd a °u

sieð

'seat' séiu + sež+5 sédia

'with'

1652

kun ku kon

1651

amáta ama ta

amargár amargár amargár

2

amáta amáda am ðə amádə amáda amáda

9249

értere °í^re ertere

vertir vərtír bertír vertir

vertere 6

'to turn'

1653

fi^ní^ta fi ni ta

finíta finída fəníðə finídə finída finída

finíta

amáta

amarikáre amargár

'finished'1

aggraváre agravar agrəv r agravar agrabár agravár

1647

'loved'1

'to embitter'

'to make heavy'

1646

1645

1644

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

226

a okáre ad oka're

abogár8 avogár 8

avvokáre7

'to call to'

1654

futtú^ta futu ta

futútə fo^ttúta fotúda fotúðə fotúdə hodúda fodúda

'inseminated'

1648

Past part. , f. sg. Past part.,m.sg. 'laughter'. OSpan. In /asežatoáre/ 'spinning-room'. 6. Also OLomb. /vertire/ 'to suffer, endure'. 7. 'to go to court'. 8. 'to plead'.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Notes

dí(^)kta di kta

dé^tta díta dítə dít< díča díta

dítta

'said'1

1649

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 227

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3

No. M'ng:

1656

1658

tradí^re tradere 8828

pόrku pόrku6666

7039

5604

traír

tradíkere tradá(re)11 tradíre traír, tradár traðír traír

rankí•re ranke•skere9

ran ír

rančíre4

pόrku pόrk(u-) pόrko pόrk pόrk pόrk puérko pόrko

mískere miskere

me ér° me é^r

meaštíre6 mé^ššere mé^iser mé^istrә 7

'to betray'

'pig,

' to be rancid'

'to mix' 10

1664

1663

1662

1661 hog'

9443

1982

1980

3810

5205

279b

1. Vegliote. 2. Spelled machina. 3. Cf. also Welsh /glúd/. 4. Olt. 5. 'to gird around'. 6. Macedo-Roum. 7. Old Norman. 8. OSpan. 9. ' to become rancid ' . 10. Under influence of /di^kere/. 11. With change of conjugation, per haps influenced by /dare/.

Notes

όl ere ol ere

klí^nu kli n-

+

kli^náre kli na re

gluttu 3 gluttu-

vόlvere vόlvre vόldre vogír 5 bolbér volvé^r

'to turn, roll over'

'inclined'

kíno klín klín

1660

1659

makina makina2

kináre klinár klin r

giό^tto glό^t glό^t glό^t

'throat; greed(y 'to lean' person'

1657

aggreuiare aggreuia re

agreu ár agre i r

múkna1 máčina

'to make heavier' 'mill, grind stone'

1655

228 APPENDIX I

'unimportant'

nuáļ no l

nu^gále nu ga le-

5989

'to wander off'

aerrár

'noble' (adj.)

ğén(t) ğént

génte gent-1

3735

1671

'of a stag'

kervínu

No.

M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3 ab(b)orrí^re abhorre skere

aberrare aberra re

19

ker í^nu ker i nu-

1847 23

ab(b)orríre aborrír aborrír aborrír aborrír e ér aborresé^r

'to abhor'

1673

87

akkré^skere akkre skere

'to go'

'outside'3

ír ír ír

gístara4

3095

Notes

i re

4545

éstra ekstra

í^re

6 (ğ)íre 7 ir-

éstra éstrә

i-5

1670

1669

4185

' to be horrified' 1. 'people' (n.) 2. Burgundian. 3. Adv., prep. 4. OSpan. 5. In Istro-Roum. yid 'ye go'; urí(re) ORoum. ímu 'we go'. 6. OIt., dial. (SIt.) 7. As allomorph of /va-/ 'to go'. 8. 'light bay- or cream-colored'. 9. Varro (Cooper 1895:142). 10. Also Lyonnais /avorrí/. 11. Also OCat. /avorrír/. orrí^re horre skere

1674

8096

sórdidu sordidu-

šúd2 só^rd

akkré^ššere akré^išer akré^istra akres ér akres é^r

'dirty, foul'

1668

'to increase'

1667

červino

1672

1666

1665

No. M'ng: Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW 3 FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 229

1675

372

REW 3

5004

allu^menáre

PRom. lé e Lat. le e-

alumbrár alumiár

386

altít a altitia

alté alteza alté^ a

408

amatrí^ke ama˙tri˙ke-

427

amoόˆre amo˙re-

amo r amor amόˆr

ļéu

1680

1.

351

3. 4.

OSpan.

olt.

Minorcan: 'a lot of ... ' .

Notes

allaktáre allakta˙re

alaiti r alatár

allattáre

allattáre

2.'to close off'

ә

—

'love'

Cat. Span, liébe 4 Port.

-^

'lover' (f.)

1685

328a

amčˆre

—

'height'

1684

324

albú^me(ne) albu˙mene-

amatríče5

'to light'

1683

286

albό^re albo˙re-

albún

albúme

Ital. liéve 3 allumináre alté^ a USFR. léu alumenar autéˆ a amair amόˆr 5. Central Italian ONFr liéf alum r alté ˆ ә amoðréˆә amόˆu place-name.

Roum.

M'ng: 'light' Sard bard.

1681

No.

1682

1630

4190

REW 3

agn ^le agni˙le

albor albó^r

kabestrár kabrestár

kapistráre kapistra˙re

orroˆur orrόˆr1 orrόr orrόˆr

orrόˆre

1679

'whiteness,dawn' 'white (of) egg' 'to suckle'

1678

alboáre albóˆre albό^r albô^ur

ann le

'lamb-fold'

1677

kәpastrá(re) 2 : — kabestrár

'to hitch'

1676

PRom. orrόˆre Lat. horro˙re-

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port.

M'ng: 'horror'

No.

t—i

o t—i x

Z

>

K> O» O

No.

'to hang onto'

1693

485

annua˙le-

apparáre aparár

3.

'to get ready'

1695

486

REW

3

523

543

534

áinsə

1696

510

anksia˙re

anksiáre

ansiar

anšáre aisár

ansáre

'to pant'

1690

liéta léda

4848

550

appod a˙re

apui r apuiár

appoğğáre apoiár

6.

'happy' (f.sg.) 'to support, lean on'

1695

509

anksia

ONFr. apéndra apar r lié a Cat. abélo Span, abéža apendér9 aparár léda apoiár 9. OSpan Port. abé^ļa apende^r aparár léda apoiár 10. 'to protect' PRom. apíkla appéndere apparáre léta appod áre Lat. apikula appendere appara˙re laeta

Sard Roum. apərá(re)10 5. 'Yearly mass for souls'˙ Ital. (a)péˆkkia appéndere OSFr. abé^la apéndre

M'ng: '(little) bee'

1692

REW3

annoti˙nu-

angula˙re-

464

Lat.

ánksia

ann ále

annotí^nu

PRom. angláre

ansia6 áisa ansia ansia ansia

anvél 4 anoál 5 anv l

'anguish'

'yearly1 ansa

1689

1688

annotínu 3 noatín 3 annotíno

'of t h e p r e v i o u s year'

1687

anğáre1 ungiér angier 2 anglár angl r

'Corner-stone'

Sard, Roum. Ital . OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1686

No.

M'ng:

Notes

7. Aretine 8. 'bee-master'.

Semi-learnéd.

1. Campid.: 'stake'. 2. Triest.: 'hook'. 'Yearling'.

521

apii˙riu-

apiáriu

apiáio 8 apiér aci r

'bee-hive'

1691

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 231

1697

1698

ltal. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port, PRom. Lat. REW

rastár rrestár rrestár restáre restare 7248

restáre restár

Sard, restáre Roum.

1700

714

assal( )í"re

713

2.

'assault'

1705

595

araniólu araneolu-

araņuélo

raņuólo aranόl araņόl

ran ólu

assikuráre asegurár asəur r asəgurár asegurár asegurár asseku^ráre asseku˙ra˙re 720

'to assure'

1706

600

aratόˆre ara˙to˙re

aratόre aratόr aratόˆre aradόˆr arəðόˆur arədó^r aradόr aradó^r

'little spider ' 'plowman'

1699

assálto asáut asált əsált asálto asálto assáltu

assal re asaļír asaļír asaļír asalír

'to assail'

1704

1703

No.

M'ng: 'to remain'

560

551a

REW 3

abrigár evriéˆ2 abrigár3 abrigár abrigár

apri^káre apri-ka-re

apportáre aportár aport r aportár aportár aportár

aprikáre1

PRom. apportáre Lat. apporta-re

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

M'ng: 'to bring up, to' 'to shelter, protect'

No.

assikkáre assikka˙re 727

asseˆkkáre ase^kár ase^či r

'to dry out'

1707

602a

aratúˆra ara•tu•ra

arəðúrə arədúrə aradúra aradúra

aratúra arətúra aratúra

'plowing'

1701

Notes

Lorrane. 3. 'to sun oneself',

1. 'to cover oneself'

673

arrestáre arrestare

arrestáre arestár arrest r arestár arrestár arrestár

'to stop'

1702

232 APPENDIX I

1708

1709

1714

ban ató^re balnea˙to˙re-

914

PRom. ban áre Lat. balnea˙re

REW 3

913

baņņatόˆre baņadόˆr baņəðó^ur bəņədόˆr baņadόr baņadόˆr

'bather'

1715

attángere (attingere)2

atán ere 1 atáņer atándrə atáņər

reach'

Roum. Ital. baņņáre OSF-r. baņár ONFr. baņ r Cat. baņár Span. baņár Port, baņár

Sard.

M'ng: 'to bathe'

No.

REW 3

PRom. astáre Lat. astare

Roum. astá (re) Ital. astáre OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard.

M'ng: 'to be present' 'to

No.

915

994

battáklu battua˙kulu-

bətál badážo

baņuélo ban ólu balneolu-

battákkio batá\

1713

1718

auarít a a arit a

avaréˆ a3 avaréˆ a avəréˆә4

2.

1. Old Genoese.

1002

bukkále bauka˙le-

brokkále

Presereved in Roum. /ət nğərə/, Italian bokkále7 attingere bokál 3 OJt 4 OCat batáļ 5. Place name brokál6 6. Influenced by 1719/brόkka bokál bokál 7. Also Sit. /vukále/.

6

Notes

auáru a á˙ru-

abáro aváro

aváro avár av r

'avarice, greed' 'miserly'

1712

'club, clapper ' 'jug, jar'

1717

attrá(g)ere attrahere

atraər atraír

atráğe(re) attrárre atráire atráirə

'to draw to, attract'

1711

baņuόlo baņόl5°

'little bath'

1716

atti^tt áre

atáj á(re) a t t i áre ati ár ati i r atiár ati ár ati ár

'to set alight'

1710

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 233

'pitcher'

1719

seethe'

PRom. kal t a Lat. kal it a REW3 1531

Itai. kalvéˆ a OSFr. ONFr. čalvéˆ Cat. Span. kalbé a Port. kalvéˆ

kámera kamera 1545

kámera kámera ә čámbrә kám әrә kámara kámara

'wine-press'

1723 'to heat'

1724

'rustic'

1728

1484

kalaméllu °a maramellu-

'gray'

1729

1493

1507 Notes

kalfáre (kale˙fakere)

(of hair) 1. Masculine. 2 - Greek ßρόXις. 3. 'to disturb'.

kalkató^r u kalka˙to˙riu-

kameráio kampé strek á n a l 04.'tobudge,move'. kameriér kampéstre kánes 11 5. 'bushel, bundle'. čambri r čampéstrә či n ә s 1 16."rung(ofladder)' . kampéstrә 7. 'scion' kamaré ro kampéstre k á n a s 1 18.OLorr9SIt kamaréˆiro kãpéstre k o12 10. Agnone (Abruzzi) old woman . kamerár u kampéstre kánu 11. PI.: 'gray hair'. kamera˙r ukampestrekanu12. OPort. 1547 1560 1621

'room-servant' _____

1727

'room, chamber'

1726

1725

No.

M'ng: 'baldness' Sard Roum'.

1485

1388

1320

kálamu kalamu-

REW3

r4

'little pipe, shawm'

1722

karamélla kalkatό^io kalfáare9 karamél(a) kaukadό^ira kalfár čalәmél(ә) čaučόˆir8 čalf r bәļugár4 kәrәméļә karamíļo

kálarnu5 kárami6 kálrno7

'pipe'

1721

bullikáre bullika˙re

bul(l)ikáre bo^legár bo^lği

buliáre 3

'to

1720

PRom. brόkka 2 Lat.

Port.

Sard. Roum. ltd!, brόkka OSFr. brόk 1 ONFr. brόk 1 Cat. Span.

M'ng:

No.

234 APPENDIX I

'little

a1 -" kannélla kanéla2

kәņélә kaníļ a 3 kané ^la 4

kannélla kannella

1602

M'ng: 'gray hair'

Sard. kanné Roum. Ital . OSFr. ONFr. čәnéˆ Cat. Span. kané a Port.

PRom. kan t a Lat. kanit a

1595

1736

REW 3

No.

ә

1632

REW 3

1629

reed'

k

11

a12

11

1701

karnák u karna˙keu-

—

rná u

Notes

1627

kapillatúra kapilla˙tu˙ra

kapellatúra kabeladúra čәvәlәðúrә kәbәlәdúra kabeļadúra kabeladúra

'hair [covering]'

1735

1. 'shuttle-tube'. 2 . Modern South French. 3. ' s p i g o t ' . 4. 'cinnamon'. 6. Noun. 5 - vegliote.

1628

kap llu kapillu-

kapéi5 kap é^llo kabé^l čәvéˆl kәbél kabéļo kabé^lo

'hair ]one]'

1734

1701a

karnále karna˙le-

karnuál 13 karnále7.'cattle' karnál 8 Adjective: e x c e l l e n t ' . čarn l 9. 'sausage' 10. Sicilian. kәrnál 11. 'meat-room' karnál12.'sideofmeat;bacon' karnál 13. Vegliote: 'wheater'. 10

'carnal, bodily'

1739 flesh'

1738 'of

1619

kant ó^ne kantio˙ne-

kan (i)όn kanj õ

kan ό^ne kan όˆ(n) ό^n

'song'

1733

1603

u9

kančόˆ

kanné^tu kanne˙tu-

kaņédo

čan

kanné^to

kannétu

'reed-bank'

1732

kapitále6 karná Kapdál7 karná čat l6 — kәbәlúdә kaudál 8 karná kaudál 8 karná

kapitále kapita˙le-

kabeļúda kabelúda

kapellúta kabelúda čәvәlúðә

PRom. kapillú^ta Lat. kapillu˙ta

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng: 'hairy' (f.sg.) 'capital' Sard,

1637

1731

1730

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 235

1-740

1741

1704

1747

1702

1746

'chaste' (f.sg.) 'room; storehouse'

REW 3

NO.

M'ng:

-

Span, Port, PRom. Lat. REW 3

kásta kásta kásta kasta 1751

ə

iiļa4

---

čélia sére 3 élә

a

kélla kella 1802

_

1743

čelláio

iļéro elé^iro kelláriu kella-r u - 7 1804

—~

eliér eli r

— — čelár5

'store-room; cellar'

1748

1705

karnú^ta karnu˙ta

6

ke~páriu ke˙pa˙r u1818

— - čepár

1746a Notes

kastitáte kastita˙te-

kastitá x kastedát častәð kastәdát kastidáõ kastidáde

1820

ebóļa ebóˆla ke'púlla

8.

1895:151) Dalmatian

әbó^ļә 7. Plautus(cooper

'(little) onion' 1. Campidanian: 'grave'. 2. A d j . : 'stinking'. kipú a 3. Nearnese: 'stall ' . kapúla 4. 'grain-room'. čipόˆlia 5. ORoum. , Transylebόˆla vanian. 6. 0It

1749

1719

karrikáre karrika˙re

kar(i)káre kargár čarği r karrәgár kargár karregár

'onion-dealer'

1749

1707

karó^n a

karrόņa karro^ņo2

karόˆņņa karό^ņa čaro A ņә

karóņa

1745

'to load (on 'chastity' a cart, etc.)

1744

APPENDIX

Sard. ké Roum. Ital. kásta OSFr. kásta ONFr. částә Cat k ás t

karnó^sa karno˙sa

karnόza karnó^za

karnár u karna˙r u

karnúta karnúda čarnúðә kәrnó^zә karnúda karnuda

PRom. Lat.

karnáio karniér čarni r

karnéro karné^iro

kәrnoása karnό^sa karnó^za čarnó^uszә

1742

(f.sg.) 'fleshy' (f.sg.) 'carcass'

Sard, Roum. Ital . OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port.

karrážu 1

M'ng: 'meat-room, 'fleshy' charnel-house'

NO.

2 36 I

1946

REW3

1939

kirkláre kirkula re 1950

kísta kista

éstә ésta é^sta

erčár17 cerčár

ar íļo

P R o m . kirkellu L a t . kirkellu-

čé^sta é^sta

n irkļáre16 če^rkiáre e^lklár erkl r

'to ring around ' 'basket'

'little ring'

M'ng:

čerčél(u-)13 čirčedda14 e^r +15 er әl+15

1759

1758

1757

No.

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1895

1839

1895

Notes

5926

níktu niktu-

néč12

'little basket' 1. Vegliote. 2. Vegliote; m.sg. 3. OIt. 4. 'marrow'. 5. Neapolitan. 6. Rhaeto-Rom. (Ladin, Val Gardena). 7. 'fodder'. 8. Neapolitan. čestélla 9. 'low-grade flour'. 18 tistére 10. 'vegetables'. 11. Old Rhaeto-Rom.: 'food for Al pine hut ' . 12. Valtellinese. 13. Also ODalm. /kerkélli/. 14. Sic. 15. In derivatives. kistélla 16. Macedo-Roum. kistella 17. 'to plant a grape-shoot'. 1950a 18. Bearnese.

1760

1894

kibár u kiba•r u-

kibáre kib a•re

kíbu kibu-

ibéra7

ebár

ébo7

čiváia 10

kivár u9

čivéra11

čevá 8

1756

'wet weather' 'related to food"

1755

ćáif 6

čé^vo 5

kíu4

'to feed'

'food1

1841

čertáin2 čertána3 ertána ertáinә әrtánә

1754

1753

REW3

čiárt1 čérto ért ért ért iérto érto

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

'sure' (f.sg.)

1752

kertána

'sure' (m.sg.)

M'ng:

P R o m . kértu L a t . kértu-

1751

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 237

1763

2053

REW3

2036

kóllu kollu-

kóllo kól kól kóļ kuéļo kólo

'neck'

P R o m . ko^l ó^ne L a t . ko•leo•ne-

koļļó^ne koļó^(n) koļó^n koļó'(n+) ko ón

'testicle

M'ng:

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1767

NO.

1768

1959

1959

REW 3

1

ki (i)tatánu

PRom. ki (i)táte L a t . kiuitate

iudadáno idad o

četa eán(u-) čittadíno2 iutadán itæð n

2042

kolláre kolla•re

kol ri kolláre kolár kol r koļár koļár kolár

'collar'

1769

1961a

klamó^re klamo•re-

klamó^r klamó^ur

1762

Sard. R o u m . četáte I t a l . čittáX1 O S F r . iutá O N F r . it ð iutát Cat. S p a n . iudáθ P o r t . i áde

1761 'cali' (n.)

No.

M ' n g : 'city; fortress' 'city-dweller'

1771

1977

kla éllu klauellu-

2020 Notes

koktú^ra koktu•ra

kočúra

koptúrә kottúra koitúra kuitúrә

2091

komú^ne kommu•ne-

2090.1

komu^nikáre kommu•nikare

'common' (adj.) ' to communicate' 1. OIt. /čittáde/, Calabr. /čitáte/. kumóne4 2. With sufiixchange. komúne 3. With analogical + komú(n ) /t/. komún 4. 'herd owned in komú(n+) common'. komulgár komun komungár komu

1770

1974

kla sú^ra kla su•ra

klostúrә3

kiusúra

kiavéllo klavél klavél klәvél

'cooking' (n.)

'little nail'

'(en)closure' klausúra

1766

1765

1764

238 APPENDIX I

2104 1781

2103 1780

kompiángere komplangere

2100

1779

P R o m . kommó ere L a t . kommo e•re

2089

1778

REW3

No.

M'ng:

kompó^nere kompo•nere

komponér kõponé^r komportáre komporta•re

komportáre komportár komport r komportár komportár kõportár

1782

2105

kompósto kompositu-

kompuésto

kompóst 1

kompósto

2108

2108

REW3

kónto kómpte kóntә kóntә kuénto k to

kómp(u)tu komputu-

komputá 2 kontáre komptár kont r kontár kontár kotár konkakáre konkaka•re 2110

skonkigáre3 konkagár konči r konkәgár

2113

2121a

kondí^kere kondi•kere

konde ír6

kónča k ča kúnkula konkula

kondík-5

kó^nkola

kúnkula4

'to count, tell' 'account, tale ' 'to defecate on' 'little mussel' 'to agree'

PRom. komp(u)táre L a t . komputa•re

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

komóurә komobér komové^r

kompó^nkompó^ndre kompó^ndrә

kompiánğere kompláņer kompláņdrә kompláņәr

kommuóvere komóure

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1776

'to bring, bear 'put together' with; suffer' (past part.)

' to put to gether '

'to pity, complain'

M ' n g : 'to move (emotionally)'

1775

1774

1772

1773

No.

Notes 'mulch'. Vegliote. Old Venetian. Campidanian. OIt.: 'to be fit ting' (refl.) 6. Salamanean.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

2106

kompré^ndere komprehendere

kuprínde(re) kompré^ndere kompé^ndre kompréndrә kompéndrә komprendér kõpr dé^r

'to grasp, include, understand'

1777

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 239

1783

2150

REW3

2141

kon úngere kon ungere

kofó^ndre konfó^ndrә konfó^ndrә kohondér 10

P R o m . ko(n)fúndere L a t . konfundere

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

kon ún ere kon ó^ņer kon o^ņdrә

'to create, be 'chalk' get; educate'

'to join to gether'

2305

kreáre krea•re

kreáre kreár kri r kriár kriár kriár

kriáre

1791

1790

M ' n g : 'to confound, confuse'

1789

No.

2319

kré^ta kre•ta

kré^ta gré^da krê^iðә glédә gréda gré^da

1792

2138

2128

2127

konfortáre konforta•re

konfortár kohortár7 kõfortár

konfortáre konfortár

2123

konduktu konduktu-

kondó^tto kondúč kondúit kondúit4 kondúčo5 kõdó^ito6

REW3

kondúkkondúire kondúiro konduír kondu ír kõdu ír

'to strengthen'

1786

kondú^kere kondu•kere

kondíre kondír kundír2 kondír kundír 3

kundíre1

1785

'to bring along, 'conduit' lead'

1784

P R o m . kondí^re L a t . kondi•re

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M ' n g : ' to season'

No.

2242

kornú^ta kornu•ta

Notes ' to poison water '. Rhaeto-Romance. Salamancan. 'to prepare food'. OCat.: 'food'. 'food'. OPort.: 'sidedish'. OSpan. Bienio, Valmaggia. 9. In Tras-os-Montes /esfourá/ 'to have d.' 10. OSpan.

3438

fó^r a fo•r a

fó^ur +9

fóira8 fó^ira fó^irә

'diarrhoea'

1788

'horned' (f.sg.) 1. 2. 3. korrúta kornútә 4. kornúta 5. kornúda 6. kornúðә kornúdә 7. kornúda 8. kornúda

1793

2137

ko(n)forí^re konfori•re

kufurí(re)

'to have dia rrhoea'

1787

240 APPENDIX I

krepatú^ra krepa•tu•ra

2314

P R o m . fo^r áre Lat.

REW3 2139

konfríngere konfringere

konfré^iņdrә

2246

koro^náre koro•na•re

kununá(re)6 koro^náre koro^nár koro^n r koro^nár koronár koroár

'to crown'

'to smash'

'to have diarrhea'' 'crack'

M'ng: kufrín e(re) 5

1803

1802

1801

1800

No.

krepatúra krәpatúrә krepatúra krebadúra krәvәðúrә krәbәdúrә kebradúra kebradúra

2179

2176

2173

2170

REW3

Sard. Roum. Ital. O S F r . fo^irár O N F r . fo^iri r Cat. Span. Port.

kos(u)tú^me(ne) kos(u)tú^ra kons e•tu'dine-

ko(n)stríngere konstringere

kostúra kosdúra kostúrә kostúrә kostúra kostúra

'sewing' (n.)

1797

P R o m . kostáre L a t . konstare

kostúmene

'habit, custom'

1796

kostúrne kosdúmna kostúmә kostúm kostúmbre kostúme

kostáre kustá(re) l kostáre kostár kost r kostár kostár kustár

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1

kostrín ere kostré^ņer kontré^iņdrә kostréņәr kostreņír kostran é^r

'to stand still; 'to force to cost*

M'ng:

1795

1794

No.

2327a

krispáre krispa•re

kre^spáre kre^spár kre^spár krespár krespár krispár

'to crinkle'

1804

2214

koki^náre

kuizin r kuinár kozinár kozinár

kučináre

'to cook'

1798

Notes 1. 'to live'. 2. Pistoiese. 3. Asturian: 'in testines ' . 4. Neuter plural. 5. Transylvanian. 6. 'to wed'.

2220

koráta kora•ta4

koráda3

koráta2 kuráda kor ðә

'giblets'

1799

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 241

1813

2346

1812

2345

1811

'to curve, bend' 'curved' (f.sg.) 'skin'

krubái 3

REW3

No.

M'ng:

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

2423

REW3

2422

kurua kurua

P R o m . kur áre L a t . kur a•re

korbá4 ko^rbár ko^rb r ko^rbár korbár5

kó^rba kó^rbә kó^rbә 6 kórba 5

2354

krustó^sa krusto•sa

PRom. krústa L a t . krusta

2432

kútis kutis

kútis kútә 7 kúti 8

kúbitu kubitu-

krostó^sa krostó^za krostó^uzә krostó^zә kostróza krostó^za

kró^sta kró^sta kró^stә kró^stә kóstra kró^sta

rústa

1807

'crusty1 (f.sg.) 'elbow'

1806

kúitu kót ugó'vito2 kó^ide kó'dә kó^ldә kódo kó^vado

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

'crust, rind'

M'ng:

1

1805

No.

1815

2418

eskurtáre

skurtá re sko^rtáre esko^rtár esko^rt r

'to shorten'

1809

2418 Notes

kurtáre kurta•re

kortár kortár

'to shorten, cut '

1810

2467

2486

'to damage, harm' 'die [for gaming]' 1. 'bed-bug'. 2. Tuscan. dátu 3. Campidanian: 'to mow' . dádo dannáre 4. Comasco. damnár dát 5. OSpan. d ð 6. Noun: 'hunch dәņár dáu back' . daņár dado 7. 'wrinkle'. danár dado 8. 'Sicilian. damnáre dátu damna•re

1814

2411

kú^ra ku•ra

kúra kúra kúrә kúrә kúra kúra

'care'

1808

242 APPENDIX I

S a r d . dékere Roum. I t a l . diéče1 OSFr. O N F r . dežér2 Cat. Span. Port.

2618

2630

de^ttáre de^čár 9 diti r 1 0

déstro déstre déstrә déstrә diestro déstro

REW3

dittáre 8

déstru

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

di(^)ktáre dikta•re

'day'

'speech'

'to dictate'

'right(-hand)'

P R o m . déstru L a t . dekstru-

1825

1824

1823

1822

No.

M'ng:

2631

di(^)ktátu di•kta•tu-

dečádo 13 ditádo 10

dettáto 11 dečát 1 2 diti ð12

2632

í díe14 dí dí díә día día dí^e di•e-

díe

2547

2501

2500

de^mandáre de•manda•re6

REW3

+

dekíbile

Notes

2602

de^spol áre de•spol a•re

ispo áre despoiá(re) spoļļáre despoļár despoļ r despuļár despožár

' to despoil, un clothe'

1821

1. Old Venetian. 2. Rhaeto-Romance. 3. In 1548 /de^féndere/ 'to ward off, defend'. 4. 'to arrange'. 5. 'to beg'. 6. 'to entrust'. 7. 'to send'. 8. 'to belong to'. 9. 'to say, poetize'. 10. 'to poetize'. 11. 'proverb'. 12. 'poem'. 13. 'prescription, example'. 14. Tuscan.

5286

mandáre manda•re

mandáre7 mandár mand r mәnár mandár mãdár

'to order'

'to ask'

dimindá(re)4 domandáre demandár dәmand r dәmәnár5 demandár demãdár

182U

1819

P R o m . dékere °ê^re L a t . deke•re

féndere3 fendere3

dekívile

M ' n g : 'to be fitting'

+

' to drive away'

dičé^vole

1818

' 'fitting'

1816

1817

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 243

diskénte

Sard. Roum.

deˆņņáre deˆņar de^iņáér deņár deņár

2641

2639

1832

REW 3

NO.

2681

REW 3 2682

dispo^nere di spa.. nere

displake^re (dispike* re)

PRom. disparti^re Lat. disparti.re

2679

dispoˆndespo^nre despondra

despune(re) 6

(di)spiaČe^re despla e^r desplaizir dəsplaurə despla er despla ^r

despar jdi (re) spartire despartir despartir dəspartir despartir despartir

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

to arrange'

displakere

2719

. __.

dolato^ria dola. to. ria

dartoare7 dolado^ra8 dolado^ira dolaðo^ira

'axe'

2676 Notes

(di)spendere dispendere5

spéndere despéndra despêndra daspéndra

ispéndere

'to spend'

1831

2725

'painful ' (f .sg.) 1. Deponent. 2. NIt. 3. Pied. 4. Modern SFr. 6 dururosә 5 . 'to weigh out ' doloró^sa (Varro; Cooper doloró^za 1895:276). dәloiró^uza 6. ORoum. doloró^za 7. Megleno-Roum. : dolorosa 'little hat chet' . doloˆróˆsa 8. Old Venetian. dolo. ro. sa

1836

1835

1834 1

2670a

disiúngere disiungere

2672

disligáre

deslegá(re) sle^gáre3 desle^gár desli r

2654

diskénte diskente-

Sard.

M'ng: 'to separate out' ' to displease'

1833

dígnu dignu-

PRom. dignare Lat. digna. ri-

Port. —

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span,

démn(u-) dé^ņņo déˆņ dәzgúnze dezgó^un desgó^indra dezgunәr dezunzír dezgungir.

' to unyoke'

desént

1830

T

to unbind'

1829

'learner1

1827

1828

1826

M'ng: ' to deem worthy' 'worthy'

"No.

244 APPENDIX I

1837

1845

1844

1843

No.

ənəgár anegár anegár

annekáre (e.neka.re)

2873

Span. esmuӨír 8

PRom. esmúlgere Lat. eksmungere9

REW3

Port.

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

2864 2897

e° arí^kiu erikiu-

ərí erí o ourí o

ineká re annegáre anegár

Roum. zmúğlge(re)6 Ital. smúnğere 7

(e)ríttu aríČu ríČČo arí

Sard.

M'ng: 'to milk'

' to kill, drown' 'hedge-hog'

2752

2806

2745

REW 3

dormitare dormita. re

duˆrítia du.ritia

durmitá(re)

PRom. dómu Lat. domu-

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

1840

1847

2800

dupláre dupla* re

do^ppiáre do^blár do^blaér do^blár doblar do'brár

'to double'

1841

2801 Notes

duplikáre duplika* re

¿nduple£a(re) 2 dobiga do^blegá*4 doblie^ do~blagar

'to fold together'

1842

'to stand on end' 'food-container' 1. With/jzí/ from 717 /dulke/ 'sweet'. iskár^u 2. 'to persuade'. 3. Ticinese. arriccáre 4. Bearnese:'double erizar fold'. erijzíiáér 5. Ladin. aricar esker 6. 'to pull out'. ri/¿ar 7. 'to suck, dry out'; erizar 8. Asturian. 9. Plautus (Cooper e~skáriu e° arri^kiáre 1895:278). e* ska*riuL0. In /erijzíón/, 2915 with suffix. 2897.2 LI. 'craw'.

1846

2793

dulkoáre dulko* re-

dolgíór1

dol/zíó^r1 doljzíó^ur1

dulkoáre

' to go to sleep' 'sweetness'

1839

duréˆ a duréˆ a dureˆ a duréˆə duré a duré^ a

'hardness'

1838

Ital. duómo

Sard. dómu Roum.

M'ng: 'house'

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 245

3039.3

2870

1854

REW 3

No.

stréžiri11 stérğe(re) astérğere estér er estérdrə 12 əsterğír estar ír

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

3088

REW 3

3073

e° astergere ekstergere

PRom. eksu^káre9 Lat. eksu ka r e 1 0

assukáre uská(re) aššugáre eišugár esui r ašugár enšugár enšugár

'to wipe off'

M'ng: 'to dry out'

1855

astektáre (ekspekta re)

setá4

PRom. eskitáre Lat. ekskita re

Cat. Span. Port.

Ital. še^táre1 OSFr. eisidár ONFr.

Roum.

'to wait'

usettáre asteptá(re) stettáre3

1849

Sard.iskitáre

1848

M'ng: 'to awaken'

No.

1857

1856

3050

esplanáre ekspla na.re

esplan r

spianáre

Notes

3057

esprímere eksprimere

espremé^r

spriméare spré^mere espré^mer espré^indrə esprémər

'to press out'

1853

2263

2988

'bark [of tree] ' 'tode-bark, flay' 1. Neapolitan. 2. OSard. 3. Olt. 4. Rhaeto-Rom. (Friulian): 'to kórtike look'. 5. 'to see'. 6. 'to anger'. skortikáre 7. 'to embitter'. eskorgár 8. Macedo-Roum. : 'to be in labor'. eskorjzíiaér 9. With various prefix-substi eskorjzíár tutions . eskorcár * 3 10. 'to de-juice'. 11. Campid. 12. 'to sweep out'. 13. Aragonese. kortike eskortikáre kortikeekskortika* re

2597

de^soektáre de spekta re

despetá(re) 6 dispettare° despečár despiti r daspitár despečár7 despeitár6

3039.2

aspektáre ekspekta re

espeitár

aspettáre aspeitár

'to look down on' 'to level put'

'to wait'

1852

1851

1850

246 APPENDIX I

'strange'

M'ng:

fabuláre fabula ri

3125

PRom. fá(b)ula Lat. fabula

REW3

3124

hablar 6 falár 6

OSFr. fáula5 ONFr. fáblə Cat. Span. Port.

Ital. fóla5, fávola

Sard, fáula Roum.

favoláre2,6 faulár fabl r

7

3134

faktó^r u fakto r u-

fattó^io

3197

fari^náriu fari na-r u-8

fárre fárre3186

harinéro fariņé^iro

fárro

fárro

fárro

fainár(u-) farináio fariniér farini r

'flour-dealer'

'spelt' [grain]

'oil-press'

'to tell'

5

fárre

1868

1867

1866

1865

1864

No.

M'ng: 'tale'

3121

esuoláre 3115

3112

3098

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Notes 'to reprimand'. Old Italian. Rhaeto-Romance. Old Roumanian. 'a lie'. 'to speak'. Deponent. Adj.: 'made of meal'.

3122

fabrikáre fabrika re

fábrika fabrika

frága frágua

3098

esuentáre

svolér3

fábbrika fárga fórgə fárgə

REW3

estraņár1 estraņár1

estraņár1 estrangi r

'to manufacture'

1863

fraikáre fərekáre4 fabbrikáre fargár favərği r fargár fraguár fraguár

'smithy'

1862

estran áre

estráņ(e) estrange əstráņ estráņo estráņo

zburá(re) svoláre

'to fly out'

'to air out'

'to estrange' izventáre zvintá(re) sventáre esventár esvent r esventár desbentár

1861

1860

1859

PRom. estrán u Lat. ekstra neu-

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

Roum. Ital.

Sard, istrán u

1858

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 247

1875

NO.

3262.1

3257

REW3

fero

fiéro fér fiér fé^r

feru feru-

ferér 5 ferrér herréro ferré^iro

fierár uferráio

'wild; proud'

PRom. ferrár u Lat. ferra-r u-

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

M'ng: '(black-)smith' Sard.

3219

3209

REW 3

1876

fáta fa ta 2

fáta fáda f ðə fádə háda fáda

PRom. fask áre Lat. fask áre

Span. Port.

faskáre nfəšá(re) faššáre faišár faisi r 1 fəšár

fata

1870

Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

1869

'fairy'

No.

M'ng: 'to tie up'

3270

fe^táre fe ta re

hedár 8

fedá 7

3285

fíde fide-

fé^

'faith' f de fáid9 fé^de fé^ fé^ið fé

' to give birth'

1878

3220.a

fetáre fatá(re) fe^tá 6

1877

3220

fati^gare fati ga re

fadigár

fadíga

fatí^ga fati ga

fatigáre fadigár

fatigáre

'to weary'

1872

fatiga3

'weariness'

1871

3283

fidé^le fide le-

fedé^le fezé^l fəðé'il feél

fidele

'faithful'

1879

3234

féle fel(le-)

féle fiére fiéle fél fiél fé^l hiél fél

'gall'

1873

Notes 1. 'to plait, bind together'. 2. Neuter p1.: 'things spoken, fate'. 3. Old Italian. 4. Mallorcan. 5. Rhaeto-Romance. 6. Abruzzese. 7. Friulian. 8. Santander. 9. Vegliote.

3236

felí^ke feli ke-

felíu4

feríče felíče

'happy'

1874

248 APPENDIX I

3406

3400

REW 3 3407

3410

3422

folle follefetó^re foeto re-

feté^re foete^re

fédu foedu-

PRom. fóku Lat. foku-3

fuéļe fóle

hedor fedo^r

hedér fedé^r

hédo féio

fuégo fógo

fédu4

Span Port

'bellows'

'stench'

fó e foále fólle8 fól 8 fól 8

1890

1889

3373

flokkó^su flokko su-

'to stink'

3298

filikár a

fluekózo

1888

3294

fílike filike-

félža2

fít 5 fetíri 6 héde 7

'ugly'

fédu

fóku fók(u-) fuóko fók fuék fók

1887

Sard, Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

1886

No.

3293a

fi^latú^ra

M'ng: 'fire'

3284

REW3

PRom. fide^litáte Lat. fide lita te-

Cat. Span. Port.

feugiéra felği rə fəlgé^rə helgéra felgé^ira

flokós(u-) fiokkó^so

fílike féreče fé^lče fé^u e 1 fyóže

filatúra

Sard. Roum. Ital . fedeltáx OSFr. fezeltát ONFr. fəðelt ð

filatúra filadúra filəðúrə filədúrə hiladúra fiadúra

'river'

'flaky'

'fern'

'fern'

'spinning; web'

M'ng: 'faithfulness'

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Notes Dauphinois. Mozarabic. 'hearth'. Corsican. Vegliote. Sicilian. Bearnese. 'foolish'.

3388

flú^me(ne) flu mene-

fiúme flúm flúm

flúmine

1885

1884

1883

1882

1880

1881

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 249

1893

Sard. forástiko

3437

REW 3

3432

forfíkula forfikula

forfé^kkia11

PRom. forástiku Lat.

Cat. Span. Port.

ONFr. forásčə

OSFr.

Ital. forástiko10

Roum.

3439

forikuláre

forroiáre

'to rummage in'

1899

1898

1897

No.

'little shears'

3425

3418

3417

fónte fonte-

fónte fón(t + ) fónt 6 fónt fuénte f te

REW 3

folčél3 fol él 4 fouzél5 fol él

follikellu

M'ng: 'foreign'

1894

3446

formi^káre formi ka re

formii r

furnikáre formikáre12

'to itch'

1900

3426

fontána fonta na

funtána f ntínə fontána fontána fontáinə fontánə hontána fõtán +8

'little bellows' 'spring, source' 'fountain'

1892

PRom. follikáre Lat. follika re

Span. holgár2 Port. folgár 2

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum.

nfuleká(re) l

'to move like a bellows'

Sard.

1891

No.

M'ng:

Notes

3430

foráre fora re

hor+9 furár

1. 'to devour greedily'. 2. 'to bat around, take it easy'. 3. ORoum. 4. Rmilian. 5. Languedocian. 6. Friulian. 7. OSpan. 8. In /fõtaíņa/. 9. In /horakár/ 'to bore through'. 10. Olt.: "unsociable'. 11. 'earwig'. 12. Olt.

3427

foráme(ne) fora men-

horámbre forám

foráre forár

'to bore'

'hole'

foráme

1896

1895

250 APPENDIX I

No.

1901

'leaves'

'cold' (n.)

3530

3515

REW3

3514

frõde fronde fronde-

frí^gus fri·gus

PRom. fri^go^ró^sa Lat. fri·go·rO·sa

frínd5

Cat. Span. Port.

fronda

OSFr. freguró^za ONFr. friló'uzə

fríus4 fríg

1909

1908

Roum. Ital. —

Sard. frigorósə

No. 1907 M'ng: 'cold' (f.sg.)

3502

3468a

REW 3

3447

frikatú^ra frikatu·ra

fraktú^ra fraktu· ra

PRom. formi^kó^su Lat. formi•ko•su-

Port.

3530

frond a frond a

frún a frúnzə fróna

'foliage'

1910

3509

fri^gere fri·ge·re

friğğere2

freiәðúrә

'to be cold'

frikatúra frekәtúrә fregatúra

1904

'rubbing'

1903

fregadúra esfregadúra

fretúrə

frintúrə1 frattúra fračúra

'break' (n.)

1902

Span, hormigózo

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum. furnikós(u-)

M'ng: 'antsy' Sard.

3548

fú^ga fúga

fú(g)a6 fuga fúga

'flight'

1911

3512

frí(~)gida fri-gida

fré^dda frê^ğa fré^idə fréda fría, fréda3 fría

frítta

'cold' (f.sg.)

1905

Notes 1. With /n/ from /frinğ-/ 'to break'. 2. Garfagnana: 'to get goose-flesh'. 3. OSpan. 4. Campidanian. 5. Friulian. 6. 'speed'.

3513

fri^gó^re fri·go·re-

friór3

freió^ur

'cold' (n.)

1906

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 251

1912

3692

1918

REW 3

No.

1919

3717

3705

REW3

ğiét 8 ğéliu

ğélt 7

gélidu gelidu-

gáušə 5 gáuč ğói góič góo

6 Port. góivo PRom. gá d u Lat. ga d u-

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.

Sard. Roum.

3724

gémitu gemitu-

3735

génte gente-

ğénte ğén(t+) ğént ğént iénte9 gete

3839

granar u grana· r '.u-

grənár granáio granêr grəni r granar granéro

'granary'

'people'

' groan' (n.) génte

1922

1921

1920

fu^gáre fuga·re

fugáre2 fugáre3 fugár fui r

3549

ğeámət (u-) ğémito

1917

Notes

i^re

1. OSard.: 'landlaw'. 2. Macedo-Roum. 3. OIt.: 'to flee' . 4. Vegliote. 5. Cerignola. 6. OPort. 7. Lombard. 8. Rhaeto-Romance. 9. OSpan.

3702

ga dé^re ga de·re

gouvír

gaudár 4 godé^re gauzír ğoðír galdír

'to put to flight''to snjoy'

1916

3579

fundamêntu fundamentu-

fondaménto fondament

fundaméntu1

1

3531

frondó^sa frondo·sa

furnár u furna·r u-

frondó^sa

frondóza frõdó^za

3601

1915

'leafy' (f.sg.) 'foundation

1914

fornáio forniér fo^rni r fornér hornéro forné^iro

'baker'

1913

M'ng: '(en)joy(ment)' 'frosty'

garlár garlár garlár garrulare garrula·re

Cat. Span. Port, PRom. Lat.

M'ng: 'to gabble' Sard. — Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

No.

252 APPENDIX I

'heaviness

1923

1

1929

No.

4172

4171

REW3

ono^ráre onorár ondrér 2 onrár onrrár onrrár

ono^ráre hono·ra· re

onáur 1 onó^re onó^r onó^ur onó^r onór onó^r

'barley-corn'

'to honor'

4179

ord .ólu hordeolu-

ursól ord uélo tor ól

orĝuél

olğóru3 ulčóru or l4 or ól

1931

3914

guló^su gulo· su-

goláus1 goló^so goló^s go^ló^us goló^s golozo

'greedy'

1925

1930

3880

gross a

gróisa gróisә grúisә

'fatness'

1924

PRom. onó^re Lat. hono·re-

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard.

M'ng: 'honor'

3856

REW 3

PRom. gra itáte Lat. gra ita·te-

Cat. Span. Port.

Roum. greutáte Ital. gravitá x OSFr. ONFr. greut ð

Sard.

M'ng:

No.

4199

ospitáre hospita·re

ospedár ospedár

ospətá(re)

'to be host to'

1932

4072

asta hasta

asta asta

asta asta ástə

'lance; pole'

1926

4259.2

é^like (i·like-)

é^lče é^u e

élike

'holm-oak'

1933

4072a

astí^le hasti·le

astil astil

astíle

'lance-haft'

1927

1. 2. 3. 4.

Notes Vegliote. Rhaeto-Romance. Bittese. Lombard.

4111

erbó^sa herbo•sa

iarbó^sə erbó^sa erbó^za erbó^uzə erbó^zə erbóza erbó^za

'grassy' (f.sg.)

1928

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 253

1934

1940

No.

4302

REW3

4294

impinnáre

pe^nár

4308

impikáre impika·re

empegar empegar

empe^gár

impikáre

4366

inkur áre inkur a·re inkapistráre inkapistra're 4342

enkorbár korbár

inkrabistáre inkəpəstrá re inkape^stráre enkabe^strár enčəvestr r enkabestrár enkabastrár kabre^stár

inkrubái4

'to bend'

'to put a halter on'

mpәná re impe^nnáre empe^nár empen r empe^nár

1944

1943

'to tar'

4298

impedíere impedi•re

empe er 2 pe é^r

impedíre

'to hinder'

1938

1942

4287

immérgere immergere

immergere

imbérgere

'to dip in'

1937

'to feather'

5535

mérgere mergere

mérğe(re)1 mérğere

'to dip'

1936

1941

4285

imbukkáre

embokár bo^kár

embo^ci r

mbuká(re) imbo^kkáre

'to put in one 's mouth'

1935

PRom. impartí^re Lat. imparti·re

Port.

Span, impartír

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum. :mpər¢í re Ital. impartíre

Sard.

M'ng: 'to impart'

4263

REW 3

PRom. e^liki^na Lat. (i·liki·na)

Ital. elčína OSFr. ONFr. Cat. al ínə Span. en ína Port. ína

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'holm-oak'

No.

1. 2. 3. 4.

Notes 'to go'. OSpan. OIt. Campidanian.

4295

impedikáre

pelgár

impiedeká(re) impedikáre3 empedegár empәðәči'r

'to hinder, prevent'

1939

254 APPENDIX I

inimíku

Sard.

embestír

REW3

4531

PRom. in esti^re Lat. in esti·re

Port.

Span.

4635

u^stít a u·stit a

ğusté a ğusté^ a

ğusté^¢ə

ğusté^¢¢a

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Sard. imbestíre Roum. ínves¢í(re) Ital. investíre

4878

lánk a lankea

lanár u la·na·r u 4876

lánča lán¢a lán¢ә lán¢ә lán¢a lá¢a

4879

lan¢ár lã¢ár lank are lankea·re

lančáre lan¢ár lan¢íi r an¢ár

l a n θá r e 5

'to throw'

1955

1954 'lance'

7839

4456

ºíre

sek ere sek i·2

insek ere

°íre

seguíre ségre, segír suivra səgír segír segír

'to follow'

1949

inseguíre ensegír ensuívrə ənsəgír

laniér lani r 3 ané^r4 lanero

1 nár(u-)

'wool-dealer'

1953

'rightness'

1952

1951

No.

M'ng: 'to clothe'

4445

4462

4435

REW3

inno^dáre inno·da·re

eno^zár

nodá(re)

insignáre

nsemná(re) 1 inse^ áre ense^ ár ense^i r ənsə: ár ense ár sinar

'to p u r s u e '

'to k n o t '

'to teach' insékere

1948

1947

1946

PRom. inimí^ku Lat. inimi·ku-

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

nemíko enemík enәmí әnәmík enemígo inimígo

'emeny'

M'ng:

Roum.

1945

No. in'

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Notes 'to m e a n ' . Deponent. 'weaver'. 'a kind of falcon'. OSard. ' t o h i t ' .

4505

intorkere intork e·re

entór¢er tór¢e^r

entórdrә

ntoárče(re)

'to twist

1950

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 255

la-ta

4935

Lat.

REW3

M'ng: 'broad' (F.sg.) Sard, l á t a Roum. látә I t a l . láta OSFr. láda ONFr.lðә Cat. Span. Port. PRom. lata

4998

l e áme(ne) l e a·me(ne) 3

leváme levám ləváin

2

5022

ligáme(ne) liga·me(ne-)

legáme liám liáin igám

ligámen ә5

5072.1

líntiu linteu-

én¢

lín

línθu4

5070

lintiolu linteolu-8

len¢úl6 len¢uólo len¢ól len¢uél en¢ól len¢uélo 7 l ¢ól

' s t r i p of l i n e n ' ' s h e e t '

1966

1965

'string,

tie'

1964

4921

lássu lassu-

lәsár lasár lasár lassáre lassa·re 4920

lassáre1 lasár lasa'r

'leaven'

1962

No.

4912

largítia

lásso1 lás lás lás láso láso

1963

4907

4880

REW3

lə¢ár la¢ár

laččáre 1 la¢ár la¢ir larğé^¢¢a larğé^¢a larğé^¢ә lәrğé^¢ә larğé¢a larğé^¢a

Notes 1. OIt. 2. OVen. 3. ' s o l a c e ' . 4. OSard.: ' s t r i p of l a n d ' . 5. Neapolitan: 'hem'. 6. Vegliote. 7. 'handkerchief'. 8. Plautus (Cooper 1895:133).

4929

latrátu la·tra·tu-

ladrado

lәtrát(u-) latráto

'barking'

' t o weary'

'weary'

' b r e a d t h ; ge nerosity'

'to

tie'

1961

1960

1959

1958

1957

lakkiáre lak e a · r e

lančáio lan¢iér lan¢i r lan¢é^r lan¢éro l ã ¢ é^ i r o

'lancer'

1956

PRom. lank ár u Lat. lankea-r u-

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Roum.

M'ng:

No.

256 APPENDIX I

1967

5186

5145

1973

'little hammer'

REW3

No.

M'ng:

PRom. mall olu Lat. malleoluREW3 5267

Span. mažuélo 12 Port. ama v ó 1 3

Cat.

ONFr. — -

Ital. ma uólo 1 2 OSFr. ma'ól 12

Roum.

Sard. mallóro 11

lutó^sa luto·sa5

PRom. lukráre Lat. lukra·ri·4

5298a

manuélla

manoélә

manovélla

manue< a14

'handle'

1974

lodóza lodó^za

lutosa lutoso lotó^sa

'miry' (f.sg.)

1968

Span, lográr3 Port, lo^grár3

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum. lukrá(re) 1 Ital. lo^g(o)ráre2

M'ng: 'to win' Sard.

No.

5313

mas onáta

mazná16 maisnáda maisnisaéða

masonáta 15

'house-hold'

1975

5200

makellár u makella·r u- 6

mačelláio ma eliér maizali x

'butcher'

1969 1971

5361

mari^táre mari•ta·re

maritá(re) maritáre maridar marið r maridar maridar maritár

'to marry'

1976

487

annáta

an ә anada9

annáta anáda 8

annáta7

1. 'to work'. 2. 'to wear out'. 3. 'to attain, succeed in ... '. 4. Deponent. 5. Cato (Cooper 1895:127). 6. Varro (Cooper 1895:72). 7. 'poor harvest'. 8. Niçois: 'olive-harvest'. 9. Asturian: 'harvest'. 10. 'maquis'. 11. Campidanian: 'steer'. 12. 'mallet-sheet'. 13. Galician: 'mallet-sheet'. 14. 'crank'. 15. 'troop of children'. 16. Piedmontese: 'child'.

Notes

5213

makláre makula-re

má a mákla makula 5212

mancar

makkiáre

' to bespot, defile '

1972

mákkia má a má ә má ә máa

máia

10

'a year 's yield' 'mesh; spot'

1970

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

257

1977

mí^kula mi·kula

5564

PRom. mí^ka

mi·ka

5559

REW3

miévla 13

Lat.

Port.

Span. míga

Ital. míka OSFr. ONFr. mía Cat.

10

íkurә 11 mígla 1 2

Sard.

Roum. míkә 9 mәnuðá a17

5596

5596

minu^tál a mi^ll ár u 18 mi· ill a· r u-14 minu·ta·l a

mi i r mižéro mi! é^iro

mi áio meiér

mәruntáie 15 minuta a 1 6

'mince-meat'

1986

'group of 1000'

1985

'little crumb'

1984

1983

No.

M'ng: 'crumb'

5544

5541

5461

5450

messó^r a messo·r a7

messáre messa·re

REW 3

mesória6

mәsóirә 5

'sickle'

1980

mesár4

messáre

'to mow'

1979

medietáte medieta· te-

metá x °te 2 meitát meiti ð meitát meatáð 3 mitáde

'half' (n.)

1978

PRom. konmé^ku Lat. (kum)me·kum

Span. konmígo Port. kõmígo

OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

Roum. konmáik1 Ital. konmé^ko2

Sard.

M'ng: 'with me'

No.

Notes

5556

méa mea

(f.sg.)

1. Vegliote. 2. OIt. 3. OSpan. 4. 'to tear out hair'. 5. Pied. 6. Asturian. 7. Adj.: 'pertaining to reaping' (fsg) 8. Walloon: 'to reap grain'. 9. 'a minute'. 10. 'not at all'. 11. Meglenitic. 12. Bergamasque. 13. Rhaeto-Romance. 14. Adj.: 'containing 1000'. 15. 'intestines'. 16. 'junk, rabble'. 17. 'small change'. 18. Adj.: n.pi.ace. or nom.

5550

métere metere

mietere méire míra 8

'my, mine'

'to harvest' mea miéa mía miéa mé^iә mévә mía m a

1982

1981

258 APPENDIX I

1987 1989

1995

1994

1993

No.

5719

REW 3

5720

mu^gí^re mu·gl·re

muíre muğí(re) muğğíre

5736

mulsó^r u °a

molsó^ira

mussor u

'to low, bellow' 'milking-pail'

PRom. mú^gitu Lat. mu·gitu-

Sard. múidu 7 Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng: 'lowing'

2532

5665a

5648

REW 3

5737

mulsú^ra mulsu·ra

mulsúrә

'milking' (n.)

1996

5690

morsikáre morsika·re

de^lektáre de·lekta-re

mó^stru mo^nstru-

PRom. mollikéllu Lat. mollikellu-

morsikáre mosegár zmorseá4 mosegár mosegár

dile^ttáre deleitar deliti ¡r delitár

morsikáre

'to nibble'

1990

móstro

móstru3 mó^stro

'wonder, monster''to delight'

1988

Cat. Span. Port.

ONFr. morğéi 2

OSFr.

Roum. moličél(u-) Ital. moueséllo

Sard.

M'ng: 'softish'

No.

5782

mustó^su

mustó^s(u-) mostó^so mostó^s8 mosto^s 9

'like must'

1997

5711

mú^kidu mu·kidu-

míš5

múčed(u-) múčido

'mouldy'

1991

Notes Old Trevisan. Friulian. Macedo-Roumanian. Rhaeto-Romance. Surselvan. Alavan (NSpan.) Campidanian: 'whistling'. 8. 'dirty'. 9. Friulian: 'dirty'.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

5710

muké^re °í^re mu·ke·re

muzir6

mozé^r moizír

' to grow mouldy'

1992

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

259

mó^tto mó^t mó^t mó^t

Roum. mutí(re) Ital. OSFr. mudír ONFr. Cat.

2002 'nest-egg'

5926

REW 3

5916

nínguere ninguere

PRom. nigéllu Lat. nigellu-

Cat. Span. Port.

ROUm. negêl 8 Ital. OSFr. niél 9 ONFr. neél

nínge re né^nguere 10

5930b

ni áre ni a·re

nevar nebár ne^vár

ne^Vár

5978

nukár u °a

nogé^ira

nokiéra11 nogéra12 nogiér noii r nogér

'nut-tree'

'to snow' niáre

'to snow'

Sard. nié u 7

M'ng: 'blackish'

'ninth' (f.sg.) I. 'poem'. 2. 'race'. 3. 'guilt'. 4. OIt., Aretine. 5. Asturian. nó^na 6. Tras-os-Montes. 7. 'black'. 8. 'wart'. 9. 'enamel'. nóna13 10. Abruzzese. 11. Vegliote. 12. Venetian, Comanó^na sco. no·na 13. OSpan.

Notes

2008

2007

2006

2005

2004

5908

NO.

5901

5849

5847

ni^dále

niál 5 niál 6 nial

nizál

nidále

5795

neke neke-

néče4

néke 3

2003

5786

natí^ a nati· a

natía nadía naðívә nәdíә

nadía

2

'native' (f.sg.) 'murder'

2001

REW3

natató^re nata· to· re-

nәdәdó^r nadador nadadó^r

inotәtór(u-) nuotató^re nadadó^r

'swimmer'

2000

múttu

1

PRom. mu^tí^re Lat. mu·te·skere

Span. Port.

múttu

Sard.

1

'to become mute' 'mutter; word

M'ng:

1999

1998

No.

260 APPENDIX I

oleu

6054

Lat.

REW 3

ordin áre

Sard. ó ;u Roum. — Ital. ó .o6 OSFr. — ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. ól u

6091

ordin áre

orde ár7 orde^ tár7

'implement, device'

'to prepare'

8

o

6092

ordín u

urdé

ordí

ordin ;u

2017

2016

2015

No.

M'ng: 'oil'

6038

6038

5961

REW 3

okláta

okl áre

o fáda

u áda

okkiáta

PRom. nostru Lat. nostru-

nóstru nóstru nóstro nóstre nóstrә nóstrә nuestro nóso

okí(re) 1 okkiáre o ár volgá 2 u ár ožár u ár3

2011

'to eye, look at' 'glance'

2010

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

2009

M'ng: 'our'

No.

áio

6163

paliár u

pa é^iro

pajé^9 pa'ér

pa

pa ár¡ i

'heap of straw'

2018

6043

offerere °íre offerre

fós 2

offrír afo^gár ahogár5 afo^gár

affo^káre afo^gár

affokáre

'to suffocate'

2014

6114

ossaménta12

osaménta osaménta

osaménta osәment11

osәmíntә 10

'bones [col lective] '

2019

3225.2

Notes 'to aim'. Friulian. Galician. 'river-mouth'. 'to drown'. Every-day pron. 'to milk; to pick olives'. 8. Rhaeto-Romance. 9. Liégeois. 10. Plural. 11. Masculine. 12. Plural; sing. /ossamentu/ (m/11-B).

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

6046.2

fó^ke affo^káre fo·ke- (fa ke-) (offo·ka·re)

hó¢ fó^¢

fó^če4

fóke

'gullet, mouth'

2013

off(e)ríre

offérrere

'to offer'

2012

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

261

2020

2022

6308

REW 3 6316

pá u pauu-

pausa pausa

PRom. pastináre Lat. pastina·re

6276

pábo pavo

p za

páu

Cat. Span. Port.

pastәná 10

pastináre pasnúr9 pastináre

6324

pekkó^su

pekkó^su pekó^zo

6325

pékora pekora

pékora12

pása

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

pósa páus 11

'sheep' (p1.)

'spotted'

'pea-cock'

'rest, pause'

M'ng: 'to break up (soil)' pekkó^su

2030

No.

6259

6127

2026

REW 3

o í^le o i·le

2029

oue-

Lat. 6127

espartí^re

spartír1

6125

o í^nu

uín4

spartíre

ispartíre

2028

ovíl 2

ovíl 1

oínә

3

Rhaeto-Romance. Place-name. 'mutton'. 'sheep's milk'. 'newly tilled vineyard'. 6. Old Dalmatian. 7. South Italian. 8. In /pasnáğә/ 'swine-pasture '. 9. Vegliote. 10. Friulian: 'to graft'. 11. Masculine. 12. P1. in Mod.It.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Notes

pástinu pastinu-

pasn + 8

pástinu5 pásno6 pástino7

'freshly tilled ' to set aside, field' separate out'

'pertaining to sheep'

2025

2024

2023

2027

ovê^ a ové^ a ové.a

ovíle

'(little) sheep' 'sheep-fold'

2021

obéža ové^ a ouíkla ouikula 6124

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. ó e

Roum. oáie

Sard.

M'ng: 'sheep'

No.

262 APPENDIX I

2031

2039

6417

6373

REW 3

6416

peddáRIu10 ————— ————— pielar(u-) prelúng(u-) ————— 11 pellaio perlongo ————— peliér ————— permané^r ————— ————— permáindrə Pe ér ————— pərmənéšər ————— ————— permane¢er pelé^iro ————— permane¢é^r pelláriu perlóngu permané^re pella•riuperlongupermane•re

'to remain'

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat Span. Port. PROM. Cat.

'very long'

2038

2037

No.

M'ng: 'furrier'

6358

6336

6337

REW 3

pé^ditu pe•ditu-

peku^liare peku•lia-re

PRom. peku liu Lat. peku•l u-

pídu 6 ——— pirata 7 pe^t pe^t pét peto 8 —————

'fart'

2033

pekuiare 3 ——— ——— ————— ————— ————— pegužál4 peguļal 5

"pertaining to property'

2032

Sard. ———— Roum. pikulu1 Ital. ————— OSFr. ————— ONFr. ————— Cat. ————— Span. ————— Port. pegúļo 2

M'ng: 'privete property'

No. 'furs, skins'

2036

6372 Notes

pelláme(ne) —————

6489

6523

11.

OGen.: 'lanky ' .

1. Macedo-Roum.: 'savings' Píru ————— 2. Alemtejano: —————— Per(u-) ,sheep given as peíame pe ro wages' pelám ————— 3. OSard.: 'property' pəláin ————— 4. 'small farm'. — — ————— 5. 'herd * . 6. Campid. pelambre ————— 7. Neap. 8. Arag. ———— —————— 9. 'peon'. píláme (ne) píru 10. Barbagia: 'skin—————— pirucovered gran-

'pear-tree'

2041

6361

pedukló^sa —————

————

'lousy' (f.sg.)

2035

peddámine pәdukioásә ——— pidokkió^sa pelláme ————— pelám pәðo^ló^uzә pәláin ————— palam ————— ————— ————— peláme

'hair' [coll.]

2040

6359

pedó^ne pedo•ne-

———— ——— pedó^ne pezó^(n+) piðón peó^ peón 9 peo 9

'pedestrian'

2034

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

263

2042

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom. Lat. REW3

pulgar polegár pollikáre pollika•re 6638

—————— —————— porkí^na porki•na 6663

—————— purčínә 6 porčína —————— polči polči r purčína 7 —————— ——————

—————— pulikár(u-) 6 —————— polqár

Purrír —————— porgere porrigere 6667

r —————— ——————

pórrere —————— porgere porzer

'to reach'

2052

'day after to- 'to plunder' 1. ONIt. morrow' _ 2. Neuchâtelois. predare9 . —————— prәdá(re) .3. Pied., Ven. 4. S.E.French. 8 poskrái predáre 5. 'finger' —————— preár purčína7 6. Macedo-Roum. —————— prәð r —————— —————— 7. Ladin (Val Gardema): 'bacon-rind'. —————— —————— 8. OIt., dial. (cf. —————— —————— Hall 1943b). pos(t)krás predáre 9. 'to take away'. post kra*s praeda•re 6686 6715

2051

6642

Notes

2050

'pork'

2049

2048

No.

M'ng: 'thumb'

6595

6637

6568

po^mé^tu po•me'tu-

6567

ple^nitáte ple•nita•te-

6531

planáre pla•na•re

REW 3

'thumb'

2047

póllike pollike-

'fruit-orchard'

2046

plana pla•na

'fullness'

2045

PRom. piskí^na Lat. ——————

'to l e v e l '

2044

póddike5 —————— póllice pól¢ pól¢ pól¢ә —————— ——————

'plane'

2043

Sard. piskína prána —————— —————— Roum. —————— —————— plinәtáte pomot uItal. p e s s í n a 1 piána3 pianáre —————— pomé^to OSFr. —————— plana4 planár plendát —————— ONFr. p w a s í n ә 2 pláinә plan r plent ð —————— Cat.' —————— plánә —————— —————— —————— —————— Span. —————— —————— —————— —————— —————— Port. —————— plána —————— —————— ——————

M'ng: 'fish-pond'

No.

264 APPENDIX I

No.

2053

'test, proof'

2054

6764

6717

2059

REW 3

No.

Ital. ———— OSFr. ———— ONFr. ———— Cat. ———— Span. pulgár 1 Port. ———— PRom. pu^likáre Lat. pu•lika•re REW 3 6817

Sard. pulikàre ————2.Campidanan. Roum. pureka(re)

poluastro3 . pollástra ———— ———— ———— ———— ———— pullástra pullastra 6818a

puddàstra2

M'ng: 'to catch fleas' ''young hen'

2060

proba ————

PRom. predató^re Lat. preda•to•re-

Sard. ———— próba Roum. prәdәtór(u-) ———— Ital. predató^re prova OSFr. prezadó^r Próa ONFr. ———— pruévә Cat. ———— Span. ———— prueba Port. ———— prova

M'ng: 'plunderer'

pulčíno po^l ín po^l¢ín ———— ———— ———— pullikí^nu (pullike^nu-) 6820.2

————

puddikínu

'chick'

2061

6765a

pro^ké^dere pro•ke•dere

———— purčéde(re) pročé^dere ———— ———— próә ———— ————

'to go ahead'

2055

plәmíno 3. polmó^ne po^lmo^n polmon ———— ———— ———— pulmó^ne pulmo•ne6833

prumóne

'lung'

2062

6775

pro^míttere pro•mittere

promittíre ———— promé^ttere promé^tre prome^tra ———— prometér prometé^r

'to promise'

2056 'plum-tree'

2058

ide^re ide•re

pulpó^su pulpo•su6835

poipó^zo

polpó^so ———— ———— ———— pulpózo

pulpos (u-)

pruposu

'fleshy'

2063

6793a

pro^ pro•

Notes

Vegliote.

1. Asturian: 'to clean trees'.

6800

prú^nu pru•nu-

———— ———— ———— prún(u-) provve^dé^re prúno °ņo prove^zé^r ———— porvәðé^ir ———— prométrә ———— ———— probeer pruno prové^r ————

'to provide'

2057

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 265

No.

2064

2070

No.

Sard. raiósu Roum. Ital. rabbió^so OSFr. rabió^s ONFr. —— Cat. —— Span. rabióso Port. raivó^so PRom. rab ó^su Lat. rab o•suREW3 6981

M'ng: 'mad, raging'

6848

6845

REW3

'root'

radi^kí^na radi•ki•na 6995

7000

radikína rәdәčínә radična 3 ra ína ra¢ínә

—— —— ——

——

'to rot'

2068 'rotten'

2069

2073

6885

putrí^re (putre•skere)

7007

rágere ragere

ráirә

ráğe re

7009

ragláre ragula•re

raggiáre3 raļár4 raļ r 4 rәļar5 raèar6 raļár

'to bray'

2074

6886

putrikáre ————

Notes 1. Varro (Cooper 1895:61). 2. In Salamancan /podrikáio/, Galician /podrikáļo/ 'rottenness'. 3. OIt. 4. 'to mock'. 5. 'to entertain'. 6. 'to boast'. 7. 'to yelp'.

6887

putridu putridu-

———— putrikáre ———— ———— ———— pútred(u-) ———— ———— ———— po^irír apoirigár ———— po^ðrír———————— pudrir ———— ———— podrir podrik+2 ———— apodre¢zíé^r podrik +2 ————

'tobe rotten'

2067

'(little) root' 'to bellow'

2072

6870

putató^re puta•to•re-1

———— ———— potato^re podadó^r ———— podadó^r podadór podadó^r

radí^ke radi•ke-

raí¢ raí¢

——

radíče raí¢ raí¢

——

—— —— ——

———— ———— puntúra poncura ———— ———— puntúra ————

2071

2066

puncture' 'pruner'

punktú^ra punktu•ra

po^n¢áre ———— ———— punšár pun¢ar pun¢ar

———— ————

2065

'prick,

PRom. punktiáre Lat. punktia•re

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng: 'to stick1

266 APPENDIX I

2075

2076

2077

2081

No.

rileváre relevár rәlәv r rәlәvár rrelebár rrelevár

Lat. REW3

rele a•re 7192

PRom. rele áre

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard. ———— Roum. ————

——

———— remi(n)tere5

——

rimé^ttere reme^te^r reme^trә

————

remíttere remittere 7197

remané^re remane•re

7194

reno a•re 7212

reno áre

rәnovár rrenobár rrenovár

————

rinnováre renovár

———— ————

—— —— ——

7149 Notes

redú^kere redu•kere

——— әrәdúče(re)3 ridúčere4 redúire rәdúirә rәduír rredu ír rredu ír

'to lead back, return'

2080

repa sa•re 7218

repa sáre

'to rest, repose'1. .E., S.E.Fr. 2. Deponent. ———— 3. 'to compare'. rәposá(re) 6 4. OIt. riposáre 5. 'to sow for the se repauzár cond time'. rәpoz r 6. 'to die'.

2085

'to renew'

2084

2083 'tosend back1

7138

rekúrrere rekurrere

——— ——— riko^rrere rekú^rre rәko Arrír rәkorrér rrekorrér ———

'to run back'

2079

7129

rekordáre rekorda•ri•2

rekordáre ——— rikordáre ——— ——— ——— rrekordár rrekordár

'to remember'

2078

7081

rasú^ra ra•su•ra

rasúra rasúro rasúra razúra razúrә rәzúrә rrasúra rrasúra

rremitír rremanír °e¢ér rremane¢é^r ——

rәmineá(re) rimané^re remánre rәmáindrә

M'ng: ' to raise again1 'tostayback'

2082

7045

7031

REW 3

——— ——— ranó^kkia ranúi1 rәnú^ a ——— ——— ———

ranúkla ———

——— ramó^sa ramó^za ramó^zuzә rәmó^zә rramóza rramó^za

ramosa

PRom. ramó^sa Lat. ra•mo•sa

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng: 'branching' (fsg) ' (little) frog ' 'scraping'

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

267

2086

——

rәpúne(re) ripó^nrepóndre2 rәpóndrә

—— retórkere

7284

REW3 7355

ró^bore ro bore-

re ól ere re ol ere

PRom. re érsu Lat. re ersu-

7277

ró^vere ró^ure ró^vrә ró^ura rrôble rró^ble

revórs ravórs rәvé^s 9 rreviéso 10 rrevéso 11

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

——

rivólgere revólver rәvoldrә rәvólvәr rrebolbér rrevolve^r

—— ——

Roum. Ital.

Sard, rebersu

arroli

7351

——

ro^boré^tu

rroblédo rroblé^do

——

ro^vré^iðә

——

roveré^to

—— ——

'oak-grove'

'oak'

'to turn over'

—— ——

2095

2094

2093

2092

No.

M'ng: 'turned back'

7265

7252

7227

retorkere retorkuere

retór¢әr rretor¢ér rretor¢é^r

——

ritórčere retor¢er

——

7225

restríngere restringere

—— ——

ristrínğere restré^ er restré^indrә rәstrénәr

—— ——

'to twist back

2089

REW3

—— —— ——

ripré^ndere repré^ndre rәpréndrә

—— ——

' to bind back, restrain'

2088

repré^ndere reprehenderé

1

'to take back'

2087

PRom. repó^nere Lat. repo-nere

Span. rreponér Port, rrepo^r

Cat.

ROum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

Sard.

M'ng: 'to put back'

No.

10. 11. 12. 13. re ertere °i^re re ertere

rivértere12

——

rrebertér 13

——

rәvertír

——

—— ——

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

Notes ' to conquer , kill' . 'to bury'. 'to warn'. 'to buy back'. 'to pour out'. 'to pour over'. 'to turn around'. 'to surrender'. 'complicated, difficult'. 'clumsy'. 'refractory'. Old Italian. 'to overflow'.

7276

reuersare reuersa* re

rәvәrsá(re)5 riversáre5 reversár rәvers r 6 rәvәsár7 rrevesár 8 rreversár

——

' to turn around, reverse'

2091

' tQ turn back'

2096

7268

retrá(g)ere retrahere

ritrárre retráire3 rәtráirә4 rәtréurә3 rretraer3

—— ——

'to draw, pull back'

2090

268 APPENDIX I

ro^dár rrodár rro^dár

ro^táre ro•ta•re

7388

2103

PRom. Lat.

REW 3

No.

salín7 salí(n+)8

salí^nu sali'nu-

7538

PRom. Lat.

REW3

Cat. salí 9 Span. Port.

Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

Sard. Roum.

'saline'

ro^táre ro^ldár

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

M'ng:

———— ——

'to rotate'

Sard. Roum.

2097

No.

M'ng:

7539

salí^re sali•re

salíre әnsarí (re)

u

7572

sanguín u sanguineu-

sangueņo sãgué^ņo

sanguíņņo

sambín

7379

rós u roseu-

róš(u-) róšә12

'rosy'

'blood-colored'

'to salt' 11

2106

7488

2105

7487

2104

10

saburráre saburra•re

sabúrra saburra

ro^télla ro•tella

7389

so^rrér

saurráre

——

só^rra saórra sabó^rra

—— savo^rráre

saúrra

'to ballast'

2100

savó^rra saó^rra 4

'ballast'

'little w h e e l '

arrodédda 1 aruteáuә rotella ró^ldela 2 ro^ðelә rodéļa2 r r o d i ļa 3 rrodéla2

2099

2098

7375

rosa rosa

rozo rroza rroza

rósa ruósa 1 3 rósa roza

'rose'

2107

7509

sagittáre sagitta•re

sitá5

sәğetá(re) saettáre

——

'salt-works'

2102

Notes 1. Campidanian. 2. ' knee-cap '. 3. ' knee '. 4. 'sand'. 5. Rhaeto-Rom.: 'to attack'. 6. P l . 7. Pied., Lomb.: 'salt-cellar'. 8. 'salt-vessel'. 9. 'salt-deposit'. 10. Meglenitic. 11. 'spindle-tree'. 12. Abruzzese: 'red'. 13. Vegliote.

7535

salí^na sali•nae 6

salína salína salínә salínә salína salína

——

'to shoot with arrows'

2101

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

269

2108

2114

No.

7

7896

REW3

7888

sίkkita sikkita's

séğda8

PRom. séksta Lat. seksta

Cat. sesta Span, siesta7 Port, sésta 7

ONFr. sίstә

Ital. sésta OSFr. sesta

8089

sonitu sonitu-

súnet(u-)

Sard. Roum.

séčәtә sé^ččәtә2

'sound'

2116

M'ng: 'sixth' (f.sg.) 'drouth'

2115

7704

7581a

REW3 7771a

konsé^ku (kum) se-kum

iskoláre skola-re-

Lat.

PRom. sanitó^su

konsé^ko4

'to follow'

'with himself'

8151

8197

spú^tu spu.tu-

spút 12

spinél 10

ispinále spi. na.le-

spoit11 sputo

'spittle'

2118

7783

sedi^le sedi.le

seίza6

sedίle sezίl

'seat'

2112

spináre9

' of the spine'

2117

7778

seku^táre

sekutare5 segudár

sekutáre

2111

2110

konsίgo kÕsίgo

skulár(u-) 3 skolare eskolár eskoláér eskolár

'scholar'

2109

eskolar

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard, sanidozu Roum. sәnәtos(u-) Ital. sәnәtúsә 2

M'ng: 'healthy'

No.

1. Campid. 2. Neap. 3. Dalmatian (Ragusa): 'teacher'. 4. OIt. 5. Calabr., OMarch. 6. Fem., from neuter pl. /sedi-lia/. 7. 'sixth hour > siesta'. 8. Rhaeto-Rom. 9. 'spine'. 10. Rhaeto-Rom.: 'spine'. 11. Vegliote. 12. Friulian.

Notes

7835

séptimu septimu-

sédmә

settimo

'seventh'

2113

270 APPENDIX I

2120

'to caulk'

'oakum'

M'ng:

stúpa stó^ppa estó^pa estó^pә әstó^pә estopa estó^pa

REW 3

8332

PRom. istuppa Lat. stuppa

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

8333

istuppáre

estopár esto^pár

esto^p r

astupá(re) sto^ppáre

' to go up'

' to eat lunch'

2127

2126

No.

Sard, istúppa

2129

2128

8221

REW 3 8196

8353

sukke^náre subke.na.re

sukkenáre

8234.1

istat stat o'

istamín ia staminea

PRom. ispu^táre Lat. spu.ta.re

8364

subí^re subi.re

sobír 5

subí (re)

8234.2

istat ó^ne stat o'ne-

sti¢ún3

әstәmeņә estameņa estamé^ņa

Cat. Span. Port.

stá¢¢o

1

stasáun2 sta¢¢ó^ne

'stopping (-place)

'stopping (-place)' istáttu

2123

2122

stamiņņa estame^ņa

'strainingcloth'

2121

Ital. sputáre OSFr. espudár ONFr. espuð r

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'to spit'

No.

8373

suble áre suble a.re

sobťevár6

solleváre

'to raise'

2130

8252

isternú^tu sternu'tu-

Notes 1. Old Italian. 2. Vegliote. 3. Rhaeto-Romance: 'shop'. 4. 'to dine'. 5. Old Spanish. 6. Minorcan: 'to be angry'.

8262

istíngere ekstinguere

stínğe(re) stínğere esté^ņer esté^iņdrə

'to put out, extinguish'

'sneeze' (n.)

sternuto esternút esternuð әstәrnút estornudo

2125

2124

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

271

2131

8408

REW 3

8398

su eni^re sub eni're

* 7 sovenir

PRom. supti^l are Lat. subti*lia#re

Cat. Span. Port.

ONFr. sotiĮi r

OSFr.

Roum. Ital.

sowenire sovenir sovanir

'under'

'to refine'

sup¢iá(re) sottiĮĮare

2139

2138

'to come to help; to remember'

2137

No.

M'ng:

Sard.

8382

5525

8380

REW 3

Só^¢ sóto só^to8 súptus subtus 8402

súpt só^tto Só^¢

summittere submittere

summérgere submergere

PRom. Lat.

someter someté^r

sUméte (re)4 sommé^ttere somé^tre

'to let d o w n , submit'

2133

somerğír

mergere mergere

merge(re)2 mergere3

'to dip, sink'

2132

Port,

Cat. Span.

ONFr. s o m e rž i 1

OSFr.

Ital. sommérğere

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'to submerge'

No. 'to move away'

2135

8412

sukkúrrere sukkurrere

sokko^rrere sekó^rre səko^rír səkó^rrer

to succor'

' to run under;

2140

8383

8413

sukkútere sukkutere

sakudir

sekó^ire . səkó^ðra

sykydi

10

sukkutíre 9

'to shake'

2141

8383a

7.

5.

summónere °í^re summóuere °é^re sub° summone*re sub° summoue*re

semonír5 sommuóvere semonír °móndre somové^r səmóndra somóura somober 6

'to remind, warn'

2134

Notes

°

6.

8.

°P0rt.

0 S p a n .

9. Nuorese: 'dislocation of [horse' s] rear foot . 10. M i l a n e s e , 11. Lucretius (Cooper 1895.288).

Cat.

0 V e n .

1. Friulian. 2. 'to go'. 3. OIt. 4. 'to bend back'.

8394

sustáre substare

sustár

so^stáre so^star

'to stop'

2136

272 APPENDIX I

2142

8469

8468

2148

REW3

No.

REW 3

8610a

PRom. konté^ku Lat. (kum) te.kum

Ital. kontê^ko1 OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, kontígo Port, kôtígo

8620

teláriu

taler telar tear

teláio teliér

Sard, kontekus

Roum.

'loom'

telárzu

M'ng: 'with thee'

2149

suppó^nere suppo-nere

soplagár

supúne(re) soppó^n-

' to put under, suppose'

2143

PRom. supplikáre Lat. supplika•re

Span. Port.

Cat.

ONFr.

OSFr. soplegár

Ital.

Sard. Roum. supleká(re)

M'ng: 'to beg humbly'

No.

tenáklu °a 3 tenakulu8637

tanáļ a tenáļa tənáļə tanáļəs

tenáiu

'pliers, clamp'

2150

8470

supportáre supporta.re

sopportáre so^¢portár2 so^¢port r2 soportár soportár soportár

'to support, bear '

2144

8658

tepó^re tepo're-

tәvó^ur

tepo^re

'lukewarmness'

2151

8477

surrí^dere subri-dere

sonreír sorrír

so^¢riðrә2

sorrídere

'to smile'

2145

8746

tínia tinia

tínna té^ņa té^iņa tiņa tiņa tiņa

tínza

'scurf'

2152

suspendere suspendere 8486

sospéndere sospéndre sospéndra sospéndra

'to hang up'

2146

Notes 1. Old Italian. 2. With substitu tion of /soé^¢/ 'under' ( < 2139 /suptus/). 3. Plural (m/H-B) .

8490

sustené^re sustine.re

sostené^re sostené^r sostanír sostanír sostener sosté^r

susténnere

'to sustain'

2147

APPENDIX I 273

2153

2154 'transverse'

'to change'

REW3

Lat.

trauersa trans ersa

8859

8858

8919

tri^stítia tri-stitia

traversa

travers r trәvәsár trabesár (a)travesar

trabiésa travésa

tristé^¢¢a tristé^¢a tristé^¢ә tristé^¢ә tristéza tristé^za

traversa

PRom. traversáre

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

traversáre

traessa

Sard, traessáre

Roum.

'cross-beam'

M'ng: 'to cross'

8955

trúnkulu

tronco

trúnkiu

'little trunk'

trasí^re transi*re

8990

turba turba

tó^rva8

to^rba tó^rbә

truva

'unruly crowd; uproar'

2163

2162

2161

2160

2159

No. 'sadness'

8855d

8855

8852

8824

Notes ' to prepare food'. O I t . : 'very 'behind, after'. ' to b e astounded'. A p u l . , Calabr.: 'to enter'. 6. Morvand, Jura: ' to come forth' . 7. ' to move herds'. 8. 'disorder'.

1. 2. 3 4. 5.

8860

tra érsu transuer.su-

tramu^táre transmu. ta.re

8748

trečár 1

REW3

Port, tiņó^zo

trezí 6

trás(e) trans

tramutáre

trasíre5

traktáre trakta-re

tiņņó^so teņó^s teiņó^us tenó^s

Span, tiņózo

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

PRom. tin ó^su Lat. tin ó'su-

travérso travérs travérs travé^s trabiéso travesO

attramutáre

7

2158

2157

trasíre

' to go across '

2156

tra+2 trás traes trás3 trás3 trás3

'thru, across'

2155

trattáre traitár traiti r

Sard, tinžósu Roum.

M'ng: 'scurvy' (adj.) 'to treat'

No.

274 APPENDIX I

2164

urk ólu urkeolu-

9079

PRom. úrk u Lat. urkeu-

REW 3

9080

ONFr. ó^r¢ә Cat. Span. ór¢a Port.

Ital . ó^rčo OSFr. ó^rsa 4

'little jug'

určór(u-) orcuolo or¢ól or¢uél

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'jug'

2170

No.

2171

8994

8992

REW3

turbio

túrbidu turbidu-

to^rbár turbar torvár3

to^rbár

9089

ursa ursa

úrsa ursoáe ó^rsa ó^rsa ó^rse ó^rs9 ósa ursa

'she-bear'

2172

(f.sg.)

9109

uakkáriu

bakkárZu vəkár(u-) vakkáio vakier vači r vaké^r bakéro vaké^iro

'cow-herd'

2172

9020

tua tua

turturélla (turturilla) 9010

tea tú tévә

tortolíļa

tortәrélә

turtureá tortorélla

'disquieted '

tó^rbido

'thy'

'turtle-dove' toa tá tua tóa

2167

2166

2165

PRom. turbáre Lat. turba-re

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

Ital.

Sard, truváre Roum. turbá(re) 2

M'ng: 'to disturb'

No.

9120

uadó^su uado-su-

badóso vadó^so

vados(u-) guadó^so

'shallow'

2174

9035

ulmé^tu °a ulme*tu-

ulmét(u-) olmé^to olmê^da ormé^iðә olmeda olmeda olmé^do

'elm-grove'

2168

1. 2. 3. 4.

Notes ' to drive animals'. 'to become angry' . 'to hinder'. Old Gascon.

9054

unkí^natu unki. na.tu-

uncináto

unkinátu

'hooked'

2169

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

275

ake. tu-

ašáid7

2181

No.

REW 3

PRom. Lat.

ONFr. Cat. Span, Port.

9355

i^no^su i.no.su-

vinó^us vinó^s binozo vinó^zo

OSFr. vinó^s

Roum. vinós(u-) Ital. vinó^so

M'ng: 'winey' Sard.

9179

REW 3

17

abellánu abella-nu-^

abellána abella.na

17

abeļáno

alun(u-) avellano

(a)vәļánә abeļana avela

oddana alunә avellana avelána

3

'hazel-bush'

2183

2182

'hazel-nut'

9267

berbe^kár u-

berğiér berği r

9128

ue^ritáte ue.rita.te-

PRom. Lat.

e^lare e.la.re

berdaθ verdáde

—

veritá x °táte1 verdát vert ð

94

akérbu akerbu-

ğárve 5

acerbo

kêrvu

98

ake^tu

aketu akáit6 aéč^to azé^t

'vinegar'

2185

2184 'bitter'

9311

iki^nitáte uiki'nita-te-

be¢indáθ

ve¢inatáte vicinitá xl

9285

uestí^tu uesti.tu-

vestíto vestít vistít 2 vәstít bestído vestido

Notes 1. OIt. 2. Friulian. 3. Campidanian. 4. Adj. (m.sg.): 'of Avella'. 5. Rhaeto-Romance : 'fresh cheese'. 6. Vegliote. 7. Rhaeto-Romance.

9331

i^llánu i.lla-nu-

villano vilá(n ) viláin vila(n ) biláno vilao

'of a villa; rustic'

'neighborhood'

'clothing'

'shepherd'

'truth' bervekarzu berbekár(u-)

2180

2179

2178

2177

2176

Span, belár Port, ve^lár

Cat.

ONFr. ve^ilaér

OSFr. v e n á r

Ital. ve^láre

No. 2175 M'ng: 'to veil' Sard. Roum.

276 APPENDIX I

'heat'

M'ng:

6260

1503a

2192

' faint, weak'

REW 3

No.

M'ng:

3560

3562

REW3

4890

fulláre

fo^lón

fulló^ne fullo·ne- 13

Cat. Span. Port.

PRom. láng idu Lat. lang idu-

'to full»

'fuller'

fo^lláre fo^lár fo^l r fo^lár hoļár

2195

2194

2193

4891

lang ó^re langu o·re- 11

langó^ur

lingoáre10 languó^re

' faintness'

2190

Notes

4889

lang í^re lang i·re

languíre

lambríre 12

' to be faint, weak '

2191

felláre fella·ri· 15

fallárə14

3. OSard. 4. ODalm. 5. In /par¢onéro/ 'glass-worker'. 6. In /par¢é^iro/ 'sharer'. 7. Plautus (Cooper 1895:6). 8. OPort.: 'rape'. 9. Terence (Cooper 1895:5). 10. 'typhus'; in Macedo-, MeglenoRoum., 'sickness'. 11. Plautus, Terence (Cooper 1895:26). 12. 'to be hungry'. 13. Plautus (Cooper 1895:66). 14. Neapolitan. 15. Deponent.

'to do f e l l a t i o ' 1. Abruzz. 2. Varro (Cooper 1895:27).

7062

7049

folló^ne

Sard. lámbidu Roum. línčed(u-) Ital. lánguido OSFr. ONFr.

rapt ó^ne rapt o·ne-9

rapi^ère rapi·re

part o^ne part o·ne-7

PRom. kaldó^re Lat. kaldo·re 2

8

rou¢

ravír

rəpí(re) rapíre

par ¢ + 5 par¢ +6

par¢ó^ n par¢ón

parøóne par¢óņa4

3

' to rob, ravish' 'robbery'

'separating'

2189

2188

2187

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Ital. kalló^re1

Sard. Roum.

2186

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 277

2202

No.

REW

3

3558

PRom. fu^lí^gine Lat. fu·li·gine- 12

OSFr. ONFr. fulín 11 Cat. Span. Port.

Roum. funínğine Ital. fulíğğine

M'ng: 'soot' Sard.

73

69

REW 3

6780

3268

festú^ka festu·ka 16

festúka festúga festú15

'straw, stalk'

2204

5185 17. Campid.

lutáre luta·re 18

loð r

lo^táre1

ludái 1 7

15. 16.

13.

8. 9. 10. 11.

1. 3. 4. 5. 6.

1653

' to mire, muck up''

2205

1246

OIt. 2. OSpan. Plautus (Cooper 1895:60). 'to advance'. Neap.: 'to take ill' (refl.) Plautus, Terence (Cooper 1895: 26). 7. Dauphinois. Cato (Cooper 1895:79). Varro (Cooper 1895:79). Vergil (Cooper 1895:79). Rhaeto-Rom. 12. Plautus (Cooper 1895:81). Salamancan. 14. Lucretius (Cooper 1895:81). As if from /festú^ku/ (m.). Plautus (Cooper 1895:112).

Notes

3244

fe^ní^le fe·ni·le 10

bo ílle bo i·le 8 kaprí^le kapri·le

boíl

errór erró^re erro·re-6

henil

buíl 7

f (i)eníle feníl faníl

'hay-loft'

2201

erró^ur

kapríle

kapríle

'goat-fold'

2200

bovíle

'cow-stall'

2199

erró^re

'error'

2198

18. Cato (Cooper 1895:230)

pro^páqine pro·pa·gine-14

probáņa

13

propağğine probáğe prováin

propáina

'shoot, sucker'

2203

akkepí^re akkipere

a¢tó^r a¢tó^r adtór 2 a¢ó^r

aččapírə5

akkipíre

4

'to take'

2197

PRom. akkettó're Lat. akkepto.re-3

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port,

aččttó^re 1

'taker; hawk'

Sard. Roum.

2196

No.

M'ng:

278 APPENDIX I

2206

2212

NO.

287

1654

kaprínə 15 kaprína 16 kabrí(n+ ) čəvrín

REW 3

12

kaprí^nu kapri·nu- 17

aņņíno ' aņín 1 2 — aņínə 1 3 aņíno 13 aņíno 13

11

'of goats'

2213

3662

2064

kolumbí^nu kolumbi·nu-17

kolombíno 18

'of doves'

2214

2211

Notes

125

akul átu °a akulea·tu-9

əguļádə agižáda agiļída

aguğá 8 aguļat

127

akuliu akuleu-

góio 1 0

'pointed (adj.); 'sting' goad (n).'

2210

1. 'grape; branch' (f.). 2. March.: 'twig, switch'. 3. 'screw'. 4. Adj/I-II. 5. Varro (Cooper 1895:117). 6. Plautus (Cooper 1895:118). 7. Cato (Cooper 1895:127). 8. Venetian. 9. Plautus (Cooper 1895:135). 10. Old Bergamasque. 11. OIt. 12. 'sheep's wool'. 13. 'sheep-skin'. 14. Plautus (Cooper 1895:142). 15. Macedo-Roum.: 'goat's hair'. 16. 'goat's dung'. 17. Cato (Cooper 1895:142). 18. In /sássokolombíno/ 'river-gravel'.

morbó^su morbo· su-7

morbó^so

'sickly, dis eased '

'sickness'

morbo

2209

2208

galli^nák u °a4 mórbu mórbugalli-na-keu6

gaļiná¢ə gaļiná a galiná a

galiná¢a

gəiná¢(u-)

'of poultry; chicken-dung'

2207

PRom. agní^nu Lat. agni·nu- 14

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'of lambs'

9388

i·teu- °a 5

Lat.

REW3

í^t u °a4

Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port. PRom.

ví¢¢a 2 ví¢ 3 ví¢3

Roum. ví¢ə 1

Sard.

M'ng: 'of the vine'

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

279

'sieve'

5170

8244a

3774

REW 3

3198

isterkoráre sterkora· re

lupí^nu lupi·nu-10

glandár u glanda·ru 1 0

PRom. fari^nár u Lat. fari·na·r u - 1 0

sterkoráre

esterkolár esterkár

ļo^bí(n-)

lupino

'to dung'

2224

glәné^r 13

gindár(u-)11 giandáia 12 aglandie^r13

'of wolves'

2223

1679

kárkere karkere-

med ánu med ánu5452

kar¢el kar¢ere

kárčere kár¢er čártrə

'jail'

2218

miánu4 meiáo

me * áno me a(n-) meði n

'middle' (adj.)

2217

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Ital. farnáro9

Sard. Roum.

2222

2221

NO.

M'ng:

'of acorns'

2884a

2066

REW 3

egín 2

ek í^nu ek i,nu-3

kolómba kolóm(ә)

egín

'equine'

2216

PRom. kolumbu a Lat. kolumbu- a

Span. Port.

Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr. Cat.

kolúmbә1 koló^mba

'dove'

M'ng:

Sard.

2215

No.

Notes

2915

e^skáriu e·ska·r u- 8

eské^r7

iskár u 6

'food-container'

2220

I. Istro-Roum. 2. Mallorcan. 3. Lucilius (Cooper 1895:142). 4. Asturian: 'hub'. 5. Plautus (Cooper 1895:151). 6. 'crop [of birds2'. 7. 'bait'. 8. Plautus (Cooper 1895:151). 9. Tarentine. 10. Adj.: Cato (Cooper 1895:152). 11. 'acorn; jay'. 12. 'crow'. 13. 'oak'.

1680

karkerár u karkera·r u- 5

kar¢eléro kar¢eré^iro

kar¢eiér čartri r

'jailer'

2219

280 APPENDIX I

2225

1950

439

REW3

¢éstə ¢esta ¢é^sta

čé^sta ¢é^sta

kísta kista

ánede ana ánet 1 6 ánade áde

PRom. ánate Lat. anate-

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span, Port,

Sard. Roum. Ital.

3241a

fe^nár u fe·na·r u-9 1364 Notes

bukkula bukkula 12

bókla bó^klə

búkkulu

'little mouth; buckle; hair'

2229

anatíkla anatikula 12 440

natíkkia 13 anadíļa14 ané^ļə 1 5 nədíļə 1 4

'duckling; bolt'

2230

1950a

2. OSpan. 3. OPort. 'little basket' 1. OLomb. 4. Plural of 738 /isterk-/ m / H - B . 5. 'milk-cake'. 6. milk-man'. 7. 'sponge'. 8. Varro (Cooper 1895:152). čestélla 9. Cato (Cooper 1895:152). tístere17 10. 'sickle'. 11. 'hay-rick'. 12. Plautus (Cooper 1895:173). 13. Sicilian: 'door-knocker'. 14. 'door-, window-bolt'. 15. 'crutch'. 16. Valencian. 17. Bearnese. kistélla kistella 12

2233

'basket'

2232

2231

No.

M'ng: 'duck'

6645

4827

8244a

REW 3

po^már u po·ma· r u- 9

pomiér pomi r pomé^r

laktár u lakta· r u- 8

laiti r 6 ļeté^ra 7 lečéro6

fenáia feniír11

10

'of hay'

'apple-tree'

'of milk'

laptáre 5 lattáio6

2228

2227

2226

PRom. istérkora4 Cat. sterkora

Ital - stérkora1 OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. estiérkore2 Port. estérkora3

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'dung'

No.

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 281

'little

M'ng:

2240

No.

table'

shelter'

si^biláre si·bila·re9

7890

PRom. rekeptáre Lat. rekepta·re8

REW3

šuerá(re) zufoláre siulár

8885

7439

8886

trí^bulu tri·bulu-

tri^buláre tri·bula·re 10

rúmike rumike-7

tríbbio 11

'flail'

2244

3998

alare ha·la·re

alare 6

9377 Notes

i^sitáre i·sita·re

vizd r

visitáre

'to see of ten, visit '

2239

1. Lomb.: 'kneadingtrough' . 2. Lucretius (Cooper 1895:175). 3. Macedo-Roum. 4. S i c : 'contented'. 5. Neap. 6. Roman, Neapolitan. 7. Plautus (Cooper 1895:212). 8. Terence (Cooper 1895:213) 9. Plautus (Cooper 1895: 229). 10. Cato (Cooper 1895:230). 11. Old Italian.

'to breathe'

2238

tríļo tríļo

triuláre trierá(re) tribbiáre

'to thresh'

2243

7622

saturare satura·re

saturá(re) satorár ə5

'to saturate'

2237

triļár triļár

ró^miče ró^n¢ə rón¢ə

'sorrel;blackberry-bush'

2242

2241

'to whistle'

7621

sáturu saturu-

sətúr(u-) 3 sátru4

9230

ermíklu ermikulu2

vermé^ļ vermé^ļ verméļ berméžo vérmé^ļo

siulár silbar silvár

7111

2236

'little red worm' 'satiated'

2235

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Ital. ričettáre

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'to take up,

5501

REW 3

PRom. mé^sula Lat. me·nsula

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Ital. m é z l a 1

Sard. Roum.

2234

No.

282 APPENDIX I

No.

2245

—

karmenáre karmina·ri·3,4

1698

PRom. bu^kináre Lat. bu·kina·re

REW3

1369

karmenár karmeár

Cat. Span. Port.

Roum. buciná(re) Ital. bucináre OSFr. bo" enár 11 ONFr.

satulla·re 7620

satulláre

sato^lláre sado^lár səðo^l r 14 sedo^lár

' to card (wool) ' 'to sate'

karmenáre skarməná(re) 1 2 karmináre

Sard.

2253

2252

2251

No.

M'ng: 'to blow a horn'

37, 38

5202

8490a

REW 3

abortáre °i^re (abori·ri·) 3 '4

mákru makru-

PRom. su^surrare Lat. su·surra·re2

aortáre abortír avort r

aortíre

Port. susurár

mákru mágro mágre

8208

istabuláre stabula·re

estrabár

stabbiáre 15

'to stable'

2254

248.2

estí^ are aesti· ·re3,7

estiár6

estivár5

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 11. 12.

Notes

1368

búk^ina °í^na bu·kina

bo ína bu í o 1 0

bučin(u-) bučine 9 bo^ ína bui íne

'horn'

2250

'to grumble, slander'. Terence (Cooper 1895:230) Varro (Cooper 1895:231) Deponent. 'to become dry'. 'to clear off'. 'to pass the summer'. 'summer-clothes'. 'fish-net'. 10. 'trumpet-snail'. 'to buzz'. Old Genoese.

248

estí^ u aesti· u-

estíu estío estío

stío 8 estíu

istíu

'to abort'

'thin'

2249

2248 'to become summer' 'summery'

2247

2246

mágra mágro mágro

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span.

Ital. susurráre

Sard. Roum.

M'ng: 'to whisper'

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES 283

2255

2256

REW3

7599

PRom. sarkí^re Lat. sarki.re

Span. Port.

Ital. sarčíre OSFr. sar¢ír ONFr. Cat. sәrgír

2258

7895

sikkato. r u7882

séssu sessu-

3329

físsu fissu-

fé^Sә11

sés sés siéso seso

sәkadó^r sekadéro

sikkatô^r u

fé^sso

sésso 10

asséssu

sikkadrozu3

'split'

2264

displikáre displika.re6 2680

spie^gáre desple^gár desple^iaér desplegar

se^kkató^io

'seat, hunkus'

2263

2262

2261

No.

'drying-place'

1581

321

7480

M'ng: 'to sew' Sard. Roum.

4

kandikáre kandika.re5

kaņiká

REW3

albegár

albikáre

albikáre albika . re 3

sakár sač r sakár sakár sakár

arbigái2

1

' to become white 'to unfold'

2257

PRom. sakkáre Lat. sakka . re 1

OSFr. ONFr. Cat. Span. Port.

Sard. Roum. Ital.

M'ng: 'to strain, take 'to whiten' out'

No.

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 11.

Notes

6402

perkútere perkutere

perkudír perkudír perkudír8

perkuótere

'to strike (through)

2260

Lucretius (Cooper 1895:231). Campidanian. Ennius (Cooper 1895:240). Velletri: 'to blench'. Varro (Cooper 1895:240). Varro (Cooper 1895:276). 'to wear out'. 'to wound mortally'. Campidanian. 10. Old Italian. 'buttocks' ( < /físsa/, as pl. of noun m/II-B).

8687

testú^ggine (testu.dine-)

testúğğine

testugine

'tortoise'

2259

284 APPENDIX I

2272

batúda

REW3

Lat.

PRom. battú^ta

Span. Port.

Cat.

ONFr. batúoa

Roum. batuta Ital. battúta OSFr. batuda

Sard.

M'ng: beaten

1

No.

2271

6481b

REW3 6512

2052

kollokáre kolloka-re6

korkáre kulká re kollokáre kolgár kolči r kolgár kolgár5

4004

alitáre ha-lita-re 8

alәtáér

alitáre

alidái

7

(f.sg.) ' to lay, lie down' 'to breathe'

2273

6482

pinktú^ra (piktu. ra)

—

pinktó^re2 (pikto . re-) 3

Cat. Span. Port.

PRom. pingere Lat. pingere

piándro1 pínğere pe^ner pé^indra

Sard. Roum. Ital. OSFr. ONFr.

'painting'

'painter'

pencura peiņtúra pintúra pintúra pĩtúra

'to paint'

M'ng:

2267

2266

pintó^r pé^intra pinto^r pintor pïtó^r

2265

No.

5875

nek u . nu-

nekú^nu

ningún ningúno

9

negnegún

nencóin

'no-one'

2274

6489

pignora.re

pignoráre

peņņoráre pe^ņorar pendrér4 peņorár

'to pledge'

2268

7165

refu^táre refu.ta-re

refudá 11

rifutáre 10

refutáre

'to refuse'

2275

abú^ta

avútә avәta avuda әuða aguda

'had' (f.sg.)

2269

Notes 1. Vegliote. 2. Nom. /pínktor/ ( > OFr.) 3. Nom. /piktor/. 4. Rhaeto-Romance. 5. 'to hang'. 6. 'to put in place' . 7. Campidanian. 8. Plautus (Cooper 1895:212). 9. OVen. 10. OIt. 11. Friulian.

3414

folĩó^sa folĩo.sa

fuļó^za hozoza fojo'za

fozósa foioásә foļļó^sa foļó^za

'leafy' (f.sg.)

2270

FURTHER COMPARATIVE TABLES

285

286

APPENDIX I

ABBREVIATIONS The followinq abbreviations has been used in the Comparative Tables: Abruzz[ese]

Ital[ian]

Port[uguese]

Apul[ian]

Lat[in]

Rom[anee]

Calabr[ian]

Lomb[ard]

Sard[inian]

Campid[anian]

Lorr[aine]

Sic[ilian]

Cat[alan]

Neap[olitan]

S[in]g[ular]

Dalm[atian]

N[orth]

Roumfanian]

E[ast]

Nom[inative]

S[outh]

Fr[ench]

0[ld]

Tusc[an]

Gen[oese]

Pied[móntese]

Umbr[ian]

It[alian]

Pl[ural]

Ven[etian]

APPENDIX II LIST OF PROTO-ROMANCE WORDS

This section, like the corresponding appendix in Hall 1976a, provides an alphabetical list of the Proto-Romance words recon structed in this volume (nos. 724, 939, 1491-2275). In the alpha betical listing, vowel-letters follwed by / V come after the simple vowel-letters without /^/; thus, for example,/kú^i/ comes after /kúte/. In like manner, /ĩ/ follows both /i/ and /i^/, and /u/ follows /u/ and /u^/. ab 'from' 1554 ab 'with' 1624 abellána 2182 abellánu 2183 aberrare 1671 abestra 1618 ábigo 1525 abigó^ne 1525 abínde 1573 abínke 1574 abíntro 1619 aborrí^re 167 3 abortare °i^re 2247 abultra 1620 abunda 1575 abunde 1575 abu^ta 2269 addormí^re 1550 ade^skáre 1538 adípsu 1576 ad ake^re 1560 ad úngere 1577 adoperáre 1598 ado^ráre 1595 adu^náre 1601 aduíks 1578 affo^káre 2014 aggrauáre 1644 aggreuiáre 1655 agní^le 1677 agní^nu 2212 aí^× 1572 a ú^ta 1641 akérbu 2184

ake^tu 2185 akkadé^re 1635 akkaptare 1605 akkettó^re 2196 akkipé^re 2197 akkré^skere 1667 ákku 1562 akkúrrere 1553 akk á x 1565 akkuí^ X 1568 akrú^me (ne) 1552 akú(^)kula 1547 akul átu 2210 akúl u 2211 aku^t áre 1546 aláre 2237 albikáre 2256 albó^re 1678 albú^me(ne) 1679 ale 1579 al(i)kube 1580 alik ántu 1581 alitáre 2279 al ó^re 1582 al úbe 1583 al únde 1584 alláke 1569 allaktáre 1690 allá x 1569 alle iare 1601 allí^x 1570 allu^menáre 1682 altítia 1683 amarikáre 1645

amata 1646 amátor 1497 amatrí'ke 1684 ambo 1493 amó^re 1685 ánate 2231 anatíkla 2230 angláre 1686 ankó^ra 1585 ánksia 1689 anksiáre 1690 annátal970 annekáre 1844 annotí^nu 1687 ann ále 1688 antánnu 1586 antekéssor 1498 antekessó^re 1498 antiánnu 1586 apíkla 1692 ap áriu 1691 apparáre 1694 appéndere 1693 appe^sáre 1695 appod áre 1696 apportáre 169 7 apri^káre 1698 araniólu 1699 arató^ire 1700 aratú^ra 1701 arí^kiu 1845 arrestare 1702 árri 1637 ásk a °e 1625

288

aspektáre 1850 assal( )í^re 1704 assáltu 1705 asseku^ráre 1706 assikkáre 1707 asta 1826 astáre 1708 astektáre 1849 astergere 1855 asti^le 1927 attángere 1709 áttenu 1626 atti^t áre 1710 attrá(g)ere 1711 attrás 1587 a arítia 1712 a áru 1713 á t 1555 a uokáre 1654 á × 1555 a× ( : ab) 'from' 1554 a x 'with' 1624 ban áre 1714 ban ató^re 1715 ban ólu 1716 báro^ 1529 battáklu 1717 battú^ta 2271 bellát or 1510 bellat ó^re 1510 berbekáriu 2177 bo í'le 2199 brókka 1719 bukkale 1718 búkkula 2229 bullikáre 1720 bú^kina 2250 bu^kináre 2251 (d)ab 1554 dabíntus 1588 (d)ax 1554 damnáre 1814 dátu 1815 dekere 1816 dekíbile 1817 déstru 1822 dé^bitor 1499 de^bítor 1499 de^bitó^re 1499 de^fenderé 1548

APPENDIX II

de^mandare 1819 de^spektáre 1851 de^spoliáre 1821 de^stru^gere 1541 deusk a 1627 deu^sk a 1627 dignare 1826 dígnu 1827 dis úngere 1830 diskente 1828 disligáre ;829 dispartí^re 1832 (di)spendere 1831 displake^re 1833 displikáre 2258 dí^e 1825 dí(^)kta 1649 di(^)ktáre 1823 di(^)ktátu 1824 dolató^ria 1835 dolo^ró^sa 1836 dómu 1837 dormitare 1839 dulko^re 1840 dúnkue °as 1617 dupláre 1841 dúskua 1627 du^rítia 1838 dú^sk a 1627 e(i)a 1638 ekke 1561 ekkeá x 1564 ekkeí^ x 1567 ekk uá x 1563 ekk (í)sti~x 1571 ekk í^ x 1566 eksu^káre 1854 ekuí^nu 2216 erbó^su 1928 erí^kiu 1845 erró^re 2198 eskortikáre 1857 eskurtáre 1809 esmúlgere 1843 espart^re 2024 esplanáre 1852 esprímere 1853 estergere 1855 estérius 1569 esti are 2248 estí^ u 2249

éstra 1669 estran áre 1859 estrán u 1858 es entáre 1860 es oláre 1861 et, e x 1556 e^like 1933 e^likí^na 1934 é^res 1526 e^ré^de 1526 e^skár u 2220 fábrika 1862 fabrikáre 1863 fábula 1864 fabuláre 1865 faktó^r u 1866 fari^náriu 1868 fárre 1867 faskiáre 1869 fédu^1887 felí^ke 1874 felláre 2195 féllo 1530 felló^ne 1530 + fendere 1818 ferráriu 1875 féru 1876 festú'ka 2204 feté^re 1888 fetó^re 1889 fe^náriu 2228 fe^ní^le 2201 fe^táre 1877 fíde 1878 fidé^le 1879 fide^litáte 1880 filikária 1883 fílike 1882 fingere 1542 físsu 2264 fi^gere 1543 fi^latú^ra 1881 fi^ní^ta 1647 flokkó^su 1884 fló^re 1491 flú^meCne) 1885 fóku 1886 folióla 2270 folie 1890 fonte 1893

LIST OF PROTO-ROMANCE WORDS

foráme(ne) 1895 foráre 1896 forástiku 1897 forfíkula 1898 forikuláre 1899 for a 1788 for are 1800 formi'káre 1900 formi^kó"su 1901 fórt or 1511 fórt ó^re 1511 fó^ke 2013 fráte 1509 frikatú'ra 1903 frí^gere 1904 frí ^ gidu 1905 fri^gó^re 1906 fri^go^ró^sa 1907 frí^gus 1908 fronde 1909 frondia 1910 frondó^su 1914 fulláre 2194 fulló'ne 2193 fundaméntu 1915 furnárju 1913 futtú^ta 1648 fú^ga 1911 fu^lí^gine 2202 galli^nákiu 2207 gaude^re °í~re 1917 gá diu 1918 gémitu 1920 gente 'noble' 1665 gente 'people' 1921 géntjor 1512 gentió^re 1512 genus (adv.) 1613 glandárju 2222 glutto 1528 glúttu 1657 grand or 1513 grand ó^re 1513 gra itáte 1923 guló^su 1925 ibi 1590 imbukkáre 1935 immergere 1937 imparti^re 1940 impedikáre 1939

impedí^re 1938 imperató^re 1496 impikáre 1942 impinnáre 1941 infante 1524 ínfas 1524 í n f r a x 1628 inimí^ku 1945 inkapistráre 1943 inkur áre 1944 inno^dáre 1947 insék ere °i^re 1948 insêmel °ul 1951 insignáre 1946 intórkere 1950 intúnk(e) 1592 íntus 1593 in estí^re 1951 iskoláre 2109 ispi^nále 2118 ispu^táre 2120 ispú^tu 2119 istabuláre 2254 istamínja 2121 istát o 2122 istatió^ne 2123 íste 1536 isterkora 2225 isterkoráre 2224 isternú^tu 2124 istíngere 2125 ísti^ 1536 ístu 1536 istuppa 2126 istuppáre 2127 í^ra í^re

1640 'to go' 1670

ió^so 1596 únior 1514 unió^re 1514 usta °o 1629 ú^so 1597 u'stítja 1952 kalaméllu 1722 kálamu 1721 kaldó^re 2186 kalfáre 1724 kalkató^rju 1723 kal ít a 1725

kámera 1726 kameráriu 1727 kampestre 1728 kandikáre 2257 kanít a 1730 kannélla 1731 kanné^tu 17 32 kant o^ne 1733 kánu~17 29 kapillatú'ra 1735 kapíllu 1734 kapillú'ta 1736 kapistráre 1676 kapitale 1737 kápite 1642 kaprí^le 2200 kaprí^nu 2219 karkerárju 2219 kárkere 2218 karmenáre 2252 karnákju 17 38 karnále 17 39 karnárju 1740 karnó^sa 1741 karnú^ta 1742 karó^nja 1743 karrikáre 1744 kásta 1746 kastitáte 1745 ke 1557 ked 1557 k e á x 1564 k e í ^ X ;567 k e x ;557 ké^dere 1549 kélla 1747 kellár u 1748 ker í^nu 1671 ke^párju 1749 ke^púlla 1750 kertánu 1752 kertu 1751 kibáre 1754 kibárju 1755 kíbu 1753 kírka 1621 kirkêllu 1757 kirkláre ;758 kísta 2232 kistella 2233 ki itatánu 1762 ki (i)táte 1761

289

290

klamo^re 1763 kla êllu 1765 kla su"ra 1764 kli^náre 1658 klí^nu 1569 koktú^ra 1766 ko^l ó^ne 1767 kollare 1769 kolligere 1643 kollokáre 2272 kóllu 1768 kolúmba 2215 kolumbí^nu 2214 kolúmbu 2215 kómes °ite 1523 kommoue^re 1772 komplángere 1773 kompó^nere 1774 komportáre 1775 kompóstu 1776 kompre^ndere 1777 komputáre 1778 komputu 1779 komu^ne 1770 komu^nikare 1771 kon 1651 kondí^kere 1782 kondí^re 1783 konduktu 1785 kondú^kere 1784 ko(n)fori^re 1787 ko(n)fortare 1786 konfríngere 1802 ko(n)fundere 1789 koniúngere 1790 konkakáre 2110 konmê^ku 1977 konsé^ku 2110 konté^ku 2148 kornú^ta 1793 koro^nare 1803 kórtike 1856 kostáre 1794 ko(n)stríngere 1795 kos(u)tú^me(ne 1796 kos(u)tú^ra 1797 koki6nare 1798 koráta 1799 kreáre 1791 krepatú^ra 1801 kré^ta 1792 krispáre 1804

APPENDIX II

krústa 1805 krustó^sa 1806 kúbitu 1807 kunkula 1781 kurtáre 1810 kur u 1812 kur áre 1811 kute 1813 kú^i 1537 kú^ra 1808 k án 1633 k ár(e) 1634 k áx 1563 k ási 1599 k íd 1539 k ísti^ 1571 k í^x 1566 k í^ntu 1494 k ó^mo 1559 lakkiare 1957 laktáriu 2226 lanár u 1953 láng idu 2192 lang í^re 2191 lang ó^re 2190 lánk a 1954 lank áre 1955 lank áriu 1956 largít a 1958 lassáre 1960 lássu 1959 lata 1962 latrátu 1961 látro 1527 légere 1544 léo^1531 leó^ne 1531 leuáme(ne) 1963 léue 1681 ligáme(ne) 1964 lint ólu 1966 línt u 1965 longe 1600 lukráre 1967 lupí^nu 2223 lutáre 2205 lutó^sa 1968 ma ó^re 1515 makellár u 1969 mákina 1656

mákla 1971 makláre 1972 mákru 2246 mall ólu 1973 mandare 1820 manuélla 1974 mari^táre 1976 mármo 1507 marmore 223 mas o^nata 1975 med ánu 2217 med etáte 19 78 mel or 1516 mergere 2132 messáre 1979 messória 1280 métere^1981 metípse °o 1602 mea 1982 mê^ (ne) 1532 ménsula 2234 míbi 1534 minor 1517 minó^re 1517 minu^tál a 1986 mískere 1661 mí^ 1534 mí^ka (adv.) 1614 mí^ka (n.) 1983 mí^k(u)la 1984 m i n áriu 1985 modo 1603 mollikéllu 1987 mórbu 2208 morbo^su 2209 morsikáre 1990 mó^stru 1988 mulie(r) 1506 mulso^riu 1994 mulsú^ra 1995 multo 1615 mustó^su 199 7 muttu 1999 mu^gitu 1993 mu^gí^re 1994 mú^kere °í^re 1992 mú^kidu 1991 mu^tí^re 1998 náskere 1540 natató^re 2000 natí^ u 2001

LIST OF PROTO-ROMANCE WORDS

néke 2002 nek ú^nu 2274 nepo^s 1522 nigellu 2004 níkt 1756 níng ere 2005 ni áre 2006 ní^ 1635 ni^dále 2003 nostru 2009 noue 1495 nu^gále 1666 nugálior 1518 nugalio^re 1518 nukár u °a 2007 núnk a 1604 offérere °í^re 2012 ói 1639 okliáre 2010 okliáta 2011 ól u 2015 ono^ráre 19 30 onó^re 1929 ordináre 2016 ordíniu 2017 ord ólu 1931 orrí^re 1674 orró^re 1675 ospitáre 1932 ossaménta 2019 oue 2020 ouíkla 2021 ouí^le 2022 ouí^nu 2023 pal ár u 2018 part ó^ne 2187 pastináre 2026 pâstinu 2025 páte 1508 pátre 1508 pá ko 1616 pa sa 2027 páuu 2028 pedó^ne 2034 peduklo^su 2035 pe or 1519 pekko^su 2029 pekora 2030 pekuliáre 2032 pekuliu 2031

pelláme(ne) 2036 pellár u 2037 perkutere 2260 perlongu 2038 permané^re 2039 pe^ditu 2033 pignorare 2268 pílame(ne) 2040 píngere 2265 pinkto^re 2266 pinktú^ra 2267 píru 2041 piskí^na 2042 plana 2043 planáre 2044 ple^nitáte 2045 pollike 2047 pollikáre 2048 pórgere 2050 porkí^na 2049 pórku 1663 póst is 1606 postkrás 2051 potú^tu 1492 po^máriu 2227 po^me^tu 2046 predáre 2052 predato^re 2053 proba 2054 prope °o 1622 pro^ 1630 pro^ke^dere 2055 pro^míttere 2056 pro^págine 2203 pro^uide^re 2057 prú^nu 2058 pullástra 2060 pullikí^nu 2061 pulmo^ne 2062 pulpo^su 2063 punkt áre 2064 punktu^ra 2065 putató^re 2066 putrikáre 2068 pútridu 2069 putrí^re 2067 pu^likáre 2059 pú^re 1607 rabó^su 2070 radí^ke 2071 radi^kí^na 2072

291

rágere 2073 ragláre 2074 ramoAsa 2075 rankí^re 1662 ranukla 2076 rapíère 2188 rapt o^ne 2189 rasú^ra 2077 rekeptáre 2240 rekordáre 2078 rekurrere 2079 rele áre 2081 remane^re 2082 remíttere 2083 reno áre 2084 repa sáre 2085 repó^nere 2086 repré^nderé 2087 restare 1703 restríngere 2088 retórkere 2089 retrá(g)ere 2090 rétro 1608 re ersáre 2091 re ersu 2092 reuértere °i^re 2096 reuoluere 2093 ré^gere 1545 rí^su (past part.) 1650 rosa 2107 rós u 2106 ro^bore 2094 ro^bore^tu 2095 ro^táre 2097 ro^télla 2098 rúmike 2242 sabúrra 2099 saburráre 2100 sagittáre 2101 sakkáre 2255 salí^na 2102 salí^nu 2103 salí^re 'to salt' 2104 sang íniu 2105 sanitó^su 2108 sarkí^re 2261 sártor 1500 sarto^re 1500 satulláre 2253 saturare 2237 sáturu 2236

292

sedí^le 2112 sêd a °u 1652 séksta 2114 sekutáre 2111 sekuere 1949 senator 1501 senató^re 1501 sene ^without^ 1631 sen or 1520 séptimu 2113 séssu 2263 seu 1636 si 1558 sikkató^r u 2262 síkkita 2115 síne 1631 sit 1558 si^ 1558 si^biláre 2241 sonitu 2119 sordídior 1521 sordidio^re 1521 sórdidu 1668 so^lo 1609 sub 1632 subí^re 2129 subleuáre 2130 sukke^náre 2128 sukkúrrere 2140 sukkútere 2141 summérgere 2131 summíttere 2133 summónere °í^re 2134 supplikáre 2142 supportáre 2144 suppo^nere 2143 supti^liáre 2137 suptus 2139 surrí^dere 2145 suspendere 2146 sustáre 2137 sustené^re 2147 su ení^re 2138 su^surráre 2245 tanto 1608 teksátor 1503 teksítor 1503 teksitó^re 1503 tenáklu 2150 tenítor 1502 tenitó^re 1502

APPENDIX II

tepó^re 2151 térgere 1551 testú^gine 2259 té^(ne) 1533 te^lár u 2149 tíbi 1535 tín a 2152 tinió^su 2153 tí(^) 1535 tradi^re 1664 tradí^tor 1504 tradi^tó^re 1504 traktáre 2154 tramu^táre 2157 trás(e) 2155 trasí^re 2156 trauersa 2160 tra ersáre 2159 trauérsu 2158 tri^buláre 2243 trí^bulu 2244 tri^stítia 2161 trúnkulu 2162 túa 2167 túnk 1611 turba 2163 turbare 2164 túrbidu 2165 turturélla 2166 ulmé^tu 2168 ultra 1623 unki^nátu 2169 únk a 1612 urk ólu 2171 úrk u 2170 úrsa 2172 adó^su 2174 akkár u 2173 ermíklu 2235 értere 1653 estí^tu 2178 e^láre 2175 ue^nator 1505 e^ritáte 2176 iki^nitáte 2179 i^llánu 2180 i^nó^su 2181 i^sitáre 2239 í^t u 2206 ól ere 1660

REFERENCES ABBREVIATIONS JOURNALS

AAA = Archivio per l'Alto Adige. AATorino = Atti della (r.) Accademia delle Scienze di Torino, Classe di scienze moral i, storiche e filologiche. ACILFRn = Atti del [n.] Congresso di Linguistica e Filologia Romanza. ACISR = Atti del [n.] Congresso Internazionale di Studi Romani. ALLG = Archiv für lateinische Lexicographie und Grammatik. APh. = Acta Philologica. AR = Archivum Romanicum. AS = American Speech. ASNPisa = Annali della Scuola Normale di Pisa. ASNS = Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen [und Lite raturen]. ASSa. = Archivio Storico Sardo. BALI = Bollettino dell'Atlante Linguistico Italiano. BALM = Bollettino dell'Atlante Linguistico Mediterraneo. BAR = Biblioteca dell'Archivum Romanicum. BduC = Bulletin Du Cange. BF = Boletim de Filologia. BRPh. = Beiträge zur romanischen Philologie. BLN = Biblioteca di Lingua Nostra. BSL = Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris. CFS = Cahiers Ferdinand de Saussure. CL = Cercetari de Lingvisticä. CLex. = Cahiers de Lexicologie. CN = Cultura Neolatina. DR = Dacoromania. DsWien = Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaf ten, Philosophisch-historische Klasse (Wien). ERB = Etudes Romanes de Brno. EtRom. = Etudes Romanes [Bucarest]. FRom. = Filologie Romanza. FoI = Forum Italicum. GHÂ = Göteborgs Högskolas Ârsskrift. HR = Hispanic Review. ID = L'Italia Dialettale. ID-S = Supplementi all'Italia Dialettale. IF = Indogermanische Forschungen. LeS = Lingua e Stile. LN = Lingua Nostra. LSc. = Language Sciences. MLN = Modern Language Notes.

294

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

MP = Modern Philology. PhP = Philologica Pragensia. QIGUB = Quaderni dell'Istituto di Glottologia dell'Università di Bologna. RESEE = Revue des Etudes Sud-Est-Européennes. RF = Romanische Forschungen. RFE = Revista de Filología Española. RIL = Rendiconti del [reale] Istituto Lombardo di Scienze e Lettere. RLiR = Revue de Linguistique Romane. Rom. = Romania. RPh. = Romance Philology. RR = Romanic Review. RRL = Revue Roumaine de Linguistique. RStCl. = Rivista di Studī Classici. RuSt. = Rumanian Studies. SbBerlin = Sitzungsberichte der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Ber lin, Philosophisch-historische Klasse. SiL = Studies in Linguistics. SILTA = Studī Italiani di Linguistica Teorica e Applicata. SRAZ = Studia Romanica et Anglica Zagrebiensia. StCL = Studii şi Cercetări de Lingvistică. StGrI = Studï di Grammatica Italiana. UCPL = University of California Publications in Linguistics. VR = Vox Romanica. ZRPh. = Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie. ZRPh. Bhft. = Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fur romanische Philologie.

SINGLE VOLUMES

Festgabe Gamillscheg = Festgabe Ernst Gamillscheg zu seinem fünfund sechzigsten Geburtstag. Tübingen, 1952. Festschrift Elwert = Stimmen der Romania: Festschrift für W. Theo dor Elwert. Wiesbaden, 1980. Festschrift Marchand = Wortbildung, Syntax und Morphologie: Fest schrift zum 60. Geburtstag von Hans Marchand. The Hague, 1968. Festschrift Morf = Aus romanischen Sprachen und Literaturen: Fest schrift Heinrich Morf ... dargebracht. Halle/S., 1905. Festschrift Szemerenyi = Studies in Diachronic, Synchronic and Ty pological linguistics. Festschrift for Oswald Szemerenyi. Amsterdam, 1980. Gamillscheg, Ernst. Ausgewählte Aufsätze. Jena und Leipzig, 1937. Hall, Robert A., Jr. Language, Literature and Life. Lake Bluff, Illinois, 1979. Lehmann, Winfred Ph., and Yakov Mal kiel (eds.). Directions for Historical Linguistics. Austin, Texas, 1968. Mēl. Paris = Etudes romanes dediëes a Gaston Paris. Paris, 1891. M l. Thomas = Melanges de philologie et d'histoire offerts ā M. Antoine Thomas. Paris, 1927. Mēl. Wahlund = Melanges de philologie dēdiēs ā Carl Wahlund. M con, 1896. Misc. Parlangēli = Italia linguistica nuova e antica: studī in

REFERENCES

295

memoria di Oronzo Parlangēli. Galatina, 1976-79. Misc. Pei = Studies in honor of Mario A. Pei. Chapel Hill, N.C., 1972. Misc. Rajna = Studî letterarī e linguistici dedicati a Pio Rajna. Milano, 1911. Misc. S. Pellegrini = Studī di filologia romanza offerti a S. Pel legrini . Pādova, 1971. Prinzipienfragen M.-L. = Prinzipienfragen der romanischen Sprach wissenschaft Wilhelm Meyer-Lübke [...] gewidmet. Halle/S., 1910-12; 3 vols. (ZRPh.-Bhfte nos. 26-28.) Recueil d'ētudes romanes. Bucarest, 1969. Ruggieri, Ruggero Maria. Saggi di linguistica italiana e romanza. Firenze, 1962. (BAR II.29.) Synteleia Arangio-Ruiz. Napoli, 1964. AUTHORS AND TITLES

Abel, Fritz. 1970. Die Ausbildung des bestimmten Artikels und der deiktischen Systeme der romanischen Sprachen untersucht an der Sprache der lateinischen Bibel. Glotta 48.229-259. . 1972. L ' a d j e c t i f démonstratif dans la langue de la Bible latine. Etude sur la formation des systèmes dēictiques et de l'article dēfini dans les langues romanes. Tübingen. (ZRPh.Bhft. no. 125.) Adrados, Francisco R. 1975. Lingüística indoeuropea. Madrid. Aebischer, Paul. 1948. Contribution à la protohistoire des arti cles ille et ipse dans les langues romanes. CN 8.181-204. . 1971, Le pluriel -as de la première déclinaison et ses rēsultats dans les langues romanes. ZRPh. 87.74-98. Allen, J. H., and James B. Greenough. 1903. A new Latin grammar. Boston. Almeida Lucas, J. 1940-42. 0s numerais nas lenguas romānicas. Portucale 13.74-82, 132-141, 191-194 (1940); 14.11-15, 54-57, 113-116 (1941); 15.20-24 (1942). Also separately, Porto, 1942. Armstrong, Edward C. 1936. si < sit. MLN 51.68. Bacinschi, Ilie. 1926. Die Pluralbildung im Italienischen und im Rumanischen. ASNS 149.258-264. Badīa i Margarit, Antoni. 1951. Gramātica histórica catalana. Barcelona. Bartoli, Matteo Giulio. 1925. Introduzione alla neolinguistica. Genēve. Benveniste, Emile. 1968. Mutations of linguistic categories. In Lehmann and Malkiel (eds.) 1968:83-94. Blaylock, Curtis. 1974/75. The Romance development of the Latin verbal augment -sk-. RPh. 28.434-444. Bloch, Bernard, and George L. Trager. 1942. Outline of linguistic analysis. Baltimore. Bloomfield, Leonard. 1933. Language. New York. . 1946. Algonquian. In H. Hoijer et al. (eds.): Linguistic Structures of Native America 185-189 (New York). Bonfante, Giuliano. 1934. Resti romanzi di hic, haec, hoc. RFE

296

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

21.158-159. . 1961. Esiste il neutro in italiano? QIGUB 6.103-110. . 1964. Il neutro italiano, romeno e al banese. APh. 3.27-37. . 1977. Ancora il neutro italiano e romeno. ID 40.287-292. Bourciez, Edouard. 1910. Elēments de linguistique romane. Paris. (Fifth edition, 1967). Brown, C. Barrett. 1931. The disappearance of the indefinite hombre from Spanish. Language 7.265-277. . 1936. Uomo as an indeterminate pronoun. Language 12.35-44. Brugmann, Karl. 1897-1916. Grundriss der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. 2nd edition. Strassburg. . 1903. Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. Strassburg. 3 vols. Butler, Jonathan Lowell. 1969. Remarks on the Romance synthetic future. Lingua 24.163-180. Buck, Carl Darling. 1933. Comparative grammar of Greek and Latin. Chicago. Canellada, Josefa Ma. 1944. El bable de Cabranes. Madrid. Casini, Tommaso. 1905. Le iscrizioni sarde del Medioevo. ASSa. 302-380. Clancy, Patricia. 1974/75. The rise of the synthetic future in Romance: a critique of some recent hypotheses (Benveniste, Valesio, Butler). Cooper, Frederick Taber. 1895. Word-formation in the Latin sermo plebeius. New York. Coseriu, Eugen. 1976. Das romanische Verbal system. Tübingen. Dauzat, Albert. 1949. L'article existait-il au V e siècle? Word 5.123-125. de Dardel, Robert. 1964. Considerations sur la dēclinaison romane à trois cas. CFS 21.7-23, . 1978. La forme de la conjonction latine si en roman. ZRPh. 94.257-266. Densusianu, Ovid. 1901. Histoire de la langue roumaine. Paris. di Pietro, Robert J. 1963. Additional implications of Umbrian nénguere, Old Abruzzese néguere 'to snow'. Italica 40.170-171. Douvier, Elizabeth. 1972. Le démonstratif latin ille et la formation de l'article défini dans les langues romanes. CLex. 21.75-86. Ducháček, O. 1961. Les travaux de R. G. Piotrovski sur l'article dans les langues romanes. Ewert, Alfred. 1938. The French language. London and New York. Façon, Nina. 1971. Corso di storia della lingua italiana. Bucuresti. Fillmore, Charles J. 1968. The case for case. In Bach, E., and R. Harms (eds.): Universals in Linguistic Theory 1-88 (New York). Fouchē, Pierre. 1930. Morphologie historique du français: le verbe. Paris. (2nd edition, 1967.) Gaeng, Paul A. 1971. A postscript on the problem of the -äs Nominative plural ending in Latin and the origin of the

REFERENCES

297

feminine plurals in standard Italian. RStCl. 19.121-127. . 1972. The plural -i-ending of third declension masculine nouns in Italian. Misc. Pei 105-114. Gamillscheg, Ernst. 1926-28. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der fran zösischen Sprache. Heidelberg. . 1936. Zum romanischen Artikel und Possessivpronomen. SbBerlin 1936.327-357. Reprinted in Gamillscheg: Ausgewählte Aufsätze 43-78. Gartner, Theodor. 1904. Darstellung der rumänischen Sprache. Heidelberg. Gerola, Berengario. 1950. Il nominativo plurale in -as nel latino e il plurale romanzo. Symbolae Philologicae Gothoburgenses 327-334 ( = GHÂ 56.) Grandgent, Charles Hall. 1905. An outline of the phonology and morphology of Old Provençal. Boston. . 1927. From Latin to Italian. Cambridge (Massachusetts). Graur, Al. 1967. The Romance character of Roumanian. Bucharest. Gray, Louis H. 1939. Foundations of Language. New York. Guiraud, Pierre. 1971. Lucien Tesniēre and transformational gram mar. LSc. 15.1-6. Haas, Willy. 1957. Studies in linguistic analysis. Oxford (Eng land). Haēgge, Claude. 1976. La grammaire generative: rēflēxions cri tiques. Paris. Eng. tr.: Lake Bluff, Illinois, 1983. Hale, William Gardner, and Carl Darling Buck. 1903. Latin gram mar. Boston and London. Hall, Robert A., Jr. 1937. OFr. ainz, anceis-, Ital. anzi. Lan guage 13.212-215. . 1939, Italian etymological notes. Language 15.34-42. . 1943a. Melanesian Pidgin English: Grammar, Texts, Vocabu lary. Baltimore. . 1943b. It. mer. pəskráy, pəskrílə ecc. Italica 20.198-200. . 1945. Brazilian Portuguese i n f l e c t i o n . HR 13.231-242. . 1946a. Classical Latin n o u n - i n f l e c t i o n . CP 41.84-90. Reprinted in K. Strunk (ed.): Probleme der lateinischen Gram matik 172-183 (Wiesbaden, 1973). . 1946b. Bärtoli's 'Neolinguistica'. Language 22.273-283. . 1948a. French structural sketch. Baltimore. . 1948b. Proto-Romance baro ne strong man. SiL 5.65-68. . 1948c. Ancora i COmposti del tipo portabandiera, danno. LN 9.22-23.

—

faci-

. 1951. Sex-reference and grammatical gender in Enqlish AS 26.170-172. . 1952/53. The classification of Italian ecco and its cog nates. RPh. 6.278-280. . 1953. Haitian Creole: Grammar, Texts, Vocabulary. Ameri can Anthropological Association (Memoir no. 74). . 1956. Il plurale italiano in -a: un duale mancato? Ita lica 33.140-142. . 1957. Review of G. Boccaccio: Decameron (ed. C. Single ton). MP 54.270-271.

298

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

. 1961/62. Latin -s (-ās, - ē s , -ōs) i n I t a l i a n . RPh. 15.234-244. . 1962a. Umbrian nénguere. Old Abruzzese néguere 'to snow'. Italica 39.205-206. . 1962b. L'etimologia di bastardo. RF 74.111-112. . 1964. Introductory Linguistics. Philadelphia. . 1965 (pub. 1967). The "neuter" in Romance: a pseudo-prob lem. Word 21.421-427. . 1968. "Neuters," mass-nouns and the ablative in Romance. Language 44.480-486. . 1969a. Italian serpe , serpente again. LSc. 8.27-28. . 1969b. The Roumanian d e f i n i t e a r t i c l e and noun-phrase. Festschrift Marchand 109-114. Reprinted in Hall: Language, Literature and Life 72-77 (1979). . 1971. La struttura dell' italiano. Roma. . 1972. The semantics of the Rumanian neuter. RuSt. 2.189-192. . 1974. Comparative Romance Grammar: 1. External History of the Romance Languages. New York: American Elsevier. . 1976a. Comparative Romance Grammar: 2. Proto-Romance Pho nology. New York: American Elsevier. . 1976b. Il congiuntivo indipendente. StGrI 4.109-114. . 1979. I t . baro, barone e parole a f f i n i : poligenesi o monogenesi? Misc. Parlangēli 2.183-188. . 1980a. Impersonal constructions and the primacy of the predicate in Romance. Festschrift Szemerēnyi 1.317-323, . 1980b. Dal latino all'antico provenzale: sottoclassi f l e s s i o n a l i . F e s t s c h r i f t Elwert 571-578. . 1980c. The gradual decline of case in Romance substan tives. Contributions to Historical Linguistics 261-269 (Lei den, 1980). . 1980d. Scabrous etymology: English felon and Italian infinocchiare. AS 51.246-248. Harris, Zellig S. 1951. Methods in structural linguistics. Chi cago. Havet, Lucien. 1891. L's latin caduc. Mēl. Paris 305-329. Hockett, Charles Francis. 1958. A course in modern linguistics. New York. Hoenigswald, Henry M. 1943/44. Internal reconstruction. SiL 2.78-87. . 1959. Some uses of nothing. Language 35.409-420. Iliescu, Maria. 1959. La productivitē de la IVe conjugaison la tine dans les langues romanes. Recueil d'etudes romanes 87-102. Jenkins, T. Atkinson. 1933. Word-studies in French and English. Baltimore. Jespersen, Otto. 1922. Language: Its Nature, Development, and Origin. London. Jud, Jakob. 1905. Die Zehnerzahlen in den romanischen Sprachen. Festschrift Morf 233-270. Kent, Roland G. 1932. The Sounds of Latin. Baltimore. (Third edition, 1945.)

REFERENCES

299

. 1946. The Forms of L a t i n . Philadelphia. Krotkoff, George. 1963/64. A possible Arabic ingredient in the history of Spanish usted. RPh. 17.328-332. Lerch, Eugen. 1940. Gibt es im Vulgarlatein oder im Romanischen eine "Gelenkspartikel"? ZRPh. 60.113-190. Lograsso, Angelina. 1938. Observations on Italian se < sit? Ita lica 15.152-155. Lombard, Alf. 1974. La langue roumaine. Paris. Maher, J. Peter. 1969a. Italian serpe: why not *serpente? LSc. 6.5-8. . 1969b. Author's r e p l y . LSc. 8.30-35. Mal k i e l , Yakov. 1941. The development of - vu in Latin and Ro mance. Language 17.99-118. . 1945. Development of the Latin suffixes -antia and -entia in the Romance languages, with special regard to Ibero-Romance. UCPL 1.41-188. M a n c i n e l l i , Laura. 1969. Una proposta s u l l ' o r i g i n e d e l l ' a r t i c o l o indeterminato nei volgari medievali. Sigma 24.90-104. Ma czak, Wito d. 1973. Origine "du p l u r i e l i t a l i e n du type amiche. SILTA 2.425-434. . 1974. Le futur roman synthētique. Orbis 23.397-403. Manoliu Manea, Maria. 1976. Un modēle l o c a l i s t e de l ' i n c h o a t i f roman. EtRom. 1.47-62. Matthews, Peter H. 1974. Morphology: an Introduction to the The ory of Word-structure. Cambridge (England). Maurer, Theodoro H., Jr. 1951. The Romance conjugation in -ēscō (- scō). Language 27.136-145. McKenzie, Kenneth. 1936. Italian se and the formula of adjura tion. Italica 13.69-73. Meillet, Antoine. 1925. Les langues romanes et les tendances des langues indo-europëennes. RLiR 1.1-8. Merlo, Clemente. 1908. Bricciche romanze. AATorino 43.622-626. . 1911. I dialetti italiani centro-meridional i e le sorti delia declinazione latina: lettera a Pio Rajna. Misc. Rajna 667-673. . 1926. Review of Gamillscheg 1926-28. ID 2.294-297. . 1952. Review of Gerola 1950. ASNPisa II.21.114-121. Re printed under title "Di una presunta sostituzione di -as all'ae di nominativo plurale dei terni in -a", ID 20.71-85 (1955/56). Messing, Gordon M. 1947. Review of Pisani 1939. Language 23.160-162. . The Romance collective neuter and the survival of the La tin ablative. Glotta 50.255-262. Meyer-Lübke, Wilhelm. 1890. I t a l i e n i s c h e Grammatik. Leipzig. . 1890-1900. Romanische Grammatik. Leipzig. French transl a t i o n : Grammaire des langues romanes, Paris, 1890-1904, . 1911. Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Leipzig. (Third e d i t i o n , Heidelberg, 1911.) M i g l i o r i n i , Bruno. 1963. Esiste i l neutro in i t a l i a n o ? Syntel e i a Arangio-Ruiz 307-309. Mourin, Louis. 1966-68. Contribution a la description comparēe

300

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

de la morphologie verbale des langues romanes. Gand et Bruxel1es. Müller, Bodo. 1969. Futur und Virtualität. ZRPh. 85.416-427. . 1970. Die Probleme des romanischen Futurs. ZRPh. 86.401-406. . 1971. Das morphemmarkierte Satzobjekt der romanischen Sprachen (der sogenannte präpositionelle Akkusativ). ZRPh. 87.477-519. Nicholson, G. G. 1935. Origine de la conjonction si. Rom. 61.3-16. — . 1938. Romance si (se) from Latin s t. HR 6.250-257. Orbán, A. P. 1972. Zur Frage der Akkusativ- oder Nominativform Sing. als Herkunft der romanischen Substantive und die sach lichen Imparisyllaba der dritten Deklination. RRL 17.521-550. Orlandini, Anna. 1981. Wesen und Entwicklung des Artikels vom Lateinischen zu den romanischen Sprachen. IF 86.223-247. Pei, Mario A. 1941. The Italian Language. New York. PiotrovskiT, R. G. Formirovanie oprodedelënnogo artiklja v romanskikh jazykakh. UZBGPI 1959:3-21. . 1960. Formirovanije artiklja v romanskikh jazykakh (vybor formy). Moskva. . 1963. U istokov romanskogo artiklja. RESEE 1.285-308, Pisani, Vittore. 1939. Glottologia indoeuropea. Roma. (Third edition, Torino, 1961.) . 1953. Continuatori romanzi di ipse. Paideia 8.361-364. . 1971. Alla ricerca del latino volgare. Misc. S. Pelle grini 457-466. Place, Edwin B. 1937. Romance si (se) < s t? HR 5.259-264. Politzer, Robert L. 1947. Final -s in the Romania. RR 38.159-166. . 1952. On the origin of the Italian plurals. RR 43.272-281. Pope, Mildred K. 1934. From Latin to Modern French, with especial consideration of Anglo-Norman. Manchester (England). (Third edition, 1956.) Puşcariu, Sextil. 1901. Studii si notite filologice. CL 25.813-832, 885-893. . 1927. Une survivance du latin archaïque dans les langues roumaine et italienne. Mēl. Thomas 359-365. . 1943. Die rumänische Sprache. Leipzig. Ratel, V., and G. Tuaillon. 1956. Survivance de la déclinaison en Maurienne. RLiR 20.309-322. Reichenkron, Gunther. 1952. Einige grundsätzliche Bemerkungen zum Vigesimal system. Festgabe Gamillscheg 164-184. Richter, Elise. 1909. omnis — totus. ZRPh. 33.142-147. Rӧsier, Margarete. 1910. Das Vigesimal system im Romanischen. Prinzipienfragen M.-L. 1.187-205. Rohlfs, Gerhard. 1940. Das Fortleben der 4. lateinischen Deklina tion in Italien. ASNS 177.93-97. . 1943. Die Zählung nach Zwanzigern in den romanischen Sprachen. ASNS 183.126-131. . 1949-54. Historische Grammatik der italienischen Sprache

REFERENCES

301

und ihrer Mundarten. Bern. I t a l i a n t r a n s l a t i o n : Grammatica storica della lingua i t a l i a n a e dei suoi d i a l e t t i . Torino, 1966-69. . 1971. Autour de l ' a c c u s a t i f prēpositionnel dans les l a n gues romanes (Concordances et discordances). RLiR 35.312-315. . 1973. Panorama de l'accusatif prēoositionnel en Italie. StCL 24.617-621. Romeo, Luigi. 1969. Italian serpente; why also serpe? LSc. 8.28-30. Ruggieri, Ruggero Maria. 1957. Fra dimostrativo e articolo nelle lingue romanze: scorci e prospettive. ACISR8 2.369-378. Re printed in Ruggieri: Saggi 139-146 (1962). Salvioni, Carlo. 1909. Note di lingua sarda. RIL II.42.666-697, 815-869. Sandfeld, Kristian. 1930. Linguistique balkanique. Paris. Sapir, Edward. 1921. Language. New York. Schaller, Helmut Wilhelm. 1975. Die Balkansprachen. Heidelberg. Schlaepfer, Rita. 1933. Die Ausdrucksformen f ü r 'man' im I t a l i e nischen. Zurich. Schmid, Heinrich. 1951. Zur Geschichte der rätoromanischen Dekli nation. VR 12.21-81. . 1964. Zur Geschichte der romanischen Zahlwörter. VR 23.186-238. Spitzer, Leo. 1925. Urtümliches bei romanischen Zahlwörtern. ZRPh. 45.1-27. . 1939. La conjonction romane si vient-elle du latin s t? Rom. 65.289-311. Sundstedt, G. 1896. Sur le cas fondamental de la déclinaison ro mane. Mēl. Wahlund 315-336. Tekavčić, Pavao. 1968. Il fattore morfematico nelle grafie ho, hai,

ha, hanno.

SRAZ 25/26.103-108.

. 1973-73. Grammatica storica del1'italiano. Bologna. Tesniēre, Lucien. 1959. Elēments de syntaxe structurale. Paris. Tiktin, Hariton. 1905. Rumänisches Elementarbuch. Heidelberg. Trager, George Leonard. 1932. The use of the Latin demonstratives (especially Ille and Ipse) up to 600 A.D. as the source of the Romance article. New York. . 1972. Language and languages. San Francisco. Tucker, R. Whitney. 1944. The Roumanian vocative. Language 20.22-27. Väänänen, Veikko. 1950. A propos de I's final dans les langues romanes. BF 11.33-40. . 1960. Introduction au latin vulgaire. Paris. (Third edition, 1981.) Valesio, Paolo. 1968a. The Romance synthetic future pattern and its first attestations. Lingua 20.113-161, 279-307. . 1968b. La genesi del futuro romanzo. LeS 4.405-412. . 1969/70. The synthetic future again: phonology and morpho-syntax. Lingua 24.181-193. . 1970. La genēse du futur roman. ACILFR 1.807-813. Wagner, Max Leopold. 1907. Le développement du latin ego en ro man. Rom. 36.420-428, with map opp. p. 424.

302

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

. 1938-39. Flessione nominale e verbale del sardo antico e moderno. ID 14.93-170 (1938); 15.1-29 (1939). . 1960-64. Dizionario etimologico sardo. Heidelberg. Weigand, Gustav. 1918. Praktische Grammatik der rumänischen Spra che. Leipzig. Wolterstorff, G. 1919. Entwicklung von ille zum bestimmten Arti kel. Glotta 10.62-93. Wunderli, Peter. 1969. Die Bedeutungsgrundlagen der romanischen Futurbildungen. ZRPh. 85.385-415. . 1970a. Virtualität, Aktualisierung und die Futurperi phrase. Eine Duplik. ZRPh. 86.386-400. . 1970b. Nochmals zur Aktualisierung und den Futurperi phrasen. ZRPh. 86.427-448.

INDEX OF TOPICS

Adjectives compound: 154, 187-188 demonstrative: 33, 39-42, 174-175, 192 derivation of: 117-124, 187 descriptive: 29-33 inflection of: 29-33 numeral: 33, 138, 154 Adverbs compound: 153, 163 derivation of: 149, 153, 159, 163, 187 interrogative-relative : 101-102 non-interrogative-relative : 102-105 Affixation: 108-109 Alighieri, Dante: 164 Alternations, morphophonemic: 4-5, 33-37, 101, 112, 138-139, 167, 170, 173, 192-194 Article definite: 191-192 indefinite: 191 Attribution: 10 Case: 8-9, 165-169, 189-191 Classification of forms: 12 Complementation: 10-11 Compounding, compounds: 109, 154-163, 187-188, 206 Conjugations: 49 Conjunctions: 11 Contrasts, grammatical loss of: 189-191 new, development of: 191-194 Coӧrdination, coӧrdinators: 11, 107 Declensions: 16-46, 165-170, 171-175, 195-197 Derivation: 1-2, 108-163, 186-188, 204-207 Endocentric formation: 110-111, 151, 154-159

Endings, personal: 51 Exocentric formation: 110-111, 151-153, 159-163 Forms, inflected classification of: 12 structure of: 15-16, 47-51 Gender, grammatical: 7-8, 155, 168 Indeclinables: 11-12, 101-107, 183-184, 202 Infixation: 108-109 Inflection: 1-2, 7-107, 164-185, 195-203 categories of: 7-9, 163-165 Introduction, introducers: 11, 105 Latin, Classical relation to Proto-Romance: 5-6, 164-188 Minor clauses: 11-12, 105, 107 Modification: 10 Nouns compound: 154, 188 derivation of: 124-137, 186 inflection of: 16-30, 33-37, 165-170 used as adverbs : 104 Number (grammatical): 9, 51, 165, 168, 189 Numerals: compound: 154 derivation of: 138, 154 inflection of: 33, 175, 199-200 Parasynthetic compounds: 159-163 Person (grammatical category): 9 Predication: 10 Prefixation: 2, 108-109, 151-153, 187, 205-206

304

PROTO-ROMANCE MORPHOLOGY

Prepositions: 11, 105-106 Tense: 9 Pronouns Variation, morphological: 1-3 demonstrative: 39-43 Verbs indefinite: 199 aspect: 176 interrogative: 42-43 personal: 37-39, 175-176, 198 classification of: 51 relative: 42-43 compound: 151-163, 188 Protagonism: 10 conjugations: 49, 178, 182-183 Proto-Indo-European:164-168, 186 derivation of: 138-149, 151-163 Reconstruction, criteria for : 2-3 finite: 47-100 future: 51, 71-72, 182 Sex-reference: 7 inflection of: 47-100, 176-183 Stern-formants: 47-49 moods: 176 Stems passive: 177, 182 of nouns: 15 roots: 47-49 of verbs: 15-16, 47-49 stems Subordination, subordinators: A ("present"): 47-49, 51-72 11, 106 B ("future"): 47-48, 72 Substantives ( = nouns and ad C ("preterite"): 47-48, jectives) 72-93 derivation of: 112-117 stem-formants: 47-49 inflection of: 16-37, 189-191, "supine"-stem: 138-141, 159 195-198 tense-markers: 51 Substitution: 11 tenses: 49-51, 176-182 Suffixation: 2, 108-109, 112-150, 186-197, 204-205 zero-allomoprhs: 15-16, 47 Syntactic functions: 9-11 zero-suffixation: 108 Syntax, relation of to morpho logy: 3-4, 9-12