One Hundred Thousand Moons- An Advanced Political History of Tibet vol 02

One Hundred Thousand Moons

One Hundred Thousand Moons

Brill’s Tibetan Studies Library Edited by

Henk Blezer Alex McKay Charles Ramble

VOLUME 23

Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa Finance Minister of Tibet

One Hundred Thousand Moons An Advanced Political History of Tibet

By

Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa Translated and annotated by Derek F. Maher

Volume 2

LEIDEN • BOSTON 2010

On the cover (back & front): Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, Finance Minister of Tibet This book is printed on acid-free paper. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Shakabpa, W. D., 1908– [Bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs. English] One hundred thousand moons : an advanced political history of Tibet / by Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa ; translated and annotated by Derek F. Maher. v. cm. — (Tibetan studies library ; v. 23) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-17732-1 (hbk. : alk. paper) 1. Tibet (China)—History. 2. Tibet (China)—Politics and government. I. Title. II. Title: 100,000 moons. DS785.S3813 2009 951’.5—dc22 2009035414

ISSN 1568-6183 ISBN 978 90 04 17790 1 SET ISBN 978 90 04 17732 1 Original publication in Tibetan: Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, BOD KYI SRI DON RGYAL RABS, (Kalimpong, India), 1976. Copyright Tsoltim N. Shakabpa, T. Chukie Shakabpa-Wangdu. Copyright to the English translation: Derek F. Maher, Tsoltim N. Shakabpa, T. Chukie Shakabpa-Wangdu. Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints BRILL, Hotei Publishing, IDC Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Koninklijke Brill NV provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

CONTENTS VOLUME 2 List of maps and illustrations Illustration Section Chapter Twelve Eleventh and Twelfth Dalai Lamas; the Dogra War in Ladakh; Regent Shedra and Treasurer Pelden Döndrup .......................................................................................... Chapter Thirteen Thirteenth Dalai Lama and the Border Dispute with Britain ...................................................................... Chapter Fourteen Younghusband Military Mission and its Consequences ................................................................................. Chapter Fifteen Chinese Invasion of Lhasa and Tibet’s Struggle to Maintain Her Independence ................................... Chapter Sixteen Proof of Tibet’s Enduring Independence ...... Chapter Seventeen Tibetan-Chinese War in Kham .................. Chapter Eighteen Emergence of Political Conflict within the State ........................................................................................... Chapter Nineteen Great Fourteenth Dalai Lama is Enthroned Chapter Twenty Chinese Communist Invasion of Tibet ......... Chapter Twenty-One Necessity for the Fourteenth Dalai Lama to Assume Religious and Political Authority Suddenly Chapter Twenty-Two Beginning of the Revolt against the Chinese in Kham, Gradual Suppression of the Entirety of Tibet, and Necessity for the Dalai Lama and Others to Seek the Protection of India ................................................................. Chapter Twenty-Three Dalai Lama’s Appeal to the United Nations upon arriving in India ................................................. Afterword .......................................................................................... Appendices Appendix I International Treaties and Agreements ........... Appendix II Dalai Lamas, Paṇchen Lamas, Regents, and Ganden Tripas ......................................................................... Bibliography of Tibetan Resources ............................................... Bibliography of Other Resources .................................................. General Index ................................................................................... Index of Locations ...........................................................................

575 621 657 713 755 783 845 875 915 943

995 1033 1065 1079 1133 1139 1155 1165 1177

LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS Maps 1. 2. 3. 4.

Southern Tibet ............................................................................ Lhasa City .................................................................................... Tibet within Asia ........................................................................ Eastern Tibet ...............................................................................

244 322 622 784

Illustrations 1. Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa 2. The Sino-Tibetan Treaty of 821 inscribed on a stone pillar 3. Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa wearing customary jewelry prior to his departure on the 1948 Tibetan Trade Mission 4. Members of the Tibetan Trade Mission of 1948 5. Tsepon Shakabpa with the British Viceroy of India, Lord Louis Mountbatton, in 1948 6. Tsepon Shakabpa meeting with Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1948 7. The Tibetan Trade Mission outside 10 Downing Street in London 8. Tsepon Shakabpa meeting with the President of India, Rajendra Prasad, in New Delhi in 1950 9. The Tibetan Delegation to India meeting with Indian Prime Minister Nehru in New Delhi in 1950 10. Tsepon Shakabpa receiving a visit from Jayaprakash Narayan in Kalimpong in 1968 11. Tibetan soldiers with the Tibetan national flag. Circa 1947–8 12. Certificate presented to Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa by the Tibetan cabinet in 1985 13. Tibetan passport employed by Tsepon Shakabpa during the Tibetan Trade Mission in 1948

ILLUSTRATION SECTION

This stone pillar (rdo ring), which is inscribed in Tibetan and Chinese with the Sino-Tibetan Treaty of 821, was erected below the front of the Potala Palace in the ninth century.

Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, Finance Minister of Tibet, seen here wearing a gold and turquoise crown and a gold, turquoise, and pearl earring. The photograph was taken prior to his departure on the 1948 Tibetan Trade Mission.

Members of the TIBETAN TRADE MISSION—1948 Left to right: Khenchung Taikhang (younger brother of Tsepon Shakabpa), Zurkhang Surpa, Tsepon Shakabpa (Leader of the Mission) and Pomdawa Lozang Yarpel.

Tsepon Shakabpa met with the last British Viceroy of India, Lord Louis Mountbatton, in 1948. Kuladharma Ratna translated, while Pomdawa Lozang Yarpel, member of the Trade Mission, stood in the background.

As leader of the Tibetan Trade Mission, Tsepon Shakabpa met in 1948 with Dwight D. Eisenhower, then the President of Columbia University.

The Tibetan Trade Delegation met with British Prime Minister Clement Atlee at 10 Downing Street in London. Left to right: Kenchung Thubten Tsepal Taikhang (younger brother of Tsepon Shakabpa), Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, Rimzhi Pomdawa Lozang Yarpel, Prime Minister Clement Atlee, Dzasa Zurkhang Surpa, Kaludharma Ratna (translator).

Jigme Taring (left) translated during a meeting between Tsepon Shakabpa and the President of India, Rajendra Prasad, in New Delhi in 1950.

The Tibetan Delegation to India met with Indian Prime Minister Nehru at his residence in New Delhi in 1950. Front row: Tsecha Thubten Gyalpo, Pema Yudon Shakabpa (wife of Tsepon Shakabpa), Indira Gandhi, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, Tsering Dolma (older sister of His Holiness the Dalai Lama), Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, Depon Phuntsok Tashi Takla (husband of Tsering Dolma). Back row: Dzasa Jigme Taring, Unknown monk, and Chepon Chemo Driyul (brother-in-law of Tsepon Shakabpa).

The prominent Indian politician, Jayaprakash Narayan, visited Shakabpa House in Kalimpong, West Bengal, India in 1968. Front row: Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, Jayaprakash Narayan, Pema Yudon Shakabpa (Tsepon’s wife), Mrs. Jayaprakah Narayan, and Margaret Hennessy Shakabpa (the Tsepon’s daughter-in-law and wife of Tsoltim Ngima Shakabpa). Back row: Wangchuk D. Shakabpa (Tsepon’s grandson & son of Tsoltim & Margaret Shakabpa), Chamba Wongmo Thonsur (Tsepon’s daughter), Kunsang Namdrol Shakabpa (Tsepon’s son). Photo taken by Tsoltim N. Shakabpa.

A squad of Tibetan soldiers with the Tibetan national flag. Circa 1947–8.

This Certificate of Award was presented to Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa by the Kashag, the cabinet of the Tibetan government-in-exile in Dharamsala, India. In an official translation, the text reads as follows: 23rd May 1985 To Tsepon Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa, In addition to your sincere and faithful service to the Government of Tibet both in Tibet and exile, you have authored “A Political History of Tibet” which was an eye opener for the general public about the status of Tibet as a nation. In recognition to your excellent service to the Tibetan nation and for its independence, the Kashag (Cabinet) confer this special certificate honoring you as “An Authority over the Political History of Tibet.” Signed, Juchen Thupten

The Tibetan passport employed by Tsepon Shakabpa during the Tibetan Trade Mission in 1948.

CHAPTER TWELVE

ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH DALAI LAMAS; THE DOGRA WAR IN LADAKH; REGENT SHEDRA AND TREASURER PELDEN DÖNDRUP TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION The ninth to twelfth Dalai Lamas (1806–1875) all died as youths, and it has been darkly suspected that they were murdered, perhaps by the ambans seeking to advance Qing power, perhaps by their monastic retainers hoping to maintain control over resources, or perhaps by nobles intent on enhancing the interests of their class. Shakabpa does not advance any of these theories, instead accepting that the deaths were a result of natural causes. As the 19th century advanced, changes swirled all around Tibet. Britain was establishing a presence all along Tibet’s southern borders, Russia was encroaching through Central Asia and the Mongolian lands, and the Qing found their power in dramatic decline within China. These external shifts contributed to a period of change within Tibet, as well. A series of weak regents ruling in place of the youthful Dalai Lamas ultimately gave way to more powerful figures able to consolidate power and resist incursions from without. This trend reached fulfillment with the ascension of the thirteenth Dalai Lama, a figure charismatic and powerful enough to be compared to the great fifth Dalai Lama. The chapter opens with the by now familiar process of identifying a new Dalai Lama, this time the eleventh in the lineage. According to Shakabpa, the child, born in 1838, had already been determined to be the correct incarnation when the Golden Urn Lottery was performed confirming the selection. As we saw in Chapter 11, he was anxious to provide evidence that the Golden Urn method, an unwelcome intrusion in Tibetan religious matters, was of little consequence. He further minimizes the significance of its use in the case of the eleventh Dalai Lama by pointing out that there are no records of a rival candidate. Yet, the young incarnation, Khedrup Gyatso (1838–1855), would not survive to adulthood, barely ruling for six months. Meanwhile, turmoil in India bubbled up over the edge of the Himalayas to influence events in Tibet. Tibet is often wrongly depicted as

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having been more isolated, more homogenous, and more monolithic in religious identity than it was. In fact, there has long been a considerable presence of people from other religions. Beginning in the 12th century, Kashmiri immigrants arrived in Western and Central Tibet by way of Ladakh, their homeland providing the toponym employed in Tibetan to refer to all Muslims, “Khaché.” It was to the descendants of these people that the fifth Dalai Lama famously provided land grants for both a cemetery and a mosque, the latter being built as early as 1650. In the process, he also legitimized and normalized the status of Muslims in Lhasa. Moreover, Hui people, Muslim descendents from Central Asian traders, made their way to Lhasa from northeastern Tibet; especially in the early 18th century, a significant number of Hui arrived in the capital as support troops for the invading Dzüngar Mongolians.a The present chapter recounts how another population of foreigners came to complicate the religious landscape in Tibet even more. A member of a declining family of Hindu princes in Jammu in northern India, Mahārāja Gulab Singh (1792–1857) managed to revitalize his family’s fortunes by attaching himself to the ascendant Sikh king, Ranjit Singh. By the 1820s, Gulab and his brothers had become such a powerful force in Jammu and Kashmir that they inspired British apprehensions, fearing that a powerful independent force in Kashmir might disrupt British aspirations in Afghanistan, the Himalayas, Gurkha Nepal, and elsewhere. The Mahārāja made his move against Ladakh by dispatching his general Wazir Zorawar Singh (1786–1841) with an army, led by Hindu officers and composed mainly of soldiers of the Sikh faith. The Buddhist Ladakhis, with long ties to Tibet, found themselves unprepared to resist, whereupon their king Tsepel Namgyel was deposed. Despite this setback for Tibetan interests, British records also register some ambivalence in that they hoped a belligerent Dogra attitude towards Tibet might serve to drive the Tibetan shawl wool trade into markets controlled by the East India Company.b In 1841, the emboldened Zorawar Singh attacked Tibet itself with Ladakhi and Sikh troops under his command. While the more wella This little studied area of Tibetan religious history deserves more scholarly attention. See, for example, Chen Bo, “A Multicultural Interpretation of an Ethnic Muslim Minority: The Case of the Hui Tibetan in Lhasa,” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs 23 (2003), 41–61 and Gray Henry, ed. Islam in Tibet & Tibetan Caravans (Louisville, KY: Fons Vita, 1997). b Robert A. Huttenback, “Gulab Singh and the Creation of the Dogra State of Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh,” Journal of Asian Studies 20 (1961), 477–488.

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armed invaders enjoyed success initially, the Tibetans made strategic use of their greater familiarity with the terrain and the difficulties of operating in frigid winter weather. After three days of fighting, a deep snow fell. As the Dogra troops suffered, the Tibetans and their Mongolian allies attacked from all sides, and bitter hand-to-hand fighting ensued. Zorawar Singh was dragged from his horse and beheaded, three hundred of his troops were killed in combat, and about seven hundred were captured. While the captives were taken to Central Tibet, the remainder of the fleeing army was pursued all the way back to Ladakh, where the Tibetan army was ultimately defeated. After extensive negotiations and the signing of a treaty, the Sikh captives were freed and granted leave to return home. However, more than two hundred of them elected to remain in Tibet where they settled in Lhasa, Yarlung, Chongyé, and points to the south. Many of the Dogra soldiers married Tibetan woman, adopted local customs, and worked as butchers, cultivated fruit trees, or performed other work. Perhaps owing to their status as outsiders in Tibetan culture, many of them seem to have identified with other marginalized people, a fact which may have contributed to their gradual conversion to Islam. They became known as the “Singpa Khaché” (sing pa kha che) people, a curious blending of names for the Sikh and Islamic faiths. The Singpa Khachés came to be stalwarts of the Lhasa Islamic community, and their status was legitimized by the fact that Singpa butchers were subsequently selected to provide meat for the table of the Dalai Lama. In 1844, the Regent Tsemönling Nomihen Ngawang Jampel Tsültrim Gyatso was deposed for malfeasance after twenty-four years of rule. Echoing the common theme, Shakabpa suggests that one of the reasons for his dismissal was his assertion that the Golden Urn had been employed in selecting the tenth Dalai Lama when it had not.c The regent’s dismissal and his subsequent treatment by the authorities caused a great rift with Sera Monastery from which the regent had risen, reinforcing that there could often be substantial gaps between the interests of the great monasteries and the government. The regent from Tsemönling was replaced for just nine months by the fourth Paṇchen Lama Tenpé Nyima (1781–1854) and Radreng Ngawang Lozang Yeshé Tsültrim Gyeltsen (1816–1863). In 1855, the regent retired to Radreng Monastery when the seventeen-year old Dalai Lama assumed control

c

See p. 569 above and p. 588 below.

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over the government. However, within six months, he died. Radreng Rinpoché resumed the regency for a second time. Throughout this period, unrest prevailed along Tibet’s western and southern borders. A conflict broke out with the Ladakhis in 1853. Moreover, a general sense of turmoil was fostered by the serious conflicts in British India, including the notable Sepoy Rebellion which began in Lucknow in 1857 and rapidly spread across northern India. Internal tensions within Nepal resulted in territorial incursions into Tibet, a situation that was resolved swiftly in 1856. As tumultuous as matters were among these neighbor’s of Tibet, they were even more chaotic in China. The Opium Wars, coastal conflicts with the western powers, the Taiping Rebellion, a restive Muslim population, and yet other sources of distraction meant that the Manchurian regime in Beijing could no longer exercise detailed control over even their own delegation in Lhasa, never mind the Tibetan factions.d In this environment, the Manchu presence in Tibet became ineffective. Shakabpa mentions that the amban had fewer than a hundred bodyguards, the government in Beijing was unable to keep up with the pay of the military, “[m]ost of the Manchu officers and functionaries were opium addicts,” and Tibetans were disgusted with them all because of their affliction with syphilis, which they called “the Chinese disease.”e Shakabpa’s tone is very dismissive of Qing pretensions to authority in Tibet at this time. Radreng Rinpoché conducted the search for the twelfth Dalai Lama, ultimately selecting a boy from Ölga known as Trinlé Gyatso (1856– 1875). Extensive tests were performed on the child, all confirming what had been independently determined by various incarnations, i.e., that he was certainly the correct incarnation. Nonetheless, since there were three candidates, it was decided to perform the Golden Urn Ceremony to determine definitively the identity of the new Dalai Lama. Since public sentiment was clearly in favor of the child from Ölga, extensive public services were performed to pray that he was selected; in the end, his name was chosen by the lottery method as well.

d Jonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), 143–193. e See p. 598 below.

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A power struggle broke out between the cabinet and the regent when Cabinet Minister Shedra (1795–1864) was suspected of attempting to displace the regent. When Shedra was sent into internal exile, a case was made against him asserting that he had been hatching a conspiracy with Jung Bahadur Ratna, the Prime Minister of Nepal. When an assassin was sent to dispose of Shedra, the assailant was dissuaded from killing him. Instead, he was placed under house arrest in a monastery in Nyemo. Before long, word leaked to monks from Ganden Monastery that the former minister was being held there. Pelden Döndrup, the steward of Ganden Shartsé Monastery, reached out to monks from Drepung, and an alliance of the two great monasteries permitted Shedra to return to Lhasa, depose Radreng Rinpoché, and secure the regency for himself. The monks from Sera, Radreng’s own monastery, remained allied to him. However, in the end, it was not enough, and Radreng fled to China. In an effort to unify the public, the seven-year old Dalai Lama was invested with political power, with Shedra ruling as regent. Subsequently, he was replaced by Dedruk Hotoktu Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk, the seventy-sixth Throne Holder of Ganden (d. 1872). Shakabpa next narrates a series of conflicts in the eastern borderlands. His objective is to show that the central government was able to exercise control over those regions throughout this period, and the Qing in China played no significant part in these events. The most notable sign of Qing impotency is the mention of the court’s issuance in 1867 of a wooden plank with a trilingual inscription. In former times that were happier for the Qing, such proclamations had been etched on gold tablets.f In the wake of the previous events surrounding the ascent of Regent Shedra, Pelden Döndrup was elevated to the status of a cabinet minister, and eventually he was appointed as the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant. Shakabpa depicts Pelden Döndrup as being corrupted by his great power. Quoting his own grandfather’s eye-witness reports, Shakabpa describes him as arrogant and capricious. Overestimating his own authority, he attempted to usurp the regency. He assassinated one of the cabinet ministers, but the regent had been warned. The next day, many of Pelden Döndrup’s co-conspirators were arrested, and Pelden Döndrup died in the melee.

f

See p. 608 below.

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The regent died in 1872, and the Dalai Lama nominally assumed authority over the government, even though he was only sixteen. In 1875, at the age of eighteen, he succumbed to an illness and died. Kündeling Tatsak Jedrung Tungzhen Hotoktu Ngawang Pelden Chökyi Gyeltsen (1850–1886) was appointed regent.

CHAPTER TWELVE

ELEVENTH AND TWELFTH DALAI LAMAS; THE DOGRA WAR IN LADAKH; REGENT SHEDRA AND TREASURER PELDEN DÖNDRUP The Protector Regent Tsemönling Hotoktu Nomihen and the cabinet announced throughout Tibet that the names of all remarkable children should be reported. From among all of the reports, delegates were dispatched to investigate the candidates. One delegation consisting of Lodrö Tenpa who was the Abbot of Drepung Monastery’s Dülwa, the Potala guard Sangyé Pelzang, and regiment leader Nangkarsé arrived in Gartar on their way to Dartsedo. There they heard about a remarkable child named Namjom Dorjé who was born on the first day of the ninth month of 1838 in the family of Menchö Küntsek. When they went to meet him, he was no more than three years old and his behavior was unlike other children. He immediately recognized the Potala guard Sangyé Pelzang. There had been marvelous signs for the parents and the people of the region. By virtue of his great superiority, he was able to recognize clothes and other personal possessions of the previous Dalai Lama without error. These facts were reported to Lhasa. Since there was perfect agreement even among the lamas and gods that the government had consulted, and so forth, the child was formally clothed in robes on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month of 1840. On the fifth day of the second month of 1841, the party began traveling toward the capital of the golden valley of Ü; they stayed for a while at Sangngakkhar in Dechen. The all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché, the Regent Trichen Nomihen, the cabinet ministers, lamas and incarnations of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and so forth gathered; the incarnation was shown religious objects, robes, and personal items of the previous Dalai Lama as well as copies of them amidst the group. He recognized the correct ones without any doubt. Still, the Golden Urn Lottery was performed at the Potala on the twenty-fourth day of the fifth month, and the child was selected again by that method. Regiment leader Nangkarsé and two assistants arrived in Dechen to announce the news. Except for the mention of the Golden Urn Lottery drawing, the biographies and records make no mention of the other candidates for the incarnation.

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Gungtang died on the first day of the sixth month. On the auspicious fourth day of the sixth month, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Lozang Tenpé Nyima Chok ceremonially cut the Dalai Lama’s lock of hair and gave him the name Khedrup Gyatso. The Dalai Lama immediately left for Rikya Samtenling Monastery on horseback.1 The party left Rikya Samtenling Monastery on the fourteenth day of the fourth month of 1842, proceeding in the traditional manner to Püntsok Dögutang, where they stayed. On the fourteenth day, a procession of the important figures from throughout Tibet, as well as an extensive array consisting of Changkya Hotoktu, a deputy offering congratulations on behalf of the Manchu emperor, officials of Chintrel,a the Manchu amban in Lhasa, Muslims, Nepalis, and Acharyas, a monastic procession of Sera, Drepung, and other monasteries, dancers and singers from throughout the four areas of Lhasa and the surrounding area all processed to [the Potala Palace,] the inconceivable mansion, the second home of Avalokiteśvara. The Dalai Lama was established on the golden throne.2 Thereafter, the enthronement ceremony lasted for six months with the participation of Trashi Lhünpo, Regent Nomihen, the Manchu delegate, Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, the cabinet, the drungchi, the senior figures of Ü Tsang, the rulers of Sakya, Drigung, Taklung, Drukwa, and Dergé, and all of the monks and lay people. In that year, a severe earthquake struck Horkhok, Lingtsang, Rudam, Dergé, and so forth, causing terrible losses in human life, livestock, land, and property. The central government sent representatives to investigate the situation and to distribute aid such as shelter, grain, and money.3 War Between Tibet and Ladakh4 For more than ten years, the Dogra King Singh5 had continually harassed the border region of Ladakh. As a result, the descendents of Tibet’s ancient religious kings escaped to Tibet under terrible difficulties.b

a It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time, the ambans in Lhasa were Meng Bao (1839–1842) and Haipu (1839–1842). See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 48. b In the turmoil following the assassination of King Lang Darma in the early 9th century, members of the Tibetan royal family fled central Tibet, eventually reaching Ladakh and founding a royal dynasty. See p. 40 and also Luciano Petech, A Study of the Chronicles of Ladakh (Calcutta: Calcutta Oriental Press, 1939), 82–85.

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Thereafter, Mahārāja Gulab Singh sent Wazir Zorawar Singh and his troops in order to support of the Singh Dogra army; they arrived on the Ladakh border. After some resistance by the Ladakhis at several places along the border, Ngödrup Tendzin, the minister of Ladakh, surrendered to Wazir Zorawar Singh. Zorawar Singh deposed Lala, the ruler of Ladakh, placing Ngödrup Tendzin on the throne. Each year, he was supposed to pay six thousand rupees to the Kashmiri king in tribute. Whether it was because he was unable to make this payment or if it was for some other reason, Zorawar Singh again led six thousand Sikh troops back to Ladakh six years later. Ngödrup Tendzin was deposed and the former ruler, Lala, was restored to the throne. Formerly, when Tibetan government traders sold tea, wool fabric, raw wool, and so forth in Ladakh and purchased items needed by the Tibetan government, such as dried fruit, linen, and so forth, the Ladakhis would arrange accommodations for them and provide for their transportation, hay, horse porters, and animals. Not only was this custom discontinued in 1841, but large armies of Ladakhis and Sikhs also attacked Ngari Korsum. As soon as this news reached Lhasa from the Tögar leader, Tsang Dapön Pelzhiwa, Ü Dapön Zurkhangpa, and Tseten’s forces6 were dispatched. As they fought with the Sikh troops, the Tibetan army had a few Mongolian and Tibetan-made guns, but mostly they were armed with bows, swords, and spears. The Sikh army had mechanical guns and cannon. Thus, the Tibetans lost territory and the Ladakhi and Sikh troops reached as far as Taklakotra in Puhreng and Droshö in Sanga. Again, the Tibetan government quickly dispatched Ü Dapön Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo7 and the Ü Tsang militia under the leadership of Cabinet Minister Pellhün; when they arrived in Ngari, one regiment of the foreign army was stationed at Rutok, another was at Trashigang, and a third was at Rupshö. Secret preparations were made for the Tibetan troops to confront each unit. Zorawar Singh and the most seasoned troops, who were stationed at Taklakhar Castle, were confronted by Cabinet Minister Pellhün. In the eleventh month, during the coldest weather of the year, the Tibetan troops attacked from all directions simultaneously. Three days after the fighting began, a heavy snow fell. Thus, the Sikh troops who were at Taklakotra became frozen solid. Trembling under their difficulties, the Sikhs were attacked by the Tibetans in terrible hand-to-hand fighting. They were attacked wherever they were. While Zorawar Singh was riding his horse, rushing

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back and forth, he was recognized by a Yasor8 called Mikmar. He threw a spear and Zorawar Singh fell from his horse. Leaping off of his own horse, Mikmar cut Singh’s head off and carried it into the middle of the Tibetan camp. This was seen by the Sikh soldiers, and they fled in whatever way they could.9 The Tibetan army killed about three hundred Sikh troops and about seven hundred were captured. Among them, there were two Ladakhi ministers. They were also sent off to Ü Tsang. The Tibetan soldiers pursued the remaining troops as far as a place called Dumra,10 just one day’s journey from Leh, where the Tibetan army pitched their camp. Several months later, in the beginning of the summer of 1842, Mahārāja Gulab Singh inflicted a terrible defeat on the Tibetan army with eight thousand troops under Dewan Hari Chand and Wazir Ratun, along with Dogra troops attacking Dumra suddenly under the cover of night. Dapön Zurkhang, Dapön Pelzhi, and sixty troops, were captured and taken to the capital, Leh.11 Cabinet Minister Pellhün’s deputy arrived in Leh, Ladakh; he met with Dewan Hari Chand and the two reached a temporary agreement. It said that whatever Tibetan troops there were in Ladakh would be withdrawn. Both sides were to permit any troops who wished to return to their respective regions to go, and they were to be returned immediately with horses, and so forth. Subsequently, fully empowered delegates were to meet and reach a final settlement. Both Dapön Zurkhang and Dapön Pelzhi and all of the troops who were in Ladakhi hands were returned to Tibet. The two Ladakhi ministers and just two-thirds of the Sikh soldiers were returned. However, the other third married Tibetan women and settled in Yarlung in Lhokha, Chongyé, and Zangri. They cultivated many things such as apricots, apples, and grapes. There are many descendents of the Sikhs in the Lhokha region. At the conclusion of the war, Cabinet Minister Pellhün, Dapön Zurkhangpa, and Dapön Pelzhiwa returned to Lhasa. The cabinet minister was praised and Dapön Zurkhang was promoted to the rank of cabinet minister. However, Tsang Dapön Pelzhiwa did not receive any sort of reward. Nothing clear is mentioned in the records as a reason for this. Immediately, Cabinet Minister Zurkhangpa went to Leh to negotiate a final peace agreement with Ladakh; he was assisted by Tsang Dapön Pelzhiwa, Lejar Tsechak Sarjung, Nyitang Lama Yeshé. The Sikhs and the Tibetans conferred on how to restore a peaceful atmosphere in Ladakh; to this end, the Sikh side presented the following signed agreement sworn to the Tibetan government:

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Śrī Khalsaji Apsarani Śrī Mahārājah; Lhasa representative Cabinet Minister Zurkhang; investigator Dapön Pelzhi, commander of forces; Balana, the representative of Gulam Kahandin; and the interpreter Amir Shah, have written this letter after sitting together. We have agreed that we have no ill-feelings because of the past war. The two kings will henceforth remain friends forever. The relationship between Mahārājah Gulab Singh of Kashmir and the Lama Guru of Tibet (Dalai Lama) is now established. The Mahārājah Sahib, with God (Könchok) as his witness, promises to recognize ancient boundaries, which should be looked after by each side without resorting to warfare. When the descendents of the early kings, who fled from Ladakh to Tibet, now return, they will be restored to their former stations. The annual envoy from Ladakh to Lhasa will not be stopped by Śrī Mahārājah. Trade between Ladakh and Tibet will continue as usual. Tibetan government traders coming into Ladakh will receive free transport and accommodations as before, and the Ladakhi envoy will, in turn, receive the same facilities in Lhasa. The Ladakhis will take an oath before God that they will not intrigue or create new troubles in Tibetan territory. We have agreed, with God as witness, that Śrī Mahārājah Sahib and the Lama Guru of Lhasa will live together as members of the same household. We have written the above on the second of Assura, Sambhat 1899 (September 17, 1842). Sealed by Wazir, Dewan, Balana, and Amir Shah.

The Tibetan government deputies also presented the deputies of the Ladakhis and the Sikhs with a sworn agreement, as follows: This agreement is made in the interests of the friendship between the Lhasa authorities and Śrī Mahārājah Sahib and Mahārājah Gulab Singh. On the thirteenth day of the eighth month of the Water-Tiger year (September 17, 1842), the Lhasa representative Cabinet Minister Zurkhang, investigator Dapön Pelzhi, Śrī Raja Sahib Dewan Hari Chand, and Wazir Ratun Sahib, the representative of Śrī Mahārājah Sahib, sat together amicably with the Three Precious Jewels (Könchok) as witness. This document has been drawn up to ensure the lasting friendship of the Tibetans and the Ladakhis. We have agreed not to harm each other in any way, and to look after the interests of our own territories. We agree to continue trading in tea and cloth on the same terms as in the past, and we will not harm Ladakhi traders coming into Tibet. If any of our subjects stray into your country, they should not be protected. We will forget past differences between the Lhasa authority and Śrī Mahārājah. The agreement arrived at today will remain firmly established forever. The Three Precious Jewels, Mount Kailash, Lake Manasarowar, and Khochak Jowo have been called as witness to this treaty. Sealed by Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Dapön Pelzhi.

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The king and queen of Ladakh and a relative of his returned to Ladakh from Tibet. A sworn letter was sent to the Tibetan government saying that the ruler, his ministers, and the public would behave properly as follows: To the crown ornament of gods and men, the sovereign of the assembly of patrons and preceptors on the twentieth day of the ninth month of 1842: Those of us whose names are signed below offer our unflinching and voluntary promise that I, the ruler of Ladakh will pay the traditional tribute to the great land of Tibet in the future. We will preserve and protect our respective regions without any faulty strategy. The Three Precious Jewels are witness to this letter. Sealed by the ruler of Ladakh and the representatives of the public.

The agreement was impressed with red and black ink.12 Hugh Richardson comments on this agreement between Ladakh and Tibet, saying:c The Tibetan signatories had been taken prisoner and it does not appear that any reference was made to Lhasa before the conclusion of the agreement.

As mentioned above, when Dapön Zurkhangpa and Dapön Pelzhi were captured, they had the rank of Dapön. However, after the temporary agreement was reached, they went to Lhasa; when they arrived in Ladakh again to negotiate the terms of the treaty, Zurkhang had been promoted to the rank of Cabinet Minister Taiji, and Pelzhi had been given the responsibilities of an Investigating Dapön. As such they made the agreement. It clearly says “Cabinet Minister Zurkhang” and “Investigating Dapön Pelzhi.” Thus, they did not reach the agreement while they were in prison. However, there is also a slight basis for doubt because of the difficulties involved in their completing the treaty within five or six months of their capture by the Ladakhis. Ü Dapön Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo was also given the rank of cabinet minister for his role in the war. On the thirteenth day of the second month of 1843, a military ceremony was held on the grounds of the Drapzhi compound in Lhasa during which the general commander Cabinet Minister Peljor Lhünpo, the previously promoted Cabinet Minister Taiji Zurkhangpa, and Cabinet Minister Shedra and other

c

Hugh Richardson, A Short History of Tibet (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1962), 247.

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functionaries were rewarded. Yasor Mikmar, who had killed Zorawar Singh, was granted a military estate.13 In 1844, Cabinet Minister Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo went to do a detailed survey of Markham and Sangen. In the same year, a large number of foreign travelers such as the representatives from the four regions of Khelkha (Helha), as well as such people as Torgö Gyeltsün arrived in order to invite the incarnation of Khelkha (Helha) Jetsün Dampa. In the seventh month, the Regent Tsemönling Nomihen Ngawang Jampel Tsültrim Gyatso was deposed for malfeasance, after twenty-four years of responsibility for the Tibetan government. His monastic estate was also seized. The cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly asked the all-seeing Paṇchen Tenpé Nyima to take over responsibility for the time being since the Dalai Lama was still too young. He did so on the sixth day of the eighth month. At that time, Tsemönling was kept at his monastery in retirement since his estate had been confiscated. Treasurer Dzasak Takgo Rapsel was interrogated while in prison. One day, when the cabinet ministers went to the monastery to examine documents, a group of monks from Sera Mé Monastery suddenly arrived and beat cabinet ministers Zurkhangpa and Chikhang Chakdrongpa. Thus, for several days, the cabinet was unable to meet. They took the retired Regent Rinpoché to Sera Monastery in protest against the harsh conditions of his imprisonment. In consequence, the government planned to enter Sera Monastery with a large force.14 Although there is not the slightest mention of the reason the regent was deposed in the hagiographies, there are several different reasons which may or may not be in the records. First of all, there had been a disagreement between Dradül, who was an old official of Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate and who was a descendent of the Zhölsharwa family under Zhikatsé’s jurisdiction, and the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate. Thus, Dradül appealed to the government for protection. Accordingly, the regent had appointed him as the steward of Tromsikkhang in Lhasa. Also, the steward of Trashi Lhünpo’s Norbu Residence came into conflict with the monastic estate, left there, and sought a position in the government. He was given the rank of abbot and assigned the position of senior secretary. These sorts of things formed the basis for the continuing conflict between the government and the monastic estate. The monastic estate dispatched Donangpa and the steward Menriwa15 to arrest Dradül. Although they had intended to report their plans to the regent before they arrested him, they could not do so because that

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day he was involved in a dance ceremony at Tsemönling Monastery. On the twenty-ninth day of the ninth month of 1841, Donangpa and Menriwa led about thirty-people bearing swords and sticks, who stealthfully entered Tromsikkhang where they tried to arrest Dradül. For these reasons, harsh words were exchanged between the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché and the regent, resulting in a great dispute. These events made the situation ever more serious.16 Moreover, there was a legal case between Taiji Gönpo and a government official named Chokpewa Tseten Trashi. The latter did not accept the government’s verdict. In addition, the Manchu amban in Lhasa, Trung Tazhin (Krung ta’ zhin),d wrongly supported him. When several monk and lay government officials and palace guards came to arrest Chokpé, he and his servants attacked them, firing guns and arrows at them. Several of them were killed and wounded. Chokpé and his servants were arrested and punished. The amban was dissatisfied with this.17 On the one hand, the Chinese were unhappy that the regent refused to grant a government estate to the incarnation Changkya Hotoktu while he was a student at Drepung. On the other hand, although the Golden Urn Lottery had not been used in the selection of the reincarnation of the tenth Dalai Lama, and although this was according to the wishes of all of China and Tibet and had been reported widely, the regent announced the spurious claim that he had performed the Golden Urn Lottery. Consequently, following a dangerous custom, it became necessary to select the eleventh Dalai Lama by the Golden Urn Lottery. Thus, the government officials and the Tibetan people were unified in being terribly saddened. In this way, the regent lost his position and had his estate seized because of these smaller errors. Aside from that, the regent had primarily worked for Tibetan freedom (rang dbang), merely wanting to have a preceptor-patron relationship with the Manchu or the Chinese government. He did whatever he could to resist the infiltration of Chinese political influence in Tibet. As a result, much later, the thirteenth Dalai Lama gave great consideration to restoring his estate. The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché held political responsibility for just nine months. Although the reasons for his sudden d

It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time, the ambans in Lhasa were Meng Bao (1839–1842) and Haipu (1839–1842). See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 48.

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resignation are not known, one can imagine.e Immediately, the cabinet, the senior government officials, and the Tibetan National Assembly unanimously offered the regency to Radreng Elchi Hotoktu Ngawang Lozang Yeshé Tsültrim Gyeltsen.f Paṇ chen Rinpoché handed over the regent’s seal and returned to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. Radreng Elchi Hotoktu assumed responsibility on the twelfth day of the sixth month of 1845. The Dalai Lama received his monastic ordination before the image of Jowo Rinpoché in Lhasa on the seventh day of the fourth month of 1846 with Paṇchen Rinpoché serving as the abbot. In that year, censuses were taken in the Gyantsé and Panam regions. People who were actually too poor to pay taxes were placed under the care of religious estates. Untaxed properties were taxed and a new Revenue Office where tax books were kept was founded in 1847. The following year, Cabinet Minister Shedra and his assistants were sent to investigate the rivalry between the junior and senior lamas of Drakyap; at the same time they performed censuses of Markham, Sangen, Gojo, and so forth.18 Cabinet Minister Sarjungpa went to the Ngari region to investigate how to resettle the people who had been displaced during the conflict with Ladakh and the Sikhs. The small chapel on top of Norbu Lingkha Palace was newly built in 1848. The following year, monastic dances were performed in the small chapel after the End of Summer Festival; this was the beginning of the Yogurt Festival.g Ever since then, this tradition has become ever more elaborate. Each year, during the Yogurt Festival, there is dancing and opera, and sometimes the monks of Meru Monastery perform plays at Norbu Lingkha Palace during Pongsang,19 recounting the religious lives of Buddha and the bodhisattvas. Many people would have the seeds of liberation planted in their continua through this incomparable method.

e Shakabpa may be alluding to the growing tension between the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate and the Lhasa government. For example, the steward of Trashi Lhünpo’s Norbu Residence resigned his duties over some unspecified conflict and was then given a job in the Lhasa government. f Radreng Yeshé Tsültrim Gyeltsen initially assumed the regency in 1845. He remained in the position until the eleventh Dalai Lama reached the age of seventeen and assumed authority over the government. Less than a year later, the youth died, and Radreng had to assume the position as regent once again. g See Tsepag Rigzin, Festivals of Tibet (Dharamsala, India: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1993), 49–52. It is also known as the Opera Festival.

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The Dalai Lama moved into Norbu Lingkha Palace during the fourth month of 1858. Previously, the cabinet ministers and certain officials would rotate turns attending to the Dalai Lama at weekly intervals. From that year onward, the Dalai Lama would be in permanent residence throughout the summer; thus, one cabinet minister, a chief abbot, attendants for food, clothing, and rituals, a senior abbot, an uncle, two senior secretaries, a treasurer, four stewards, a Potala guard, translators, a storekeeper, an office manager, office workers, several ordinary clerks, cooks, as well as the abbot and twelve monks from Namgyel Monastery lived there continually. They were given extensive orders to fulfill their duties, unless they were taking their tea break. During 1852 and 1853, the Dalai Lama began his studies at Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, made a pilgrimage to the southern region, and so forth. Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsarwa, Lejar Tsang Dapön Dorjé Gyelpo, and Mipön Ngapöpa went to perform censuses in Markham and Drakyap. In the same year, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Tenpé Nyima died for the sake of others at the age of seventy. As the Ladakhis failed to provide transportation to a government trader named Kelzang Gyurmé, the government sent a steward who was a deputy of Tögar Bönzung on a negotiating mission. The agreement follows: The third day of the third month of 1853. During the last year, Kelzang Gyurmé, a Tibetan government trader, has not been able to bring a full quota of brick tea into Ladakh. Usually the Ladakhis provide a certain number of horses to transport the tea, but this year, they did not provide any, claiming that there was an insufficient quantity of tea to be transported. Kelzang Gyurmé, on the other hand, claims that it is not a question of the quantity of tea brought in, but of the number of horses that are supposed to be supplied. As this has caused misunderstanding, two Tibetan stewards of the Gardok governor met with representatives of Ladakh, Bhisram Sahib, and Cabinet Minister Rikdzin, and a mediator, Yeshé Wanggyel, and concluded this agreement over future procedures. It is agreed that the Ladakhis should supply horses to the Tibetan trade agencies according to the limit previously agreed upon. It is further agreed by the two governors of Gardok that they should recommend to the Lhasa government that in the future more capable trade agents should be sent to Ladakh; the Ladakhis agree to send better envoys to Tibet to pay the annual oath of allegiance. Whenever Tibetan government trade agents arrive at Ladakh, they are to be provided with kitchen boys and grooms for their horses, as in the past. Tibetan traders bringing tea to Gardok and Ladakhi traders bring-

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ing cloth to Gardok should trade only with each other and not with any third party. The boundary between Ladakh and Tibet will be maintained according to the established custom. Salt and wool carried from Rutok (a district in western Tibet) to Ladakh should not be turned back. Similarly, tsampa (barley flour), and grain taken from Ladakh to Rutok should not be restricted. The prices of commodities and custom duties must not be raised by traders on either side; they must be maintained at the previous level. Tibetan traders carrying a permit from the Gardok Governor and Ladakhi traders carrying a similar permit from Thanedar are exempt from custom duties and need only make a token offering to the authorities. Traders without permits will have to pay a two percent custom duty. Both parties agree that the local inhabitants of the two countries will provide free transportation and accommodations to special agents traveling in emergencies. These agents will carry letters of authority. Tibetan and Ladakhi traders may freely graze their pack animals at any place in both territories, on the condition that they do not bring domestic animals with them. Local officials will cooperate with each other in implementing this agreement. Signed and sealed by Thanedar Bisram and Cabinet Minister Rikdzin of Ladakh, and the two stewards of the Tibetan Governor at Gardok. Witnessed by Yeshé Wanggyel.

Also, with regard to the withdrawal of forces from the border region at Rutokö, Thanedar Bisram sent Drangtsé Kharpön and the ministers the following letter: Two similar letters of agreement have been signed concerning the border between Ladakh and Tibet according to legal traditions. The three, Ladakh, Tibet, and the Sikhs are completely equal. Thus, in the future, each should hold their own territory; there should be no pretext for conflict over the (Rutok)ö border. Fourth day of the third month of the Water-Ox year (1853) Thanedar Bisram

Both of the preceding documents are in the index of Tögar Pöndrelpo. There are also originals in the cabinet offices in Lhasa. I have copied the cabinet’s copies.20 At that time, there were continual troubles within Tibet and her neighbors. However, the cabinet ministers took immediate and appropriate measures to respond to these disturbances, and thus the troubles were pacified. Moreover, a Tibetan called Sherap Drakpa of the Mön region on the border between India and Tibet refused to pay the district taxes. When

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he was about to be arrested, he fled into India, seeking the protection of the East India Company. He continued to harass the Mön region with his gang. Cabinet Minister Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo happened to be on his way to the border to investigate local revenue matters; he sent a representative to Tezpur (Ti Tsi sPur) to confer with a deputy21 of the British Foreign Office on the Sherap Drakpa issue. The agreement they reached follows: The treaty concluded on the first day of the third month of 1853 confirms: The company cannot give Sherap Drakpa to the Tibetan government, as the company is not in the habit of extraditing individuals. Still, the company will not support Sherap Drakpa in any new attacks, unrest, or destruction in Tibetan territory. Peaceful mutual relations between the company and Tibet should be improved. Given that Ganden Pedé,22 the monasteries, and the people will be suspicious if Sherap Drakpa is kept near the border and given that Sherap Drakpa may create further troubles, he will be taken to Guwahati (Gho ha kri) where he will be detained for life. The British Sahib guarantees that he will not be released or escape. The two Devarajas23 of the Gandenpa army and the Commander Sahib24 of the company army have amicably resolved the issue in such a decisive manner, we, the undersigned swear this oath with Nyenshar Ama, the god of the Kerapara region as a witness. Signed and sealed by Darka the English Administrator of the Otalakura border region, Tragur Kendura the popular leader, Ratibir, Mindha, and Lautop, and sealed by Namdé Laratsa and Drungyik Gyeltsen.

Although the parties swore to this agreement, while Cabinet Minister Shedra was in the region, there were rumors that Sherap Drakpa was not abiding by it. The Cabinet Minister sent his assistant Kyitöpa and Takdzong Ngapö Namgyel Dorjé to Titsipur to ensure the operation of the Trade Marts at Ampatalai, Mön. A conference was held of the senior figures under the jurisdiction of both Tibet and India; in order to ensure harmonious and peaceful relations, they swore to the following agreement: With lamas, the Three Precious Jewels, and the Red and Black Protector Deitiesh as witnesses, the government of Tibet and the Queen’s Company25 entered into an agreement last year about the Tibetan Sherap Drakpa, according to which, both sides agreed not to harm the other’s interests,

h The two main oracles of the government, Pelden Lhamo and Nechung, are black and red, respectively.

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regarding each other as friends. However, in the meanwhile, various sorts of rumors have been bandied about, as if inspired by spirits. Since both sides had become a little suspicious, Takdzong Ngapö Namgyel Dorjé and Shedra’s assistant Kyitöpa26 were sent to the Chukar River Valley. While holding talks about the rumors with Bhimchen Sahib, Martin Sahib, George Sahib, and Nakdar Sahib of Tezpur, it was clear that nothing had changed from the agreement. In the future, the great Ganden Podrang and the Queen’s Company should remain well-disposed towards one another, like water and milk. If any Tibetans should cause disturbances, they should be sent to Takdzong Castle and if any Acharya under the jurisdiction of the company should cause disturbance, they should be sent to Tezpur. In order to preserve consideration between us in the future, this agreement, signed on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month of 1853, and the previous agreement are undertaken in order to clear suspicion and deceit that contradicts them. May the Three Precious Jewels and the protector deities swiftly judge the guilty. Signed by Ngapö Namgyel Dorjé and Shedra’s assistant Kyitöpa and Bhimchen Sahib, Martin Sahib, George Sahib, and Nakdar Sahib of Tezpur.

What I have quoted here does not differ from the original of this sworn oath which is among the cabinet’s papers, in both English and Tibetan.27 When Shedra and his assistants returned from the border mission, by general accord, two of Shedra’s descendants were awarded the rank of Taiji, Shedra’s nephew Tseten Peljor was awarded the second ranking Taiji, and Pokpön Kyitöpa was awarded the third rank. Since the Dalai Lama had completed his studies and since he had reached the age of seventeen, he assumed the religious and political leadership on the thirteenth day of the first month of 1855 according to the wishes of the gods and people of Tibet. The Regent Radreng Elchi Hotoktu retired to Radreng Monastery. For many years, there had been internal disharmony in Nepal between the royal family and the ministers. However, during the time of Mahārāja Rajendra Vikram Shah, there was a military leader named Jung Bahadur who had been given the responsibilities of senior minister by the king. In violation of treaties, he had continually made incursions into Tibetan territory at Nyanang, Kyirong, and Rongshar. At the time, the British were experiencing severe difficulties with the Indian rājās rising up against the East India Company. The Gurkha minister Jung Bahadur sent six thousand armed Gurkha soldiers to assist the British. As they were very useful in the British campaign, the British granted the fifth ranking Śrī title to the Gurkha king and the third ranking Śrī

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title to Jung Bahadur.28 Vast areas of border lands called Terai were also returned to the Gurkha king. After achieving this great victory, the Gurkha king awarded Jung Bahadur Ratna and his descendents the authority of the presidency. Because of this increase in prestige, Jung sent troops into Nyanang, Kyirong, Dzonga, and Rongshar, looting and pillaging without limit. Ü Dapön Rangjönpa Dorjé Döndrup and Tsang Dapön Petselwa were dispatched with their troops, but their efforts were unsuccessful because of their inferior weapons. Cabinet Minister Pellhün and his assistants went to Dergé, Dimchi Nyernga, Riwoché, Chamdo, and Pashö, while Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar and his assistants went to Ba, Litang, Gyelrong, Gyeltang, Chakla, Beri, and so forth and to places in Horser, to recruit troops. The day Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsarwa returned to Lhasa, he was appointed as general commander to resist the Gurkha campaign. Many young monks from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries volunteered for service and left for the war. Since this was overwhelming for the Dalai Lama, he repeatedly said: Each of us must work for the benefit of Buddhism. If monks are called into military service, this will diminish the monastic discipline. The diminishment in the vows of many beings will be tremendously harmful to Buddhism. Thus, there must be no recruitment.

Whether it was due to the force of the Dalai Lama’s perpetual prayers or the activities of the Protector Deity Damchen, the Gurkhas heard that a huge army was coming their way since the Tibetan government was recruiting an inconceivable army of people from Kham between the ages of eighteen and sixty29 and of monks from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. This caused serious concern among the Gurkhas and so, before the snows fell in the ninth month of 1855, they called for peace talks. The Tibetan government delegated Cabinet Minister Shedra, his assistants, and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries to hold talks. As the Gurkhas said the talks had to take place in Kathmandu, the Tibetans delegates initially went to Shelkar and then on to Nyanang. Finally, they reached the capital of Nepal. In the meanwhile, the Dalai Lama became ill after holding religious and political authority for just six months. Even though he was treated with medicine and services were performed on his behalf, he passed into nirvāṇ a on the twenty-fifth day of the twelfth month of 1855. The cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s chief attendant, and the Tibetan National Assembly conferred; since the political responsibilities entailed

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by the Gurkha-Tibetan conflict were especially grave, it was universally agreed to appoint the retired Regent Radreng to be the regent of the new Dalai Lama. A delegation was sent to invite him. Thus, upon arriving in Lhasa, he resumed political responsibility. The New Year’s ceremonies were not performed in 1856; although the Great Prayer Festival was held as usual, most of the military processions and the ceremonies were thought to be unnecessary. Prayer supplications were performed for the speedy arrival of the Dalai Lama’s incarnation and work was begun on a reliquary for the Dalai Lama’s remains. The Tibetan delegation that arrived in Kathmandu consisted of Drönnyer Ngawang Gyeltsen, Cabinet Speaker Bhumpasé, and so forth, deputies of the cabinet ministers, representatives of the abbots of Drepung, Sera, Ganden, Sakya, Trashi Lhünpo, Tsechokling monasteries. They held peace talks over many days, after which they signed the following agreement on the twelfth day of the second month (March 24, 1856):30 Treaty of 1856 between Tibet and Nepal The undermentioned gentlemen, monks and laymen, of the Gurkha and Tibetan governments held a conference and mutually agreed upon and concluded a treaty of ten articles, and invoked the Supreme Being as their witness, and affixed their seals to it. They have agreed to regard the Chinese emperor as heretofore with respect, in accordance with what has been written, and to keep both the states in agreement and to treat each other like brothers. If either of them violate the treaty, may the Precious Ones not allow that State to prosper. Should either state violate the terms of the treaty, the other State shall be exempt from all sin in making war with it. Here follow the seal, names and titles of the signatories: Sri Minister in whose hands are all the offices of the Gurkha Kingdom; Sri Madraja Kumara Kumarangta Mudza, Prime Minister and Commander-in-Chief General Jang Bahadur Kuwar Ranaji and seal; Sri Madraja Kumara Kumarangta Madza Sri Minister General Bam Bahadur Kuwar Ranaji and seal; Sri Gururaja Paṇ ḍita Dharma Adhikari Sri Bijayraja Pandita and seal; Sri Madraraja Kumarangta Madza Sri Commander-in-Chief General Krishna Bahadur Kuwar Ranaji and seal; Sri Madraraja Kumara Kumarangta Madza Commander-in-Chief General Rana Udhey Singh Kuwar Ranaji and seal; Sri Madra Raja Kumara Kumarangta Madza Sri General Zakara Shamsher Jang Kuwar Ranaji and seal; Sri Madra Raja Kumara Kumarangta Madra Sri General Dir Shamsher Jang Kuwara Ranaji and seal; Sri Madra Raja Kumara Kumarangta Sri General Bhakta Bir Kuwara Ranaji and seal; Sri Madra Raja Kumara Kumarangta Madza Sri Lieutenant General Khakata Jung Kuwar Raja and seal; Sri Met Choudary Yata Dakshi Saha and seal; Karsheltim Bikrama

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chapter twelve Singhtasa and seal; Kar Dili Singh Basa Nyara and seal; Sri Kamel Kumen Singh Basa Nyara and seal. The Tibetan lamas and high officials who have come to Kathmandu: The representative of the Dalai Lama, the Chamberlain Drönnyer Ngawang Gyeltsen and seal; Abbot of Drepung Monastery Ngawang Samdrup and seal; Representative of the Common Council of Drepung Monastery Lozang Rapgyel and seal; Abbot of Sera Monastery Lozang Tuchen and seal; representative of the Common Council of monks of Sera Monastery Lozang Jamyang and seal; Abbot of Ganden Monastery Ngawang Nyima and seal; Representative of the Common Council of monks of Ganden Monastery Rapgyel Nyima and seal; Abbot of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery Lozang Gyeltsen and seal; Representative of the Common Council of monks of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery Gelek Drakpa and seal; Representative of the Holy Head Lama of Sakya Monastery Jamyang Mönlam and seal; Representative of the incarnate Lama of Tsechokling Monastery Gyeltsen Döndrup and seal; the Chief Representative of the Lhasa Government Cabinet Minister Shedra and seal; Cabinet Minister Pellhün and seal; Cabinet Minister Taiji Samdrup Podrang and seal; Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar and seal; the Manager of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery Nyima Döndrup and seal; and Cabinet Minister Shedra’s cousin, Cabinet steward Bhumpasé and seal. I. II.

III. IV.

V. VI.

The Tibetan Government shall pay the sum of ten thousand alés31 annually as a present to the Gurkha Government. Gurkha and Tibet have been regarding the Great Emperor with respect. Tibet being the country of monasteries, hermits and celibates, devoted to religion, the Gurkha Government have agreed henceforth to afford help and protection to it as far as they can, if any foreign country attacks it. Henceforth Tibet shall not levy taxes on trade or taxes on roads or taxes of any kind on the merchants or other subjects of the Gurkha Government. The Government of Tibet agrees to return to the Gurkha Government the Sikh soldiers captured by Tibet, and all the Gurkha soldiers, officers, servants, women, and cannon captured in the war. The Gurkha Government agrees to return to the Tibetan Government the Tibetan troops, weapons, yaks, and whatever articles may have been left behind by the Tibetan subjects residing at Kyirong, Nyanang, Dzonga, Purang, and Rongshar. And on the completion of the Treaty all the Gurkha troops in Purang, Rongshar, Kyirong, Dzonga, Nyanang, Darling, and Lhatsé. will be withdrawn and the country evacuated. Henceforth the Gurkha Government will keep a high officer (a Bahadar), and not a Newar, to hold charge at Lhasa. The Gurkha Government shall open shops at Lhasa, where they can freely trade in gems, jewelry, clothing, food, and other articles.

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VII. The Gurkha Officer is not allowed to try any case arising from quarrels amongst Lhasa subjects and merchants, and the Tibetan Government is not allowed to try any case arising from quarrels amongst the Gurkha subjects and traders and the Muslims of Kathmandu who may be residing in the jurisdiction of Lhasa. In the event of quarrels between Tibetan and Gurkha subjects the high officials of the two governments will sit together and will jointly try the cases; the fines imposed upon the Tibetan subjects as punishments will be taken by the Tibetan official, and the fines imposed upon the Gurkha subjects, merchants, and Muslims as punishments will be taken by the Gurkha official. VIII. Should any Gurkha subject, after committing a murder, go to the country of Tibet, he shall be surrendered by Tibet to Gurkha; and should any Tibet subject, after committing a murder, go to the country of Gurkha, he shall be surrendered by Gurkha to Tibet. IX. If the property of a Gurkha merchant or other subject be plundered by a Tibetan subject, the Tibetan official after inquiry will compel the restoration of such property to the owner. Should the plunderer not be able to restore such property, he shall be compelled by the Tibetan official to draw up an agreement to make good such property within an extended time. If the property of a Tibetan merchant or other subject be plundered by a Gurkha subject, the Gurkha official after enquiry will compel the restoration of such property to the owner. Should the plunderer not be able to restore such property, he shall be compelled by the Gurkha official to draw up an agreement to make good such property within an extended time. X. After the completion of the treaty neither government will take vengeance on the persons or property of Tibetan subjects who may have joined the Gurkha government during the recent war, or on the persons or property of Gurkha subjects who may have joined the Tibetan government. Dated the eighteenth day of the second month of the Fire-Dragon year (1856).

After signing the treaty, the Gurkha troops were gradually withdrawn. The prisoners were exchanged within a limited time. As the Gurkha troops were on Tibetan territory when the treaty was signed, matters went as the Gurkha wished without much regard for the treaty’s provisions. The Gurkhas achieved a great victory and according to the first provision, the two Shopas of Nyanang had to make a payment to the Gurkhas every year until the Chinese invaded Tibet in 1950. However, the second provision said, “Gurkha and Tibet have been regarding the great emperor with respect.” According to this provision, both

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the Gurkhas and the Tibetans were respectful toward the emperor as allies, but it clearly indicates that legally, neither the Gurkhas nor the Tibetans were under the Chinese jurisdiction. Once again, in 1857, the Gurkhas erected new stone pillars [marking the border] without abiding by the stone inscription that had been erected in 1792 in the Kyidrong region. There was talk that they were grazing, building corrals, and harvesting honey. The Tibetan government sent a mission consisting of Ü Dapön Dorjé Döndrup and his assistants, and the Nepali government sent Captain Sana Shingadhir and his assistants. They met with the older people from both sides of the border and visited the area of dispute. Finally, it was decided to adhere to the traditional markers. Four copies of an agreement between the Gurkhas and the Tibetans on this arrangement were signed. As mentioned above, during the first Gurkha-Tibetan war, the Manchu emperor sent military assistance to Tibet as an ally. Subsequently, during the Tibetan-Sikh war and the second Gurkha-Tibetan war, China did not send military assistance or even general assistance, such as weapons. Not only that, but the bodyguard of the Manchu amban in Lhasa did not exceed one hundred and during this time, [the Manchu government] was unable even to replace those who transferred or who became ill or died; thus people of mixed Tibetan-Chinese heritage served. The Chinese were unable to keep current with the military pay, and so they borrowed heavily from the Tibetan government and the large monastic estates. Most of the Manchu officers and functionaries were opium addicts who did not know the difference between day and night. All Tibetans were disgusted by them because they were afflicted with syphilis, which the Tibetans called “the Chinese disease.” In order to be able to buy food and clothing, the members of the amban’s bodyguard had to perform the lion and dragon dances on occasions when people would be promoted or at festivals, and so forth. It was a time of tremendous difficulties; the Taiping Rebellion was happening within China, and China was fighting the Opium War with Britain and France. Thus, it was a tumultuous time in China.i

i The Taiping Rebellion arose out of a messianic quasi-Christian movement headed by Hong Xiuquan, believed by his followers to be the younger brother of Jesus. The bloody suppression of the insurrection by Qing troops resulted in widespread death and destruction from both warfare and famines. See Jonathan D. Spence The Search for Modern China (New York: W. W. Norton, 1990), 170–178.

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As was traditional, the Regent Radreng Hotoktu conducted the search for the incarnation of the Dalai Lama; among the many children born with auspicious signs, the three from Ölga, Zangri, and Lhasöl showed great promise. Accordingly, Gomang Monastery’s Tsenzhap Geshé Ngawang Norbu and Sera Mé Monastery’s Geshé Ngawang Tsültrim went to the birthplaces of the three candidates to investigate; caution was urged in this important matter. The boy from Ölga, who was born on the first day of the twelfth month of 1856 to a nomadic family of Nyangtsang, was the most likely to be recognized. When the former Sakya Dakchen, Dorjé Rinchen, had made a pilgrimage to Dakpo and Kongpo in 1857, he indicated that there was no mistake that the child from Ölga was the actual incarnation. In addition, many lamas and gods, including the Tradruk Tsangpa Oracle, expressed their agreement. However, since the matter was of such crucial importance, caution was necessary. Thus, an order was issued to the Tibetan National Assembly, and on the collective advice of the oracles, it was decided that the three incarnations should be clothed in robes and brought to Lhasa. They were to be housed at the Barzhi Trashi Chöding Estate next door to the Norbu Lingkha Palace. On the seventh day of the tenth month of 1857, the regent, the ministers, a variety of government secretaries, the lamas, incarnations, and officials of Sera and Drepung monasteries, and others gathered at Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace; the three candidates were led into their midst. Each in turn was shown possessions of the previous Dalai Lama, such as a rosary, vajra, bell, and so forth. They were also shown similar objects that had not belonged to him. The young incarnation from Ölga selected all of the correct articles, even though he was no more than ten months old; thus, he clearly demonstrated himself to be the actual incarnation. However, it was decided to use the Golden Urn Lottery in order to engender certainty in all of the people. The monk and lay government officials as well as the general population felt that no further tests beyond what had been administered the previous day were necessary. If the young incarnation from Ölga was not selected, the people would not be satisfied. Thus, if any disturbance broke out, the regent would be blamed. The regent called upon the ocean of monks who had assembled during the Great Prayer Festival in the first month of 1858 to offer prayers that the candidate from Ölga be selected; he also called for the intervention of Lhamo. At the same time, bodyguards were positioned at the residences

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of each of the young incarnations. The public likewise offered countless prayers that the candidate from Ölga would be selected.32 Following the tests at Norbu Lingkha Palace, the candidate from Ölga stayed at Tsangdra Khyegönsar for the time being to ensure his wellbeing. Khenchung Ngözhiwa Ngawang Tenkyong, Tsenzhap Ngawang Norbu, and Pellhün Sé Gewang were appointed to care for him while he stayed there. The lottery was drawn at the Potala Palace on the thirteen day of the first month in the presence of the Regent Radreng Rinpoché, the former Ganden Tri Rinpoché, the cabinet ministers, the previous Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, and the Manchu amban. There was tremendous happiness because the candidate from Ölga was selected in fulfillment of the prayers of all of the people. He was invited from Gönsar Mountain Retreat to Norbu Lingkha Palace on the fifteenth day of the first month and installed in the Zimchung Nechu Temple. There, the Regent Radreng Hotoktu Rinpoché ceremonially cut a tuft of his hair and gave him the name Lozang Tenpé Gyeltsen Trinlé Gyatso. Thereafter, he was installed on the fearless high golden throne in the Zimchung Nyiö Chamber. Greeting scarves were presented to him by the regent, the monk and lay government officials, and representatives of the abbots and officials of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries.33 Cabinet Minister Kyitöpa and his assistants were sent to do a census on Khyungpo Karnak. Around that year, the British continued to harass the people of Sikkim on border and trade issues, and there was a small skirmish between Sikkim and the British at Rongbuk. The British were terribly hostile toward the Sikkim army commander Trokhang Drön Namgyel. As a result, he went into exile in Tibet; the Tibetan government awarded him with the fourth rank and granted him the Dotra Trashiling Estate.34 Regent Radreng Hotoktu was making excessive use of the regency seals for orders, edicts, and titles; thus, being unable to bear this, Cabinet Minister Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo recounted his concerns to Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar, a close confidant of the regent. As he was in agreement, they raised the issue in the cabinet meeting the following day, explaining the matter to Cabinet Ministers Taiji Samdrup Podrangpa and Kyitöpa. Since they all had common concerns about it, they immediately went before the regent in the Shözimchung Chamber. In explaining the situation to the regent, they said that even the seals of the Actual Protector, the Dalai Lama,35 were kept by the abbot who was the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, and a meeting of the Potala

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secretaries was convened when he would apply his seals. Accordingly, if the same customs were followed in the case of the regent’s seals, they argued, it would prevent turmoil in the government and it would benefit the status of the Regent Rinpoché in name and in fact through increasing the stability of the country. Since the regent thought it was a good idea, he ordered that a keeper of the seals should be appointed.36 Immediately, the cabinet conferred and decided that Cabinet Minister Shedra should be the keeper of the seals by virtue of his seniority. This was reported to the regent. That night, the regent and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Darhen Lozang Trinlé37 spoke about the idea of having a keeper of the seals. The latter said that it was a preparation to seize the regent’s power, and thus, he should find out who had initiated the move. Accordingly, the regent asked Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar about it in private. He said that it had been Cabinet Minister Shedra’s idea. Thus, immediately before he was to be made the keeper of the seals, Shedra was criticized on some minor pretext. His rank of cabinet minister and his standing in the cabinet were withdrawn, and he was exiled to his Jago estate in Nyemo Mönkhar. While Shedra was living at Nyemo, the Prime Minister of Nepal, Jung Bahadur Ratna wrote him a cordial letter asking why he had not heard anything from him in recent times and asking how he was getting along. In response, Shedra explained that he had been removed from office under some minor pretext by Regent Radreng; as a result, he had been staying at his Jago estate in Nyemo doing religious practices. Along with the letter, he sent a carved wood table. His wife stole the handwritten letter in which Shedra had explained matters, and she sent a detailed letter to the regent through Shedra’s assistant Wangdu Gyelpo saying that Shedra had been attempting to establish relations with the Gurkha king. It is said that she undertook this wicked plan out of jealousy because the cabinet minister had a mistress named Yangkyi of the Serkhang Sharma. As soon as the regent heard this report, he conferred with the cabinet and thus sent Dapön Tönpa and some soldiers. Although he did not expressly give orders that Shedra should be killed, he ordered that they should make certain that he would never return to Lhasa. An order proclaiming his punishment was also sent. Having arrived in Nyemo Mönkhar, Dapön Tönpa’s troops surrounded Shedra’s residence under the cover of night. The Dapön snuck into the residence to arrest Shedra. Once in his chamber, Shedra recognized him instantly and without the slightest display of fear, he sat up in his bed. Inviting the Dapön to sit

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in a chair which was near his bed, he told him there were no more than three or four servants in the house and that since it was unnecessary to use an ax to kill a flea, he ought to prevent excessive force from being used. Then, as it was cold, he called his servant to bring hot noodle soup for the Dapön and also to bring a bowl for himself. Thereafter, he asked Dapön Tönpa why he and his troops had come, saying, “Being an old man, I am in your hands to be killed or arrested.” Dapön Tönpa explained in detail the evidence that had been received of an improper relationship between Shedra and the Gurkhas, as he had been ordered by the regent and the cabinet minister. He then presented Shedra with the cabinet’s order. Examining the document carefully, it seemed that he was to be killed as a way of preventing him from returning to Lhasa. Nonetheless, he thought it necessary to recount the extent of his previous service to the government. Shedra explained how he had arrived in Shedraj in the service of the government and how he had been gradually promoted thereafter. Then he spoke about being appointed as a cabinet minister after the war with the Ladakhis and Sikhs. He recounted his two census investigations in Sangen, Drakyap, Markham, and so forth and his census investigations in Dartsedo, Gyelrong, Gyeltang, Mön, and so forth. He also explained how he had benefited the government and the people of Tibet in his role in the peace treaty between the Gurkhas and Tibet. After describing each of his roles in government service, he said that although he had good relations with the Gurkhas while he was at Nyanang negotiating the treaty, he had to correspond with Jung Bahadur. Thereafter, he had merely corresponded with him. “Now,” he said, “it is fine if you carry out your orders to kill, beat, or arrest me.” Dapön Tönpa thought that if he killed such a man who had done so much, not only would the people blame the regent, but his own name would be marked in blood. He thought that both he and his descendents would be the targets of revenge by Shedra partisans. In one moment, he changed his mind about killing Shedra; he thought that if he could put him in a secure prison, Shedra would not be able to return to Lhasa. He told Shedra that he need not be afraid that he would be killed; he would instead be placed under the charge of Gyeljetsel Monastery in Nyemo.

j As was quite common in Tibet, Cabinet Minister Shedra seems to have come to be called Shedra by virtue of having served in the place of that name.

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Shedra said that he was not the sort of person to fear death; it was, he said, the nature of the world for beings to die. However, if he could go on for even one more day without being killed, then he would be able to engage in religious practice. Accordingly, if he were put in prison, he promised that unless the government released him, he would do absolutely nothing to violate the regent’s intentions such as escaping in secret. Dapön Tönpa had an extremely strong preceptor-patron relationship with Gyeljetsel Monastery in Nyemo, and so he constructed a special prison on top of the temple there. In the guise of a monk and with his head shaved, Shedra was placed in the prison. He assigned responsibility for taking care of Shedra to the teachers and officials of the monastery and ordered that he was not to meet with anyone, monk or lay person, of high or low station. Upon returning to Lhasa, Dapön Tönpa explained his actions to the regent and the cabinet. During this time, the people of Lhasa whispered that Shedra had been killed. Then after more than a year, the monks from Ganden Monastery, who had been his special supporters, sent someone to Nyemo to inquire whether he had been killed. When they asked around, they discovered that he was being imprisoned at Gyeljetsel Monastery. Some of the monks from Ganden Monastery routinely went to the village of Nyemo to do a little trading in snuff, chilies, matches, and cloth; they also bought incense from Gyeljetsel Monastery to bring back. The steward of the abbot of Ganden Monastery’s Shartsé College, Pelden Döndrup, hid a letter within some snuff and passed it to Shedra through a prison guard. He received a reply in a like manner. The courageous Pelden Döndrup38 explained that he had established relations with all of the important people in Ganden Monastery and that they were determined to revolt against Regent Radreng. Shedra replied that since it would be terribly difficult for Ganden Monastery to rise up against the regent by itself, it would be best if the assistance of other monasteries, such as Drepung, could be secured. It was a remarkable time. A small basis for conflict arose between Drepung Monastery and the regent because he had substituted money for grain in paying a religious tribute to the monastery. The Ganden monks criticized the regent for this and protested against him. Not only was it impossible to hold the customary Great Prayer Festival in 1862 and the other great prayer convocations, but Ganden and Drepung monasteries sent monks to Gyeljetsel Monastery in Nyemo to invite the retired Cabinet Minister Shedra back to Lhasa. On the day that

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he arrived, he was received by the monastic council of Ganden and Drepung monasteries at Kyangtang Nakha. Meanwhile, there were attendants of the Dalai Lama who were from Ganden and Drepung monasteries; as knowledgeable and skilled servants of the actual protector, they sent refreshments to the reception. Usually, this was not done except in the case of important figures who had relations with the government. When this courtesy was extended, it was customary to prostrate to the Potala in gratitude and to send a greeting scarf. He did not send such a scarf during the reception; rather, when Shedra reached the stone pillar directly in front of the Potala Palace on a litter carried by four supporters, he prostrated in the direction of the Potala and sent a greeting scarf. All of the people of Lhasa and Zhöl concluded from this that he had been summoned to Lhasa on the orders of the actual protector. This version of events became very famous. Thereafter, Shedra returned to his home, with many monks from Ganden and Drepung monasteries guarding him. After consulting with the cabinet, Regent Radreng immediately positioned government troops and monks from Sera Monastery around his monastic estate. It seems that the cabinet ministers also did not know what to do at that time.39 The night that Shedra had arrived in Lhasa, the monks from Ganden and Drepung monasteries announced that the government officials in Lhasa should attend a meeting at the retired cabinet minister’s estate the following day. An order was posted that they all must attend at that time. Meanwhile, the Khampa tea merchants from Dranak Zhöl were summoned to be prepared. The government officials did not know whether these measures were at the order of the government, and so they went to the meeting for fear of being disobedient. When Shedra arrived, he explained the situation to the assembly; he explained how he had been unjustly punished despite his service to the government, and he cataloged Regent Radreng’s faults. Afterwards, he explained the purposes of the revolt by the monks from Ganden and Drepung monasteries and how this was for the benefit of the government and the people of Tibet. He continued to say that nothing more would be said if Radreng would retire from the regency on his own. Otherwise, Ganden and Drepung monasteries would revolt and depose him. He told the government officials to weigh the costs and profits and choose sides. Several officials like Changlo Lachak and Cabinet Secretary Shenkha supported the regent and withdrew. Most of the rest remained with-

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out expressing support or criticism. Immediately thereafter, several government officials from Shedra’s side proclaimed the formulation of the General Secretariat of Ganden and Drepung monasteries.40 They called on Radreng to resign, and monks from Ganden and Drepung monasteries posted guards at the Potala Palace,41 the Tsuklakhang, and so forth. Young monks from Ganden and Drepung monasteries and Khampas from Dranak Zhöl launched an attack on Radreng’s monastic estate from four sides over several days. The government officials and the government army gradually had to withdraw. Thus, only the monks from Sera Monastery remained on the regent’s side. The Regent Rinpoché, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar, and so forth escaped to Sera Monastery carrying the regent’s seals. However, since they could not remain there, they eventually fled to China by way of the north.42 Immediately, at the behest of all the monks and lay people of Tibet, including the General Secretariat of Ganden and Drepung monasteries, the Dalai Lama was invested with religious and political authority, even though he was no more than seven years old. Internally, the retired Cabinet Minister Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo was appointed regent to assist him with the title “Nomihen,” Although Shedra was a layman, he had the appearance of a monk because his head was shaved; he wore robes and so seemed like a desi. Thus, he became renowned as Desi Shedra.43 Regent Radreng and his retinue went to Beijing through the north with great hopes of receiving the emperor’s support. However, as mentioned above, it was a tumultuous time in China, and so the emperor was unable to offer support. Instead, the emperor appealed to Desi Shedra through the Manchu amban in Lhasa, asking that Radreng be restored to his former position as regent or at least to permit him to return to Tibet with the status of a retired regent and to live in peace on his estate. Desi Nomihen, the cabinet, and the General Secretariat of Ganden and Drepung monasteries conferred, and as it was an appeal from the emperor, they agreed to allow Radreng to return to his estate with the rank of “hotoktu” out of consideration for the preceptor-patron relationship. Further, they decided that the estates that had been in possession of the Radreng monastic estate since the time of Trichen Ngawang Chokden would be restored, but that all the lands that had been newly acquired by the present Radreng would been confiscated by the government. As this reply was sent to Beijing, Radreng and his retinue began to return to Tibet. During the journey, Radreng

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died on the road and his remains were returned to Radreng monastic estate. The estates of Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar and Trungzhi Ngödrup Ding were seized by the government, like taking hold of a string of beads. Finally, they were transferred to Drepung Monastery’s Loseling College. As Desi Shedra assumed the leadership, he appointed Pulungpa in Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar’s place and Khenché Lozang Wangden in the place of chief attendant Darhen Lozang Trinlé. The steward of the abbot of Ganden Monastery’s Shartsé College, Pelden Döndrup sought a position in the government and was given the rank of Khenchung. Before long, Pelden Döndrup became cabinet minister and later he became the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant. He became extremely powerful. Both his positive and negative actions will gradually be recounted below. In that year, since the Great Prayer Festival could not take place previously, it was celebrated during the ninth month. All of the rites were performed according to tradition. For the previous several years, Rinang Pelgön’s son, Gönpo Namgyel and his son, Gönpo Tseten, had been forcefully attacking places throughout the Dotö Kham region. They pillaged the six regions of Nyakrong, Hormazu, Drakgo, Khangsar, Tehor, Tongkhor, Beri, and Lingtsang. They also attacked, without restraint, Dergé, Chakla, Geshé Tsaza, Drokyap, Litang, Ba, Gartar, and so forth. As a result, the commander of Drak Wangchen Dradül, the female commander Norbu, about five hundred families included under Jaisang Lakhö, Khangsar Ngödrup Püntsok, and about three hundred families included under Mazur Nyerpa Zhugu Trashi could not remain in their homes and came seeking the protection of the Tibetan government. They were provided with relief supplies and settled in the Chushur, Gongkar, and Tölung areas. Once again, the Nyakdra army had pillaged in Ba, Litang, Chatreng, Dzakhok, Minyak, and Gyeltang. In addition, the government stores of tea to be provided to Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries were stolen from the storehouse under Dogar Pön. The trade road between China and Tibet was also obstructed. Such reports were continually arriving in Lhasa. Having arrived in Nyakdra in Dergé, Gönchen seized power over the estates and pastureland of Dergé. He also made hostages of the queen and prince of Dergé and the incarnation of Katok. The regent and the ministers conferred on these reports and appointed Cabinet Minister Pulungpa Tsewang Dorjé as the commander-in-chief in charge of expelling Gönpo Namgyel and his son, Gönpo Tseten.

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Ü Dapön Trimonpa Chimé Dorjé, Ü Dapön Dokharwa Tsewang Norbu, and their forces, along with Pokkhang and his assistants, left Lhasa together on the ninth day of the second month of 1863. On the way, they recruited militia from Shopa, Dardzong, Lhokha, Riwoché, Chamdo, and Bashö, reaching Nyakrong during the ninth month. The Nyak army was extremely powerful as they had been active for several years. Moreover, they were able to endure for a long time by virtue of the secure terrain. Since the Nyak army did not know the difference between right and wrong, they not only killed and looted, but when they could not steal possessions, they burned houses, fields, and forests. Because of the terrible severity of the Nyak army, the government forces were regarded as a divine army by the people. Dongkam Trülku, the leader of the volunteer militia from Markham and Drakyap joined the government army. Great beings of all of the religious groups, such as Kongtrül Yönten Gyatso, devoted themselves to reciting prayers and performing services. As a result, Ü Dapön Trimonpa’s forces gradually seized Dodzong, Chagö Dradzong, and Nyakchukhé Dradzong. In the seventh month of 1864, they surrounded Rinangdzong. On the first day of the eighth month, Gönpo Namgyel and his son Gönpo Tseten, about thirty relatives, and forty senior officers were burned to death at one time. The remainder of the troops surrendered, and victory was achieved. On the thirteenth day of the fourth month of 1864, the Dalai Lama received his vows from his tutor, the former Ganden Throne Holder Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk, in front of the image of Jowo Śākyamuni in Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang. Desi Shedra Nomihen, who had led the country for three years, died at Lhupgatsel in the Norbu Lingkha Palace on the twenty-eighth day of the eighth month of that year.44 Thus, at the advice of the Actual Protector Dalai Lama, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, and the Tibetan National Assembly conferred on whom to appoint to assist the Dalai Lama as regent. Thus, on the second day of the ninth month, the Nechung Oracle was invited into the Dalai Lama’s chambers. He advised that the tutor who was the former Ganden Throne Holder Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk must be given the responsibility. On the twenty-ninth day, he presented a greeting scarf to the Dalai Lama and assumed his duties. Commander-in-Chief Cabinet Minister Pulungpa went to Nyakrong, and Pok leader Pünrappa Tsering Pelden was appointed as Nyakkhok governor45 with the “taiji” title. Thus, those areas were under the direct control of the central government. An investigating committee of abbots

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and dapöns was appointed to inquire into the atrocities committed by the Nyakdra forces in Dimchi Nyernga, Dergé, Lingtsang, Lhatok, Gulok, Beri, Mazur, Khangsar, Drakgo, Tongkhor, Geshé, Chakla, Drokyap, Litang, Ba, Chatreng, and so forth. The respective rulers, tusis (thu si),k and leaders were consulted about their losses, and their lands, possessions, horses, and cattle were identified and returned. The leaders, senior figures, and so forth that had been imprisoned were released. The leaders were restored to their former positions. They were to pay taxes and follow the laws as these had been established during the time of the great fifth Dalai Lama. Militias were established so that each area could protect its own territory. They were also to respond to the call of the central government without complaint. If any disputes arose among the leaders, they were to be adjudicated by the Nyakkhok governor. If no suitable arrangement could be found, they were to be referred to Lhasa. All of these measures caused the monks and lay people such joy. Thus, they swore a unanimous oath to voluntarily follow the orders of the Tibetan government. Jamgön Kongtrül Yönten Gyatso also performed a special ceremony when the queen and prince of Dergé and Wöntrül were released out of appreciation. He also praised the government office holders including Governor Cabinet Minister Pulungpa, the dapön, the pokpön, and so forth who had brought peace to Domé.46 Since the war in Nyakrong had been completely resolved in 1867, the Chinese-Tibetan border was pacified and the trade roads were reopened. In this regard, the Manchu Emperor in Beijing, Tongzhi,47 sent a wooden plank on which the following congratulatory words were addressed to the Tibetan government in Chinese, Manchurian, and Tibetan: The light of the activities of the supreme leader radiate in all directions.

It was placed on display in the Sizhi Püntsok Meeting Hall of the Potala. The meaning of the inscription is as follows: the supreme leader is the one who primarily leads beings from the vast ocean of cyclic existence, that is, the Dalai Lama. Having called upon him, his compassion and his activities are likened to the sun’s rays because they disperse in all directions without delay.

k

Tusi is a Qing title for local leaders.

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In 1868, the Cabinet Deputy Darhen Pelden Döndrup was appointed as the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant.l During this time, the Dalai Lama was a minor, and his assistant, the regent, was of a gentle disposition. Thus, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Pelden Döndrup, and the general secretariat of Ganden and Drepung monasteries held all of the power. The government officials and the people suffered terrible oppression. Moreover, the accomplished Cabinet Minister Pulungpa had previously been a partisan of Pelden Döndrup. Yet, he had resettled the women, children, and old people of Ba, Litang, and Chatreng in Kham who had been dispersed by the army from Nyakdra. Many of the remaining people, young monks and lay people, had become thieves and begun to rob people all over Kham. In consequence, he could not resettle them in their native places, and he was forced to send several of them into exile. As a result, the people of Kham continually lodged complaints against Pulungpa saying that he had weakened the people. Cabinet Minister Pulungpa was a man of good qualities and was very accomplished. Pelden Döndrup was afraid that he would not be able to bring Cabinet Minister Pulungpa under his control. Thus, when the latter was returning to Lhasa from Kham, Pelden Döndrup sent a falsified order affixed with the Dalai Lama’s seal to the district commander in Tardzong. It said that he and his son should be thrown into the river when they arrived. When he was crossing the Zhapyé Bridge, the Tardzong district commander met him, but, by virtue of Cabinet Minister Pulungpa’s charismatic presence, the commander could not bring himself to throw him into the river. The commander showed him the order, and the cabinet minister said, “Now there is no alternative. It is unnecessary for you to incur the sin of killing me for I will kill myself.” After reciting a long prayer, it is said that he grabbed his son from behind and leapt from the Zhapyé Bridge into the Tsangpo River.48 My kind grandfather, the retired Tsipa, Tenzin Norgye, told me the following about Pelden Döndrup: He was born in Mili in Kham. When he came to Ü to become a monk, he joined Ganden Monastery’s Shartsé College, in the Dokhang House, as a member of the Mili fraternity. During the Great Prayer Festival, he would go to Shedra’s house to serve tea at sūtra recitations and Tārā services. That was how he initially came to have contact with Shedra. For a period

l

See p. 606 above.

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chapter twelve of time he stayed at the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa, where he was the steward for three years. Since he was very capable and talented, he was appointed to be the manager of Ganden Shartsé’s abbot. While the retired Cabinet Minister Shedra was imprisoned at Gyeljetsel in Nyemo, he initiated the most forceful actions against Regent Radreng, and he was the primary person responsible for getting Shedra out of prison.

Pelden Döndrup was powerful in appearance, and he had wrinkles on his face. He said he also had a hoarse voice. My grandfather continued, saying: Not only was Pelden Döndrup feared by all of the government officials, but his name was used to inspire fear in the young children of Lhasa. The reason for that is that he founded the Revenue Investigation Office and dealt harshly with the district officials and office holders who were in arrears or had violated the law. He kept a dried yak hide in a large bronze pot at the threshold of the Revenue Investigation Office; it was said that he would wrap tax offenders in the skin and throw them in the river. There were accounts of his having carried out this threat. When someone was making a new official or private seal, there was a custom of inscribing it with words of good fortune. However, the seal of the Revenue Investigation Office was inscribed with the words, “Crookedness is disapproved.” Sometimes, Pelden Döndrup would explain it saying that if someone did one crooked act, then they would be condemned. He was the abbot’s manager. Then he became a cabinet deputy lama for just nine months, and then he immediately became the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant. In collecting taxes, there would be no difficulties if someone was willing to pay what they owed. The best forms of payment were gold, silver, cloth, tea, grain, and butter. Otherwise, other similar items of value could be paid, and they would be accounted against one’s bill. A tremendous accumulation of articles was built up at Deyangshar. After announcing a sale, all of the items would be sold cheaply and their value converted into gold and silver, which was stored in Namsegen Treasury. Subsequently, as Pelden Döndrup’s influence declined, when the cabinet ministers had the stores taken out, the Potala officials said, “The gods are withdrawing what has been deposited by the devil.” He was egotistical in all of his work, but would never admit his mistakes. In fact, he would flaunt his evil activities. One time, while he was announcing a verdict on a man, he held the piece of paper upsidedown. Pretending to brush his sleeve, Pelden Döndrup’s secretary told him it was upside-down. He shouted in a loud voice, “Ah! This man is an upside-down man. For this reason, I am reading the verdict upsidedown.” Another time, he issued an order calling for a horse to be sent. Since he could not spell very well, he wrote: “Send a da (ta).” A functionary pointed out the error. He said, “You will bring me a horse (rta) if I only write da (ta) and you will bring me a horse even if I write ‘horse’ (rta). Even if I write ‘tiger’ (stag), you will bring a horse; you cannot bring a tiger.

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As for the decline of Pelden Döndrup, my grandfather said: The officials, monks, and people of Ganden Monastery were solidly behind Pelden Döndrup; also in Drepung Monastery, he had the support of Gendün the Treasurer of Loseling College, Neulé of Kongpo, Dopdok the Treasurer of Tehor, the regent’s private treasurer, and so forth. In addition, since the regent was a member of Drepung Monastery, Pelden Döndrup expected his support. Believing he could rely on both Ganden and Drepung monasteries, he launched his evil plan to take control over all of Tibet without a limit to his power. In dependence on these perceptions, he intended to depose the Dalai Lama and place him in a mountain retreat like Pabongkha, providing him with a pension. In particular, he planned to remove the obstruction posed by the Regent Dedruk. Cabinet Ministers Sarjungpa Kelzang Dradül , Tsogowa Mikmar Tsering, Shedra Tsering Wangchuk, and Bhumpa Namgyel Dorjé were incapable of resisting his authority. One day, the cabinet ministers were meeting to report to the Regent Rinpoché. As they were leaving, Cabinet Minister Tsogowa turned back as though he had forgotten something. He went before the regent and told him that in recent times, Pelden Döndrup had been doing anything he pleased. In addition, the cabinet minister said, he wondered whether Pelden Döndrup was plotting against the Dalai Lama and the Regent Rinpoché. Thus, he advised that an investigation be undertaken and the Dalai Lama’s welfare be secured. The regent’s private treasurer was standing behind a curtain and so he heard what the two were discussing. As a result, Pelden Döndrup became extremely suspicious of both Tsogowa and Cabinet Minister Bhumpa; he wanted to kill both of them.

In 1870, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché completed his studies at Drepung and Sera monasteries and returned to the Potala Palace. One day at the end of the first month of 1871, when the cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s chief personal attendant Pelden Döndrup were meeting, the latter suggested that they ask the Regent Dedruk to resign since he was unable to fulfill his political duties. He said that it would be beneficial if they did this. Although the other cabinet ministers made no comment, Tsogowa explained that he had no criticism of the Regent Rinpoché’s actions. Several days later, Pelden Döndrup sent a message to the cabinet ministers saying that they must come to his Lhasa residence Künzangtsé to discuss an important issue. Bhumpa could not come because he was terribly sick, but the other three cabinet ministers came. That evening, Cabinet Ministers Sarjung and Shedra returned home. However, he told Tsogowa that he would have to stay the night since their discussion was not finished. His bedding and prayer books were brought from his house. In fact, that very night along with his superintendent Tsogowa

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was handed over to the Raktoppa,49 who was to throw Tsogowa’s corpse into the Kyichu River. While they were on their way, the cabinet minister told the Raktoppa that since he had a nice turquoise earring, he could have it. Accordingly, he cut it from Tsogo’s ear. Tsogo was tossed into the Kyichu River from atop the dam in Chakdzö Park with his hands bound behind his back.50 Although the story was circulated that the cabinet minister was kept at Künzangtsé so that his murder could be kept secret, the Raktoppa sold the turquoise earring to a Nepali trader. Thereby, it was understood that he had been thrown in the river. Immediately thereafter, the Regent Dedruk Khyenrap Wangchuk, indicating his own capacities, secretly put forth his strategy to trustworthy government officials. A trusted official of Loseling in Drepung Monastery, Zhara, dispatched some young monks that night. His own manager was to be arrested and taken to Drepung Monastery. The following morning, after a monastic council meeting, Gendün the Treasurer of Loseling College, Neulé of Kongpo, Dopdok the Treasurer of Tehor, and his own manager were to be arrested and whipped; then they were to be conveyed in the midst of the young monks and handed over to the government. He also said that he intended to arrest Pelden Döndrup and his partisans the following day. At the same time, he sent a short note from the Shözimchung Chamber telling Pelden Döndrup that early the next morning, he had to attend a cabinet meeting as there was an important point to discuss. At about midnight that night, fifty monks from Loseling College went to Dedruk monastic estate, arrested the regent’s private treasurer, and secretly took him to Drepung Monastery. Early the next day, Pelden Döndrup left Künzangtsé; he met Cabinet Minister Shedra Tsering Wangchuk on the way, and they proceeded on to the Potala by way of the Zhöl gate. On its threshold, one of Pelden Döndrup’s partisans told him that he must exercise caution since secret preparations were being made inside the palace. As soon as he heard this, he immediately fled on his horse towards Drepung Monastery. He left Drakgokaṇ i.m While he was rushing along, a messenger from Drepung met him all out of breath. He recounted that Gendün the Treasurer of Loseling College and the regent’s private treasurer had been arrested by the monastic council. Pelden Döndrup became a little concerned. He could not go

m

Drakgokaṇi is a gate to the west of the Potala Palace.

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to Drepung or to his house in Lhasa; thus, he immediately fled in the direction of Ganden Monastery. Instead of going to Ganden Monastery, he went to Shedra’s private estate, Shedra Okpa. His intention was to obtain horses, mules, clothes, and other necessary items and then escape to his paternal home in Kham. However, the Ganden monastic council learned of his scheme that night. Thus, all of the officials went to Shedra Okpa, saying they would assist in getting Pelden Döndrup and Cabinet Minister Shedra to Ganden Monastery. In addition, they said they would negotiate with the government, and if a suitable agreement could be reached, that would be best. If in the end, the government used force, they continued, then the Ganden monastic council would take responsibility, working tirelessly, even to the point of having to balance salt with wool.n Consequently, they went to Ganden Monastery. Regent Khyenrap Wangchuk, in consultation with the cabinet dissolved the committee called the General Secretariat of Ganden and Drepung monasteries. Soldiers permanently in Lhasa were summoned, and they forced their way into Ganden. Many Sera monks volunteered and thus assisted the government forces. In those days, my grandfather, the retired Tsipa Tenzin Norgye, was working in the Military Pay Master’s Office, and he said that he was making arrangements to pay the soldiers up to Drakha Zhöl and Tsangtok. He described these events:51 Due to the natural security of the terrain around Ganden Monastery, it was not possible to slip inside immediately; the government forces surrounded the monastery and cut off the water, supplies, and so forth. As a result, being unable to last very long, Pelden Döndrup and a relative, Drönnyer Gönpo finally escaped under the cover of night from Nyakré House in Ganden Monastery. Soldiers pursued them and just as the government forces were closing in on them within the Gyama Valley, Pelden Döndrup told Drönnyer that he had to kill him. He stabbed him with a spear. Drönnyer Gönpo was shot in the foot, arrested, and taken away. Thereafter, the monastic council of Ganden Monastery capitulated; n Since only a small volume of salt is quite heavy and a quite large volume of wool would be needed to strike a balance on a scale, the image (tshwa ya bal ’degs) suggested that the council would be willing to go to great lengths to reach an agreement even between seemingly irreconcilable positions. The next phrase which I have rendered as working tirelessly (lag zad dpung pa ma thug ba), means “until the exhausted hand is worn down to the shoulder.” It is similar to the expression of working one’s fingers to the bone.

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chapter twelve many of the primary guilty parties were arrested and taken away. At the same time, Pelden Döndrup’s corpse was placed on horseback with a wooden plaque; in this way, it was conveyed around Lhasa among a group of soldiers. At that time, the regent and the cabinet newly founded the Tibetan National Assembly. While the assembly investigated all of the issues, the throne holder of Ganden Monastery Drakpa Samdrup prostrated to the Dalai Lama, asking him to show mercy toward the guilty parties. He also urged the regent with sincerity. Compassionately, Cabinet Minister Shedra Tsering Wangchuk was ejected from government service; it was agreed that he would retire to his estate in Nyemo, not being allowed to seek other offices. The remaining Ganden officials were judged leniently, and the case was completely resolved.

Although the Dalai Lama’s biography does not mention anything in this regard, it says that for several days the Dalai Lama would behave as though he were being burned when he passed the threshold of Pelden Döndrup’s quarters; this was out of playfulness. It also said that before long, there was turmoil in Ganden due to the Pelden Döndrup affair.52 Other than that, I have not seen any other records that clearly discuss these matters. Cabinet Minister Shedra Tsering Wangchuk was replaced in the cabinet by Dapön Dokharwa Tsewang Dorjé. Since Pelden Döndrup was killed for his crimes, Khendrung Tā Lama Lozang Yönten was appointed in his place. On the eighteenth day of the ninth month of 1872, the Regent Dedruk Hotoktu Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk died after serving as the Dalai Lama’s political assistant for ten years. Although the Dalai Lama had nominally taken over religious and political responsibilities, he was still a minor and had to complete his studies; thus, assistants were appointed to serve him. By this time, the Dalai Lama had reached majority and had finished his studies. For this reason, a ceremony was held to mark his full investiture on the fourteenth day of the second month of 1873. During the four months between the regent’s death and his full assumption of authority, Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso, the cabinet ministers, and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant undertook the affairs of government with efficiency. In 1874, the Dalai Lama gave monastic vows to Tendzin Wangchuk, the incarnation of Khelkha Jetsün Dampa. In this connection, he granted titles and gifts to Khurel Abbot of Khelkha, Tā Lama, and representatives of four kingdoms. The Dā Khurel Abbot of the incarnation of Tönmi Gönsar, Khelkha was given various emblems such as the title of paṇḍita, a round seal, an equestrian emblem, and an insignia of leadership. Kyorlung Ngari

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was appointed as the tutor to the incarnation of Khelkha Jetsün Dampa and Khenchung Jampa Yönten was appointed as his cook. In the same year, the Dalai Lama went on the traditional pilgrimage to Ganden Monastery and places in Lhokha, such as Chökhor Gyel. Since Püntsok Namgyel replaced Jikmé Namgyel as the Desi of Sikkim, representatives were sent with congratulations. When the Prince of Sikkim, Tutop Namgyel, attained majority in Tumlang, the district leader of Pakri was sent with congratulatory offerings. On the thirtieth day of the second month of 1875, an elaborate monastic procession was held, and there was a complete solar eclipse, as though dusk came in a moment. Since even stars could be seen, the monks and lay people who had gathered raised a great clamor. There was even a little looting in Lhasa and Zhöl. The Dalai Lama became ill on the fourth day of the third month and although services were performed and medicines administered, his condition worsened. At the age of eighteen, on the twentieth day of the third month, he continued to sit in bliss before the great throne in the Nyiö Chamber of the Potala. Finally, when the Nechung Oracle was brought into his presence, he passed into nirvāṇa. Immediately, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, the Dalai Lama’s elder brother, and so forth, monk and lay government officials, the Manchu amban in Lhasa, functionaries, and the Gurkha ambassador also prostrated to his precious remains, wearing the mourning clothes according to their respective customs. My grandfather, the retired Tsipa Tenzin Norgye, was an officer of the cabinet. Thus, he could vividly describe the twelfth Dalai Lama’s death; he said that the government officials, including the cabinet minister, put on mourning clothes at that time and the Cabinet Records of 1875, The Thoroughly Clear Mirror clearly describes the extent of suffering by the people of Lhasa and Zhöl. Thereafter, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, and the Tibetan National Assembly gathered to confer. Thus, Kündeling Tatsak Jedrung Tungzhen Hotoktu Ngawang Pelden Chökyi Gyeltsen enjoyed universal faith as the candidate to be the new regent.53 Accordingly, he assumed the religious and political responsibilities. Upon the recommendations from the regent and the ministers, Cabinet Minister Dokharwa, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Khenpo Lozang Yönten, Lachak Khenchung Lozang Jinpa, and Tsechak Lozang Rapgyé were appointed with the responsibility of constructing the new reliquary, and Khenché Kokdrongpa Ngawang Namgyel, and so forth were appointed with responsibility of overseeing the masonry. With the completion of the

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reliquary, on the fourth day of the second month of 1876, the remains of the King of all Wish Fulfilling Jewels were placed in a vessel, and a consecration ceremony was performed; people who had been responsible for the work, functionaries, workers, and the population all came making abundant offerings. Notes to Chapter Twelve 1. For information about the eleventh Dalai Lama, I have relied upon the Dalai Lama’s attendant Darhen Khentrül Lozang Trinlé Namgyel, Biography of the Victorious Lord Khedrup Gyatso, Marvels of Divine Music. 2. Darhen Khentrül Lozang Trinlé Namgyel, Biography of the Victorious Lord Khedrup Gyatso, Marvels of Divine Music, 18-na-6. 3. Cabinet Records of 1843, The Thoroughly Clear Mirror. 4. See Memé Tseten of Kharlatsé’s description of these events in A. H. Francke, Antiquities of Indian Tibet (New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., 1972), vol. 2, Tibetan version, pp. 245–50; English translation pp. 250–256. 5. He was the king of a place called Jammu. 6. It is unclear if this is the name of a paternal estate, but one wonders if it might be a rank, like Dapön. 7. This Ü Dapön Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo subsequently was famous for becoming a cabinet minister and finally for also becoming the regent of Tibet. 8. In Mongolian, yasor (ya sor) means a military commander or a leader. 9. Margaret W. Fischer, Leo E. Rose, and Robert A. Huttenback. Himalayan Battleground (New York: Praeger, 1963), 165 and A. H. Francke, Antiquities of Indian Tibet (New Delhi: S. Chand & Co., 1972), vol. 2, p. 254. After just three weeks of the Sikh-Tibet Battle in Taklakhar, a heavy snow fell. Thus, the Sikh army was resoundingly defeated. On the fourteenth day of the twelfth month of 1841, Zorawar Singh took his own life. However, that may be, the Sikh soldiers who escaped took his body with them. A mausoleum was constructed. Translator’s Note: There are contradictory accounts about the disposition of Singh’s remains. The text says he was beheaded. Other sources indicate his body was dismembered and distributed amongst several monasteries. See Sukhdev Singh Charak, “Extract from General Zorawar Singh,” in History of Tibet, vol. 2, ed. by Alex McKay. (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003). 10. These days, Dumra is called Nupra. 11. Ladakhi records say that three Dapöns were arrested; they say that on the road, Dapön Rakhashak took his own life. However, he is not mentioned at all in Tibetan records. 12. There is no difference between this third sworn agreement and the original among the records of the cabinet in Lhasa. However, the version in C. U. Aitcheson, A Collection of Treaties, Engagements, and Sanads Relating to India and Neighbouring Countries (Calcutta: Government of India, Central Publication Branch, 1929), vol. 14, p. 15, is not translated from Tibetan into English very well. In addition, that version includes the words, “the Emperor of China.” I have studied many documents of Ladakh and Tibet and there is absolutely nothing of the sort. Thus, these words must have been added later. I must strongly protest against this single point. 13. Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsarwa’s notes on this are included within Kyangpo Ngödrup Ding’s documents. 14. Cabinet Records of 1844, The Thoroughly Clear Mirror. 15. This is the great scholar who is called Kyapying Menriwa.

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16. Compilation of Private Records. 17. Cabinet Records. 18. Drakyap Chetsang Hotoktu Nomihen Lozang Tupten Jikmé Chökyi Gyatso and Chungtsang Lozang Tendzin Gyatso were not friendly with each other. Both of their servants were partial to their bosses’ sides, and so a dispute emerged. Jamshé Jepa sent Chamdo Dzözur Lozang Tsültrim and Dergé Nyerchen Gyangkar Gelek to investigate; they investigated and reached a judgment that was accepted in the FireSheep year (1847). 19. As for the meaning of Pongsang, Kyapjé Yongdzin Dorjé Chang Chenpo says that after the three month vow of the summer retreat is completed, it is possible to go outside. Translator’s Note: People take the vow not to go out during the three months when the bugs are at their peak so that they will not inadvertently kill the crawling creatures. 20. Compilation of Records. 21. Initially, when it was held by the British, India was called the East India Company. During that time, Lord Dalhouse was the Viceroy. That was the time when the railroad and the first postal system were introduced into India. 22. Ganden Pedé means the areas under the jurisdiction of the Tibetan government. 23. One wonders if they weren’t a council of district leaders. 24. This is a leader of the British army. 25. I do not know the significance of calling the East India Company the Queen’s Company. 26. Although here he is just called Shedra’s assistant, below, he is called Pokpön Kyitöpa when he is awarded the third rank. 27. Compilation of Treaty Records. Translators Note: I have been unable to locate the original English translation of these documents and have, therefore, retranslated them. 28. At that time, the Gurkha king was given the name Pamchasarkar and Jung Bahadur was given the name Tinsarkar. 29. In the past, when the Tibetan government recruited militia, the soldiers were from the age of eighteen to sixty. Thus, there was a limit to recruitment. 30. I have copied the sealed original of this treaty from the cabinet archives in Lhasa. Translator’s Note: I have modified Charles Bell’s translation, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 278–280. 31. Alé means Gurkha coins. Translator’s Note: Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 278, translated alé as rupee. 32. Records of the Birthplace of Radreng Rinpoché, Kyarpo Ngödrup Ding. 33. Primarily, I have relied upon Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso, Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal Mirror. I have consulted other texts to fill in the holes. 34. Tutop Namgyel and Yeshé Drölma, Dynastic History of Sikkim. 35. The twelfth and thirteenth Dalai Lama’s were called the actual protector (skyabs mgon sbug). 36. Although the regent’s seals were locked in a chest which was placed in the Shö Zimchung chamber, the keys were kept by the keeper of the seals. In order to use the seals, the keeper would have to come. 37. He was the author of the biographies of the tenth and eleventh Dalai Lamas and also of the biography of Jé Tsongkhapa called Biography of [Lama Tsongkhapa] the Omniscient Jé Rinpoché, A Beautiful Ornament of the Subduers, A Garland of Marvelous Jewels. During his appointment at the Treasury Office, he composed the fundamental government documents during the 1830 and 1847. Working together with a group of other people, he became as famous as Gyelwang Chöjé. 38. He was a man whose capacities gradually increased.

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39. Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar was partial to the regent’s side because they were related. I wonder if Samdrup Podrang, Kyitöpa, and Changkyappa didn’t remain neutral. 40. This was a new collective organization formed from members of Ganden and Drepung monasteries as well as the corps of secretaries from the Potala. 41. At that time there were one hundred Drepung monks in the Potala Guard. One of them was Jamar Tsawa Zhara; he developed an excellent strategy in the conflict over Zhidé Monastery and thus became popular. He subsequently held the posts of the treasurer of Loseling Monastic College and the Dzasak of Kündeling monastic estate. The retired minister Neshar Tupten Tarpa told me about him. 42. At that time, the Radreng monastic estate, the birthplace estate of Kyangpo Ngödrup Ding, and Cabinet Minister Trashi Khangsar’s estate were seized by the government. Chikhen Darhen Lozang Trinlé Penpo was escaping over the Gola Pass. He later died and was found by the monks of Ganden and Drepung monasteries who were pursuing him. His corpse was not retrieved after several days. This story is probably a legend. 43. There is very little about Radreng and Shedra in Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso’s Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal Mirror ; Shedra was the Dalai Lama’s assistant for several months after retiring as the minister. Then he was promoted to the title of nomihen. However, I have examined such sources as the Gongkar Nesar Chronology, the personal records of Desi Shedra, the chronology of Kadrung Nornangpa, and the books of government seals. I have also spoken with some elderly people on several occasions such as the Acting-Minister Shakha Gyurmé Sönam Topgyé Chok, Shechak Gyellak, and Shechak Maṇitang. 44. As for Desi Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo, he was from the Pelzhiwa, a private family of Panam. When he was young he became a monk and served in the butter lamp office of Samyé Monastery. Cabinet Minister Shedra Döndrup Dorjé lived a long time because of the merit gained through restoring Samyé. The two of them became acquainted. In the meanwhile, the younger man sent his accounts to the government; there was a big deficit. The Zhöl Court Office investigated thoroughly. He did not have any money of his own. Thus, he was put in a wooden collar for seven nights and then he was sent to the jail at Döl estate. He was placed in front of the stone pillar below the Potala. Cabinet Minister Shedra saw him there. He brought the matter up in the cabinet meeting, offering to pay the deficit on the young man’s behalf. The cabinet agreed and he paid the deficit to the office. The cabinet minister took responsibility for the young monk who was brought to his house. He then wrote a recommendation for him to Treasurer Utishakpa. The monk Pelzhiwa did outside errands for him. Finally, he married Shedra’s daughter. He was very capable and skilled in office work. Cabinet Minister Shedra had no son, so he adopted Pelzhiwa. Then he became very famous as the Desi Shedra. He also had no children, so he adopted another Pelzhiwa family member. That adopted son became Cabinet Minister Shedra Tsering Wangchuk. 45. Since he was the governor of Nyakrong and the entire Horkhok region including Dartsedo, he was called the Nyakkhok Governor. 46. Autobiography of Jamgön Lodrö Tayé, Colored Jewels, 108-na-1 to 109-na-1. 47. At that time, since Emperor Tongzhi had not yet reached the age of eleven, all authority was held by Cixi. 48. Other than oral accounts of these events, I have not seen any records. Thus, I asked Kyapjé Yongdzin Trijang Rinpoché about it. He said that his teacher when he was studying at the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa was from Ngödrokhé, Tang district. He said that when he was young, he heard the sounds of the battle in Nyakrong. 49. The Raktoppa are the people from within the government who capture criminals and who take unclaimed corpses to the cemetery.

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50. I asked Kyapjé Trijang Rinpoché about this. He said that the daughter of Cabinet Minister Changkyappa, Lhalu Lhacham, became a nun. She was quite young and was adopted by Cabinet Minister Tsogowa. This is similar to what I have heard elsewhere; thus it is definite. 51. In this regard, my grandfather said that he had spoken to the retired Cabinet Minister Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam Topgyé Chok (He was Shedra’s son). He said that he remembered what he had said; thus, it is certain. 52. Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso, Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal Mirror, 184-na-6. 53. When the incarnation of the Dalai Lama dies, the name gyeltsap (rgyal tshab) is applied to the regent; when the incarnation ascends to the throne, then the regent is called sikyong (srid skyong).

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

THIRTEENTH DALAI LAMA AND THE BORDER DISPUTE WITH BRITAIN TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION According to Shakabpa, the thirteenth Dalai Lama (1876–1933) was the most effective of all the Dalai Lamas. This chapter recounts the first twenty years of his life, including his identification and his education. Even while he was still a teenager, the Dalai Lama is said to have mediated border disputes and conflicts among the nobility, launched governmental reforms, and sidestepped a magical assassination attempt authored by his former regent. In all ways, Shakabpa represents the young Dalai Lama as an extraordinary figure. This chapter provides insight into the operation of the Tibetan cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s inner circle. Shakabpa also presents a detailed account of Britain’s growing influence throughout the Himalayan region, particularly in Bhutan and Sikkim, describing a series of British spies that were sent into Tibet. Likewise, Sikkim became the site of a significant conflict between Tibetan and British forces. Spies from the British in India, from Russia, and even from Japan found their way to Lhasa during this period.a With the death of the twelfth Dalai Lama, customary and by now familiar inquiries were made, with miraculous signs being investigated. A boy born in Lower Dakpo to the southeast of Lhasa showed remarkable qualities even before reaching the age of six months. In due course, he was selected in accord with the unanimous determination of the oracles, the determinations of many high incarnations, and the declarations of the regent and the government. Despite the fact that there were three candidates, the Golden Urn Lottery was not performed, a clear sign that the Qing court had little real authority in Lhasa by this time. The fifth Paṇchen Lama (1854–1882) named him Tupten Gyatso. The “Great Game” is a term used to describe the 19th century contest between British and Russian imperial interests for power and access to

a

See p. 641 below.

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Tibet

The political border of Tibet is contested. Tsering Shakya (1999) includes nine maps demonstrating that the extent of Tibet has been defined differently by many individuals with an interest in the region. Each of the possible political boundaries that might be drawn would be tendentious and could only be considered to be accurate for a limited time frame. In this map, I have depicted what might be called cultural Tibet or linguistic Tibet. Naturally, the cultural and linguistic reach of Tibet has also drifted throughout time. I based my sketch on the first map in Shakya’s book and the very fine 1998 map published by the Amnye Machen Institute depicting language groups in the Tibetan and Himalayan region. I have indicated the Indian region of Ladakh since the residents there speak of a dialect of Tibetan, but I have not shown the areas along the remainder of the Himalayan borderlands where other smaller groups speak Tibetan dialects.

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trade in Central Asia. Tibet’s location meant that it was among the more important stages where this drama unfolded.b As part of this tumultuous struggle, a controversial Bengali scholar named Sarat Chandra Das (1849–1917) spied for the British during a three-year visit to Tibet in 1879–1882. Eventually becoming a scholar of Tibet, he would write one of the most important early English-Tibetan dictionaries.c As Shakabpa indicates, Tibetan suspicions of the British and other foreigners were notably enhanced when his subterfuge was discovered. Various Tibetans that had been involved with Das were punished, and strict travel prohibitions were placed on foreigners. These actions provide context for the Tibetan apprehensions that inspired such resistance to British overtures at the beginning of the 20th century.d Despite its hesitance, Tibet was being drawn in various ways into interacting with other nations. A dispute between a Nepali trader and two Tibetan women in the marketplace in 1883 threatened to turn into an international conflict. A Mongolian patron of the Dalai Lama paid for the damages in order to pacify the situation. Some Chinese people were thought to have been disrespectful to the Dalai Lama; they were ejected from the country, and the amban ultimately had to apologize in order to address the public discord. Meanwhile, Qing troops crossed into Tibetan territory from Sichuan. A Tibetan delegation negotiated terms in China, and the invaders were withdrawn. Various reforms in the structure of the government were instituted in 1894. Some governmental posts, which had become almost hereditary, were transformed in an effort to get more talented people in place. The structure of the cabinet, which had been established at the time of the seventh Dalai Lama, was formalized so that three lay ministers were accompanied by one monk minister. After the Dalai Lama had completed his education in 1898, he took the traditional examinations. That same year, there were intimations that someone had harmful designs on the young incarnation. After four Dalai Lamas in a row had died at a young age, people were alarmed that the thirteenth’s welfare might be threatened. Investigations indicated

b See Nikolai S. Kuleshov, Russia’s Tibet File (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1996) and Tatiana Shaumain, Tibet: The Great Game and Tsarist Russia (Oxford: Oxford Univesity Press, 2000). c Sarat Chandra Das, A Tibetan-English Dictionary (Varanasi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1979). d See chapters 14 and 15 below.

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that sorcery had been perpetrated under the authority of the Regent Demo Ngawang Lozang Trinlé Rapgyé (1855–1899) through the chief cook of his monastic estate at Tengyeling Monastery in Lhasa. Although the attack was effected through Tertön Sönam Gyeltsen, the latter was regarded as blameless. A variety of people involved in the plot were punished, and most of the estates attached to the Demo incarnation lineage were seized. Shakabpa does not mention that the regent was executed or that he committed suicide as a consequence of this episode; instead he indicates only that the regent retired. When the amban tried to intervene in the judicial process, the Dalai Lama rebuffed his efforts, demonstrating Chinese impotence. These facts help explain why elements of Tengyeling Monastery sided with the Chinese forces when fighting broke out between Chinese and Tibetan troops in Lhasa in 1912, after the Qing Empire came to an end.e In the decades surrounding the turn of the 20th century, the British Raj government in India created a far more dominant position all along the Himalayas for itself than it had enjoyed in the past. They gained territorial concessions in Pakistan, Kashmir, Ladakh, Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan, all along Tibet’s mountainous border to the west and south. Meanwhile, Russia, Britain, and China were all mutually suspicious of each other. Within Tibet, this struggle manifested in the form of machinations to prevent both of the others from gaining a foothold on the high plateau. As Shakabpa points out, these concerns were unwarranted because none of the three were exerting influence in Tibet as the 19th century drew to a close:f In fact, not only was there no foreign influence in Tibet, there was no wish to have Chinese, British, or Russian influence in Tibet. Tibetans worked to remain free and independent, merely wishing to live peacefully in accordance with their religion.

Meanwhile, the British worked to increase their influence in Tibet by playing China and Tibet against each other and by continually attempting to establish a position in Tibet.

e See pp. 739–748 below. Initially, Chinese forces merely took refuge in Tengyeling Monastery during a conflict with Tibetan forces. However, it was eventually determined that some of the Tibetan monks from the monastery had been complicit in protecting the Chinese. As a consequence, the estates of Tengyeling Monastery were distributed to others who were known to be loyal, and the monastery itself was dissolved. f See p. 642 below.

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As part of this policy, they had reached an agreement with Qing authorities at Chefoo in 1885 permitting British travel through Tibet. The Tibetans, having not been a party to the agreement, refused to accept its terms and vowed to resist any incursions from foreigners. With the king of Sikkim serving as an intermediary, both the Tibetans and the British explored the limits to which they could push the other side. Tensions came to a head in the form of a conflict over the Tibetans’ construction of border fortifications at Lungtur in southern Tibet. The British forces overwhelmed the ill-equipped Tibetans, inspiring the Tibetan government to recruit an army. Shakabpa says that as tensions between Tibet and Britain heightened, British colonial authorities instructed the government of Sikkim to cut off contact with Tibet, a close traditional ally in the region. With each British effort to tighten control over the Sikkimese, the Tibetans became more concerned about the ever more alarming threat beyond the Himalayas. These fears were only elevated when Britain and China concluded treaties concerning Tibet in 1890 and 1893 without the participation of Tibetans negotiators. In light of these encroachments, Tibet felt compelled to seek relations with other powerful nations:g (T)he Tibetan government not only had religious relations with Russia, but there had most certainly already been political relations, as well. The reason for [seeking out such relations] was that China and Britain had a policy of regarding Tibet as stupid. In addition, despite the fact that the Tibetan government is the owner of Tibetan territory, China and Britain kept signing agreements about Tibet. The British were continually harassing Tibet’s border region and gradually took possession of nearby areas. For these reasons, the protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché was left with no alternative but to establish both public and secret relations with Russia and Japan in an effort to maintain Tibet’s freedom and independence.

Tibetans approached the turn of the century apprehensively.

g

See p. 653 below.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN

THIRTEENTH DALAI LAMA AND THE BORDER DISPUTE WITH BRITAIN Of all the Dalai Lamas, the thirteenth incarnation was the most effective in all religious and political matters because of the greater interest he took in the political and economic affairs of the land. In addition, despite the tremendous difficulties he faced, he was possessed of inexhaustible courage and overwhelming power. After the twelfth Dalai Lama died for the benefit of others in 1875, Kündeling Tatsak Jedrung Chökyi Gyeltsen became the regent. An order was announced saying that a search should be conducted throughout Tibet and that remarkable children should be identified. There were clear signs, such as the corpse turning its head to the east of Lhasa when the tutor Purchok Rinpoché was washing it, and so forth. Similarly high lamas, such as the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché and Regent Tatsak, as well as the state oracles, foresaw that the new incarnation would be born to the southeast. As a result, the retired abbot of the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa, Lozang Dargyé, a member of the government’s search committee, offered ceremonies on a pilgrimage to Dakpo in the south and went to Chökhor Gyel where he had a vision in Lhamo Latso Lake.a Within the lake he had a perfectly clear vision of the region and the house in which the Dalai Lama would be born, and so forth. A government steward in the area reported that a child of the Langdün family under the jurisdiction of Nangdzong in Lower Dakpo had displayed remarkable signs. The search party went to see him there. His family was middle class. His father, Künga Rinchen, was a descendent of Luktöpa of the Gongkar region, and his mother was Lozang Drölma. He had been born on the fifth day of the fifth month (May 27, 1876). The lay of the land, the birth house, and so forth accorded with visions that had been seen in Lhamo Latso Lake, and the names of his parents were similar to what had been prophesied by the great oracle. However, since the young

a See p. 855 below for Shakabpa’s first hand account of a pilgrimage made to this same lake when the incarnation of the fourteenth Dalai Lama was being sought.

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incarnation had not yet reached five months of age, it was not possible to recognize him as the Dalai Lama. The party returned to Lhasa and reported these matters to the regent and the cabinet. Thereafter, Khenché Jangchup Namdröl and Cabinet Secretary Lhawang Norbu were secretly sent to investigate; they came to believe that he was the incarnation because of his behavior. Although the child from the Langdün family seemed to accord with all of the prophesies of the lamas and gods, he was examined further, just as gold is tested by burning, cutting, and rubbing. In the sixth month of 1877, the retired abbot of the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant went to his birthplace with religious items, clothes, and other articles of the previous Dalai Lama. Thus, after performing tests, he was recognized without error. As a result, the retired abbot of the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa and several monks rented a house near the child’s birthplace in order to watch out for his personal cleanliness and his safety. The all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché, Regent Tatsak, and the state oracles such as Nechung Dorjé Drakden, Gadong Nesung Chenpo, Lamo Tsangpa, and Samyé Tseu Marpo, that is all the lamas and gods, expressed their agreement that the child of the Langdün family was the incarnation of the Dalai Lama. Accordingly, the Tibetan National Assembly also took the issue up for discussion. There was nothing to be done except for the regent and all of the cabinet ministers to devote themselves to the examination. Thus, the Tibetan National Assembly issued an edict saying that since gods and men had already unanimously determined that the child born in the Langdün family in Lower Dakpo was indeed the incarnation of the omniscient protector, it was unnecessary to waste time by performing the Golden Urn Lottery. Thus, they were able to come to a decision. This edict was impressed with four seals and was announced in the meeting of the Tibetan National Assembly on the first day of the ninth month of 1877. At the same time, it was announced throughout the land.1 At that time, the Manchu ambans, Song and Gui, who were living in Lhasa demonstrated their extreme displeasure. However, as if to conceal their shame, they said that the Manchu emperor had written a letter granting recognition to Lozang Tapkhé Gyatso, the son of Künga Rinchen of the Langdün family in Dakpo as the Dalai Lama without requiring the Golden Urn Lottery. In fact, they could not do anything except recognize him.

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The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and Their Relations with the Manchu Emperors of China by the American ambassador to China, Rockhill, says that there were three candidates for the thirteenth Dalai Lama, that the Golden Urn Lottery was performed in the Jokhang Temple, and that the name of the child from Dakpo was drawn.2 Tieh-tseng Li’s The Historical Status of Tibet says:3 In the case of . . . the thirteenth Dalai Lama, the emperor, by special decree, suspended the drawing of lots, because there was but one claimant.

Neither of these accounts is correct. In fact, at that time, there were three other suitable candidates: Lamo Chöjé’s son, and others in Dakpo Lhasöl and below Nangdzong. They were thoroughly examined through seeking advice from lamas and prophesies from the oracles and also through religious means. In dependence upon these efforts, the child born to the Langdün family in Lower Dakpo was selected without error. Accordingly, the monks and lay people of Tibet unanimously agreed that the Golden Urn Lottery was unnecessary. In addition, the Dalai Lama himself has written about the Golden Urn Lottery:4 From the beginning, it was unnecessary to employ the Golden Urn Lottery; on the basis of clear prophesies and tests, I was recognized as the incarnation of the Dalai Lama and installed on the throne.

Thereafter, Cabinet Minister Yutok, the Dalai Lama’s attendants for food, clothing, and rituals, a guard, housekeeper, and several secretaries were sent to accompany the Dalai Lama. They left his Dakpo birthplace on the first day of the eleventh month of 1877, reaching Tsel Gungtang Dewachen near Lhasa. There they were met by the Regent Tatsak Rinpoché, monks and lay government officials, lamas and officials from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, the Manchu ambans in Lhasa, the Nepali ambassador, Acharya, and so forth. The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché Tenpé Wangchuk went to Gungtang Dewachen in order to cut the ritual lock of hair from the Dalai Lama’s head signifying his entrance into monkhood; he also bestowed upon him the name Jetsün Ngawang Lozang Tupten Gyatso Jikdrel Wangchuk Choklé Nampar Gyelwé Dé. At that time, he spontaneously composed a poem for the occasion in supplication to the Dalai Lama for his marvelous service. During this period, the Paṇchen Lama had a poet in his entourage, Denjé Ngawang Chöjor, who composed marvelous poems recording the ceremonies over

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which his lama presided, as well as his journeys. On the eighteenth day of the first month of that year, the senior figures of Tibet left Gungtang Dewachen reaching the mountain retreat of Samtenling through the north of the Kyichu Tsangpo River. The Dalai Lama stayed there for more than a year with his Tutor Purchok Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso and with the cabinet ministers each visiting in turn. Preparations for the Dalai Lama’s investiture on the golden throne in the incomparable palace of the Potala, the second home of Avalokiteśvara were completed in 1879. Thereafter, the Dalai Lama’s party left the mountain retreat of Samtenling and moved to the upper residence at Dögu Tang on the eleventh day of the sixth month. On the thirteenth day, the Dalai Lama was conveyed to the Tsuklakhang in Lhasa amidst a large party of people speaking different languages and wearing the traditional dress of various foreign nations; the party included monks and lay government officials, the great lamas and incarnations of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, the rulers of smaller regions in Tibet, the kings of Lo, Bo, Dzum, and Li, regional leaders, Chintrel Ambanb who offered congratulations on behalf of the Manchu throne, the amban’s deputies in Lhasa, the leaders of the Muslims and of Nepal, and various leaders of Mongolia. Thereafter, they proceeded through central Zhöl to the Potala where the Dalai Lama was established on the throne of the five fearless lions in the Nyiökhyil Chamber. On the fourteenth day, a magnificent investiture ceremony took place, establishing the great incarnation on the golden throne in the Sizhi Püntsok Chamber. [Representatives of ] Trashi Lhünpo Monastery and Kündeling monastic estate, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s chief attendant, the general secretaries of Lhasa and Zhöl, Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, Ling Pentsün, the important figures from throughout Ü Tsang, the paternal estates, regional kings, lesser kings, regional leaders, and monasteries without distinction of school all came in turn to offer the traditional congratulations from the fifteenth day. Sarat Chandra Das, a Bengali man sent to make detailed observations of Tibet on behalf of the British government in India, entered the country with the Sikkim Lama Ogyen Gyatso under the pretense of b

It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. Around this time, the ambans in Lhasa were Xizhen (1878–1879), Selenge (1879–1885), and Weiqing (1879– 1882). See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 58–59.

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studying Buddhism. He arrived at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery in 1879. With the assistance of Kyapying Drongtsewa Sengchen Trülku Lozang Pelden Chöpel, the storekeeper of Gyeltsen Tönpo monastic estate,c Das went to several monasteries in Tsang such as Sakya, Ngor, Khül Drongtsé Chödé in Gyantsé, and Pelkhor Chödé, where he was able to collect many Tibetan texts. Sengchen Trülku’s relative, Ü Dapön Palhé Lhacham assisted Das in going to Lhasa, Yardrok Samding, and so forth and several places in Lhokha. Sarat Chandra Das toured around Ü Tsang for more than three years. He wrote an important book about his experiences. In addition, he made new maps of Yardrok Yutso. Since he had come as a spy with the mission of determining whether or not Tibet had relations with other foreign nations, the Tibetan government became suspicious. Just as they were going to arrest him, that plan was leaked to him, and he suddenly escaped to India.5 For these reasons, several people who were known to have provided assistance to Das, Kyapying Sengchen Trülku, the Palha family, and some others were severely punished by the Tibetan government. This and similar events caused the Tibetan government to become suspicious of the British in control of India; the government issued an order denying permission for any foreigners to make pilgrimages in the border region or to go site-seeing at the mountains and lakes. By virtue of the severe punishment given to Kyapying Sengchen, the seeds of hard feelings between the attendants of Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate and the Tibetan government were sown. The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché Tenpé Wangchuk continually oversaw the discipline of the monks at Trashi Lhünpo and the officials of his monastic estate. Consequently, several of the monks and several of the attendants would not obey his orders, and so forth.6 Because of the need to protect the Paṇchen Lama from these inauspicious signs and more importantly because of his ill health, he was taken to Jelangma Chaptsen Hot Springs with Tsang Dapön Palhawa serving as his host. However, his illness became more critical and he passed into nirvāṇa on the sixteenth day of the sixth month of 1882. In the same year, the governor of Nyakrong Ü Dapön Zurkhangpa made an offering to the government of one hundred and twenty bags

c Alex McKay points out that Das regarded this man as the Paṇ chen Lama’s prime minister. See, for example, Sarat Chandra Das, A Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet, edited by W. W. Rockhill (London: J. Murray, 1902), xi.

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of five gold sang each and two hundred and seventy bags of fifty sang each in exchange for his five years of service. In 1883, on the evening of the day of the annual Great Offering Ceremony in Lhasa, two women went into a shop owned by a Nepali trader named Ratnamana. The trader accused the women of taking a coral necklace without paying for it. Thus, a dispute broke out between them, and even the efforts of the Drepung Monastery disciplinarian could not prevent a clamorous crowd of many hundreds of monks and lay people from gathering by nightfall. All of the Nepali shops in Lhasa were looted simultaneously, due to which there seemed to be no hope of mediating the situation between the Gurkha and Tibetan governments; war seemed imminent. Representatives of both governments finally met on the border for talks, and the Tibetan government agreed to pay for the losses of the Nepali shop keepers in the sum of 67,579 ṭamsang, nine zho, and three karma. At that time, a Mongolian man named Chahen Hotoktu Künga Gyeltsen was visiting the Dalai Lama; he paid the entire sum as an offering of faith. Peace was restored between the two peoples. Tatsak Jedrung Tongshen Hotoktu, who was Tibet’s regent for twelve years, died in the east end of the Potala Palace on the eighth day of the fourth month of 1886. He was among the most effective of all the regents in religious and political affairs. When an epidemic of venereal disease spread in Tibet, he immediately intervened with prayers to Pelden Lhamo; the disruption was resolved, and people throughout Tibet were protected from the disease. During a smallpox epidemic, the regent himself got the disease, and miraculously, the illness became very light; thus, many tens of thousands of children were saved from the illness. Thereafter, he was known as “Tatsak White Pox.” Because he regarded the people of Tibet lovingly, when grain prices in Ü Tsang rose from three zho to six zho and five karma, he released all of the grain in his private stores at Kündeling monastic estate. Since the price stabilized, the people of Lhasa praised him as the “Five Zho King.” I have heard from many impartial observers that his life was cut short because of the hardships of his service in religious and political matters. As the Dalai Lama had not completed his studies, Demo Jihren Senshi Hotoktu Ngawang Lozang Trinlé Rapgyé of Tengyeling Monastery became the regent according to the general consent of the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly. The blessed image of the glorious Vajrabhairava, which was located in the reliquary of the powerful Ralo Dorjé Drak, the primary relic

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of Drepung Tantric College, was destroyed by fire on the evening of the fourteenth day of the tenth month; a committee was appointed to rebuild it. Also around that year, the British-Tibetan border conflict began, but the history of those events will be gradually unfolded below.d In 1888, three candidates for the incarnation of the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché were put forth and examined through religious means. The candidate born in Dakpo Bhrumkasha was selected. The Dalai Lama ceremonially cut a lock of his hair and gave him the name Lozang Chökyi Nyima Gelek Namgyel. Also at this time, the Dalai Lama’s attendant was appointed to investigate the dispute over Powo Kanam Depa. His successful efforts were rewarded. The ruler of Dergé, Chimé Takpé Dorjé, invited the Dalai Lama to lead the Great Prayer Festival in 1889. The king of Torgö, Mongolia, his wife, his ministers, and retinue met with the Dalai Lama; they made a pilgrimage to the religious land, made offerings, and so forth, and they were given an elaborate reception. When they left, they were praised by being granted seals and titles. In addition, they were given a letter charging them to found a new monastery in Torgö territory. A new mint was built in Kongpo Zhokha. Thus, a 1524 t ̣amkar bill was issued in 1890 and a 1525 ṭamkar bill was issued in 1891. They were distributed as offerings at Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival in 1892, and from that time, they were circulated throughout Tibet. Around that year, the Dalai Lama seemed to enjoy riding horses. With a group of seasoned riders, he would ride from Norbu Lingkha Palace to the Potala Palace. In addition, he would continually ride to Sera and Drepung monasteries, Purchok, Panglung, Sera Tsé, Keutsang, Rikya, Drak Yerpa, Ratsak, and so forth. Government officials and the general populace were extremely concerned that he might fall from his horse. At that time, a temple steward of Nyetang Drölma Lhakhang, who bore a likeness to the Dalai Lama, would pretend to be him. He and his three servants went to several mountain retreats in disguise. His identity was revealed, and he was severely punished. This story is told in the oral tradition.

d

See Chapter 14.

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In 1894, cabinet ministers had mainly been laymen in recent times, and moreover, several noble households continually held the posts as if by hereditary right. Thus, the remaining monk and lay government officials were dissatisfied. In addition to this complaint, a petition was drafted saying that there should be an equal number of monk and lay cabinet ministers. Previously, during the time of the seventh Dalai Lama Kelzang Gyatso, when the cabinet had initially been founded, one monk had been appointed. This is clear from biographies and different sorts of documents. In addition, there is a painting on the right hand side of the Drölma Temple in the Rasa Trülnang Tsuklakhang depicting the seventh Dalai Lama in the form of Avalokiteśvara meeting with three lay cabinet ministers and one monk cabinet minister. From that point on, three lay cabinet ministers and one monk cabinet minister were appointed. Moreover, it was decided that except for awarding special commendations for past service to the government, appointments should be made on the basis of one’s learning, experience, effectiveness, good training, popularity, and honesty. Beyond that, people would not be promoted on the basis of possessing estates or on hereditary connections, as had previously been the case. Lama Khenchung Yutok was appointed as the Cabinet Minister Lama and Barzhi Jedrung Ngawang Ngödrup was appointed to the position of general responsibility as the Dalai Lama’s attendant in charge of correspondence and chamberlain duties. An order was issued to the monastic officials of all the monasteries without distinction to school, including Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, saying that the monastic discipline and the regulations must not decline, but that they must conform to the regulations set out by Buddha and the monasteries.7 The Dalai Lama received his monastic vows from his Tutor Purchok Rinpoché during the Great Prayer Festival in 1895. On the evening of the traditional festival of the fifteenth day of the month, the Dalai Lama passed on the streets in procession. Several Chinese people watched the procession from the upper story of a restaurant owned by a Chinese man named Tsungshang Yehrin (Tsung shang Ye hrin). When the organizer of the Great Prayer Festival and the disciplinarian questioned the owner of the restaurant, they said that according to Tibetan law, it was improper to view the Dalai Lama from the upper story of a building. However, the three treasurers and the three delegates from the festival site went to the amban explaining that this should not be done. As a result, when the matter was recounted to the

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Manchu amban, he responded that as the Chinese officials were new arrivals, they did not understand the custom. Amban Yamön (Ya mon)e also said that he had not notified the Chinese people in Lhasa on this protocol. In the future, he continued, such problems would not arise. He said he planned to overcome such harmful behavior. The regent and the cabinet urged that the accused individuals be interrogated in turn. All of the monks and lay people in Lhasa were becoming angry that the amban was protecting the evil people in the restaurant. There was tremendous tension over these events. The amban could not bear it, and so, he apologized to the Dalai Lama. The accused people were punished and sent back to China.8 At this time, the Dalai Lama was twenty years old; he had completed his studies of sūtra and tantra, and he had taken the vows of full ordination. Thus, all of the people of Tibet, and in particular, the Nechung Oracle had continually called on the Dalai Lama to take up the religious and political responsibilities from that point. Accordingly, the Dalai Lama joyously adopted the insignia of the religious and political authority, the golden wheel, on the eighth day of the eighth month (September 26, 1895). At the same time, he issued a five-point decree impressed with his seal; it directed all of the people of Tibet on what to adopt and what to abandon. In essence, it said:9 1. The tradition of making offerings at Rasa, Tadül, Yangdül, and Runön Tsuklakhangs and the Jokhang Tsuklakhang must be restored. 2. The education and discipline of the monks of all schools, as well as the observance of religious festivals by lay people must be kept pure. The practice of children abandoning their aged and decrepit parents, leaving them without food and clothing, is prohibited. In addition, it is prohibited to evict blind family members and servants or to place excessive loads on horses, and so forth. 3. This provision concerns the functions of civil and military officials in both internal and external matters. 4. Regional officials are enjoined to be considerate of the extent to which they use transportation, and bi-annual audits are to be undertaken. 5. Improvements in resources are to be furthered through opening up new farm lands and planting trees.

The Regent Demo Hotoktu resigned from his post at this time. e

It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time, the ambans in Lhasa were Kuihuan (1892–1896), and Naqin (1894–1896). A previous amban named Yanmao had departed for China in 1894. See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 61–62.

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Khelkha (Helha) Uchu Muchen Wang was granted a seal and a title. The Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Khenché Yeshé Chöpel was sent on a political mission to the Khelkha (Helha) region, with Tsedrön Tendzin Chödrak and Shödrung Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin being appointed as his assistants. During the time of the governor of Nyakrong Khenchung Yeshé Tupten and Dapön Dudül Dorjé, new taxes were levied on the monks in the Nyakrong district at Dra, Nak, and Shok and also at Dampa Rangdröl Monastery. By virtue of the evil influence of Midrinshok of Chakla Pass, a dispute arose over the dishonest evaluation of the Nyakrong governor. The Hemé incarnation in Ladakh was granted a title, paper, a seal, an equestrian silks, an insignia, and so forth in 1896. Ever since that year, it became customary to parade from Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang to the Nechung Drayangling Monastery on the tenth day of the Monkey year with the precious object which grants liberation to those who see it, the image that was discovered as a replacement of the statue of Guru Padmasaṃ bhava.f The image of Tertöng Sönam Gyelpo or Chökyong Lingpa was displayed. The yellow papers of Jang Rinchen Drönmé and of Lerap Lingpa, which were revealed by tertöns were taken to the Norbu Lingkha Palace, and prayers were recited in accordance with them. The Nechung Oracle also prophesied that there would be threats to the Dalai Lama’s activities and his physical well-being, as well as to the religious and political form of government in Tibet. Accordingly, the medium of the oracle shook all over, saying that all beings on all fours sides of the palace appeared as scorpions. As mentioned above in regards to the Nyakrong dispute,h Tsungtu of Sichuan stole behind Midrin Tusi, the leader of Chakla Pass. The Chinese troops under the officer Trangsi entered Nyakrong, igniting a war between China and Tibet.

f

We have already seen that this statue had been used to swear an oath. See p. 448. A tertön (gter ston) is person who reveals, through mystic means, sacred texts or other objects that have been hidden in the past, most commonly by Padmasaṃ bhava. See, for example, David F. Germano, “Re-membering the Dismembered Body of Tibet: Contemporary Ter Visionary Movements in the People’s Republic of China,” in Buddhism in Contemporary Tibet: Religious Revival and Cultural Identity, eds. Melvyn C. Goldstein and Matthew T. Kapstein (Berkeley, California: University of California Press, 1998), 53–94. h See p. 606. g

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The ruler of Dergé, his wife, and his sons were arrested and imprisoned at Drintu. As a result, the ruler and his wife died in prison and the two sons were released with the support of the Tibetan government. The older son, Akya, was given the rank of ruler. According to tradition, he was married to the daughter of the government official Gerampa. Being in possession of the ruler’s house, he vowed to treasure the territory given to him by the Tibetan government and to obey whatever the Tibetan government ordered him to do in civil or military matters. Lachak Khenchung Khyenrap Püntsok and his assistants were appointed to resolve the dispute over Nyakrong and Chakla in 1897. They left Chamdo with Dapön Sönam Topgyé and his forces. All of the Chinese and Tibetan officers met and resolved the issue. Meanwhile, a delegation left Lhasa for Beijing through India and then by sea in order to protest the unwarranted incursions into Nyakrong by Sichuan’s Tsungtu. The people, livestock, and territory which had been taken from Dranakshok and Dampa Rangdröl monasteries were returned to the Tibetan government through the efforts of Tsedrön Lozang Trinlé and representatives of the monasteries. In addition, the Chinese troops under Trangsi were immediately withdrawn from Tibetan territory. People who had illegally conspired against Nyakrong were severely punished.10 The following year, Ü Dapön Dzasak Horkhangpa was appointed as the new governor of Nyakkhok. Tsedrung Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang and Shelchö Jabukpa Damchö Pelden were appointed as the Dalai Lama’s senior and junior physicians, respectively. The Potala secretariat recruited intelligent young monks from the main monasteries and the private monastic estates to be trained in medical science and the Tibetan Medical and Astrological School was founded.i During Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival of 1898, the Dalai Lama took his examinations for the degree of Geshé Lharampa by touring around to Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. While he was at Ganden Monastery, he secretly went to the east side of Gokpari where he pulled from a rock face a hat and a pouchj that had been worn for a long time by Tsongkhapa himself.

i

It is commonly said the Medical and Astrological Institute was founded in 1916 or 1917; thus, this remark seems premature at this point in the text. j A pouch (sku chabs) used to be worn by high lamas more commonly than is the case now.

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Tusi Lakṣi, the leader of Ichin Torgö, his attendants, and Kachi Ogyen of Bhutan also met with the Dalai Lama during the same year. There was a reception with refreshments, and talks were held with them. Sera Mé Monastery’s Gyeltang Trülku completed his studies; when he returned to his home, he became the abbot and was granted a title, paper, and so forth. The fifth Dalai Lama took the lengsék examination at Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and the seventh Dalai Lama took the lengsé examination at Drepung Monastery. However, the thirteenth Dalai Lama took the examination on the five fundamental texts at Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. During Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival, he took his examinations for the degree of Geshé Lharampa amidst many hundreds of scholars. The Dalai Lama’s fame was renowned throughout the three worlds.l However, gradually ominous signs began to emerge. The Nechung Oracle was consulted by Drepung Monastery’s Loseling College on the thirteenth day of the third month of that year. Again on the third day of the fifth month, Drepung Monastery’s monastic council consulted the oracle which responded as follows: Some people have disrespect toward The three secret bodies of the master, How can this be bearable Also for the master’s assembly?

Again and again, the oracle explained that harmful designs were aimed at the Dalai Lama by malicious beings. In particular, when the oracle was summoned to the Dalai Lama’s chamber, he said that if an investigation were made into a pair of shoes that a monk had given to Tertön Sönam Gyeltsen,11 then evil designs which were increasingly threatening to the Dalai Lama’s body, speech, mind, and activities would be discovered. As a result, Tertön was summoned and questioned. He said that in the eleventh month of the previous year, the chief cook of Tengyeling monastic estate, Chöjor, had given him a pair of shoes. He said that he had worn them one day and that he had developed a nose bleed. Without knowing what had happened, his explanation continued, he had become suspicious.

k The lengsé (gleng bsre’i dam bja’) is an examination in which one recites a large number of texts. l I.e., below, upon, and above the ground.

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Accordingly, he immediately went to get the shoes. When the shoes were torn apart in front of Tertön and his chief cook, clothing attendant, and ritual attendant, a piece of paper was found with the Dalai Lama’s name and year of birth written upon a wheel, along with the mantra of the god of the dead. The retired Regent Demo Ngawang Lozang Trinlé Rapgyém had the characteristics of a superior person; he was extremely knowledgeable in the scriptures, he was highly regarded by the Dalai Lama, and his past service to the government was excellent. However, it is like the adage which says, “The greedy are blinded by desire. Who is not blinded by arrogance?”n Accordingly, Tengyeling monastic estate and its supporters had become like a second government in all sorts of ways, including their great resources. However, all of the honest older government officials of Tengyeling Monastery had died in the meanwhile, and several hypocritical people who did not know what was proper had come into leadership roles, including the regent’s nephew Norbu Tsering, Pelchö’s Abbot Lozang Dönden, and so forth. The cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant consulted and decided to take the retired Regent Demo Hotoktu into custody at Tseshar Chenchok; his relatives who were involved in the plot were taken into custody at the Zhöl Office. The circumstances were reported to the Tibetan National Assembly which presented an order calling for the immediate creation of an investigating body so that the guilty would not be released, and the innocent would not be punished. Accordingly, a committee was appointed to investigate, consisting of Khenché Changkhyimpa Khyenrap Jangchup, Khenchung Sönam Gyeltsen, Pay Master Dongnasé Dudül Dorjé, and Tsechak Zhölkhang Tseten Wangchuk. As the retired Regent Demo was questioned by peaceful means, he said that he had been forced to retire when he was still young and thereafter many monk and lay government officials had continually treated him with contempt. He confessed that as a

m The monastic seat of the Demo incarnations was Tengyeling Monastery in Lhasa. The clear implication is that the regent had caused the chief cook from his monastic estate to give these shoes to Tertön Sönam Gyeltsen in an effort to harm the Dalai Lama. n The adage is obscure. Perhaps it means that desire particularly afflicts the greedy, and that was not a problem for Demo. But all people are harmed by arrogance, and this was a downfall for Demo. Chags pas long bas ’dod ldan ma/ dregs pas long bas ci yang min.

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result, he had hoped to regain political responsibility. The regent’s nephew Norbu Tsering, Pelchö’s Abbot Lozang Dönden, the Minyak incarnation, his teacher Pema Tsering, the Pelri incarnation, his son Tutop, Lama Lhaksampa, Lozang Chöjor, and the retired cook Tendzin Dargyé were interrogated with harsh and soft means. They confessed their roles in the plot. The verdicts were decided as follows: The retired Regent Demo was placed in internal exile for life in a newly constructed building in the courtyard of Tengyeling Monastery. It was decided that if in the future, his incarnation were found, he would not be given a ranking higher than Tsokchen Trülku. The government confiscated all of the properties of Tengyeling Monastery except those that it had possessed at the time of Demo Jampel Delek Gyatso and the Bentsang College estates. Norbu Tsering and Pelchö Lozang Dönden were imprisoned in a specially constructed prison for the rest of their lives. The Minyak incarnation took his own life, and the Pel incarnation had already died. The remaining figures were punished as the occasion demanded. A final determination of the cases was presented publicly in Lhasa and Zhöl. The order that was distributed in both Lhasa and Zhöl and throughout the districts was also affixed with the Dalai Lama’s seal.12 Unfortunately, several attendants of Tengyeling monastic estate and several monks from Bentsang College bribed the Manchu Amban Wen (’un),o who was soon to return to China. A secret report was sent to Beijing about Tengyeling’s situation. In addition, the guilty parties also asked that the conflict be considered again in the amban’s court. The Dalai Lama wrote two letters to the new Amban Yugang (Yu’i kang) urging that it was unsuitable to reopen the investigation, as he was Tibet’s sole court and Wun had been bribed. The Tibetan National Assembly also issued an order to the new amban saying that the issue had already been resolved, and that the Tibetan National Assembly and the people of Tibet were fully aware of the actions of the guilty parties, including the retired Regent Demo, by virtue of their written records. Moreover, the punishments had already been decided for all of the guilty parties in a fair manner. It went on to say that Wen Amban had been blinded to the truth by the bribes he had received. Given that there was no other legal authority in Tibet aside from the Dalai Lama, the case

o This is probably Amban Wenhai. See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 62.

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could not be reopened in the Manchu court. There would be no way to implement such a contradictory plan. In addition, they finished by saying that it would be impossible for the old Amban Wen to return to China until the issue of the Tengyeling monastic estate was resolved definitively. Moreover, there was nothing at all the Chinese could do to alter the situation.13 It will be explained below how during the conflict between China and Tibet in Lhasa in 1912, Tengyeling monastic estate sided with the Chinese forces and was, as a result, destroyed until not even the name survived. In 1900, the Dalai Lama made a pilgrimage to holy sites in southern Tibet as his predecessors had, including Chökhor Gyel, Trasam, and so forth. As he toured around, he brought tremendous happiness to the people of the region. While he was in Samyé on the first day of the eighth month, he fell ill with smallpox; he was completely cured through rituals and medication. With the completion of the services on the twenty-third day, he returned to Lhasa. At the request of the Gurkha Prime Minister Bir Shamsher the previous year, a complete set of the Buddhist canon was sent as a basis of worship for the population of Nepal. Each volume had cloth covers, embroidered ends, and wooden planks. Sera Mé’s Trinlé Tenpa was sent to Nepal with the volumes and a letter. The Gurkha prime minister sent a captain with a letter of gratitude, and a present of an elephant and a horse and fodder for both. Around that same year, Gomang Monastery’s Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang arrived from Mongolia, paid his respects to Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and made the traditional offering to invite the Dalai Lama to the Great Prayer Festival. Later, during the border dispute between Britain and Tibet, this fact would be the cause of suspicions among the British in control of India.p At that time also, a Japanese man named Kawaguchi was studying Tibetan at Sera Jé Monastery under the pretense of being a Ladakhi.q While he stayed at Pitup House, he sent a variety of questionable information about Tibet to India. This made the Indian government very suspicious toward the Tibetan government. All sorts of foreigners

p

See p. 652 below. See Ekai Kawaguchi, Three Years in Tibet (Benares, India: Theosophical Publishing Society, 1909). q

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were secretly entering Tibet from the east and west, actually attempting to tour Tibet. In addition, the Manchu emperor’s government was trying to alter the situation by positioning themselves in Tibet without permission. The Tibetan government was also extremely suspicious of both India and China. This was a marvelous and difficult time when each side did not understand the other. One must investigate in detail the British policy towards Tibet while they held India and Tibet’s suspicion towards them by going back more than fifty years. Moreover, policy towards Sikkim, Bhutan, and Tibet dated from the time when Ladakh had been included within Kashmir fifty years before.14 The Tibetans heard that Spiti and Lahore had been separated from Ladakh and included under the jurisdiction of the British Indian government. Previously, Almora in Gurkha territory also had been incorporated into British territory. The Tibetan government also heard that they were presently attempting to find a road to Lhasa through Bhutan and Sikkim. On the other hand, the Manchu officers continually said that the British would destroy Tibet’s religion and consume its territory [everywhere], like oil diffuses through paper. As a result, the Tibetan government made a priority of avoiding contact with the British. Simultaneously, the British knew that the Manchu emperor was powerless in Tibet, and they were terribly concerned about Russia’s perpetual efforts to establish contacts with Tibet. In fact, not only was there no foreign influence in Tibet, there was no wish to have Chinese, British, or Russian influence in Tibet. Tibetans worked to remain free and independent, merely wishing to live peacefully in accordance with their religion. However, because Tibetans had not developed relations with foreign nations, the British did not pay attention to what was clear in the records. It was their wish to maintain an unclear policy for the purpose of fortifying the Indian border; they employed whatever means they could to further their cause, publicly and secretly, and they worked both sides against the middle. Because of this approach, even today a variety of problems have not been resolved; China and India continue to be dissatisfied and in particular, neutral Tibet has fallen into unbearable difficulties. In 1863, the British officer Lieutenant Colonel Cowler and the civilian official Ashley Eden traveled up to the border of Sikkim and insisted on having a meeting with the ruler of Sikkim. Since the Ruler Tsukpu Namgyel was in Dromo Chumbi, his oldest son Sikyong Trülku met with them on his father’s behalf. The British officials presented him with a twenty-three point plan which proposed that if the provisions

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were accepted, the British would return four districts which they had seized, and they would also pay for Darjeeling. The most important provision was that the ruler of Sikkim would not be able to reside in Tibet, and the Tibetan government would not be able to interfere in Sikkim’s affairs. The following year, Tsukpu Namgyel retired because of his advancing age and passed the authority to his son Sikyong Trülku. As soon as the son took over, the British began paying for Darjeeling. From 1868 on, they voluntarily increased the payment by three thousand rupees.15 Sikyong Trülku held power over Sikkim for seven years and then passed authority on to his brother Tutop Namgyel; until he attained majority, he was assisted by Chakdzö Karpo or Tendzin Namgyel.16 All of these decisions were carried out in accordance with Tsukpu Namgyel’s will. Tutop Namgyel became the ruler in 1876, and the Tibetan government offered their congratulations, as was the custom. Around 1860, a civil war broke out in Bhutan with Desi Nadziwa, Wangdzong, and Timdzong on one side and Darlung Topgyel and Trongsa Jikmé Namgyel on the other. The desi appealed to Tibet for assistance, while the Darlung faction sought the assistance of the British. The British intervened first, and they were able to suppress the conflict. However, another small conflict broke out between Britain and Bhutan. At its conclusion, arrangements were made to build a road to Lhasa through Bhutan, and a British representative was to be stationed in Bhutan. Four representatives of the Bhutan government and an equal number of British representatives held talks in 1867 at a place called Shingchula Pass. They agreed that if the Tibetan government did not interfere in Bhutan, the British would also refrain from doing so. The British government agreed to pay two hundred thousand rupees for use of a forest in Bhutan that they wanted to harvest. As soon as the Tibetan government heard of this arrangement during the tenure of Regent Dedruk Khyenrap Wangchuk (1864–1872), the cabinet and the general secretaries of Ganden and Drepung monasteries conferred. They decided that if the British did not try to build a road to Tibet through Bhutan and if they did not interfere in Bhutan, then the Tibetan government would be forced to refrain from involving themselves in Bhutan’s politics. In 1874, several British people went trekking in Sikkim near Natöla Pass and Dzalepla Pass. When the Tibetan government heard about this, they asked the ruler of Sikkim why the British were on the border. They were told that beyond looking at the mountains and trekking,

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they had no purpose. The British had asked permission to construct rest houses for trekkers. The Tibetan government protested, but nothing came of it. Several years later, two people reported that several British spies were in the area. It is not known with certainty that they were British. However, at that time, Tibetans considered all Caucasians to be British. The Tibetan government sent representatives who caused the foreigners to leave. In 1883, Sikkim’s Ruler Tutop Namgyel, Yeshé Drölma who was his wife and Lhading’s daughter, and their son went to Tibet to have an audience with the Dalai Lama. The Tibetan government received them with hospitality, and when they departed, it is recorded in a book of the Potala Protocol Office that they were given special gifts beyond what was traditional. The ruler, his son, and the servants were given cloth, thirty-six silver coins, sixty or seventy bricks of tea, permission to take one thousand loads of grain from Zhikatsé, and transportation up to Dromo Chumbi. In 1885, a power struggle took place in Bhutan due to which many people were killed, and many castles were destroyed. The Bhutanese leader Alu Dorjé, Gongzim Tamdrin Ngödrup, Agé Damchö Rinchen, and so forth were sent to Tibet by both sides to request the Tibetan government to mediate. The regent and the cabinet ministers conferred and consulted with the Tibetan National Assembly. The Tibetan government had previously agreed not to become involved in Bhutan; even so, both sides had requested their assistance in mediating peace talks, and the Tibetan and Bhutanese people were neighbors and of the same religious faith. Thus, since there did not seem to be any contradiction in their mediating an agreement, deputies were sent. Cabinet Minister Rampawa and the Chinese officer Gowo Dāloyé (Go bo rDa’ lo ye) went to Padro by way of Pakri. They were able to implement a mutually satisfactory agreement, and the conflict was resolved. Thus, the government of Bhutan also sent deputies to offer their gratitude to the Tibetan government. While the British were harassing Tibet, spying on her from all sides, it was learned through the Manchu amban in Lhasa that when the Manchu government, owner of China, and the British government, owner of India, had reached an agreement at Chefoor in 1885, permission had been granted for British people to travel between India

r

The city of Chefoo, now known as Yantai, is located in Shangdong Province.

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and China by way of Tibet. Immediately, a meeting was held between the regent and the cabinet, and an emergency meeting of the Tibetan National Assembly was held. They discussed the fact that while the British were harassing Tibet from all directions and using all sorts of false pretexts, the Tibetans were obstructing them. However, more recently, the Chinese government had signed an agreement granting permission for the British to travel through Tibet from India and to go to China through Tibet. In addition, many British people would be permitted to travel through Tibet with Chinese visas. Upon hearing of all these new developments, the members of the Tibetan National Assembly were utterly astonished. They said that the Tibetan government was the owner of Tibetan territory. Likewise, it was completely unsuitable for the Chinese Manchu government to make agreements to send British people into Tibet. Thus, the members of the Tibetan National Assembly swore a unanimous oath that they would not permit any foreigners into Tibetan territory without permission or visas from the Tibetan government. All of the border forts were informed that any British people who might arrive, whether civilian or military, must not be permitted to enter Tibet without Tibetan government visas, even if they had Indian or Chinese visas. The cabinet issued an order to this effect and broadcasted it throughout Tibet. Since the Manchu government could not implement their agreement with the British, in 1886 the Chinese government accepted that Burma was a part of British territory.17 The ruler of Sikkim sent a report through the district leader of Pakri recounting a letter he had received from the British officer in Darjeeling, Colman Macaulay. The letter said that a group of ten British people would visit Tibet with visas from the Manchu emperor to meet the Dalai Lama, to discuss British-Tibetan trade relations, and to form agreeable relations. They would be bringing gifts of ten elephants, marvelous offerings, and a large quantity of gold and silver. Their plan was to go to Tibet through Dzalepla Pass. The Tibetan government sent a reply through the ruler of Sikkim. It said that since the Tibetan National Assembly had already decided not to allow any British people to travel into Tibet on Chinese or Indian visas, they must not be allowed to cross the border. The ruler of Sikkim also said that the British had permission to build several rest houses near a place called Kobuk. Because of being so fearful of the situation, the Tibetan government sent Khenché Drukgyel, Ü Dapön Tsarong Wangchuk Gyelpo, and representatives of Drepung,

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Sera, and Ganden monasteries and Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate to investigate the area in 1886. Because the representatives held discussions with the local people, including Tsenpo Tsering of Lower Dromo, and so forth the Tibetan government decided to build outposts around Lungtur for the purposes of investigating and protecting the border against enemies. At that time, the ruler of Sikkim was continually expressing to the British government the Tibetan government’s concern about the rest houses at Kobuk. He also told representatives of the Tibetan government that if they built outposts around Lungtur, it would cause suspicions among the British. Even though he was primarily working to create an agreeable relationship between Britain and Tibet, the British would not listen because they were just interested in deceitful methods and the utilization of force; the Tibetans would not listen because they were just stubbornly interested in proclaiming what they saw as the truth. Afterwards, in 1887, the Tibetan government did build an outpost at Lungtur. In preparing the outpost, images of Pehar Gyelpo and Dorjé Drakden were consecrated in the newly built Nyiö Chamber of the Potala.s When the Nechung Oracle was invited into the medium,t the oracle spoke with dissatisfaction: “What would happen if these images turned on us instead of vanquishing the enemy?” In a state of fear, the medium fled.18 However that may be, religious articles and the images were arranged; a ritual officiant, a cook, a leader of the border guards, and twenty-five soldiers were posted there. As soon as the British heard about the outpost at Lungtur, they reported to the Manchu emperor that the Tibetans were constructing military fortification on the border facing India. In addition to their unhappiness with the outpost, the British government was already dissatisfied that the Macaulay Mission had been unable to go to Tibet; thus they wrote to the Dalai Lama through the ruler of Sikkim saying that if the outpost was not removed from Lungtur by the fifteenth day of the third month of 1888, they would attack it and expel the Tibetans. The cabinet responded to the ruler of Sikkim saying that their border guard s The passage ought to say “newly refurbished” since the chamber had existed for a long time. For example, the twelfth Dalai Lama died in that room in 1875. See p. 615 above. Pehar Gyelpo, a dharma protector of Samyé Monastery, had a shrine at Nechung Monastery. Dorjé Drakden is the deity who possesses the medium of the Nechung Oracle. t A distinction is to be made between the oracle, which is a spirit, and the medium, who becomes possessed by the oracular spirit temporarily.

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would remain on their own territory, and the British would be unable to prevent them from doing so. However, the Tibetan government was making preparations to resist the approach of the foreigners. Immediately, Cabinet Minister Lhaluwa left Lhasa for Dromo, commanding nine hundred troops under Dapön Ngapö and Dapön Zurkhang. As mentioned just above, the ruler of Sikkim tried many times to foster discussions between the Tibetan government and the British government, even at the cost of severe difficulties to himself. In addition, he was unable to impress the Tibetans with the great might and strength of the British Empire. Instead, the Tibetan government would not believe him and wondered if he hadn’t gone over to the British side. At the time, the Tibetan army had no training in modern warfare and had not even seen some weapons, never mind whether they had used them. They were vainly confident in themselves as being great within their small country. In particular, all Tibetans, both monks and lay people, had tremendous faith in Buddhism. Thus, they were afraid that the British would try to destroy their religion. They made no efforts whatsoever to try to understand the actual situation. In addition, the officer in charge of the outpost, Tsipön Changchensé, arrived at Lungtur, whereupon the soldiers sounded a horn, set off firecrackers, and so forth. As a result of the great commotion, the conflict arose three months before the date of the ultimatum. Mr. Paul from Darjeeling wrote to the ruler of Sikkim saying that the British forces were heading up to Lungtur and asking the ruler to tell the representatives of the Tibetan government that the Tibetan troops at the outpost should be withdrawn before the peace was broken. It also said that the Tibetan government should send a delegate to Lungtur so that talks could be held with the British. In addition, the ruler of Sikkim was asked to go to Lungtur also. At the same time, two thousand British troops along with four cannon had arrived at Kalimpong. On the day that the letter reached the ruler of Sikkim, he dispatched his son Trinlé Namgyel and Zhöldrön Purbu to Cabinet Minister [Lhaluwa Lhengyé] in Dromo to promote a peaceful settlement. At the same time, he sent Zhöldrön and Yanggang Nyertsang to Mr. Paul in Kalimpong, hoping that the troops would not proceed beyond there. The leader of Sikkim said that when the Tibetan government had sent a reply, he would go to Kalimpong himself. However, the British troops had already left Kalimpong, and according to the orders from the territorial government,19 they had no choice but to go. The British

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troops left according to their plan. As they had been unable to prevent the British from proceeding, Lhasé Trinlé Namgyel and his servants left. When they got close to Tsogo, they heard about the attack on the Lungtur check post on the eleventh day of the second month (March 21, 1888).20 This was the first time that the Tibetan army had fought against modern weapons. The well-trained and well-armed British troops decisively beat the Tibetans in a short time. The Tibetan troops fled the outpost in fear. Dapön Zurkhang and several of his soldiers lost their way in the forest and ended up in Bhutan. When news of the event reached Lhasa, songs of derision such as the following were circulated: Lhalu has returned. The seril guns were lost. The enemy outpost built over a lifetime Was destroyed in one morning. Ngapö was feigning courage. Zurkhang left the corner. Changchen, while being so intelligent, Fled on his brown horse faster than a bird.

Two cannon that had been used in the outpost, called serils, had been lost to the British. “Zurkhangu left the corner” means that they took the wrong path and ended up in Bhutan. Tsipön Changlochen escaped on his brown horse early in the conflict. Thus he was being criticized by the line, “Changchen fled on his brown horse faster than a bird.” Given that Britain and Tibet were engaged in war, the Tibetan government began recruiting soldiers throughout Tibet and made arrangements to pay them. As a result of the deceptions of the British even within Sikkim, there was a variety of problems between the officers and the people. The ruler could no longer bear to remain. Thus, on the day that he heard that Mr. Pal was leading his troops to Gangtok, Sikkim, he and his wife secretly fled to his mother’s house in Dromo Chumbi. When Mr. Pal and his troops arrived in Gangtok, they discovered that the ruler was gone; they immediately pursued him, sending troops over Dzalepla Pass and Natöla Pass. In violation of Tibetan law, they reached as far as Richen Gang, Dromo. The ruler and his wife met up with his mother and his son at the Chumbi Palace from Jemepu. Having stayed

u

The first syllable of Zurkhang’s name means “corner.”

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there one night, the ruler, his wife, and son were captured by the British. They were forced to go to Naktang by way of Langra. When they met the military officer Mr. Pal there, he permitted the ruler to return to Gangtok, but Lhasé Trinlé Namgyel, Gyelsé Tsodrak Namgyel,21 and Khachö Lama were sent to Dromo and not to Sikkim. When the ruler went to Gangtok by way of Rinak, he discovered that there was a ruling council consisting of Mr. War,22 Podong Lama, Khangdrön, Zhöldrön, and so forth. The ruler no longer had any of his traditional duties and was merely provided with a monthly stipend of five hundred rupees. He was also forced to live in a dirty house near his palace. In addition, British troops forcibly took the ruler to Kalimpong on the first day of the twelfth month. He was kept there for several months without being able to meet anyone. The deputy-secretary of the viceroy of India, Mr. Pal, Mr. War, Yangpa Ogyen Gyatso, and so forth arrived in Kalimpong from Calcutta in the first month of 1889 to meet with the ruler of Sikkim. He was questioned about the relations between Sikkim and Tibet, about the quantity of religious offerings Sikkim traditionally made to Tibet, and about Chinese and Tibetan ranks. Finally, he was told that from then on he would not be permitted to have any relations with Tibet and he could not make religious offerings. He was also enjoined to maintain all suitable relations with the British government. After about three months, he was allowed to go back to Gangtok. However, he had no authority. As soon as his wife heard that their son Tsodrak Namgyel had become extremely ill in Dromo, she secretly went there. When the British learned of her departure, the ruler was once again placed under house arrest on the top floor of his palace. The ruler met with the viceroy when the latter went to Tumlang in the eighth month of 1889. He explained the entire situation to the viceroy, who said that he must ask his wife and son to return from Tibet. He said: My wife went to Dromo to attend to our son who is sick, but she will return to Sikkim soon. My son and my relatives were forced to return to Tibet by Mr. Pal. For the time being, they are studying religion and writing in Zhikatsé; they cannot return until they have completed their studies.

He said there was no point in discussing the matter. In the first month of 1890, his wife returned to Sikkim. Mr. War and the ruling council distributed all of the royal estates, and they required

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his seal on the deeds. He replied that since he was without authority and was forcibly deprived of his power, there was no need for them to have his seal on the deeds; he did not give it to them. Having soldiers posted around his residence all of the time, the ruler was living in an unsatisfactory way. They harassed him, obstructing him even when he would call his servants, attempt to obtain some necessity, and so forth. He decided to disappear for the time being because he could not perform any sort of religious or worldly observance. Since he wanted to go to Dotra Estate in the Tingkyé district temporarily, the ruler, his wife, his daughter Künzang Wangmo, his son Sikyong Trülku,23 and several servants gradually made their way to Walung from Raptsé on the fifteenth day of the first month of 1892. The servants were sent to get provisions from Dotra. At that time, the district officer of Tingkyé had instructed the people around the border not to assist any people from Sikkim on orders from the Tibetan government. When they heard that they would not be received, the ruler and his wife were saddened, knowing they could not rely upon the Tibetan government. They thought that if they could not go to Tibet at present, then they should make a pilgrimage to Kathmandu, Nepal and then see what to do from there. Thirty soldiers as well as Captain Ḍ iṭa and two constables from the Gurkha government arrested them and took them to Dhanakoté, a distance of ten days march. The district leader told them that the Gurkha government ordered them to be taken back to Sikkim at the request of the British government. Together with about three hundred soldiers, they were taken to a place called Shimin on the India-Nepal border three days travel away. They were handed over to the British police commander there. Thereafter, despondent and sad, the party was taken to Dotsuk Gying Monastery in Darjeeling for several months and then in 1893, they were placed under house arrest at Kharshang. (The late king of Sikkim was born while his family was imprisoned at Kharshang.)v The ruler and his wife were forced to stay there for more than two years under difficult circumstances. While he was confined there, he wrote

v Shakabpa has in mind the eleventh Chögyel Tashi Namgyel (1893–1963, reigned 1914–1963). He was the younger brother of the tenth Chögyel Sidkeong Tulku (1879– 1914), who briefly ruled in the last year of his life. See Alex McKay, “ ‘That he may take due pride in the empire to which he belongs’: the education of Maharajah Kumar Sidkeon Namgyal Tulku of Sikkim,” Bulletin of Tibetology (2003), 39:2, 27–52.

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a letter to India’s Viceroy Lord George Nathaniel Curzon. His petition was investigated by the British officials, whose suspicions of him had diminished when they realized that evil people had fostered them. The Darjeeling Commissioner P. Nolan was sent to Kharshang where he explained that if the ruler accepted ten provisions, there would be no inquiry into past mistakes; he would be restored to his former authority over Sikkim. The essence of the agreement’s provisions was that a governing council would be established under the ruler, and it would have to confer with the British on the general governance of Sikkim. He accepted the terms. On the ninth day of the ninth month of 1895, the ruler and his wife were permitted to return to Gangtok, the capital of Sikkim, their motherland. Throughout his life, the Ruler Tutop Namgyel had made tremendous efforts to maintain peace between the Tibetans and the British, but his opponents had plunged him into difficulties with the British authorities. He was a brave man with strong principles. At the height of his troubles, while in custody at Dotsuk Gying Monastery, he was told he could be released if he would resign and give up all claims to power in Sikkim, but this he resolutely refused to do. He had caused no harm to the Tibetans or the British in any manner, and he only wanted to secure his own hereditary rights. In 1890, a convention was drawn up in Calcutta by Lord Lansdowne, the Governor-General of India and Shengtai, the Manchu amban from Lhasa, without consulting the government of Tibet.w The first article of the convention agreement defined the boundary between Tibet and Sikkim, and the second article recognized a British protectorate over Sikkim, which gave them exclusive control over the internal administration and the foreign relations of that country. There was, however, no corresponding acknowledgment on the part of the British of China’s authority over Tibet.24 The remaining six articles related to Tibet, and since it was not represented at the convention, the Tibetans did not permit those articles to be put into practice. The British were aware that China exercised no real power in Tibet at that time; however, it suited their interests to deal with the Manchus because of the advantages they gained from the convention. It is also possible that, because of the brief clash between the Tibetans and the British at Lungtur, the Manchus

w

See Appendix 1, p. 1091 below.

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were afraid that Tibet and Britain might enter into direct negotiations; they therefore agreed to a convention to forestall such a possibility. An addition was made to the convention, known as the Trade Regulations of 1893, in which the question of increasing trade facilities across the Sikkim-Tibet frontier was discussed.25 Again, the provisions of that agreement could not be enforced because Tibet had not been a party to the negotiations. It is surprising that the British entered into a second agreement with the Manchus when they knew from the results of the first agreement that there was no way of putting the agreement into effect. The Manchus had signed on behalf of the Tibetans; yet they were totally unable to persuade or force them to carry out the provisions of the agreement. A Tibetan, Lachak Shedrawa Peljor Dorjé, was sent to Darjeeling to study the situation. He sent several valuable reports to Lhasa. Although they were accurate, they completely failed to account for the strength, economic power, and resources of the British. He suggested that a peaceful approach should be pursued directly between the British and Tibet and that matters would improve if honest trade relations were formed between India and Tibet. However, this view was not even considered by the Tibetan government since there were serious doubts as to whether he had been bribed by the British. Cabinet Minister Lama Bumtang Yeshé Püljung and the second ranking official Yutok were dispatched to Darjeeling. As mentioned above,x around that year, a Japanese monk, Ekai Kawaguchi, pretending to be a Ladakhi monk, was enrolled for studies at Sera Monastery. He was delivering inaccurate information to the British in India through Sarat Chandra Das. Those inaccurate reports led the British to believe that Tibet was receiving military aid in the form of “small firearms, bullets, and other interesting objects” from Russia. Moreover, Kawaguchi estimated that there must have been over two hundred Buriat (an area in Russia and near Mongolia) students in the major monasteries of Tibet.26 According to Perceval Landon’s The Opening of Tibet, the Mongolian monk Dorzhiev (Gomang Monastery’s Ngawang Lozang) had continuously appealed for the establishment of relations between the Lhasa government and Russia because he was a Russian spy. Finally, the Dalai Lama planned to go to St. Petersburg, the capital of Russia. Thus, his

x

See p. 641 above.

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personal articles, books, and so forth were sent ahead. Dorzhiev met with Czar Nicholas II, Emperor of Russia, and the czar wrote to the Dalai Lama and sent him presents, and so forth. Subsequently, Dorzhiev and two representatives of the Dalai Lama went to Russia by sea and were shown kind hospitality by the Russian government. It was also decided after a meeting with the czar to send a Russian prince together with a bodyguard to Tibet.27 Due to these circumstances, there was concern about the danger to India if relations with Russia were enhanced. In fact, the Tibetan government not only had religious relations with Russia, but there had most certainly already been political relations, as well. The reason for [seeking out such relations] was that China and Britain had a policy of regarding Tibet as stupid. In addition, despite the fact that the Tibetan government is the owner of Tibetan territory, China and Britain kept signing agreements about Tibet. The British were continually harassing Tibet’s border region and gradually took possession of nearby areas. For these reasons, the protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché was left with no alternative but to establish both public and secret relations with Russia and Japan in an effort to maintain Tibet’s freedom and independence. Moreover, religious and political contacts were established with Czar Alexander III through the king of Torgö and with Czar Nicholas II through Gomang Tsenzhap Darhen Khenché Lozang Ngawang.28 In 1896, Gomang Tsenzhap, together with Tsedrön Lozang Khechok and Letsen Gyeltsen Püntsok traveled by sea, after passing through Nepal and India, and Tsedrung Tamnyen Ngawang Chödzin and his assistants traveled through Mongolia on foot with several items made of gold, silver, copper, and iron and books for the library. If British power was not extended into Tibet, the Russians had no intentions of extending their influence into Tibet, beyond learning of the marvels within its borders. In this, they were like the British. Similarly, the Manchu government did not want the might of either Russia or Britain in an area bordering their own. Based on these facts, everyone clearly understood at that time the desirability of a neutral, free, and independent Tibet, without the military influence of China, Britain, or Russia. However, not only was there no mutual honesty during this period, but there was fear and suspicion. For these reasons and because of the ambiguity of British policy, there were delays in the formation of relations between Britain and Tibet. In addition, the Tibetan government did not want to establish relations with Britain until it had fortified its relations with Russia.

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The fact that the Convention of 1890 and the Trade Regulations of 1893 proved in practice to be utterly useless was due to the fact that Tibet did not accept them. Younghusband’s book, India and Tibet, quotes Claude White as saying that the Chinese had “no authority whatsoever” in Tibet and that “China was suzerainy over Tibet in name only.”29 Notes to Chapter Thirteen 1. I have mainly relied upon Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim’s Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels for information on the religious activities of the thirteenth Dalai Lama. 2. William Woodville Rockhill, The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and Their Relations with the Manchu Emperors of China (Leyden, Oriental: E. J. Brill, 1910), 71. 3. Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1956), 58. 4. Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, 300-na-4. 5. Sarat Chandra Das, Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1902). Graham Sandberg, Exploration of Tibet (Calcutta: Thacker, Spink and Co., 1904) 163–172. He was fluent in Tibetan and compiled the excellent multi-volume work entitled A Tibetan-English Dictionary with the assistance of a Mongolian Geshé named Sherap Gyatso. 6. Yongdzin Lhopa Gendün Tenpé Gyatso, Biography of Paṇ chen Lozang Tenpé Wangchuk, Sun that Causes the Lotus Garden of Faith to Bloom. 7. A copy of the original order is included in Private Papers. 8. An original of the government document is in the Compilation. 9. Compilation of Records. 10. There is a detailed report on the dispute in Nyakrong within the Compilation of Records. I have taken this from the Tibetan government records. 11. Except for this document, which says Sönam Gyeltsen, all other documents say Sönam Gyelpo. 12. Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, vol. 1, 322-ba-6 to 324-ba-6. The verdicts and orders are included in Compilation of Records. 13. Compilation of Records. 14. I have relied upon the histories of Sikkim, Bhutan, and Tibet, original government documents, and Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910). 15. Some sources also say that they increased the payment by six thousand rupees. 16. It is said that Chakdzö Karpo was the illegitimate son of Tsukpu Namgyel. 17. China and Britain signed a treaty at Chefoo in 1876 granting British people permission to travel through Tibet. Since it was clear that the Chinese people in Tibet would be utterly unable to implement the terms agreed upon in the side treaty of 1886,

y

Suzerainty is a term of international law used to describe the relationship between a nation and a dependent region or group of people. The dominant partner in the relationship, called the suzerain, controls the foreign relations of the other, while the other partner enjoys internal autonomy.

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there was a change; thus, they used the issue as a pretext for sending traders into Tibet. Translator’s Note: Chefoo is now called Yantai. 18. Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, 148-ba-2. 19. “Territorial government” (sa gzhung) means the Indian government. 20. History of Sikkim says the seventh day of the second month of 1888. 21. Lhasé Trinlé Namgyel and Gyelsé Tsodrak Namgyel remained in Tibet; the Tibetan government did not give them permission to stay at Taring Estate in Gyantsé or at Dotra Estate in the Tingkyé district in Tapnön; they remained in service to the Tibetan government. 22. Sikkimese records say “Mr. War,” but one wonders if they don’t mean Claude White. Translator’s Note: This is in fact the case. 23. Tsukpu Namgyel’s older son, who was called Sikyong Trülku, was the seventh king of Sikkim. Being recognized as his incarnation, he was called Sikyong Trülku. 24. The complete convention is given in Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 280–281, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 250–251. 25. The details of the Trade Regulations are given in Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 282–284, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 251–253. 26. Ekai Kawaguchi, Three Years in Tibet (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1979), 496 and 506, and Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 313 and 319–323. Buriatia is a Mongolian area near Russia. 27. Perceval Landon, The Opening of Tibet (Washington, DC: Ross and Perry, Inc., 2001), 18. 28. Sometimes he is called Ngawang Lozang; the British called him Dorzhiev. 29. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 54.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

YOUNGHUSBAND MILITARY MISSION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION As the turn of the century approached, the British, well-ensconced all along the southern face of the Himalayas, resolved to open up trade relations with Tibet. An expedition led by Colonel Younghusband eventually forced its way to Lhasa in 1903, a development that was met with alarm by Tibetans. Because of his deep suspicion of the British, the thirteenth Dalai Lama fled into exile in Mongolia. Ultimately, in the autumn of 1904, Britain and Tibet signed a treaty governing trade relations between the two nations. Shakabpa analyzes the events surrounding the negotiations and argues that they provide evidence Tibet was treated as a sovereign nation at that time. Britain remained ambivalent about how it wanted to achieve its diplomatic objectives, however, because in the following years it went on to negotiate conventions with China concerning Tibet, agreements the Tibetan government refused to regard as binding since they had not been a party to the negotiations. Meanwhile, various factions within Tibet were bribed by foreign interests, resulting in a tumultuous political landscape. By 1909, the Dalai Lama had returned to an unstable Lhasa, a brief respite before events once again took an unpredictable turn. As the British realized that their objective to enhance trade with Tibet could not be realized by conducting negotiations with the Qing court, they began to explore direct trans-Himalayan contacts. The Viceroy of India, Lord Curzon (1859–1925), resolved to send Colonel Francis Younghusband (1863–1942), a career adventurer and colonial diplomat, to Tibet in order to open up commercial and diplomatic contacts. In 1903, as Younghusband and seven hundred troops left the capital Gangtok, Sikkim for the Tibetan frontier, authorities in Tibet fell into a state of alarm. Tibetan envoys rushed to the border, attempting to forestall any incursion onto Tibetan territory; when the first wave of Younghusband’s troops arrived, the Tibetans were unable to prevent them from advancing into Tibet to Gampa Dzong, where they had been ordered to open negotiations. The Tibetans’ orders, unrealistic in

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the face of disproportionate forces, were that negotiations were to take place at the border and not even one “enemy” should be permitted into the country. At this point, as at several others throughout this episode, the Tibetans found themselves merely reacting to a more decisive and forceful agenda enacted by the British. Once in Gampa Dzong, the British insisted the Manchu amban be involved in the discussions. Meanwhile, the Tibetans insisted the British return to the border and refused utterly to have Qing participation in the negotiations. At length, the British troops temporarily withdrew to Sikkim. Tibet began recruiting troops from throughout western and central Tibet. In the capital, suspicions swirled, and the Dalai Lama discharged the entire cabinet. Cabinet Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé, in particular, was suspected of having been bribed by the British in order to facilitate their encroachments. He mounted a spirited defense of his actions,a and both his contemporary colleagues and Shakabpa himself seem to have believed that Shedra was innocent. Meanwhile, the British were organizing a more substantial incursion into Tibet, with heavier weapons and greater manpower than the Tibetans were prepared to confront. When they announced their intention to travel to Gyantsé for further negotiations, the Tibetans could only belatedly scurry to gather weapons, troops, and supplies. In December, five thousand troops began the march with four thousand porters under British command. The Tibetans were unable to prevent their progress, and yet, early in 1904, they continued to insist on negotiating positions that had already been superseded by events. According to Shakabpa, on March 31, 1904, the British came upon a line of fortified Tibetan positions, forcing a standoff. The Tibetans were convinced that they should deescalate the tension by unloading their weapons, and extinguishing the fires the Tibetans used to ignite their muskets. Meanwhile, according to Shakabpa, the British troops spread out and opened fire with machine guns from three sides. Approximately five hundred Tibetans were killed according to both Tibetan sources and a British telegram.b Younghusband’s own narration of these events differs quite strikingly. He maintains that a Tibetan general started the shooting that resulted in the terrible rout. Moreover, he maintained that his party consisted of only 100 Englishmen and 1200 Indians. Finally, he blames a b

See pp. 668–670 below. See pp. 673–675 below.

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the outcome, not on the Tibetan general, but on “a fanatical Lama from Lhasa.” He continues:c Ignorant and arrogant, this priest herded the superstitious peasantry to destruction. It is only fair to assume that, somewhere in the depths of his nature, he felt that the people’s religion was in danger, and that he was called upon to preserve it. But blind fear of the danger which he believed threatened was so combined with overweening confidence, and there was such a lack of effort to avert the supposed danger by reasonable means, as might so easily have been done, that he simply brought disaster on his country, and, poor man, paid the penalty of his unreasonableness with his life. What to me is so sad is that now, when the Lamas have discovered their errors and are imploring our aid, we can do so little to befriend them.

The British were able to reach Gyantsé on April 11th, taking over the fort there and meeting with the Manchu amban’s subordinates within its confines. Meanwhile the Dalai Lama’s government in Lhasa was in a state of alarm. It refused to provide transportation to the amban, hoping to keep the British and the Qing representatives apart. At the same time, military preparations were underway and cabinet officers were dispatched to negotiate in Gyantsé in the hopes of preventing further incursions by the foreigners. However, the British were determined to make their way to Lhasa, an eventuality that inspired the Dalai Lama to interrupt his meditation retreat and flee for Mongolia at the end of July in 1904. With the Dalai Lama out of the way, Amban Youtai (1902–1906) attempted to insinuate himself and Qing interests into the situation by meeting with Younghusband and offering to speak to the Tibetans. Shakabpa points out the preposterous nature of this claim by noting that the amban was unable even to compel the Tibetans to provide him transportations while the British were in Gyantsé.d The British wanted to open trade relations with the Tibetans, and the Tibetans eventually decided to accept British terms. As Shakabpa frames it, with both Chinese and British enemies at their frontiers, it was necessary to turn one of them into a friend. The final treaty was signed on September 7, 1904.e Shakabpa argues that the Chinese were regarded as a foreign country under the terms of the 1904 agreement,

c d e

Francis Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: John Murray, 1910), 179. See p. 679 below. See Appendix I, pp. 1096–1100 below.

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an interpretation that he reinforces by hardly even alluding to the Chinese during his account of the negotiations, except to observe that, “This agreement does not mention Chinese authority even in passing.”f Below, Shakabpa remarks that the mere existence of the treaty proves Tibet was independent at the time:g This agreement of 1904 was formed directly between Tibetan government and the British government without any involvement by a third nation. This clearly shows that at that time, Tibet was free and independent.

Here, as elsewhere, Shakabpa is vigilant in identifying these strands of evidence for how Tibet was regarded at the time. However, once again, this account contrasts with the report given by Younghusband. His narrative echoes what Chinese historians say about the period, asserting that China and Tibet were in a suzerain relationship. Indeed, the first move he made in opening negotiations was to meet with the amban, the first of many such meetings. Younghusband also prevailed upon the Qing representative to help arrange meetings with Tibetan authorities and to persuade them that he was serious. Younghusband even depicts the amban as carrying negotiating terms between himself and the Tibetans. In Younghusband’s explanation, the amban’s office was quite involved. In the end, the Tibetans agreed to all of the terms set forth by the British except for the payment of a substantial indemnity, later reduced by a third to twenty-five million rupees.h Both Shakabpa and Younghusband acknowledge that the suspicions between the British and the Tibetans were enhanced in part by relations the Tibetans maintained with Russia. As part of the Great Game, Britain contended with Russia for supremacy all along the frontier between their areas of influence in Central Asia. A Gomang monk named Ngawang Lozang or Dorzhiev served as an intermediary between the Dalai Lama and the czar. The British were frightened that their position in India and surrounding areas might be compromised if Russia gained a greater foothold in the region. The first decade of the 20th century saw a variety of conventions, treaties, and agreements that involved or referred to

f

See p. 681 below. See p. 683 below. h Francis Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: John Murray, 1910), 251–306 and 337–339. See also Charles Allen, Duel in the Snows: The True Story of the Younghusband Mission to Lhasa (London, John Murray, 2004). g

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Tibet. Shakabpa points out that several of these were concluded without Tibetan participation, and hence are regarded by Tibetans as illegitimate. Nonetheless, Shakabpa asserts that the 1904 Younghusband agreement affirmed that Tibet was an independent nation capable of formulating an international treaty. As the Younghusband Expedition approached Lhasa, the Dalai Lama and his retinue fled to the north and then to the northeast, eventually traveling to Mongolia and then to China itself. This extended sojourn permitted the Dalai Lama to broaden his horizons significantly in that he came into contact with many figures from other parts of the world. In Mongolia, he met personally with Russian Ambassador Pokotiloff, who brought gifts from Czar Nicholas II. At just that time, communism was emerging in Russia, with Vladimir Lenin (1870–1924) agitating in the Russian Revolution of 1905. Likewise, the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905 exposed the Dalai Lama to modern warfare between powerful nations. While the Dalai Lama was in Mongolia and after he had returned to the northeastern corner of Tibet, the Manchu Emperor Guangxu (1871–1908) and the Empress Dowager Cixi (1835–1908) wrote letters to him inviting him to visit Beijing. Eventually, he decided to accept the invitation, a decision Shakabpa represents as being connected to the attacks on Tibetan monasteries along the border region and in Kham by the Chinese warlord Zhao Erfeng (1845–1911). Shakabpa only briefly mentions the time the Dalai Lama spent at Wutai Shan (Riwo Tsenga) on the way east, but Elliot Sperling indicates that the time the Dalai Lama passed there was quite important, providing him with numerous opportunities to meet with people outside of the scrutiny and interference that marked his time in Beijing.i Among other people, he encountered his first American, the Ambassador to China William Woodville Rockhill (1854–1914). He also met numerous dignitaries from France, Germany, Japan, and elsewhere. His subsequent visit to Beijing enabled the Dalai Lama to observe all sorts of modern technology and the great power of the Qing Empire. As he has done in parallel cases above, Shakabpa describes the protocol employed during the meeting between the emperor and the Dalai Lama. Pro-Chinese histories are similarly preoccupied with these sorts

i Elliot Sperling presented this research at a talk attended by the translator at the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives in McLeod Ganj, India in June 2008.

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of details.j Both sides were and remain concerned to depict such interpersonal interactions in a way that fortifies their own narrative about relations between China and Tibet. In this case, Shakabpa indicates that the Dalai Lama explained to the empress dowager how Tibetans regard the history of Sino-Tibetan relations. After a four-year absence from Lhasa, the Dalai Lama left Beijing and made his way back home. The chapter closes with Chinese troops encroaching on Tibetan territory in 1909. By this time, the Dalai Lama had come to understand international affairs in a new light. He could no longer be manipulated by others; he would instead endeavor to be an author of Tibet’s destiny.

j Ya Hanzhang, The Biographies of the Dalai Lamas (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1991).

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

YOUNGHUSBAND MILITARY MISSION AND ITS CONSEQUENCES Between 1899 and 1904, the Indian Viceroy Lord Curzon discovered that it was absolutely fruitless to attempt to hold talks with the Tibetan government through the Chinese Manchu emperor. Thus, he sought a good way to speak directly with the Lhasa government. Khendrung Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo arrived in Dromo Nadong from the Lhasa government, presenting themselves at the negotiating site for trade talks with the British. It point of fact, however, they did what they could to obscure and delay matters. As this became evident to the British, they became suspicious that there might be a harmful Russian influence. During this time, Gomang Monastery’s Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang also tried to establish relations in Lhasa. As a result, Lord Curzon determined there was no way to form relations between Tibet and Britain peacefully. Thus, he decided to send a military mission to Tibet under the leadership of Colonel Francis Younghusband.1 In the sixth month of 1903, news reached Lhasa through Sikkim that Colonel Younghusband and his soldiers were coming to Gampa Dzong by way of Lachen to discuss trade between Tibet and Sikkim. Immediately, a horse courier was dispatched with orders that Khendrung Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo were to go to Gampa; they were told to hold trade talks at the border, but they were instructed not to permit any of the British people to cross into Tibetan territory for the purpose. As the two Tibetan delegates were in Dromo, they reached Gampa through Pakri. They sent the district leader of Gampa and twenty-five soldiers to the border with Sikkim with orders to prevent the British from crossing the border. As soon as the British arrived, the Tibetan guards were to report back. Thereafter, reports arrived from Lachen, Sikkim that the British Mission, consisting of five officers and seven hundred soldiers had left Gangtok on June 19, 1903. Khendrung Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo immediately went to the border.

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Several days after they arrived, Captain William O’Connor, a British officer who knew Tibetan, arrived at the border with two hundred soldiers. The district leader of Gampa asked him not to go into Tibetan territory, saying that delegates from the Tibetan government were coming. O’Connor said that his government had directed him to go to Gampa Dzong, where the negotiations would be held. Thus, while they would stay there for the night, they would proceed on in the morning. That being the case, he said, the Tibetan delegates empowered by the government must go to Gampa. He continued to say that he and his men were the advance party and that the officer empowered to negotiate was following behind. As the sun dawned the following day, a bugle sounded and the soldiers assembled in ranks. Thus, the soldiers proceeded directly to Gampa with O’Connor and several mounted officers in the lead. Both of the Tibetan government delegates rushed into the road, urging that if there were to be negotiations, they would have to take place right there. They went on to explain that if they continued on to Gampa, they would know how unsuitable this would be. O’Connor served as translator, while the Political Officer of Sikkim, Claude White, obstinately explained, “It has been decided to hold the talks in Gampa Dzong along with a delegate from the Chinese Manchu government; accordingly, the amban will also be arriving in Gampa.” With that, they marched by force. Since the British were so powerful, the Tibetan government delegates and the district leader of Gampa could not do anything but follow after them to Gampa. The British troops camped below Gampa Dzong Mountain; they encircled their camp with barbed wire and foxholes, and made other military preparations. Just then, an important order arrived from the Tibetan National Assembly in Lhasa for the two Tibetan delegates. It said: Not even a single British civil and military official is to be permitted to cross into Tibetan territory . . . Not only are the British the enemy of the Buddhist religion, but they have no other concern but to increase their territory. That fact is obvious from our experience of the way the British behaved during the Gurkha-Tibetan war . . . If it is a fact that the British have a need for trade talks, then there should be no problem with conducting them at the border. Otherwise, if they force their way into Tibet without listening to this pronouncement, then they should be obstructed by one soldier after another of the Tibetan army.

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Although this order from the Tibetan National Assembly had been dispatched earlier, by the time it reached the two Tibetan delegates, the British had already arrived in Gampa. Tibetan troops from Zhikatsé, Gyantsé, Dingri, and so forth were being assembled and readied to fight in order to put this directive into action. Three representatives from the Tibetan National Assembly and Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries also joined Khendrung Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo at Gampa. Similarly, Captain Younghusband and four hundred troops also reached Gampa. Ho Kuang-hsi (Ho kong si), the Chinese officer residing in Gyantsé and designated as the delegate of the Manchu amban living in Lhasa, also arrived for the purpose of conducting the negotiations. The British hoped that the amban himself would come. The Tibetan delegates said that the Tibetan side would negotiate if the British officers and soldiers would return to the border. They continued, saying that the Manchu officer had no right to come in the middle of talks between the British and the Tibetans. As a result, the amban’s representative returned to Zhikatsé, pacifying matters by claiming that he was ill due to the poor water in Gampa. Khendrung Lepar Lozang Trinlé and Dapön Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo and Younghusband met several times to discuss the proper site for the negotiations and the necessity of having delegates who were fully authorized to negotiate. It was the British side that said it was necessary for there to be an officer who was fully empowered to negotiate2 and that the amban in Lhasa himself ought to be present. The Tibetan side insisted that the British must withdraw to the border, and if they held talks at the Sikkim-Tibet border, a fully empowered representative would be sent. In addition, they said that there was no reason to require the Manchu amban to mediate in talks about British-Tibetan trade. These arguments were repeated continually every day for three months. Throughout that time, the British officers and troops performed military exercises, climbed mountains all throughout the area, took photographs, drew maps, hunted, and studied roots, fruits, and flowers. Gampa Dzong was included in the jurisdiction of the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, and so an earnest appeal was made by the Tibetans to the monastic estate. Thus, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché’s deputy, the abbot of the Tantric College, and a fourth-ranking official arrived; they told the British officers that they must withdraw and so forth.

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For whatever reason, whether it was because of the approach of winter or because instructions arrived from the British government ordering them to withdraw, they finally returned from Gampa to Sikkim on the seventeenth day of the ninth month of 1903. The cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly convened many times in Lhasa. The cabinet sought a peaceful resolution to the problem; seeing that the British army was superior in their territory, army, and weaponry, they knew that Tibet could not triumph over them. However, the representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries in the Tibetan National Assembly, without understanding the actual circumstances of their enemy, carried their arguments forcefully. Their only concern was for Buddhism; they obstinately said that Tibet should fight and not talk with the British. For these reasons, the Dalai Lama and the cabinet were unable to respond. Given that the leader of Bhutan and the Trongsa Chief Ogyen Wangchuk were also Buddhists, a passionate appeal was sent to them saying that they must protect their territory from the Sikkim side for the welfare of Buddhism until the conflict between Tibet and the foreign power was resolved.3 By virtue of the situation, the Tibetan National Assembly and the cabinet each began recruiting men between the ages of eighteen and sixty in Ü Tsang, Dakpo, Kongpo, and Do Kham. Extensive services were held in all monasteries and by lamas and incarnations without regard to affiliation in an effort to forestall warfare. Thus, all civil and military offices of the government were as busy as an anthill that had been disturbed. At that time, Cabinet Secretary Norgyé Nangpa Wangdü Tsering sent a poem he had composed to Nyendrong Jolak, an official in the Gyantsé Paymaster’s Office. It read:4 To escape from it for the time being, Many are secretly at work. The canvas of everybody’s mind is vast, Painting multitudes of colorful designs. All people are occupied with this issue; Those who are experts in military science Predict utter smothering by powerful feet. They are busy persuading the enemy. Some have the outlook of the peaceful mediator. With the elixir of the benefit of unbounded compassion, They pacify the flames of their fathers’ hatred. Prudent people forsake the coolness and are sated.

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Just those who are called by the name monk say, “This religion has become our sole protector.” They have made an inferior vow to give their lives And now voluntarily prepare for war. The people are also concerned about success. Every means exhausted and striving with body, speech, and mind, They are like a bird who has been disturbed nine times Or the anthill that has been split apart. The leadership concentrates on conquering the other, Ordering civil and military approaches. Thus, it is like counting a rosary without end Or snapping the thread of the mind or body. The people fall asleep at night. I am working continuously, denied sleep. Always, duties are generated in the night. To me these burdens are especially severe.

Without even mentioning the difficulties for the cabinet, this poem clearly demonstrates how the secretaries were busy and in particular, it shows the severity of the difficulties faced by the secretary of the cabinet, day and night. During this time, there was a difference of opinion between the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly. There were rumors that Cabinet Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé had received bribes from the British when he had previously been in Darjeeling. Also the Nechung Oracle had alluded to “Someone within the cabinet whose heart depends upon the outsiders and whose stomach depends upon the insiders.” As a result, the Nechung Oracle was summoned into the presence of the Dalai Lama and the ministers in the Dalai Lama’s private chamber so that he could identify the culprit. In his angry unhappy state, he could not do anything but speak obscurities. For whatever reason, the Dalai Lama ordered that Cabinet Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé, Cabinet Minister Zhölkhang Tseten Wangchuk, Cabinet Minister Lama Changkhyimpa Ngawang Pelzang, and Cabinet Minister Horkhangpa Sönam Topgyé, who had replaced the deceased Lhalu, should be relieved of their duties and placed in detention in Norbu Lingkha Palace. A separate committee was formed to investigate the matter. Cabinet Minister Horkhangpa Sönam Topgyé had a very timid nature and was afraid that they would be punished severely; thus, he escaped from Norbu Lingkha Palace during the night and took his own life by jumping into the river. The investigating committee questioned each of the cabinet ministers about whether Cabinet Minister Shedra had been bribed while he was

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at the Darjeeling Mission and whether the British had then sent him to Tibet on their behalf. They also attempted to determine the reason for his saying that only peaceful means should be used with regard to the British. In reply, Shedra sent them the following letter:5 To the fully blossomed lotus feet of the Tibetan National Assembly, the foundation of benefit and happiness in the Land of Snow. I, Peljor Dorjé of the Shedra House, request that you lend me your golden ear for a moment, not to take offense, but instead in your omniscience to dispense with conflicts. Previously, the investigating committee informed me of the particular charges; it is alleged that when I previously went to Darjeeling to assist in the treaty negotiations, I was given bribes by foreigners and that I made promises on certain issues. As an owner of a paternal estate, the general arrangement of Tibetan society in all of its details embellishes my security. It would contradict the facts to suppose that I would drink the boiling water of anger. How is it possible for such a thought to come into my mind? It is clearly recorded in Chinese and Tibetan books how I have remained firmly resolved, serving the government year after year to the extent of my ability without avoiding whatever difficulties came my way, such as enemies, illness, or heat; in general to the extent that I am able, I have held in my heart the welfare of Buddhism and respect for our religious land. In particular, I have held in my heart the Dalai Lama who is the supreme omniscient sovereign protector and the lord of compassion, as well as the countenance of both the red and black dharma protectors. If I had been bribed to favor the British, then being under the power of the British as they wished, I could have used a scolding manner when I sent my reports. Far from that, based upon my familiarity with the foreigners, I advised that the British could be dealt with both kindly and severely. If those reports are carefully examined, you will realize this main point. In addition, regarding the issue of holding talks through the Chinese officer, out of my respect for Buddhism in all ways, I generated the courage to fulfill my duties on behalf of the general welfare, steadfastly working to complete the government’s assignment. As a result, I incurred the displeasure of the British and under the pretext of not being able to come to a decision with a person of such low rank, they insisted that the amban must be involved. While I was in Darjeeling, ambans Hrina and Gui (Gu’i) and also the rulers Bumtang and Yutok had to come. If I had entered into any harmful agreement, there would have been no need for the agreement to be renegotiated.

a

It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time, the ambans in Lhasa were Youtai (1902–1906), Naqin (1902–1903), and Guilin (1903–1904). See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 63–64.

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Likewise, with regard to the agreement, during the talks between China and Tibet, without concern for myself, I urgently worked toward the adoption of the opinions of the Tibetan National Assembly because I had no reason to feel shame or to repent. As a result of my steadfastness, the evil scheme of the Chinese officer Chilo (Ci’i lo) was unsuccessful. Thus, the senior Chinese minister in Sichuan accused me of a variety of crimes and angry reports were made to the emperor through Tsungtu. In consequence, for the success of the public, I suffered recriminations from the senior ministers in Tibet. The Tibetan National Assembly sent a letter clarifying the matter, as is also clear in the records. Without concealing my respect for the welfare of Buddhism, I received an unsolicited letter from the great Nechung Oracle while I was still in Darjeeling saying, “You have brought benefit to all of your activities as a sign of your courage. Continue to be diligent.” This excellent recommendation was given to me along with a special greeting scarf by way of the cabinet. In addition, I was subsequently given another letter from the oracle by Sawang Yutok while I was in Dromo. When I returned to Tibet, the oracle again gave me praise which is difficult to obtain. Upon inquiry, these facts can be verified. If I had betrayed myself to a foreigner, what could be the reason for these praises from the wise protector of Buddhism? In particular, if I was involved in some illicit acts, that still was not the basis for decisions taken in the recent meeting on foreign affairs. Thus, when many representatives gathered from all over, decisions were reached without regard for the concerns of foreigners. Even so, if this important point is not understood by the lamas, leaders, and gods, I will bow at the feet of the peaceful and wrathful Pelden Lhamo and if I have any fault which contradicts what I have been saying, I invite an immediate and decisive verdict on myself and my descendants. Similarly, I will go before the great Nechung Oracle. In this way, the truth will definitely be known. Moreover, if there is some person who can separate truth from falsehood in the matter of my supposed collusion, I will confront that person and undergo any sort of soft or harsh interrogation, given the importance of this matter to the welfare of Buddhism and the public. If it is not possible to produce such a person, then in the future, this issue will set a bad example. I urge you to resolve this important point of determining what is white and what is black. I have heard a rumor that a Tibetan man was seized on the way from Darjeeling who said, “Previously, when Shedra came to Darjeeling, he took gold and silver from the foreigners. He promised that in the future, he would bring the British to Tibet.” The questions can be brought to an end if it is explained to me who has accused me; couldn’t he be brought before the court once again, being summoned by name? Likewise, it is a fact that I have committed no crimes whatsoever. I will do what I can at the order of the lamas and leaders. If it is not possible to bring an end to the question, like those expressed by the investigating

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chapter fourteen committee, then in the future, false rumors will continue to be put forth before our nation’s courts. If that happens, then innocent government servants in the capital will be fearful. This will certainly intensify divisions in all internal and external matters. I have always volunteered for government service out of altruistic concern for the collective welfare; the three precious jewels see the extent to which this is true. If it is necessary to live under such wicked rumors, and generations tremble in this stubborn perversity, then a person and his household, being under the suspicion of the Dalai Lama, would certainly have to seek protection in this and future lives. In addition, they will not be able to bear the fact that hundreds of generations will suffer in shame. I will continue to request that you discover the truth out of compassion for the general welfare and my own personal welfare. Since this issue must be resolved, I will follow whatever decision is reached.

Throughout that time, the Tibetan government suspected that Cabinet Minister Shedra was in the pay of the British, and the British suspected that he was in the pay of the Russians. It was a time of great exhaustion for him.6 When Shedra’s fellow cabinet ministers, Zhölkhang and Changkhyim, were questioned, they urged that all of the cabinet’s decisions were reached by the entire group. Shedra did nothing but make decisions on behalf of others, having no concern but to provide benefit and happiness for Tibet itself, then and in the future. If he was found guilty, they were in agreement that they would bear the punishment collectively to the extent of his crime. Similarly, they said they had not seen, heard, or even suspected that Shedra had accepted bribes from the British. I have not seen any documents except those that say he was interrogated by both soft and harsh means; over many months it was not possible to clearly identify his crimes. In the meanwhile, Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin, Cabinet Deputy Sarjungpa, Cabinet Deputy Yutok, and the Ü General Tsarongpa who had gone to Dromo, Gampa, and so forth were appointed as the new substitute ministers. Many government and private reports from Darjeeling and Sikkim indicate that the British army was prepared to enter Tibet and thus arrangements were being made in Kalimpong to allow an artillery unit and a mule train to go to Tibet. During the eleventh month of 1903, Claude White, the Political Officer of Sikkim, sent a letter to the Tibetan government saying that the Younghusband Mission was coming to Tibet and a delegate with authority to negotiate with him on trade matters should be sent to Gyantsé. Since the British intended to

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enter the country forcibly, the Tibetan government had no choice but to obstruct them. Thus, in addition to the military units taken from Zhikatsé, Gyantsé, and Dingri, recruits were gathered in Chimé Lingkha from the Kham and Kongpo regions. They were given weapons, protective amulets, and so forth and gradually sent to Pakri. These regional armies had not had even a single day of training. They were armed with Tibetan guns, swords, spears, axes, slings, and so forth; they had never even seen artillery, much less learned how to use such weapons. The British military expedition left for Dromo Rinchen Gang and Nadong, crossing Dzalepla Pass on December 16th. The expedition consisted of Colonel Younghusband, the Political Officer of Sikkim Claude White, Captain O’Connor, Brigadier General James MacDonald, five thousand Sikh and Gurkha troops armed with rifles, machine guns, and artillery, as well as doctors, supply officers, reporters, four thousand porters, a few thousand horses and mules, and several thousand yaks that had been provided by the Gurkha king. Immediately, the district officials of Pakri, Shödrung Bumtangpa and Denja Tsangpa, and representatives from Dromo told the British leaders that it was unsuitable for their soldiers to cross into Tibet and that delegates were coming to hold peace negotiations. Exceeding this command would be without any sort of benefit. Still, the British continued on to Pakri. At the same time, the leader from Trongsa, Ogyen Wangchuk, and Kaji Ogyen Dorjé of Kalimpong, Sikkim also arrived there. They were told that since nothing came of the talks in Gampa, the British military mission would continue on to Gyantsé; if fully empowered delegates came from the Tibetan government, the trade talks could be held. Beyond that, they only said that the soldiers should not destroy or loot the monasteries and towns on the way if the Tibetans did not obstruct their passage. They were not to command transportation by force, but should pay the local rate. They should pay a fair price for shelter, firewood, hay, animal food, meat, vegetables, eggs, and so forth. All of these issues were reported to Lhasa by the Trongsa leader, and they in turn announced them to the various regions. In addition, the ruler of Sikkim and his wife wrote a letter to Dapön Lhading advising him that the negotiations with the British should be peaceful; if the Tibetans used force, it would not be any different from an egg fighting against a rock. They also reported that the British had cached all sorts of military provisions as well as reinforcements along the road from India.7 They reported all of these issues to Dapön Lhading because the queen and he were related.

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The Gurkha Prime Minister from Nepal, Chandra Sham Sher, sent a report to the Dalai Lama by way of Nyasho saying:8 Since it is necessary that a suitable arrangement between Tibet and Britain be reached by peaceful means, the Gurkha government will send a delegate to mediate.

In order that the peaceful nations of the world would not curse them saying, “They used an axe to kill a flea,” the most important British policy was to explore every avenue of resolution. Since the British army had already arrived in Pakri, the Tibetan soldiers constructed stone fortifications across the plain between Düné and the village of Guru where a good stream flowed from a small hill at Shongko Spring. With confidence, the troops gathered there. Under the leadership of the Ü Dapön Namsé Lingpa, Tsang Dapön Lhadingsé, and Tsang Dapön Chaktrakpa, fifteen hundred trained troops and about five thousand regional militia soldiers from Ü Tsang, Lhokha, Dakpo, Kham, and Kongpo also arrived. Khendrung Dā Lama Lozang Trinlé, representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and a delegate from Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate also reached a small village called Guru, about four miles from Shongko Spring. Once the Trongsa leader reached Guru, the situation described above was explained to him. On the thirteenth day of the first month of 1904, Dapön Lhading went to Düné and met with the British military officers. On the nineteenth day (March 3, 1904), O’Connor also arrived, and the essential elements of the negotiations began. The British negotiating position was as follows: no fully empowered delegate had yet come to Gampa from the Tibetan government; for this and other reasons, they said they would move on to Gyantsé where the talks would henceforth take place. A fully empowered delegate from the Tibetan government must be sent there. At that point, trade would not be the only topic of discussion, but rather they also wanted to discuss the necessity of establishing friendly relations with the Tibetan government, as was the case with other nations, such as Russia. Moreover, the British said that if any deaths occurred by virtue of their progress along the road being obstructed, then the Tibetans would just be jabbing themselves in the eye. The Tibetan position was as follows: It was necessary that the negotiations take place at the border. Thus, the British army had to withdraw to its previous position. Once that happened, then a fully empowered delegate of the Tibetan government would be sent and preparations

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would be undertaken for the negotiations. They said that the Tibetan government had enjoyed religious and political relations with Mongolia and Russia for many centuries. Moreover, they concluded saying that if the British army forcibly went any further, then the Tibetans would have to defend themselves and their territory. Just the same sorts of things continued to be said. On the fourteenth day of the second month (March 30, 1904), the British sent a letter to the Tibetan’s camp. It said: It has been decided that tomorrow the British army will push on to Gyantsé. Thus, if you obstruct our path, the consequences of that will be your responsibility.

The final words came as a summons to the Tibetans. Although the Tibetans did not give any written response, they told the courier, “If you try to go to Gyantsé, we have no choice but to oppose you.” That evening, one unit of British soldiers left Sam and another left the upper valley of Düné, surrounding Shongko Spring and the Guru upper valley. On the morning of the fifteenth day of the second month (March 31, 1904), the Tibetan army waited confidently behind their stone fortification. At mid-morning, a regiment of the British troops came within view of the main road. Immediately, Dapön Lhadingsé and Dapön Namsé Lingpa left the fortifications with several servants and just a short distance away they met with the British officers, who had dismounted. In order to forestall any eruption of violence, the British proposed that their soldiers should unload their weapons and that the Tibetan soldiers should extinguish the fire used to light the gunpowder in their guns. This arrangement was announced. Then while they remained for a short while planning their negotiations, the British troops spread out. The British set up machine guns upon some small nearby hills and surrounded the Tibetans from three sides. Suddenly, in one moment, they fired their weapons, killing and wounding a huge number of the Tibetans. Tseten Wangchuk, the commander of twenty-five Tibetan soldiers from Chushur escaped from the battlefield by hiding among the corpses; his eye witness account of the events follows:9 While we were waiting at the wall during the discussions, a hail of bullets came down on us from the surrounding hills. We had no time in which to draw our swords. I lay down beside a dead body and pretended I had been killed. The sound of firing continued for the length of time it would take six successive cups of hot tea to cool. When the firing ceased, the

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chapter fourteen British troops came into the camp to examine the dead and wounded. They prodded me with a bayonet, but I remained quiet and held my breath. Later, a sore developed where I had been pricked by the bayonet. My relative Döndrup was wounded in the leg and was taken away with the other wounded by the British troops. Beside me I recognized the dead bodies of Chang Gyapé Drakpala and Singma Khungchunggi Akhula. Though afraid, I remained in the company of the dead until it grew dark, and then, at night, I ran to [the town of] Guru. All the Tibetan officials had left, so I proceeded to Dochen, five miles distant and informed our garrison of what had happened. My wounded relative, Döndrup, who had been treated by the British, then returned with fifty others, informed us that they had been asked if the Tibetans were receiving assistance from China or any other country. He had been informed that the British army was such that if it lost one hundred soldiers today, it could replace them with a thousand soldiers tomorrow. Kuzhap Sahib [Younghusband] possessed glasses through which he could see great distances. The poor peasants were told by the British that they could return to their homes, as they were not to be blamed for what had happened; but, if they appeared again, they would be killed. They were photographed, and each of them was given five rupees and a package of cigarettes. Those who were seriously injured were given food and medical treatment. A number of Tibetan troops were kept by the British.

Moreover, Tibetan government records say that five hundred and twentythree Tibetans were killed in that attack, including Dapön Lhadingsé, Dapön Namsé Lingpa, Commander Changkhyimpa, Khangsar Jangma, the representative of Ganden Monastery, and the deputy from Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. More than three hundred people were wounded and a large number of weapons were seized.10 From Düné, Brigadier-General J. R. L. MacDonald telegraphed a summary report on the outcome of the battle to the adjutant general in India on March 31, as follows:11 Our casualties are—Major Wallace Dunlop slightly wounded; Mr. Candler, ’Daily Mail’ correspondent, severely wounded, and seven sepoysb wounded. The enemy’s loss is nearly 500 hundred killed and wounded, and 200 hundred prisoners, all their camp and baggage, about 60 yaks and 30 mules, with 2 gingalls and a large numbers of matchlocks and swords, together with a few breechloaders, two of which were of Russian make. Amongst the Tibetans killed was the chief Lhasa Depon and the

b A sepoy is a native soldier fighting with the British as opposed to a soldier from Britain.

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Lama representative of the Gaden Monastery; also one Zhikatsé Depon, whilst the Phari Depon was captured, severely wounded.

Togan Tada’s The Thirteenth Dalai Lama says:12 The first battle occurred a little after noon on that day. It goes without saying that the Tibetans were no opponent. What harassed Colonel Younghusband, however, was the difficulty he encountered in securing a sufficient number of horses for the transport corps which must cross the Himalayas and the complete preparation to weather the cold in Tibet. The Tibetan military forces had no training and no plan to engage the British forces equipped with modern weapons. In order to cope with the situation, the traditional 18–60 force was organized in a hurry. That meant the men, between the ages of 18–60, excluding monks, were mobilized with their own food by the Tibetan government without any military training. Naturally they had no regular uniform, and were merely a disorderly crowd, mixed with the old and young, between the ages of 18 and 60. The only tactic they had against the enemy was to appear in front of the enemy forces and yell at the top of their voices. Because of the yelling, the enemy naturally would assume that there was a considerable number of men in front of them and start a concentrated attack. However, at that time, the Tibetans had already dispersed and disappeared into the surrounding mountains.

Several days later, the British troops left Düné and battled the Tibetans at Dzamtreng, Saugang, and Nenying Monastery, finally reaching Gyantsé on April 11. A vast number of Tibetan troops were killed and wounded between Düné and Gyantsé. The British built one camp at Shokdrupa and another at Changlho near Gyantsé. Both military camps were near the Nyangchu Tsangpo River, about a half a mile from the castle. Meanwhile, Dapön Trashi Lingpa and his troops were in the Gyantsé Castle; the British attacked it with artillery, due to which it was lost to the British. Dapön Trashi Lingpa brought assistance from the Zhipé Region, and once again he seized the castle. Moreover, on two occasions, he attacked the British camp at Changlho under the cover of night. Thereafter, a delegate of the Manchu amban arrived from Lhasa, and he met with Younghusband. He said that although the amban had planned to come to Gyantsé himself, the Tibetan government had refused to provide transportation for him. Thus, he was unable to come. This report saddened Younghusband. Moreover, the Tibetans had obstructed his progress when he was going to Gyantsé and had attacked his camp near there; the government had refused to send a fully empowered deputy when he had reached Gyantsé. By virtue of all

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of these tensions, he announced that he would hold talks directly with the Dalai Lama in Lhasa. At that time, the Trongsa Dapön and Setrül of Sikkim sent a letter to Lhasa. Accordingly, the Dalai Lama issued orders to Lama Jampa Tendzin saying that he must immediately go to Gyantsé as his representative. The letter, which follows, was impressed with the Dalai Lama’s seal:13 To Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin, Commander-in-Chief: I have received letters again and again from Sikkim’s Trongsa Dapön in an attempt to mediate the conflict between the foreigners and Tibet in the border region of Dromo and Pakri. More recently, on the twenty-third, Setrül14 went to Dromo where the British officer MacDonaldc insisted that, according to orders from the British government, the commander had to go to meet the Dalai Lama, using the pretexts that the Agreement of 1888 had been delayed for about fifteen years, no military commander or peaceful reception had been extended to the British at Gampa, and the camp near Gyantsé had been attacked at night twice. By virtue of the conciliatory explanations of Trongsa Dapön, the British said that a responsible person, such as a cabinet minister, must arrive within the next eighteen days, from the twenty-third day of last month until the eleventh day of this month; otherwise, they had decided to use force. You, Cabinet Deputy Lama, and Khendrung Lozang Trinlé must hurry to Gyantsé along with appropriate representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries; you must send a letter to Trongsa Dapön saying that a cabinet minister with orders from Lhasa and monastery representatives have arrived. Then you must negotiate. Beyond that, you must follow the separate instructions from the cabinet on the ceasefire terms. Dated the fifth day of the fifth month of 1904.

A similar letter was also given to the Commander-in-Chief Cabinet Deputy Yutok, who oversaw the Yardrok and Taklung regions. However, other Tibetan records say that Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin made military preparations in the Natsé and Dzara regions, but do not mention whether he went to Gyantsé. I have not seen any British records saying that any cabinet ministers were in Gyantsé, although they mention the presence of Khendrung Dā Lama Lozang c This name (dza nal, 119.15) is uncertain. Two pages earlier, General MacDonald’s name was spelled differently (meg grol nal, 117.6). It would seem that Shakabpa intended to indicate McDonald because of the slight similarity in spelling and because of the prominent part played by General McDonald in Younghusband’s narration of this part of the story. See Francis Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 162–181.

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Trinlé and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. One wonders whether the British went to Lhasa because no cabinet ministers came to them in the prescribed time. During the time the British troops stayed in Gyantsé, Captain O’Connor went to Zhikatsé, forming friendly relations with the abbot of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery and the officials of the monastic estate. Several of the monastic estate officials are supposed to have met with Younghusband in Gyantsé. In addition, there were suspicions among Tibetans that a servant of Sengchen Lama of Trashi Lhünpo Monastery was doing oral and written translations in the British military camp.15 The morale of the Tibetan soldiers declined for a variety of reasons. The news spread all over Ü Tsang that the soldiers who had been captured and the wounded had been given medical care by the British; they had also been given presents, treated well, and returned to their homes. People felt that Younghusband had been very kind toward the Tibetan soldiers. In addition, the British paid good prices for grain, peas, hay, firewood, and so forth. Since they gained financially, people were positively inclined toward them. The Tibetan military had no weapons which would be able to overcome the British except a few Tibetan guns, swords, and spears. They also had no medicine or facilities to treat the wounded and sick soldiers. The Tibetan government continued in their efforts to obstruct the British. Commander-in-Chief Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin built a fortified wall at Kharula Pass between Gyantsé and Nakartsé, and he called up many additional troops. Thus, Lieutenant Colonel Brander led a group of troops from Gyantsé to open up the passage. Instead of going along the main road, he bribed some herders from Nyerowa and Ralungpa to lead them. Thus, they seized the hilltops where the Tibetan soldiers were. As they descended on the Tibetans, more than three hundred of them were killed, and there was tremendous destruction. As soon as this news reached Cabinet Deputy Lama Jampa Tendzin behind the army at Nakartsé, he and his Payroll Officer Sarjungsé escaped in the direction of Lhasa. They are said to have taken the wrong path and eventually wound up in the Rongtsasum Region. Having remained in Gyantsé for about three months, the British army left on July 14,16 gradually making their way to Nakartsé. During their stay there, they toured around Samding Monastery, Taklung Sangchö Monastery, and so forth. They also took boats into the Yardrok Yutso Lake, where they fished and hunted geese.

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Cabinet Deputy Yutok and several representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries arrived in Nakartsé to meet with Younghusband and set the foundation for negotiations. However, the British refused to recognize their authority and so they had to return to Lhasa; the people of Lhasa derided them, saying they had gone to appease the British.17 The British soldiers gradually crossed over Gampala Pass, reaching the Chakzam River crossing on the twenty-fifth day of the seventh month of 1904. The Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Barzhi Ngawang Ngödrup had gone there on the eighth day of the sixth month of 1904, bearing a nine-point proposal with the Dalai Lama’s seal. He presented it to Younghusband personally and discussed its contents with him. However, Younghusband obstinately said that since he already made it that far, he would go on to Lhasa to meet with the Dalai Lama. Given that it is only thirty-five miles from the Chakzam River crossing to Lhasa, one could travel the distance in just a half day if one went by horse. Despite the efforts of the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, he just returned to Norbu Lingkha Palace and reported what the British had said. He also reported that the British weapons, provisions, and so forth were being transported across the river. The cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly held meetings. They thought that although the situation might be improved if the Dalai Lama stayed in Lhasa, there was also the possibility that he would be forced to accept and sign some document composed according to the wishes of the British. Thus, there could be threats to Tibet’s political status in the future. With one voice, they proclaimed that it would be best if the Dalai Lama avoided the situation for the time being by going to some other place. The Dalai Lama was forced to leave suddenly, thus interrupting his meditative practice of Vajrabhairava. He appointed Ganden Tri Rinpoché Lamoshar Lozang Gyeltsen as the regent in charge of political affairs for the time being. He gave him his seals, and so forth, along with permission to use them if the need arose. He also gave him crucial advice on what to do to protect Tibet politically. He advised the regent to send the former prime ministers Shedra, Zhölkhang, and Changkhyim to their respective estates to wait until their cases were finally settled. The Dalai Lama, his close retinue, and several armed escorts left the Potala Palace at three o’clock in the morning of the fifteenth day of the sixth month (July 30, 1904). They had to go in the direction of Radreng by way of Gola Pass.

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The British soldiers arrived in Lhasa on the nineteenth day of the sixth month (August 3, 1904) and established camps near Kyangtang and Jatsön Spring to the west of the city. That same evening, the Manchu Amban Youtai (Yu’u tha’i) went to meet Younghusband. He recounted his previous story that although he planned to go to Gyantsé, the Tibetan government had refused to provide transportation, explaining that he had sent his representative to Gyantsé. Thereafter, he said that he himself would speak to the Tibetans about a way to resolve the British-Tibetan situation immediately; given that he could not even compel the Tibetans to provide transportation for him, this was a bizarre claim. The following day, Captain Jit Bahadur, the Gurkha representative living in Lhasa and the leader of the Kashmiri Muslims, visited Younghusband. The latter in turn visited them and the amban. Even though the Tibetan National Assembly and the cabinet held continual meetings, they were unable to come to a decision. They were suspicious that they might be killed or arrested if they met with the British. The ambassadors from Nepal and Bhutan acted as intermediaries between the prime minister and the cabinet on the one hand, and Younghusband on the other, meeting with them again and again. Finally, the regent visited Younghusband in a respectful manner and opened the door to future negotiations. Younghusband asked if he and his officers could stay in the Norbu Lingkha Palace, but the regent explained that since it was the Dalai Lama’s palace, it would be unsuitable. Instead, he offered to rent the best private house in Lhasa, which belonged to Lhalu, a relative of the twelfth Dalai Lama. On his return, the regent summoned the cabinet and informed the ministers that he had met with the British, and they were like any other human beings and were amenable to reason. He further told them that the British were not people who killed or arrested any Tibetans they saw. Thus, the cabinet minister should meet the British and start the talks without fear. It is said that the cabinet ministers were terribly ashamed and embarrassed. The cabinet ministers in turn went to see Younghusband, with the traditional gifts of meat, butter, eggs, and fruits. Younghusband also visited the cabinet ministers and other officers. Several days after the talks began, two monks slipped into the British camp near Jatsön Spring and attacked, critically wounding two military officers, Captain T. Kelly and Cook-Young, the latter having been the head of the medical corps. The monks were captured and interrogated by the British, but they refused to divulge where they came from, and

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so forth. The Tibetan government denied any knowledge. In order to instill fear in the Tibetans, the monks were shot to death. Thereafter, a government official and representatives from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries were kept in the British military camp as guarantors in order to prevent such things from occurring in the future. The British insisted on various terms of agreement concerning future trade between India and Tibet, the opening of trade marts, resolution of the border dispute between Tibet and Sikkim, provisions for the military mission through the winter, and the exchange of prisoners between the two sides. Their terms were advantageous to the wishes of the British, and although the regent, the ministers, and the Tibetan National Assembly had no desire to accept them, the times were very tumultuous. The Dalai Lama was not in residence, the country lacked any military strength or civil resources, and the border dispute with Nepal over Walung and Kyidrong were unresolved. The Chinese were also continually irritating the regions of eastern Tibet, such as Nyakrong, Litang, Ba, and Chatreng. The Manchu emperor in Beijing gave no harmful or beneficial response to Tibetan complaints, which made these diplomatic efforts seem like throwing a stone into the ocean. Following the maxim, “If you have two enemies, turn one into a friend,” the Tibetans decided to accept the terms offered by the British. It is like the expression which says, “It is possible for even a powerful poison to be transformed into medicine.” On the seventeenth day of the seventh month (September 7, 1904), the agreement was signed in the Sizhi Püntsok Chamber of the great Potala Palace. On the Tibetan side, it was signed by the Dalai Lama’s Regent Ganden Tri Rinpoché Lozang Gyeltsen, the four cabinet ministers, the secretaries and treasury officials representing the Tibetan National Assembly, and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. On the British side, it was signed by Younghusband, Claude White, and seven other people. Seals were impressed on the agreement, and it was signed. The witnesses at the time were the Manchu amban, the Nepali Ambassador Jit Bahadur, the Bhutanese ambassador the Trongsa leader Ogyen Wangchuk, and so forth. It is strange that two hundred armed British soldiers were lined up all around the walls of the Great Chamber of the Potala Palace during the signing, and since that morning, British soldiers had surrounded the four sides of the Potala. They carried artillery and remained ready. Perhaps these measures were for the purpose of inspiring fear, or perhaps they were out of suspicion.

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Tibetans had never accepted the terms of the 1890 treaty between the British and the Manchu governments because they had not had a representative present at the negotiations. This had caused some problems. Finally, the British were forced to send a military mission directly to Lhasa for talks. The British and the Tibetans came to understand each other better and established agreeable relations in 1904. Through signing this treaty directly with the Tibetans, the British definitely considered Tibet to be a free and independent nation. This agreement does not mention Chinese authority in Tibet even in passing. In addition, the Manchu amban and the ambassadors of Bhutan and Nepal merely served as witnesses to the treaty; their names were not placed in the treaty, and they did not sign it. Article I of the treaty said that Tibet would respect Article I of the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890, by means of which they accepted the Tibet-Sikkim border and that Sikkim was a British protectorate. Article IX of the 1904 agreement was the most important as it said:18 IX. The Government of Tibet engages that, without the previous consent of the British Government: a. No portion of Tibetan territory shall be ceded, sold, leased, mortgaged, or otherwise given for occupation, to any Foreign Power; b. No such Power shall be permitted to intervene in Tibetan affairs; c. No Representatives or Agents of any Foreign Power shall be admitted to Tibet; d. No concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, mining, or other rights, shall be granted to any Foreign Power, or the subject of any Foreign Power. In the event of consent to such concessions being granted, similar or equivalent concessions shall be granted to the British Government. e. No Tibetan revenues, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or assigned to any Foreign Power, or to the subject of any Foreign Power.

It is possible to understand from Articles IV and V of the Simla Convention of 1914 that the Chinese were regarded as a “foreign country” under Article I of the present agreement. In essence, the treaty signed in Lhasa between the British and the Tibetans in 1904 did not accept that Tibet was part of China, and it did not accept Tibetan suzerainty to China. This agreement enabled the British to establish trade marts in Gartok, Gyantsé, Dromo, and Nadong. Deputies of the British government were permitted to visit these trade marts at their own discretion, and

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on important occasions, they were permitted to send representatives to Lhasa for talks. After the cessation of hostilities, there was a prisoner exchange. Two Tibetans who were in the service of the British had been arrested by the Tibetans. During their incarceration, they had died. The Tibetan government was forced to pay one thousand rupees to the British for this offence. However, there was no one to compensate for the deaths of the thousands of Tibetans. Lord Curzon believed that the Tibetan government had political connections with the Russian czar by virtue of the relationship Ngawang Lozang (Dorzhiev) had with both the czar and the Dalai Lama. The Japanese Kawaguchi also reported that a large shipment of Russian weapons had come to Lhasa. It was in fact for these reasons that the viceroy had dispatched the military mission to Lhasa. Count Lamsdorff, the Russian foreign minister informed the British ambassador, Sir Charles Scott, that Russia had no desire for political relations with Tibet, but was only interested in religious relations. If Russian weapons had been sent to Tibet, they would certainly have been used in the just concluded fighting. However, except for two Russian rifles, the British telegraph reports record nothing beyond Tibetan guns, swords, spears, slings, and so forth. Since this treaty forbade Tibet from having relations on equal terms with other foreign nations, it remained set apart from the advanced nations of the world; this was a harmful policy. The British government itself even criticized Lord Curzon’s dispatch of the military mission with severity saying that if it is a trade mission, then there is no necessity of sending an army. The Indian secretary of the British government disagreed with the size of the indemnity and so it was reduced from fifty million Indian rupees to two and a half million.19 This agreement of 1904 was formed directly between the Tibetan government and the British government without any involvement by a third nation. This clearly shows that at that time, Tibet was free and independent. Similarly, Lord Curzon sent a letter to the Indian secretary of the British government on January 8, 1903 saying:20 We regard the so-called Chinese suzerainty over Tibet as a constitutional fiction—a political affectation which has only been maintained because of its convenience to both parties.

The Manchu amban in Lhasa was hopeful that the agreement would be signed and sealed in the Chinese office, but in the hope of conforming

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to international law, Regent Ganden Tri Rinpoché and Younghusband signed and sealed it in the Great Assembly Hall of the Potala. At that time, Younghusband asked Amban Youtai what he did in Lhasa every day given that he had no official functions. Serkhang Nangpé Chakdrung wrote, “Look at the impairment of religious teaching if there were no leader in the Potala Palace.”21 It is evident that the cabinet ministers were not capable in foreign relations or negotiations. Since their predecessors, former Prime Ministers Shedra, Zhölkhang, and Changkhyim, had been expelled with such severity, they worried that they would descend into hardship if they attempted to bring about any dramatic changes. Whatever may be the case, the ministers indicated their attitude of washing their hands of responsibility by referring all important matters of the time to the Nechung Oracle. According to the initial promises made by the British officers and soldiers, they did not involve themselves in any theft or destruction of monasteries or villages except for what happened in the course of the war. Since they paid a good price for transportation, hay, meat, vegetables, and so forth, the people of Lhasa sang such songs as the following: In the beginning, they were called enemies of Buddhism; Then they were called foreigners. Once they gave Indian rupees, They were called Mr. Sahib.

Since wintertime was approaching, Younghusband’s military mission began its journey back home. They left Lhasa on the third day of the eighth month (September 23, 1904). Upon arriving in Gyantsé, Captain O’Connor was appointed as the Gyantsé trade agent. O’Connor and Vernon Magniac went to Zhikatsé where they cultivated agreeable relations with the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché, as George Bogle had done in 1774.d One month later, the Paṇ chen Lama went to Calcutta with a large retinue. He met with the Prince of Wales and Lord Minto, presenting them with extensive gifts. This situation is thought to have brought about political mistrust between the Tibetan government and Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate.

d

See p. 493.

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This 1904 treaty, signed directly between Britain and Tibet, was affirmed by terms accepted between the British crown and the Chinese Manchu emperor in 1906. The Tibetan government was not involved in these affairs. This agreement was called the Extension Agreement of Beijing.22 It was amended in a subsequent 1908 agreement, called the Tibetan Trade Regulations,23 which was signed in Calcutta before a Tibetan government representative, Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo. Subsequently, when Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa was executed for different reasons, it was alleged that he had signed this agreement without consulting the Dalai Lama or the Tibetan government. Also the British and the Russians made a treaty in St. Petersburg concerning Persia, Afghanistan, and Tibet in August 1907.24 The Tibetan government also did not know about this agreement.e In dependence on these documents, Tibetans have continually criticized the British for their evil policy of subterfuge indicated by their two-faced behavior. In the treaty reached directly between Britain and Tibet, Tibet is shown to be independent. However, when treaties were reached between China and Britain, Tibet is regarded as a suzerain of China and in Russian-British agreements, all political affairs are supposed to be conducted through China. Moreover, Tibet and Britain could work directly with each other on trade matters, and Russia and Tibet could do so in religious matters. Thus, this made for a strange situation in which the British were able to shift from one position to another. As mentioned previously,f just before the British army reached Lhasa, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, some attendants, and a small escort went to Taklung and Radreng monasteries by way of Göla and Chakla passes. While he stayed there, he gradually began to receive reports from Lhasa. Finally, he decided that he should go to Mongolia for the time being, and he wrote letters to the Regent Rinpoché and the cabinet to that effect. He advised them on the necessities of taking care of all the religious and political issues in the meanwhile. He stayed in the monastic estate of Zhapten Göndrup Khang on the Nakchu River for several days, taking on the necessary provisions for his journey through the north. Over many days on the Jangtang, which is without grass or e All three of these agreements are cited in full in appendix I. See Appendix I, pp. 1100, 1105, and 1103 below. f See p. 679 above.

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water, they overcame tremendous difficulties, such as seeing mirages of water, suffering extremely cold winds, and so forth. They gradually made their way to Taijinor, Baka Tseldam, Sikatsel, the Yungdrungpé Si Monastery, and so forth, being received by groups of leaders and other monasteries. Thus, on the eighth day of the tenth month of 1904, he reached Tsepeling Monastery of Khurelsen Noyön. At the same time, the first reception party arrived from Khelkha (Helha); ten cavalry escorts also arrived from the Manchu amban residing in Dākhurel. When the Dalai Lama reached Badur Gung, the second reception committee from Khelkha (Helha) arrived with two reception officers, a palanquin, umbrellas, and porters. Everyday, members of the third reception committee—such as Jetsün Dampa’s elder brother who was the senior abbot and someone named Sisi—arrived bringing many needed items. The day they arrived in Dākhurel25 on the twentieth day of the tenth month, the road from below Khurel Monastery was flanked on the left and right, and the Dalai Lama was received by many important leaders, including the Manchu and Mongolian ambans, Abbot Nomihen, Dedé Abbot, Mañjuśrī Abbot, and so forth in a reception tent; they presented the Dalai Lama with greeting scarves. Food and tea were sent from Jetsün Dampa’s kitchen. As he proceeded from there, the Dalai Lama was accompanied by a monastic procession consisting of more than one thousand robed monks and lead by inconceivably great horses. Having passed through way stations throughout the four provinces of Khelkha, the Dalai Lama was established on the throne at Ganden Göngyi Nyiö Monastery. Jetsün Dampa Hotoktu who was the most important Buddhist teacher in the northern region,26 his wife Tsakhang Tara, teachers and officials of various monasteries, the Manchu amban, the king, and petty rulers all met him there in turn. On the second day of the eleventh month, Chintrel Amban arrived bearing gifts on behalf of the Manchu emperor and the Empress Dowager Hong Dihu (Hong sdi’i hu).g The Dalai Lama sent a letter to the Regent Rinpoché and the cabinet from Dākhurel Ganden Monastery on the twenty-fourth day of the twelfth month of 1904. He wrote that he had safely reached Dākhurel on the twentieth day of the tenth month. He said that among the party

g

The Empress Dowager is better known as Cixi (1835–1908).

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that had come from Lhasa with news of the British-Tibetan situation and with necessary provisions, his elder brother Bhumpasé had died on the road, but the others, his personal attendant, Künling Dzasak, and Dredülwa Abbot, had arrived safely. He further reported that as he had received a message from the Manchu emperor in Beijing through Chingtrel, he was sending Bati Trülku of Gomang Drepung Monastery and a Khelkha attendant Lozang Tendzin to Beijing with a reply.27 Throughout the lineage of the Dalai Lamas, Tibet and Mongolia have had close religious and political relations, particularly in religious matters. In 1904, like bees gathering at a lotus blossom people from all over Mongolia, Khelkha (Hel ha), Chahar, Boretu, Torgö came to establish religious relations with the Dalai Lama and to offer gifts to him, traveling many months. Foreign officials also came to meet him and offer their respects. Monks and lay people, of high or low social status, all people regarded him as the only suitable object of worship. As a result, the status of Jetsün Dampa Hotoktu diminished. Since [the latter] was the religious and political lord of the entire country, he was a little overcome with pride, as though he were of higher status or of greater power than the Dalai Lama. Thus, he smoked in the Dalai Lama’s presence and failed to display the proper respect. Sometimes, he would take some of his young attendants and many hunting dogs around the Dalai Lama’s residence, creating a tremendous clamor. These and other acts were not in agreement with either religious or political customs, and thus, faithful monks and officials could not bear it. With one voice, they implored the Dalai Lama to move to Khandro Chinwang Gön Trashi Chökhor Lhünpo Monastery in Dākhurel. Accordingly, he moved there from Ganden Monastery. Given that the Dalai Lama was the lord of Buddhism throughout the world and given that Jetsün Dampa had been born in Tibet, he owed the Dalai Lama respect that was not forthcoming, and so the Dalai Lama was at the point of sending a letter of criticism to the Manchu emperor about Jetsün Dampa’s behavior. However, the leaders of the four provinces of Khelkha and Jetsün Dampa’s attendants acknowledged their faults both privately and publicly and so the matter was resolved. At that time, the Dalai Lama wrote a letter from Khandro Chinwang Gön Trashi Chökhor Lhünpo Monastery to his elder brother Gung Döndrup Dorjé in Lhasa. He said:28 Presently, I am in Dākhurel with my attendants. Jetsün Dampa has no respect for Buddhism and lacks patriotism toward his native land of

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Tibet. Thus, he makes no efforts because of the exchange of vast sums of money with Beijing by way of a special representative. As for the religious objectives that are to be accomplished, these opportunities are very rare because of the Chinese interference in Mongolia. As a result, it was the unanimous request of Khandro Chinwang Monastery and the laity that I move to Khurel.

Many Mongolian patrons, such as Asakara Wang, collected large amounts of silver and thus provided for the needs of the retinue; in particular, they had to pay large bribes to the wicked Chinese officials. The Dalai Lama’s personal physician, Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang, said that Jetsün Dampa’s behavior was unbearable because it violated the relationship between a protector and patron. However, it was unsuitable for him to concern himself with all of Jetsün’s acts. His immediate plan was to send a critical report to Beijing, but all of his attendants prostrated to him as a group and with tearful voices said: At this time, given that we have left our own land, we cannot think in this way. If you exercise your authority as you would in our own country, there would be no hopeful signs of any kind.

The Dalai Lama became angry to the point of not being able to reflect on what they had said; suddenly he became extremely ill. Upon examining his pulse and his urine, it was determined that his illness was terribly serious. Once again, all of his attendants came before him and asked his forgiveness for their mistakes, supplicating him to remain alive for a long time. Gradually, his anger was pacified, and his illness diminished. Fortunately, the lamas and leaders of Khelkha’s four provinces, as well as Jetsün Dampa’s close attendants, asked his forgiveness directly and indirectly. As a result, there was no call for the people or the country to feel shame. Several of the faithful Mongolian patrons, knowing that Jetsün Dampa would be unhappy when they made magnificent offerings to the Dalai Lama, would present him with silver ingots filled with gold. These are some of the accounts I have heard personally about the Dalai Lama’s journey to China and Mongolia from his close attendants. During the fifth month of [1905],h the Russian Ambassador in Beijing, M. Pokotiloff, presented the Dalai Lama with a letter and exten-

h The meeting took place on June 14, 1905, according to Charles Beard and Alvin S. Johnson, “Record of Political Events,” in Political Science Quarterly 20 (1905) no. 4, 743. The timing of this meeting poses a problem in that Alexei was already born.

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sive offerings from Czar Nicholas II. At that time, the Dalai Lama’s attendant Ngawang Lozang served as translator. [Pokotiloff] said that both the czar and Czarina Alexandra were tremendously devoted to the Dalai Lama; since they had four princesses and no princes, in 1902, they had sought the Dalai Lama’s assistance in obtaining a son through Ngawang Lozang. The Dalai Lama assured them that they would have a son through his prayers, and he sent both the czar and the czarina protection cords and blessed relics. Subsequently, in 1904, Prince Alexei had been born. For this reason, they had tremendous faith in the Dalai Lama. They also told Ngawang Lozang that they would grant the Dalai Lama whatever he desired. He requested their assistance in building a Tibetan monastery and library in St. Petersburg. Immediately, they arranged for the construction of a library. Efforts were made to amass a large collection of books from the three provinces of Tibet. The Tibetan government also made gifts of the Buddhist sūtras and commentaries, some statues, and various personal objects from the Dalai Lama’s chambers. The Tibetan Library in present day Leningrad arose in this way.29 The czar was extremely anxious to support the Dalai Lama Rinpoché because at that time, not only had a great number of political initiatives been undertaken, but also many people of mixed Russian and Mongolian parentage from such places as Siberia in Russia had great faith in the Dalai Lama. However, the British had made earnest and continual appeals through the Russian Foreign Affairs Office. In addition, Communism began to be popularized; the masses of afflicted factory workers proclaimed their dissatisfaction to the czar, and his police fired on the people. Several hundred men and women, old and young, were killed. Thus, because of the tumultuous times, the Cossacks also revolted. To the east, a terribly dangerous war broke out in the border region between Russia and Japan. Tsedrön Tamnyen Jampa Chözang and his assistants arrived in Mongolia with an appeal asking the Dalai Lama to return to Lhasa. In the seventh month, the Dalai Lama and his retinue toured Khurel and Buriat monasteries, improving religious and cultural relations. The previous year, when the Manchu Amban Feng and his assistants traveled to Lhasa, they had stayed in Ba for a long time. They subjected the people to limitless suppression. They had defrocked monks and forced

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them into labor. Accordingly, the monks and lay people—helpless and in despair—revolted and resolved to kill the amban and his servants. The Chinese leader Ma Titai (rMa’ thi thal) arrived with his forces and set fire to Ba Monastery. Many of the monks and lay people who had been responsible were killed. Subsequently, in the eighth month of that year, Zhao Erfeng once again arrived, beheading thirty-two monks and lay people, whether or not they had been involved in the revolt. In the eleventh month, they ransacked Chatreng Sampeling Monastery, killing one thousand two hundred and ten monks and lay people. It was a time of immeasurable oppression in Kham by the Chinese.30 Because of these sorts of skirmishes, a war between China and Tibet was gradually evolving. In the fourth month of 1906, while staying at Dzayen Khurel Gön Ganden Pelgyeling Monastery, the Dalai Lama received a letter from the Manchu Emperor Guangxu and his mother Hong Dihu.31 In addition to the letter, the couriers, Interior Minister Gotsao (Go’o tshu’o), Bi Chichi (sBi chi’i chi), and two Chinese-Mongolians Hung and Pu (Hun and Phu), also brought a necklace, some silver, and an image of Avalokiteśvara clothed in brocade. The Dalai Lama sent his attendant, Khenché Jamyang Tenpa, to present a letter of gratitude and some gifts. He instructed his attendants to learn the Long Life Dance of Sen Noyön Ganden Tsepeling Monastery, and subsequently he established the custom of having it performed on the twenty-ninth day. Throughout his visit in Mongolia, the Dalai Lama gave countless empowerments and gave monastic vows to ten thousand people. He praised the continuation of the study of tantra, philosophy, and so forth, and in places where they had declined, he encouraged their adoption. He gave unsurpassed encouragement to the main monasteries in letters. In the eighth month, when the Dalai Lama traveled to Ulang House, Pay Master Khenchung Tendzin Chödrak and Chipché Kyizurwa arrived with reports of severe oppression in Kham at the hands of the Chinese and invited the Dalai Lama to return to Lhasa. Upon traveling to Langdru, he made a pilgrimage to Dezhi Temple, and so forth, which Sakya Paṇ ḍita had visited previously. When he visited a place called Husi Samli on the first day of the ninth month, he was received by lamas, incarnations, abbots, and monastic officials from Jampaling in Kumbum and other regional monasteries, as well as the leaders of the area. When he visited Chinchang on the third day, he was received by

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Dātsung Tu (rDa’ tsung thu) of Lendru (Lan gru), the amban of Ziling,i Drintel (Drin thal), Daotel (rDa’o thal), and so forth. Another contingent arrived from Lhasa consisting of Tsedrung Letsen Yeshé Topden, Kashö Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, Tsedrung Drakpa Gyeltsen, Tendzin Gyeltsen, Shödrung Treshongpa, and Tangpönpa. Arriving in Ziling on the twelfth day, the Dalai Lama was received according to Chinese custom in all of the Chinese villages; a procession indicating unsurpassed praise toward the Dalai Lama consisted of a contingent of soldiers, the leaders of the major regions and estates, and the castle commanders. A bodyguard was also provided. On the thirteenth day, the Dalai Lama was established at Jampaling Monastery in Kumbum, the birthplace of Lama Chöje Tsongkhapa. During the sixth month of that year, Zhao Erfeng, Chinese commander over the Dotö Kham Region, attacked the Gangkarnamling Monastery; four monks who went to surrender were immediately killed. Three old monks and two lay people were also killed. Also forty-eight monks from Teng Monastery were beheaded. Statues made from gold, silver, and bronze were sold, and the remainder were melted down and used to make coins. Paper from religious texts was used as shoe linings. More than one thousand monks in Chatreng were killed. In the eleventh month, Drin Köntel attacked Lagang Monastery, killing twenty-five monks. Thereafter, nine monks were arrested through deceit and then beheaded. Reports of wanton murder continued to reach the Dalai Lama.32 The Dalai Lama was continually invited to Beijing by the Manchu empress dowager. At the same time, he had received urgent appeal from Lhasa asking him to return. Thus, now that he was already in Dotö Kham, he decided that he might be able to persuade the Chinese troops to withdraw if he made a short visit to Beijing. He sent Pay Master Khenchung Tendzin Chödrak and Chipché Kyizurwa with letters to Regent Tri Rinpoché, the cabinet, the Tibetan National Assembly, and the various monasteries, with general and particular instructions. During the Dalai Lama’s two-year stay in Kumbum from 1907, he received many profound religious teachings, including commentary on Tsongkhapa’s The Great Exposition on the Stages of the Path from i

It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time, the ambans in Lhasa were Lianyu (1905–1912), and Zhang Yintang (1906–1910). See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 64–65.

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Zhamar Dorjé Chang Gendün Tendzin Gyatso. He studied Lhodrak’s Collected Works, and so forth with Dorjé Dzinpa Deyang Nyendrak Gyatso of Jakhyung Monastery, poetry with Khewang Pari Lodrö Rapsel, orthography and dipthongs of Sanskrit based on the Saraswati Sūtra, and the Collected Works of both Changkya and Jamyang Zhepa with the Abbot of Chingwang Monastery Kachu Ngakrampa Shedrup Tendar. The discipline of Jampaling Monastery in Kumbum was no different from that of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, following the guidance of the series of Dalai Lamas. However, in recent years, it had diminished a little because there was no administrator to protect the discipline. As a result, reflecting on the tremendous importance of teaching about the decline of the discipline, the Dalai Lama replaced the current abbot and the religious and political officials with new consensus candidates. He issued a letter indicating what to adopt and what to abandon. At that time, a Japanese secret agent, Termato, met with the Dalai Lama. He made arrangements for the Dalai Lama to meet with senior Japanese figures in Riwo Tsenga and the Japanese ambassador in Beijing. During the eighth month, Tsechak Khenchung Lozang Kechok, Lachak Langtongpa, and so forth arrived from Lhasa asking him to return and reporting on the situation in Kham. Representatives from Sampeling Monastery, the secretary of Litang, the head of the Ba Monastery, and all of the fathers of Chamdo arrived in turn. On the twenty-seventh day of the eleventh month, the Dalai Lama made a pilgrimage to Riwo Tsenga. As he proceeded on to meet with the Manchu emperor in Beijing, he was accompanied by the Tibetan government escort, both deputies of the Ziling amban, military officer Yin Dārin (gYin rda’ rin), twenty cavalry, a deputy of Daota (rDa’o tha’i), and a palanquin. At a distance of twenty miles from the Ziling estate, a Ziling regiment greeted them. Sections of the city wall on the south side of Ziling estate and to the east of Jaotrang (sBya’o phrang) camp were opened up33 and festooned with colored banners; inscriptions of praise were places on three door coverings of yellow brocade. As the Dalai Lama entered, all of the leaders formed a procession. At the second gate, the amban and his assistants presented him with greeting scarves and invited him to enter. The Dalai Lama left Ziling on the thirtieth. When he reached the residence of Nyenpiptrin, he was received by Changkya Hotoktu, who bowed respectfully and prostrated. According to his invitation, the Dalai Lama went to Trashi Chöling Monastery. Thereafter, he spent one night

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at the river crossing at Hochor, having been received by the leaders of Domé Amdo. The lamas, incarnations, monastic officials, and leaders of Domé Amdo Monastery joyously and faithfully received the Dalai Lama and bid him goodbye. He crossed the Machu River on the frozen bridge and twenty miles from the Lendru Estate, a regiment led them to Tsungtu’s (Tsung thu) reception tent. A procession of Chinese officials consisting of Tsungtu Höntai (Tsung thu hon tha’i), Shitai (Shi’i tha’i), and Nyitai (Nye tha’i) presented the Dalai Lama with greeting scarves. He entered through the west of Lendru Village amidst a crowd of Chinese people and visited the religious sites in the surrounding area. The Dalai Lama left Lendru on the thirteenth day arriving in Chang’an,j which had been called Xi’anfu during the Tang Empire and had been the capital of China; they reached there on the fourth day of the intercalary twelfth month. He also visited the Tang Dynasty Kingshi Palace and the site of the Jowo throne. During that year, the Manchu Amban Zhang Yintang went to Calcutta to sign the British-Tibetan Trade Agreement with Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa, after which he went to Lhasa. He made many suggestions for the modernization of Tibet. The Regent Lamoshar Tri Rinpoché advised that the former Prime Ministers Shedra, Zhölkhang, and Changkhyim be brought from their estates. Despite their former faults, after a discussion between them and the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly, the three were urged to take up their former responsibilities again. However, they exhibited their anger toward the regent, saying that they would not follow the orders of the regent, the cabinet, the Tibetan National Assembly, or the amban, but that they would serve at the request of the Dalai Lama. Thus, they returned to their respective estates. According to the advice of Zhang Yintang, the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly reported this to the Dalai Lama, and with the amban’s backing, they sent a letter to the Dalai Lama by horse courier. He issued a sealed order obliging the three former cabinet ministers to take up the responsibilities of assisting the prime minister. Once again, they went from their estates to Lhasa where a modest

j Chang’an was the capital of many empires in China, including most notably the Tang Dynasty. The city is now called Xi’an.

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investiture ceremony was held. They had primary responsibility for governance, but on ceremonial occasions, they were positioned below the cabinet ministers. Yeshé Ngödrup retired as the Desi of Bhutan, and he was replaced on Bhutan’s throne by Ogyen Wangchuk, the fifty-first desi and the first hereditary ruler of Bhutan. He was recognized as the hereditary king by virtue of the unanimous approval of all of the people of Bhutan. During the British-Tibetan war, Ogyen Wangchuk had altruistically offered himself as a mediator. Meanwhile, according to tradition, the Tibetan government sent a delegation to congratulate him on his ascension to the throne. The Dalai Lama stayed at the residence of Ji Shurin (Ci shu’i rin) at the beginning of the winter of 1908. He left on the fifth day of the first month, traveling through Fin Wushin (Phin g.yu’u zhin), Shue (Zhus), Druey (sGru’i), Tai Yangsin (Tha’i yang sin), and so forth. Upon reaching Shanxi, the Dalai Lama made a pilgrimage to Mañjuśrī’s holy place of Riwo Tsenga (Wutai Shan). The Chinese monks in the area received him with a monastic procession beneath the mountain. During his stay of several months, he taught all the people of the area, granting initiations, and meeting more than ten thousand Chinese and Mongolian monks and lay disciples as well as many leaders. Khenché Drakpa Loden, Tsipön Rampasé, Kashö Chichakbu, Ngak Tsipa, and so forth arrived from Lhasa with necessary provisions. He met with the German ambassador residing in Tenjin (Than cin) and his translator. As soon as the abbot of the Japanese Nishi Honganji Temple, Kozui Otani, learned that the Dalai Lama was at Riwo Tsenga, he sent his younger brother Sonyu to convey his greetings. He arrived during the fourth month (June). That was the first time that a senior Japanese teacher had met the Dalai Lama. He indicated an interest in forming religious ties with Tibet, and the Dalai Lama also said this was his earnest desire. They discussed having a student exchange program between the two countries. Honganji Temple presented the Dalai Lama with three texts from the Pure Land Monastery and a text in Japanese called Sen-jo-wa-senk written by Shinran of the Shinshū School. The Dalai Lama Rinpoché also gave him many texts, such as the Superior Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra and he promised to send a complete set

k Shinran (1173–1263) founded the Jōdo Shinshū Pure Land School of Buddhism in Japan.

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of Buddhist sūtras later. The latter gift was sent in 1915. During these talks, a Japanese man named Sipen served as translator. Most likely, this was the man called Enga Teramoto, who had previously met the Dalai Lama at Kumbum. Similarly, the Japanese ambassador in Beijing, Lieutenant General Yasumasa Fukushima, visited the Dalai Lama and presented him with several modern machine guns.34 During the fifth month, while the Dalai Lama was staying in Riwo Dangsil, the American Ambassador in Beijing William Rockhill and a translator came to visit him. An honor guard accompanied them with the Chinese troops stopping at the top step of the residence, with the Tibetan troops coming as far as the threshold of the private chambers. Tibetan officials of the fourth rank and above joined the meeting and Dülwa Khenpo translated. Rockhill asked many questions about Tibet’s situation. This was the first contact between the American government and Tibet. They met again the next day. With an attitude of devotion, Rockhill asked the Dalai Lama to bless him in the traditional Tibetan manner of placing the hands on the head; he said that he would do what he could to serve the Dalai Lama.35 In the sixth month, the Russian czar sent a special mission under Prime Minister Hongsi to meet the Dalai Lama. On the twenty-seventh day of the seventh month, the Dalai Lama left the pilgrimage places of Dangsil in the company of many Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian leaders. The Dalai Lama rode in the empress dowager’s special yellow train car, passing through Trunhu (Phron hu), Liyon Hu (Li yon hu), Wang Khol (Wang Khol), Chue Yang (Cus yang), Ring Tru (Ring gru), and so forth. Wherever the train stopped, the leaders of the area and soldiers would form respectful parades. When he reached Pao Ring Hu (Pa’o ring hu’i) Train Station, he was respectfully received by civil and military in a private chamber in the train station. Chun Ji Dārin (Cun Ji rDa’ rin), the special representative of the emperor and the dowager, presented a greeting scarf to the Dalai Lama and he was established on a special chair in the private chamber. Chun Ji Dārin provided tea and food to everyone in the Pao Ring Hu Train Station. Thereafter, the Dalai Lama left. On the third day of the eighth month (September 27, 1908), he arrived at the Chenmen (Chan Man) Train Station on the south of Beijing and was received by the emperor’s representative Prime Minister Na Trungthang (Na’ krung thang), Interior Minister Li Kangbug Tangen (sLis khang sbug thang kwan), Nenyön

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Huya Möngyi Tangen (Nan yon hu’u yam on gyi thang kwan),l Hrintai Huimin (Hrin tha’i hu’i min), and so forth, high ranking Manchu and Chinese ministers, Tongkhor Hotoktu Lozang Jikmé Tsültrim, and the leaders of twenty-eight Beijing monasteries. When the train arrived, Prime Minister Na Trungthang came into the train and presented the Dalai Lama with a greeting scarf. Members of the reception party were introduced, and as the Dalai Lama was conveyed in a golden palanquin, both sides on the road were lined with soldiers, a monastic procession of several thousand robed monks, and a vast number of people cheering joyously. The Dalai Lama stayed at the Huangsu Palace, which had been built by the first Manchu Emperor Shunzhi for the great fifth Dalai Lama; it had recently been restored. The Chinese government held an extensive reception for the Dalai Lama, and the two mayors of Beijing offered their services for whatever needs the Dalai Lama might have while he was in the city. Although the meeting with the emperor was supposed to be on the sixth day of the eighth month, the meeting could not take place as planned because of the unsuitability of the protocol arrangements that had been made. The Manchurian officials said that the Dalai Lama would have to bow down to the emperor. The Tibetans proposed that instead the two should meet in the traditional manner of preceptor-patron, as had been done between the first Manchu emperor and the fifth Dalai Lama. Finally, it was decided that since the emperor was sick at the time, he would remain seated on his throne without coming forward to greet the Dalai Lama, and the two would exchange greeting scarves. Thus, on the twentieth day of the eighth month, the Dalai Lama went to meet the Manchu Emperor Guangxu and the Empress Dowager Cixi in a golden palanquin carried by sixteen people with an entourage consisting of a great number of Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian troops. To his right, there was a regiment of soldiers bearing various sorts of weapons, while on his left, the soldiers were crouched on their knees holding sweet smelling incense between the palms of their two hands. The people of the city were carrying incense, flowers, and banners of various sorts, while shouting joyously.

l

The previous two figures were the mayors of Beijing.

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The Dalai Lama left the palanquin on the threshold on the east side of the Wang Shuhren (Wang Shu Hran) Palace. He was greeted by five hundred civil and military leaders. In the midst of this reception, Interior Minister Likhang Butang Kenchewa extended an invitation to the Dalai Lama and his retinue. He had a Chinese translator, and on the Tibetan side, he was accompanied by Dülwa Khenpo, Beijing Lotsāwa, his personal attendant Künling Dzasak, three attendants for his food, clothing, and rituals, Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang, Kumbum Cheshö Trülku, his personal physician Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang, and so forth. The empress dowager greeted the Dalai Lama inside the chambers. He presented her with an image of Buddha and a greeting scarf, and she presented him with a greeting scarf and a necklace of precious gems. After being seated together in the chamber, they asked after each other’s health. Then they went to the Emperor Guangxu’s audience chamber. He rose from his throne, supported by two people, and the Dalai Lama presented him with an image of Buddha and a greeting scarf. In turn, the emperor presented the Dalai Lama with a special yellow greeting scarf in an attitude of great devotion. Then he sat down on his throne, and they exchanged pleasantries through a translator. Then, they were served tea and fruit in the Chinese manner. After the audience, the Dalai Lama returned to his palace with his entourage.36 On the sixth day of the ninth month, the emperor invited the Dalai Lama and his retinue to a festival in a park. They were received by both the emperor and the dowager. Traditional Chinese foods were provided, and Chinese and Manchurian dancing, acrobatics, the Lion and Dragon Play, and other such performances were displayed. Again the following day, the Dalai Lama met individually with the emperor himself and the dowager in their own chambers. He also visited their respective chapels. The emperor was the ruler in name only; the empress dowager herself exercised control in all matters of state. Recognizing this fact, the Dalai Lama had several discussions with her. He also had meetings with the higher ranking officials of the Foreign Affairs Office and the Military Office who had authority over Tibetan issues. He discussed the fact that China and Tibet had a relationship like an uncle and a nephew begun from the Stone Pillar Treaty.m

m

See page 148.

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In particular, during the time of the fifth Dalai Lama, a preceptorpatron relationship had been developed with the first Manchu Emperor Shunzhi. The two nations had been like one friend helping another, rather than one nation being under the other. In the meanwhile, the Dalai Lama continued, several officers in Sichuan and Yunnan had perverted the understanding of the preceptor-patron relationship; claiming that Tibet was part of China, they had engaged in unlimited extortion, oppression, and so forth. The amban also had failed to transmit appeals concerning the situation in Tibet to Beijing immediately, causing serious harm to Chinese-Tibetan relations. The Dalai Lama continued, explaining that in recent times, the British army crossed into Tibet on the pretext of resolving the issue of the border between Tibet and Sikkim as well as trade issues. In the future, he said, all of the Chinese officers and soldiers who have been greedily oppressing the people in the Kham region these days should be withdrawn. Rather, relations must be based on the traditional preceptorpatron relationship. Relying on this understanding, the Chinese ought to be supportive in the British-Tibetan trade issues. As was the custom, unlimited praise was expressed. [The Dalai Lama] was reassured that there would be no change in Tibet’s religious or political status and that he would be able to send letters on important matters directly to the emperor without having to go through the amban in Lhasa. In addition, an order from Emperor Guangxu said that Chinese and Tibetan relations should be fortified and that following the customs of the past, they should be preserved and observed. The Dalai Lama was given a gold bar inscribed with the praise, “Compassionate Buddha of the West.” It was written in Manchurian, Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian. In return, the Dalai Lama made gifts of an image of Buddha, texts, and other religious articles. In addition, he also presented the emperor with an indigo piece of paper with the words of a prayer he had composed written in gold ink. It read: Om Sva Di. The Buddha Conqueror possessed of wisdom, compassion, and magnificent power, The Friend of the Trainees Gathered for His Teaching, The Fierce Lord of the Secret Tantric Sciences, Praise the Victorious Vajra-Bearer! I praise the activities of the Sovereign over gods and men, Who, besides emanating limitless incarnations in a pervasive dance, Holds authority over the expanse of the east By turning the powerful golden wheel.

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chapter fourteen For a long time the signs and benefit and happiness will remain; May this Lord of the earth live for a long time, So that the resources and enjoyments increase in the country. He has become a friend to Buddhism. The dual form of government, like spokes of a wheel, can eliminate one hundred faults. Having dissolved the prideful demons in the conflict, He is famed throughout the world for his victory in war, Like Buddha, Lord of the three levels.n This prayer, which praises the Lord of the Earth, the King, and expresses true words which will increase the good qualities of his magnificent political power, is in appreciation for his concern for me during my travels through Domé and raises to the heights the customary spiritual and temporal qualities of Brahmā, Emperor of the Universe bringing to fruition the predispositions of his merit. As a sign of this, I, the Dalai Lama Vajradhāra, the Śākya monk bearing the name of King Ngawang Lozang Tupten Gyatso Jikdrel Wangchuk Choklé Nampar Gyelwé Derböpa, have composed this to the Supreme One.

Beyond merely expressing mutual praise, nothing was resolved in the political sphere and no agreements were reached. The reason for this is that the Dalai Lama Rinpoché and the Foreign Affairs Office had different ideas, although it seems that these issues were not allowed to be brought out into the open. The Empress Dowager Hong Dihu’s control over political matters was disliked by many higher ranking Manchu officials; what need is there to mention how much the people disliked it. Because of the corruption of the government officials, which was like a dog encountering meat, the Dalai Lama could clearly see that the Manchu polity would not endure for long. On the eighteenth day of the ninth month (November 12, 1908), Emperor Guangxu died; immediately, the Empress Dowager appointed Prince Dāchen Chungyung’s son, Puyi, as emperor. On the twentieth day of the ninth month (November 19, 1908), she also died.o Thus, the

n

I.e., the sky, the earth, and below the earth. There is a discrepancy in the dating of the deaths of these two figures. In the Chinese calendar, he indicates they died two days apart, but specifies a difference of seven days in the western calendar. Aside from that, other sources agree that Emperor Guangxu died on November 14, 1908, and the Empress Dowager Cixi died the following day. Recent tests indicate that he died of arsenic poisoning, with two thousand times the norm being detected. “Arsenic killed Chinese emperor, reports say,” http://www.cnn. com/2008/WORLD/asiapcf/11/04/china.emperor/index.html?eref=rss_world, accessed on December 7, 2008. o

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remains of both the emperor and the dowager were laid to rest. The Tibetan government arranged for ceremonies at monasteries in Beijing, and the Dalai Lama himself went there and performed the blessing. On the ninth day of the tenth month (December 2, 1908), the tenth and final Manchu Emperor Dāchen Xuantong (Puyi) ascended the throne. The Dalai Lama attended as he had been invited, and he spread flowers about in benediction. The Dalai Lama’s personal physician, Khenpo Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang, who was a member of the Dalai Lama’s party, offers his personal recollections:37 The powerful yogi, Milarepa’s Hundred Thousand Songs says: Fame is the greatest, When only seen from afar. Likewise, we Tibetans regard the emperor as being like Mañjuśrī and the empress dowager as being like Tāra. However, if we honestly recount what we have actually seen and the many factual reports we have heard, then the Empress Dowager Hong Dihu was the wife of the Seventh Manchu Emperor, Xianfeng. But the latter died at the age of thirty, and his son, Tongzhi, was enthroned when he was very young. Until he reached majority, all authority rested with the empress dowager. Tongzhi was nominally the emperor for several years until he died by poisoning. Leaving no heir, his younger brother, Guangxu, was appointed as emperor, while the Empress Dowager continued to issue all orders herself from behind the scenes. Emperor Guangxu was beloved by the people, and thus, several learned and wise ministers said: At present, since there are modern changes taking place in the world, China cannot remain in the past by itself. Thus, in order to preserve the Manchu polity, it would be best if authority were vested in the Upper and Lower Houses, as the British king has done. The emperor announced that these reforms should be introduced gradually. However, because of the empress dowager’s dissatisfaction with these ideas, she protested against them. The fundamental political policy divided people into two camps. The empress dowager’s supporters, Interior Minister Junglu and General Yuan Shikai, acted as though they were on the emperor’s side until they discovered which officials believed in the emperor’s reforms, which scholars were advising them, and what their ideas were. Then, except for a few scholars who were able to escape, they were arrested and killed. The emperor himself was placed under house arrest in his palace, not being permitted to meet with anyone. The reforms vanished like a rainbow in the sky after one hundred days. Under the pretext that those people had planned to kill the empress dowager, the emperor was drugged until he was nearly senseless. When

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chapter fourteen the Dalai Lama was invited to meet and dine with him, the emperor was unable to stand, but had to be supported by two of his queens. Even his food was given to him by his queens on chopsticks. I have seen this with my own eyes. All of China’s political decisions were made by the empress dowager; all of the leaders respected and feared her. Several weeks after the Dalai Lama arrived, Emperor Guangxu died and immediately thereafter, the empress dowager appointed Prince Dāchen Chungyung’s two year old son, Puyi, as emperor. She died of poison the next day. Some people say she ate diamond. Whatever may be the case, after her death, everyone spoke about the extent of her authority, the people she had killed, and the things she had stolen; in general, they discussed the surpassing misdeeds of her rule. There was ceaseless unrest with Guangdong and Guangxi partisans revolting. There were also trade troubles with foreign nations. It could be seen clearly that the political power of the Manchu Dynasty was crumbling, like a building in ruins.

Tibetan records and the Japanese scholar Togan Tada’s The Thirteenth Dalai Lama describe the events surrounding the death of Emperor Guangxu and the empress dowager as above. They agree that the day after the emperor’s death, the empress dowager appointed Xuantong as emperor and the next day, she died. However, the last Emperor Xuantong wrote a book called The Last Manchu under the pseudonym of Henry Puyi in which he said:38 On the evening of November 13, 1908, or the 20th day of the 10th moon, in the 34th year of Kuang Hsu’s reign . . . I, as Emperor apparent, refused an imperial summons from the Forbidden City delivered by the Grand Councilor . . . My wet-nurse herself [carried] me to the palace and [presented] me to the Empress Dowager, Tzu-Hsi . . . All I remember of this first meeting with my great-aunt was my fright at finding myself suddenly plunged among so many strange people.

He goes on to say that the empress dowager was dead two days later and Emperor Guangxu died after that. If one studies this in detail for oneself, it seems that once Emperor Guangxu had been rendered unconscious and there was no hope of recovery, the empress dowager appointed Xuantong as emperor and his father Chungyung as the regent; then two days later she ate poison herself and died. Then, it seems, Emperor Guangxu died. Since there are uncertainties, more research is needed. While the Dalai Lama was in Beijing, he visited many Buddhist monasteries and temples, including Yung Hahai (gyung ha hu’i) Monastery. He gave religious teachings, satisfying innumerable Chinese and Mongolian disciples.

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The Manchu policy on Tibetan affairs saddened the Dalai Lama greatly. In the hopes of maintaining Tibet’s freedom and independence, he thought it necessary to establish agreeable relations with foreign nations. In particular, he thought it was of the utmost importance to establish good relations with those nations with which Tibet shared a border, such as Russia and British India. To that end, he sent a messenger to Russia with a letter, and he sent representatives to make direct and indirect contacts in Beijing with the ambassadors of America, Britain, Russia, Japan, France, and Germany. Accordingly, when he met with the British Ambassador Sir John Jordan, he said that the recent political issues between Britain and Tibet were a result of misunderstanding, due to which they had been unable to form positive relations. Thus, the British army had entered Tibet, and there had been oppression on both sides. However, in the future, he continued, the situation can be gradually improved; since it was his hope that peaceful relations would emerge between the neighbors India and Tibet, he asked Sir Jordan to convey this message to the Indian government and the great king of England.39 Similarly, the Dalai Lama met the Japanese Ambassador Gonsuke Hayashi and General Yasumasa Fukushima.40 Beyond discussing political matters, they advised that the Tibetan army should be trained in military practices. Accordingly, Yusujiro Yajima, a Japanese man knowledgeable in such matters, subsequently came to Lhasa, offering military training. The American Ambassador Rockhill also met with the government again; he said that he had frequently communicated about the Tibetan situation to the American president. For whatever reason, the Dalai Lama had been forced to remain in China and Mongolia for more than four years, bearing difficulties and exhaustion. As a result, it is clear that his political vision had expanded. Accordingly, after he returned to Lhasa, with the struggles with both China and India mainly settled, he planned to introduce reforms. However, there were threats to Buddhism, due to which he could not fulfill his aspirations. Some minor problems arose in political relations. Several of the emperor’s senior ministers, such as Zhang Amban and Dā Amban,p p

It was not possible to determine the identity of this figure. During this time, the ambans in Lhasa were Lianyu (1905–1912), and Zhang Yintang (1906–1910). See Josef Kolmaš, The Ambans and Assistant Ambans of Tibet: A Chronological Study (Prague: Oriental Institute, 1994), 64–65.

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proud of their high rank in the emperor’s service, would come to meet the Dalai Lama without having made an appointment. Either they would not be granted the audience or they would be kept waiting for a long time, and when they were permitted to meet with the Dalai Lama, they would not be extended any special courtesies. Thus, they would not be satisfied. Also the Manchu leaders were unhappy with the increasing contacts between the Tibetan government and foreign nations. All of these sorts of problems harmed the political atmosphere between China and Tibet. Petitions and representatives continually arrived from Lhasa beseeching the Dalai Lama to return. Urgent appeals also reached the Dalai Lama from the monasteries in Kham detailing how Zhao Erfeng was destroying the monasteries there, killing the people, and stealing without end; they also asked that the Dalai Lama immediately return to his place in the religious land of Tibet. The Dalai Lama put an end to his ceremonies in Beijing and supplicated the emperor’s father, the Regent Dāchen Chungyung, to restore the traditional preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet. Finally, on the twenty-eighth day of the tenth month (December 21, 1908), when he left Beijing for Tibet, prominent Chinese and Manchurians such as Interior Minister Naidru (na’i kru), an army regiment, a monastic procession, and so forth, a more elaborate escort than when he had arrived, bid farewell to the Dalai Lama. The following day, Interior Minister Ga Tsopao (ka tsho pa’o) received the Dalai Lama at Gungya (gung ya’i) with a greeting scarf as he had been ordered by the emperor. The Dalai Lama also presented one to him. Prime Minister Changkhyimpa and his retinue arrived from Lhasa and met the Dalai Lama’s party on the road; he had come to invite the Dalai Lama to return and to seek his advice on general matters. After prostrating to the Dalai Lama, he reported on the situation in Lhasa. Thereafter, as the party traveled, they were invited to stay at regional monasteries, Chuzang Monastery, and so forth. On the twenty-third day of the twelfth month, they stayed at the great monastery of Jampaling in Kumbum. A fight had broken out between the older and younger son of the Dergé ruler after he died. Thus, the older son, Akya had gone to Lhasa the previous year to report on the situation. An order was issued to the younger son and limited military protection was extended to Akya in Markham, Dzora, and Sang. Thus, soldiers were sent to Dergé and the turmoil was pacified. However, during that year, Akya partisans sud-

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denly arrested and imprisoned his younger brother Ngawang Jampel. By virtue of these hostile conditions, the younger brother’s partisans secretly raised a militia and liberated him from prison. They issued a call for soldiers throughout Dzachukha and Gulok to prepare to attack the enemy. While the governor of Nyakrong and a mission from Domé were evaluating the situation, Zhao Erfeng sided with the older brother and attacked Dergé. Since he was trying to gain control over Dergé, the younger brother Ngawang Jampel and several of his attendants fled to Kumbum. Ever since, the younger brother had remained among the government officials. The celebrations for the joyous festival of the New Year of 1909 and the miraculous Great Prayer Festival were carried out well. In the third month, Prime Minister Changkhyimpa, who had previously gone to get advice from the Dalai Lama on general matters, returned to Lhasa. During the fourth month, the Dalai Lama made pilgrimages and gave religious teachings at local monasteries and nearby mountain retreats, such as Jakhyung Monastery and Shartsong Mountain Retreat. The previous year, he had replaced the officials at Kumbum Monastery with new officials. Some of the followers of the wayward officials were arrested before they could do anything. Several others secretly escaped and made plans to revolt. However, when Chintrel Pu Dutung Ziling (chin phral phu’u tu’u thung zi ling) and his forces met with the Dalai Lama, they recounted the misdeeds that had taken place. As soon as he heard about this, he proclaimed: Because the Protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché is the Conqueror of the Earth and Lord of Buddhism, it is of the utmost importance that all people must voluntarily obey his commands. Thus, if there are reports of people who do not obey, a detailed investigation must be undertaken without any deceit.

Since news of this proclamation was distributed, the unity of the wayward element was destroyed, like grasping sand. They asked for the Dalai Lama’s forgiveness and offered a promise of fidelity. The atmosphere improved and the monastic discipline was purified through the Dalai Lama’s inexpressible kindness. Following the advice Zhang Yintang had given the previous year, in 1909, the Tibetan government issued currency with a value of one ounce [of silver] and copper coins valued at three and a half karmas. The Manchu amban urged that it would be best if the words “The First Year of

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Xuantong’s Reign” were printed on the currency. Since the Dalai Lama was in China at the time, and there was concern about his efforts there and his well-being, this proposal was accepted. Accordingly, several thousand of the notes and coins had to be minted. However, once the Dalai Lama had arrived in Domé and Prime Minister Changkhyimpa had returned to Lhasa, the minting was discontinued. Instead, the design was changed so that there was a snow lion in the center, with the words “Ganden Podrang Choklé Namgyel” around the center. On the back side, there was a flaming jewel with the date “The Forty-Third Year of the Fifteenth Cycle” and the respective values. Also, a new five karma coin was issued with a flaming jewel in the center of two squares and the words “Ganden Podrang Choklé Namgyel.” On the fifteenth day of the fourth month, the protector Dalai Lama and his retinue were bid farewell by a large number of Chinese, Mongolian, and Tibetan people at Jampaling Monastery in Kumbum. He led the way to Lhasa, the golden capital; he visited Dramar, the biggest mountain retreat on the way, and then went to Gartok in Tsagen Nomihen by way of Rala Monastery, Khamsum Namgyel Gartok, and so forth. Just as previous Dalai Lamas had been given a document assigning them authority over the area, so this was confirmed in an order given to the thirteenth Dalai Lama. The predecessors of Kangtsa Chöpa, the leader of Tsonyen Obok, had behaved altruistically toward the capital, and at present he himself had also been helpful; thus, the Dalai Lama conferred the rank of Nangso upon him. He was also granted a coral insignia (byur tog) and assumed the leadership. In Mokhor, the first reception party from Lhasa arrived, led by Tsedrung Pünrappa Lozang Jikdrel. The promoted Cabinet Minister Trimon,41 Taiji Pünkhang, Khendrung Tsültrim Nyima, acting Tsang Dapön Chaktrak, and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries arrived at Apakha Golo’s residence to accompany the Dalai Lama. When they reached Shangdé’s residence, Cabinet Minister Lama Lozang Trinlé, and so forth met them, and as he went to Chunakha, people arrived from the capital with needed provisions, including Borong, and Khoshok, Tsedrung Sharchi Yeshé Gyatso who had recently been placed in charge of the mint in Khelkha (Helha), Shödrung Jünpawa, and Zhöldrung Gendün Kelzang arrived. While he was visiting Tendzin Obok, Lungchung Kyipo, and Jekhuk, Khenchung Sönam Gyeltsen and my father Shakabpa Tashi Puntsok who was the steward of Lhasa arrived. At the

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same time, Könli arrived to present offerings on behalf of the Manchu amban from Lhasa. Thereafter, the Dalai Lama crossed over the Drichu River in a boat, where he was received by the lamas and incarnations of the monastery in Drichu Pari as well as groups of monastery representatives and leaders from the Changtang region. When he had crossed the Danglechu River, Tendzin Pelgyé, making offerings on behalf of the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché, and Khangsé Pema Wangchen, who was the captain of the palanquin corps, also met the Dalai Lama. The masters and officials of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and the captains of Damgyé and Shokgyé received him at Latsé Karpo; Gyari Trichen, Horkhang Dzasak, Jampa Namgyel who was the older brother of the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Tsipön Khemé, and so forth received him beyond Dangla Pass; Lhalu Gung, Cabinet Minister Sarjung, and Changchen Gung received him below Tsachugong; Radreng Dzasak, Keutsangnup Trülku, Nakchu Gopa Sekshingpa and Naktsang Gopa met him at Gemar; Sakya Dakchen, Tsurpu Karmapa, Losempa Trülku, Minling Trichen, Chogyé Trülku, and so forth met him on top of Tratsang. On the second day of the eighth month, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché Lozang Chökyi Nyima, Rokli the deputy of the Manchu amban in Lhasa, the chief attendant of the Regent Trizur Rinpoché, the Dalai Lama’s attendant Khenwar Zhiwa, Khendrung Tendzin Chögyel, and so forth received him while he was staying at Ringmo’s residence at the headwaters of the Nakchu River. Monk and lay government officials, tents, carpets, and banners from the Mongolian and Indian governments also arrived. From that day on, others were continually arriving. On the third day, the Dalai Lama rode on horseback up to Zhapten Monastery on the Nakchu River. A great vegetarian feast was prepared by the Tibetan government, Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, and Drupkhang monastic estate. On the sixteenth day, several monk and lay government officials rode off to accompany the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché’s party in Tsang. While the Dalai Lama remained on the Nakchu River, they came from Otok, Takring Monastery, and so forth. On the eleventh day of the ninth month, the Dalai Lama left the Nakchu River and passed through Karchen, Sangzhung, Nalung Karmo, Lanyi, and so forth, reaching Radreng, the founding monastery of the Kadampa School, on the fifteenth. Following the counsel of the oracle, the Dalai Lama remained in Radreng for a medical evaluation.

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Because of the dispute between the older and younger sons of the Dergé ruler, the younger son Ngawang Jampel had sought the protection of the government. He was granted a rank like a dapön based on suitable consideration of all the issues. On the twenty-ninth day of the tenth month, the Dalai Lama left Radreng, reaching Purchok Riksum Jangchupling Mountain Retreat on the sixth day of the eleventh month by way of Taklung, Penpo Rinchen Drak, Ganden Chökhor, and Gola Pass. Prime Ministers Shedra, Zhölkhang and Changkhyim greeted the Dalai Lama and prostrated to him. They also reported all of the difficulties between China and Tibet. Although the three prime ministers had assumed full political authority, they did not have their formal investiture audience. Consequently, in ceremonies, they had maintained a status lower than the cabinet ministers. From that day on, the three prime ministers were provided with all the traditional perks enjoyed by regents. On the ninth day of the eleventh month of 1909, the grand procession left Purchok Mountain Retreat in the company of a vast row of horses, adorned with ornaments and carrying banners. In this way, they reached Dzingkhamé, where the huge government tent called Maja Chenmo had been raised. He was received there by monk and lay government officials, lamas, incarnations, and officials from Sera and Drepung monasteries, the deputies of ambans Lianyu and Youtai, leaders of the Muslims and Nepal, and so forth. Regiments of the Chinese and Tibetan armies, a monastic procession from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and Ling Pentsün, singers and dancers from Lhasa, Zhöl, and the surrounding areas all joined the procession. The people of Lhasa and Zhöl had burned incense, arranged festival decorations, and so forth. The procession passed through this cluttered space and through the waves of joyous celebration to Lhasa’s Rasa Trülnang Tsuklakhang. On the tenth day, a tremendous vegetarian feast was provided, and a cloud of offerings was presented at the great courtyard of the marvelous gathering of the four groups. On the eleventh day, the party toured the Raché Tsuklakhang, and then moved to the Potala Palace, the inestimable second mansion of Avalokiteśvara, where the Dalai Lama was established on the high golden throne. Simultaneously, the entire public of Tibet presented a vegetarian feast and presented extensive offerings. The people also presented the Dalai Lama with a golden seal written in the uchen, lanytsa, and Mongolian scripts as follows:

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As predicted by Buddha, from the Land of the Superiors, this is the seal of the Sovereign of the three worlds, the Authority of Buddhism throughout all time and throughout the world, the Unchanging Omniscient Dorjé Chang Gyatso Lama, the Wish-Fulfilling King praised in general and particular by men and gods.

Ever since that time, all important documents and edicts were impressed with just this seal. This was an extremely significant political strategy in dispensing with the conditions of the Chinese Manchu emperor’s nominal rule. At that time, the Dalai Lama established a new Office of Foreign Affairs. The heads of the Office, Khenchung Gyeltsen Püntsok and fourth-ranking Khemepa Rinchen Wangyel, were appointed along with the other officials. Subsequently, those two men would also become cabinet ministers.42 On the seventeenth, the Dalai Lama’s party went to Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace, where dance and operatic performances were staged. Both the monk and lay government officials and the people of Lhasa were overjoyed that the Sovereign Lord had returned from China and Mongolia. At the same time, critical reports arrived every day recounting the murder and destruction taking place at the hands of Liu Chun’s (lu’u cun) troops. Thus, joy and sorrow contended with each other, like a person who is swept away by water, and yet pretends that they are swimming.q As previously mentioned, the terms of the agreement signed in Calcutta with Zhang Yintang specified that six thousand Chinese troops could be stationed in Tibet to protect the trade marts. Based on that provision, Liu Chun brought more than ten thousand troops from Sichuan through Dotö (Kham). The Dalai Lama had reported this fact to Beijing repeatedly from Kumbum, and so forth, without effect. Likewise, the government in Lhasa had sent letters through the amban saying that there was no need for the Chinese to have troops protect the trade marts, and that if a need ever arose, the Tibetan soldiers recently trained by the Chinese would be able to offer protection; moreover, they said that it was unsuitable to send Liu Chun into Tibet. As they received no response, representatives were sent to Calcutta so that wires could be sent directly to the Foreign Affairs Office and the Military Office in Beijing. At the same time, Khenchung Jampa Chözang q This means that even as Tibetans were imperiled by the dangerous waters of Liu Chun’s invasion of their land, they gave the appearance of people happily playing in the water because they were so overjoyed that the Dalai Lama had finally returned.

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was dispatched to stop the Chinese troops by peaceful means, wherever they met them. He met the Chinese officer Jungyung Tungling (cung yung thung ling) and his troops when the latter arrived in Tar Dzong. Without even listening, Khenchung and his assistants were arrested and taken with the troops. When the Chinese troops arrived in Kongpo, Khenchung and eight of his assistants were beheaded. Horses, mules, and valuables were stolen. A representative of the Tibetan National Assembly,43 along with the Gurkha ambassador and the leader of the Muslims in Lhasa went to obstruct the Chinese. However much they spoke to the Chinese troops when they arrived in such places as Numari, Özer Gyang, Richen Gang, and Meldro, it seemed that the Chinese were intent on forcing their way to Lhasa. The Chinese army only had weapons and ammunition. Everything else, money, provisions, feed, and so forth was stolen from the people. Notes to Chapter Fourteen 1. Information on the Younghusband expedition comes from the biography of the thirteenth Dalai Lama, Compilation of Records, the Records of the Upper and Lower Houses of the British Parliament, and Younghusband’s book, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910). 2. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 124, says that E. C. Wilton, the British Consular delegate in China told Younghusband that the delegates at Gampa were not of sufficient rank to negotiate. 3. An original of the report on the situation to the cabinet is included in Compilation of Records. 4. From a collection of private papers. 5. Compilation of Records. 6. Ekai Kawaguchi, Three Years in Tibet (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1979), 502–503, says that Shedra was the most knowledgeable person in Tibet on political matters relating to British India. He also recounts that Shedra was partial to the Russians. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 64, says, “The Dalai Lama’s chief assistant in his pro-Russian policy was the Prime Minister Shatra.” 7. Tutop Namgyel and Yeshé Drölma, Dynastic History of Sikkim. 8. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism. 9. Compilation of Records. 10. Compilation of Records. 11. Papers Relating to Tibet: Presented to Both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty (London: Published by H.M.S.O., 1904), 6. Translator’s Note: The relevant page 6 is in the section titled Further Papers Relating to Tibet, part 1, not the page 6 at the beginning of the book. 12. Togan Tada, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1965), 42–43. 13. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, vol. si, 36-ba-1.

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14. The one identified as Setrül in the order is Sikyong Trülku, the eldest son of the ruler of Sikkim, Tutop Namgyel. Translator’s Note: According to Alex McKay: The Chogyal had two sons by his first wife, Tsotra Namgyal (b. 1878), and Sidkeong Tulku (b. 1879), and another, Tashi Namgyal (b. 1893), by his second wife. The British regarded Tsotra Namgyal as pro-Tibetan. He had supported his father during the years of struggle with White, and had remained in Chumbi after the reconciliation with the British. The younger son, Sidkeong or Sikyong, came under the influence of the British. See Alex McKay, “ ‘That he may take due pride in the empire to which he belongs’: the education of Maharajah Kumar Sidkeon Namgyal Tulku of Sikkim,” Bulletin of Tibetology (2003), 39:2, 27–52. 15. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 210, mentions a lama who was working as a secretary for the British. Beyond that, he does not give his name, and so forth; thus, it seems that many suspected it was Sengchen Lama’s servant. Translator’s Note: This is confirmed by Alex McKay, “The Drowning of Lama Sengchen Kyabying: A Preliminary Enquiry from British Sources,” in Henk Blezer, ed., Tibet Past and Present: Tibetan Studies I. the Proceedings of the 9th International Seminar for Tibetan Studies, Leiden 2000 (Leiden: Brill, 2002), 263–80. 16. Togan Tada, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1965), 43, says: The reinforcements arrived at Gyantsé on May 24, and a more powerful force joined on June 26, adding 3,000 men with 7,000 coolies. In the battle of July 5 and 6, the citadel at Gyantse crumbled. On the 14th of July the joint forces left for Lhasa. 17. In Serkhang Nangpé Chakdrung’s analysis of the British-Tibet War, he blames the Nechung Oracle and the cabinet ministers. 18. The entire treaty is cited on p. 1098. 19. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 337–9 and Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1956), 97–9. Translator’s Note The passage indicated in Younghusband indicates the indemnity was reduced from seventy-five million to twenty-five million rupees. 20. Papers Relating to Tibet: Presented to Both Houses of Parliament by Command of His Majesty (London: H.M.S.O., 1904), 154. 21. Serkhang Nangpé Chakdrung, Compilation of Compositions. 22. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 287–289, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 256–258. 23. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 291–292, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 260–264. 24. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 289–291, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 258–260. 25. These days, the capital of Outer Mongolia is called Ulan-Bator. 26. Jetsün Dampa was the Lord of religious and political affairs for all of Outer Mongolia at this time. Mongolians called him Arbokto, meaning Emperor or None Higher. All of Jetsün Dampa’s incarnations had been found in Tibet. The present one had even been born in Zhöl near the Potala Palace. For these reasons, Mongolians considered him to be of the greatest importance, calling him Mené Tubitu which means our Tibetan. The Tibetan government sent tutors and servants they had appointed for him. In addition, many Helha leaders had Tibetan ranks. When Jetsün Dampa went to Tibet, he took the seat of Hotoktu Chewa. However, on the twelfth day of the sixth month of 1920, the Russian Communists forcibly seized the country and in 1924, Outer Mongolia was completely overtaken by the Communists. Jetsün Dampa also died that same year. In essence, the government of Jetsün Dampa no longer existed.

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27. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, vol. Bi, 40. 28. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, vol. Bi, 46-ba-6. 29. Not only have I heard about this from the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Jampa Tupten, but I have also heard about it from the Mongolian Geshé Ngawang Sengé, the disciple and servant of Ngawang Lozang who lives in Munich, Germany. Togan Tada, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1965), 48–49, says that the shape of the prince’s face was like that of a Tibetan, and it is said that he was the Dalai Lama’s son. The thirteenth Dalai Lama’s biography, Garland of Jewels, Volume 2, 50–ba-1, says that there was a slight disagreement in the timing; thus, I think the initial year is correct. Similarly, there are also stories of the Dalai Lama engendering sons for several Mongolian leaders in this way. 30. Forty-One Legal Violations of Zhao Erfeng. 31. In foreign countries, the Dowager is called Cixi. Translator’s Note: Shakabpa seems to think that Emperor Guangxu’s mother was the Empress Dowager Cixi. Instead, his mother was Cixi’s younger sister. See “1st Prince Chun,” in http://www.indopedia. org/1st_Prince_Chun.html, accessed October 1, 2008. 32. Forty-One Legal Violations of Zhao Erfeng. 33. Not having been invited in, they broke down the door. It is an old custom that when the Chinese Emperor comes, he should be shown respect like that due to a god. 34. Togan Tada, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1965), 47–8. The original and a copy of the Dalai Lama’s reply for this gift of machine guns is included the Compilation of Treaty Records, p. 155. 35. In 1891, Rockhill had been given a visa by the Beijing government. Since he planned to go to Lhasa, he went as far as the Nakchu River. Although he was also urged to go by the Manchu Amban in Lhasa, the Tibetan government would not let him proceed. Thus, he was forced to return by way of Kham. Rockhill has written that this proves that the Chinese exercised no authority whatsoever in Tibet. 36. According to William Woodville Rockhill, The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and Their Relations with the Manchu Emperors of China (Leyden, Oriental: E. J. Brill, 1910), 78, and Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 382–3, the form of respect the Dalai Lama was supposed to have shown when he met the Emperor was to touch his forehead to the ground. However, there is no mention of this in the Dalai Lama’s biography. According to Kuchar Lamen Khenpo Jampa Tupwang’s reminiscences about the audience, there was a delay of several days because of a disagreement, but a compromise was reached, as I have explained above. 37. Compilation of Private Records. 38. Henry Puyi, The Last Manchu: the autobiography of Henry Pu Yi, the last Emperor of China (London: A Barker, 1967), pp. 29–30. It is Emperor Xuantong’s autobiography. 39. Charles Bell, Portrait of the Dalai Lama (London: Collins, 1946), 86. 40. Togan Tada, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1965), 52 says: During that time, it was said that he paid a visit to the Japanese legation and stayed for about a week there. I was told about this by Gonsuke Hayashi, then the Japanese Minister in Peking, after he returned to Japan. I also heard from Threekhang, the Court Physician who later on became the Lord Chamberlain, what sort of hospitalities the Dalai Lama received at the Japanese legation. 41. Orally it is said that the promoted Cabinet Minister Trimon was in the reception committee. Otherwise, I have not seen any text which mentions his presence. One wonders if it shouldn’t be Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa.

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42. In my English language book, Tibet: A Political History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), 223, I wrote that Teji Pünkhang was appointed to the Foreign Bureau, but that was a mistake. 43. The representative of the Tibetan National Assembly was my honorable grandfather Tsipa Shakabpa Tenzin Norgye. Thus, I remember him recounting many times unbearable things such as that the Chinese soldiers had destroyed cities, bound old people in chains, and beat both men and women. Countless people were wounded and killed. All the homes in several places were sacked; since the people concealed themselves in the wilderness, the Chinese soldiers entered all of the homes and stole their possessions.

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

CHINESE INVASION OF LHASA AND TIBET’S STRUGGLE TO MAINTAIN HER INDEPENDENCE TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION Through the last years of the Qing Dynasty, the border regions became increasingly chaotic. Chinese factions and individual warlords, including the notorious Zhao Erfeng, began to encroach on Tibetan territory. Just prior to the final collapse of the Qing in 1911, a Chinese delegation sought to reassure the Dalai Lama. However, it turned out that the military escort actually intended to seize political authority in Tibet. Ultimately, the Dalai Lama was forced into exile once again, this time seeking refuge in British-India. Shakabpa demonstrates that China’s bold thrust for power in Lhasa backfired by driving the Dalai Lama more firmly towards the British. This eventuated in his self-imposed exile in India, escaping from the precise Beijing faction whose hospitality he had enjoyed so recently. It also brought him into close contact with the British from whom he had fled. In early 1912, when news arrived in Lhasa that the Qing Dynasty had collapsed, Tibetans rose up against the remaining Chinese officials and soldiers. As Zhao Erfeng was executed, Chinese troops were largely driven from Tibet and the Dalai Lama was able to return from India after a prolonged absence. Shakabpa begins this chapter by backtracking in time in order to contextualize the conflicts along the Sino-Tibetan borderlands and elsewhere in Kham at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th. Much of the region had not been controlled from Lhasa throughout the centuries, existing more within the sphere of influence of Lhasa than being tightly administered by the Ganden Podrang government. Consequently, Feng Amban, Chinese officers such as Trangli, and regional leaders were able to exploit local people, seize food and other basic resources, disrupt monastic and political life, and generally oppress the people of Kham. Zhao Erfeng was the most hated Chinese oppressor of them all. By 1906, he was blamed for beheading monastic officials and killing large numbers of monks who opposed his efforts to control Dergé and the

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surrounding areas. He was known as Zhao the Butcher.a Suspecting that the amban in Lhasa was conspiring with Zhao, Tibetan authorities attempted to appeal to the court directly by contacting Qing officials in Calcutta, but the power of the throne had all but disappeared outside of the center of Qing hierarchy. Chinese troops under the command of the incoming ambans arrived in Lhasa in the midst of the celebrations for the 1910 New Year’s festival. Shakabpa reports that the troops fired weapons in all directions, including at the Jokhang Tsuklakhang and the Potala Palace, the two most potent symbolic constructs for Tibetan Buddhism, thus signaling their aggressive intentions. In light of this, the Dalai Lama, after less than two months at home, once again left Lhasa for exile under the shadow of a foreign invading force. The British in India hosted the Dalai Lama in Darjeeling, Calcutta, and elsewhere for two years. Meeting with the Indian Viceroy Lord Minto in March of 1910, the Dalai Lama presented his case against the encroachments of the Chinese troops and the Qing ambans. He sought British support within the framework of the 1904 agreement negotiated with Younghusband. Meanwhile, the Manchu officials in Lhasa claimed to have deposed the Dalai Lama and declared their intentions of selecting a new Dalai Lama by drawing lots. At the same time, they seized the nobility’s property, raided treasuries, and arrested the regent. These actions irrevocably ruptured any remaining possibility for reconciliation between Tibetans and the Chinese representing the ever-declining Qing Empire. The Manchu emperor ordered the amban in Lhasa to appoint a Chinese officer Lo Titai as the Governor-General of Tibet, and the latter traveled to Darjeeling to negotiate with the Dalai Lama. Shakabpa cites an extensive letter recording the Dalai Lama’s understanding of Sino-Tibetan relations and the contemporary situation. While both sides wanted the Dalai Lama to return, he insisted that he would do so only within the context of a restoration of the preceptor-patron relationship that had long existed between Tibet and China. He indicates that he had enacted his side of the relationship by providing religious instruction to the court. He complains, however, that the court in Beijing and its agents in Lhasa and throughout Tibet had not fulfilled their customary role. He catalogs a series of violations of Tibetan independence, a litany of attacks on Tibetans, and the set

a

See p. 719 below.

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of circumstances that compelled him to flee his homeland.b Shakabpa highlights the portions of the letter that refer to the preceptor-patron relationship. The sixth Paṇ chen Lama Chökyi Nyima (1883–1937) visited Lhasa in 1911, drawing negative attention from the public when he took it upon himself to stay in the Dalai Lama’s private chambers, an act some found to be presumptuous. Shakabpa also portrays him as being too friendly with the amban for the tastes of the Tibetan street. Although a divergence in the interests of the two parallel lineages can be traced back to the 17th century, a real rift emerged between the sixth Paṇ chen Lama and the thirteenth Dalai Lama, something the Chinese and the British seemed only too happy to nourish at different points in history. In alluding to such issues, Shakabpa is careful, as he was in describing tensions between the Dalai Lamas and the Karmapas,c to absolve the incarnations of any responsibility for the problems:d However, it can be clearly seen from the correspondence between the conqueror father and son, the teacher and student, (i.e., the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ chen Lama), that there was no enmity between them. Yet, previously, when the Dalai Lama had been in China and Mongolia, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché had made contact with the British government and had gone to Calcutta to meet with the prince of England. One wonders if the beginning of the unfortunate relations between the government and the attendants of the Paṇ chen Lama’s monastic estate might be found in these events.

Likewise, a complex relationship would exist between the seventh Paṇ chen Lama Kelzang Tseten (1938–1989) and the present fourteenth Dalai Lama Tenzin Gyatso (b. 1935).e In 1912, the Manchu Qing Dynasty breathed its last breath, overthrown by Sun Yatsen and a broad coalition of revolutionaries in China. When the news reached Tibet, the public rose up against the Chinese troops stationed there, and the amban barely escaped with b

See pp. 729–732 below. See chapters 6 and 7. d See p. 733 below. For a far-ranging discussion of the two incarnations in the early 20th century, see Parshtam Mehra, Tibetan Polity, 1904–1937: The Conflict Between the 13th Dalai Lama and the 9th Panchen: A Case Study (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1976). e The Paṇ chen Lama lived a very difficult life in which he was sometimes employed by the Chinese in legitimizing certain policies and in which he sometimes spoke out against the worst excesses. For the latter, see, for example, his A Poisoned Arrow: The Secret Report of the 10th Panchen Lama (London: Tibet Information Network, 1997). c

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his life. Zhao Erfeng, then living in Chamdo, was executed the following year. Tibetans, including many monks, volunteered to eject the remaining Chinese troops as swiftly as possible. At length, they were removed from the country; with a forgiving Buddhist attitude, many of them were given provisions sufficient to depart so that they would not become a further burden to the Tibetan people. When the Chinese troops reneged on the agreement that would have enabled them to depart peacefully, Tibetans resisted and fought them in the streets of Lhasa. Ultimately, the Chinese were defeated and driven from the country. The last holdouts were compelled to return to China by way of India, demonstrating the fact that the Tibetans truly held the upper hand and could dictate terms. Shakabpa was six years old at the time, and with these events, his own first person account begins to become a more pronounced feature of the narrative of the book. Whereas the Dalai Lama’s sojourn in China had raised suspicions and apprehension for him, his time in British India inspired in him a reforming and modernizing spirit and provided him real friendships with British officials, including most notably Charles Bell, who would later become his biographer.f This alliance with British India set the stage for the next step in Tibet’s emergence into an international identity; with British support, the Tibetans were able to launch a tripartite negotiation conference with China and Britain in Simla, India. But before that would take place, the Dalai Lama was finally able to return home after two years in India, now a more confident and savvy player in international relations.

f Charles Bell, Portrait of a Dalai Lama: The Life and Times of the Great Thirteenth (London: William Collins, 1946; reprinted London: Wisdom, 1987).

CHAPTER FIFTEEN

CHINESE INVASION OF LHASA AND TIBET’S STRUGGLE TO MAINTAIN HER INDEPENDENCE In order to understand the conditions under which the Chinese army initially invaded Dotö (Kham) and then eventually Lhasa, it is necessary first to consider the situation a little. Thus, it is necessary to return to the relevant historical events, some of which will necessarily be repeated. In 1896, during a dispute over the leadership of Dra, Nak, and Shok in Nyakrong, Chakla Midrintu, together with the forces of the Chinese officer Trangli, attacked without warning and looted Nyakrong with the backing of Sichuan’s Tsungtu. Under the pretense of needing to meet with the ruler of Dergé immediately, they arrested the ruler, his wife, and their two sons without reason, imprisoning them at Drintu. They carried away unfathomable treasures including religious statues. Accordingly, the Tibetan government intervened by sending troops. On the other hand, a delegate was sent to Beijing by sea for talks. The Chinese officer Trangli was withdrawn, and both the ruler of Dergé and his wife died in prison. The Tibetan government arranged to return the two sons to their home. The older son, Akya (Dorjé Senggé) was invested with the title of ruler and given authority over Dergé.1 The seventh Dalai Lama had visited the area around Gartar Monastery and founded the monastery there. In 1904, Ju Lenhu (cu lan ho) from Dartsedo had dispatched soldiers to the area to mine gold. Thus, a dispute broke out between the monks and the soldiers; many monks were killed, and valuable religious articles were stolen. Jün Döndrupling, Dechenling, Ngopu Monastery, and so forth were completely looted.2 When Feng Amban came to Lhasa in 1904, he recruited new soldiers in Litang on the way. Seeking an opportunity to take advantage of the monasteries during his long stay in Ba, the monks were disrobed and forced to be soldiers and farmers. Through these and other sorts of forceful actions, all of the monasteries were rendered helpless. Due to this, the amban and his assistants were killed.3 China’s General Ma Titel4 arrived with his forces, supposedly to investigate the matter, but they set the monastery on fire instead. Many valuable religious articles were destroyed. The guilty parties were executed after the case had been resolved.

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When Zhao Erfeng returned with his forces once again, two of the Litang chief’s stewards were beheaded on the road. Two chiefs were attacked and arrested, while all their money and valuables were stolen. Regardless of whether they had committed violations in Ba, three hundred and twenty-two citizens, both monks and lay people, were beheaded. The monastery was utterly destroyed, and its wealth was stolen. The Ba chiefs’ families were imprisoned in Sichuan. When they heard that monks from Chatreng Sampeling and other men of the region were coming to the aid of Ba Monastery, the Chinese dispatched soldiers; they killed one thousand two hundred and ten monks and other men and burned the monastery. When four old monastic officials from Gangkar Namling Monastery went to give themselves up in the sixth month of 1906, Zhao Erfeng had them beheaded. Most of the remaining monks slipped away, but two old monks and two lay people who were protecting the monastery were killed. Forty-eight monks from Teng Monastery were also beheaded, and the remainder escaped. All of the religious articles of the monastery, their wealth, and their livestock were plundered. Images made of gold, silver, and copper were made into weapons, pages of religious texts were used in the soles of shoes, and whatever was left was burned. During the eleventh month of 1906, Zhao Erfeng sent Chinese officer Drin Köntel’s forces to Dzogang Dzongok Tsakhalho, where they killed twenty-five monks. Nine monks who gave themselves up were beheaded. One thousand loads of grain, knives, and weapons were stolen in Zira Besé and from about sixty Ngochupa families. Also, Drin Köntel burned Tsawa Menkhung Yül and Lhündrup monasteries. Bultok, Jangmar Yül, and Drayel monasteries were also destroyed without warning and countless numbers of livestock were seized. In a disagreement between the older and younger brothers of the Dergé ruler, Zhao Erfeng supported the older brother, and thus wrested power over Dergé. He established an office of Chamdo and built a new and extensive temple. He also announced that the Kongpo Gyamda had been made into a large precinct of Xikang, included under Sichuan, posting proclamations to this effect. In addition, he proposed that a new precinct be formed under the Beijing Manchu government from the area between Dartsedo and Gyamda. Beyond that, no effort was made, legally or otherwise, to effectuate this. Also, the Tibetan government and the monk and lay citizens of Tibet also did not accept the idea. Not only that, but the British ambassador to China also protested against this with the Beijing government. However, maps made by the Chinese

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in the twentieth century regarded it as Xikang. Since Zhao Erfeng had killed many hundreds of thousands of people, he is known throughout the world as “Zhao the Butcher.”5 In Lhasa, Regent Tri Rinpoché Lozang Gyeltsen, prime ministers Shedra, Zhölkhangpa, and Changkhyim, and the cabinet wrote a letter recounting Zhao Erfeng’s criminal acts in detail, how he had killed Khampas, looted, and so forth. The letter also said that not even one Chinese civilian or military official in Kham was withdrawn. According to what has already been stated, the provision having to do with the trade marts in the Chinese-Tibetan-British Conference in Calcutta said that if there was a need for police in the trade marts, the Tibetan army would provide them; thus, Luchun must not send a large Chinese force under the Chinese General Jung Tungli under the pretense of policing them, as they must not cross into Tibetan territory. The Manchu amban residing in Lhasa refused to accept several letters written about these matters. Finally, he said “Even if you give him one hundred letters, I will return one hundred of them to you.” Thus, thinking that the Manchu amban in Lhasa and Zhao Erfeng were conspiring, the cabinet dispatched a representative to Calcutta to wire details of the situation directly to the Foreign Affairs Office and the Military Office in Beijing.6 Through this time, not only was the Manchu amban in Lhasa continuing to augment the Chinese forces with new recruits, but he was working overtime to get Luchun’s forces to Lhasa before the Chinese were scheduled to arrive.7 The Tibetan soldiers who were in Ü Tsang and monks and lay people from Dergé Monastery in Kham had firmly decided to resist the Chinese. However, the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly temporarily made their own overtures toward a peaceful resolution. The reason for this was that the Dalai Lama Rinpoché was still in Chinese Mongolia, and thus, they were concerned for his life. Simultaneously, repeated delegations were being sent to ask the Dalai Lama Rinpoché to immediately return to Lhasa. Before the Dalai Lama could return, the cabinet sent Khenchung Jampa Chözang and eight assistants to meet with Luchun’s troops in order to prevent him from reaching Lhasa on the pretext of policing the trade marts. They carried a message from the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly saying that the Chinese must not continue on until a reply to the wire sent to Beijing from Calcutta was received. However, the Tibetans met Chinese troops four days from Chamdo; without exchanging a word, Khenchung and his assistants were taken

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into custody. They were made to march with the Chinese soldiers ten or fifteen miles each day, while the soldiers robbed the people throughout the region. On the day they arrived in Kongpo Gyamda, Khenchung Jampa Chözang and his eight assistants were beheaded.8 The Dalai Lama Rinpoché and his retinue arrived back in Lhasa on the ninth day of the eleventh month of 1909. Since Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival was approaching, there was fear that there would be fighting with the monks if the Chinese troops arrived by then. Representatives from the Tibetan National Assembly, the Gurkha Ambassador Dheda living in Lhasa, and the leader of the Kashmir Muslims were sent to tell Luchun to delay his arrival in Lhasa for the time being. Although they explained the situation to him on the road many times, he would not listen. The Junior Manchu Amban Wen and the original Gurkha Ambassador Captain Jit Bahadur met with the Dalai Lama Rinpoché; they explained that Luchun and his troops would merely rest for three or four days after their arrival in Lhasa and then they would leave for the various trade marts. They continued saying that it was certainly not that the religious and political authority of the Dalai Lama would be changed or that political reforms would be introduced into the Tibetan government. They also said that these promises from the two ambans would be presented in a letter, with the Gurkha acting as a witness. However, on the day that the Chinese forces reached Lhasa, a letter was presented to the Dalai Lama Rinpoché in the name of the two ambans, Lian and Wen; it said, “The religious authority of the Dalai Lama will continue as before.” There was absolutely no mention of the promises the Gurkha had witnessed the previous day. Although the New Year’s ceremonies for 1910 were conducted as usual the first two days, there was considerable fear about the impending arrival of Luchun’s forces and deep concern that there could be conflicts during the approaching Great Prayer Festival. Unable to bear these eventualities, meetings were held in which people discussed the most appropriate course of action. On the third day of the first month, the cavalry which preceded Luchun’s army, reached Lhasa. The soldiers under the Manchu amban in Lhasa went out to receive the incoming Chinese troops at the Lhadong Shenkhawa River crossing on the Kyichu River. During the evening tea, the cavalry and a regiment of foot soldiers marched into Lhasa through the flower gardens, Telpung Gang Chinese Temple, behind the new Horkhang House, around the corner of the Dungtsé, and then into the Barkhor. When they reached

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the amban’s headquarters, within view of the southern part of Doring House, the amban’s guard shot at the police who were stationed at various posts, killing several of them and wounding some others. When they reached the place where sermons are delivered at the Tsuklakhang, they fired several shots. When they reached Lubuk, they encountered the coordinators of the Prayer Festival, Taiji Pünkhangpa Trashi Dorjé and Tsedrön Jamyang Gyeltsen, who were coming from a meeting at the Potala Palace. When they had reached the front of the Tsuklakhang, the Chinese soldiers fired at them. Taiji Pünkhang was unhurt because he was protected by an amulet, but Tsedrön Jamyang Gyeltsen, one of Pünkhang’s servants, and his own horse were killed. Taiji Pünkhang was beaten up and led away to the amban’s headquarters.9 The Chinese troops indicated that their actual intent was to usurp Tibet’s political authority by firing nine shots at the Potala Palace, where the Dalai Lama was in residence and so forth.10 Voluntarily and without any urging, all of the monks and lay people who were in Lhasa at that time made extensive secret plans to demonstrate in protest against these events. However, given that the amban and his servants had just a few bodyguards and the newly arrived troops had traveled for such a great distance and were short on supplies, it seemed certain that they could be overcome on Tibetan territory. Yet the Dalai Lama advised that many Chinese and Tibetan people, monks and lay people, would be killed in battle and that there was no way to know for certain what would come in the future because of that; thus, he told all the people of Lhasa and Zhöl that they must remain peaceful. At the same time, the Dalai Lama and the ministers sought to carry on a dialogue with Beijing from a distance; they decided to withdraw in order to reach a peaceful agreement with the Chinese troops. Thus, that night, Ganden Trindzin Tsemönling Hotoktu Ngawang Lozang Tenpé Gyeltsen was summoned; he was given extensive instructions of the operation of the government and was advised that at the Great Prayer Festival, he should distribute white coins issued by Ganden Podrang when the Dalai Lama returned from China and Mongolia. He was invested with the authority of regent, and Khenché Neu Shak Khyenrap Püntsok was designated as his assistant. The great Dalai Lama, prime ministers Shedra, Zhölkhangpa, and Changkhyim, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Khen Ngözhiwa, Cabinet Minister Sarjungpa, Cabinet Deputy Samdrup Podrang, Cabinet Deputy Lama Gungtang Tendzin Wangpo, and about thirty bodyguards left for the Rama Gang River Crossing that very night. As soon as it was

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discovered that the Dalai Lama and his retinue had left on the morning of the fourth day after they had departed, Manchu civilian and military officials held a meeting at the amban’s headquarters. Consequently, the Chinese officer Wu Kontaia (wu’u thon krang) and a Chinese-Tibetan Gyelgo Dong from Ramoché11 were assigned to do whatever was necessary to kill or capture the Dalai Lama Rinpoché; they pursued the Dalai Lama’s party in the company of three hundred hardened cavalry. While the Dalai Lama was staying at Chakzam Monastery, he was informed that the Chinese troops pursuing him were at Chushur. He immediately left for Yardrok Samding Monastery. Namgang or Dazang Dradül, the Dalai Lama’s close confidant, remained behind with about twenty bodyguards from the party; they pulled the boats up on their side of the river, and they held secure ground on a hill behind Chakzam Monastery. With courage and great resolution, they were able to halt the advance of the Chinese troops for two days by firing on them when they arrived at the boat crossing. For his heroic actions, Dazang Dradül was subsequently rewarded with extensive material wealth and by being merged with the Tsarong family.b The Dalai Lama sent a messenger with a letter of friendship from Samding Monastery to Basil Gould, the British Trade Agent at Gyantsé, asking whether he would be granted asylum in India if that became necessary. Then the Dalai Lama and his retinue continued on by way of Nyero, over the Dangla Pass in Pakri, with snow as high as the stirrups of his horse. In an extreme state of exhaustion, the Dalai Lama finally arrived below the monastery. The Manchu officer who was stationed in Dromo, Tungling, met the Dalai Lama and asked him to stay wherever he wished, in Pakri or Dromo. He said that it would be best if he could wire a message to Beijing on all important issues and also send a horse-messenger to the amban in Lhasa at the same time. The Dalai Lama replied that he would decide on the best course when he had reached Dromo. The Chinese troops who were pursuing him were getting ever closer and there was considerable concern about what the Chinese troops who a

Shakabpa interviewed this officer, as he recounts below. See pp. 791–792. His life story is told by his son in Dundul Namgyal Tsarong, In the Service of his Country: The Biography of Dasang Damdul Tsarong, Commander General of Tibet (Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion, 2000). Dazang Dradül was elevated to noble status for his heroic efforts to protect the Dalai Lama as he fled for India and his second exile. See Isrun Engelhardt, Tibet in 1938–1939: Photographs from the Ernst Schäfer Expedition to Tibet (Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2007), 103–111. b

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were stationed around the White Stūpa in Upper Dromo would do. The monk and lay population from Pakri and Upper and Lower Dromo voluntarily offered to protect the Dalai Lama; several of them walked in front of the Dalai Lama, with others to the left, right, and behind. In this way, they fulfilled the duties of bodyguards in an unparalleled fashion. In particular, the people of Dromo had previously sent a letter to the Chinese soldiers stationed at the White Stūpa, saying that if even a single Chinese person looked out of a window or door when the Dalai Lama passed by, then the people of Pakri and Dromo would kill them to a man; there is no need to mention what would happen if they came outside of their buildings. Basil Gould, the British Trade Agent at Gyantsé, and his military officer had also accompanied the Dalai Lama’s party from below the Pakri Monastery. There were absolutely no problems at the threshold of the White Stūpa. Beyond that, the Indian Trade Agent in Dromo, David MacDonald, greeted the Dalai Lama. They proceeded on to Sharsingma in Lower Dromo, and the Dalai Lama spent the night at MacDonald’s residence Gyelteng Kotri. In 1904, MacDonald had been to Lhasa with Younghusband’s Military Mission. In addition, he knew Tibetan well and enjoyed excellent relations with Tibetans.12 The Dalai Lama and his retinue had initially intended to remain in Dromo Nadong, while talks were held with Beijing. However, when he heard that the Chinese troops who were pursuing him had arrived in Pakri, just one day away, he could not remain in Dromo; thus, he and his retinue finally decided to pass into Indian territory. Just a few years before, when the British Military Mission came to Lhasa, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché had been forced to flee to China and Mongolia. It was a great reversal, turning a political enemy into friend just a few short years later, when he was forced to rely on the British government. As the Dalai Lama and his retinue left Gyelteng Kotri in Dromo, he gave a letter to MacDonald, instructing him to pass it on to the Political Officer of Sikkim. It read:13 The Chinese have been greatly oppressing the Tibetan people at Lhasa. Mounted infantry arrived there. They fired on the inhabitants, killing and wounding them. I was obliged, together with my six Ministers, to make good my escape. My intention now is to go to India for the purpose of consulting the British Government. Since my departure from Lhasa I have been greatly harassed on the road by Chinese troops. A force of two hundred Chinese Mongol infantry were behind me at Chakzam, and I left a party of my soldiers to hold them back. A small fight took place

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chapter fifteen there, in the course of which two Tibetans and seventy Chinese were killed. I have left the Regent and Acting Ministers at Lhasa, but I and the Ministers who accompany me have brought our seals with us. I have been receiving courtesy from the British Government, for which I am grateful. I now look to you for protection, and I trust that the relations between the British Government and Tibet will be that of a father to his children. Wishing to be guided by you, I hope to give full information on my arrival in India.

Traveling through Dzalepla Pass, the Dalai Lama and his retinue spent a night in Kalimpong at the home of Kaji Ogyen Dorjé of Sikkim. Today that house is called the Lower Koṭi. After staying there for a week, the Dalai Lama proceeded on to Darjeeling, staying at a place called Patabuk. Charles Bell, the Political Officer of Sikkim, received him on behalf of the Indian government, and the district officer of Darjeeling provided for all of the Dalai Lama’s security and other needs. Although there were already people in Calcutta sending telegrams to Beijing, the Dalai Lama sent additional representatives who were in Darjeeling. Seven times, they wired Beijing with details about the activities of the Manchu amban and the civil and military officers in Tibet; they also asked that every single Chinese soldier in Tibet be withdrawn. Yet, they did not receive even one word in response. An Indian newspaper said that the Manchu emperor had removed the Dalai Lama from power and that he was at that point an ordinary citizen. The story went on to say that a new Dalai Lama was being chosen by Golden Urn Lottery. In addition, the amban spread the same story in Lhasa also. Ever since that time, the protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché cut off any form of direct negotiations with the Manchu emperor or the Chinese government. Following the terms of the 1904 British-Tibetan agreement, the Dalai Lama asked the British government to act on his behalf and assist in talks with the Manchu government. Several weeks later, the Dalai Lama and his retinue took a special train and then boarded a boat on the Ganges River finally arriving in Calcutta. The British government offered him a gun salute at the Calcutta train station. A reception committee and a contingent of bodyguards led him in a carriage drawn by four horses to the Indian viceroy’s residence, called Hastings House, where he stayed as a guest. The Dalai Lama met with the Indian Viceroy Lord Minto on March 14, 1910; he explained how the Chinese had subverted Tibet’s authority through deception and lies. The viceroy’s secretary, Butler, took notes in this meeting:14

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His Excellency, the viceroy, received the Dalai Lama in private audience at the Government House, Calcutta, this afternoon at five o’clock. Mr. Bell, the Political Officer of Sikkim who served as translator, and I were present. After they asked after each other’s health, the Dalai Lama offered praises and expressed his gratitude for the arrangements that had been made for him. The Dalai Lama also said that since Chinese troops had pursued him after he had fled from Lhasa, he had experienced hardships and danger. When he had left Lhasa, there were five hundred Chinese troops who had been in Lhasa for a while and forty new troops had arrived; they were the advance party of two thousand troops who were just two days from Lhasa. According to his information, two thousand seven hundred Chinese troops had recently arrived in Lhasa and its environs. He went on to say that such a large number of troops were not needed in Tibet alone, but that the Chinese wished to control Nepal, Sikkim, and Bhutan and that their objective was to eliminate Buddhism. This was not the only time that the Chinese had obstructed good relations between the British and Tibetan governments. They did so in all ways. All of the problems having to do with the Sikkim incident of 1888 and the necessity of sending Younghusband’s Military Mission in 1904 were entirely the making of the Chinese. When the Dalai Lama had been in Beijing, he expressed his wish to the British ambassador that the Chinese need not obstruct British-Tibetan relations . . . The Dalai Lama went on to tell the viceroy that under the Trade Regulations of 1908,c direct relations between the British and Tibetan governments had been assured, and he was appealing that the rights of the Tibetans in this regard should be observed. He asked that he might be restored to the position of the fifth Dalai Lama, who had negotiated with the emperor of China as the ruler of a friendly state, and he asked that the Chinese troops be withdrawn. When questioned by the viceroy as to whether he knew the terms of the treaties, in which the British government had entered with China and Russia, His Holiness replied that he was studying them. The Tibetan government claimed the right to direct dealing with the British government, and it did not recognize the 1890 and 1906 Conventions,d in which it had played no part. Moreover, the Dalai Lama said he had no communications from the Chinese at Lhasa since he had left Pakri. He would not return to Lhasa under the present political conditions there, as the promise made to him had been disregarded. He would not trust the written word of the Beijing government as it had violated the promises given him by the late empress dowager. When questions by the viceroy as to what he intended to do if he did not return to Lhasa, the Dalai Lama replied that he could not say at that moment, but unless the matter was satisfactorily settled, he would not

c d

See Appendix I, p. 1105 below. See Appendix I, p. 1091 and p. 1100 below.

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chapter fifteen return to Lhasa. He denied that he had intrigued against China. He had only been two months in Lhasa before he fled. The amban was altogether hostile. The Dalai Lama had come away with his ministers and the seals of office. With the regent, whom he had appointed, he had left the seal that was used in the signing of the 1904 Convention, but his own seal he had with him. Moreover, he had no contact with the regent since he left. The Chinese intercepted all official letters, and he had no official communication from Tibet. Some private letters had come through, but any communication had to be kept secret. During the interview, the Dalai Lama sought to clarify the issue of Dorzhiev, the Buriat Mongol, who had visited the czar of Russia. His Holiness stated that Dorzhiev was now in his own country. He had been one of the seven assistants to his chief spiritual adviser and had never had anything to say except about spiritual matters. At the end of the interview, the Dalai Lama said that he had made his appeal and asked what would be the answer. His Excellency, the viceroy, said that he was glad to have the opportunity of entertaining His Holiness and meeting him. He had given instructions that every consideration should be shown to him, but he said that political questions of importance required due consideration and that he could not say more than that he would communicate His Holiness’ remarks to His Majesty’s government. The Dalai Lama then repeated his expressions of gratitude to the viceroy and took his leave.

India’s viceroy invited the Dalai Lama to enjoy the sights of the city while he stayed in Calcutta. While he made a great display of respect and hospitality, he did not even hint at whether or not the British government would offer political assistance. However, he had a good understanding of the fact that there was great turmoil in the Manchu government. While he stayed in Calcutta, the Dalai Lama toured underground army camps, museums, the zoo, and the mint. After several days, he returned to Darjeeling. At that time, twenty white coins issued by Ganden Podrang when the Dalai Lama returned from China and Mongolia were distributed to each monk at the Great Prayer Festival. Kyapjé Yongdzin Trijang Dorjé Change was in the prayer congregation at the time. Tibetans called those white coins “good luck coins.”f

e

Trijang Rinpoché was the fourteenth Dalai Lama’s junior tutor and both a teacher and a source for Shakabpa. f Perhaps white coins were made of silver, the ordinary metal of coinage at that time.

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All of the people of Tibet, monks and lay people, were distraught over the fact that the Dalai Lama, having stayed in the Chinese Mongolian area for many years, had again been forced, for the benefit of Buddhism, to escape to India suddenly; he had only been able to remain in his religious land of Tibet for less than two months. They did not know what to do, like blind people separated from their guide. Thus, they wondered when they would meet him again and they prayed as though supplicating him. The Manchu amban in Lhasa distributed announcements that the Chinese Manchu emperor had deposed the Dalai Lama and that a new Dalai Lama was to be selected by drawing lots from the golden urn. As a result, all of the Tibetan people completely severed any relations with the Chinese, and they smeared foul smelling human feces on the announcements; through such earnest efforts, there was absolutely no concern for the past, present, or future. In addition, government officials invited the Dalai Lama’s clothes to functions having to do with government business, as though the Dalai Lama were actually there. Cabinet Ministers Lama Lozang Trinlé and Tsarong Wangchuk Gyelpo had remained behind in Lhasa. When the Dalai Lama had departed, he left instructions that Khenchung Gyeltsen Püntsok and Dekyi Lingpa should be appointed as assistants to the cabinet ministers. Accordingly, Regent Tsemönling Rinpoché and his assistant Khenché Khyenrap Püntsok had so ordered it. Although Khenchung Gyeltsen Püntsok went to the cabinet, the amban withdrew Cabinet Minister Lama Lozang Trinlé by directive and said that Khenchung Gyeltsen Püntsok must go and oversee the road construction from Kongpo Gyamda to Shargongla Pass. In addition, he appointed Tendzin Chödrak (Lhato Karpo), Langtongpa, and Rampawa as new members of the cabinet. However, they were not treated as new cabinet ministers, but rather as cabinet deputies, when the cabinet convened. The Tibetan soldiers who were protecting the law in Lhasa were replaced by Chinese soldiers. Chinese soldiers searched for and stole the Dalai Lama’s personal possessions as they arrived from China and Mongolia. They also searched the small treasuries in the Potala and Norbu Lingkha palaces under the pretext of searching for weapons, and they removed the weapons and ammunition from the Dorjeling armory at Zhöl. They seized the Zhöl mint and arms factory. All of the wealth in the homes and private estates of prime ministers Shedra, Zhölkhangpa, and Changkhyimpa and the cabinet ministers

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who were with the Dalai Lama Rinpoché was stolen. The Chinese reopened the old dispute over Tenling Demo monastic estate, charging that it had been resolved unfairly, even though the issue had been settled in 1899.g Those annual taxes which castles and estates all over Tibet were obliged to pay to Lhasa were exchanged into Indian rupees or white coins, and then secretly transported to Darjeeling; this was done voluntarily, without the people being persuaded to do so. In an effort to obstruct this practice, the Chinese regions established checkpoints at the border and searched all of the possessions of the traders and pilgrims. The Regent Rinpoché’s assistant, Khenché Neu Shak Khyenrap Püntsok carried out his official duties honestly and was beloved by all. Yet the amban had him arrested on false charges and ordered that he be executed. The Regent Rinpoché, the lamas and officials of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and all of the monk and lay government officials vigorously protested this action, and so his life was spared. However, a chain was placed around his neck, and he was imprisoned at Shedra House. Thereafter, on the twenty-second day of the eighth month, he was released and sent into exile in Dartsedo along with a Chinese escort. Thus, he remained there for about a year, until he died. The farmers in Kham were terribly oppressed, with increased taxes on grain, food, pigs, firewood, hay, blankets, and transportation. The lamas and officials of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, all of the monk and lay government officials, and the population of Tibet wrote letters of protest to the amban. All Tibetans from Kham to Ü Tsang, including Dakpo, Kongpo, Powo, the Tö region, and Jangrik, revolted against the Chinese military officials, refusing to pay taxes or provide transportation, and so forth. In these ways, they made their stay in Tibet ever more unbearable. Thus, the Manchu emperor came to understand that they had made a big mistake in deposing the Dalai Lama. The Beijing government instructed the amban in Lhasa to name the Chinese officer Lo Titai (lo’o rdo tha’i) as the Governor-General of Tibet. In accordance with telegrams from the Foreign Affairs Office and the Military Office, he went to Darjeeling to meet with the Dalai Lama during the ninth month to invite the Dalai Lama to return to Lhasa. When he met the

g

See p. 638 above.

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Dalai Lama, he said that since the situation in Tibet was peaceful as it always had been, the great sovereign must return immediately at the order of the Beijing government. At the same time, he met with the prime ministers and the cabinet. However, he told him verbally and in writing that there was no way he could return until matters could be settled between China and Tibet, with the mediation of the British government. The Dalai Lama said that as he had received a letter through Lo Titai, he was sending a response to him and also to the Beijing government:15 To Lo Titai: At present, I have received your report dated the tenth day of the ninth month and I have received a wire from the Foreign Affairs Office and the Military Office, calling upon me to return. From my side, I think I should return to Tibet. Within the preceptorpatron relationship between China and Tibet, the emperors have each in turn regarded Tibet lovingly and the successive Dalai Lamas have done the same; we have mutually praised each other’s names. Until now, all of the people of Tibet have not cultivated any contrary plans against the great emperor. Also during the Tibetan-British conflict of 1904, I made my appeals to Beijing, without considering relying upon some other nation. With the harmonious events, such as my meeting the emperor, his mother, and his son, loving assurances were given. You offered support to weaker people as in the past, behaving respectfully by holding on to the Tibetan religion. Yet, a great number of soldiers massed on the Chinese side of the border in a belligerent attitude, causing problems in Domé without any cause. Thus, monasteries on both sides of the border were destroyed, people were killed, resources stolen, and religious articles ruined. You must know the extent of these destructive attacks on Buddhism and living beings. Lian Amban has been recruiting new troops in order to subvert Tibet’s authority. Besides the problems these newly arrived Chinese troops have caused, no remorse has been shown for these acts which are harmful and unbeneficial to both China and Tibet. Since they were single-mindedly trampling on Tibetans, Khenchung was sent to call on the Chinese troops in an effort to reach some resolution. However, he and his servants were beheaded. Great quantities of government and private wealth and weapons were stolen. People along the great road were oppressed and afflicted with terrible suffering to such an extent that all of the monasteries in Kham have become helpless, waiting anxiously for an end to the conflict. According to the many reports I have received on both the Chinese and Tibetan side, if the anger of the Tibetans increases, there is no way that they would be thwarted in overcoming their enemies on their own secure

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chapter fifteen territory. In addition, while the actual situation is that the Tibetan people are thinking of revolting against the great emperor, everyone clearly sees that the amban and his officers could restrain tensions. Even so, I have ordered that they be protected; out of an apprehension of upsetting the great emperor, I have instructed my prime ministers and their officials not to break the peace. I have sent functionaries to try to resolve matters. Since it is of crucial importance to find an agreeable solution, I have urged that the situation be attended to by your giving an order to Sichuan, Tibet, and China, for example, advising perpetual forbearance to all parties. Although I have recounted these points to the Foreign Affairs Office in Beijing by telegram many times, we have received no reply. On my arrival in Nakchu, I sent several notes to the amban urging that it was unnecessary for him to recruit new troops as China and Tibet were like a single household. When Chinese troops arrived in the environs of Lhasa, there was fear of conflict because of the proximity of the Great Prayer Festival. Thus, a Gurkha captain served as a witness to talks held with Wen Amban on how to improve matters. However, Lian Amban made no effort whatsoever to abide by these terms. The two ambans just wanted to seize power. On the day the Chinese cavalry arrived, Lian’s bodyguard went out to receive them; regarding the Tibetan people as enemies, they fired countless shots at Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang and my Potala Palace, which is on a plain, like the emperor’s. The eleventh Dalai Lama’s nephew who is the soldier Pünkhang Taiji and Tsedrön Jamyang Gyeltsen, coordinators of the Prayer Festival, were shot at along the road; Tsedrön himself, Taiji’s servant, and his horse were killed. Although Taiji did not die by virtue of his protective armor, he was beaten and taken to the Chinese headquarters. Although he was eventually released, he suffered from illness for several months. Moreover, Tibetan police were killed.16 Thus, the widespread knowledge of the violations enraged people to the point that they wanted to take revenge; if fighting had broken out, the Tibetans would certainly have triumphed on our own familiar soil. However, I restrained them in order to prevent loss of life and offense to the emperor. Also, waiting while these harms befell us, powerful and base people were directing hateful feelings towards considerate government officials; I wanted to put an end to this. Without thinking of myself, but with unquestioning concern for the increasingly harmful attacks on both Buddhism and the government, I appointed a deputy to oversee both religious and political affairs. I instructed him that he was not permitted to make any decision without reflecting on all of its implications. Thus, I hoped to continue talks with the emperor. My cabinet ministers could not bear the idea that I was leaving, and they urged me not to go. However, from time immemorial religious kings have been known to embody both the religious and political leadership in this religious land of Tibet. Since this religious system is without equal, if our government were to be changed, then it would cease to exist, as was

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the case with the destruction of Buddhism in India. Given the importance of our religion, I will forebear any hardship. Wanting to diminish these threats to Buddhism and our government, I left. When I reached the point below Pakri Monastery, Tungling (thung ling), the Manchu officer in Dromo, asked me to remain there to negotiate with Beijing and the amban. However, since many groups of heavily armed Chinese soldiers had been sent in pursuit of me, they had oppressed the farmers and monasteries on the road without limit, and they were going to seize me, dead or alive. As a result, I had no alternative but to cross the border. Also, when I arrived in Kalimpong, I heard reports that the emperor had deposed me. Thereafter, posters were put up that my status as the Lord of Tibet, the Dalai Lama, was finished, and that I was just an ordinary person. Newspapers reported that a new Dalai Lama would be selected by the Golden Urn Lottery. Moreover, with such increasingly stupid and harmful words being said, there has been no search for the conditions under which I might return, never mind that no consideration has been given to the initial point that Tibet is a free nation or to the issue of the supremacy of the preceptorpatron relationship. At this point, there is absolutely nothing for us to say to China, except through the intermediary of the British government. During my absence from Lhasa, Lian Amban has distributed his forces throughout Tibet and has inflicted untold suffering on the people. They have obstructed material necessary for my protection from reaching me without any authority. Then they obstructed and searched my letter courier. Through force of arms, they have opened up and destroyed the wealth in the treasuries around the palace, and so forth. They have carried away our arms and silver, and they have taken over the mint. Legally, China and Tibet continue to have different leaders and without living up to previous agreements, my seventy-year old deputy, Khyenrap Püntsok, was arrested and held for a long time. Then he was sent to China, even though he was innocent. Issues which do not rely on your pronouncements, which had already been settled, are being reopened again. Moreover, government, private and religious estates have been robbed, seized, and harmed. Gradually Tibet’s authority has been subverted. You must know about such inexcusable acts. According to your report, Tibet is peaceful at present, and there have been no changes in essential matters. There are serious contradictions with our traditional official relations. The prime ministers, cabinet ministers, secretaries, treasury officials, dapön, and fourth-ranking officials have agreed to hold talks. However, if we follow past practices, it will be increasingly harmful, piling one conflict upon another. The sending of my deputy Khenché Khyenrap Püntsok to China at the present time was done without regard for the abusive letters from the Chinese side. Since we have no wish to return the previous circumstance in the future, both of us should ask the British government to serve as an intermediary; it is sufficient for us to discuss a

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chapter fifteen future arrangement between China and Tibet. If you are happy with this arrangement, please send me a reply. Otherwise, please forward a copy of my letter written in both Tibetan and Mongolian to the emperor. Dated the thirteenth day of the ninth month.

The Dalai Lama sent a copy to Lo Titai and sent a copy to the Manchu emperor written in both Tibetan and Mongolian. If we examine the letter carefully, the Dalai Lama said, “The emperors have each in turn regarded Tibet lovingly and the successive Dalai Lamas have done the same; we have mutually praised each other’s names,” and “There has been no search for the conditions under which I might return, never mind that no consideration has been given to the initial point that Tibet is a free nation or to the issue of the supremacy of the preceptor-patron relationship.” In addition, the Dalai Lama said that from that point forward, Tibet’s policy was that they had no wish to return to the previous relations. It was firmly resolved that henceforth there would be no talks between China and Tibet without the British government serving as an intermediary. This letter, bearing the Dalai Lama’s seal, clearly expressed to the Manchu emperor Tibet’s freedom and independence. It also very clearly expressed the political attitude between China and Tibet and the approach for implementing it to the ministers and senior officials of the Tibetan government. During the winter of that year, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché and his retinue went on a pilgrimage to various sites in India and Nepal. They visited some places in Assam, in eastern India and then went to Lumbini, Nepal where Buddha was born, Bodhgaya where he became manifestly enlightened; Sarnath the Deer Park where Buddha taught the Four Noble Truths, and Kushinagar where he completely passed into nirvāṇ a. At each of those places and at Vulture’s Peak, the party offered prayers. In the first month of 1911, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché Chökyi Nyima went to Lhasa; initially, he stayed in the Dalai Lama’s private chambers at Nangsi. However, then he moved to the Dalai Lama’s chambers on top of Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace. When this was revealed by the monk and lay government officials, the Tibetan people cursed him for staying in the Dalai Lama’s private chambers while the latter was living in India, as though he wasn’t gone. Moreover, he continually went to dance performances and festivals at the amban’s headquarters. In particular, during the offering ceremony of the fifteenth day of the month, he and the amban rode together in litters, like the Dalai Lama.

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Since he went in the midst of Chinese military officers, it was unbearable for the monk and lay Tibetans, as though they had been jabbed in the eye with a thorn. They threw dirt and old socks into the litter, thus demonstrating their dissatisfaction. At the same time, water carriers for the Great Prayers Festival sang many songs of dissatisfaction. However, it can be clearly seen from the correspondence between the conqueror father and son, the teacher and student, (i.e., the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ chen Lama), that there was no enmity between them. Yet, previously, when the Dalai Lama had been in China and Mongolia, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché had made contact with the British government and had gone to Calcutta to meet with the prince of England. One wonders if the beginning of the unfortunate relations between the government and the attendants of the Paṇ chen Lama’s monastic estate might be found in these events. Foreboding signs ripened in this unfortunate time for the Manchu civil and military officials and the Chinese soldiers living in Tibet. Most of the Chinese soldiers in Lhasa had come from Sichuan and Yunnan. Although several of them were ordinary soldiers, others were from a secret revolutionary society called Go Lauhi (ko la’u hi), others were from an artillery regiment called Baogo (ba’o ko), and others were from a group called the Friendship Society. As a result, there were serious rivalries between the Chinese and the Manchurian officers. Because of the weariness of the poorly paid soldiers in Tibet, there were continual conflicts and murders within the ranks of the Chinese officers and soldiers beginning in the ninth month of 1911. In particular, the amban cut the throat of the leader of Go Lauhi, Beu Tungling (spe’u thung ling). Gradually, the conflicts and murder spread through the officer ranks. Political factionalism and personal enmity became widespread. Thus, the Chinese officer, Hsieh Kuoliang (zhe’i ka’u lan) and three other officers sided with the Tibetan government, hiding themselves as monks in Sera Monastery. They were forced to remain there in asylum. The revolution in China, under the leadership of Sun Yatsen, had the assistance of Yuan Shikai, the commander of the emperor’s bodyguard. When the news reached Lhasa that on February 12, 1912, the Manchu Emperor Xuantong had been toppled from the throne, the members of Go Lauhi in Tibet rose up against the Manchu officers; there was fighting and looting in the amban’s headquarters. The Manchu Amban Lianyu escaped from Lhasa, seeking asylum in the Tenma residence near Drepung Monastery. The revolutionaries seized him from his

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hiding place and carried him off to Trashi Lhünpo as a hostage. However, the Chinese General Chungyin (cung yun) intervened, saving the amban’s life. Before long the Chinese revolutionaries recalled the Chinese troops who were in Tibet, saying that they all must return to China. As a result, a great number of Chinese soldiers arrived in Lhasa. Because there was tremendous looting in the capital and on the road there, the Tibetan population became extremely upset.17 Zhao Erfeng had built his offices in Chamdo; when the revolution happened in China, he left his assistant in charge of the Kham region18 and then returned to Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan. There were reports that Zhao Erfeng was beheaded the following year.19 The news was perpetually heard in Tibet that the Dalai Lama and his retinue were preparing to return to the religious land of Tibet. As a result, the Chinese soldiers and civilian officials in Ü Tsang again came into conflict with the Tibetan people. In addition, Kanam Depa of Powo in southeastern Tibet revolted against the Chinese and killed all of the Chinese officers and soldiers who collected the grain taxes in Powo. Chungyin, the Chinese General over Tibet, sent the soldiers of Lo Changjin (lo’i cang cin) and Drin Göntai (drin kon ta’i) of Chamdo sent the troops of Drang Dotel (krang rdo thal) to Poyul (spo yul). Because of the narrow precipitous road and the security of the ravines, the Chinese troops were thoroughly defeated. They were forced to return to their respective areas in disgrace. Several of the young monk and lay government officials who were among the Dalai Lama’s party in Darjeeling volunteered to go to Ü Tsang and eject the Chinese troops.20 They secretly went to Tibet to assist in Tsang military affairs in Panam and Dujung. They attempted to attack the Chinese troops in Zhikatsé and in Gyantsé, but they were unsuccessful and suffered heavy losses. Thus, they were forced to return to Darjeeling in disgrace. For a long time, they were cursed by the older government officials. One day, Prime Minister Shedra summoned them to his private quarters; they expected that they would be rebuked and criticized. When they met him, having adopted an attitude of fear and sorrow, the courageous prime minister praised them for their heroism in voluntarily risking their lives. He comforted them saying that defeats were certain to occur in any great struggle. He said that if they remained resolute, they would surely be successful, giving them many examples from the past. He continued saying that the religious and political form of government depended upon them. Having become

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resolute, they again went to Ü Tsang, where they were very successful in leading the guerilla forces in ejecting the Chinese troops. They were gradually able to drive them from Zhikatsé and Gyantsé. Subsequently, these young Tibetans were rewarded and promoted to ranks of dapön and higher. The British Viceroy of India Lord Minto went to Darjeeling and visited the Dalai Lama at his residence Patabuk.21 They had important discussions of political matters, and after a few days, the Dalai Lama went to meet with the Viceroy at his residence. Tsedrung Dema Dzöpa was ordered to go to Kham from Lhasa in order to forge agreement among all of the monasteries in the region. Similarly, the Dalai Lama sent a letter with his seal saying that for the sake of Buddhism, everyone must remain united. It read:22 To all of the monks and lay people of whatever station in Chamdo, Drakyap, Markham, Dergé, Gojo, Ba, Litang, Horser, Golok, and so forth: Recently, the Chinese have killed monks and destroyed monasteries that uphold Buddhism in Domé, without any concern for the preceptor-patron relationship and without any concern for the law of karma. Chinese officers and troops have come to Tibet in an effort to eclipse our political power. Thus, it has even become unbearable for the lord of our religious land to remain. We must continually employ truthful methods to correct religious and political faults. Although China is a very great land, there is a tremendous revolution against the emperor. Thus, the Chinese officers who have perpetrated such harm to Buddhism in Kham are being murdered. These days, one does not know how long the emperor’s government will last. This should bring about improvement in the religious and political status of Tibetans. All of the Tibetans in Kham, now and in the future, must not lose sight of what is beneficial. Everyone must consider the situation and choose the right moment to overcome the Chinese. Denma Dzöpa is being sent with detailed instructions to effectuate the happiness of Buddhism and all of the people, ourselves and others. Therefore, you must consult with him in detail, and in accordance with the promises which were previously made to the civil and military officials, everyone must perform the important work of upholding the precious Buddhist religion, our only protector, more dear than our own lives. Remember the kindness of the government and maintain unity. We must uphold what is dear to us in an effort to bring fulfillment to Buddhism and to the governance of living beings. Denma Dzöpa also has been forbidden from using his authority to suppress people. Without fail, all people must adopt what is beneficial and abandon what is harmful. Beginning of the Iron-Boar Year (1911)

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The Dalai Lama and his retinue left Darjeeling for Kalimpong, where he stayed at Mingyur Ngönga Palace, the newly constructed residence of Radza Kaji Ogyen Dorjé. Thereafter, Khendrung Jampa Tendar23 and Tsipön Trimon Norbu Wangyal24 were appointed as the commanders-in-chief and told they must drive the Chinese forces in Ü, Tsang, and Kham out of the country. If people did not cooperate, they were to communicate with the Dalai Lama in Kalimpong directly. This clearly indicated a lack of confidence in the cabinet in Lhasa. When all of the Chinese troops who were in Ü Tsang, Lhokha, Dakpo, and Jangrik gathered in Lhasa, there were about seventeen thousand troops there. However, they were undisciplined and secretly sold their weapons and ammunition, and so forth. Their strength became like the waning moon. The two generals directed the faithful monastic officials in Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and Khampa tea merchants in Drazhöl to buy weapons, ammunition, and so forth from the Chinese soldiers. They secretly recruited soldiers form the various areas along with the troops who had been trained by the Chinese in Ü Tsang. Special monk soldiers were assigned to protect the Potala Palace, Norbu Lingkha Palace, and Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang. Throughout China, there was tremendous dissatisfaction due to the revolution. Thus, the Chinese soldiers in Tibet had no expectation of receiving their pay or ammunition. All of the civil and military officials gathered deciding they should return to China by way of Kham. They told the Tibetan government they needed provisions for the journey; without having to take what they needed by force, the Tibetan government provided them with traveling provisions and transportation so that they would not loot the farmers on the way. They had to agree not to loot the farmers or to join in the wicked plans of the Chinese soldiers who were in Kham. One hundred and eighty thousand Chinese silver coins were provided and traveling provisions and transportation were readied.25 However, once the money was paid, they made excuses. Thus, the Dalai Lama wrote an appeal to both the Chinese and the Tibetans in Tibet. He wrote:26 To this Land of Snow Mountains, tamed by Avalokiteśvara: Like the previous Dalai Lamas, I, the Lord of religion and politics, have generated the great altruistic mind to hold and protect Buddhism and our government by the power of prophesy from the entirety of saṃ sāra and nirvāṇ a. There are a few Chinese officers with a harmful intent

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toward Buddhism and our government, who have cast away the previous preceptor-patron relationship; if they continue with their scheme to undermine Tibet’s authority, then they will eventually destroy Buddhism as they already had done in Domé.27 Consequently, I have struggled year after year for the welfare of the public. Through the truth of the three Jewels, revolution and upheaval have struck in all the provinces of China; thus, the emperor has been deposed and Yuan Shikai has taken the leadership of the Republic. However, factions within China are fighting among themselves, achieving victories and inflicting defeats. The payroll of the Chinese officers living in Tibet has been exhausted, and so, they have increasingly begun to fight and loot. They made an agreement to return to their homes if they were provided with traveling expenses; this agreement was reached before witnesses. After we voluntarily provided them with about one hundred thousand silver coins, they reneged. Thus, they summoned the Chinese soldiers of Powo and Kongpo and looted a vast amount of wealth from castles, estates, and monasteries in the southern region. As a result, in order to protect our land and in an effort to enable me to return to Tibet, soldiers were gathered together; when they arrived in Panam, they were sent to attack Zhikatsé and Gyantsé. They struggled against the Chinese, and it is well known how severely the Tibetans defeated them. Now there is no way not to be successful in driving them out of Tibet. However, these Chinese soldiers came to Tibet under duress and do not bear ill-will towards Tibetans in their hearts; this is evidenced by their internal divisions. I have told the amban and the emperor in Beijing that they must withdraw the Chinese troops who threaten Buddhism, the government, and the happiness of all beings. Likewise, with great reflection on all of the important issues, I had my prime ministers issue an order last year saying that any Chinese who returned to his own country in an agreeable way would be provided with transportation, traveling costs, and necessary assistance. According to orders issued more recently, all Tibetans and Chinese must adopt what is good and abandon what is harmful. From Mingyur Ngönga Palace, Kalimpong, Land of the Superiors. On the auspicious day and month of the Water-Mouse Year (1912).

Thus, all of the lamas and leaders did all that they could to prevent armed conflict from occurring. However, the Chinese civilian and military officials in southern Tibet held a meeting, and instead of returning to China with the resources provided by the Tibetan government, they cultivated a vain wish of subverting control from the Tibetan government. Moreover, they supposed that the monks in the rich and powerful Sera Monastery would come to the assistance of the Tibetan government. For this reason, they debated which they should attack first, Lhasa or Sera Monastery.

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Believing they would be able to destroy Sera in one or two days, they decided to attack it first. The day that generals Khendrung Jampa Tendar and Tsipön Trimon Norbu Wangyel heard of the secret plan, they directed the Khampa tea merchants in Drazhöl, who had very strong connections with Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, their patrons, and particularly the monks, to go and protect Sera Monastery immediately. Like sunlight striking a crystal, they also dispersed around Sera in a secret manner, making preparations. In the evening of the fifth day of the second month of 1912, the Chinese troops attacked Sera Monastery. The Khampas in the monastery opposed them with strength, and the Chinese were unable to steal into Sera Monastery. After three days, they set fire to the mountain retreats above Sera as well as Chöding mountain retreat. The Chinese prepared to fire artillery from the front of Jerak and gradually, they came from the back. Hsieh Kuoling (zhe’i kon ta’i) and three other Chinese officers who had hidden in exile within Sera Monastery, who knew Chinese and also understood Chinese military strategy, found out that the Chinese soldiers had plans to steal into the Monastery from the east. In addition, the Chinese soldiers had already reached Samlho Khamtsen through the Sharchu Valley. However, they could not break into the monastery because the fortifications were so strong. Meanwhile, the two Tibetan generals officially declared war against the Chinese from Lhasa on the eighth day of the second month. Preparations were made to shell the Chinese who were at Jerak and to attack from behind. Thus, there was no effect from the Chinese attack on Sera Monastery, even though it lasted for ninety-six hours; they had to retreat and hide in Lhasa. Lhasa itself then became a battleground. Moreover, the Chinese troops held the southern areas of Lhasa as well as the area of the Drapzhi military camp between Sera and Lhasa. The northern region, including the Tsuklakhang, was held by the Tibetan army. Doors, windows, and roofs were blocked with sandbags and fortifications of stone and earth were built. There were also fortifications on the boundary between the Tibetan and Chinese forces. People made new passage ways from one house to another. Each side fired cannon at the other, and they dug tunnels under each other to set off explosives. They hurled harsh words at one another when they were very close to each other. Some of the large and tall secure houses in Lhasa were held by the Tibetans, and others were held by the Chinese.

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Although the Tibetan army was said to be stationed in Tengyeling Monastic College, the monks signed a contract guaranteeing that they would provide for their defense. The Tibetan army, regional armies, and monk soldiers of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries made up a huge army in Lhasa. Yet their weapons consisted of Tibetan guns, swords, spears, and just a few rifles. However, all of them were united in their support of the purposes of Buddhism. They held all of the roads from Lhasa to the small villages and cut off provisions for the Chinese army. Thus, they had every expectation of being victorious. Accordingly, after several months, with their supplies almost exhausted, they were near surrender. At that point, the Chinese forces broke into Tengyeling from the amban’s headquarters. The monastic estate was extremely rich and powerful, and so the Chinese obtained several more months’ worth of provisions. The war continued. During the night, the Chinese troops that were in Tengyeling went to Zhidé monastic college by way of Chingur and set it on fire. When this war happened, I was six years old. My kindly father, who was Lhasa’s steward at this time, remained in the Tsuklakhang continually. My grandfather, who was a treasury official, stayed at Tsemönling because he was a member of the Tibetan National Assembly. Our private home was held by the Chinese since it was close to the southern part of the city. Subsequently, it was destroyed by fire, and so I can remember staying in Janggyu Gyatso’s house and the stable at Rado monastic estate. Sometimes, we had to stay in the treasury room out of fear of the shooting and the sounds of voices. Some days during this time, my kindly mother and I would visit the image of Jowo Rinpoché in the Tsuklakhang Temple. We had to struggle through all of the secret fortification at Tromzikkhang, Jamkhang, and Meru Nyingpa. Thus, I remember seeing many Tibetan soldiers standing guard in those places with silk around their heads, amulet boxes around their necks, and holding swords and spears in their hands. I remember seeing piled up and stuck up on posts the hands and heads of many Chinese soldiers who had been killed. From Kalimpong, the Dalai Lama appointed his close confidant, Namgang or Dazang Dradül, as the commander-in-chief of the entire Tibetan army; he was ordered to work with the two generals in Lhasa to eject the Chinese. He arrived in Lhasa in the third month of 1912. The battle continued in Lhasa every day. Sometimes, the army and the Sera monks would attack Drapzhi camp, but because of its strong

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fortifications, the Tibetan army and the monks suffered heavy losses. One night, Tsipön Trimon was severely wounded in the left arm during an attack on Judingné. However, he was treated for a few days and thereafter, he was continually at the army headquarters or he would follow the troops to the battlefield. The heroic Gyarisé Chung, leader of the Dakpo and Kongpo regional armies, also lost his life one day. About two hundred Chinese soldiers, who had been born in Tibet, surrendered to the Tibetans under the leadership of a Chinese officer named Duken (sdu’i kwan). They brought their weapons with them, and when the Chinese troops were driven from the country, they were very helpful to the Tibetan army. By the end of the third month, the war had diminished. Thus, the people of Lhasa sang the following song:28 Commander Namgang arrived. The long days of spring dawned. Having performed the Drimé Künden [Opera], Zhidé was sacrificed.

One day, sometime around the Saga Dawa Festival, some monks from Sera and Drepung monasteries along with several hundred Tibetan troops rushed into a cabinet meeting in the Potala Palace, arresting the cabinet ministers and taking them to Zhöl. Near the inner stone pillar, Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo, his son, Cabinet Secretary Tsagur Zhakpa, Khendrung Pünrappa, Lachak Khenchung Samkharwa, and Tsedrung Lozang Dorjé were shot to death.29 Cabinet Deputy Lama Tendzin Chödrak, Cabinet Deputy Rampawa, and Langdongpa were imprisoned in the Zhöl offices for the time being. The regent, the ministers, and the Tibetan National Assembly dispatched Horkhang Dzasak, the Dalai Lama’s elder brother Jampa Namgyel, representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and monk and lay government officials to invite the Dalai Lama to return. Necessary provisions were also sent. They made preparations at various spots along the road, and preparations had also been made for the Dalai Lama’s security. On the other hand, the battle with the Chinese in Lhasa continued. While the Dalai Lama was in Darjeeling, a Tibetan couple who lived there, Namgyel and his wife, Yudrön, provided him with faithful service in all of his needs. They were invited to Kalimpong for tea, and Namgyel was awarded a secretary’s insignia and a grant. At the end of their lives, they visited Tibet and were provided with accommodations at Neu

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Estate. They were also invited to the Yogurt Festival and the Bathing Festivalh ceremonies as special guests. Thus, the Dalai Lama performed unsurpassable deeds in both the religious and worldly spheres. Likewise, when the Dalai Lama had initially left Tibet for Kalimpong, Kaji Ogyen Dorjé and Ayi Tupten Wangmo of Sikkim invited him into their home Lower Khotri. Moreover, when he returned, they had constructed a special new palace, and they provided for every necessity of the Dalai Lama and his retinue. They also continually visited him in Darjeeling and offered him silver. As their service was of a pure motivation, he provided a special name for their house, “The Palace of Unchanging Manifest Joy.” In addition, as a blessing, he left his robes and personal items in the room. Later, when he had returned to Lhasa, he sent them religious items including a copy of the Buddhist canon and a photograph of himself. In addition, in 1917, the Dalai Lama sent the treasury official Sönam Gyelpo with a sealed order30 which granted to Kaji Ogyen Dorjé a seal and a decree saying that his son, Sönam Topgyel and his descendants, would be given the powers of a fourth-ranking official because there was no other suitable way to recognize his father’s great fidelity and altruistic efforts on behalf of Buddhism, the Tibetan government, and its customs. Even now, the chambers where the Dalai Lama lived and his personal articles can be seen undisturbed. In addition, the great fourteenth Dalai Lama also passed ten happy joyous days there at the respectful invitation of Rani Chöying Dorjé when he went to India for the Mahābodhi Society meeting.i Throughout the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s two-year stay in India, the Indian government offered tremendous respect and special cooperation to him. In particular, the British-Indian ambassador had continued to hold talks with the Chinese Manchu government and later with the republican government according to the terms of the Lhasa and Calcutta Conventions. The Dalai Lama wrote to India’s viceroy through the Political Officer of Sikkim, Charles Bell, expressing his gratitude for all of these things. Even still, until a better arrangement could be h The Yogurt Festival occurs on the 30th day of the sixth Tibetan month. It marks the day the monks and nuns vow to enter the summer rain retreat customary for Buddhist monastics. The Bathing Festival marks the end of the rain retreat. For more details, see Tsepak Rigzin, Festivals of Tibet (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1993), 49–52 and 54–55. i See p. 988 on the fourteenth Dalai Lama’s visit.

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reached between China and Tibet, the Dalai Lama asked the British government to offer their support by acting as an intermediary. He also asked that religious, educational, and trade relations between India and Tibet be further enhanced. He also explained what he had written to Bell. A very large number of Indians, Nepalis, and Tibetans gathered to bid farewell to the Dalai Lama when he left for Tibet on the tenth day of the fifth month of 1912. Sikkim’s king held a farewell celebration for the Dalai Lama at Araghara and then accompanied him as far as Pödong. Thereafter, having passed through Dzalepla Pass, he arrived in Dromo Rinchen Gang where he was received by the Dromo Governor Dapön Pelzhiwa and the lamas, monks, and representatives of the people of Upper and Lower Dromo. He was greeted at Jema by MacDonald, the British trade agent; the Dalai Lama stayed at his residence Gyelteng Kotri for one week. Zurkhangsé arrived as the head of the party sent to convey the Dalai Lama to Lhasa on a palanquin. The secretary to the Cabinet Shelkar Lingpa was appointed as a cabinet deputy.31 The Dalai Lama issued a decree to the Khampa tea merchants in the Lhasa area and in Drazhöl:32 This should be presented to the tea merchants of Drazhöl, including Atukla Gatsang, Gyapön, Getop, and Sadö (Sadu). From the very beginning, when the wicked Chinese attacked Sera Monastery, you merchants have offered your assistance without reservation in a manner which has been beneficial to the general and particular needs of the Buddhist religion and the government. Subsequently, led by Medum, you did whatever you could throughout the battle in Lhasa by risking your lives. The Tibetan National Assembly has reported these matters to me. Thus, I have previously ordered that you must not become despondent, due to which you were to be given insignias and gifts in recognition for your efforts. However, at present, I have issued an order to the military camps that the remaining Chinese in Tibet must be expelled immediately. Similarly, it is necessary for people to deepen their commitment to being ever more supportive of this effort. It must be kept in mind that from here also, people’s efforts will not go unnoticed, but will cause their virtues in this life and the next to be protected. From Gyelteng Kotri in Dromo Sharsing. On the auspicious nineteenth day of the fifth month of the Water-Mouse Year (1912).

At the same time, the Dalai Lama sent a similar appeal to the military camps.

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Dromo is a small farming area in the valley at the border where India, Bhutan, and Tibet meet. Everyone’s livelihood and all of the taxes in the area come from trade and from transporting goods. Even though the people did not have more than what they could carry, they were utterly dedicated to Buddhism and the government. For this reason, the people of both Upper and Lower Dromo volunteered their horses and mules to carry as many loads from Dromo to Lhasa as the Dalai Lama and his retinue required; they did so without being asked, carrying everything except firewood for free, even bringing their own fodder. Since the fighting continued in Lhasa, the Dalai Lama decided to stay in Yardrok Samding for the time being. Thus, the transportation returned from there. At that point, the Dromo leader Dreljé together with Lakdo had an audience with the Dalai Lama, where tea was served and blessings were offered. The Dalai Lama presented them with a sealed edict offering his future love and protection to all of the people of Dromo for their successful service. When the Dalai Lama and his party left Dromo, they were received by a bodyguard near Pakri consisting of three hundred volunteer monk soldiers from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, Commander Dapön Dokharwa (Rakhashak), Markham Pomda Nyima Gyelpo, his son, and about forty servants; at the same time, Gojo Chopawa and some servants came to provide security for the prime ministers. Thenceforth, until the Dalai Lama reached Lhasa, the guard accompanied the party wherever they went, sharing their quarters and their burdens, and providing excellent protection throughout the day and the night. While the Dalai Lama spent a week below Pakri Monastery, the Buriat Mongolian monk from Gomang Monastery, Ngawang Lozang, had an audience with him. When the Dalai Lama reached Ralung Monastery from Pakri, the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché came to receive him. The following day, Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate made careful preparations, providing food for a festival, and so forth. The Dalai Lama remained there for a week, and each day he invited the Paṇ chen Lama to his chambers; they ate, performed pilgrimages, and went for walks together. All of the monks and lay people were overcome with happiness and devotion. However, impartial witnesses have told me that the officials of the monastic estate had lowered faces and fallen shoulders as though acknowledging their shame for their careless behavior. Thereafter, they proceeded on to Yardrok Samding Monastery where General Dazang Dradül met the Dalai Lama to seek his advice on a

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variety of issues; he immediately returned to Lhasa. Several representatives of the Tibetan National Assembly including my grandfather, treasury official Shakabpa, met with the Dalai Lama to express the assembly’s opinions on a number of important matters. They returned after several days. The British Ambassador Sir John Jordan met with the new Chinese President Yuan Shikai in Beijing; he vigorously protested the continuing military action by Chinese troops in Tibet and their plans to make eastern Tibet, Kham, into a province of China.33 At just about this time, the Chinese president ordered the Manchu amban in Lhasa to return to China by way of India, and he ordered the Manchu General Chungyin to take over the responsibilities of the amban. The Chinese would have been extremely happy to return to China, but every last road out of Lhasa was in the Tibetan army’s hands. In addition, they had no hope of receiving of reinforcements or provisions. The stores of the Tengyeling monastic estate were exhausted. They were forced to eat bags for butter and rice, as well as leather. In the end, they ate the flesh of horses, donkeys, and dogs.34 At that time, the Chinese officers and soldiers offered to surrender to the Tibetan Defense Office through the Gurkha ambassador in Lhasa. At the same time, both the Manchu ambans and General Chungyin sent an appeal to Samding, asking if the Dalai Lama would kindly send a representative if they were to surrender to him. The Dalai Lama dispatched Prime Minister Changkhyimpa, the Sera Mé official Tsawa Tritrül,35 and Tsedrön Tendzin Gyeltsen to Lhasa to accept their surrender and hold talks on all matters. The Gurkha ambassador in Lhasa acted as an intermediary during the talks concerning the Chinese surrender; he conveyed all of the agreements, and so forth. The Chinese side agreed to relinquish all of their weapons to the Tibetan government and to leave them under a seal put on by the intermediary. Then they asked to return to China by way of Kham. The Tibetan government was to provide assistance in the form of transportation and provisions. They further asked to be paid for all of the objects they would have to leave in Lhasa. The Tibetan government denied them permission to return to China through Kham because Chinese troops still remained in several areas in Kham, and they were concerned that the departing troops would simply join the Chinese forces who were oppressing the Tibetan people there. However, they did agree to let the troops return by way of India. Nevertheless, the Tibetan government agreed to all of their other requests.

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Amban Lianyu and General Chungyin were permitted to take thirty rifles each to provide for their security. Chinese soldiers who had married Tibetan women were permitted to take them if the women wished to go regardless of whether they had children, but they could not take their wives and children against their will. Chinese civilians and traders living in Tibet were permitted to remain if they paid taxes like Tibetan citizens and if they lived in accordance with the law. The following is a telegram received from the viceroy of India relating to the surrender agreement:36 From the Viceroy: 3 September, 1912. (Repeated to Peking). Foreign Secret. Tibet. My telegram of 28th August last. Trade Agent at Gyantsé telegraphs 31st August: Lamen Khenpo, Dalai Lama’s confidential adviser, informs me that agreement dated August 12th runs as follows: Article I. All Chinese arms and ammunition to be stored under the charge of representatives of both parties and the Nepalis. Article II. As soon as provisions of Article I have been fulfilled, Chinese officials and soldiers to return to China via India; Tibetan people providing food, etc., on the way to India. Article III. Traders and others claiming to be Chinese to be protected by Tibetans provided that they behave and observe laws of Tibet. Paragraph 2. Chinese, however, according to Lamen Khenpo, have been slow to fulfill the conditions laid down. First, before parting with arms they demand that Wang Kongthal, one of the officers who had surrendered to Tibetans, should be handed over. Tibetan Government finally agreed when the Nepalese representative had undertaken responsibility for the safety of the man. Then on 23rd August, Chinese deposited 840 magazine rifles, 4 Maxim guns, 160 pronged guns, 90 jingals, and 90 sealed boxes, most of them said to contain ammunition; however, they would not permit the Tibetan authorities to examine contents of boxes and refused to hand over pistols and bolts of rifles. Moreover, Lien and Chung demanded retention of thirty rifles each for their guards. This was agreed to, but it is suspected that both retained many more than the stipulated number. Then, on 21st and 22nd August, when the date of departure was discussed, Chinese demanded that Tibetans should raze all recently constructed fortifications and also move 800 maunds of grain from the Drapzhi Barracks to the southern part of the city where Lien is living. Paragraph 3. By their dilatory and obstructive tactics, Chinese cause irritation and some alarm to Tibetan Government.

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A copy of the original agreement follows:j The representatives of the Chinese and the Tibetans met together in the presence of the Gorkha witnesses to discuss the three-point proposals, approved by the Dalai Lama in his answer to the letter submitted by Ambans Len and Chung on the 29th day of the 6th month. On the 30th the parties carefully discussed the matter and decided to have the threepoint proposals drawn up in the Chinese, Tibetan and Nepali languages, and to sign and seal them. Point I. All the arms and equipment including field guns and Maxim guns in the possession of the Chinese at Dabshi and Tseling in Lhasa shall be sealed in the presence of the representatives of the two sides and witnesses and entrusted to the custody of the Government of Tibet. Before the departure of the Chinese officials and soldiers from Tibet, all the arms and equipment shall be removed to the Yabshi Lang Dun house within fifteen days; the bullets and gunpowder shall be collected and deposited in the Doring house. All the arms and ammunition shall be removed to the Doting house on the expiry of the fifteen-day limit, and the witnessing Gorkha envoy shall arrange to guard the house. Point II. The Chinese officials and soldiers shall leave Tibet within fifteen days. According to the dates given by them for their departure in three batches, Tibetans will depute an official to accompany the different batches and will arrange to supply the necessary pack animals and riding ponies. The Tibetans will supply against adequate payment and according to local rates foodstuffs such as rice, flour, tsampa, meat, butter and tea to the Chinese at the halting stages up to the frontier, through the Tibetans escorting them. There shall not be any delay in supplying pack animals and riding ponies on the way. The Chinese shall not take by force any pack or riding animals beyond the frontier. Point III. The two representatives shall remove all Chinese officials and soldiers from the Yapshi house and the Tibetan soldiers from the Doting house tomorrow in order to keep the arms and ammunition in these houses. All the arms and ammunition belonging to the Chinese government at Dabshi and Tseling in Lhasa, including those in the possession of the Chinese private traders from China, shall, according to, the letter of the 29th day of the 6th month from Ambans Len and Chung (Lian and Zhang), be produced before the representatives of the two parties and witnesses on the 1st day of the 7th month together with an inventory. No part of these arms and ammunition shall be given away, sold, hidden or thrown away. Ambans Len and Chung for their protection shall, as suggested by the witnesses, be allowed to retain sixty rifles and ammunition. All other arms and equipment shall be kept in the Doring and

j Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 314–316.

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Yabshi houses, which shall be sealed by the two representatives and the witnesses. The two representatives and witnesses shall arrange to place guards as stated above. After all arms, equipment, field-guns, and Maxim guns from Lhasa, Dabshi, and Tseling and from the Chinese government and private traders have been collected, they shall be deposited, without giving away, selling, hiding, or leaving out any. A list will be made of the arms genuinely belonging to the private Chinese traders, and the representatives and the witnesses shall discuss matters concerning their return to them. This agreement, signed and sealed by the two parties and witnessed this day, will be considered void in the event of any party infringing any of its provisions. Joint seal of the Dalai Lama’s representatives: Sertsa Thitul and Tsedon Tangyal Seals of the representatives of Ambans Len and Chung: Luchang Krang Lungrin Yulji Lu Langrin U Yon Krephu Hai Kru Krephu Wang Chiujin Thong Krikung Buhu Hai Sru Phun LuLu Kon Kon Ngan Khru Seals of Five Sris’ witnesses: Envoy of the Gorkha Darbar Major-Captain Jit Bahadur Khatri Chhetri Lieutenant Lal Bahadur Basnyat Chhetri Dittha Kul Prasad Upadhyay Subedar Ratna Gambhir Singh Khatri Chhetri 30th day of the 6th month of the Water-Mouse Year (12 August 1912)

According to the provisions of this agreement, the Chinese soldiers were to leave in three groups within the following fifteen days, that is, between the fourteenth and twenty-eighth days of the sixth month (August 13–27, 1912). However, they made excuses and caused delays without living up to the terms of the agreement. Since they did not leave at the required time, the Dalai Lama and his retinue had to stay at Yardrok Samding for three months. During that time, he walked to Taklung Sangchö monastic college. Thereafter, he had to stay at Chökhor Yangtsé Monastery in the Chushur district for about four months. The first contingent of Chinese forces, including the Manchu Amban Lianyu and a regiment of his guards, left through the south for India

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during the eighth month. However, the second and third groups remained, continuing to fight for about three months as the Tibetan government had already given them money for their traveling expenses. As has been explained above, all of their food and provisions had been blockaded; helpless and exhausted, the second and third groups were joined together and on the fifth day of the twelfth month (January 6, 1913) they were forced to leave. The Tibetan generals went to Tengyeling and also to the old and new Chinese military camps, searching the troops one by one. They were then immediately escorted to Dzalepla Pass by way of the southern Tsangpo River; the Tibetan army, Commander Dapön Dokharwa, Dromo Governor Dapön Pelzhiwa, and Zhöl Steward Kelzang Ludrup were sent with the responsibility of providing transportation and traveling provisions. Fourth ranking Tadowa, Letsen Lozang Norbu, and the leader from the various districts were sent to accompany the Chinese. Several of the guilty monks from Tengyeling Monastery adopted Chinese clothing and left in shame together with the departing Chinese troops. Those Tibetan women married to Chinese soldiers who wanted to leave with them did so. Most of the Chinese soldiers returned to China by sea from Calcutta. However, many of them remained in settlements in India and Sikkim. Even now, many of their descendents remain in those places. Because of the crimes committed earlier and later by the officials of Tengyeling monastic estate, it was decided that all of their holdings should be confiscated; a small part was set aside to provide for the incarnation Tsokchen Trülku. The officials who were directly involved were sent into exile and the others were placed under house arrest. The monks of Bentsang monastic college were separated and sent to different government monasteries. Through such measures, Tengyeling monastic estate was utterly destroyed. Throughout the Dalai Lama’s stay at Chökhor Yangtsé, he went on pilgrimage to Khupé Monastery, Yolri Monastery, Sangngak Jangchupling, Budé Gomchen, Kyitsel, Tarpaling, Chakzam Monastery, Gongkar Chödé, Dechen Chökhor, and so forth. The president of the Chinese Republic, Yuan Shikai, sent a telegram through the Indian government saying that he was restoring the Dalai Lama to his former status. Sir Charles Bell wrote about this:37 A few months after the Dalai lama returned to Tibet, Yuan Shihkai, the President of the Chinese Republic, telegraphed to him [the Dalai Lama], apologising for the excesses of the Chinese troops, and restoring the Dalai

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Lama to his former rank. The Dalai Lama replied that he was not asking the Chinese Government for any rank, as he intended to exercise both temporal and spiritual rule in Tibet. Thus the holy sovereign made clear his declaration of Tibetan independence.

The battle in Lhasa lasted for more than a year, and about one third of the city was ruined. The roofs of the Tsuklakhang and Ramoché were marked with cannon holes and bullets holes. Even houses that were not ruined did not escape being cracked. Doors and windows were ruined. The narrow streets were full of dead men, horses, and mules. Stray dogs without owners had become accustomed to eating the bodies of humans and horses. Thus, it came to be a frightful experience to travel at night. Throughout the war, about one thousand three hundred Chinese troops were killed, and more Tibetan monks and lay people were killed and wounded. The most severe losses occurred during the attack on the Drapzhi military camp, when many monks from Sera Monastery were killed. Without even reckoning the pillage throughout Tibet, the articles stolen by the Chinese just in Lhasa would add up to many tens of millions of Indian rupees. These matters are recounted in detail in the Collection of Simla Records. The Dalai Lama and his retinue left Chökhor Yangtsé on the sixth day of the twelfth month. On the way, they performed a pilgrimage to Nyetangor Drölma Temple, Jowo Jé Kumbum, and so forth. They stayed in Tsagur Lingkha for a week. There he met with the Regent Trichen Rinpoché, Prime Minister Changkhyimpa, generals Khendrung Jampa Tendar and Tsipön Trimon Norbu Wangyal, and so forth, as well as a large number of government officials and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. On the sixteenth day of the twelfth month (January 17, 1913), the Dalai Lama left Tsagur Lingkha. The senior figures from Kyitsel Luding area led the procession with a “Sipaho” ensign,k while the monk and lay government official, abbots

k A sipaho (sri pa ho) is a genre of religious painting that is thought to dispel obstacles and enhance both good luck in general and prosperity in particular. A square image filled with a diverse array of symbols (I-ching hexagrams, the twelve animals and five elements employed in the calendar, human body parts, standard Tibet ritual implements such as the dorje and purpa (phur pa, ritual dagger), swastikas, symbols of the cardinal directions, the planets, and forth) is held by a turtle, a wrathful form of Manjuśrī, around which are found Kālacakra’s symbol, Padmasambhava’s symbol, and images of Manjuśrī at the center top, flanked by four-armed Avalokiteśvara on

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and incarnations from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and so forth formed a large procession carrying various sorts of banners and ornaments. A special cavalry unit made up of government troops and volunteer forces followed them, as did a parade consisting of military units, regional regiments, and monks from Sera and Drepung monasteries, the tantric college of upper and lower Lhasa, and Ling Pentsün. Dancers and singers from the surrounding area, old people from retirement homes, Gurkhas, Indians, Muslims, Nepalis, and so forth came out to greet the Dalai Lama. The people of Zhöl came out to receive the procession burning incense, beating drums, raising flags, and shouting joyous expressions. In the same manner as Viṣṇ u and his entourage processed after their victory over the demigods, so the great leader, the wish-fulfilling jewel, shining like ten million suns, reached the Potala Palace, the inestimable mansion, the second home of Avalokiteśvara, where he walked on lotus feet to the high throne supported by the five fearless snow lions. Notes to Chapter Fifteen 1. Compilation of Records. 2. Compilation of Records as above. 3. Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910) and Collection of Simla Records. 4. Tibetan records call him Ma Titel, but Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 21, calls him General Ma Weiqi. Subsequently, he was killed in an uprising in Chengdu. Translator’s Note: Shakabpa says he died in Xinjiang, Urumqi. I cannot confirm this anywhere else, but Teichman says he died in Chengdu. 5. The history setting forth the murders committed by Zhao Erfeng was introduced in the preliminary talks at the Simla Conference. It is clear that Zhao Erfeng and Drin Könta had the same dark disposition. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 21–22, and Francis Edward Younghusband, India and Tibet (London: J. Murray, 1910), 372, says that when those monasteries were destroyed by Zhao Erfeng, he had two thousand foreign-trained troops, a German made piece of artillery, and four cannon.

the left and Vajrapaṇ i on the right. Astrological symbols appear to the left and right of the painting. In the present context, a large image of the thanka would have been held aloft on a pole at the front of the procession in an effort to dispel spiritual problems. More commonly, the image would be hung in a family home to prevent malevolent forces from entering. See Jampa Kalsang, “A Brief Introduction to the Sridpa-Ho,” in Tibetan Astronomy and Astrology: A Brief Introduction (Dharamsala, India: Men-Tsee Khang, 1998), 56–60.

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6. Compilation of Records and Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 27, records the wires sent by the Tibetan government directly to Western nations and America. 7. “Luchün” was referred to as a foot soldier. 8. Dalai Lama’s Orders to Lö Dotel and Collection of Simla Records. 9. Yamon is the name of the Manchu Amban’s residence or the Chinese offices. 10. All of the soldiers fired their guns at one time. 11. Wu Kontai, who was subsequently promoted, is called Wu Kontel. During the battle in Chamdo in 1917, he led recruits from Dartsedo. When he got to Chamdo, Tsang Dapöns Khyungrampa and Tretongpa arrested him at Topa Drugu Monastery. He was then imprisoned at Lhodrak Sengé Castle. While I was there, he told me many stories about this time. Gyelgo Dongchuchik was killed in an ambush by Tibetan troops at Khyungpo Tengchen; his head and hands were brought to Lhasa. 12. MacDonald was a trade agent in Dromo and Gyantsé for twenty years, from 1904 to 1924. He wrote two books about Tibet, Land of the Lama (London: Seeley, 1929) and Twenty Years in Tibet (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1932). 13. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 109. 14. Secret documents of the British government. 15. Compilation of Records. 16. Jintra (cin khra) means “police” in Chinese. 17. Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1956), 62. 18. In Tibetan records, Zhao Erfeng’s assistant is called Drin Köntai. However, in Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 33, his primary assistant is identified as Fu Songmu. 19. Zhao Erfeng left Chamdo and became the Governor of Sichuan. The revolution began in 1912, due to which Zhao Erfeng was beheaded outside of the western gate of Chengdu. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 41, and E. T. Williamson, Tibet and Her Neighbors (Berkeley: Pub. Unknown, 1937), 122. 20. The senior officials were Khyungrampa, Tretongpa, Tarwönpa, Menpelwa, Tanawa, and Tsedrung Lama; the lesser officials included Tenpa Tsewang, and so forth. 21. The second part of the biography (rnam thar smad cha), vol. Kha 104-ba-3. Translator’s Note: It may be that Shakabpa is referring to Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels. 22. Compilation of Government Papers, more 28-ba-2. 23. He was appointed as the Cabinet Minister Lama and subsequently, he was appointed as the Do Governor. He ejected the Chinese soldiers who were in Kham and participated in the talks in Chamdo between China and Tibet with British mediation. Translator’s Note: He was also the uncle of the author Tsepon Shakabpa. 24. He held the rank of Taiji, junior general. During the tripartite Simla Conference, he was Prime Minister Shedra’s assistant. After that, he became a Cabinet Minister and the Do Governor. He was in charge of constructing the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s stūpa. Finally, he retired from the cabinet and was called ex-minister. 25. Compilation of Accusations of Manchu Amban Lian and General Zhong Tongling. 26. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, Je 28-ba-2. 27. As has been recounted above, Zhao Erfeng intended to ignite an illegal suppression in Domé.

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28. On the evening of the day that the Sera monks who were guarding Zhidé performed the rite of Drimé Künden, the Chinese troops burned it. Translator’s Note: Drimé Künden was a prince in ancient times who was known for his tremendous sacrifices. 29. I have heard that Cabinet Minister Tsarong had previously gone to Calcutta where he signed the trade agreement with the British and the Chinese on his own initiative together with Trang Yintang (krang yin thang). It is said that subsequently, he maintained relations with the Manchu Amban Lianyu, and so forth. Thus, the population and the army generals became suspicious. Tsarong, his son, and cabinet secretary Tsashakpa had to be killed. Khendrung Pünrapa and Lachak Möndrong were placed under the responsibility of Tengyeling themselves, but the Chinese subsequently stormed in and they were killed. Tsedrung Lozang Dorjé was serving as an assistant at Lachak Möndrong and was killed incidentally during that attack. Some people rumor that these punishments were enacted on orders from the ministers in Kalimpong, but those people have not seen the actual documents. However, I have heard other people say that the Dalai Lama became very sad upon hearing the news and that afterwards, when he returned to Lhasa, he went to Tongchö Tsok Monastery in the Norbu Lingkha Palace to recite a great number of prayers specifically on behalf of these cabinet ministers. Translator’s Note: Cabinet Minister Tsarong was suspected of complicity with the Chinese, due to which he and his son were executed. It was this event that made it possible the Dalai Lama to elevate Dazang Dradül to noble status as the new leader of Tsarong House. See p. 722 above. 30. Compilation of Records. 31. Cabinet Secretary Shelkar Lingpa was the younger brother of Cabinet secretary Norgyé Nangpa, who was renowned as a scholar. Shelkar Lingpa was also very learned in poetry and composed his own poems. While he was in Darjeeling, he wrote several beautiful pieces, such as songs memorializing Lhasa. He later became a cabinet minister in Samding. However, not long after he returned to Lhasa, he died. 32. I have copied the original of this sealed order by the Dalai Lama, which is in the possession of Sadu Gyurmé La. There is another in Compilation of Records. 33. Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1956), 131, Charles Bell, Portrait of the Dalai Lama (London: Collins, 1946), 354, and E. T. Williams, Tibet and Her Neighbours (Berkeley: Pub. Unknown, 1937), 123. 34. Misong Pepgo of Gyantsé, who was of the same rank as the highest officials at Tengyé Ling, was sentenced to prison at Lhodrak Sengé Dzong. He told me, “The Chinese filled the assembly halls and corridors during the night; that was not the fault of the officials. I wonder if it wasn’t Wang Lama and Udzé who were complicit with the Chinese.” Subsequently, they emptied the granary and the storehouse, taking all of our dog meat and the horse meat. All that remained was shoe leather and we were forced to eat that for several days. Since there was no fire wood, we burned all of our wooden furniture. Our faces and our bodies became swollen because of the lack of nutrition and many people died. He told me of many such difficulties. 35. As the senior Japanese teacher Otani Kozui had already invited Tsawa Tritrül Jampa Tendzin at Wutai Shan, the Dalai Lama sent him from Darjeeling along with Bangkyo Aoki. He stayed at Koto Nishi Hongken. Since he sent immediate reports to the Dalai Lama about the coming revolution against the Manchu Emperor, his reports were very beneficial. In 1912, arriving back in Darjeeling with Togan Tada, he remained in the service of the Dalai Lama. Subsequently, he was quickly promoted to the rank of the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant-lord chamberlain. He was a very learned man. 36. This comes from secret British government documents. Although the meaning of several words is unclear, I have translated it according to what is written later. The original is included within Compilation of Records. Lamen Khenpo was the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang. Translator’s Note: With slight

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modifications, I have adopted the translation in Tsepon Shakabpa, Tibet: A Political History (New Haven: Yale, 1967), 244–245. 37. Charles Bell, Portrait of the Dalai Lama (London: Collins, 1946), 155, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 105.

CHAPTER SIXTEEN

PROOF OF TIBET’S ENDURING INDEPENDENCE TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION When the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa early in 1913, he set out in a purposeful fashion to consolidate Tibet’s claims to independence. With the Qing Dynasty in ruins, he saw to it that the Chinese people who remained in the country were expelled. He also issued a proclamation that Shakabpa styles “a special official declaration of Tibet’s freedom and independence.” In that document, the Dalai Lama gives voice to the leit motif of Shakabpa’s entire narrative, the notion that:a Previously, the preceptor-patron relationship has been enjoyed since the time of the Mongolians Genghis Khan, Alten Khan, and so forth, through the series of Chinese kingdoms, the Ming Dynasty and so forth, and up to the Manchu Dynasty, which developed a preceptor-patron relationship with the great fifth Dalai Lama. Each side would protect the other.

The Dalai Lama goes on to observe that recently some Chinese functionaries “out of avarice, have ceaselessly worked to intimidate and terrorize us out of our land.” He endeavors to present the Chinese interference in Tibetan affairs as the idiosyncratic behavior of a few stray figures, including corrupt ministers and regional leaders that violated traditional norms, forcing the Dalai Lama to go into exile. He then offered a series of reforms, urging a renewal of Buddhism, a revitalization of ethical government, and the embrace of modernization. In the wake of his far-flung travels, the Dalai Lama realized how important it was for Tibet’s future to remain involved with other nations. His personal experience had inspired him to reverse Tibet’s customary isolationist policy. He began to promote contacts with other countries. A number of intelligent young men, for example, were sent to England to be educated at Rugby.b He also formulated a treaty with

a

See p. 759 ff. below. See Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924), 162–163. Rugby School is a prestigious boarding school to the northwest of London in the West Midlands. b

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Mongolia in 1913.c Lhasa also maintained relations with Japan, gaining critical military advice. At the same time, Tibetan relations with Britain deepened. China, at last independent of their Manchurian overlords, attempted to assume for themselves the claims to Tibet that had long been made by the Manchurians. Tibet resisted these claims, in part by appealing to British intermediaries. Ultimately, a tripartite conference between China, Tibet, and Britain was called at Simla, India. Shakabpa saw this conference as constituting recognition of Tibet’s independent status since China, Britain, and Tibet, according to Shakabpa, met as equals. In an attempt to reach a compromise between the Tibetans who believed Tibet was not a part of China and the Chinese who claimed Tibet was an integral part of its territory, the Indian Foreign Minister Henry McMahon (1862–1849) introduced the notion of an Inner Tibet and an Outer Tibet. He suggested that the Chinese government would not interfere with Outer Tibet, which would be considered “free and autonomous.” Meanwhile, Tibet would be considered suzerain to China, another novel concept in Sino-Tibetan relations.d In the end, Chinese negotiators did nothing more than initial the final accord. Chinese historians regard this as evidence that Tibet continued to be a part of China. When China withdrew from the conference, Britain and Tibet signed the Simla Convention without the signature of the Chinese plenipotentiary Yifan Zhen and then concluded their own separate agreement. Once again, Shakabpa argues this is strong evidence for Tibet having been an independent nation at that time. He maintains that:e Ever since the agreement was reached between the British and Tibetan governments, there was no longer any basis for dispute about whether Tibet was nominally included within China (in a relationship of suzerainty). Therefore, not only did it reaffirm that Tibet was free and independent, but Tibet’s authority to negotiate treaties directly was also clarified.

c

See Appendix 1, p. 1112 below. Suzerainty is a general concept in international relations in which one nation is regarded as reliant on a more powerful nation. The latter, called the suzerain, conducts foreign relations on behalf of the former, the tributary. See Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in Internatioanl Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 101–102. e See p. 773 below. d

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The border between Tibet and British India was also resolved along the so-called McMahon Line along the southern border of Tibet. The Tibetan government began to place a greater emphasis on developing its military capabilities. Britain provided weapons and military supplies to Tibet, and as a sign of their enhanced relationship, Tibet offered troops to Britain at the commencement of hostilities in World War I in Europe. At the same time, some Tibetan soldiers were trained under Japanese, Russian, and British officers, whereupon the government determined that they would henceforth follow British military traditions. Various other reforms were directed to modernizing Tibet.

CHAPTER SIXTEEN

PROOF OF TIBET’S ENDURING INDEPENDENCE Through continuous striving, through the compassion that inspires all wisdom and method, and through having empathy towards all monastic and lay Tibetans, the prime minister, the cabinet ministers, and the Tibetan National Assembly, headed by the protector Dalai Lama, engaged in a comprehensive struggle to overcome their difficult situation. The results of that struggle ripened at the same time as the effects of evil karma ripened within China, and thereby the Manchu Dynasty in China collapsed. In dependence upon the harmonious inter-relation of cause and effect, the consequences of the revolution, and other events, it became possible to eject every last Chinese official, civilian and military, from Ü Tsang. When the supreme Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa, he developed a plan to expel the Chinese soldiers who were in Dotö (Kham). As soon as he returned to Lhasa, the Dalai Lama issued a proclamation impressed with his seal to all of the people of Tibet. Tibetans consider this proclamation, as well as his recent refusal of a title offered to him by Chinese President Yuan Shikai to be a special official declaration of Tibet’s freedom and independence. Issued on the eighth day of the first month of 1913, the proclamation reads as follows:1 I—the Dalai Lama, the protector of the three worlds, lord of all of the conqueror’s teachings on the earth throughout time, the omniscient Dorjé Chang, who was prophesied as the Oceanic Lama by Buddha from the land of India—speak to you as follows: This should be made known to all the monks and lay people, the powerful, the weak, and those in between, and to the heads of civil and military posts, all the citizens of Tibet, this land of medicinal plants which is fringed with cool, white mountain peaks; hence, messengers should be sent to report it. As it was prophesied by our compassionate teacher from India [Buddha], from the time of the ancient religious kings up to the present time, the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara has continually come to this land of medicinal plants of the cool earth. I have taken this land as my instrument, protecting sentient beings with compassion and whatsoever methods are required to tame them. Previously, the preceptor-patron relationship has been enjoyed since the time of the Mongolians Genghis Khan, Alten Khan, and so forth, through

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chapter sixteen the series of Chinese kingdoms, the Ming Dynasty and so forth, and up to the Manchu Dynasty, which developed a preceptor-patron relationship with the great fifth Dalai Lama. Each side would protect the other. Nevertheless, recently some Chinese functionaries in Sichuan and Yunnan, out of avarice, have ceaselessly worked to intimidate and terrorize us out of our land. Moreover, under the pretense that they were protecting the trade marts, many Chinese soldiers have reached as far as Lhasa. It is clear that within the preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet, there is no sense of subordination of one to another; consequently, I left for the Indian border with my ministers, planning to conduct negotiations with Beijing by wire. Nevertheless, after we left, armed Chinese troops were dispatched to kill or capture me by any means necessary. Having no other choice, we crossed the border for the time being. Upon arriving in India, I sent a telegram to the Chinese side. Although I recounted our situations one item after another, the emperor was relying upon corrupt ministers, and so I did not receive any sort of reply. Through the force of actions and their inevitable effects, a change in the unstable Manchu Empire became unavoidable. All exalted or humble Tibetan people took up the struggle against the Chinese troops, each according to his ability, and consequently every single Chinese soldier who was in Ü Tsang was expelled. Thereupon, I returned safely to the land possessed of religion, my protected place. The Chinese that remain in Kham are also to be expelled in turn. The Chinese side had a wicked plan that this land of Tibet should have upheld the responsibilities of the preceptor-patron relationship, while ultimately, they would bind us as servants. Those schemes have dissolved, like a clump of sand or like a rainbow in the sky; sentient beings have arrived at a fortunate time in which they can experience happiness and joy with religion and resources. From this point onward, the following ought to be put into practice by all people—monks and lay people, the powerful and the weak—as mentioned above: (1) Finding and offering respects to this precious Buddhism, the foundation of whatever benefit and happiness have come to this part of the world, depends upon the preservation of the sacred places. Hence, people should untiringly take responsibility for continuously offering worship at all monastic institutions and caring for them without distinctions, including the great sites— Rasa Trülnang and Gyetap Ramoché temples in Lhasa—and Tradruk and Samyé, and the three monastic seats, Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. (2) The abbots, teachers, and monks of the various Buddhist schools without distinction should enhance the pure traditions of sūtras and the old and new tantras before they decline. Those traditions that have declined should be restored, and the rituals should be explained and studied. There must be enhanced efforts exerted in teaching, learning, and meditating and in the protection and observance of precepts.

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(3) High government officials involved in collecting taxes or enforcing the law should perform their jobs honestly; both the government and the people must be untiring in their efforts to make improvements. Beyond that, central government officials posted at Ngari Korsum and Domé are coercing their subject citizens to purchase commercial goods at high prices and have imposed transportation rights exceeding the limit permitted by the government. Houses, properties, and lands belonging to subject citizens have been confiscated on the pretext of minor breaches of the law. Furthermore, citizens’ limbs have been amputated as a form of punishment. Henceforth, such severe punishments are forbidden. (4) Tibet does not have wealth, power, and technology like other nations. It is a free country abiding in peace and happiness in accordance with our religion. If these days, through taking greater responsibility in their duties, civil and military officials can enhance our military preparedness, enabling us to protect the stability of our territory, then the minor hardships that arise among the tax conscripts and at waysides along the roads in Kham can be mitigated. Upon giving detailed consideration to the historic reasons for the improper land claims the Chinese have made on us through time, all Tibetans should volunteer, without needing to be persuaded. Everyone ought to take greater responsibility for protecting and defending our land. In addition, by tirelessly scouting along the borders in the highlands and the lowlands, to the south and north, people should remain vigilant in not permitting foreign spies to enter. If even minor suspicious rumors emerge, people must send a report to the government immediately by pony express or by traveling daily. Naturally, people are not permitted to undertake provocative actions based on minor pretexts, whether it is out of boredom or for no reason at all. (5) Tibet has few people and a tremendous amount of uninhabited land. Yet, even though some industrious people have considered clearing land, the local leaders have objected out of greed. Landlords, being unable to do anything at all to put such plans into effect themselves, are jealous about others’ endeavors. Hence, these improper practices which undermine the foundations of our progress in all sorts of ways are not at all auspicious for oneself or others. Henceforth, industrious people whose homes have deteriorated can clear land amidst whatsoever unused public lands there are. Hence, government, private, or religious interests are not permitted to obstruct in any way whoever is able to plant things like willow and mustard that will lead to improvements. Land taxes will not be collected until three years have passed; after that the land will be assessed for its size and usefulness. The cultivator will have to pay taxes to the government and a royalty to the landlord every year. The land will belong to the cultivator in perpetuity.

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chapter sixteen Both the government and the public are to bring this about. It would be a matter of serving and protecting the kind government if all people were to implement these things just as I have explained them. Also, it is certain that the degree of happiness and virtue will increase for everyone in the country, oneself and others. Thus, reflecting carefully on the profit and loss, everyone must voluntarily engage in correctly adopting the good and abandoning the bad in both religious and secular affairs. This proclamation must be announced in every district. Copies should be posted in busy areas and originals should be kept in the district registers. Officials must enact it. Written at the inconceivable second palace of Avalokiteśvara, the Potala Palace, on the eighth day of the month of miracles in the Water-FemaleOx Year (1913).

One month before this great proclamation declared Tibet’s freedom and independence, on the fourth day of the twelfth month (January 1913), Tibet and Outer Mongolia signed a treaty in Ulan Bator, the Mongolian capital. Both nations declared in the treaty that they had left the Manchu emperor’s domination, and that their nations were not a part of Chinese territory. As independent nations, they mutually decided to strengthen their religious, cultural, and alliance relations as they had been in the past. The Dalai Lama Rinpoché, as the highest leader of the independent nation of Tibet, recognized the independence of the Mongolian nation, and similarly, Jetsün Dampa Hotoktu, the highest leader of the independent nation of Mongolia, recognized the independence of the Tibetan nation.2 After the Dalai Lama Rinpoché returned to Lhasa, the Regent Trichen Tsemönling retired; because he had agreed to bear responsibility for both religious and political affairs while the Dalai Lama was in exile, he was given the rank of “Shachin Telgik Ché” (sha cin tel gig che), a seal, and other items similar to what Künling Hotoktu had been given. At the same time, the army general Khendrung Jampa Tendar was promoted to cabinet minister, Tsipön Trimonpa Norbu Wangyel was appointed deputy to the general and was given the title of Taiji, and senior general Dazang Dradül was given the title of Dzasak. The latter was permitted to join the family of Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa. Eight regions around Dam as well as Gyeré Lhaba were given to Sera monastic estate, and one-half of the Tsona region was given to Ganden monastic estate as rewards for their continuing prayers.3 Moreover, government officials, traders, and both monk and lay citizens were given material rewards and handsome awards for doing whatever was appropriate in the service of the war. In addition, punishments

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were meted out to those who had not provided whatever service was appropriate. Among the many new improvements the Dalai Lama introduced was the first paper currency. Manufactured in Lhasa with wood blocks, the notes had a watermark that said Ganden Podrang Choklé Namgyel and an image of a snow mountain and a snow lion. The fifty ṭamdo (ṭam rdo)a note had the six symbols of long-life printed on blue paper; the twenty-five ṭamdo note had the four harmonious brothers on orange paper; the fifteen tạ mdo note had the eight auspicious offerings on brown paper; the ten tạ mdo note had the eight auspicious signs on red paper; and the five t ̣amdo note had the five desirable qualities printed on green paper.b These designs were also embossed with the Dalai Lama’s seal in red and the treasury’s seal in black. If one examines the date on this currency, it says it was issued 1659 years after the commencement of Tibet’s dual religious and political form of government.4 Below the date it read, “Currency of the fifteenth sexagenaryc from the religiopolitical government having the four treasured marvels of splendor, power, benefit, and happiness.” Following this, it appears that they were issued in 1911. But at that time, the Dalai Lama was in India and the Manchu soldiers were attacking Lhasa; thus, one wonders if this is correct. As for the designs on the currency, I have seen among the documents of Zimtré Khang several different types of designs that were made by the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant Jampa Tupwang. If one follows the date given on them, it seems they were made in 1913. Thus, it is important to do more research to determine the correct years that this old currency was issued. Subsequently, Shöchak Nang Tamdrin Wangyel and Dölzhi Tsedrung Ngözhi Tupten Künkhyen5 both went to Calcutta to learn how to print colored paper currency mechanically. Upon their return, a fifty tạ mdo note was printed in Kyemtong; it was made of wood-pulp paper and a According to The Great Treasury of Tibetan-Chinese Words (Beijing: Nationalities Publishing, 1993), 1032, one ṭamdo (ṭam rdo) is equal to one ngülsang (dngul srang). That in turn is equal to one ounce of silver, according to Sarat Chandra Das, A TibetanEnglish Dictionary (Varanasi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1979), 359. b These symbols are depicted in The Great Treasury of Chinese and Tibetan Words (Beijing: Nationalities Publishing, 1993), 3302–3. For images of the currency, see Wolfgang Bertsch, A Study of Tibetan Paper Money with a Critical Bibliography (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1997). c The Tibetan calendar is based on sixty-year cycles. The fifteenth cycle commenced in 1867. For more information on the calendrical system, see Edward Henning, Kalachakra and the Tibetan Calendar (New York: Columbia University Press, 2006).

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had a watermark. There was a snow mountain and a snow lion on the front and a tiger, lion, and garuḍa on the back. This bill was distributed 1677 years after the advent of the government, during the sixteenth sexagenary, or in 1931. Subsequently, colored notes were gradually introduced in denominations of one hundred, ten, twenty-five, and five ngülsang (ngul srang). Also, the Chinese-style postal system, which used horse couriers, was replaced by a regular postal system in 1913. Previously, the postal route had gone from Pakri to Lhasa, by way of Gyantsé, and then on to Kongpo Gyamda. Tibetan postage stamps were also introduced at that time. They had an image of a snow lion and said “Tibetan government postage” on the top; the same thing was written in English on the bottom. The stamps were issued in denominations of one khagang (kha gang), five karma (skar ma), seven and a half karma, one zho (zho), one ţamdo, two ţamdo and four ţamdo.d After the Dalai Lama traveled to India, China, Mongolia, and elsewhere, he realized that it was a mistake to remain isolated and not develop relations with other nations of the world; he also understood the great importance of learning foreign languages. Because of the positive relationship he had developed with the British government, he sent four children of government officials to study at a school in England called Rugby School. They were the first Tibetans to study abroad. Möndrong Khyenrap Künzang studied mining, and he reported the existence of several types of minerals in Ö, Dakpo, and the northern region; several ignorant people obstructed his efforts, saying that if the earth was mined, it would be harmed. Since he was unable to mine what he had found, he became the Dalai Lama’s personal translator, then the police chief of Lhasa, and finally, the steward of Zhöl. The second student, Gokkharwa Sönam Gönpo studied military science. During World War I, he also went to Germany. Upon returning to Lhasa, he was placed in the military camp of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, but he died soon thereafter. The third student, Rikdzin Dorjé, studied to be an electrician. His work in establishing electricity at the arms factory, the mint, and the printing press at the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production was d

According to Sarat Chandra Das, A Tibetan-English Dictionary (Varanasi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1979), 125, one khagang is worth one-sixth of an Indian anna, one karma is equal to less than one Indian anna (p. 86), and one sho is equal to ten karmas (p. 1076).

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extremely beneficial to Tibet. As a result, he became the steward of Lhasa and became a fourth-ranking city magistrate. He also worked as the Dalai Lama’s translator and in the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office. The fourth student, Kyibukpa Wangdu Norbu, studied surveying and also learned about telegraph systems. He introduced improvements in Lhasa’s telegraph office.6 He became a fourth-ranking city magistrate in Lhasa and worked in the Foreign Affairs Office. The four boys were accompanied to England by Tsipa Lungshar Dorjé Tsegyel, who was extremely shrewd. He was a very capable man and brought many progressive ideas he encountered in England back to Tibet. When he returned, he was made a tsipön. He assessed estate revenues, and then for a while he was placed in charge of the Military Office. Many of the Dalai Lama’s close associates had conflicting feelings about Lungshar, and there were some who felt they wanted to humble him. After the thirteenth Dalai Lama died for the sake of others, Lungshar tried to subvert the authority of the government. He was unsuccessful, but these events will be recounted later in this volume.e Under the auspices of Japan’s ambassador in Beijing, Gonsuke Hayashe, a retired Japanese military officer named Yasujiro Yajima arrived in Lhasa by way of Kham in 1913. He trained a regiment of the Tibetan army according to Japanese military customs. During his six-year stay in Lhasa, he tied his hair (in the Tibetan manner) and attended all of the ceremonies, just like the Tibetan government officials. He also constructed the camp of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard in the Japanese style. Previously, Sonya Otani, the great Japanese teacher who had previously met the Dalai Lama at Riwo Tsenga, sent Bunkyo Aoki (Tupten Trashi) to meet the Dalai Lama at Darjeeling in 1911. The following year, he went to Lhasa; he stayed at Drepung Monastery for more than a year and in Lhasa for about a year. After he returned home, he investigated the chronology of Tibet’s religious kings by studying many religious histories; he wrote a book in which he clarified some discrepancies concerning dates in that period.f

e Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 156–162 and 186–212. For Shakabpa’s narration of the fall of Lungshar, see pp. 849–850 below. f Bunkyo Aoki, Chibetto bunka no shin kenkyu (Tokyo: Yukosha, 1940); Bunkyo Aoki, Study on Early Tibetan Chronicles regarding discrepancies of dates and their adjustment (Tokyo: Nippon Gakujutsu Shinkokai, 1955).

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Sonya Otani sent another Japanese man named Togan Toda (Tupten Gyeltsen) to Darjeeling in 1912 in the company of Tsawa Tritrül. He studied the Tibetan language for about a year and went on to Lhasa by way of Bhutan in 1913. He lived in Sera Jé Monastery’s Khenyen Monastic College for about ten years. During that time, he had several audiences with the Dalai Lama and was an excellent student of Buddhism. After his return to Japan, he made several attempts to establish political relations between the Japanese and Tibetan governments. As the Dalai Lama had requested, he sent many rolls of fine colored Japanese silk to Tibet. He also wrote about the thirteenth Dalai Lama in both Japanese and English. He worked in the Toyo Bunko Library in Tokyo, and under the auspices of the great American, Nelson A. Rockefeller, he invited three Tibetan scholars to the library in 1961.7 The Dalai Lama was working diligently on both military and civilian concerns. On the military side, while he was in Kalimpong, he ordered that the Chinese soldiers who were in Dodö (Kham) should be expelled and sent Denma Dzöpa to issue orders and give advice to the officials in all of the regional monasteries in Kham. As a result, the Tibetans revolted against the Chinese in each of their respective regions and suffered terribly until the Tibetan government forces arrived. Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa Tendar was then appointed as the Do governor in order to drive the Chinese forces across the border. He had been sent with monk and lay functionaries, including paymasters and medical personnel, and he was given authority to appoint stewards, civil and military personnel, as well as other officials from the estates and districts under his command throughout Do. Eight Dapöns8 in command of volunteer and regular forces from Zhikatsé, Gyantsé, and Dingri in Ü Tsang were sent; two commanders were also sent to the two military units that were drawn from regional armies from Shopa, Tardzong, and Lhokha in Kham, Markham, Dzora, and Sangnyak, and Riwoché, Chamdo, and Ba. Initially, the general commander of Tibet’s eastern forces resided at Lhodzong, and gradually the Chinese forces at Khyung Karnakser, at Rongpo Gyelraptang, and elsewhere were expelled. The Chinese made their headquarters at Chamdo. Meanwhile, Chinese troops remained at Riwoché, Jam Zamkha Nangchen Gar, Drakyap, Chamdo, and Degé Jomda under the Chinese commander Pin Tungling. Despite their military preparations, the Dalai Lama still tried to find a peaceful resolution by continually appealing to the Chinese government through British intermediaries. In this way, he hoped to resolve com-

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pletely the conflict between China and Tibet, the border question, and other pressing issues. Although the Chinese also had a strong desire to negotiate with the Tibetans, they did not want the talks to be held with a British intermediary or with China and Tibet being accorded equal status. As the Tibetan army was making greater and greater progress in Kham day after day, they could not see another way to hold talks except through the British; there was no possibility of having direct discussions with Tibet because Tibet would not consider sending any representatives whose status was not equal to the Chinese representatives. Finally, the Chinese government accepted a tripartite conference, where the Tibetan and Chinese representatives would meet on equal terms, [with the British serving as intermediaries]. After the parties had chosen their representatives, Simla, which was the summer capital of India, was selected as the site for the talks. China’s plenipotentiary was Yifan Zhen, the British Empire’s plenipotentiary was Sir Henry McMahon, who was the foreign minister of British India, and Tibet’s plenipotentiary was Prime Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé. The latter’s assistant was Taiji Trimonpa Norbu Wangyal, and another official was Nedrön Khenchung Tenpa Dargyé. Representatives were also sent from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and the Secretariat Office. Meanwhile, a telegraph line was established from Gyantsé to Simla in order to facilitate direct and immediate communication between Simla and the capital, Lhasa. Cabinet Minister Khemepa Rinchen Wangyel was to receive messages in Gyantsé and then convey them to Lhasa by way of mounted courier. When the Tibetan representatives arrived in Darjeeling, they received a telegram from the Indian foreign minister indicating that they must proceed to Simla immediately. Accompanied by a liaison officer and a police escort, they rode a train to Simla where they were received by Charles Bell and the viceroy’s senior secretary. Prime Minister Shedra immediately called at the homes of both the viceroy of India and Foreign Minister McMahon. Similarly, the viceroy’s senior secretary and Foreign Minister McMahon called at Prime Minister Shedra’s residence. India’s viceroy, Lord Hardinge, held a banquet for the representatives of China, Tibet, and Britain, at which time he expressed his hopes that a suitable peace could be achieved that would be satisfying to all of the parties involved. The representative of the three delegations held their initial meeting on October 10, 1913, with Foreign Minister Sir Henry McMahon and his assistants, Charles Bell and Archibald Rose, representing the

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British, Yifan Zhen and his assistant representing the Chinese, and Prime Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé and his assistant, Taiji Trimonpa Norbu Wangyal, representing the Tibetans. After exchanging pleasantries, they presented their letters of credentials from their respective governments.9 The Tibetans were asked to present their ideas for discussion the following day. Prime Minister Shedra explained to Charles Bell that the Dalai Lama had instructed him that certain essential points had to be clearly expressed in the treaty. First, all of Tibet’s external and internal affairs were to be undertaken by Tibet itself. Second, essential issues with foreign governments were to be conducted through the British government; all other issues were to be undertaken by Tibet itself. Third, other than Chinese traders, no Chinese amban, officials, or soldiers would be permitted to remain in Tibet. Fourth, since the Chinese had interfered with several areas of Tibetan territory, the eastern border of Tibet must be established as extending up to Dartsedo.10 The second point above, that “essential issues with foreign governments are to be conducted through the British government,” appears to be in conformity with the ninth provision of the 1904 Lhasa Convention.g The Tibetan position was explained as follows: They recounted some history proving that Tibet, from early history up to the present time, had been free and independent. To dismiss the mistaken notion about Tibet’s political relations with China, they presented all of the documents proving that the relations between the fifth Dalai Lama and the first Manchu emperor were of a preceptor-patron character and that political relations did not exist. The Tibetans indicated that the entire genesis of the conflict between China and Tibet and the ejection of the Chinese soldiers from Tibet had been an evil consequence of Zhao Erfeng’s action of sending Chinese troops into Tibet under the pretense of protecting the trade marts. In addition, the Tibetans insisted on the following: Tibet’s complete freedom and independence must be recognized. The fact that the Dalai Lama Rinpoché was the lord (bdag po) or principal (gtso bo) of both the religious and political affairs of Tibet had to be recognized. The 1906 and 1908 agreements signed in Calcutta and Beijing, respectively, had g

See the treaty in Appendix 1, pp. 1096–1099. Provision XI indicates that the Tibet government would not engage in a variety of agreements without the previous consent of the British Government, including those relating to granting property rights to other nations, permitting other nations to intervene in Tibetan affairs, and the like.

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to be recognized as invalid. The entirety of the region and the people in Tsongön to the northeast and Dartsedo to the east had to be recognized as being included within Tibet. The previous situation in which the Dalai Lama had religious authority in the Buddhist monasteries in Inner Mongolia and China had to be preserved. Restitution had to be made for the destruction and pillaging by Zhao Erfeng’s armies in Kham and Lhasa and for monasteries having to be abandoned. The Chinese position was explained as follows: Ever since the time of Genghis Khan, Tibet had been a part of China. In addition, the Manchu emperor had conferred a title upon the Dalai Lama. When the Dzüngar Mongolians and later the Gurkha armies came to Tibet, China sent military assistance and the invaders were ejected. The Chinese also alleged that during the time of Emperor Kangxi, the Tibetans had requested that a Manchu amban be sent to Tibet to offer advice and Chinese soldiers be sent to protect Tibet. Zhao Erfeng had to go to Tibet in order to investigate the murder of Amban Fengquan in Ba. According to the terms of the 1908 agreement, Chinese troops were to protect the trade marts in Tibet. They further alleged that since the Dalai Lama had followed the counsel of Dorzhiev (the Gomang Monastery attendant Ngawang Lozang) instead of listening to Amban Yugang, the British were forced to go to Lhasa in 1904. Because of these events, the Chinese government, acting on Tibet’s behalf, had been forced to pay India two and a half million rupees (£166,000) in compensation. Because of these events, China claimed the right to consider Tibet as part of China. The Chinese government planned to station an amban in Tibet along with 2,600 troops. They asserted that all foreign relations with Tibet and military affairs within Tibet must be in Chinese hands. One thousand of the above-mentioned Chinese troops were to be stationed near the amban to serve as his bodyguard, and the remainder would be positioned at the amban’s discretion. The political status of Tibet must be accepted in the light of the 1906 agreement. The Chinese further claimed that the border between China and Tibet should be placed at Kongpo Gyamda. There is absolutely no evidence in the dynastic chronicles or histories to support these assertions made by the Chinese representatives. In addition, they could not produce any documents at all indicating that China should have control over, protection of, or investment in eastern Tibet. The Tibetan representatives had come to the meeting well prepared. The Tibetan side had extensive proof to fortify their claims. For example, they produced fifty-six volumes of definitive proof that

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for over two hundred years, the five Horser areas including Dartsedo had been under their administration. These documents included census information, primary registers of tax revenues, land registries, papers naming officials and headmen, proclamations, monastic endowment records, volumes of monastic salaries and gifts, public notices, anything relating to mutual relations between adjoining areas, records of taxes paid to the government treasury, contracts concerning military service, records concerning the appointment of leaders, and the display of seals. All of these were presented at the Simla meeting, and Foreign Minister McMahon signed the front of each volume.11 The Tibetan representative’s response to the claims of the Chinese representative was as follows: Genghis Khan was Mongolian and not Chinese. Although the Mongolians had forcibly entered Tibet, all governmental affairs had been conducted by the Tibetans themselves and not at all by the Mongolians. At that time, the Sakyapas and the Mongolians had a preceptor-patron relationship; ever since the three provinces of Tibet had been presented to the Sakya hierarch, Tibet had not been under the domination of Mongolia. China had been wholly conquered by Genghis Khan’s son, Kublai Khan, and it had remained under Mongolia for a century. In regards to the Manchu emperor’s presentation of a title to the Dalai Lama, if one examines the religious histories one will understand the actual reason the Manchu emperor invited the Dalai Lama to China; during that time, the emperor offered a title to the Dalai Lama, and the Dalai Lama offered a title to the emperor on equal terms, out of respect for the preceptor-patron relationship. If the mere presentation of a title indicated that one was subjugated to the other, then it should be taken into consideration that the Russian emperor had recently given the Dalai Lama a title. When the Dzungar Mongolians were driven from Tibet, there was no historical evidence that it was done with the support of Chinese forces. During the Gurkha wars, the Manchu emperor did send military assistance on one occasion, but the books clearly show that China and Tibet drove the Gurkhas out as allies in dependence upon the preceptorpatron relationship. China was not Tibet’s protector. If that had been the case, the Chinese would have sent military assistance during Tibet’s war with Ladakh and the Sikhs or during the British-Tibetan war. If merely giving military assistance indicated a recognition of subjugation, then when allied countries in the world assist one another, there would be disputes about subordination. Such disputes do not exist.

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There was also no evidence in Tibetan historical records to indicate that Tibet requested an amban or military assistance during Emperor Kangxi’s time. Arrangements had been made under the terms of the 1904 agreement for Tibet to pay compensation to Britain. The Tibetan government had absolutely no intention of asking the Chinese government for financial assistance, but the latter had paid the compensation of its own accord. If one can dispute Tibetan territory merely by paying money, then it should be noted that the Dalai Lama’s Mongolian patron, Chahen Hotoktu, had voluntarily paid compensation on the behalf of the Tibetan government when some Nepali shops were looted in Lhasa.h Wouldn’t it be proper for him to make claims to Tibetan territory? In addition to these brief points, many religious and historical issues were discussed.12 Although both the Tibetan and the Chinese representatives had said throughout the long talks that no suitable solution was possible, Foreign Minister McMahon offered a solution on February 27, 1914. On the territorial question, he suggested they use the terms Outer Tibet and Inner Tibet. Tibet was to be described as being nominally included in China (in a relationship of suzerainty). The Tibetans did not care to hear talk of being “nominally a part of China,” and the Chinese did not care to hear of “Outer Tibet and Inner Tibet.” However, in order to reach a stable and enduring peace agreement for the future, both China and Tibet reluctantly accepted McMahon’s proposals. According to the terms of the treaty under discussion, the British and Chinese governments would accept that Tibet was nominally a part of China (in a relationship of suzerainty). China would accept that Outer Tibet was free and autonomous and would refrain from interfering in the politics of that area. Nor would they interfere in the recognition or enthronement of the Dalai Lama. Tibet would not be transformed into a Chinese province, and the British also would recognize that they had no authority to take possession of even small tracts of Tibetan territory. The Chinese would not send soldiers into Outer Tibet and would not post any civil or military officials there. In addition, they would not establish any offices or engage in any sort of colonialism. Three months after the signing of the agreement, all Chinese soldiers and officers stationed in Tibet had to be withdrawn. The Chinese would

h

See p. 632 above.

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be permitted to station one senior official in Lhasa with a bodyguard numbering no more than three hundred soldiers. The agreement also stipulated that not only was it impermissible for the British and Chinese governments to enter into treaties or contracts about Tibet [with each other], but they were also forbidden to enter into such agreements with other countries. However, it was permissible for Britain and Tibet to sign treaties. Article IX of the proposed treaty said:13 For the purpose of present Convention the borders of Tibet, and the boundary between Outer and Inner Tibet, shall be as shown in red and blue respectively on the map attached thereto. Nothing in the present Convention shall be held to prejudice the existing rights of the Tibetan Government in Inner Tibet, which include the power to select and appoint the high priests of monasteries, to retain full control in all matters affecting religious institutions, to issue appointment orders to chiefs and local officers, and to collect all customary rents and taxes.

Among the other important points of the convention, the Tibetans vociferously protested the statement that “Tibet was nominally a part of China,” as there is no such statement in the original version of the (Simla) treaty. However, among the notes exchanged between the parties, the Tibetans were forbidden to send delegates to the Chinese National Assembly, and it was impermissible for more than seventy-five troops to be sent to protect the British trade marts. Although Yifan Zhen, the Chinese representative, signedi that copy of the Simla Convention, he received orders from the Chinese government not to sign or affix his seal to the final treaty. The British government began to feel irritated toward the Chinese when they realized that the Chinese had been dissimulating and had been ordered not to endorse a final decision. As a result, the British sent the following communiqué to the Beijing government on June 25, 1914: His Majesty’s British government has engaged in such talks through this period in order to effect a suitable agreement between China and Tibet. However, the Chinese government has refused to come to a decision. Thus, henceforth, I call on the Chinese government to exert their complete effort. If you do not sign the agreement before the end of this month, then

i Shakabpa says that Yifan Zhen “signed” (lag rtags brgyab) the text, although other sources report that he merely initialed it, including Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa, Tibet: A Political History (New Haven, Yale University Press, 1967), 255.

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your words are empty. If you fail to sign, then the British government will reach another agreement directly with the Tibetan government.

On the tenth day of the fifth month of the Tibetan Wood-Tiger Year, or July 3, 1914, the Chinese, Tibetan, and British representatives met again. Indian Foreign Minister McMahon said that they had discussed the situation again and again; if they signed the agreement, matters would improve in the future. Otherwise, he continued, Britain and Tibet would sign this agreement and others they may initiate between themselves. Still, the Chinese side would not agree to sign. Thus, right in front of the Chinese representative, the British and Tibetan representatives affixed their seals and signed the Convention. In addition, His Majesty’s British government and the Tibetan government reached another agreement to amend the preceding one. It said:14 The agreement already reached will be recognized by the British and Tibetan governments. As the Chinese government has not signed that Convention, she will not enjoy any of the rights or authority it grants to the Chinese government. This document, with two copies each in Tibetan and English, is sealed and signed on the tenth day of the fifth month of the Wood-Tiger Year (July 30, 1914).

Ever since the agreement was reached between the British and Tibetan governments, there was no longer any basis for dispute about whether Tibet was nominally included within China (in a relationship of suzerainty). Therefore, not only did it reaffirm that Tibet was free and independent, but Tibet’s authority to negotiate treaties directly was also clarified. Subsequently, the British and Tibetan representatives newly concluded the Eleven-Point Trade Agreement to replace the treaties of 1893 and 1908, which had been abrogated by article seven of the Simla Convention.15 The boundary separating India and Tibet to the east of Bhutan, known as the McMahon Line, was also agreed upon in the Simla Convention or the Treaty Relations as a sign of good faith. Previously, in March of 1914, Sir Henry McMahon and Prime Minister Shedra discussed the border issue on equal terms. The border was drawn on the map in red ink. The two representatives exchanged letters through which Prime Minister Shedra was asked to get the Tibetan government’s approval, which is as follows:16

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chapter sixteen Lönchen Shatra (i.e., Shedra), Tibetan Plenipotentiary. In February last, you accepted the India-Tibet frontier from the Isu Razi Pass to the Bhutan frontier, as given in the map (two sheets), of which two copies are herewith attached, subject to the confirmation of your government and the following condition:— (a) The Tibetan ownership in private estates on the British side of the frontier will not be disturbed. (b) If the sacred places of Tso Karpo and Tsari Sarpa fall within a day’s march of the British side of the frontier, they will be included in Tibetan territory and the frontier modified accordingly. I understand that your Government has now agreed to this frontier subject to the above two conditions. I shall be glad to learn definitely from you that this is the case. You wished to know whether certain dues now collected by the Tibetan government at Tsöna Jong and in Kongbu and Kham from the Monpas and Lopas for articles sold may still be collected. Mr. Bell has informed you that such details will be settled in a friendly spirit, when you have furnished him the further information, which you have promised. The final settlement of this India-Tibet frontier will help to prevent causes of future dispute and thus cannot fail to be of great advantage to both Governments. A. H. McMahon, British Plenipotentiary. Delhi 24th March 1914. To Sir Henry McMahon,17 British Plenipotentiary to the China-Tibet Conference. As it was feared that there might be friction in the future unless the boundary between India and Tibet is clearly defined, I submitted the map, which you sent to me in February last, to the Tibetan Government at Lhasa for orders. I have now received orders from Lhasa, and I accordingly agree to the boundary as marked in red in the two copies of the maps signed by you subject to the condition mentioned in your letter, dated 24th March, sent to me through Mr. Bell. I have signed and sealed the two copies of the maps. I have kept one copy here and returned herewith the other. Sent on the 29th day of the 1st month of the Wood-Tiger Year (25th March 1914) by Lönchen Shatra, the Tibetan Plenipotentiary. Seal of Lönchen Shatra.

It was affixed with a government seal. Since Prime Minister Shedra was concerned for the future, he wrote a letter to the Indian foreign minister on the fifteenth day of the fifth month requesting modern weaponry and military assistance.18 He wrote:

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At present, we are continuing to eject Chinese forces from Kham. In order to protect our country into the future, please sell us five thousand high-quality modern guns, twenty cannon, and sufficient ammunition for them. In addition, please loan us two people who know how to fix broken cannon for a period of three years. Since China has not entered into the Convention, we do not know where they will militarily harass us next. If they do harass us, we hope you can provide us the military assistance we definitely require.

Because the foreign minister had gone to England, they were unable to get an immediate reply. However, it was reported to the Indian government, and thus they were told that they would receive a swift response. When Prime Minister Shedra left Simla with his assistants, he traveled to Gangtok, Sikkim, by way of Calcutta. Upon arriving in Gangtok, Basil Gould, the Sikkim political officer, presented him with a wire from the British government. Gould explained verbally and in writing that at present, the British government would gather armaments from its military camps in India, including five thousand guns and five hundred thousand rounds of ammunition, as well as oil and cloth; these would be presented to the Tibetan government as a good-faith gift from the British government. Accordingly, the initial shipment, consisting of one thousand guns, one hundred thousand rounds of ammunition, twenty-five tins of oil, and six lots of cloth was presented. A receipt affixed with seals was passed through Lekden Sahib on the seventh day of the seventh month of 1914.19 One month after the Simla Convention was finalized, World War I began in Europe between Britain and Germany. As soon as the Dalai Lama heard about it, he decided to send military assistance from Tibet to Britain, acting as her ally. Accordingly, Prime Minister Zhölkhang sent a letter to the Indian government through Sikkim’s political officer as follows: To Sikkim’s Political Officer, Supreme Sahib of the Prime Minister’s rank: Recently, we have received information from the newspapers and from Prime Minister Shedra that Germany has declared war on the British Empire and France, due to which matters are in great turmoil in Europe. The Sovereign Protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché has instructed me to indicate that although Chinese forces continue to make incursions into Kham, it would bring pleasure to Tibet if we could support the British government, as we have relied upon you. As a result, we wish to return the kindness of the British government by sending one thousand troops

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chapter sixteen to India. Please confer with the British Empire Sahib, and inform us of their decision. Sent together with a greeting scarf on the second day of the seventh month of the Wood-Tiger Year.

Since this official letter was transmitted through Prime Minister Shedra, it seems he must have produced an English translation. I obtained the original sealed version from his personal papers.20 In response, Basil Gould, Sikkim’s Political Officer, wrote Prime Minister Shedra to say:21 Dear Lönchen Shatra: Thank you for your letter dated the fifteenth day of the seventh month. Immediately after I received your letter, I conveyed its substance to our Government of India, and I have received a reply from them saying that the British Government was deeply touched and grateful to His Holiness the Dalai Lama, for his offer to send one thousand Tibetan troops to support the British Government. Please inform His Holiness that the British Government will seek the support of Tibet whenever the need arises. With greeting scarves from B. J. Gould, Political Officer of Sikkim. Twenty-seventh day of the seventh month.

Prime Minister Shedra and his assistants returned to Lhasa on the seventeenth day of the ninth month of 1914 with confidence that they had fulfilled the best objectives desired by the Tibetan government, like the legendary trader who returned with a jewel.j Prime Minister Shedra and his assistants had an audience with the Dalai Lama during which they reported on the Simla Conference. In addition, they gave a report to the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly. However, the real meaning of the convention was not announced to the monk and lay government officials or to the people, except to say that everything had been successful. The British may have advised them to delay this announcement, or the announcement may have been delayed because the atmosphere in Tibet at that time was very conservative. As a result, there does not seem to have been a clear understanding of the convention.

j The adage means they were proud to be able to return with such a valuable treasure, like a legendary successful merchant who was able to trade simple goods for a precious jewel through his commercial skills.

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In 1915, the senior army general, Dzasak Tsarong Dazang Dradül, was appointed as a cabinet minister, although he continued to be a general. The junior army general, Taiji Trimon Norbu Wangyal, was appointed as a cabinet minister as a reward for his previous service during the 1912 Chinese-Tibetan war and for his successful service as Prime Minister Shedra’s assistant. Deputy Yül Lhatenpa Tsewang was appointed as the junior army general. After they returned from studying British military science in Gyantsé, Bhumpa Dzasak and Doring Taiji were appointed as Dapöns in charge of newly formed conscripted units. Around that same year, the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché, Chögyi Nyima, constructed an image of Maitreya Buddha from gold and copper at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. It was seven human heights or eighty-five cubits high. An image of that stature had never before been seen in Tibet, and it is possible to say that it is the largest image of gold and copper in the eastern world. The Tibetan government ordered one regiment to train in the Japanese military tradition under the Japanese officer, Yasajiro Yajima. Another unit learned the Russian tradition of warfare under the Mongolian officer Tenpé Gyeltsen, who had been trained in Russia himself. In 1916, after they had completed their studies, the regiments that had been trained in the Russian and Japanese traditions, the regiment trained in Gyantsé under the British, and the regiment that had previously learned the Chinese tradition gathered in an empty field before Norbu Lingkha Palace. For four days, they practiced the old and new weaponry skills, fighting skills, marching, horse maneuvers, water exercises, and other such skills before the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, the prime ministers, the cabinet, the monk and lay government officials, and the public of Lhasa and Zhöl. The improved units were praised and given awards. It was decided that in the future, the Tibetan military would be trained in the British tradition; those in the capital and on the border were to be trained in turn. The old and new units were assigned letters of the Tibetan alphabet, and each was given our national flag.22 The Tibetan Army Office produced a book of essential principles, which were announced all over Tibet. Government officials such as Samdrup Podrang Sé Pelden Chöwang, Dingjawa Dorjé Gyeltsen, Gyibuk Zhönpa Sönam Wangyel, and Norgyé Nangpa Sönam Dorjé, and several ordinary soldiers with different specializations had been sent to army camps in Quetta and Shillong, India, to study the use of modern weapons, such as artillery and machine guns. The strength of Tibet’s military had been increasing for some

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time and had been augmented by a stockpile of modern weapons that had also been acquired. Tibet had taken advantage of the opportunity presented by the fact that there were wealthy countries that were willing to sell these items. In Tibet, the practice of medicine and astrology were particularly advanced, and so there had never been a need to refer to other systems for help in this area. Though there were some private individuals who practiced medicine and astrology and thereby benefited people, there were primarily two institutions that had been established by the government: the great fifth Dalai Lama and Desi Sangyé Gyatso had founded the medical school of Zhenpen Dropenling at Jakri Mountain and Songdupeling in Zhikatsé. There had been no other medical practitioners, [except for those who trained at these institutions]. More recently, the Dalai Lama, considering the great importance of benefiting people with medical and astrological science, founded the Medical and Astrological Institute, a new medical school on the near side of Tengyeling. Knowledgeable students were gathered from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and other monasteries throughout Ü Tsang. The most competent leaders were placed in charge of the newly founded institute, including Ngözhi Jampa Tupten, who was appointed as the abbot with general responsibility, and Khyenrap Norbu of Sera Monastery’s dispensary, who was appointed as the junior abbot of medicine and astrology. All of the older teachers and younger students at the institute were provided with food, clothes, beds, medical texts, equipment, other medical items, and whatever was needed. These were all gifts from the government. The Dalai Lama also gave a large endowment from his private treasury. The students were instructed in the four non-erroneous medical tantras, the condensed essential instructions of Tibetan scholars, and the extent of black and white astrology. Poor people in Lhasa and Zhöl and all people without distinction were given free medical care during the Great Prayer Festival. Still, many people died or became ill from smallpox because of a lack of proper care for children, and a great number of people died from other infectious diseases. Consideration was given to these particular concerns and a panel of knowledgeable experts was formed to deal with the problem. Principles of modern hygiene were taught and put into practice. Though it was preferable to attend the Medical and Astrological Institute in person, if this could not be done, then medicine and pamphlets teaching about proper care of mothers and children were distributed in all

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areas. Each year, vaccines were imported from India and distributed. These measures had a great effect. Teachers of medicine and astrology and medical dispensers were dispatched to various areas to provide training, resulting in enormous benefit for the people of Tibet.k The Dalai Lama wanted to have representatives to the Tibetan National Assembly elected by people in the respective districts, as was the practice in the developed nations of the world. He called a meeting in the Zhöl offices of the regional leaders, senior military officers, and elders from the districts and estates throughout the country to consider the proposal. They agreed that in general this idea would be a hardship for the representatives and might not benefit the people and the government. They felt that many who live in remote areas are ignorant and uneducated, and representatives would experience difficulties due to the great distances they would have to travel; thus, the members of the meeting could not understand how the proposal would help the government or the present situation. In addition, several older government officials were resistant to change, and monastery representatives urged that the measure would only cause hardship to the religious estates, as they already had representatives. This reluctance was a sign of the times, that the people had not yet advanced sufficiently. For the time being, the cabinet declared that new schools should be established in the various districts for the education of intelligent young people; orders were given that the regional leaders must implement the plan. Thus, the Dalai Lama’s idea of having popularly elected representatives had to be withdrawn temporarily. At the same time, even though independent courts had been established in most major regions, when ignorant citizens would become involved in legal matters, they did not understand the legal system. Thus, those people who had broken the law and some innocent people had no recourse. In order to correct this problem as much as possible, everyone was to hire a lawyer to represent themselves in court, as was the custom in foreign nations. Also, the government made arrangements so that poor people who were unable to pay for a lawyer could be represented without paying.23 Moreover, valuable legal documents were drawn up that delineated everyone’s rights in such matters as legal suits, petitions, and contracts.

k Alex McKay, “An Excellent Measure: the Battle Against Smallpox in Tibet, 1904–1947,” in Tibet Journal 30 (2005), 119–130.

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The Dalai Lama had expressed his approval of these measures, but several people of high rank who were close to him reported on the pros and cons of the reforms. As a result, these reforms had to be withdrawn.24 Even though these and other reforms had been approved, they could not be implemented because of contradictory circumstances at that time. They were delayed because of the nature of the times; I do not think this was a result of political machinations. Notes to Chapter Sixteen 1. I made a copy of this proclamation from the registry of records at Lion Castle (seng rdzong). 2. See the Appendix I, p. 1112 for the complete treaty between Tibet and Mongolia. 3. Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, 128-ba-5. 4. That date is from the introduction of Buddhism. Thus, the date previously mentioned, 123, is different by 15 years. 5. While Ngözhi Tupten Künkhyen, who was my uncle, was staying at Döl estate, he left for Calcutta to learn about the currency printing press. Eventually, he was given responsibility for the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production after being Tsedrön and Khendrung. In 1932, he was appointed as the first officer with general responsibility for civil and military affairs in the northern region. During his tenure there, he went to the treaty negotiations in Ziling [in order to secure the release of the young fourteenth Dalai Lama]. 6. In 1922, the telegraph line was established from Lhasa to Gyantsé. The Indian official Rosenmeyer assisted in its construction initially. Translator’s Note: J. Fairley, the first European to visit Lhasa since the Younghusband mission, led the construction efforts just prior to Bell’s mission in October 1920. 7. They were Ngortartsé Monastery’s Abbot Sönam Gyeltsen, Khetsün Zangpo, and Tsarong Semo Tsering Drölma. 8. The Dapöns were: Pulungpa (who attacked the enemy at Dzezamkha), Jingpawa (who attacked the enemy at the river between Sertsa and Terchen), Dokharsé, Khyung Rampa, Tré Tongpa, Tré Lingpa (who attacked the enemy at Chamdo and its environs), and Tsogowa, Marlampa, Tanawa (who attacked the enemy at Poyül). The commanders of the regional armies were: Khenchung Dawa and Serngak Tsedrung Zhapchung (who attacked the enemy at Riwoché) and Tsedrung Tsöndrü Ngödrup. Translators Note: According to this list, there seem to be nine Dapöns and either two or three commanders of the regional armies, instead of the promised eight and two, respectively. 9. On December 12, 1960, India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru sent a letter to China’s Premier Zhou Enlai. See p. 28 of the Tibetan translation of that and Boundary, (sic) p. 15. Translator’s Note: I have been unable to identify either the Tibetan text of Nehru’s letter or the source referred to as “Boundary.” The English text of the letter is found in Jawaharlal Nehru, Letters to Chief Ministers: 1947–1964, 5 vols., ed. G. Parthasarathi (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1985–1989). The conference is described in detail in volume two of Alastair Lamb, The McMahon Line: A Study in the Relations between India China and Tibet, 1904 to 1914 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966). 10. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 152. Translator’s Note: This is a paraphrase rather than a quote.

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11. All of these records are clearly set forth in the register of exchanges arranged by the Treasury Office. 12. All of the replies that were made during the Simla talks are in the Collection of Records. 13. According to the book published by the Indian government on the border issue (p. 110), “The Red Line, which marks the border between India and Tibet, is called the McMahon Line. The Blue Line lies between Inner and Outer Tibet.” Since this was determined by the Chinese, they recognized the area beyond the blue line as Outer Tibet. Translator’s Note: It is unclear what book Shakabpa had in mind. A map depicting the red and blue lines is to be found in Alastair Lamb, The McMahon Line: A Study in the Relations between India China and Tibet, 1904 to 1914 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1966), 554–555. The final phrase quoted by Shakabpa, “to issue appointment orders to chiefs and local officers, and to collect all customary rents and taxes,” was omitted from the final official version of the treaty. See the same source (p. 623, fn. 4). 14. The entire treaty is given on pp. 1096–1100 below. If it is necessary to read it in English, see Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 148–159, and H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), pp. 269–272. 15. The entire treaty is given in H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 272–275. 16. See Collection of Simla Records. For the English, see H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 267. 17. The original map is in the Collection of Simla Records. For the English, see H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 268. 18. Collection of Simla Records, 87-na-2. 19. Collection of Simla Records. 20. See Collection of Simla Records. For the English, see H. H. Dodwell, ed. The Cambridge History of India (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1932), 77. 21. See Collection of Simla Records. These letters use different names for the Political Officer of Sikkim. 22. The explanation of the Tibetan national flag is given above, pp. 94–97. 23. I asked Sitsab Dekharwa and my uncle Cabinet Minister Changkhyim Tupten Shākya how someone would go about becoming a lawyer during that time. They said: A lawyer at that time would undertake special studies. In some places, there were not actual lawyers, but disputes could be settled and the truth discovered by relying on people with natural intelligence who took religious and national laws as their bases. Examining the evidence and analyzing the testimony, a good result could be obtained. Examples of such lawyers include Sherdrung Chö Gyeltsen, Tangpön Nyerpa, Möndrong Kelzang, and Shechak Gyellak. 24. I have heard this from many knowledgeable witnesses, such as Cabinet Minister Dzasak Neshar Tupten Tarpa.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

TIBETAN-CHINESE WAR IN KHAM TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION In the previous chapter, Shakabpa recounted how Tibet was able to assert its autonomy in the aftermath of the demise of the Qing Dynasty in 1911. However, as chaos in China declined, authorities there aspired to gain command over the portions of the empire, as they would say, that had drifted away from central control. In 1916, Chinese forces came into contact with Tibetan troops in Kham, foreshadowing the larger conflict that would follow. As China was able to extend its influence into the border areas, Tibetan monasteries and lay people experienced ever greater oppression and dislocation. Under the command of the Do Governor Jampa Tendar (d. 1921/1922), the monastic member of the cabinet, Tibetan forces in Kham experienced success. Chinese and Tibetan troops clashed in Riwoché and Chamdo in 1917, and a more general war in Kham in eastern Tibet was decided in Tibet’s favor, with some prominent Chinese commanders being killed or committing suicide at their surrender. Shakabpa portrays this quite decisive victory as being a thoroughgoing repudiation of Chinese involvement in the region, and he depicts the local Khampa leadership as accepting Lhasa’s authority. Ultimately, a British official, Eric Teichman (1884–1944), became involved in the resulting peace negotiations and the withdrawal of forces agreement.a A notable consequence of these talks was the determination of Tibet’s eastern border at the Drichu River.b Even more significant for Shakabpa, however, is what these tripartite talks indicate about Tibet’s international status:c Not only is it clear that there are no grounds for supposing Tibet’s power to be insignificant, but the fact that the three—China, Tibet, and Britain—made a treaty as equals indicates very clearly that Tibet was free and independent.

a

See Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1922). b See map of eastern Tibet, p. 784. c See p. 799 below.

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1. As in the map showing Tibet’s place in Asia, this map depicts the extent of cultural or linguistic Tibet. The border between Tibet and India follows the McMahon Line. The Yangtze River, called the Drichu (’bri chu) in Tibetan, was regarded as forming the border with China. See p. 783 above.

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The thirteenth Dalai Lama’s efforts to establish the internationally recognized apparatus of nationhood seem to have begun to have an affect. For centuries, eastern Tibetans, particularly in Kham, had enjoyed quite comprehensive autonomy from both China and Lhasa. In this chapter, Shakabpa makes a concerted effort to identify exceptions to this pattern. He later cites a 1918 letter from Dergé monks and laity praising “the noble activities of the Tibetan government, Ganden Podrang,” a positive disposition that people in eastern Tibet frequently had not felt in the past.d Shakabpa suggests a close relationship between Dergé and the Lhasa government, with the former turning to the Dalai Lama’s government for help in resolving a succession dispute. Ganden Podrang also provided monastic subsidies and undertook other reforms. As further evidence of Tibetan autonomy, Shakabpa describes Tibetan coinage issued in the early decades of the 20th century. Also beginning around 1916, the Dalai Lama began to form a much closer bond to British-India, particularly with Charles Bell, the British governor of Sikkim and, as mentioned above, the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s eventual English-language biographer. The already strained relations between the Dalai Lama and the Paṇchen Lama became even more conflicted in the 1920s. For the first time, Lhasa imposed taxes on Trashi Lhünpo monastic holdings, and the Dalai Lama was displeased by the separate relations maintained by the Paṇ chen Lama with both Britain and China. By the end of 1923, the Paṇchen Lama had departed Tibet for Mongolia and China. Shakabpa represents him as having been used by the Nationalists in China, although some other contemporary scholars see the Paṇchen Lama as having made fairly skillful use of the Chinese as well.e Despite evidence to the contrary, Shakabpa consistently endeavors to portray relations between the Dalai Lama and the Paṇchen Lama as friendly and trusting. He remarks:f

d

See p. 800 below. The best sources on the sixth Paṇchen Lama’s experience in China are Parshtam Mehra, Tibetan Polity, 1904–1937: The Conflict Between the 13th Dalai Lama and the 9th Panchen: A Case Study (Wiesbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1976) and especially Gray Tuttle’s Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), which provides helpful context for understanding relations between Chinese and Tibetan actors in the period. f See p. 808 below. e

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chapter seventeen There is absolutely no evidence that there was any mistrust between the Dalai Lama and Paṇchen Rinpoché. Through examining their letters, one can know with certainty that the tremendous faith and compassion between the lama and his student did not involve any contentiousness.

Instead, he blames the Paṇchen Lama’s attendants for being divisive. The Dalai Lama maintained his efforts to modernize life to conform to the norms he had witnessed outside of Tibet. For example, the Tibetan army was expanded to ten thousand troops, the Lhasa police force was reformed, and armaments were enhanced. Among Tibetans in general, there was a deep sense of discomfort with foreign influences during this time. Shakabpa describes the suspicion people felt towards motor vehicles in Tibet. Similarly, he mentions that an English-medium school was opened for a time in the 1920s and some young Tibetans were sent to India for military training. However, these opportunities were shortlived, as conservative elements within Tibetan society disapproved of such innovations. It is clear from Shakabpa’s tone and his comments throughout the text that he regrets this Tibetan resistance to change. Through the late 1920s and early 1930s, the Dalai Lama continued to resist the presence of foreigners, including Russians or Mongolians whose countries had by that time embraced communism. Meanwhile, China made efforts to establish an official presence in Tibet. Territorial disputes continued to crop up with Tibet’s neighbors, including a 1927 dispute over Chinese incursions at Powo. The same year, the Chinese Nationalist President Chiang Kaishek (1887–1975) attempted to open relations with Tibet, but Tibetans remained disinterested in anything beyond informal and mainly religious exchanges with the Chinese. In contrast, the Dalai Lama fortified links with other figures beyond Tibet, including Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948), the United States President Herbert Hoover (1874–1964), and the Japanese Prime Minister Makoto Saitō (1858–1936). The 1930s opened with a series of border conflicts with Chinese troops. Despite its increasing professionalism, the Tibetan army was defeated at Ziling, Denkhok, and elsewhere. A series of minor campaigns in eastern Tibet necessitated the negotiation of the Ziling-Tibetan Treaty.g Shakabpa himself was a junior aide charged with carrying official government seals; thus it is with this account that Shakabpa’s own enduring public career enters the pages of this volume.

g

See p. 824 ff. below.

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Amidst a variety of ill-omened presentiments, the Dalai Lama died in 1933 at the age of fifty-eight. Extensive customary ceremonies were planned and undertaken. Meanwhile, one of his closest aides, his personal attendant, Tupten Künpel (1905–1963) came under scrutiny. Of peasant origins, he had risen to a position of unusual power through the sponsorship of the Dalai Lama. He had established a private army called the Drongdrak Makgar through which he elaborated a distinct power base, alienating the cabinet and many other people. With the death of his patron, people feared that Tupten Künpel might be trying to seize power. Ultimately, Künpel was arrested and sent into exile in China.h

h These events are narrated in detail in Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 146–185.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN

TIBETAN-CHINESE WAR IN KHAM Lama Jampa Tendar, the cabinet minister with general responsibility over civil and military affairs in Domé,a was afraid that contrary conditions would affect the continuing negotiations between China, Tibet, and Britain at Simla. Thus, in order to promote short term peace and harmony, he wrote a letter to the Chinese General Pin Tungling at Chamdo, Drin Tungli who lived in the Ba region, and Chang Ulen who lived in Dartsedo. Although the other Chinese leaders did not respond, General Pin Tung ling of Chamdo sent a yak’s tongue in response at one point.b At another point, he said, “We intend to come up to Kongpo Gyamda.” Hence, the initial foundation for the ChineseTibetan war was set. Other conditions underlying the war are as follows: Within the Chinese army at Chamdo, the Chinese commanders Chang and Tān had one thousand six hundred soldiers and two cannon under their control at Riwoché. In an uninhabited region of Do, Chinese soldiers who were harvesting grass arrested two men who were tending livestock for the Tibetan army; they were imprisoned at Riwoché. As advised by the Do Governor, Tibetan soldiers from Lho Castle wrote to the Chinese leaders of Riwoché and Chamdo saying that they must immediately correct the situation. Not only were they not released, they were supposed to be taken to Chamdo. When they left for Chamdo from Riwoché accompanied by fifty Chinese soldiers, Tibetan soldiers were lying in wait, and they snatched the Tibetans from the Chinese. As a result, the troubles between the two sides increased. In 1916, the Do Governor discovered that the Chinese were planning to reinforce their forces in Chamdo, Kardzé, Ba, and so forth, and they were planning to transport military pay, materials, and weapons. In addition, he received a letter attempting to establish relations with the Chinese soldiers of Chamdo and Riwoché, which said:

a

Hereafter, this figure is refered to as the Do Governor. Given the cultural significance of the yak in Tibet, this provocative act was an expression of contempt for Tibetans. b

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chapter seventeen Since I am planning to reinforce the armies and bring in a great quantity of resources, we will be able to proceed on to Kongpo Gyamda before long.

Not only that, but the letter also said that because of China’s serious oppression of the many monasteries in the regions of Markham, Gojo, Sangen, Drakyap, and so forth, “the Tibetan government is going to evict people.” Many covert messengers arrived. As a result, the Do Governor formulated a plan according to which three Tibetan armies were created. The first was sent by way of Riwoché and Chakzamkha to cut off the flow of Chinese reinforcements coming from Dergé in the northern area of Chamdo. A second group of Tibetan soldiers was sent to the western part of Chamdo straight through Lagong Ngenda and Lamda. The third group was sent to Drakyap by way of Tsawabashö to expel the Chinese soldiers who were in Markham, obstruct the Chinese reinforcements who were coming from the Ba region, and to flank Chamdo from the southeast. The commanders gradually arrived.1 Within several months, Dapön Pulungpa and Tretongpa Gyurmé Gyatso had expelled the Chinese. Two senior Chinese commanders and about six hundred ordinary soldiers escaped to Chamdo. Many of the remainder died, and many were captured. Among the weapons that the Tibetans seized were two German-made cannon. Thereafter, having come through Chakzamkha, Ngomchu, and Dzachu, the Tibetan troops arrived in Chamdo in the sixth month of 1917. At that time, the famous Dapön Pulungpa was lost to the enemy in Dzezamkha. The Tibetan soldiers who were going by way of Shapyé Zampa, led by Dapön Tré Lingpa and Tsogowa, had to fight fiercely for a long time at Ngenda and Lamda, where the Chinese army had made the extensive preparations. They slowly proceeded on to Chamdo. The Do Governor’s offices were transferred from Lho Castle to the Shapyé Zampa region. The group that had gone by way of Tsawabashö, led by Dapön Khyung Rampa and Tanawa, together with the local militia, expelled the Chinese forces who were in Drakyap Jamdün, Lhadün, Markham, and so forth. Border guards were introduced at Bumla Pass, thus preventing Chinese reinforcements from going to Chamdo from the Ba region. Eventually, they reached the southeast region of Chamdo, according to plan. From that point, the Chinese troops in Chamdo had no way to reach Dartsedo from Kardzé except through Dergé. There were no more than four thousand Chinese soldiers in Chamdo. Chinese reinforcements that

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were coming from Kardzé by way of the great Dergé Monastery were wiped out by the Tibetan army at a place called Dopa. They captured two German-made cannon and a large cache of ammunition. After that, when the one thousand Chinese soldiers led by the commander Wu Kontai arrived at Topa Drugu Monastery, two days from Chamdo, they were destroyed by the Tibetan army. While Wu Kontai was in prison at Lhodrak Senggé Castle, I personally interviewed him. He said: General Chang Ulen sent me from Dartsedo to help the troops at Chamdo, along with one thousand troops, ammunition, and a large quantity of money to pay the soldiers. I led about two thousand local militia troops from the Horkhok area, and having left, we arrived at Topa Drugu Monastery,2 near Chamdo, in the afternoon. While we were staying there for the day, several Tibetan soldiers arrived near the main river in front of the monastery. They fired a few shots and left. I was convinced that they would come back that night, so guards were posted along the monastery’s wall. I sent messengers directing the large contingent of Chinese soldiers to take up positions along the river and the local militia to arrange themselves behind the mountain. At about midnight, the Tibetans arrived, a heavy barrage of firing ensued, and the bullets came down on the monastery like falling rain. When I was able to survey the situation as dawn came, I discovered that the local militia who were in our midst had been collaborating with the Tibetans against us. As a result, except for the Chinese soldiers within the monastery, the entire area was completely lost to the Tibetans, both behind the mountain and on top of it. Although there was a chance of preventing them from entering the monastery, there was no hope of beating them since they had surrounded the walls. After conversing with the commander under me, I affixed a Tibetan greeting scarf to a long pole in the wall and displayed it as a sign of peace. Subsequently, I personally surrendered to the Tibetans. Dapön Khyung Rampa and another dapön were there. During the night, any Chinese soldiers who were able to escape did so. I turned over everything we had, the weapons, money, and ammunition of the remaining officers and soldiers. We were sent to the Do Governor’s place in Shapyé Zampa. Upon meeting a monk minister I gave him a nice rosary I was wearing on my hand and a gold bracelet which my wife had given me, but he would not take it. Still I was given a special set of traveling clothes and a horse. I was sent to Lhasa in the company of my remaining troops, along with some Tibetan soldiers. Upon arriving in Lhasa, the remaining soldiers were sent on to Burma by way of India and then on to Yunnan. However, with respect to myself, the fourth-ranking Taradopa issued a proclamation to a secretary, and I was sent on to Lhodrak Senggé Castle with an escort consisting of two people. Still, I thought that I was being taken someplace to be killed at that time. I was extremely frightened.

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chapter seventeen However, upon arriving at Senggé Castle, Dzong Rinchen Gangpa read the proclamation which said that my crime was having pursued the Dalai Lama in Chakzamkha in the past. Thereafter, my feet were put in irons and a collar was put on my neck. Since I was not going to be killed, I was very relieved. Previously, when General Luchen (lu’u cun) and the Chinese army had arrived in Lhasa, I had the rank of Du Igen (sdu’i kwan). When the Dalai Lama was escaping to India,c I volunteered [to pursue him] to Pakri, leading the cavalry. It seems that I was recognized due to the large birthmark on my brow. During that time, I had been a young and boastful man. The nobles and ladies of Lhasa called me the “Mulicolored Caterpiller,”d and I knew a good many young nobles and ladies.

Throughout this period, the Tibetan army had extended their control to the four corners of Chamdo. However, Chinese troops around Chamdo secured the area between the Ngomchu and Dzachu Rivers. All over the mountains, there were rugged, sturdy, and well-armed troops, and so the Tibetans’ control was not complete. From among the machine guns the British government had offered as a gift, two thousand rifles and ammunition arrived. As soon as they were distributed to all of the battle sites, the power of the Tibetan forces immediately increased. All of the roadways on the mountaintops in dispute and the front-line bridges were captured by the Tibetan army. By that time, they had become accomplished at firing the four Chinese cannon they had captured from Riwoché and Topa, and they had been set up flanking Chamdo. The Tibetans sent an ominous message to the Chinese saying that if they did not capitulate, they would be completely wiped out. At that time, the Chinese leader called Nai (na’i) solicited advice from the Chinese forces that were in Chamdo. Finally, he said that it would be good if they gave up, and people accused him of being a Tibetan spy. Thus, his throat was cut, and for several days, the Chinese would not surrender. However, in the end, the remainder of the troops would not obey their orders, and in the tenth month of 1917, Pin Tungling sent a letter of capitulation bearing his official seal and stamp. The Chinese commander Chang, who was an impetuous man,

c

See p. 721 ff above. The bug being referred to in the text (‘bu khra khra) may be a ladybug, but that feminine name would have given the wrong impression here. He is representing himself as a flashy or even flamboyant character. The sometimes fancy and often colorful caterpillar may evoke something of the quality inspired by the Tibetan phrase. d

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took his wife, son, and pistol, and committed suicide, jumping into the Tsangpo River from the bridge. Subsequently, two of the Do governor’s deputies and groups of soldiers on the left and right slipped into Chamdo. They raised the Tibetan flag over Chamdo Monastery and on all of the dwellings in Martang. Each of the Chinese civil and military leaders were accounted for by name, and all of their arms were seized. Eleven nobleman officers, including General Pin Tungling, and one thousand four hundred soldiers were captured and imprisoned. Most of the remainder were killed in combat, and many also succumbed to an epidemic. Garwa Lama, a secretary from the Riwoché monastic residence, was arrested for working for the Chinese. It was decided that civilian officials and traders from China should be detained and denied permission to travel across or between cities in Chamdo. The remainder of the Chinese forces determined that General Pin Tungling had committed the crime of hiding a great deal of their pay by dumping about forty thousand Chinese dollars into a coffin, and thereby concealing it as though it were a corpse. The Do Governor, Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa Tendar, went to Chamdo and established a territorial government (sa ngas kyi gzhung) for Domé (Kham). He met there with various civil and military Chinese officers, including General Pin Tungling.3 The Chinese money that had been concealed in the coffin was distributed equally to the Chinese commanders. Five dré of rice and travel clothes were provided for the trip to Lhasa. All of them were sent to Lhasa along with a military escort. General Pin Tungling was allowed to carry whatever private possessions he had. Garwa Lama was taken bound and gagged since he was an evil tantric magician. The Chinese that had been captured in Chamdo and imprisoned were immediately taken to Lhasa. They were all given travel clothes and were returned the Yunnan by way of Burma, with the assistance of the Indian government. General Pin Tungling was sentenced to life in prison in Lhodrakdowo Castle. He married a Lhodrak woman there, and had a son and a daughter. When he died in 1930, his last will stipulated that one third of the little bit of gold dust he had should be offered to the Dalai Lama. Accordingly, his wife and children went to Lhasa, where they offered it. They performed extensive offering services to the Jowo images. It is said that the children were handsome and clever, although the son did a little gambling. Garwa Lama was sentenced to life in prison at Jayül in the Lhokha region, but he escaped and was lost. At that time, Nyelungpa and

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Trengdong Letsen Jampa Kelzang, the commanders of the Jadep regiment of Jayül, reported to the Cabinet that Garwa Lama had died from an illness. However, after several years, he arrived in Nanjing, where he created a new situation for himself. Thereafter, he went to Dartsedo, where he distributed a newsletter promoting revolution against the Tibetan government. As a result, commanders, Nyelungpa and Trengdong Letsenpa, were investigated and censured. Subsequently, when Garwa Lama was in Ba during 1936, the Chinese Communists were moving towards Ba and Litang on the Long March. Garwa Lama escaped to Nyakrong. It is reported that he was killed by people who loved the Tibetan government. Thereafter, the Do Governor Lama Jampa Tendar gave rewards and decorations to the people who had served him diligently and he punished those people who had spied on the Tibetan side and who had fomented turmoil and disaster. In the meanwhile, he appointed officers and stewards to serve at all of the castles that had previously been under Chinese control. He extended his authority over the entirety of Domé, arranging officials to collect taxes and administer justice. He issued currency for the payment of the soldiers’ salaries.4 Military camps were established in order that the soldiers could rest for a few months. All of the chiefs and monasteries of Dergé, Nyakrong, Horkhok, Ba, and Litang sent letters saying, “We have been freed from the unwanted domination of the Chinese through the compassion of the gods and soldiers.” The Tibetans had risen up against the Chinese with whatever power and strength they had. As a result, the Do governor dispatched four platoons of regular forces and one platoon of the local militia from Ü Tsang by way of Dergé and Horkhok to Chakzamkha in Dartsedo, on the border with Sichuan. Three Ü Tsang platoons and one unit of the militia were dispatched from Ba and Litang by way of Markham to Jünaten on the border with Yunnan in order to liberate the people there. As all of the monks and lay people from the various territories cooperated, the Chinese troops who were in Dergé, Sangen, Gojo, and so forth were ejected. Likewise, the units of the Tibetan army who were in Horkhok turned to Nyakrong, Ba, and Litang, and the units in Dartsedo and the captured territory were hopeful of arriving during the night. Because of the incredibly frightful reputation of the Tibetans’ ferocity, it was as though they could not overcome their assault. Thereby, the Chinese General of the Ba region appealed to Dr. Shelton, an American Christian missionary living there. They consulted him on how to resolve the

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border war with Tibet. In addition, Chinese border officials from both Sichuan and Yunnan appealed to the central Chinese government. The Chinese central government appealed to the British government for help in bringing the border war to an end.5 They consulted with Eric Teichman, who was the British Chancellor residing at Trintu in Sichuan. The British government conferred with Lhasa’s government about whether they would consent to a meeting, and they agreed. Thus, Teichman, the British representative and Liutselting (Lu’u Jenting), the Chinese Governor-General of both civil and military affairs in the Ba and Litang region, arrived in Chamdo and met there with Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa Tendar, the Do Governor. At the same time, the Tibetan armies were fighting fierce battles in Rongpatsa and Tsakhalho. Teichman’s book clearly set forth in detail the situation between the Tibetan and Chinese leaders during this time.6 The Chinese and Tibetan representatives remained with the British negotiator; at the end of many days of negotiations, the border was temporarily determined to be at the Drichu River. The region to the east, excluding Dergé and Pelyül were to be controlled by China, and all of the holdings of the monasteries that would then be under Chinese control to the east of the Drichu River were to be controlled by the Tibetan government. Those are some of the terms of the treaty that were agreed upon. The treaty set the borders at the place they had been when hostilities broke out between China and Tibet. It included the following provisions:7 1. Whereas a state of hostilities arose last year between Chinese and Tibetans owing to an attack by Chinese troops on Tibetan troops on account of a trifling dispute near Leiwuchi and Chiamdo; and whereas the leaders on both sides are now desirous of a restoration of peaceful relations on the general basis of both sides retaining the territories they now occupy; and whereas the British Government has consented to mediate in the dispute; the following arrangement for a complete cessation of hostilities has been agreed upon between the undersigned, namely, General Liu Tsan-ting (Liu Zengtin), commanding the Chinese troops at Batang, and acting on behalf of China. The Kalon Lama, commanding the Tibetan troops on the frontier, and acting on behalf of Tibet, and Mr. Eric Teichman, of His Britannic Majesty’s Consular Service, acting on behalf of the British Government. 2. This agreement is of a temporary nature and shall only remain in force until such time as the Governments of China, Tibet, and Great Britain shall have arrived at a final and permanent tripartite settlement; but in the meantime it cannot be modified in any way except with the unanimous consent of all three contracting parties.

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chapter seventeen 3. It is agreed that the provisional boundary line between Chinese and Tibetan controlled territory shall be as follows: The districts of Batang (Baan), Yenching (Tsakalo), Iron (Sanpa or Taso), Tejung (a), Litang, (Lihua), Kantze, Nyarong (Chantui or Chanhua), Luho (Changku or Drango)(b), Taofu (Taowu), Hokou (Nyachuka or Yachiang), Tachienlu (Dartsendo or Kangting), Tampa (Romidrango)(c), Lutingchiao (jazamaka)(e), Chiulung (Jez-erong)(d), Hsiangcheng (Tinghsfang)(f), and Taocheng(g), and the country lying to the east of them, shall be under the control of the Chinese; no Tibetan troops or civil or military officials being permitted to reside therein; while the districts of Riwoche (Leiwuchi), Enta(h), Chiamdo (Changtu), Draya (Chaya), Markam-Gartok (Chiangka or Ningching), Gonjo (Kong, cbueh), Sangen (Sangai or Wucheng), Tungpu (i), Tengko (k),e Seshu (Shihchu), Derge (Teko), and Beyu (Paiyu), and the country lying to the west of them, shall be under the control of the Tibetans; no Chinese troops or civil or military officials being permitted to reside therein. As soon as the Governments of China and Tibet shall have formally accepted this agreement, all the Tibetan troops and civil and military officials at present in Kantze and Nyarong (Chantui) districts shall be withdrawn; the Chinese civil and military authorities engaging not to oppress or in any way maltreat the natives of those parts, including the Lamas of Dargye Gomba and other monasteries, after the withdrawal of the Tibetan troops. The existing boundaries of Yunnan Province and of the Kokonor (i.e., the territory at present under the control of the Sitting officials) shall remain for the present unchanged. 4. It is agreed that, apart from local constabulary necessary for the maintenance of law and order, no Tibetan troops shall be stationed to the east of the river Yangtze (Die Chu or Chin Sha Chiang); and it is likewise agreed that, with the exception of one hundred local constabulary, the Chinese troops stationed on the south and north roads shall not cross to the West of the Yangtze and Yalung rivers respectively; both sides engaging to withdraw their troops in accordance with the above arrangements as soon as the Governments of China and Tibet shall have formally accepted this agreement. 5. It is agreed that the control of all the monasteries in the above, mentioned Chinese governed districts, as well as the right of appointing high Lamas and other monastic functionaries, and the control of all matters appertaining to the Buddhist religion, shall be in the hands of the Dalai Lama; the Chinese not interfering in any way therein; but the Lamas, on the other hand, shall not interfere in the territorial authority of the Chinese officials. 6. The Chinese and Tibetan authorities on both sides of the border shall be responsible for and shall take all possible steps to prevent raids by

e (a) De-Rong (b) Trong-Go (c) Rong-Ming-Trag-Go (d) Gyal-Tso-Rong (e) ChagSam-Ka (f ) Cha-Trong (g) Taotda (h) Ngenda (i) Teng-Pug (k) Ten-Pog.

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7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

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members of their forces or by others under their respective jurisdictions across the temporary boundary line laid down in Article 3; and will render one another reciprocal assistance in the maintenance of order, suppression of brigandage, and apprehension of evil-doers. Peaceful traders and travelers, however, shall be permitted to cross the border without interference. When the Governments of China and Tibet shall have formally accepted this agreement, all the Chinese prisoners in the hands of Tibetans, and all the Tibetan prisoners in the hands of the Chinese, shall be released and permitted to return home if they so desire. It is agreed that no Tibetans or Chinese will be punished or in any way maltreated for having adhered to or supported the Tibetan or Chinese cause in the past before the conclusion of this agreement, a general and complete amnesty in this respect coming into force immediately. The Tibetan and Chinese authorities further undertake that all Chinese in Tibetan controlled territory, and all Tibetans in Chinese controlled territory, whether lamas or laymen, agriculturalists, merchants’, or others, shall be properly protected, well and fairly treated, and in no way oppressed. In the event of any dispute arising between the Tibetan and Chinese authorities on the frontier after the conclusion of this agreement, there shall be no recourse to arms; but both sides agree to refer the matter in dispute to the British Consul for his arbitration. In order to enable the British Consul to carry out satisfactorily his duties of arbitrator and middleman under this agreement, the Chinese and Tibetan authorities engage to render him all possible assistance in visiting the frontier officials and travelling through the frontier districts. Inasmuch as the natives of Eastern Tibet have suffered greatly of recent years from the large numbers of troops stationed in the country, and since now that peace has been arranged under this agreement there is no longer any need for soldiers beyond those necessary for the maintenance of law and order, the Chinese and Tibetan authorities express their willingness to reduce their frontier garrisons; and in accordance with this policy it is agreed that not more than two hundred Chinese troops shall be stationed at Batang and Kantze, respectively, and that not more than two hundred Tibetan troops shall be stationed at Chiamdo and Gartok (Chimgka) respectively; but the authorities on either side shall be at liberty to take what military action they please in case of disturbances of the peace in their respective territories. It is agreed that no Chinese troops shall be stationed in the districts known as Hsiangcheng (Tinghsiang) [Cha-Treng] and Nyarong (Chantui or Chanhua) so long as the natives of those regions remain peacefully within their own borders and abstain from raiding other parts, but in the event of their causing trouble; the Tibetan authorities shall not interfere with any action the Chinese authorities may take.

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chapter seventeen 12. When the Governments of China and Tibet shall have formally accepted this agreement, its provisions shall be widely made known by proclamations in Tibetan and Chinese throughout the districts on both sides of the frontier with a view to pacifying the minds of the inhabitants of the border after the recent years of fighting and unrest. 13. Eighteen copies of this agreement having been drawn up and signed, six in Chinese, six in Tibetan, and six in English, each of the three signatories shall retain two Chinese, two Tibetan, and two English copies. As the British representative has acted as mediator in the matter the English text shall, in the event of disputes arising, be considered authoritative. Each signatory engages to report the provisions of this agreement to his Government with the least possible delay for their approval. Both Chinese and Tibetan authorities engage not to move troops or open hostilities pending the receipt of the decisions of the three Governments. Signed and sealed at Chiamdo, this Nineteenth Day of August, Nineteen Hundred and Eighteen. Liu Tsan-ting (Liu Zengtin Eric Teichman Chamba Denda, the Kalon Lama

The treaty thus signed was forwarded for approval of the respective governments. The date of the withdrawal of the army was to be finalized after the approval from the three governments. Subsequently, discussions were held on the question of a mutual troop withdrawal. The Chinese side was represented by Han Kuangchun (han kong cun) and Chakla Gyelpo, Khenchung Lozang Döndrup, Tsang Dapön Khyungrampa, and Dzang Dapön Tretongpa for the Tibetan side, and British Consular official Eric Teichman as the mediator. The parties went to Rongpatsa. The terms of the troop withdrawal are as follows:8 Supplementary Agreement Regarding Mutual Withdrawal of Troops and Cessation of Hostilities between Chinese and Tibetans 1. The Chinese and Tibetan leaders are equally desirous of peace. The Chinese troops will withdraw to Kantze. The Tibetan troops will withdraw to within the boundary of Derge district. Both Chinese and Tibetans undertake not to advance their forces along either the Northern or Southern Roads and to cease all hostilities for a year from the date of the mutual withdrawal of troops pending the receipt of the decisions of the President of the republic and the Dalai Lama regarding the Chiamdo negotiations. 2. This agreement only concerns the mutual withdrawal of troops and cessation of hostilities, and is not a definite settlement of the questions at issue.

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3. The mutual withdrawal of troops to commence on October 17, (12th day of 9th Moon) and to be completed by October 31, (26th day of 9th Moon). 4. This agreement is concluded between Han Kuang-chun and the Chala Chief, special representatives of the Szechuan Frontier Commissioner, on the one hand, and the Kenchung Lama and Chungrang and Drentong Dapons, representing the Kalon Lama of Tibet, on the other, and is witnessed by Mr. Eric Teichman, British Vice-Consul, as middleman. The signatories engage to report the matter to their respective Governments as soon as possible. Signed and sealed by the Chinese, Tibetan, and British Representatives, at Rangbatsa, October the 10th, 1918. Additional Article The Chinese troops shall withdraw to Kantze, but they shall be at liberty to occupy the strategic point of Beri-beyond which point, however, they must not advance during the cessation of hostilities. (Signed by the three parties)

Once again, the Chinese forces were withdrawn from Gangtsé and for the duration of the peace, the border guards at Beri were not permitted to leave. The armies of both China and Tibet withdrew according to the terms of the treaty. The actual situation can be seen in such things as the wording of both the treaty and the ceasefire. Not only is it clear that there are no grounds for supposing Tibet’s power to be insignificant, but the fact that the three—China, Tibet, and Britain—made a treaty as equals indicates very clearly that Tibet was free and independent. It is clearly written in many British and Tibetan books that if no treaty had been made through the efforts of the Englishman, then the Tibetan army would have easily regained the territory up to Dartsedo and Jünaten. Because there were disagreements over whether to appoint the older and younger candidate for the ruler of Dergé, both were appointed. A gathering of all the officials came to a consensus that for the time being, both Tsodzin Tabur Tsangda Khyungrampa and Tretongpa should be appointed. So it was proclaimed to the officials in charge of receipts and expenditures. The officials and citizens who dwell in the Four Rivers and Six Ranges (chu bzhi sgang drug) of Do Kham and in particular, the monks and laity who live or travel in the Dergé region, sent a letter to all those high or low. It read:

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chapter seventeen We Buddhists consider the noble activities of the Tibetan government, Ganden Podrang, the one hundred joysf of the heavenly emperor, the Lord of Buddhism, to fulfill the principles of the ten Buddhist virtues. It has restored all of the harm which had been done to the precious Buddhist teachings without distinction in Tibet and greater Tibet. At the same time, the particularly noble customs of the protector-religious king are like the love of a mother for her son in providing a foundation of happiness. This is indicated by such things as Ganden Podrang’s obstruction of even a moment’s danger to the lives of those who do not conceive of the self, large or small beings, those who live on mountains or in valleys, on land or in water.

In addition, this detailed proclamation had been distributed so that people can adopt what is virtuous and forsake what is not virtuous. At the same time, due to the deliberate intentions and activities of the evil Chinese marching on Tibet, the proclamation recounted the tremendous tyranny in terms of the monasteries that had been separated from their bases of support and in terms of the unprecedented new taxes which had to be applied to all of the people. There was an internal disagreement between the older and younger Dergé rulers, their close ministers, and so forth. In dependence on just that, the Chinese were able to undermine their authority and seize power. Everyone knew that this would bring about harmful results for the monasteries and the laity. The proclamation also said that once the government regained control over the area, Dorjé Senggé, the prince of that estate, his close attendants, and the common people would continue their allegiance to the government. With the full measure of his authority, the ruler proclaimed himself to be a religious subject of the Dalai Lama. Although the monasteries and the general populace would have been happy with their same old rulers, Prince Dorjé Senggé and Barpa Taiji were bickering between themselves. Because of the uncertainty over who would triumph and who would be defeated in their dispute, the stability and prosperity of the region were threatened. Accordingly, because of the decrease in harmonious relations, they were both sent into retirement with pensions. Since both the older and the younger leader had sons, everyone in the area and in the monasteries agreed they should be named as the new leaders. They appealed to Lhasa for compassion in the matter.

f

This is an allusion to one of the names of Viṣṇu.

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In order to prevent the continual disintegration of the monasteries and the religion and in order to prevent disunity among the public in Dergé, and so forth, the six finest nobles were selected from among the previous officials and they were appointed; the remainder were appointed from among previous castle and estate officials according to their personal qualities. Primarily, they were to exert themselves greatly in taking individual responsibility for the happiness of their region, doing their best to fulfill their office without permitting the status of the Buddhist monasteries or the people to decline. Beyond that, they had to let their own desires fall to the side. Previously, the people had been unjustly oppressed; it became impermissible for the leaders to pursue their own purposes, even in name, through doing such things as imposing labor taxes or conscripting horses to carry loads. The required military obligations in upper, lower, and middle Dzachu, in Yilhungpa, and in Denma, which had been widely avoided, were to be fulfilled. The monasteries of Dergé are also to be given an annual sum. Beyond that, the terrible hardship of taxes which had been imposed during the time the Chinese held control of the area were alleviated. By understanding these kindnesses, people were supposed to remain faithful to Ganden Podrang; they were to guard all of the liberative altruistically motivated activities thoroughly such as practicing, maintaining, and increasing the special religious precepts taught by the monasteries. They were not to permit the four root violations or the branch violations of ethical conduct.g On important occasions, such as during a war, and so forth, special instructions were to be promulgated and people were to behave appropriately. Beyond that, once monasteries had collected the traditional types of taxes, such as the duty of running messages, they were not to attempt to collect additional taxes, claiming that they were customary. The monasteries were to perform their rituals, and so forth, at the proper times without fail, and they were to take steps to establish a happy situation, encouraging the spread of Buddhism through such efforts as encouraging people to give gifts of needed objects. Also, the populace was instructed to go for refuge in the morning and the evening, and adopt what is virtuous and abandon what is not

g The four root violations are misleading one’s teacher, causing other people to regret their virtuous actions, criticizing followers of the Great Vehicle, and cheating people.

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virtuous, as they had previously been taught, through reflecting on the dictates contained in the teaching on the ten virtues.h They were to supplicate and perform twenty-one prostrations to the bodhisattvas of the three familiesi and also to Tārā, in addition, they were to recite prayers continuously in order to spontaneously manifest an altruistic awareness, remove obstacles, and so forth. In particular, it was not permissible to take even one moment of life of large and small creatures that live in uninhabited areas, such as mountains, rivers, deserts, and swamps. During this powerless time, when the government was unable to offer leadership throughout the Dergé district, the Tsang Dapön Khyungtré Drelpo was appointed as the governor with general legal and tax responsibilities; all residents were to obey his orders. In addition, in order to avoid being overwhelmed by purposeless fear over internal disputes, and so forth, people were to give their own resources which they earned in their respective region to those in all areas; everyone was to work for the general welfare, abandoning their own wishes. People were to adopt what is good and abandon what is bad, without error. During this time, there continued to be a large number of officers and soldiers in the area guarding the border; the soldiers were forbidden from oppressing the people through deceptive commercial practices, demanding horse transport without authorization, or from taking provisions, horses, mules, or wages. Local stores of barley flour, meat, butter, and so forth had to be purchased and could not be stolen. The soldiers were not permitted to violate any sort of local legal practice. Similarly, the local inhabitants were enjoined from selling poor quality goods or charging excessive prices. In addition, exchanges had to be done with currency and coins. These provisions, which were for the general welfare and which specified what to adopt and what to abandon, were issued from Chamdo by the Do Kham governor,

h The ten virtues are: not killing, not stealing, not engaging in sexual misconduct, not lying, not engaging in slanderous speech, not engaging in harsh speech, not engaging in idle gossip, not being covetous, not having harmful intent, and not holding wrong views. i The three families of protector deities (rig gsum mgon po or more commonly rigs gsum mgon po) are the primary bodhisattvas on which practitioners meditate. They are: Avalokiteśvara, Mañjuśrī, and Vajrapāṇi.

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cabinet minister Lama on the twenty-fourth day of the repeated tenth month of 1918.9 Since 1896, Chinese troops in Dotö (Kham) had destroyed monasteries such as Drao Arpung, and they had severely oppressed the local population with taxes and labor. Subsequently, as the conflict between China and Tibet had continued for twenty years, the hardships inflicted on the people were immeasurable. Then, when the Chinese were driven out, the sun of happiness dawned a little. But, since it remained necessary for both sides to be cautious, there was no way to avoid having large numbers of border guards in the area. Thus, the people continued to experience a little hardship because of the necessity of providing sleeping quarters, firewood, and transport along the major roads. Previously, in 1904, when the Dalai Lama began to teach the invocation of the great Glorious Vajrabhairava, foreign armies attacked Tibet. As a result, the Dalai Lama was forced to flee to the north immediately. Again, from the twenty-ninth day of the tenth month of 1916 until the twenty-fourth day of the eighth month of 1919, he performed the preliminary practices of the Great Invocation at Norbu Lingkha Lhündrup Gatsel Gi Drudzin Palace, followed by supplementary practice of making burnt offerings. Certain government officials who had remained under the influence of Tsanglek Pardrupa,j and the Dalai Lama’s permanent attendants invited the remainder of the participants to a reception. The Dalai Lama spoke on the important duties of government and also gave presents and advice. As previously mentioned, the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché Chögyi Nyima built a beautiful gold and copper image of Gyeltsap Mipam at Trashi Lhünpo. It was renowned as the greatest such image in the entire Land of Snows, measuring seven stories in height. He completed the construction of the new abode of the image, Jamchen Tongdröl Chenmo. The great protector Dalai Lama performed the blessing of the image with a complete invocation. On account of that, Paṇchen Rinpoché returned to Lhasa in the eleventh month of 1919. Along with the customary religious ceremonies, the Dalai Lama and the Paṇchen Lama discussed the payment of soldiers or provisions for travelers at the religious estate of Trashi Lhünpo and in the surrounding area, but j Tsanglek Pardrupa was one of the seven distinguished savants selected by King Trisong Detsen to be trained as monks. Someone under his influence would be a faithful and wise servant.

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no decisions were reached. The former gave important religious and political advice, and after remaining there for several weeks, the Paṇchen Lama returned to Tsang. The functions of the Stewards Office of the glorious government were previously undertaken at the Zhöl Mint. However, after Lhadö Menju’s civil and military officials had gone, industrial responsibilities were given to Meru Dā Lama Tendzin Chödrak and Chipché Bhumpa’s son, Tseten Wangdu. They opened factories in Medok Gyetsel for the production of currency and firearms. A factory for producing silver and copper plates was opened in Dakpo Lhasöl. The Nortö Office of Gold Coins was newly established in 1915 under Cabinet Minister Tsarongpa’s leadership. Between 1911 and 1921, standard silver coins were valued at five zho, and between 1922 and 1925, gold coins were valued at twenty zang of silver. The standard silver coins and the copper coins which had been circulated previously had been manufactured in human-powered machines. Thus, they were distributed for use. A mill was also established for the manufacture of woolen and goat hair cloth. Rikdzin Dorjé from Jangngö, who had studied in England, subsequently established an electric power station at Dokdé that was driven by water.10 Hence, the money printing operation was moved there. The project gradually became more advanced. In 1931, the Office of Electrical Production, the Treasury of Technology of Boundless Marvels, was newly established at Drapzhi. Coins and paper money, guns, cannon, their spare parts, and ammunition were increasingly manufactured there. In addition, a factory was established at Dromo Norbu Tsokhyil for the production of copper and silver plates. Prime Minister Changkhyimpa Ngawang Pelzang passed away in 1916. Not long after, Shedra Peljor Dorjé, who subsequently took over, also died. In consideration of the advanced age of Prime Minister Zhölkhangpa Tseten Wangchuk, Yapzhi Langdün Gung Künga Wangchuk was appointed as the assistant prime minister, with the fondest hopes of everyone. An inventory was made at Tengyeling Khar and some legal violations on the part of three treasurers of Drepung Loseling Monastery were revealed. They were taken from the monastic estate and were held in the Zhöl offices. At that time, the monks and laity of Drepung Loseling gathered at Norbu Lingkha Palace in order to stridently petition that the three treasurers be restored. The Dalai Lama did not agree to their appeal. There was no need to respond to their clear legal violations.

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From that point, it was proclaimed to all, and those who had engineered the petition were punished. The Governor of Sikkim, Sir Charles Bell, came to Lhasa to deliver a letter on behalf of the Indian ambassador. He met the Dalai Lama at a large celebration at the Norbu Lingkha Palace military camp, and the Tibetan leader accepted the Indian ambassador’s letter. Previously, when the Dalai Lama was staying in Darjeeling, he had known the Governor of Sikkim. In particular, during the tripartite negotiations between China, Tibet, and Britain in Simla, he had made a good impression on the Tibetans. Again and again, he seems to have given favorable reports about Tibet’s situation to the Indian government. Since more can be accomplished through familiarity, there was a great deal of benefit from this relationship. In recent times, the Tibetans had gotten a great variety of necessary war materials, and at the same time, they had received training from the British. Because of their harmonious relations and because Bell had been so helpful, a military reception and send off were arranged for him when he arrived and when he left. Bell Sahib was given special priority and in meetings was given a seat like that of a senior minister. While in Lhasa, he was given special attendants, and the Dalai Lama invited him to performances and ceremonies. From that point on, every two or three years, successive governors of Sikkim would come to Tibet to discuss trade, cultural, and political affairs between India and Tibet. Each of them was treated in a similar manner, and hence, all Tibetans and Sikkimese adopted the practice of calling them “Senior Minister.” At that time, in consideration of the agreeable relations between India and Tibet, a deputy from Lentru Tsongtu requested an audience at the Norbu Lingkha Palace military camp in order that he could offer his salutations to the Dalai Lama. Before the meeting, the deputy and all of his servants were exhaustively searched to see whether they had any daggers or other harmful items. Finally, they were permitted to meet with him. The Tibetan government had begun to post large forces all around their border for protection at this time. The military requisites for this plan were sought from the annual grain tax revenue from the Tsemönling and Tengyeling monastic estates. The remainder came from private people, monasteries, and in particular, from the chiefs and nobles who held extensive ancestral estates, ministerial estates, and estates granted to military people. Taxes were levied on their secret treasuries to the extent this was possible.

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The central government had traditionally given a special dispensation to the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, where the lineage of the Paṇchen Lamas had lived. Thus, extensive cultivated and wild lands were given to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. As its strength became like a second capital, there had seemed to be no special necessity for it to pay taxes. However, it was decided that Trashi Lhünpo must pay one quarter the usual taxes. Khendrung Lozang Tenkyong and Tsipön Lungsharwa Dorjé Tsegyel were assigned the task of evaluating the matter. According to the excess or deficiency of grain in the various castles and estates in a region, grain would be gathered or dispersed. Thus, the grain would be kept for a group of mutually related castles and estates. From what was in storage, farmers could borrow the dry grain at ten percent interest for use as seed or as food. In Ü Tsang, two monks and two laymen were appointed to oversee production. Moreover, seed from estates and from upper and lower Powo which were under the jurisdiction of Do, Dergé, and so forth were transferred to the new Commerce Office. Thus, it was possible to send it to any place in the country where it was needed. As the three stūpas of Nepal were considered to be vital Buddhist sites, the stainless descendants of the previous Tibetan religious kings, Lha Lama Yeshé Ö and Jangchup Ö Khuwön, had restored them and offered services there repeatedly. In addition, important Tibetan lamas and kings had also restored them in turn and continually done such things as building thirteen dharma wheels. During the time presently under discussion, Tibetans heard that Boudanath Stūpa had developed cracks, and that all of the wooden pillars of the Pakpa Shingküngyi dharma wheels were broken. Thereupon, Tokden Śākya Śrī’s son also made an urgent entreaty. Accordingly, in 1917, Tehor Jampa Chödrak and some monks were named to repair and consecrate those sites. Tsechak Lozang Khechok was charged with the responsibility of restoration and was sent with a large sum of money that would be required for the work. They repaired the walls of all three stūpas, and they replaced the broken wooden pillars of the thirteen dharma wheels. By newly gilding things and removing the rust from the old things, they were made like new, and the deteriorated images and so forth were revived. Since they had performed the consecration and so forth so thoroughly, the Gurkha king and his ministers subsequently followed their lead with joy and offered the highest services. In 1920, the printing offices of Drepung and Zhöl completed the woodblocks of the scriptures from Taten Püntsokling which had

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been requested for many years. The restoration work was diligently performed in order to repair the torn pages, the smudged letters, and so forth. With the sponsorship of Jampa Chözang, the retired official of Lamoshar, Butön Tamché Khyenpa’s twenty-six volume Collected Works were reprinted. Most importantly, in 1921, Drigung Gochok’s incarnation, Ngetön Tendzin Chökyi Wangpo offered one hundred and seventy-five thousand silver coins, by virtue of which the precious scriptures of the conqueror were printed, as a reminder of compassion. The woodblocks were completed in Nyanang, Kyidong, Rongshar, and the four regions of Lhodrak Castle. All additional requirements were provided by the central government and someone was appointed to oversee the operation. Thus, they were kept at the residence of Norbu Lingkha Palace. One hundred people from Nyemo province, who were skilled in carving woodblocks, were employed. Deyang Tsenzhap Tendzin Trinlé, Lozang Gyatso, the great geshé from Choné Monastery, and Lubum Lharam Geshé Sherap Gyatso of Gomang Monastery oversaw the project and did some editing, while Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap, Gyelwang Trülku Ngawang Tendzin of Sera Mé Monastery, Jadrel Otok Trülku Jampa Chokden of Sera Jé Monastery, Lhopa Gelong Tupten Sungrap of Sera Jé Monastery, and so forth assisted. The woodblocks of the precious scriptures were kept at the Potala’s Zhöl Tsuklakhang together with the image of Gyeltsap Mipam Gönpo. The entire project was brought to completion in four years. There are no activities of greater benefit to sentient beings. Almost all of the monks from the great Ganden Monastery had gone to the various villages for their autumn work. Only a few scholars remained. Since they received no pay and had no tea, they were extremely fatigued. Thus, the ninetieth throne holder of Ganden, Tehor Jampa Chödrak, who was thoroughly altruistic, provided for the monks from the endowment that traditionally is given to the throne holder. The government newly established a fund for the purpose of paying monks as an expression of compassion; the upper classes in the capital also offered grain, money, resources, and other marvels to the fund. A manager was appointed to oversee the receipts for this fund such that the monks did not have to work in the autumn. The scholars continued to go to religious gatherings throughout the duration of the autumn. Beyond that, a careful study was made of the permissibility of the traditional practice of monks traveling about in order to offer prayers for life.

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Five foreigners dressed in monastic robes arrived in Gyantsé in 1922, whereupon they petitioned for permission to pilgrimage to Lhasa. By general consensus within Tibet and also according to some scholars of philosophy, they were engaged in a plan to steal the religion. The Tibetan National Assembly and scholars believed that they had some evil design to steal the religion. Thus, a proclamation was sent to the market district in Gyantsé on the second day of the ninth month of 1922 saying, “It would not be suitable if they were permitted in the country.”11 Accordingly, they were immediately turned back to India. The fourth-ranking Mujawa from Zhikatsé telegraphed Lhasa from Gyantsé to report an unfortunate turn of events. He said: Early on the morning of the fifteenth day of the eleventh month of 1923, the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché, his close attendants, and an escort had suddenly left Trashi Lhünpo. When inquiries were made, it was immediately learned that they had gone by way of Yakpa. Most likely they were going to Mongolia or China.

As a result, the cabinet immediately sent the Tsipön Lungshar Chen to bring Paṇchen Rinpoché back, and they sent Dapön Tsogowa and Salungpa to lead a military force as a back-up in case the monastic estate attendants tried to cross the border. Accordingly, since they quickly moved to the north of Namru, the military commanders were sent back. Until Paṇchen Rinpoché’s return, a replacement was needed at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery and Paṇchen Rinpoché’s estate. In order to prevent problems from occurring there, the central government appointed Kyapying Dzasak Lama Lozang Tendzin, several government officials, and honest, knowledgeable monks to important positions of responsibility. There is absolutely no evidence that there was any mistrust between the Dalai Lama and Paṇchen Rinpoché. Through examining their letters, one can know with certainty that the tremendous faith and compassion between the lama and his student did not involve any contentiousness. However, there were conflicting viewpoints between the government and Paṇchen Rinpoché’s attendants on matters relating to the fulfillment of their respective responsibilities. As a result, there seemed to be no way to bring about a resolution with the attendants. After the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché left, when several senior attendants and several monks from Trashi Lhünpo Monastery secretly departed, they signed letters expressing their views. As a result, their estates and castles

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were seized by the government and so forth. From that point, the relations between the two camps became increasing bitter. Paṇchen Rinpoché and his entourage reached their destination in China by way of Mongolia in the second month of 1925. The Chinese Nationalists sent delegates out to receive him and held a grand reception for him. At that time, the Nationalist government was in the ascendancy in China. Thus, they used Paṇchen Rinpoché to their advantage, using him as a political weapon for the purpose of fomenting revolt within Tibet. Again and again, they employed both peaceful and aggressive means against the Tibetan government. However, as a result of the great extent of the Dalai Lama Rinpoché’s power and because of the instability within China during that time, Paṇchen Rinpoché was forced to stay in China for a long time; the Chinese were unable to be helpful. Eventually, these events resulted in tremendous harm to the interests of Tibet. We will come to this gradually. During the time in the past when good relations existed between China, Mongolia, and Tibet, many young Tibetans had studied the Chinese and Mongolian languages. Subsequently, when good relations existed between the Gurkhas and Tibet, a Gurkha language school was established in Lhasa. During the era under discussion, there was a very urgent need for English schools because of the increasingly harmonious relations with India. Thus, in 1923, an English school was opened in Gyantsé and help was sought from the Indian government. Accordingly, the teacher Frank Ludlow was sent. About thirty intelligent children from the families of government officials and the nobility were examined and admitted. Three years after the school was opened, the senior lamas and administrative monks of Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries made a very forceful appeal that there would be religious tensions within Tibet if English language schools were in operation. Thus, the government was powerless in preventing the school from closing. Once again, because of increasing political connections with India, there was no way to stop the study of English and in 1945, the Tibetans requested the Indian government’s help in securing a teacher. Accordingly, Richard Parker was sent. About seventy young students from among the families of government officials and those of the people at large were examined and enrolled. A new school was established at Lhaden Drungchiling. In the morning, the students learned to recite Buddhist prayers and learned religious rites. Then, the English teachers taught spoken and

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written English until noon. In the afternoon, students learned to read and write in the Tibetan language and also asked questions. After several months, the senior lamas of Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries protested as they had before against the emergence of conflicts between the school and Buddhism. As a result, the school was closed once again. A group of ten monks and children of lay government officials who had some facility with writing English had to be sent to St. Joseph’s School in Darjeeling at the expense of the Tibetan government. Religious interests continually obstructed progress in such matters. However, they were done without realizing the nature of the foreign realms and because of a very strong and exclusive commitment to Buddhism. Young military officers were sent to India and Gyantsé to study at this time under the watchful care of the Defense Minister Tsarongpa. They introduced all sorts of British customs in Lhasa. In particular, they were taught to play polo on a square field, to climb mountains for exercise on the hills near Sera and Drepung monasteries, and so forth. The higher ranking monk and lay government officials and the monks of Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries did not like these new traditions, and hence, they were never accepted. When inventory was taken of the British weapons in Darjeeling, there were some discrepancies. Thus, the Junior General Yül Lhatenpa Tsewang (Kachang Tenpa) was demoted to the status of a junior secretary. It was decided that a permanent Tibet army of ten thousand soldiers should be established. The Tibetan National Assembly met to discuss the raising of taxes from the ministerial estates and estates granted to military people in order to pay for this new burden. As there were no military people in the assembly, several military commanders12 were included in the meeting on military taxes and military estates. Having all come to the Dalai Lama’s upper residence at Nyiögak, the secretary and the treasury official were called to the side and questioned. Understanding the situation within the assembly, there was disagreement as to whether military people should be able to question the assembly. Immediately, groups of a hundred monks from Sera and Drepung monasteries established themselves at the Potala, Norbu Lingkha Palace, and so forth. Another fifty young monks set themselves up at the homes of the secretary and the treasury official. As a result, they distributed weapons to the soldiers since the military commanders were overcome with uncertainty. The two sides did not understand the essential issues between them, and hence there were very serious

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tensions between the civilians and the military. In connection with the Dalai Lama’s directive, the Prime Minister Zhölkhangpa advised the secretary and the treasury official who had organized the Assembly and the military commanders that they must behave peacefully. Finally, the Dalai Lama came to a decision based on the recommendations of the senior abbot of the Potala: For offenses committed in office, Prime Minister Khemepa Rinchen Wangyel is demoted to district magistrate. Sampo Taiji, who was the secretary of the assembly, his sons, and both Shenkhawas, who were the military commanders of the Dalai Lama’s guard and who were guilty of obstructing the National Assembly, and Tsogowa are demoted to ordinary secretary and are not permitted to enter higher posts again. Other people who have offended against their office are to be punished.

At that time, the Minister of Defense Tsarongpa had not been explicitly implicated in any of the wrong-doing, although records showed that he was involved. The Dalai Lama, having learned this, explained that he did not have much information.13 Not long after, the Minister of Defense Tsarongpa went on a tour of the Dromo Norbu Tsokhyil Factory and went to Drak, India to obtain items needed by the government. On the way, he went on a pilgrimage to Nepal. Because of his rank in the Tibetan government, the Indian and Nepalese governments accorded him whatever hospitality and local resources were suitable. When he was approaching Chushur near Lhasa on his return, he received a note from the lower residence of the Dalai Lama. It said that he would remain prime minister, but was being relieved of his duties as secretary of defense.14 With an attitude of defeat, he proceeded on to Lhasa. For this reason, some of the younger military officers not only became a little dejected, but they also became a little angry. As Bhrumpa Dzasak Namgyel Gyeltsen was the Dalai Lama’s nephew, he was appointed as the new general. However, since he was not strident in his duties and continually took opium, he was ineffective; thus, he lost his ability to do his job, and he was fired from his post as general. The treasury official, Lungshar Dorjé Tsegyel, replaced him and the commander of the Dalai Lama’s guard, Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, was appointed as his assistant.15 When new lower ranking secretaries were recruited, they had to perform certain preliminary tests. They had to shoot guns and arrows and throw lances while riding a horse and shoot arrows a certain distance. These skills were exhibited before the cabinet and the people.

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For quite some time, these abilities had been obsolete. Once new sorts of weapons were introduced, there was little purpose in learning to use the weaponry from a former time. Thus, in 1928, the Treasury Office proposed a new plan in which from that time on, when the skills of lower ranking secretaries were being tested, they would have to shoot while standing, clean guns, shoot while lying down, and shoot and assemble loose guns and machine guns, instead of the traditional tests. When the plan was considered, the representatives did not adopt it for the time being. There were difficulties because many civil and military officials questioned it.16 According to Trang Yintang’s advice, the Tibetan government inaugurated a police force in Lhasa in 1907. They were to look after the welfare of the people, take care of their well-being, pursue thieves, and so forth. When the Chinese army, led by Lauchün, had attacked Lhasa in 1910, he and Amban Lian threatened security. The Tibetan police force was rounded-up and replaced by the Chinese Chüntrang force. However, before long, the Chinese army was driven out and for the time being, the Tibetan police force was reinstated in Lhasa and Zhöl. The Honorable Sönam Lekden [S. W. Laden La] was called from Darjeeling for the purpose of training about three hundred police officers after the fashion of the Indian police. Subsequently, in 1924, he became police chief and was given the rank of district magistrate. Möndrong Khyenrap Künzang who had previously studied in England, Lejar Dokarsé Püntsok Rapgyé, Lhading’s son, Mipön Gyeldrong Nangso, Tsedrung Khyenrap Tsültrim, and Shödrung Jingsurwa were appointed as his assistants. Thereby, the police force was established in Lhasa and Zhöl. Since they concerned themselves with the welfare of the people, the pursuit of thieves, and with the peacefulness of the area, it was very beneficial. The British government submitted a petition to the Tibetan government seeking permission to begin driving vehicles from Pakri to Gyantsé in order that rice, general commercial items, and the salaries of border guards and officials in Dromo Nadong and Gyantsé could be transported from India. They received a favorable response, and in 1926, the vehicles began their routes to the respective stations. Four large and small vehicles came to Pakri. When the vehicles began to run to Gyantsé, the residents of Dromo and Gyantsé first of all suffered losses in terms of the taxes and trade of which they were deprived. Secondly, all of the Tibetan’s transport animals such as horses, mules, and large yaks, would wince in fear just by seeing the vehicles. They would

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become scattered all over the area. Thus, they would be delayed each time the vehicles went past. For these reasons, the people appealed to the Tibetan government to discontinue the use of motorized vehicles. Therefore, since the Tibetan government had to look out for the welfare of the people, the permission to use vehicles that had been granted to the British government was rescinded. From 1929, the Dalai Lama toured around the Potala Palace in Lhasa, the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production, and so forth, and he considered bringing four large and small vehicles from India. Gradually, out of his ceaseless consideration for the people of Tibet, he hoped to build roads and introduce motorized transportation. However, people did not have faith in practical knowledge; during a time when there are many avenues for such progress, obstacles are always presented for those who are undeveloped in that way, as is the case for all countries which have yet to modernize. Hence, this difficulty of holding on to traditional ways of thinking is not peculiar to the Tibetans. This can be understood through examining the situation in foreign countries. The Tibetan government proclaimed laws such that it was not permissible to take opium, consume tobacco, or smoke cigarettes in Tibet, and it was not permissible to bring those things into Tibet from other countries. Similarly, since people who love dice games called tüpeju (’thud pad ’ju) and taksé (tag se) end up engaging in quarrels and various sorts of misfortune, they were prohibited. At the same time, early in the Dalai Lama’s reign, people had been prohibited from killing all large and small creatures that live in uninhabited places, such as mountains, river, deserts, and swamps. It was not permissible to kill any being, large or small. A special law was formulated such that the government was to give grain and other supplies to all those people who fish or gather eggs as a substitute. These are the sorts of stainless traditions that are proposed by a religious king. According to the treaty between the Gurkhas and Tibet, Gurkhas were not to be tried under Tibetan law. Hence, as this was proclaimed throughout Tibet, there were many violations. Some Gurkhas engaged in the black market, earning huge profits. At that time, a Tibetan called Gyelpo married a Sherpa woman, and together they sold illicit tobacco. Therefore, the Nangshak Office attempted to apprehend them, but they escaped to a place by the Gurkha Embassy. Thus, the police rushed inside the embassy, capturing Gyelpo. As a result, since they had violated International Law, the Gurkhas and Tibet were on the verge of war. The Tibetan government even prepared for the ever present

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eventuality of war at Dingri and Zhikatsé. General Kyizurwa and an army were dispatched to Zhikatsé as reinforcements. As war became more likely, the Indian government intervened, mediating between the two sides. Since the police had stormed the Gurkha Embassy, violating International Law, the Tibetan government apologized, restoring the previous situation. As Powo is undeniably within Tibet, they had always paid their small taxes to the government treasurer. In recent times, when the Chinese Manchu armies had come to the Kham region, they had oppressed the Powo province, irritating the people there by taking grain and hides from them. As they could not endure these afflictions, they rose up against the Chinese. From the Chinese side there were continual counter-attacks, but they suffered heavy losses because of the security of the gorges and the land. When the Chinese soldiers were driven from Tibetan territory, the people of Powo met before the Governor-General of Do, Zhappé Lama. Relying on the grain stores from Powo, they provided for the soldiers’ salaries. Besides that, they also provided other small taxes as they had in the past; there were absolutely no reports of any problems. However, during the reign of Do’s Governor-General Zhappé Trimon, the amount of grain collected was insufficient. However, during the reign of Do’s Governor-General Zhappé Menkhap Töpa, guards had to be posted because of the excess of grain in the storehouse. One unit was sent there. Whether it was because the army oppressed the people or otherwise, the people of Powo suddenly rose up and killed fifteen soldiers, including the deputy in charge of the granary and the commander of the guard. Thus, in 1927, there was no choice but to post an army at Powo. Initially, Dapön Tana from Lho Castle was the military commander. Powo troops were lying in wait in a narrow passage on the edge of a ravine. Dapön Tana himself and several soldiers were wounded. Armies attacked Powo from all sides, and finally, Kanam Depa and the primary offenders fled to Assam, India. The remaining leaders and older people submitted to the army. A regional minister was established at the castle, and he ruled over both the upper and lower regions of Powo. A border guard was also established. Kanam Depa lived in Assam for several years, and it is known that he died there. In matters of religion, education, and politics, Tibet and Mongolia had previously had an excellent relationship. In particular, Mongolian monks were always coming and going from Ganden, Drepung, Sera, and Trashi Lhünpo monasteries. However, in 1920, Russian communism

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spread to Outer Mongolia. Ever since then, there had been a disruption in the relationship that had previously enabled people to go to Tibet to study; some people still escaped. Moreover, the Tibetan government began to suspect Mongolian travelers. In 1927, the old leaders, lamas, and monks of Buriat held a meeting. A Mongolian named Zangpo and a companion arrived in Lhasa by way of Ziling. Although they could not immediately meet with the Dalai Lama directly, their secret letter was received. The two returned to Mongolia by way of India with the Dalai Lama’s reply. At the end of that very year, a committee representing the governments of Outer Mongolia and Russia was conducted under the leadership of a Russian military commander. Several of the Mongolians arrived in Lhasa by way of the Nakchu River. They were not accorded any special privileges, such as an audience with the Dalai Lama, and all communication with them was through the Tibetan Foreign Ministry. They were prohibited from meeting government officials, the abbots and monastic officials from Ganden, Drepung, and Sera monasteries, or the common people. Someone was also assigned to investigate whether or not they made any contacts there. Although they were allowed to stay for three months, they were to be sent home if they became haughty. I have not seen any Tibetan government records and so forth which indicate what these commissioners sought. However, the oral tradition says that they appealed to restore the traditional relationship between Ulan Bator and the Tibetan government. The Chinese Nationalist government tried various methods to send deputies and messengers to Tibet, but since the Tibetan government would not issue visas, they could not come. However, in 1927, the abbot of Sera Mé Monastery was sent to Beijing’s Yung Monastery. When Abbot Könchok Jungné returned to Tibet, he brought a letter to the Dalai Lama from China’s President Chiang Kaishek. Since it was the first letter written by China’s President, a special reception was held for the emissary and a ceremony was held to receive the letter. In it, he wrote: If Tibet were to be included within China, even nominally (in a relationship of suzerainty), then the Chinese government would offer their sincere support in all matters in agreement with the wishes of the Tibetan government.

The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché also could be returned to Tibet, seemingly without any preconditions. However, the Dalai Lama wrote back to President Chiang Kaishek saying that he would be delighted if there were friendly relations between

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Tibet and China, but that there was no way he could accept the idea of Tibet being included within China. Once again, in 1930, a woman named Liu Manqing who had a Chinese father and a Tibetan mother, sought permission to go on a pilgrimage in Tibet. When her visa was granted, she brought a letter from President Chiang Kaishek. It proposed that it would be good if Tibet formed agreeable relations with the Chinese government in an unofficial manner. However, nobody within the government supported this idea. Although Domé was an agreeable and peaceful place, the Do governor’s officials, the military encampment, the granary, the storehouse, and also the various leaders who held lesser ranks at the castles took advantage of the common people, using their horses and requiring servitude of them. In the exchange of goods, they would try to gouge the people. In whatever way, through illegal taxes or other legal violations, they would take what they could. As a result, in 1929, an order was issued in Domé (Kham):17 From: The cabinet minister who has primary responsibility over civil and military matters of Domé To: All of the people over whom I have responsibility, civilian and military, monk and lay, leaders and citizens, rich or poor Presently, our land which is completely surrounded by chains of very white snow mountains, is governed by the all important conqueror (i.e., the Dalai Lama)—who is an emperor of the world as well as of precious Buddhism, who by his magical displays subdues what must be subdued with inconceivable altruistic activities—and is governed by the great Ganden Podrang—which places all beings on a good and virtuous path by the appearance of benefit and happiness in the religious and political spheres of the domain. In that context, the Chinese military commander, Luchun, brought his armies to Tibet without any concern for the traditional preceptorpatron relationship between China and Tibet. By various acts intended to eliminate the precious religion, which is the foundation of all benefit and happiness in Tibet, the Chinese sought to destroy many monasteries and centers which perpetuate the religion in Domé. They set fire to sacred articles. They killed people, stole things, and so forth. Their unprecedented and limitless actions specifically aimed all sorts of inventive destruction at our religion and our government. Accordingly, in order to protect Buddhism and our government from complete destruction, every effort must be made, without shying away from civil or military expenses. Efforts should be made to protect the happiness of all beings in Do Kham and the people should be protected from oppressive laws. Gradually, forces should

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be positioned to protect their territory. Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa Tendar, who has primary responsibility over civil and military matters, is being sent for the purpose of overseeing these arrangements. The people of this region are fortunate, and although the purpose of this petition is to improve whatever restrictions there are, for a while, some leaders had acted shamefully out of desire, by failing to fulfill their civilian, military, and religious obligations. Illegally, they had employed a variety of devices to oppress the people. There was no official entity that could intervene on the people’s behalf. There is no need to question the government’s admittedly repressive action of posting large numbers of troops for a long time throughout this period. However, unnecessary camps had been a source of tremendous difficulties for the people. In particular, throughout this period, some civilian and military leaders and also leaders of the common people sought illicit profits from trade out of their own greed, and they illegally forced both people and their animals to work for them. As there were serious losses, the burdens were made especially difficult. The use of horses and oxen by the various camps was illegal. Moreover, under this contrary arrangement under the Kham leadership, abusive leaders afflicted their agents. Thus, this statement should relieve the suffering of the citizens which has become terribly severe in Do Kham, unlike in previous times. But there is no way that a leader influenced by religion could ignore this suffering. This should be taken seriously and gradually implemented. Accordingly, in former times, when oppression occurred, it was remedied. In the future, people should send reports directly to the Do governor about any serious issues around the border area, without waiting for the regular horse courier. Beyond that, unless someone has permits with the seal of the prime minister, cabinet, or Do governor allowing them to use transportation, they will not be allowed to use it; senior and junior civil or military officials will not be permitted to use such transportation on their own authority. At the same time, use of provisions meant for soldiers protecting the border will be investigated and punished. Beyond that, it is absolutely forbidden for anyone public or private to oppress either rich or poor people through illicit taxation, deceptive commercial practices, and so forth. Thus, the interests of the people must be protected. If people with evil habits oppress the people through ignoring these words, all of the details must be investigated. If critical reports are received, then no matter who it is, they will be investigated and swiftly punished. People also must remember henceforth the kindness of the capital. Accordingly, people should continue to have concern for the general welfare without becoming depressed over the behavior of some officials. Even more, they must make efforts at behaving properly according to the ten religious virtues and the sixteen secular laws in reliance on the government. All people throughout Tibet should reflect on the benefits and costs of their behavior, and without deceit, they should adopt what is virtuous and abandon what is not virtuous.

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chapter seventeen From Norbu Lingkha Dekyi Künga Khyilwé Kelzang Palace On the fifth day of the eighth month of the Earth-Snake Year (1929).

Not only was this proclamation issued, but those who violated it were punished. Also those who served the government and those who acted compassionately towards people were rewarded and recognized. Eventually, people from the central government were admonished, “As soon as one is out of the door, one is possessed by a ghost.”k In order to enhance the status of both the government and the religion, and to protect Tibetan territory, the omniscient Dalai Lama made great efforts at diplomacy by writing letters to all of the nearby states. He also kept close contact with Mahatma Gandhi, the great leader who was directing the peaceful quest for freedom and independence in India. However, after searching in detail, I have not found more than one letter of his letters on religion from 1931. Thus, it follows:18 To Mahatma Gandhi, the faithful leader of the great Hindus: It was especially meaningful to receive your letter of the twenty-fifth day of the fourth month of 1931. It increased the joy in my heart. I regret that the letter I previously sent you could not be understood because it was in the Uchen script. Thus, I am enclosing an English translation for your enjoyment: The people of Tibet are striving to practice the teaching on ahimsa given by Buddha, the blessed one, as you had hoped. You wrote that the English word non-violence (ahimsa) is not the same as that word as it is used in tantra. Since I do not understand why this is so, please explain this again so that I may understand it. Further, the religious foundation of both Indians and Tibetans came from India. As there is one source, both concern themselves with liberating others from the experience of suffering. Thereby, the primary consideration is to dwell in the happiness of applying oneself to religion. I respectfully ask that you do not distribute this letter in Tibetan and its English translation to the newspapers. The Dalai Lama, Eighth day of the fifth month of the Iron-Sheep Year.

Not only did he continually write letters, but he also indicated that there was harmony between the two peoples based on his saying “the

k It seems that people from Lhasa warned people leaving on official assignments that they could become corrupted upon leaving what they regarded as a more civilized or more ethical center.

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religious foundation of both Indians and Tibetans came from India” and based on a similar conception of happiness and suffering. The first American person who went to Lhasa was Charles Sudyam Cutting who visited in 1930, 1935, and 1937.l Among the many letters written between Cutting and the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, those impressed with the Dalai Lama’s seal between the eleventh day of the tenth month of 1932 and the twenty-ninth day of the fourth month of 1933, concerned matters relating to foreign trade with America and the manner of payment in order to improve the fortunes of Tibet. On several occasions, there was contact with the American Congress. Similarly, relations were established with the Honorable William Castle of the State Department and the important American business man, Mr. Kermit Roosevelt, President of Messers. Roosevelt S. S. Co. Also President Hoover sent a letter and a photograph of himself to the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, through Mr. Cutting. The Dalai Lama wrote in reply:m It is sincerely hoped that, this country being a purely religious kingdom, you will solicit the State Department to render international assistance as far as it is in their power to do so, in order that the Buddhist religion may flourish uninterrupted and that we may enjoy exercising our true right of sovereignty and above all to enhance the prosperity of the people.

The Dalai Lama hoped to enhance both political and trade relations.19 The Dalai Lama presented Cutting with male and female Apso dogs. In America, their descendants came to be known as Lhasa Apso dogs. Similarly, the Dalai Lama frequently corresponded with the Prime Minister of Japan through Togan Tada. On the twenty-sixth day of the fifth month of 1933, the Dalai Lama sent a letter embossed with his seal to Togan Tada:20 I write this letter especially for you. The information you sent to Tsharong Dzasa, based upon the spirit of serving for Buddhism, has been reported

l Charles Sudyam Cutting does not seem to have reached Lhasa in 1930 as Shakabpa suggests. According to Cutting’s own travel memoirs [Fire-Ox and Other Years (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1940), ix and 174–175], he visited Tibet three times (1930, 1935, and 1937), but only reached Lhasa on the second and third journeys. This is confirmed by James Cooper’s careful study of the visits to Lhasa of many foreign travelers [‘Western and Japanese Visitors to Lhasa: 1900–1950’, The Tibet Journal, 28.4, 2003, 91–94], which indicates that the first American to visit Lhasa itself was William McGovern in 1923. m I have copied the translation given in Sudyam Cutting, The Fire Ox and Other Years (London: Collins, 1947), 177, since this would have been the version that President Hoover read.

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chapter seventeen to me, and I am aware of the situation. While I was staying at Wutaishan, I had several talks with the Great Lama of Buddhism (i.e., Sonyu Otani, of Nishi Honganji), who was specially dispatched from Japan, and talked with him on Buddhism, especially on the Great Tsongkhapa, and other high monks of the past. Later, while I was making the round of India, I sent Tshawa Thritrüü Ngawang Losang Jampää Tändzin to Japan. At that time he stayed at the Big Temple (Nishi Hoganji), gave a lecture, and after a while came back to me. A Japanese priest, Thubtän Trashii (Bunkyo Aoki) entered Tibet, and after staying here for over a year, went back to Japan. Also, Thubtän Gyätshän (Tokan Tada) arrived in Tibet, stayed at the Sera monastery as my disciple, studied Buddhism for many a year, and practiced the other courses required, and it has been two years since he went back to Japan. Next, a Japanese called Yajima (Yasujiro Yajima) came to Tibet also, and as my personal guard, and also as an instructor, he helped the Tibetan soldiers’ training. He is already back in Japan. Thus the relationship between Tibet and Japan has been very close, tied by the common religion Buddhism. In Tibet, which is the center of Buddhism, there still exist good customs inherited from the days in the past when Buddhism flourished, and administration is carried out in accordance with Buddhism. However, compared with big powers, Tibet is inferior in military training, and in all other cultural experiences. The Tibetan forces, whose aim is selfdefence, are weak in its defence. Based on thec ustoms [sic] of Buddhistic administration, we are carrying out the steps of strengthening the Tibetan military forces one by one. We are getting aid from the government of Great Britain, for the cooperation and friendly relationship between the two countries. It is my wish that the Japanese government will advice the Chinese government not to take any hostile actions against Tibet from the direction of Szechwan, Kansu and Yunnan provinces, which border on Tibet. It is also my wish to get the directives and explanations in secret, in order to foster the defence capabilities, for improving and developing Tibetan autonomy, from Japan, from time to time, as the necessity will arise. You will be good enough to consider the matter and report my wishes to your authorities. You will also be good enough to write to me what your government’s reaction was to my proposal. I wish you will continue to supply me with necessary informations, as you have done, for the sake of, and bearing in mind, the development of Buddhism. Tibetan calendar: the Auspicious twenty-sixth day of the fifth month, the year Water-Bird. (Dalai Lama’s seal)

This letter was quoted in order to indicate a little how heavily the Dalai Lama bore his political responsibilities. Besides that, he established relations with all sorts of countries large and small by all sorts of methods. Since I cannot raise all of these matters, here I have gathered a few letters. Out of fear of quoting too many, I have just given a few.

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Around that time, Prime Minister Tsarongpa Dazang Dradül, General Tsodzin Tsipön Lungsharwa Dorjé Tsegyel, and the Dalai Lama’s secretary Tupten Künpel became the great protector’s closest confidants. They were very capable in civil, military, and economic matters and so forth. However, as these things go in the world, they gradually became attached and consumed by rivalry. When Tsarong had been a general, there are reports that he could not account for all the arms in government stores and so forth. For this reason, Tsarong was demoted from the position of prime minister to district magistrate. He took this position as there was nothing else to do. Things continued on as in the past, meeting with the Dalai Lama and so forth. All of the currency printing and presses such as Mekyi, Serṭam, and Dokdé were consolidated at one site. In 1931, the Office of Electrical Production, the Treasury of Technology of Boundless Marvels, was newly established at Drapzhi. The Dalai Lama’s secretary and close attendant Tupten Künpel was placed in charge, with Tupten Künkhyen being appointed as his actual secretary and Chaluwa Sönam Püntsok being appointed as the treasury official. Copper and silver coins and variously colored money and so forth were produced. Firearms, ammunition, and so forth were produced in larger quantities. In 1932, District Magistrate Tsarongpa was appointed to hold the post jointly with Tupten Künpel. The English-made guns that the British government had given as a gift remained in the Dorjeling armory. In the meanwhile, an armory was newly constructed in preparation for the English guns, loose guns, machine guns, and cannon that were to be handed over. Hence, the armory was built in the Office of Electrical Production. Once again, when the weapons were collected there, deficiencies were discovered in the number of weapons. Due to these faults in the execution of his duties, Lungshar was removed from the position of general although he maintained his duties as the treasury official. The weapons officer of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, the so-called assistant General, Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin was given the status of General, without gaining the rank. Even still, he completely fulfilled the capacities of office. The preface to the notebook of the gun factory at Drapzhi’s Office of Electrical Production, which was embossed with the Dalai Lama’s seal, says:21 In 1914, Prime Minister Shedra Peljor Dorjé participated in the BritishTibetan-Chinese conference at Simla, India. Both China and Tibet

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chapter seventeen formulated the treaty to improve the good preceptor-patron relations in the future. When the prime minister was returning to Lhasa, the British government offered him five thousand rifles, together with ammunition and replacement parts. All of the Tibetan government ministers gathered to consider the most appropriate manner of making use of this gift. They included Prime Minister Shedra, Zhölkhang, Changkhyim, Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa Tendar, and Sarjung Tseten Wangchuk. Thus, District Magistrate Dazang Dradül and his assistant Trimon Norbu Wangyal were assigned the responsibility of taking the weapons to the armory. When the assistant General Trimon was promoted to Cabinet Minister, Tenpa Tsewang was appointed as his replacement and the latter was to arrange to receive the weapons. Again, he was willing to give his life to set a good example. However, as the days, months, and years passed, he was unsuccessful. As a result, both the junior and senior generals were demoted with Tenpa Tsewang’s brother, and the magistrate Bhrumpa Namgyel Gyeltsen, was assigned to the post on his own; since he served with compassion and resoluteness, he was protected. However, since he had all whatsoever mental, physical, and verbal qualities, he took the responsibility into his hands. He was ordered to arrange for the transport of all of the British weapons. However, he wasn’t cautious in keeping records. He came from a high class family, but he was easily influenced by bad people. He would smoke opium, and day and night he passed his time unethically. He developed bad habits. A council of a monk and lay official of both the old and the new general were appointed with responsibilities. There was a delay in implementing this reform out of negligence, and the culpable people were punished separately. Tsipön Lungsharwa Dorjé Tsegyel took the post of general, and together with the chief of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, had begun to enforce the legal system with determination. Whatever he did was completely successful, and so his service was in agreement with the Dalai Lama. Initially, they were unable to meet so that he could be officially promoted. However, he was able to hold his promotion party and to nominally hold the title of Dzasak beforehand. He was able to take the seat corresponding to his new rank. Security guards were posted at the threshold of his house.n Except for one or two plans he had, he formulated contradictory plans without even consulting Dapön Nangkarwa. For example, he did not set money aside for the army salaries. Whatever he proposed was only for his own prestige and welfare. It was reported three British hundred rifles from the army headquarters were lost. An investigation was done and a new inventory was taken. In the meanwhile, his office was negligent, never acting with any diligence. While he was in charge as the chief guard of the army, happiness and peace had to withdraw from the entire country.

n

He did not do things in the proper order; this is a sign of foreboding.

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Then the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Tupten Künpel, came into a position of greater authority. During ceremonies, he was permitted to sit among the senior abbots. Beyond that, he was not given any ranks or other benefits that are normally connected with such a special status. When he went to the Potala Palace, Drapzhi, Lhasa, and so forth from Norbu Lingkha, he would travel in a little black Austin A-40 automobile. When he would go to cabinet meetings, even the cabinet ministers would have to stand up, and so forth. Such was his tremendous authority. He conscripted one son from each of the wealthy families in Ü Tsang and pressed them into service in a private army called the Drongdrak Makgar. Although the strength of his army even exceeded one thousand troops, still he continued to recruit. Trashi Döndrup, Yutok’s son, was appointed the military officer of the Drongdrak Makgar, Taring’s son, Jikmé Sumtsen,22 was appointed as his deputy, and Ngapö’s son, Ngawang Jikmé, was appointed as the division leader. Drongdrak Makgar soldiers, in contrast to all other armies, were continually looked after, being given special provisions. As they were always given excellent special care in every way, in their quarters, food, medicine, and so forth, this was not to the liking of all of the other armies. In addition, even the wealthy people among the Drongdrak Makgar were unhappy. They did not like the military duties nor living under such strict circumstances, both of which only seemed to become more acute. Some of them did not need to go into the army as they hired substitutes or paid money. Since these sorts of things occurred several times, there was a sense of discrimination within the army. The headquarters of the Drongdrak Makgar was constructed to the west of the Office of Electrical Production in Drapzhi. It is said that the army was established for the purpose of maintaining Tupten Künpel’s authority. In 1918, the Chinese and Tibetans upheld the treaty mediated by the British at Chamdo; ever since the border was delineated at Rongpatsarmé and the treaty specified that they were to protect the border, there had been no breach of the peace. Within Beri in the Tehor region, a lama of Nyarok Monastery was born. Since there were not good preceptor-patron relations between the Beri leader and that monastery, the Beri leader stole the documents on the incarnation’s religious estate. As a result, the incarnation himself was unable to stay at the monastery. Instead, he stayed at the Dargyé Monastery. A dispute ensued between the Beri leader and Dargyé Monastery over the ownership of the religious estate. Gradually, both

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sides became malicious enemies and the hostility increased. The Beri leader had the backing of Tsungtu Liu Wanhu from Sichuan, and he received Chinese armies. Dargyé Monastery had the support of armies from the six regions of Tehor. Then the Do Governor ordered the Dergé Changra border guard to their aid, and Tsangda Tretongpa was made the military commander. When the war erupted, the Tibetan army was victorious. They reached as far as Tehor Drakgo, where they stayed for more than two years. At that time, Liu Wanhu’s deputies, Trang Kosen and Liu Tsenting, appealed for the commencement of negotiations. This would have set the boundary at that point. If the Tibetans had listened, they would have increased their territory in the Horkhok region. However, since the Tibetans believed they would be able to reach as far as Dartsedo, they refused to engage in talks. In 1931, Governor Zhappé Menkhap Töpa, with general responsibility over civil and military affairs in Domé, was replaced by Zhappé Ngapöpa. At the same time, Tsungtu Liu Wanhu from Sichuan once again sent two massive armies under his military commander Trang Töntrang. Although there were Tsang soldiers in Tehor Drakgo under Khyungrampa and Demönpa and Ü soldiers in Nyakrong under the princes of Shelling and Khemé, they were outnumbered. Since they were unable to hold fast, they were forced to relinquish territory. The Chinese troops completely destroyed Dargyé Monastery, thus dispersing all of the monks, old and young. Most of them joined the army camp at Trawo Dordar Monastery to the west of Drichu River. Since the Do governor cabinet minister himself was responsible for the defense of the area, he made an appeal to Lhasa. Weapons and other war materials were sent along with troops to reinforce the Do governor’s army. At the same time, the Indian government also conferred with the Nanjing Nationalist government, asking whether they would intervene in the Sichuan region. However, they were unable to bring about any relief.23 Thus, both Horkhok and Nyakrong were defeated and lost territory. In the second month of 1932, the Dzang commander Khyungrampa and the Chinese leader, Tse Litrang, conferred along with Jadak Rikdzin Dorjé. Thus, since the war effort was helpless, they had to agree to the single Chinese demand that the border be immediately established at the Kamtok River crossing. Around this time, another conflict erupted between Mā Bufang of Ziling and the Tibetan government forces over the continual offerings to Namgyel Lhatsé from many areas of Nangchen. Initially, the Tibetan troops reached Jyegündo. However, massive reinforcements arrived

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from Ziling, and thus, the Tibetans were repelled back to their previous position. Fighting erupted between Tibetan and Ziling troops in the Denkhok region in the third month of 1932. The Tibetans had the Khao and the Drapzhi Regiments, together with their supplies and arms, and they had the Ta Regiment under the leadership of the military commander Tsogowa. However, without their discerning it, they were suddenly surrounded on three sides by the Chinese Ziling forces. The artillery and supply units and most of the army had to retreat, while several commanders remained to meet the oncoming Ziling troops. Yet, as they could not hold their position, two commanders of the Drapzhi army, Nangrak Gyurmé Tseten, who was the commander over artillery and supply units, and Lozang Yönten were captured alive, along with about two hundred soldiers. While small amounts of weapons and ammunition were lost to the enemy, the military commander Tsogowa24 and several soldiers were saved. By their tremendous valor, the remainder of the soldiers, the artillery, and so forth were not lost to the Ziling forces. There are many such stories. Meanwhile, Tibet also had whatever was required to expel the Ziling troops, such as the Nga Regiment under Chappelwa, the Ta Regiment under Shenkhawa, the Cha Regiment under Zurkhang Zurpa, and the Ga Regiment under Dang Dapön along with regional armies from Sho, Tar, and Lho. However, the three Tibetan armies at Denkhok were defeated due to the surpassing strength of the enemy. Thus, when the news reached the Tibetan camps, they became frightened. It is fortunate that the Chinese army did not cross the border, because they had the capacity to overtake Riwoché, Doshü, Tengchen, and so forth. Tibetan armies had been thoroughly defeated in both the north and the south that year. Therefore, the Dalai Lama decided to appoint my uncle, Khendrung Ngözhiwa Tupten Künkhyen, as the governor of the northern region with general responsibilities over civil and military affairs. About twenty monks and laymen, along with modern armaments and artillery and troops were sent in the sixth month of 1932.25 Through the efforts of the governor of the northern region, the troops arrived at the Nakchu River and at Khyungpo Tengchen by way of Mongolia. Gradually, as they made efforts to cross over to the Chinese o

Just as in the American system, particular groups of soldiers are identified by numerical designations, such at “the Seventh Army,” in the Tibetan army, different units are identified with letters. The Kha Army is designated with the second letter of the alphabet. The Ta (tha) army is designated with the tenth letter of the alphabet.

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Ziling side of the river, the military commanders of the surrounding border guards were ordered to make preparations for the appointed time. There was tremendous fear among the Chinese as the governor of the northern region, his large forces, modern weapons, and reinforcements arrived. Thus, since they could not overtake the Tibetans, the Chinese made overtures to them in hopes of securing a peace treaty. At the same time, the Chinese side offered Tsega Chokgyur Lingpa, and the Tibetan side offered Riché Zhaplé Dzözur Tsedrak as emissaries. Because of their mutual understanding, the rest of the functionaries were left at Tengchen, and the governor of the northern region went to Riwoché without ceremony. The Ja Army under the leadership of Zurkhang Zurpa Wangchen Tseten26 and Tsedrung Chongchö Dorjé Yugyel were dispatched to Drilchung Castle on the border in order to confer on Tibet’s behalf. While the Do governor-cabinet minister continued to be ill, territory was lost in both the north and the south, and two armies under his jurisdiction failed to follow his instructions. Because of such problems, he became ever sicker, as his wind element became agitated. He died in the tenth month of 1932. For that reason, the Dalai Lama proclaimed that the governor of the Northern Region (byang thang) should undertake all of the responsibilities for Do until the Do governor’s replacement arrived. Therefore, he remained in Riwoché, meeting with the relevant officials from Chamdo on important matters under the Do jurisdiction. The people responsible for protecting the border in the Dergé and Nyakkhok regions, Khyungrampa, Demönpa, and the princes of Shelling and Khemé had been responsible for losing territory. Moreover, in going beyond the advice that they stop at the border formed by the Drichu River at the Kamtok boat crossing, they had exercised faulty judgment. Thus, the Dalai Lama proclaimed that they should be demoted to the status of a lesser secretary, and new deputies were appointed. In the beginning of the second month of 1933, Tretongpa Gyurmé Gyatso was appointed as the new governor-general of Do. When he arrived there, the governor of the northern region Khendrung Ngözhiwa went to the headquarters for a day, behaving with confidence. When they met, they had detailed and relaxed discussions on the northern and southern borders. Since the terms of the treaty between Ziling and Tibet had already been settled, the date for the signing of the treaty was set. I carried the governor of the northern region’s seal,

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taking the opportunity to photograph the Chinese Ziling camp, their weapons, and so forth. Accordingly, in the middle of the second month, we left from Riwoché, reaching Drilchung Castle from Karmayül Castle by way of Zindadrukha on the Ngomchu River. The treaty negotiators, Zurkhang Zurpa and Tsedrung Letsen Dorjé Yülgyel, met at Tsega Chokgyur Lingpa in Nangchengar. Thereafter, when they arrived at the treaty site, Tretsa (Pitsa) Monastery in Nangchen, the two civil and military officials from Chinese Ziling were accompanied by thirty cavalry. Several lamas, monks, and leaders from the Nangchen district came out to meet them at a place nearby. Tretsa Monastery was a small monastery of both farmers and nomads. There were fields on all sides. There was not much in the monastery except for some images, texts, offering objects, and some possessions. Whether it was because of the burdens of the war or otherwise, no preparations whatsoever had been made at the site where the deputies were to meet, such as places for them to stay. Cannon were arranged to the left and right of the monastery’s gate. It seems as though the enemy was content with this situation. The area near the monastery and on the outskirts was filled with Chinese Hui hui (Muslim) soldiers who wore upper and lower garments of cotton the color of stone. They wore cotton shoes with leather soles and hats made of white and black lamb’s wool, and they carried all manner of guns and rifles. Most of them seem to have had horses. These are my impressions. A variety of Ziling officials stayed in the monastery, a bearded old man called Māshönchi27 (Māshönhitri), who was the military leader of Mā Bufang or Mā Druzhi’s, and a young man called Li Tselmu who knew a little English. They met with several civilian and military leaders who were there. The Chinese Ziling delegation held a reception dinner for everyone on the day they arrived. They met the next day, on the twenty-second day of the second month of the Water-Bird Year,28 that is, June 15, 1933. The treaty was reported by the Chinese-Tibetan translator, Tungsi. Afterwards, the governor of the northern region’s seal was affixed by the Tibetan deputy, Zurkhang Zurpa Wangchen Tseten, and Māsiling’s seal29 was affixed by the Chinese deputy, Māshönchi (Māshönhitri). I took a photograph of all of the assembled delegates. Then the Tibetans held a reception dinner. At dinner time, a cover was placed over bags of grain in place of a table. The plates were of various sizes. Mutton and dried yak meat were

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boiled and roasted in different ways. Momosp were served in several different shapes. Beyond that there were not many green vegetables, fish, fruits, and so forth. Liquor, tea, and boiled water were provided for each person. The Chinese and Tibetan prisoners were exchanged, including the two commanders. There were excellent opportunities to take photographs of the Chinese camp and weaponry as the Dalai Lama had wished. There were five provisions of the Ziling-Tibetan Treaty:30 1. The border was to be restored to the place it was prior to the conflict. 2. The imprisoned soldiers were to be exchanged. 3. As in the past, both sides were not to prevent people from traveling for the purposes of trade, pilgrimage, and so forth. 4. If the Tibetans were to circumvent the terms of the treaty, then the territories of Riwoché, Chamdo, and Ba were to come under the jurisdiction of the Chinese Ziling. 5. If the Chinese were to circumvent the terms of the treaty, then the twenty-five regions of Dimchi were to come under the jurisdiction of the Tibetans.

Also the Tibetan document was copied twice in both Chinese and Tibetan. The day after the treaty was signed, Jadak Rikdzin Dorjé from Sichuan arrived saying he had come to witness the signing. However, it seems that neither the Ziling nor the Tibetan side had invited him. According to the terms of the treaty, prisoners were exchanged, including the leader of the Kha and Drapzhi armies, Nangrak Gyurmé Tseten,31 and the leader of the Cha army and artillery, Lozang Yönten. The armies who were on the border were gradually withdrawn. The governor of the northern region, with responsibilities over civil and military affairs, received a letter requiring him to return to Lhasa for the Dalai Lama’s birthday celebration. Accordingly, he hastened his departure. He arrived at the fortunate Norbu Lingkha Palace on the fifth day of the fifth month of 1933. Thereafter, he offered his respects at the birthday celebration at Lhündrup Gatsel and then met with the Dalai Lama in a special audience. The Dalai Lama listened to the detailed account of the situation throughout the Northern Region and in Domé. That same day, he went to the cabinet meeting at the Norbu Lingkha, where he briefed the ministers on the treaty and issues connected with it.

p

Momos, a boiled meat-filled dumpling, are a favorite of Tibetan cuisine.

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In 1932, the great Nechung Oracle proclaimed that the attendants, monks, laity, and the general public ought to offer their prayers that the Dalai Lama should continue to live for a long time. Accordingly, the prime minister, the cabinet, and his personal attendant offered prayers that the Dalai Lama live for one hundred eons following a system from sūtra. All his devoted subjects took up the divine attitude of compassion in order that they would be able to be determined and diligent in their duties of serving the government. They did these things on behalf of the population of all of Tibet. The Dalai Lama responded to them in this manner:32 In the beginning, I was prophesied as the Dalai Lama without the necessity of performing the Golden Urn Lottery. Since I was recognized as the next incarnation of the sovereign Dalai Lama, the supreme guide of the peaceful government, I was established on the throne. Ever since, I have taken traditional practice as my paradigm. I have memorized and learned to recite all of the prayers under the guidance of the Regent Tutor Tatsak Hotoktu and the great Abbot Tutor Dorjé Chang Purchok Rinpoché, whose religious activities are respected as the surpassing deeds of supreme spiritual friends. I have become a monk and taken the vows of a novice. I have learned how to analyze and refute wrong positions in the five topics.q I have received subsequent permission (rjes gnang), initiation (dbang), and oral instructions (bka’ khrid) for an ocean of sūtra and tantra. I have applied myself uninterruptedly to the limits of my ability. When I reached the age of twenty, I took over responsibility for the religious and political affairs of Tibet, according to the established custom. Although my experience, meditation, and knowledge in whatsoever aspects of religion and politics were of inferior quality, the monks and lay public appealed to me. In addition, I took the Chinese emperor’s request to heart. Thus, I took up the burden. As I have made great efforts day and night for the benefit of both religious and political matters, without any concern for my own leisure and happiness, Buddhism has been promoted and our political situation has been enhanced. So far as I have been able to, I have acted to restore the Tibetans to happiness, straightening out what was crooked in the activities of body, speech, and mind by the direct method of the altruistic attitude. In 1904, when the very large British army arrived, I tried to accommodate other’s wishes and their comfort. At that time, it was harmful to our government, and therefore I considered ways to eliminate whatsoever

q The five central topics studied are The Perfection of Wisdom Sūtras, the Middle Way School, Dharmakīrti’s Commentary on Dignāga’s ‘Compendium of Valid Cognition,’ the monastic discipline, and Vasubandhu’s Treasury of Knowledge.

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chapter seventeen influence they might exert. Previously, the great fifth Dalai Lama had enjoyed a mutually respectful preceptor-patron relationship with the Manchu emperor. Ever since, they have worked to preserve one another. As a result, thinking to transform an unpleasant situation into a pleasant one, I showed my respects by marching north and traveling through the Chinese-Mongolian region to the great capital, the golden Beijing, in order to meet the emperor, the empress, and the prince. They held an inconceivable reception. However, before long, the emperor, the empress, and the prince each died in turn. Thereafter, Xuantong was enthroned as emperor. Great provisions were made for the father and the son. At that point, I returned to the heart of Tibet. The amban who was staying in Tibet displayed his cunning when his follower, Commander Luchun, brought troops into Lhasa, usurping Tibet’s political power. I discussed the control of the country with my ministers and then traveled to the Land of the Superiors, India, for the purpose of releasing Tibet from its duress. Thus, through the British government, the Chinese were completely expelled. From one side, there were ceaseless prayers for success in religious and political matters; the profound incontrovertible truth of the functioning of cause and effect fulfilled those prayers. Thus, by virtue of the growing conflicts within China, the Chinese leader and his army were gradually ejected from Tibet, like a pond which is cut off from the course of a river. Once again, I was able to dwell in the religious land of Tibet. Between 1913 and 1932, Tibet newly experienced happiness and prosperity; all people of every station were cheerfully content, enjoying all manner of virtue and happiness… You must develop a good diplomatic relationship with our two powerful neighbors: India and China. Efficient and well-equipped troops must be stationed even on the minor frontiers bordering hostile forces. Such an army must be well trained in warfare as a sure deterrent against any adversaries. Furthermore, this present era is rampant with the five forms of degeneration, in particular, the communist ideology. In Outer Mongolia, the search for a reincarnation of Jetsün Dampa was banned; the monastic properties and endowments were confiscated; the lamas and the monks were forced into the army; the Buddhist religion destroyed, leaving no trace of identity. Such a system, according to reports still being received, has been established in Ulan Bator. In the future, this [communist] system will certainly be forced on this land that cherishes the joint spiritual and temporal system, either from within or without. If, in such an event, we fail to defend our land, the holy lamas, including the triumphant father and son [the Dalai Lama and Paṇchen Lama] will be eliminated without a trace of their names remaining; the properties of the incarnate lamas and of the monasteries along with the endowments for religious services will all be seized. Moreover, our political system, originated by the three ancient kings, will be reduced to an empty name; my officials, deprived of their patrimony

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and property, will be subjugated like slaves by the enemy; and the public, subjected to fear and miseries, will be unable to endure day or night. Such an era could certainly come! Thus, at the present time, our unmistaken religious and political form of government still retains within its hands the ability to spread happiness to others such that we are admired. Once again, all civil and military should be undertaken with awareness, and people should cooperate. Each person should do what they can do. Improving the government relies upon the consideration of all of the religious and political officials; all must work together. If there is no confusion about what to adopt and what to abandon, then certainly the spirit of cooperation will be maintained, thinking, “If you develop reverence that accords with the aspirations of the masters within the Tibetan state oracles, which are meaningful to behold, then no problems whatsoever will befall you.” I will protect in this life and the next those who works on my behalf for the religious and political form of government, but not those who conspire behind my back. There are people who selfishly seek their own interests, who help their allies, but no one else, who are lazy and untrustworthy; such people will fail, and it will be evident. They will have regrets that they ought to have behaved better, but it will do no good. As long as I remain, I will take care of Tibet, and it will remain happy and prosperous. As I have in the past, I will perform services for those who experience problems. What more is there to say? It is important that you regret your past actions and work hard for the future. If you do, then I will enhance for a long time the religious and political government in the future. I will bear in mind equally both the names and the objectives of all officials. And also for the citizens, I will work assiduously as in the past to find a way to maintain for hundreds of years the pleasant way things are now. Aside from this, what other religious services are there. Thus, it is of the utmost importance that through critical analysis of the aforementioned points, whatever you are doing at all times of day and night, you do not get confused about what to adopt and what to abandon.

At different times during that year, the Sikkim Governor (’bras spyi) Colonel Weir and [Political Officer Sikkim] E. W. Williamson came to Tibet.r They conferred about Indo-Tibetan relations and Sino-Tibetan

r While Shakabpa identifies this figure as E. W. Williamson, Alex McKay indicates the correct name is Frederick Williamson. In Shakabpa’s 1967 volume [Tibet: A Political History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 281)], he identifies him as “F. W. Williamson.” Also in that other volume (267), he indicates that: Major F. Bailey, Colonel James Weir, and Frederick Williamson, the succeeding Political Officers in Sikkim, were each automatically referred to as Dreche Lonchen (Prime Minister of Sikkim), when they visited Lhasa once every two years.

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relations, respectively. On several occasions, there were also discussions with Nanjing through the Indian government on the border issue. At the same time, the great Tantrika Tā Lama Tendzin Jikmé Wangchuk, Secretary Dangchenpa Lozang Gyeltsen, and Letsen Lodrung Gyeltsen also meet in Tibet to advise the government on the question of the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché’s return to Tibet. The appeals were made by way of the cabinet and through petitions. During the first month of 1933, the prime minister and the cabinet sought a prophecy about the religious and political fortunes of Tibet and about the Dalai Lama’s welfare. In reply to the request, the [Dalai Lama] advised:33 We appreciate the superior beings who bear, protect, and increase Buddha’s teachings, Drepung, Sera, Ganden monasteries, and the glorious tantric colleges of upper and lower Lhasa, all of the nonsectarian monasteries which have been asked to increase their efforts to fulfill their prayers for all manner of virtues. Subsequently, they are to change their attitude to one of respect toward the celestial emperor’s government, which only seeks to achieve success. All people, monks and laity, of whatever station are to hold fast to their respective duties to the government. They are all to testify to the law of cause and effect. For the benefit and success of the government, they must withstand difficulties, not being confused about right and wrong and not being duplicitous. If someone strives to fulfill the meaning of this exhortation, without pursuing their own interests, then they will surely proceed on the path of prayer in all civil and military matters. If it is thought that what was done in the past will still work, this is like brass pretending to be gold. Wasting time throughout the day and throughout one’s life, one is certain to encounter great obstacles eventually. Then unbearable regret will arise. Before that time arrives, one should repent and increase one’s intolerance for such misdeeds. This being the time to refrain from such activities, when someone has their independence in their own hands, they should consider pointing their fingers at themselves. If this is done in detail, it is the only way to restore our government’s former position. Whether government officials will be prepared for their service depends upon their being able to enact this in detail . . . If they work earnestly to discriminate the many differences between the ten religious virtues and the sixteen impure irreligious non-virtues in the ethical code, then they will be successful. Also in the very next life, they will experience whatever profundities they wish, such as the blessings of the goodness.

If one considers the earlier and later advice, the order, and so forth, then one wonders whether several of the primary government functionaries or some of the stubborn attendants during that time were

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failing to provide altruistically motivated service in accordance with the Dalai Lama’s wish. Throughout the year, all over Tibet, there were continual signs that were not understood, and as there were many of them, lamas and gods were asked to examine these portents. Continually, great ceremonies were performed. Ever since the beginning of the tenth month of 1933, the Dalai Lama had been a little ill. However, very little consideration was given to this by his personal attendants. Thus, from about the twentieth day of the month, he became more ill with a cough. Since the Dalai Lama gave winter audiences to the monks of the Tantric College of Lower Lhasa and to some common people at dawn on the twenty-fourth, his illness was exacerbated. On the twenty-fifth, he was unable to give a winter audience to the monks of the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa, and he was unable to perform the Ceremony of the Five Offerings.s The next day, the prime minister, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, and so forth came to learn about his welfare. Ganden Tripa Zur Jampa Chödrak and Purchok Tutor Chokdrül Rinpoché were invited. They were supplicated to perform the Long Life Ceremony, along with the maṇḍala of body, speech, and mind, but they were not permitted to enter the Dalai Lama’s audience chambers. Dr. Jampa Yeshé, the Dalai Lama’s personal physician, was also preparing medicines and administering them. The Nechung Oracle was supplicated to extend the Dalai Lama’s life. The oracle also offered medicine. The merit of the Land of Snow was insufficient to prevent his death. At about 3:30 in the afternoon of the thirtieth day of the tenth month (December 17, 1933), the Dalai Lama showed that he had dissolved into the sphere of peaceful reality, dying in his private Chimé Chokhyil chambers in the Dapdrel Chensel Park at the fortunate Norbu Lingkha Palace. The Dalai Lama was fifty-eight years old. The Dalai Lama’s illness was not widely known because his personal attendant Künpel had kept it a secret. Immediately, everyone, rich and poor, became wretched because of their love for the Dalai Lama. Then the pillar of Buddhism fell. The sun illuminating the joy and happiness of Buddhism and living beings

s The Five Offerings Ceremony marks the anniversary of the death of Lama Tsongkhapa. See Rigzin, Tsepak. Festivals of Tibet (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1993), 59–60.

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had journeyed to the secret abode of the gods. Our leader, who indicated the path of government without error, had been taken away. The sad news was proclaimed throughout Lhasa and Zhöl. Thus, flags were brought down. All people, men and women, of all stations took off their jewelry.t The markets, restaurants, and bars closed their doors. At sunset, offerings were made at the Potala Palace, Norbu Lingkha Palace, and the Jokhang Tsuklakhang, and butter lamps were made throughout Lhasa and Zhöl. People came to all of the religious sites, the upper and lower Tsuklakhangs, the monasteries, parks, temples, and so forth to present clouds of offerings for the fulfillment of their profound wishes. All people, monks and laity, men and women, of high and low station prayed that the Dalai Lama be free from suffering with such intensity that it was as though they were intoxicated. The prime minister, the cabinet, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, the Potala secretaries, and so forth gathered for consultations. Thus, according to tradition, they examined the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s records and so forth in detail. They consulted with Purchok Tutor Rinpoché, Tsenzhap Takdrak Rinpoché, Gyelwang Chöjé, Keutsang Rinpoché, Ling Rinpoché, and Trijang Rinpoché about what the occasion required. Provisions were to be made for the construction of a reliquary for his remains, and the people of Lhasa and Zhöl, including the government officials, had to be given an opportunity to view his remains. Moreover, arrangements had to be made for such things as funerary prayer ceremonies throughout the country. As they were occupied with such things as appointing people to organize the funerary ceremonies and so forth, the Tibetan National Assembly was convened to discuss who would be the most suitable and most virtuous candidate to take responsibility for the government. Some people felt that an incarnate lama should be the regent as was traditional. Others thought that the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Tupten Künpel, would be a suitable governor. Still others thought it would be unnecessary to appoint a regent if two suitable monk and

t In describing her engagement ceremony, which took place about a month after the thirteenth Dalai Lama died, Dorje Yudon Yuthok recounts that, “Mourning and sadness were present in everyone’s heart. The families agreed not to postpone the engagement ceremony since the date had already been fixed. Of course we downplayed the occasion. I put on my best dress but I did not wear much jewelry.” Dorje Yodon Yutok, House of the Turquoise Roof (Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion, 1990), 139.

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lay officials assisted the prime ministers. People went on expressing their own opinions. Someone with the Drongdrak Makgar began to spread deceptive and duplicitous rumors on the third day of the eleventh month saying “Now is the time for the army to resign.” Accordingly, several soldiers, thinking only of themselves, without concern for the welfare of Buddhism or the government, fled upon hearing the rumors. Since the rumor spread to many in the Drongdrak Makgar, they proceeded to Norbu Lingkha’s threshold where they resigned. In addition, they stayed in their own places in Lhasa and Zhöl without returning to their barracks. As a result, several people from the National Assembly said that since there were no longer any soldiers in the Drongdrak Makgar, the wealth of the country, such as the mint at the Office of Electrical Production in Drapzhi and the treasury, was not safe. Therefore, they advised that it would be best if groups of one hundred monks from Sera and Drepung monasteries were conscripted to protect them. The secretary proposed this to the cabinet. However, the cabinet decided against the proposal and instead designated half of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard for the purpose. They were issued weapons and sent to Drapzhi. Thus, it was not known whether there were violators within the office or the Drongdrak Makgar camp. Representatives of the national army and the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard were sent out with orders to shoot to kill in the case of any disturbance. The Drongdrak Makgar, which the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, Tupten Künpel, had founded to back him up during times of crisis, was widely thought to have become an enemy. In the end, they suddenly were unhelpful because of the resignations and so forth. Thus, those people who had been in favor of having Tupten Künpel lead the government could have melted ice with their anger, and several people among those who did not favor him felt that when the Dalai Lama had become ill, the prime minister, the cabinet, and so forth should have been informed. Further, since that group and the government officials did not know, they could not appeal to the Dalai Lama for advice. Thus, their minds were resentful. Therefore, they wondered whether it had been necessary to keep secret the duration of his illness, whether he had taken sufficient medicine, whether the proper ceremonies had been performed, and so forth. The results of this inquiry were accepted. Finally, the personal attendant, who lived at the threshold of the Dalai Lama’s chamber at Norbu Lingkha, was taken into custody on

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the twenty-fifth day of the eleventh month. Personal attendant Künpel La, Trashi Döndrup La, Dechen Yingsel La, Dr. Jampa Yeshé who had administered the medicine, the Nechung Oracle medium, and so forth were questioned in turn. Finally, personal attendant Künpel La was convicted for not informing the prime minister, cabinet, and so forth of the Dalai Lama’s illness. Dr. Jampa, the Nechung Oracle medium, and so forth were convicted of a lesser offence. Personal attendant Tupten Künpel La was sent to Mochapnak Monastery in Kongpotsé, Trashi Döndrup La was sent to Rapten Monastery in Dakpo Kunam, Dr. Jampa Yeshé was sent to Zhi Monastery in Lhokhadöl, and the Nechung Oracle medium was sent to Loseling College of Drepung Monastery. People had decided to throw away the Dalai Lama’s stainless advice. After the omniscient conqueror passed into nirvāṇa, people ought to have worked assiduously to fulfill the responsibilities of government in a steadfast way, in complete agreement with the Dalai Lama’s thoroughly profound intentions, the virtuous clouds of worship, and in complete agreement with the Dalai Lama’s profound advice. Instead, not even seven days after the Dalai Lama passed into nirvāṇa, the stability of the government had diminished because the Drongdrak Makgar was lost. One must investigate the instructions given to the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant. One wonders whether the misfortune of our country began from this point. The common and uncommon religious activities of the supreme thirteenth Dalai Lama are so inconceivable that they exceed the understanding of one of low intelligence, such as myself. I am unable to express, even slightly, the extent of these activities. However, in general, if I indicate just the common activities, they are as follows. When the Dalai Lama was young, he took monastic vows, having studied under many extremely learned, virtuous tutors and so forth. In turn, he brought his studies of both sūtra and tantra to completion. Thereafter, he studied the five topics and took his examinations for the highest degree of learning in the Gelukpa School at the Lhasa Great Prayer Festival. He had augmented this with the great propitiation of the glorious Vajrabhairava, which is a prerequisite to purifying one’s sins, together with the practice of burnt offerings. Moreover, he had also received many initiations in the old and new secret tantras, along with obtaining permission to practice these rites and learning the limitless stages from whoever was suitable for each practice. He also guided people with his explanations of Lama Tsongkhapa’s Great

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Exposition of the Stages of the Path. He taught about the monastic vows, the vows of a novice monk and the vows of full ordination to many tens of thousands of monks. He purified all traditional practices of all the monasteries without regard to which school they belonged to, including Sera, Drepung, and Ganden monasteries. He sent notices to each of these monasteries in turn. He took the examination of the Lharampa Geshé. He declared that except for those who had attained that rank, others would not be permitted to become the heads of prayer assemblies, abbots, the Chöjé of either Ganden Shartsé or Jangtsé, Throne Holder of Ganden Monastery, and so forth. New woodblocks were made for many of the rare collected works, including Buddha’s word. The old woodblocks were restored. Lhasa’s miraculous sites, the Tsuklakhang, Gyetap Ramoché, the Great Potala Palace, the environs of Norbu Lingkha Palace, Trasam, Ushang, Yerpa, and so forth, and also Tatül, Yangtül, Runöngyi Tsuklakhang, the Ganden golden reliquary of Lama Tsongkhapa, Sangpu, Radreng, Pabongkha, the three stūpas of Nepal, and so forth, all of the sources of the flames of Buddhism were restored and newly constructed. Traditional offerings were made with ease, and since it is not the outward form that is important, actual objects were given. He provided tea, meat and noodle soup, special roasted barley, and pastries during Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival. Also, during the summer retreats at the different monasteries and the religious teachings, he would take the opportunity to send representatives with offerings. Also in his speech, he would reprimand people, saying, “These days, everyone, monks and laity, take religion to be of little importance,” and so forth. He went further than just talking or thinking about religious activities. Since I have discussed his political activities in detail above, even if I repeat myself, I will mention a few of his deeds in order to recall his previous kindness. Ever since the preceptor-patron relationship was formed between the great fifth Dalai Lama and the First Manchu Emperor Shunzhi, China and Tibet mutually protected one another. As a result, during the time of the seventh Dalai Lama, the Manchu Emperor Kangxi faithfully sent several military leaders to serve him. At that time, the government ministers of Ü Tsang, because of their own misfortune, each attempted to persuade the Manchu leaders to show favoritism to them. Therefore, the Chinese, observing the domestic situation within Tibet, gradually saw the selfishness of the ministers due to their sinfulness. Hence, a great number of Manchu soldiers

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invaded and overpowered Tibet. Yet, in the end, they were completely expelled, and Tibet was able to re-establish its independence and freedom. Moreover, the preceptor-patron relationship between Tibet and China was restored. Again and again, the great thirteen Dalai Lama explained to both the Manchu and the Nationalist governments that Tibet was not a subject-nation. He established a powerful army which was able to preserve Tibet’s territorial integrity at the urging of other parties. Similarly, he continually corresponded and exchanged gifts, official communications, titles, and so forth with leaders, famous people, and patrons of Buddhism from countries both near and far, such as Russia, Britain, America, India, Japan, Mongolia, Nepal, Bhutan, and so forth. In particular, he sent a copy of Buddha’s word together with a covering fashioned from the seven types of precious material to the czar of Russia as a token of faith. Such acts served to continue the excellent religio-political relations with Russia. The small regional powers in Tibet and the territorial leaders who were high-handed and cruel were suppressed by the powerful central government and the unscrupulous were destroyed. Those who upheld the general benefit of the country and of the common people were rewarded. What need is there to mention those government officials who bore other people’s burdens. He wrote proclamations to several lamas and especially honest people in the border areas and on estates, urging them to increase the wealth in the territories and to collect the government taxes. He asked whether or not the people were being tormented. He understood in all ways, directly and indirectly, the situations of the different places. From all directions, he got frequent reports which he urged be examined carefully. Thus, he could make decisions quickly. This was very popular with all of the people of Tibet, monks and lay people, of high or low status. People were to strive to be of service through their own efforts. Feeble servants should be looked after like a mother protects her son, out of love. Aged parents, who had been driven out of the house by their children, as well as old servants, were to be taken care of by their respective families. People were enjoined to obey the laws governing the illegal imposition of a work tax on an unknown wanderer or the requisitioning of horses which was taking places throughout the country. Also when it was necessary to call someone to work, the exchange was supposed to be in consideration of the local custom. Private parties and monasteries were not permitted to charge excessive interest or

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compounded interest on loans of grain or money. A reliable system for taxes and collateral was established. It was forbidden to switch items in the market for those of lesser quality. In an effort to increase the wealth of the country, wool, tails, hides, and so forth were exported to foreign markets. Since there is no advantage in empty lands, more extensive areas were ploughed and planted. Irrigation canals and ponds were newly built, and sulphur mines were opened. At various times of the year, ceremonies were performed to induce rainfall and offer protection from hail, frost, snow, wind damage, epidemics, and so forth. He founded the Medical and Astrological Institute, through which medicines were dispensed, preventing illness for both people and livestock. A telegraph system, postal system, hydroelectric dams, regional police forces, and so forth were newly established. He tried to improve the country in many ways. Marvels such as the tradition of religious painting, image making, gold, silver, and iron work, mud, stone, and wood construction, leatherwork, pottery, sewing, and so forth were all practiced. Wood and ivory were carved. Woolen cloth, carpets, fringed carpets, and blankets were fashioned from goat hair with skilled hands. Agriculture was improved and houses were constructed, utilizing whatever practices were helpful. In brief, the Dalai Lama seemed to take a great interest even in small matters, such as the planting of flowers, trees, and vegetables. He forbade high stakes games such as bak (sbag) and taksé (stag se) and he also forbade the consumption or sale of tobacco, cigarettes, and opium. He forbade excessively expensive clothing and ornaments. As people borrowed money beyond their own means, he also formulated detailed rules even with respect to the manufacture of women’s jewelry and so forth.u In all ways, solely out of concern for Buddhism and the Tibetan people, he established a system of weights and measures. Like the developed nations, he instituted the election of leaders, language schools, mining, roads for vehicles, and so forth. He introduced many improvements appropriate to the time. Since he encountered many difficulties in performing his religious activities and so forth, he was not always able to perform the required

u

189.

Dorje Yodon Yutok, House of the Turquoise Roof (Ithaca, N.Y.: Snow Lion, 1990),

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ceremonies as he would have wished. Since the merit of Tibet was not sufficient to keep him alive, he could not complete all of his activities in his life. He initiated and expanded the honor of Tibet in both religious and political spheres, such that the country was able to feel pride in the world. Working day and night six days a week, he became extremely fatigued. In addition, without discussing the completion of his activities, he offered short-term advice, again and again: Now, without wishing to increase happiness, this is an occasion to take our own happiness in our own hands. From this point, the welfare of the government depends upon the service of the monk and lay government officials. The happiness of Tibet in general definitely requires only the increased enthusiasm from the monks and laity, people of high and low station, from all of Tibet’s subjects, without their falling into error, taking responsibility.

In advice given at a later time, the Dalai Lama said: Now, when someone has their independence in their own hands, they should consider pointing their fingers at themselves. If this is done in detail, it is the only way to restore our government’s former position. Whether government officials will be prepared for their service depends upon their being able to enact this in detail.

Since the Dalai Lama was able to see these future events, he continually gave these instructions. However, as will be explained gradually below, in the meanwhile there was no improvement in the situation of the government. Therefore, there was very great disappointment, a little like losing the end of a thread. The Bengal scholar, Sarat Chandra Das, went to Lhasa in 1889.v In Account of Journey to Tibet, he described his meeting with the Dalai Lama, who was eight-years old at that time. Das explained that he grew very happy merely by meeting the incarnation of the Dalai Lama. He said his complexion was white, while his cheeks were red. He gazed for a long time straight into the Dalai Lama’s large eyes. Das described his countenance as being similar to an Indian Aryan’s.34 W. W. Rockhill, the representative of the American government, describes the thirteenth Dalai Lama:35

v

Das made two journeys to Tibet, in 1878 and in 1881–1883, as indicated in Sarat Chandra Das, A Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet, edited by W. W. Rockhill (London: J. Murray, 1902). The Dalai Lama would have been eight-years old in 1884.

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He is a man of undoubted intelligence and ability, of quick understanding and of force of character. He is broad-minded, possibly as a result of his varied experiences during the last few years, and of great natural dignity. He seemed deeply impressed with the great responsibilities of his office as supreme Pontiff of his faith, more so, perhaps, by those resulting from his temporal duties. He is quick tempered and impulsive, but cheerful and kindly. At all times, I found him a most thoughtful host, an agreeable talker and extremely courteous. He speaks rapidly and smoothly, but in a very low voice. He is short in stature, probably about five foot six or seven inches, and of slight build. His complexion is rather darker than that of the Chinese, and of a ruddier brown; his face, which is not very broad, is pitted with small pox, but not deeply. It lights up most pleasantly when he smiles and shows his teeth, which are sound and white. In repose, his face is impassive, and rather haughty and forbidding. His nose is small and slightly aquiline, his ears large, but well set on his head. His eyes are dark brown and rather large with considerable obliquity, and his eyebrows heavy and rising markedly towards the temple, giving him a very narquoise and worldly expression, which is further emphasized by his moustache and the small mouche under his lip. His hands are small and well shaped; on his left wrist, he usually carries a rosary of “red sandalwood” beads with silver counters. When walking, he moves quickly, but he does not hold himself erect, a result of passing most of his life seated cross-legged on cushions. His usual dress is the same dark red one worn by all lamas, with a waistcoat of gold brocade and a square of the same material covering his ch’ablu, and hanging down below his waist in front.

Moreover, Sir Charles Bell, who was very well acquainted with the Dalai Lama, writes in his Tibet: Past and Present:36 He was and is determined to free Tibet as far as possible from Chinese rule. The majority of the Tibetan race are with him in this, and see in him the leader of the National Party and the only means of attaining their goal . . . Also, from a political perspective, he was able to perform the excellent work of removing the Chinese people from Tibet. Adopting a political strategy of relying on the powerful strength of China and India, he worked to preserve Tibetan freedom and independence. From among the government officials and the public, those who work well toward the common good were rewarded and those who violated the law were punished or exiled; through such methods he rectified matters. He disallowed dismemberment, the most severe forms of punishment for criminals that the leadership of the districts and estates had previously employed. He taught that unless one committed treason, the punishment of execution would not be employed . . .w

w I have been unable to locate this paragraph in Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924).

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chapter seventeen Except for the traditional clothes worn by government officials, he disallowed the wearing of irregular hats, clothes, or shoes. He disallowed the use of tobacco, cigarettes, and opium and prohibited their sale in the country. He also prohibited the playing of high stakes dice games. According to the Dalai Lama, these evil actions resulted in a waste of a country’s reputation, its time, and its wealth . . . Government officials purchase terribly expensive jewelry for their wives and thus there is competition over ornamentation. Thus, several people have fallen into debt. Since one had to wear clothing, this competition created difficulties for one’s resources; these practices were to be discontinued. This was not to the liking of the nobles or the wealthy traders. However, in general, among all of the common people completely agreed with this reform and welcomed it.

Notes to Chapter Seventeen 1. As for the situation at that time, Lukhangpa, who was the cabinet secretary of the Cabinet Minister Lama in charge of Do and would later become the regent, went to Zhabyé Bridge as an official. Although Kendrung Ngozhiwa, who would later serve as the civil and military chief in the north, was not there at that very time, he would subsequently live in Kham for a long time. I heard these things myself from Dapön Tangpön. For an English-language source, see Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 51–58. 2. In Tibetan texts, this is called Beri Monastery. 3. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 116, says: Over the Kalon Lama’s residence, a small Tibetan house, floats the banner of Tibet, a yellow flag bearing a device like a lion in green, with a white snow mountain and a sun and moon in the corner. Pin Tungling asked the Do Governor that he be allowed to assist the Tibetan government in their work since he was not able to return to China. Translator’s Note: He did not anticipate being able to return to China because of having unconditionally surrendered to the Tibetans. 4. At that time, the seal of the Do Governor said, “The seal of the one who rules and who causes the teaching of happiness and peace to increase through his pervasive blessings.” This included all of his names. It was square and written in four columns of Hor script. 5. During this period, Chinese leaders along the border in Yunnan, Sichuan, and Tsongön were sometimes under the jurisdiction of the central Chinese government; at other times, Pengyang would not submit himself to the government, as though he were independent. 6. Eric Teichman, Travels of a Consular Officer in Eastern Tibet (Cambridge: The University Press, 1922), 114–169. 7. A copy of this treaty with the cabinet’s seal affixed is included in Compilation of Records. Translator’s Note: Since the treaty itself says that the official English source is to be taken as definitive, I have merely copied the version in Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 330–333. 8. A copy of this treaty with the cabinet’s seal affixed is included in Compilation of Records. Translator’s Note: I have employed the version found in Michael C. van

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Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 333–334. 9. Compilation of Records. 10. Jang Ngöpa used a hydro-electric dam to run the lights of Lhasa and to mint currency. Besides that, he built another small one to operate the lights of Norbu Lingkha and the surrounding area. 11. Compilation of Records. 12. Bhumpa Dzasak, Dorjé Taiji, Military Commander of Dalai Lama’s bodyguard Shenkha, Military Commander Tsogowa, Salungpa, Defense Secretary Yeshé Wangyel, and Tadrin. 13. These events are set forth in the records of the Deputy Minister Shenkhawa, which are included in the Compilation of Records. 14. Prime Minister Dekharwa has given a detailed account of these matters which is included in the Compilation of Records. When Defense Minister Tsarongpa was in Norbu Tsokhyil and India, the cabinet offered the idea that it was sufficient to have a single secretary in charge and that Zhölkhang’s son, the cabinet steward, should replace him in that post. The Dalai Lama dispatched cabinet secretary Dekharwa and when he arrived in Chushur, he gave Tsarongpa the note indicating his termination. 15. The foreword of the Treasury Report on Firearms Manufactured at Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production explains a little about the three generals. See p. 821 above. 16. I have seen a copy of this proposal in the records of the Treasury Office. 17. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, vol. Ji, 29-ba-5. 18. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, 76-na-5. 19. I got copies of the original letter written to Sudyam Cutting, which is in the Newark Museum. As for the letter that was sent to the American President, it is on page 177 of Cutting’s book. 20. Togan Tada, The Thirteenth Dalai Lama (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1965), 95–97. 21. If you wish to examine this issue in detail, see Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, vol. thi, 15-na-7. 22. Yutoksé and Taringsé had both been to Gyantsé to study military science. 23. See H. E. Richardson, A Short History of Tibet: An Authoritative History from the Earliest Times to the Red Chinese Invasion (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962), 134–137, in regards to the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s thoughts about these events. 24. The military commander Tsogowa was continually possessed of the physical capacities for bravery in battle. However, his behavior was not very good and the sight of him pained his superiors. Thus, he was continually promoted and demoted several times. He satirically explained that he was like a large tea pot used for occasional gatherings. Translator’s Note: The implication is that he was only employed when it was convenient, but that he was scorned in general. 25. At that time, I had publicly been instructed to serve as the governor of the northern region’s aide. Secretly, however, I was appointed to take photographs of the Chinese and Tibetan military camps and given the necessary provisions. Accordingly, I was perpetually with the governor of the northern region. 26. He was the father of Zurkhang Zhapé Wangchen Gelek and lived separately from Zurkhang House; subsequently, after being Dzasak, he was the Do Governor, and thereafter, he was appointed as the foreign minister of Tibet. 27. He was Matruzhi’s uncle. 28. Although, I have relied upon Tibetan dates, I have taken this international date from Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1956). Since I have doubts about its correctness, an investigation should be made.

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29. Māsiling held joint responsibility for civil and military affairs over Ziling, China; he was stationed in Kyidor. 30. Since I have not obtained this treaty from Compilation of Records, a more thorough search should be made. 31. Because of the accomplishments in military service of Nangrak Regiment Commander Gyurmé Tseten over many years, he was appointed as the Ü Dapön. However, he died before he was promoted; thus, his younger son, Sönam Trashi, was appointed as a regiment commander in recognition of his father’s deeds. 32. Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, vol. 2, 300-na-1. 33. 314-na-6. 34. Sarat Chandra Das, A Journey to Lhasa and Central Tibet, edited by W. W. Rockhill (London: J. Murray, 1902). 35. William Woodville Rockhill, The Dalai Lamas of Lhasa and Their Relations with the Manchu Emperors of China (Leyden, Oriental: E. J. Brill, 1910), 91–92. 36. Charles Bell, Tibet: Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 130–140.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL CONFLICT WITHIN THE STATE TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION According to custom, with the death of the thirteenth Dalai Lama, a regent was appointed to guide the government until the new Dalai Lama could be identified, educated, and established at the head of the government. As Radreng Hotoktu Jampel Yeshé Tenpé Gyeltsen (d. 1947) took power, a rival locus of power emerged under Tsipön Lungsharwa Dorjé Tsegyel (1881–1940). The latter, who had been exposed to a great deal of modern and progressive ideas while he served as the physician and chaperone of a group of four boys sent to England in 1912–1914. Back in Tibet, a group of reform-minded allies gathered around him, and his position continued to be elevated by virtue of the fact that the Dalai Lama himself perceived the need for modernization. With the death of the Dalai Lama, Lungshar’s reform group, Alliance on the Side of Happiness (skyid phyogs kun mthun), sought to create a more representative democracy. Although his movement can be seen as attempting to diminish the influence and power of the noble classes, it was depicted as a communist organization. Shakabpa reports that at the time he wondered if the accusation of its communist sentiments was accurate. By the time he wrote this book several decades later, he seems to have become quite sympathetic towards the group:a However, after careful consideration, it appears that since Tsipön Lungsharpa lived in England for about a year, the new reform organization was progressive, following the lead of the developed nations, and not a communist movement seeking to overthrow the government. Moreover, whenever reform movements initially arise in every country in the world, unless it is supported by a large military force, it always suffers defeat.

In the event, Lungshar was punished by being blinded, and others were demoted and sent into exile. The Chinese government, which had not had an official presence in Tibet since 1913, used the Dalai Lama’s death as a pretext for sending an

a

See p. 850 below.

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official funerary delegation. The Chinese representatives were empowered to renew relations with Tibet, but the Tibetan cabinet insisted that negotiations be undertaken in light of the 1914 Simla Convention. The Chinese resisted negotiating within the terms of that agreement, not wanting to affirm the Tibetan autonomy it implied. Meanwhile, the Tibetans took pains to treat the Chinese delegation in the same way as the British and other delegations to the funerary ceremonies as a way of fortifying the perception that they were all similar in being foreign powers. In the mid-1930s, a faction under Bomdawu Topgyel became upset when Tupten Künpel was exiled; they seized weapons and declared Kham independent. The Do Governor suppressed the uprising but the offenders fled, seeking the protection of Chinese authorities. This was another impediment to Nationalist Chinese efforts to open a dialogue with the Tibetans. However, they were also preoccupied with their battles against the communist armies of Mao Zedong (1893–1976) then engaged in the Long March. Both the Tibetans and the Nationalist Chinese regarded the communists with disdain. As the search committee was formed to seek out the new incarnation of the Dalai Lama, Shakabpa himself accompanied the party seeking visions in the oracle lake called Lhamo Latso inhabited by Pelden Lhamo, the protector spirit charged with ensuring the well-being of the Dalai Lamas.b What the regent and others saw in the lake contributed to the emerging notion of where the new incarnation would be found and under what circumstances. In 1935, the Tibetan government commenced negotiations with the sixth Paṇchen Lama Chökyi Nyima (1883–1937) over his return to Tibet. Shakabpa represents the “primary obstacles to his return” in terms of Chinese efforts to interfere in Tibetan customs. The Nationalists had granted the Paṇ chen Lama the elevated title of “Special Cultural Commissioner for Western Regions,” phrasing that evoked both Tibetan subservience to China and a status for the Paṇchen Lama equal to that of the Dalai Lama lineage. The Tibetans could not accept either of those premises.c Finally, while the Tibetan cabinet wanted him

b

Keith Dowman, The Sacred Life of Tibet (London: Thorsons, 1997), 268. See p. 860 below. See also Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 183–194 and Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 252–299. c

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to return, they were firm that the Paṇchen Lama would have to do so without a Chinese escort. Shakabpa narrates all of the twists and turns in the negotiations in great detail. His sympathies clearly lie with the Lhasa government of which he was then a part. He does not discuss the grievances that likely animated the Paṇchen Lama’s reluctance to return, including the taxes newly applied to his estates and the sense that his status had been diminished by the Dalai Lama’s government in Lhasa. That the Paṇchen Lama might feel he had lost status compared to his predecessors is understandable in light of the fact that the thirteenth Dalai Lama was the first in the lineage to live into adulthood in a century. At the same time, in order to enhance its position in Tibet, the Chinese worked to foster divisions between the two incarnations, something that continued with the seventh Paṇchen Lama. Before the matter could be resolved, however, the Paṇchen Lama died in the borderlands in 1937. The Regent Radreng Rinpoché had a tumultuous relationship with some segments of the government. In 1938, he managed to engineer the resignation of the Prime Minister Langdün Kunga Wangchuk (b. 19th century), with whom he had until then shared power. With the ultimately successful candidate for the identification of the Dalai Lama still just a small child living under Chinese control, Radreng assumed full authority over the Tibetan government.

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN

EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL CONFLICT WITHIN THE STATE After the thirteenth incarnation of the protector Dalai Lama died for the benefit of other people, there were no invasions by foreign powers until 1950. However, as the thirteenth Dalai Lama had already warned, there was no consensus among people with regard to the affairs of state. Thus, there were serious threats to its power. Moreover, for a period of two months after the Dalai Lama died, the prime minister and the cabinet worked together. During that time, the Tibetan National Assembly gathered to discuss whether it was necessary to have a leader to undertake the religious and political responsibilities as the regent. It was unanimously agreed that it would be best to appoint an incarnate lama as regent and to make Prime Minister Langdün his aid. Thus, the names of three candidates were put forth, the Ganden Throne Holder Minyak Ami Yeshé Wangden, Radreng Hotoktu Jampel Yeshé Tenpé Gyeltsen, and Purchok Yongdzin Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim. In the presence of the image of Avalokiteśvara and in the midst of the prime minister, the cabinet, the secretaries, and the assembly, the former Ganden Throne Holder Jampa Chödrak drew the lots after expressing sincere words of prayer. As Radreng Hotoktu’s name was drawn, he was enthroned as the Dalai Lama’s regent. Prime Minister Langdün Gung Künga Wangchuk was made his aid. Before long, it was discovered that many of the monk and lay government officials were meeting separately under the leadership of Tsipön Lungsharwa Dorjé Tsegyel. Some people felt that the group believed that for the benefit of the public, power ought to be distributed more equally, in accordance with a reformist ideology more in agreement with the times. Others believed that they were communists who were enemies seeking to overthrow the government. Throughout this time, many government officials could not decide what to do. Amongst the reformists (gsar brje pa), the fourth-ranking official, Kashöpa Chögyel Nyima, explained the group’s position to Cabinet Minister Trimon. Immediately, Cabinet Minister Trimon explained the situation to Regent Radreng Rinpoché, and he then immediately went

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to Drepung Monastery. That day, Tsipön Lungshar and the fourthranking official, Kashöpa, were quickly arrested and detained in the lower chambers. A four-member panel was appointed to investigate the matter, consisting of Horzhip Khendrung Khyenrap Wangchuk, the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, Lhanyer Dekharwa (Lukhangpa) Tsewang Rapten, and Potala Secretary Tenpa Jamyang. In Kashöpa’s statement, he said that Lungshar’s assertion that the Alliance on the Side of Happiness (skyid phyogs kun mthun) was founded in order to improve the government was merely expressed for general consumption, but that in reality, he secretly intended to murder Cabinet Minister Lama Gendün Chödar and Cabinet Minister Trimonpa and then seize power. Accordingly, efforts were initially made to seize the group’s documents and exile the primary guilty parties. For their faults, it was decided that Tsipön Lungsharpa was to be blinded, and eight monks and lay officials who had committed crimes in office were demoted and sent into exile.1 During that time, I always wondered whether this was a communist movement. However, after careful consideration, it appears that since Tsipön Lungsharpa lived in England for about a year, the new reform organization was progressive, following the lead of the developed nations, and not a communist movement seeking to overthrow the government. Moreover, whenever reform movements initially arise in every country in the world, unless it is supported by a large military force, it always suffers defeat. There are many such stories and such accounts. Cabinet Minister Trimonpa, Khendrung Rampa, Tsipön Trogawowa, and other functionaries were appointed to oversee construction of a golden reliquary for the precious remains of the supreme sovereign, the wish-fulfilling jewel conqueror. Having identified a worthy place to build the tomb in the Tsuklakhang, artisans and workers were employed. The height of the great fifth Dalai Lama’s golden reliquary, the ornament for the world, from the ground to the top is eighty gyukto.a The thirteenth Dalai Lama’s reliquary was five gyukto higher.2 This glorious precious golden reliquary, which was unrivaled in this world, of marvelous design and adorned with priceless ornaments, the residence of this wish-fulfilling cow, was completed in two years.

a

I.e., the measure of twelve finger widths.

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Since 1913, all of the Manchu leaders and soldiers had been expelled from Tibet. Thereafter, the Chinese Nationalist government had tried again and again to find a way to send a deputy to establish contact with Lhasa. However, after reflecting on how to avoid contentiousness, the Dalai Lama decided to send a Tibetan government representative to Nanjing, but beyond that, he would never consent to having a Chinese representative come to Tibet. Seeing the Dalai Lama’s death as an opportunity to send a delegation under the pretense of making funerary offerings, the Nationalist government sent a communiqué to this effect to the Tibetan government through the Do governor. Not being able to bear whatever religious consequences might come about if they prevented funerary offerings from being made to the Dalai Lama Rinpoché’s remains, they communicated their acceptance of a limited delegation through the Do governor. This was the Tibetan government’s most serious mistake. The Chinese leader, Huang Musong, and other functionaries arrived in Lhasa by way of Dotö (Kham) in the seventh month of 1934 with a radio transmitter and operator. Arrangements had been made for them to stay at Kyitöpa’s house in Lhasa. At the Potala Palace, they paid their respects and made offerings before a likeness of the Dalai Lama, according to the Chinese custom. They presented gifts suitable to the occasion to the regent, the prime minister, the cabinet, and other lesser monk and lay officials. Each person was also given a decoration made of gold, silver, and copper with the likeness of Sun Yatsen impressed in it. Just at that point, as an aside, they said they wished to restore the previous favorable relations between China and Tibet. The cabinet members said: We would gladly discuss the preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet, but if we are to confer on the terms of the Simla Convention of 1914, then we will do so through the intermediary of the Indian government. Otherwise, it would not be good for China and Tibet to confer directly. Also, the Tibetan territory which was taken in the past would have to be returned.

The Chinese delegates said that there need not be disagreement because the border question was a minor issue. However, they did not know if they could agree to discuss the terms of the Simla Convention with India as an intermediary. Thus, there was no benefit at all in holding a peace conference.

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Therefore, two Chinese officers were commissioned to continue the discussions. They remained in Lhasa along with the radio in the hope that this would expedite negotiations. Knowledgeable people heard such things as that after peace talks had been successfully concluded and the two commissioners had returned, the radio and the necessary accessories were to be given to the Tibetan government. As the Chinese leader, Huang Musong, prepared to leave, he again presented similar decorations to each person. At the end of the meeting, a great number of Tibetan goods which were similar to what they had received were given as gifts. Huang Musong was given the hat and all of the clothing suitable to someone with the rank of a district magistrate, and all of his subordinates were given the hats and all of the clothing worn on ceremonial occasions by officials of the fourth rank. At the same time, Rai Bahadur Norbu Döndrup, the assistant to the Governor of Sikkim, arrived with a delegation to offer the Indian government’s condolences for the Dalai Lama’s death. After making offerings and so forth, the mission, which had been sent along with a radio transmitter, conferred with Tibet from the Indian side. Like the Chinese, they sought to open discussions on the Simla Convention. Rai Bahadur and eventually Hugh Richardson were settled at Dekyi Lingkha along with their radio. The Tibetan government did not give any status to either the Chinese or Indian deputies except that each was called a “mission.” Both deputies likewise, were required to communicate with the Tibetan government through the foreign ministry. When viewing such things as the New Year’s or summer festivals, the Chinese and Indian missions were invited to banquets in just the same manner as the heads of the Gurkha, Bhutanese, or Kashmir Muslim delegations. Thus, absolutely no distinctions were made between them. The great thirteenth Dalai Lama had appointed Bomdawu Topgyelb as the regiment commander to lead the army of Markham. Thus, he lived in the border region. Regiment Commander Topgyel had the most altruistic wishes for both the Dalai Lama and his personal attendant Künpel La. Thus, when Topgyel heard that Künpel La had taken responsibility when the Dalai Lama died, and then been arrested and exiled, he was immediately upset. In the tenth month of 1934, he led b

See p. 853. The commander’s name is spelled as Topgyé (stobs rgyas) and Topgyel (stobs rgyal). The Bomdawu family is described in Carol McGranahan, Between Empire and Exile: A Khampa History of Twentieth Century Tibet, Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Michigan, 2001.

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the army under his command, attacking the Markham border guards and Dapön Norgyé Nangpa’s camp under the cover of night. At that time, Dapön Norgyé Nangpa was at Tsawabültok Monastery making funerary offerings, as he had been commanded by the Do Governor. Since he was not present, he was not wounded. However, several captains and soldiers were wounded or killed. Some artillery and ammunition, as well as the personal effects of the soldiers were stolen, and Khültok Tsasho Tsedrung Tupten Zangpo was also captured. In this way, control was violently established. Regiment Commander Topgyel, in collusion with his older brother Rapga, distributed a letter saying that since Kham was independent from all other countries, it should be made separate from the Tibetan government. Others did not support their efforts, and the acting Do Governor in Chamdo, Tretongpa Gyurmé Gyatso, immediately dispatched a strong force to suppress the uprising. For this reason, Pomdabu Topgyel and his brother, escaped to Ba along with the units that were involved. Through their mission in Nanjing, the Tibetan government communicated to the Chinese that it was necessary that Pomdabu Topgyel be turned over. The Chinese government would not agree to hand him over to Tibet. However, even though he had revolted against Tibet, he was not a Chinese ally. The Chinese, nonetheless, permitted him to stay at Pokhok, thinking he would be useful should the need arise at a later date. As soon as this information reached Lhasa, security forces surrounded the house of Lozang Yarpel, Pomdabu’s older brother, who was living in Lhasa. Just as he was to be arrested, some monks and lamas from Sera, Drepung, and Ganden monasteries who were partial to Pomda, appealed to the cabinet. They said that Yarpel had never been involved in Regiment Commander Topgyel’s evil plans and should be acquitted. They also requested that Yarpel be permitted to make restitution for the weapons, ammunition, and personal effects which his brothers had stolen. Pomda’s father, Nyima Gyelpo, and the older brother, Nyima Gyeltsen, were both favored by the Tibetan government, and they had continually provided many services to the government. At the same time, Lozang Yarpel was serving in the government in trade matters and so forth. Considering all of these facts and that Yarpel had not been involved in the plot, it was decided that he should be released provided he make restitution on his brothers’ behalf.

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The Chinese Nationalists and the Chinese Communists were fighting at this time, and as a result, more than one hundred thousand ill-equipped and poorly-fed Communist troops and their commanders were being pursued through the northwest provinces of China by the Nationalists. This was called the “Long March.” In 1936, they entered Tibetan territory at places like Litang, Ba, Nyakrong, Horkhok, and Dergé. In order to prevent them from gathering on Tibetan lands, a joint monk-lay committee of district magistrates governing Do dispatched an army to the region.3 As a result, there was no difficulty in driving them to the northeast, back into China. This was the first time that the Chinese Communists entered Tibet. Meanwhile, the cabinet in Lhasa sent a communiqué of support to the Do Governor’s military leader, Jadang Dapön Namseling Peljor Jikmé:4 Jadang Dapön Namlingpa, regiment commanders, captains, sergeants, and soldiers: The one who clearly sees the past, present, and future by virtue of his great and unrivalled kindness, the single deity of the land of snow, the protectorsovereign, Dalai Lama Dorjé Chang’s profound advice is manifest. The thieving and lying Chinese who hold the Communist ideology, who have already entered our territory in Domé and its environs, are known with certainty to be the executioners of living beings’ happiness. Thus, for this very reason, throughout the country, appeals have been made to lamas and deities, and in this connection, out of concern for the vital welfare and happiness of Buddhism and living beings, they are performing a vast number of rituals directed to reversing the efforts of the Chinese. In agreement with the Do Governor’s assessment of the crucial defense of the border, forces, weapons, and ammunition are being sent, without concern for the lavish expenses. Because of these perpetual efforts, what will there be to say when these evil forces are pacified in our territory? If that doesn’t happen, and these wandering foreigners cross into our territory and settle, there is no way we could not be successful in obstructing the protection of the harmless enemy leaders, who are responsible in name only, whether they come from the south or the north. There is no need to covet the weapons, ammunition, and so forth of others. Therefore, our hope rests on you army commanders. It is definite that just Buddha’s precious teachings are the source of all beings’ happiness. All powerful or humble beings in this country, including monk and lay government officials, have not just a little good fortune from past good deeds, unlike foreign nations subject to terrestrial kings. Thus, to the extent that people cherish this kind guidance, including such things as that generations of people are free to hold estates and so forth, each person will act according to their own wish. As a result, it is

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impossible to question whether people will forsake their duty to protect the country even at the cost of their own life. Yet, even during the war of the Water-Monkey Year (1932), a great deal of territory was lost to our enemy. We relied upon so-called heroes who weakly defended our forts, while they offered excuses about the difficulty of the terrain and the strength of the enemy. The commanders during that time and so forth were summoned into the presence of the Dalai Lama. Efforts were made to determine the facts in the case. However, because our store of merit was insufficient, the Dalai Lama Dorjé Chang temporarily passed into the sphere of reality. Some smallminded people, operating under their delusions, may attempt to invoke these bad excuses without consideration. Thus, in regards to what was already said about the Communists, when you are not occupied in any way with the responsibilities assigned to you by the joint monk-lay committee of district magistrates governing Do, do not avoid out of tiredness such things as contesting enemy forts and so forth. When the foreigners do attack, do not retreat a step. You must firmly resolve to fulfill your assignments for the benefit of serving earnestly. You must confound the enemy leaders with an attitude of self-sacrifice. When the deeds of victorious heroes are reported, they will be decorated. An order has already been sent to the joint monk-lay committee of district magistrates governing Do saying that whosoever, strong or weak, retreats by even one step from the protection of their assigned area, being seized by the shame of abandoning the law of cause and effect, should be convicted on the spot and punished according to military conventions. Everyone from the military commanders on down to the ordinary soldier should reflect on the proper way to behave and from the beginning exchange losses for profit. Sealed on the twelfth day of the seventh month of 1936.

At the same time, the Chinese Communists were severely oppressing the people to the east of Drichu River, although they had not come to the west. Even in the east, the Communists did not stay for more than eight or nine months, finally going to Guangxi by way of Sichuan. The search for the new incarnation of the Dalai Lama and the efforts to bring him to Lhasa were the most essential matters politically. During the fifth month of 1935, the Regent Radreng Hotoktu Rinpoché, Cabinet Minister Trimonpa, Khendrung Trilingpa Khyenrap Wangchuk, and Rampa Tupten Künkhyen traveled to Chökhor Gyel to observe visions in Lhamo Latso Lake which would indicate whether or not incarnation had been born. Among the cabinet’s functionaries, I myself was named the acting secretary. Thus, I had the opportunity to accompany the party.

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Regent Radreng Rinpoché, Khendrung, and their attendants initially left Lhasa for Radreng Monastery by way of Göla Pass. Then they proceeded on to Drigung by way of Lungshö. Cabinet Minister Trimonpa and his party supplicated the deities at Dzingkhamé estate in Penpo, and then they visited Lo Monastery. Finally, they met Regent Radreng’s party at Drigungtel Monastery. Thereafter, they pilgrimaged to Yangrigar, Sha Temple, Meldrokatsel, Rinchenling, Ölkha Dzingchi Monastery, and so forth and made offerings. Likewise, they proceeded by way of Longla Pass offering their respects at Metoktang Monastery at Chökhor Gyel. By then, the monks from Önngari Monastic College and Dakpo Monastic College had also come to Chökhor Gyel. Since Metoktang Monastery, which the second Dalai Lama, Gendün Gyatso, had founded, was at an extremely high altitude, even during the summer season the weather can change in a single day, with sleet and hail falling and so forth. The main images in the monastery were wrathful protector deities such as Jamchen Tong Drölma or Tepgülma,5 Barnang Lhamo, Göngön Lhamo, and Gönpo Kotim. Many mountain retreats were to be found in the surrounding areas of Potala, Gatsel, Lhatok, and so forth. At Chökhor Gyel itself, there were about three hundred monks in permanent residence. There were known to be about six hundred monks at Önngari Monastic College6 and about eight hundred at Dakpo Monastic College.7 These monks appear to have been blessed by being of pure behavior and by making great efforts at learning their prayers and religious topics. The place from which the visions in Lhamo Latso Lake can be seen is on a rock outcropping about five miles northeast of Chökhor Gyel Monastery. From there, the skull-shaped lake is one quarter of a mile below and is surrounded by clay and cliffs. It is said that unless it is summer, the lake is covered by thick ice and so visions cannot be seen. As soon as the Regent Rinpoché and his attendants arrived at the summit, the Namgyel monks began to invoke Pelden Lhamo, presenting massed offerings. Thereafter, everyone split up, viewing the lake from different vantage points. The blessed among our party had visions. Such things as Lhamo’s body, palaces, and other signs appeared to those who had pure appearances. It is known that various different visions appeared such as letters, fields, and houses according to which reflections, the future revealed itself variously to the individual people. I myself offered prayers to Lhamo sitting alone beside a rock, and although I stayed there for almost two hours reciting mantras, I did not see anything. Most people reported having visions. Others were

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like me in not seeing anything. The regent returned three times, and Sawang Trimon returned once more. I accompanied them then also, but as before I did not see anything. Just what the regent had seen he kept secret at the time, so I did not know what it was. Subsequently, when we returned to Lhasa, he gave the National Assembly a piece of paper with his visions recorded on it. On the page, he had written the letters A, Ka, and Ma in the Uchen script.c Below that was a three storied monastery with a gold and copper canopy and the intermediate roof painted turquoise. There was a straight white road to the east of the monastery which reached up to the peak of a small hill. There was a single storied house to the side of the road with a blue roof. Thereafter, our party also went to Chamsingi Latso Lake to the east of Chökhor Gyel Monastery. Careful supplication prayers and one billion complete offerings were made at Chökhor Gyel. We stayed about four weeks performing these ceremonies. Then we proceeded on to Ramé in Dakpo Gyatsa. Regent Radreng Rinpoché’s birthplace is two days to the south. There are several humble houses in the village which is set low in a ravine. The villagers had made the house in which Regent Radreng Rinpoché had been born into a small temple. When Regent Radreng Rinpoché was three years old, he is reported to have driven a large wooden peg into a huge bolder in the space near the door of the temple, and so he was called the Pounder.d We saw the hole. Asked why he had done this, he replied, “I will be receiving travelers. They can tie their horses to it.” That very evening, a party of lamas and monks had arrived, saying that they were searching for Radreng’s re-incarnation. Although the wooden peg had protruded about eight finger widths out of the rock, each pilgrim would take splinters of it for blessing. Later, there was still a piece of the peg in the boulder, but someone dug it out with a knife. From that point, there was no wood in there at all. The Regent Rinpoché and his entourage stayed in tents that were arranged in a field and in an open space. During tea breaks, Rinpoché’s relatives were given audiences. They had humble livelihoods, and although as a group, they had a powerful appearance, they seemed extremely poor and meek. When I saw them, I thought it was fantastic

c d

I.e., a, ka, and ma. I.e., the one who pounds, kyon pa.

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that Tibet’s kings, possessed of such incredible power and wisdom, could be born in such a humble and remote place. I also thought it was wondrous how incarnate lamas are recognized. I heard that the government and especially Radreng Rinpoché’s monastic estate had provided a great deal of help to his nephew and the poor villagers. For two or three hours each afternoon, the Regent Rinpoché and Cabinet Minister Trimonpa spoke with each other while we were there. On the fourth day, Cabinet Minister Trimonpa, my uncle, spoke to me. He briefly recounted the situation since he had begun to serve. I listened while he reflected on his service. Since he had become old, he said he must resign. I was astonished that he would say this. I said that since his fellow cabinet ministers and his sons were in Lhasa, he should conceal his intentions until he could consult with them. Thus, I asked him to not require me to write his resignation letter. He said that both he and Radreng Rinpoché decided to resign. Because of my entreaties, he delayed his resignation until we returned to Lhasa. Once there, he made his appeal to the cabinet at the end of 1937. In commemoration of his service, he was given Nupling ministerial estate in Gyantsé along with some gifts. He lived there in retirement. After staying at the place where he was born for about ten days, he went on pilgrimage to Dak Lhagampo, Gyasok Lhading, Zangri Khangmar, Tel Monastery, and so forth, performing the appropriate ceremonies. Having gone on pilgrimage to Dak Lhagampo, Cabinet Minister Trimon then crossed a large river from Dromda Drukha in a three person yak-hide boat. He toured up to the sacred place of Tsaritra by way of Dakpo Ganden Rapten, Kunam Castle, and Bumda Sinbum. Eventually he reached the Trimon estate in Ön by way of Lhakhong and Yartödrakla Pass. The Regent Rinpoché and his entourage also performed a pilgrimage from Tel Monastery to Trashidokha, and finally took a hot meal at Trimon estate. He proceeded on to Önchöding with Cabinet Minister Trimon. They went in turn on pilgrimage to Drutöntsetang in Nyangpo, Tradruk, Sheldrak, Riwo Dechen, Songtsen Bangso, Chenyé, Trashi Chödé, Yumbu Lingkha and so forth, finally reaching Samyé. They performed vast and carefully observant ceremonies for the welfare of all of Tibet and also so that the incarnation of the Dalai Lama would quickly arrive. They appointed people with the responsibility of restoring the three main sites at Samyé, the surrounding temples, Jomoling Sum, and so forth. At last they returned to Lhasa by way of Gökarla Pass.

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Regent Radreng Rinpoché’s account of the lake visions were proclaimed to the entirety of the Tibetan National Assembly. It was concluded that the Dalai Lama’s incarnation would be reborn to the east or northeast of Lhasa. Purchok Yongdzin Choktrül Rinpoché, with the assistance of Tsedrön Tenpa Jungné, my younger brother Tsedrung Changkhyimpa Tupten Tsepel, and Shödrung Pünrappa, searched in the northern region and in the Dakpo and Kongpo areas. Sera Jé Monastery’s Keutsang Trülku Rinpoché, with the assistance of the Zhöl assistant Khemesé Sönam Wangdu, Nakchu Abbot Tsedrung Khyenrap Tendzin, and Tsedrung Lozang Tsewang, searched in the Domé Amdo region. Sera Jé Monastery’s Khangser Trülku, with the assistance of Tsedrung Letsen Tsültrim Chöpel and Shödrung Letsen Driyülwa, searched in the Dö region. The parties went to their assigned area, taking certain possessions of the previous Dalai Lama, the necessary money, and so forth.8 In the same year, the Political Officer of Sikkim, F. W. Williamson, went to Lhasa to discuss Tibetan relations on behalf of the Indian government as was the custom. He suddenly became sick. Thus, the Indian government appealed to the Tibetan government through the foreign ministry for permission to fly an airplane into Lhasa in order that he could be taken to a Calcutta hospital. A panel from the cabinet considered the merits of the question in the Tibetan National Assembly. They said it would be difficult to deny permission for the plane to land in consideration of both the very agreeable relations between the Indian and Tibetan governments and the life-threatening illness of the political officer. However, there is no need to mention friendly countries’ landing in Tibet because up to this point they had not even been allowed to enter Tibetan airspace. If it were permitted in this case, then other neighbors would not find it contradictory for them to bring in airplanes as well. In the alternative, they proposed providing whatever resources would be necessary to get the patient to Sikkim quickly, such as fast horses, litters, and a mule litter. Accordingly, this report was communicated through the foreign ministry together with the government’s regrets. The Indian government made great efforts to maintain friendly relations, saying there was no other way. A few days later, Sikkim’s Political Officer died. Thus, condolences were offered to Williamson’s wife and so forth. The Tibetans behaved respectfully, conveying his coffin to Gyantsé by porters, and so forth.

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The next year, the new Sikkim Political Officer Basil Gould and the Brigadier General P. Neame, the general commander of the East Indian Army, arrived in Lhasa. According to the tradition, his credentials were accepted as the Sikkim Political Officer. The Tibetans continued to request that the British government make contacts with the Chinese Nationalist government in regards to the Paṇchen Lama’s return to Tibet. In 1935, the regent, the cabinet, and also the Tibetan National Assembly conferred on the question of having the all-seeing Paṇchen Erdeni Rinpoché return to Tibet. The terms which the Dalai Lama had set forth when he had been alive were communicated to Ngakchenta Lama and Drungchen Dang Chenpa, representatives of the Paṇchen Lama. Some discussions were held about his subsequent reception and how he would be invited. However, our merit was insufficient, due to which the Dalai Lama had died for the benefit of others. From that point, there had been very inauspicious omens which kept the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché away. Thus, among the terms set down according to the profound consideration of the great Dalai Lama, the Tibetan government wished to maintain unity. To this end, the government wished the all-seeing Paṇchen Lama would immediately return to Trashi Lhünpo, his own place of protection. Arrangements made to receive him would be respectful of his dignity. This message was sent by telegraph to the Nanjing Mission. Three mission officials9 met with the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché and asked for his response to the telegram. At the time, they said it would have been an auspicious development if he had given his approval. However, except for vague generalities, he did not say anything. The primary obstructions to his return was that, not long after the Tibetan government extended its invitation, the Chinese Nationalist government announced that the Paṇchen Lama’s offices would be opened at Ziling. In addition, it was announced that several senior Chinese leaders and five hundred border guards would be sent to convey him to Tibet. In addition, the Nationalists also granted Paṇchen Rinpoché the title, “Special Cultural Commissioner for Western Regions.” The Tibetan government immediately told the Nationalist government through its Nanjing Mission that the Tibetan government and the Tibetan people would never accept the title that had been given to Paṇchen Rinpoché. In addition, they made the most vigorous protests saying, “There was no way that a Chinese government official or a single border guard

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could accompany Paṇchen when he returned to Tibet.” Protests were also lodged through the Indian government by the British representative in Nanjing, Sir Alexander Cadogan. The Tibetan Nanjing Mission and the joint monk-lay committee of district magistrates governing Do sent reliable reports that: Paṇchen Rinpoché arrived in Jyegündo in the beginning of the third month of 1937, having come by way of Ziling and accompanied by Chinese officials and a border guard escort.

At the same time, it was learned that attendants from the Paṇchen Lama’s monastic estate had arrived in Dartsedo from Sichuan, bearing immense loads of the lama’s possessions. The Tibetan government immediately directed that arrangements be made to receive Paṇchen Rinpoché, and Taiji Gashiwa (Doring) was given instructions and money to oversee these affairs. He was sent to the meeting place. The joint monk-lay committee of district magistrates governing Do, the Hor governor, and the Nakchu leadership were also issued orders, according to which the passes, roads, and bridges along which Paṇchen Rinpoché would proceed were to be repaired. Accommodations were to be arranged for the party and camps for the porters. Whatever supplies and people or horses were required as porters were to be provided, all without even the slightest malfeasance. The respect befitting a high dignitary was required. They were also ordered that except for the Paṇchen Lama’s personal attendants from his monastic estate, not even a single Chinese leader or border guard was to be permitted to accompany him as an escort. Civilian Chinese traders or pilgrims likewise were not permitted to accompany him. Accordingly, the ranking member of the Do governing committee sent a delegate to Jyegündo to inform the Paṇchen Lama of the sort of reception he would be accorded and of the limitations being placed on his escort. He did not approve of the terms. He sent a representative to Chamdo in a similar manner to convey his requirements. He said that there was no alternative to having Chinese government officials and Chinese bodyguards accompany him up to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. After a few months of recuperation, they would return to China. Thus, in the fifth month, the leader of the Yellow Hat Gelukpa School, Pabongkha Jetsün Jampa Tendzin Trinlé Gyatso went to Jyegündo in order to personally request that happiness be furthered by taking up negotiations. He personally met Paṇ chen Rinpoché, conveying the considerations of the Tibetan government from both the military and

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religious perspectives. He respectfully beseeched him that it was not necessary for him to be accompanied by Chinese leaders and soldiers, but Paṇchen Rinpoché refused. Despite the continuous efforts of the Do governor, Paṇchen Rinpoché had not agreed with the Tibetan government’s terms. Therefore, the country’s cabinet had referred the matter to the Tibetan National Assembly so that they could have a detailed discussion of what course of action was best. Unfortunately, the Paṇchen Lama’s assistants sent an arrow letter from Jyegündo wrapped with a piece of yellow silk in order to request compromises on the arrangements for his return. The cabinet presented the original letter to the Tibetan National Assembly. It said: Old people and farmers must understand that the main road from Kyaygudo to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery passes through Nakchu and Lhasa . . . The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché will need to have an entourage consisting of six hundred followers, twenty Chinese government officials led by Ma Hotien (ma’ ho thin) in compliance with the law on escorts, and five hundred bodyguards. Without any malfeasance, necessary arrangements are to be made for conveying loads, providing food, fuel, and horse or human porters, wherever the party stays.

As soon as the assembly saw the way the letter was worded, their fury only increased. Without dissension, they decided that except for the supreme allseeing Rinpoché’s actual Tibetan attendants, not even a single Chinese leader or soldier designated with the name “bodyguard” would cross into Tibet. The Tibetan army could provide for his protection from the border up to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. If, however, Paṇchen Rinpoché was powerless to prevent the Chinese escort from accompanying him, then they should be permitted to go to Trashi Lhünpo, provided that after one month’s rest, they return to China. This would have to be put in writing and be guaranteed by a foreign country. Otherwise, there was no reason to run such risks in civil and military matters and not even a single Chinese person would not be permitted to enter Tibet. The members of the Tibetan National Assembly swore a unanimous oath (mna’ gan thu mo che), and all four members of the cabinet placed their seals on the document. Accordingly, orders were sent to the Do governor, the Hor governor who controlled the main road, and to the border guard by way of the Nakchu command. The all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché along with his entourage and the Chinese bodyguard left Jyegündo, establishing himself at Rakshülung

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Monastery. At that time, the Do governor received the cabinet’s orders and the Tibetan National Assembly’s proclamation. Immediately, Governor Dzasak Zurkhang Surpa went to Denkhok to confer with the Paṇchen Lama’s closest aides. He explained that the supreme all-seeing Rinpoché would have to go to Tsang with only his attendants. Alternatively, he would have to get a foreign country to guarantee that the Chinese escort would return to China after accompanying him to Trashi Lhünpo. If he were to cross into Tibet without sincerely fulfilling these requirements, then he would have to prevent his party from crossing the border. He urged him to give the matter great consideration. Meanwhile, the cabinet also sent a telegram to the Nationalist government through the Nanjing Mission. It indicated that since not even a single Chinese leader or soldier would be permitted to escort the Paṇchen Lama, they must be withdrawn. By virtue of the proclamation issued by the Tibetan National Assembly, a group of nomads living in the border area were extremely dissatisfied with having Chinese soldiers into Tibet, even though they were anxious to receive Paṇchen Rinpoché. They were pleased with the Tibetan National Assembly’s proclamation, even though they had already been waiting for several months and had made preparations for horses, beasts of burden, and men, they withdrew these. As a result of these developments, there was fear that Paṇchen Rinpoché’s return would be further delayed, and also there was an earnest wish to show the steadfastness of the government’s resolve. Accordingly, the Hor Governor Khenchung Tupten Pema and Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa Peljor Jikmé of the northern region border guard sent an appeal to the all-seeing Rinpoché and his Nangmakhang Office by courier. It read:10 To the supreme all-seeing omniscient Paṇchen, the unequaled leader of gods and living beings: Respectfully, we, the Hor Governor Khenchung Tupten Pema and the commander of the northern Border Guard Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa, supplicate before your lotus throne. Because of your incomparable kindness, all-seeing, supreme protector Rinpoché, you are returning to central Tibet, the land of religion. Thus, we, the Hor Governor Khenchung and Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa, are respectfully remaining in this temporary abode. In consideration of the repeated orders from the great leaders and lamas and the Tibetan National Assembly, when you return to Tibet under the sole protection of your close attendants, all arrangements will be made as a sign of the respect due to the spiritual son of the father Dalai Lama, including horses, beasts of burden, and men.

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chapter eighteen Otherwise, in order to secure the return of the Chinese troops within a specified period of time, a foreign government must act as witness. When it is possible for you to enter our country, absolutely no Chinese or Mongolian people may accompany you due to the lack of a final settlement between China and Tibet. Therefore, whatever may result, in order to protect our country, this is the single essential point on which the Tibetan National Assembly is unified. For this reason, we must carefully and strictly beseech you to comply. It would be best if you were to consent. If you do not, then the faulty strategy of sending even a single Chinese or Mongolian across the border will not be successful in the slightest. It is required that whosoever promotes this end will grow in prestige. Severe punishments have been prescribed for those lazy or indifferent people, attempting to undermine the government’s kindness in either name or reality, if there appears from any quarter just the slightest report of actions which contradicts their orders. It is necessary to adopt the profound altruistic mind. We, the Hor Governor Khenchung and Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa, have already come to Drachen, a place near the main road along which you, revered one, will pass. We are waiting for you to come, while observing the area to insure your security. Since the season is changing, the delay in your journey ought to be postponed. All of the people of Tibet have the essential wish that the supreme all-seeing protector could be successful in removing the obstacles which prevent his returning to his seat at Trashi Lhünpo. May you quickly proceed home! As for the issue of the Chinese soldiers, at present, terms are still to be arranged for the peaceful relations between China and Tibet. As a result, the entrance of Chinese soldiers appears to people of all stations to be a potential source of trouble for both Buddhism and the government. All people are united in this belief. Accordingly, the best course of action would be for them to turn back from the Tibetan border and for you to proceed to your monastic estate solely in the company of your Tibetan retinue. Please do this! Finally, if the nature of the present difficulties are such that the only way to have the supreme protector swiftly return to his seat is to be accompanied by a Chinese and Mongolian escort, then a foreign witness must be enlisted to insure that after a defined period of rest, they will leave our country. This is the wish of all of the people of Tibet. You have been having discussions with Dzasak Zurkhang Surpa who has joint civil and military responsibilities over Domé at Denkhok. Thus, the continuation of these talks would be helpful in eliminating discord between the monastic estate and the government. After adopting the profound consideration of the gods, you should immediately be able to return. All of these appeals and the efforts being made in your camp, together with the efforts being made in Lhasa by the senior religious figures and

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those inside the monasteries, are undertaken in the sincere wish to supplicate you, all-seeing Protector Rinpoché, to return to your duties. Since it is utterly impossible for you not to pursue the happiness of all of Tibet’s people, which in word and deed is like the relationship between a father and son, we supplicate you for that purpose. Jadang Chupön Anu has brought you this petition immediately as an ally of all parties. Changkarwa, the attendant from your monastic estate has offered security to your assistants and attendants for the purpose of continuing these talks without interruption. As we wait at the appointed place, we are uncertain when you intend return to Tibet. At present, since you have already returned to Jyegündo, an inquiry was made to Changkarwa and two members of your party from Jyegündo as to whether you would be returning later. Chupön returned here on the tenth day of the tenth month saying that he had to return from Tratsangdo as he could not tell whether you were going to return as had previously been agreed. We are waiting in this place, having already offered security for a messenger to report on the situation contained in the appeal in which the respected people supplicate the all-seeing Rinpoché, those from your camp, and the efforts of the senior lamas. Since the appeal from the lamas, leaders, and the Tibetan National Assembly has already been presented, please do not abandon your responsibilities for even one moment. In addition, these days, the Sovereign Protector Dorjé Chang, the protector of Buddhism and the great mass of people in Tibet, the Dalai Lama is temporarily sleeping in the sphere of reality because our merit is insufficient. The continual delay in restoring you to your throne is very harmful to Tibet and the Tibetans. As it would be the source of freeing monks and lay people from their despair, once again, we are sending this urgent appeal. We call you to the important task of fulfilling the altruistic vows of the Buddha and the bodhisattvas. Due to striving for the vital happiness of Buddhism and the people of Tibet, we have no alternative but to request with sincerity that you remember your protective responsibility, as the god Brahmā supplicated Buddha to teach our religion. The great omniscient one who knows all phenomena did not entertain even a moment of conflict. Previously, people of all stations were overcome with boundless, sincere devotion and joy upon hearing that the all-seeing great protector was going to return quickly to his throne in the religious land of Central Tibet. Presently, no settlement has been achieved between China and Tibetan, and so having a Chinese escort cross into Tibet would be extremely harmful religiously and politically at this time, when Tibet’s religious and political lord, who embodies the three kindnesses,e the great Dorjé Chang, the Dalai Lama is not in a body. There is no way for you

e The three kindnesses are bestowing vows, teaching the sūtras and tantras, and transmitting oral traditions.

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chapter eighteen to overlook your responsibility. For these reasons, supreme protector, if you are contending with both physical and mental sufferings, which are the proximate obstacles to your returning to your throne, then we supplicate you as before. In agreement with the advice of the common people, the Chinese soldiers should be turned back from the Tibetan border and out of compassion you should proceed with just your close Tibetan attendants. Finally, if this presents difficulties and the only way to have the great lama and teacher swiftly return to his seat (is to have a Chinese and Mongolian escort), then you must arrange a witness to guarantee that they will return after a month of rest. Accordingly, you will certainly fulfill the altruistic intentions of the Great Sovereign Guide, Dorjé Chang, the Dalai Lama forever. In Tibet, the land that the gods have promised to protect, it is crucial that all activities for Buddhism and living beings, whether large or small, must be done in agreement with religious principles. Thus, it is necessary to understand what is appropriate in a time when degenerate disciples are involved in misery. All the people of all stations, monks and laity, in Tibet are absolutely united on the issue of the Chinese escort. If you would agree with the desires of the people of Tibet, disciples of the Buddha and the bodhisattvas, and Buddhism would flourish. Since this would manifest fortunate signs such as happiness, leisure, stability, and peace for Tibetans and the non-deceptive reality in which they live, so you should eagerly adopt the practices of a bodhisattva for the benefit of Buddhism and living beings. Following the wish of Buddhists, you should secure a foreign government as guarantor that after the Chinese and Mongolian troops accompany you to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, they will return to their own country following a month of rest. Out of compassion, please see to this. In addition, because of the small merit of living beings during this degenerate era when you have stayed away for so long, whatever signs appear which obstruct your three secret bodies, do not to abandon your considerable responsibility. Like one who is overcome by thirst desires water, all monks and lay people of Tibet are praying for the immediate appearance of a festival of fortunate signs that the precious incarnation of the Sovereign Protector Dorjé Chang, lord of Tibet’s religious and political spheres, will be found and brought to Lhasa. However, the fulfillment of this prayer depends upon the conqueror and his son recognizing their traditional roles which have been functioning for so long; only then can the supreme protector descend to bear his great burden. It is impossible that whatever turns out to be a source of life for Buddhism and living beings, in general and in particular, will not appear in your pure mirror of exalted wisdom, which is free of any darkness whatsoever. Thus, it is like the saying, “Where there is profound religion, there are hostile demons.” Even as pressure increases to harm and obstruct the path to the fulfillment of happiness of sentient beings and of Buddhism,

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please give profound consideration to taking up your perennial duties with respect to the supreme conqueror. Therefore, we ask you to return swiftly to your throne in the religious land of Tibet. When you are certain that you will be proceeding home, having secured a guarantor, inform us so that we can arrange for horses, beasts of burden, and men and make arrangement for whatever else is suitable to a person of your stature. This forceful, urgent, and final appeal is offered on behalf of great Lhasa leaders and lamas and the Tibetan National Assembly and upon obtaining your good response, fulfilling our happy purpose, we will breath a sigh of relief in this place and issue the orders. Please try to come to the sphere of happiness with all haste. Khyen! Khyen! Khyen!f Together with this appeal, we have sent a ceremonial greeting scarf and a five silver sang note as a sign of respect. Sent on the thirteenth day of the tenth month.

At the same time, the Hor Governor Khenchung Tupten Pema and Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa sent a letter to the Paṇ chen Lama’s Nangmakhang Office:11 To the supreme attendants of the Paṇchen Lama’s monastic estate, glorious in one hundred ways. We offer our regards. The letter you sent back to us on the eighteenth day of the seventh month by the mounted courier Wangyel reached us on the ninth day of the eighth month. The letter written on the first day of the seventh month and sent by mounted courier reached us on the sixteenth day of the seventh month. It said that at that time, you had received instructions from Chamdo saying that negotiations between the government and the Paṇchen Lama were unsuccessful and so Paṇchen Rinpoché’s party would not be continuing on. As orders have been issued to negotiate a suitable arrangement, in the meanwhile it is unnecessary to be concerned about the preparations. What sorts of difficulties have come about from not knowing when horses, beasts of burden, and men would be needed? In order to protect the return of the conqueror and his son to their seat, it is reported that the essential objectives of the officials of Paṇchen Rinpoché’s monastic estate are unreasonable. However, the Do Governor has not done anything to prevent the arrangement of horses, beasts of burden, or men. The Tibetan government said that the Paṇchen Lama had not upheld his responsibility because of the harmful circumstances of his being gone

f This word, which is an honorific form of the verb to know, is repeated here three times as a sign of respect. Even more, the vowel marker on the first two appearances of the word is written three times, indicating an even higher form of respect.

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chapter eighteen for so long. Thus, retired abbots, fourth-ranking officials, and current abbots of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries were sent to supplicate the Paṇchen Lama, asking that from that point, he quickly return to his throne in the religious land of Tibet. After those representatives return to Tibet, they will come before Ganden Podrang, the government of our religious land, to recount the charges and the actual facts. At this time, it is certain that traditional responsibilities should be maintained, such as being ready to act without delay. In the letter sent by the cavalryman Wangyel on the first day of the seventh month, detailed instructions were to be communicated through the Tibetan representatives, including retired abbots, fourth-ranking officials, and present abbots of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries in accordance with the situation. When Wangyel arrived to present the situation to the Paṇchen Lama’s office, the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché and his retinue had already left for Rakshilung Monastery, and so the Tibetan representatives stayed at Jyegündo Monastery. As a result, he had to wait for a response to be given in a personal audience. Therefore, Wangyel was unable to go to deliver the message to the Tibetan representatives personally. He sent that letter with a man from Kham, which caused a delay. It seems that the immediate arrival of the government’s instructions would be impossible. However, it is hoped that the terms arrived before long. In addition, at that time, Paṇchen Rinpoché’s party had already left Jyegündo. The senior lamas and officers from the area and the Tibetan National Assembly have continually sent instructions to us, the Hor Governor Khenchung Tupten Pema and the commander of the border guard in the northern territory, Jadang Dapön Namsé Lingpa, saying that gracious arrangements should be made for the return of the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché to Tibet. Horses, beasts of burden, and men would be organized. Many people should advise that a Chinese escort is unnecessary and that they should withdraw from the border. However, if in the end this course becomes difficult, then they should be required to leave Tibet after one month of rest, and a meeting must be held immediately to request Paṇchen Rinpoché to seek a guarantor that the Chinese soldiers will depart. Since we have already come to Hor Drachen near the main road, we have received increasing indications that eventually, the Paṇchen Lama would be coming. However, not being able to bear these continual delays, we implored the all-seeing Paṇchen Rinpoché to take his throne at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery quickly. The essential issues to be communicated to the Paṇchen Lama’s office are as follows: They were urged to resolve the issue of a guarantor for the return of the Chinese troops. Jadang Chupön Anu was sent to present to the Tibetan representatives a progress report on the vital issue of having the Chinese soldiers return to China and to report on the efforts to have the Paṇ chen Lama come to Tibet immediately. Changkarwa, the attendant from the Paṇchen Lama’s monastic estate was sent for the purpose of offering to serve as a guide. They left on the twelfth day of

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the ninth month, traveling day and night. However, upon meeting with Paṇchen Rinpoché’s personal attendants at Tratsangdo, they learned that no decision had been made regarding his return to Tibet and that he had already gone to Jyegündo. It is said that his departure had been concealed in order to avoid giving a response. Based on the clear statements of the Paṇchen Lama’s personal attendants and Changkarwa, they said he must return, and he arrived here on the tenth day of the tenth month. However, we have already sent a petition to the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly saying that we had supplicated the all-seeing Rinpoché and have sent a messenger to inform the Paṇchen Lama’s office and the Tibetan representatives. That being the case, it would be unbearable to report that he had been turned back at a mere command. In addition, all people of whatever station, monks or lay people, pray that the all-seeing Rinpoché will quickly return to his seat in Tibet. He was dispatched once again to make urgent entreaties. Out of his fidelity to the injunctions of Buddha and the bodhisattvas, the Paṇchen Lama should return to his seat in his own realm; it would result in the boundless expression of the faithful devotion of all people throughout the religious land of Tibet. There is absolutely no alternative. In addition, the Do governor has not done anything to prevent the arrangement of horses, beasts of burden, or men as a result of claims by the officials of the monastic estate that it was unsuitable. However, if the monastic estate or the entourage has any grievances against the Tibetan government, then it will be possible for the government, which is endowed with religious and political authority, to give appropriate consideration to the true state of affairs when the Paṇchen Lama’s party proceeds into Tibet alone in the desired manner. As you know, all along, the essential issue has been about the harmful conditions of the Paṇchen Lama’s return to his seat in Tibet. Accordingly, the senior and junior attendants of the Paṇchen Lama’s monastic estate also should take advantage of this vital opportunity to bring him back to his seat quickly. As there is absolutely no necessity for him to be accompanied by Chinese soldiers, if it was his pleasure to send the Chinese troops back from the border, he would be in agreement with the opinion of the great majority of the public. Moreover, if this course of action presents difficulties, then there will be no cause for delay in his return when he secures a witness to guarantee that the wishes of the government will be fulfilled. In addition, without there being a witness to guarantee the return of the Chinese soldiers, it was unknown whether he would be coming. Thus, the Do governor could not avoid the instruction of the Tibetan National Assembly which said that there must be no hurry in arranging horses, beasts of burden, and men to aid the Paṇchen Lama’s party. Beyond that, there are no obstructions preventing his gracious return to his seat of power. Therefore, Tibetan representatives including retired abbots, fourthranking officials, and present abbots of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries came to supplicate the all-seeing Paṇchen Lama since the

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chapter eighteen extent of harm caused by his prolonged absence is uncertain. Unable to bear his absence, they have been sent to supplicate Paṇchen Rinpoché in dependence on the Lord of Tibetan Buddhism, the Dalai Lama and his spiritual son. Since it is not known whether the Chinese leaders and soldiers will be good or bad, they should not be brought into Tibet in large numbers. At this point, the all-seeing protector should quickly return to his seat and live there in happiness. In order to fulfill the wishes and bring about the happiness of Tibet and the Tibetan people in an enduring way, the longterm tradition of the solemn altruistic vow between the Dalai Lama and the Paṇchen Lama must be preserved; for the benefit and happiness of all, this is the responsibility of the Tibetan government and the Paṇchen Lama’s monastic estate attendants. All responsible parties are urged to adopt these measures. Thus, a foreign government should be found to guarantee the time when the Chinese soldiers will leave. This order, which will enhance our prospects, has been expressed immediately because of the great importance of acting in agreement with so many people. When a decision has been reached with regard to the Paṇchen Lama’s return, then care will be taken to arrange whatever is necessary in the situation. Please consider this matter favorably! This letter is sent on the good thirteenth day of the tenth month of 1937 along with a ceremonial scarf.

The above letter was dispatched by mounted courier. However, the Do governor had already been working to make a definite agreement. At the same time, a conflict had erupted between China and Japan over the Marco Polo Bridge in the east, initiating the Sino-Japanese War.g Simultaneously, the Tibetan government vigorously insisted that the Chinese leaders and soldiers who were to accompany the Paṇ chen Lama be turned back. As a consequence of these factors, the Chinese leader Ma Hotien, received a telegraph message from Nanjing saying that the Paṇchen Lama’s Chinese escort had to be returned. Thus, Paṇchen Rinpoché, his attendants, and the Chinese escort left Nangchen Rakshilung Monastery for Jyegündo on the twentieth day of the eighth month. Paṇchen Rinpoché became a little ill at that time. While staying at the Chinese monastic estate of Döndrup Ling Monastery in Jyegündo, suddenly

g In June and July of 1937, Chinese Nationalist forces clashed with Japanese Imperial Army at the Lugouqiao Bridge, also known as the Marco Polo Bridge. This battle opened a route that enabled the Japanese conquest of Beijing and ignited the a war between the two powers that was only concluded with the end of World War II.

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his body became increasingly painful due to a wind disorder. On the twenty-eighth day of the tenth month (December 1, 1937), the allseeing Paṇchen Ertené Lozang Chögyi Nyima Gelek Namgyel passed into nirvāṇa. As soon as this unfortunate news reached Lhasa, the government performed the traditional funerary ceremonies. According to a government order, the Do governor dispatched a deputy to make offerings to the body. After detailed discussions with the Paṇchen Lama’s attendants, the deputy advised them to stay at Horkhok for a while since China and Japan were battling in China. They agreed and went to Horkhok with the Paṇchen Lama’s body. In 1938, because of disagreements with the Chinese leader at Dartsedo, Liu Wenhui, there were small clashes, and the Chinese even stole some of the Paṇchen Lama’s possessions. Escaping with the body, the attendants reached Jyegündo by way of Dergé. Thinking that it would be good to reach an understanding with the attendants, the Do governor immediately dispatched a representative. Thus, one group of them returned to Trashi Lhünpo with Paṇchen Rinpoché’s body. After Datsap Jokbewa was appointed to receive them, he arranged horses, beasts of burden, and people on all of the roads they would be traversing. While the appropriate ceremonies were being performed, they arrived at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery. The other group of attendants went to Ziling, where they stayed. In the same year, the Chinese leader at Dartsedo, Liu Wenhui, and the Do governor’s monk and lay dzasaks conferred on the return of Dargyé Monastery’s monastic estate to Tibet. Thus, the Chinese side, headed by Tselitrang, and the Tibetan side, headed by the fourth-rank Zurkhangsé Wangchen Gelek, met at Dargyé Monastery for detailed discussions. The monastic estate was to be returned, provided the Dargyé monks no longer interfered in Beri, Kardzé, and so forth. In addition, they were to be restored their former wealth, and the Tibetan government would appoint the abbot of Dargyé Monastery as they had in the past. Both parties agreed to these terms. As a result, the Tibetan government helped the Dargyé monks who were scattered about on the west of the Drichu River, in Trawodo, Joda, Chamdo, and so forth return to their home. All of the monks cooperated to rebuild the monastery and its furnishings. In 1937, Sikkim’s political officer sent a request to Lhasa asking permission for five Germans to visit Tibet, Doctor Schäfer, photographers,

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and so forth.h Like other foreigners in Lhasa, they were invited to observe the Great Prayer Festival and following that the ceremony of burning offerings. Thereafter, they visited Samyé, Tradruk, Yambülakhar, and so forth and then returned to Lhasa. There was a large crowd at the part of the Great Prayer Festival’s burnt offerings ceremony when the nāga spirits are attended upon, and they did not accept the Germans photographing the ceremony. Thus, there was a misunderstanding; many people began shouting and throwing stones. Doctor Schäfer was struck in the head with a stone and was a little hurt. One of their cameras was destroyed. Since they were able to hide, no further harm was done. During a cabinet meeting in the presence of the Regent Radreng Rinpoché, he explained that he was resigning from the position of regent. Immediately, the cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant appealed to him, offering him a token sum of money. They said that he was still young and that he was in good health. Moreover, they said, since there was a great deal of important work for him to do, such as searching for the incarnation of the Dalai Lama and bringing him to Lhasa, he should continue with his responsibilities. In addition, they asked him to identify any government officials who were not doing all they could in the service of the government and so forth. They prostrated to the regent and supplicated him. However, he would not listen to them. Thus, the cabinet instructed the Tibetan National Assembly to consider the situation in detail and decide upon the best course of action. As a result, some representatives from the National Assembly went to Radreng’s monastic estate to ask that out of compassion, the regent continue with his responsibilities. The Regent Rinpoché explained that he could not make immediate decisions because it was necessary for him to consult with his associate, the prime minister, on all sorts of important religious and political questions. He continued saying there were great difficulties such as that at times there are excesses and delays because of disagreements between them. As a result, Tibetan National Assembly decided that

h Isrun Engelhardt, Tibet in 1938–1939: Photographs from the Ernst Schäfer Expedition to Tibet (Chicago: Serindia Publications, 2007). An exhibit of these photographs was displayed in conjunction with the 11th Seminar of the International Association of Tibetan Studies in Königswinter, Germany in 2006. The book (p. 183) contains one photograph of Tsepon Shakabpa along with his younger brother, Thubten Tsepal Tai Khang.

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since problems had arisen in such actions, Prime Minister Langdün should retain his title, his official residence, and so forth, but should be relieved of his duties as the regent’s associate. If the cabinet were to request the prime minister to resign, then in agreement with this method for improving the situation, they were to issue a proclamation. Accordingly, on the thirtieth day of the second month of 1938, the cabinet together with the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant met with Langdün at the prime minister’s estate, where they presented him with the National Assembly’s proclamation. Being a peaceful and gentle man, the supreme prime minister immediately considered what he had been told and retired. Thereafter, the Regent Radreng Rinpoché assumed complete control of the country. Notes to Chapter Eighteen 1. Changchen Gungzur, Kusung Rupön Chapasé, Sherpang Gyelkhar Nangpa, Shödrung Draktönpa, Shödrung Menriwa, Tsedrung Letsen Kyitöpa, Chakpé Dodam Tupten Gelek, and Zhapzur Yüllha Tenpa Tsewang. 2. Desi Sangyé Gyatso, Boat for Crossing the Ocean to the Island of Liberation, Catalog of the Ornament for the World, the Golden Reliquary, 261-na-6. 3. Although previously it had been the custom for a cabinet minister to become the Do governor, during this time, District Magistrate Lozang Pelden and District Magistrate Zurkhang Zurpa were Do governors. 4. Compilation of Records. 5. The image of Maitreya, which was fashioned from gold and copper, measured more than three stories in height. Yet the artist was so skilled that merely by pressing the thumb on its back, the entire image will move and give off a pleasing sound. 6. Founded by the second Dalai Lama Gendün Gyatso, it was associated with Ngari Chögyel Jikten Wangchuk Pekar Monastery and Lönpo Ngawang Namgyel. 7. It was founded by Chöjé Lodrö, the sixth in the lineage of seven Mañjuśrīs. 8. Khenché Gyeltsen Püntsok, Taiji Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam Topgyel, and Önzhi Döné Shar Tupten Tarpa were appointed. 9. At this time they were Khenchung Ngawang Gyeltsen, Tsedrön Chöpel Tupten, and Lotsāwa Ngawang Drakpa. 10. Compilation of Records. 11. Compilation of Records.

CHAPTER NINETEEN

GREAT FOURTEENTH DALAI LAMA IS ENTHRONED TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION Shakabpa provides a detailed narration of the process of identifying the new incarnation of the Dalai Lama, the most detailed in the entire book. As he was a member of the committee assigned to search for the fourteenth Dalai Lama and was an eye-witness to many aspects of the search, his first person account sheds interesting new light on this singular process. Once the child was identified, a Chinese warlord Mā Bufang (1903–1975), who governed Qinghai, demanded a bribe of four hundred thousand silver coins. Without announcing the identity of the child, a resolution was eventually achieved and the youth was brought to Lhasa. Radreng Rinpoché cut the ceremonial lock of hair and granted the boy his new name. The Regent Radreng oversaw his enthronement and early education. Foreign dignitaries, including some from China, arrived to participate in the ceremonies relating to the youth’s enthronement. Shakabpa refutes the claims of some Chinese historians that have claimed the Chinese delegation was accorded a status indicative of Tibet’s subservience to China.a Shakabpa offered a sustained critique of Chinese representations of these events, most of which were in fact witnessed by Shakabpa. Just before Japan invaded China in 1941, the Regent Radreng retired and was replaced by the Dalai Lama’s tutor. Although Radreng was a monk constrained by the vow of celibacy, he had not vigorously protected his commitments, and due to the impurity of his monastic status, he was deemed to be unsuitable to serve as the Dalai Lama’s preceptor. The Dalai Lama’s tutor, Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap Tutop Tenpé (1874–1952), assumed the responsibility of the regency in early

a For a Chinese account that claims a high level of involvement by the Chinese delegation, see, for example, Ya Hanzhang, The Biographies of the Dalai Lamas (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1991), 406–409. See also Tsering Shakya, The Dragon in the Land of Snows: A History of Modern Tibet Since 1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 6–7.

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1941. Serving for a decade until the Dalai Lama was able to assume authority himself, Takdrak Rinpoché was a stabilizing force after the comparatively tumultuous influence of Radreng. The Allies wished to support China in their war with Japan, but their supply routes had become imperiled. Consequently, the Tibetan government was petitioned to permit transportation to pass through its territory; Tibet refused. Shakabpa argues that this demonstrates that Tibet was capable of making its own choices, as a sovereign nation does. He includes a letter from President Roosevelt appealing for Tibetan cooperation. Following the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s example, the Tibetan government endeavored to enhance its international standing throughout this period. Increasingly, Tibetans found themselves interacting with others in an international setting. A dispute between a Gurkha and a Tibetan resulted in the former being protected by the Chinese Mission. The Tibetan objected to the action of the Mission’s Gong Jingzong and expelled him from the country. A Tibetan lama from Gomang Monastery, Geshé Sherap Gyatso (1884–1968), was a progressive figure intent on modernizing traditional Tibetan education. Moving to China in 1937, he gained support from the Paṇchen Lama and other patrons in the Republican government. This enabled him to gain a national reputation and found an important school called the Qinghai Tibetan Buddhist and Chinese Language School.b Shakabpa depicts him as an “instrument of the [communist] government” who “broadcast propaganda over the radio in Tibetan.”c In 1944, American pilots crash-landed near Lhasa on their way from India to deliver war supplies to China, and the next year, the Austrians Heinrich Harrer (1912–2006) and Peter Aufschnaiter (1899–1973) escaped a British internment camp in India and made their way to Tibet. Harrer became a friend and tutor to the young Dalai Lama, teaching him about science and the larger world.d Likewise, at the successful conclusion of World War II, the Tibetan government congratulated the

b See Gray Tuttle, Tibetan Buddhists in the Making of Modern China (New York: Columbia University Press, 2004), 207–212. c See p. 894 below. d Heinrich Harrer and Peter Aufschnaiter are authors respectively of Seven Years in Tibet (London: R. Hart-Davis, 1953) and Peter Aufschnaiter’s Eight Years in Tibet, ed. by Martin Brauen (Bangkok: Orchid Press, 2006).

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victors. The government participated, for example, in the Inter-Asian Conference in 1947, with Tibet flying its own flag and its delegates meeting with Mahatma Gandhi (1869–1948), the Indian Prime Minister Paṇḍita Jawaharlal Nehru (1889–1964), and President of the Congress Party Sarojini Naidu (1879–1949). Shakabpa understands these events to provide further evidence of Tibetan autonomy. In 1944 or 1945, a conflict emerged between the government and Sera Monastery over grain taxes and monastic independence. Thereafter, Radreng Rinpoché, who was a monk from Sera Monastery, visited Lhasa and met with the new Regent Takdrak Rinpoché, evidently in part to complain about sanctions that had been placed on Sera. Shakabpa explains that soon after an apparent attempt on Takdrak’s life, Radreng was arrested for having written a letter to China’s President Chiang Kaishek (1887–1975) that threatened to seize the government from Tatrak if he did not resign voluntarily. Radreng confessed before the Tibetan National Assembly, along with his co-conspirators. He died suddenly of a mysterious cause while in custody. Shakabpa was a member of the investigating committee. When India gained independence from the British Empire on August 15, 1947, it inherited all treaty rights and obligations from Britain. The Indian and Tibetan governments agreed to continue their relationship as it had been conducted previously through the British. In 1947–1948, Shakabpa led the Tibetan Trade Delegation around the world to a large number of nations. The journey was an extended exercise in demonstrating Tibet’s independence and sovereignty. All along the way, Chinese interests sought to undermine Shakabpa’s efforts to assert Tibet’s freedom by refusing to honor Tibetan passports, urging the use of Chinese-issued passport, attempting to persuade other countries not to permit the Tibetans to visit or transit their countries, and so forth. However, in addition to India and China, the delegation visited Hong Kong, the United States of America, Great Britain, France, Switzerland, Italy, Egypt, and so forth. Shakabpa met with a variety of important dignitaries including Secretary of State George Marshall (1880–1959), general and future president of the United States Dwight Eisenhower (1890–1969), Prime Minister Clement Attlee (1883–1967), and former Prime Minister Winston Churchill (1874–1965). He engaged in discussions about currency rates, trade relations, and other matters ordinarily indicative of the independence of a state and he purchased gold from the U.S. Treasury. Shakabpa’s narration of these events

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demonstrates his heightened awareness of the importance of appearances in international affairs.e As the 1940s and the chapter draw to a close, spies and intrigue are everywhere.

e See the photos, as well as the image of Tsepon Shakabpa’s passport from this journey at the beginning of volume 2.

CHAPTER NINETEEN

GREAT FOURTEENTH DALAI LAMA IS ENTHRONED The Protector Regent Radreng Hotoktu Chok, the cabinet, and the previous Dalai Lama’s personal attendant consulted about the supreme sovereign’s incarnation. It was reported that the young boys showing auspicious signs who had been interviewed by Purchok Yongdzin Choktrül Rinpoché, Keutsang Rinpoché, and Khangser Rinpoché respectively in their far-flung homes and the doubtful candidates in the Lhasa area should be brought to Lhasa so that a definitive examination and recognition could be carried out. The esoteric, exoteric, and secret examinations were to be kept secret. Other than this rumor, nothing clear was known. However, on the fifth day of the second month of 1939, Tsedrön Tönpa Jedrung Jampa Khedrup and I, Tsipa Shakabpa, were summoned to the cabinet. The ministers told us that it had been decided that all of the doubtful and likely candidates for the Dalai Lama’s incarnation had to be brought to Lhasa so they could be examined and the proper person could be recognized. Thus, the two of us were to retrieve the child from Mindröling in Drachi and had to stay at Driptsechokling for a while. The date of our departure, our orders, money, and so forth were still being arranged. We received orders that we had to wait for these preparations to be completed. We gradually understood that besides this candidate, there were others. Another one from Kumbum Monastery was to be brought at the same time. It appears that Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Tardö, Lachak Sarjungsé, and so forth had been sent discreetly to make preparations to receive the parties at Tutopchu River. On the twenty-eighth day of the sixth month of 1939, the Tibetan National Assembly met at the Dalai Lama’s private chamber at the Potala, Dedenkhyil, where the secretary reported the consensus opinion of the regent, prime minister, and cabinet:1 In regards to the search for the incarnation of the protector sovereign, the great Dorjé Chang of unparalleled kindness, the doubtful and likely candidates had been earnestly investigated, like burning, cutting, and rubbing gold. Finally, they had settled on a boy named Lhamo Döndrup

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chapter nineteen who was born on the fifth day of the fifth month of the Wood-Hog Year (June 7, 1935)a to the father Chökyong Tsering and the mother Sönamtso of a family called Chija in a small farming village called Taktsé near Kumbum Monastery in Domé Amdo. The location, the arrangement of the house, and so forth were very much in accord with the predictions from Lhamö Tsozik at Chökhor Gyel.b The letters A, Ka, Ma, and so forth, the place and the surroundings, and so forth were in accord with the signs that had been expressed. Not only had the all-seeing Paṇ chen Rinpoché been inclined toward him, but when Keutsang Trülku had personally met with him several times, both publicly and privately, and examined him, he was different from the other child-candidates in all of his actions. He had recognized personal belongings of the great thirteenth Dalai Lama as his own, such as his rosary, walking staff, and his hand drum, without mistaking them for other similar items. Not only was this belief validated by such things as his calling the member of the search party by their respective names, but the circumstances were in agreement with Nechung Oracle’s prediction from the previous year during the consecration of Samyé Monastery after it was restored and with the Nechung Oracle’s prediction that same year in the Dalai Lama’s chambers called the Three Worlds. For these reasons, there was no doubt. However, the place where the young boy was born was under Chinese rule, being in Zining. Thus, Mā Bufang and the Kumbum monastic council complained that the determination of whether or not the boy was the Dalai Lama had to be made in their region. It was diplomatically explained that according to traditional practice, when all of the potential candidates were gathered in Lhasa, the tests would be given and recognition would be granted. Mā Bufang continually said that he needed four hundred thousand silver coins as a ransom. However, they employed all sorts of methods, including having some Zining traders pay the ransom and be reimbursed at a later time. Also, a member of the search party, Tsedrung Lozang Tsewang, had to be kept as a hostage. There was no certainty that additional delays would not emerge, if they did not proceed on to Lhasa, such as a Chinese demand to escort the child. The extensive special ceremonies which were performed all throughout the country for the purpose of eliminating obstructions to the Dalai Lama’s return to Tibet have been successful. The compassionate supreme incar-

a The Dalai Lama’s birthday is customarily celebrated on July 7, 1935. However, it is given as July 6, 1935 in both Tsepakg Rigzin, Festivals of Tibet (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1993), 36 and John F. Avedon, In Exile From the Land of Snows: First Full Account of Dalai Lama and Tibet since the Chinese Conquest (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1984), 8. The June date given here appears to be an error. b See pp. 285–287 above.

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nation Rinpoché and his entourage have left the great seat of Kumbum Monastery. Thus, at this time, joyfully they have crossed into Tibetan territory. This young incarnation, Lhamo Döndrup, born at Taktsé in the Chija family in the Kumbum district, was predicted to be the reincarnation of the protector conqueror Dalai Lama and is so recognized. From all quarters, certain faith has been found which is free from the stain of error. Thus, he has been determined to be the Dalai Lama. This news should be proclaimed today, along with this auspicious assembly. Therefore, within the meeting of the Tibetan National Assembly, the reports of the search party, the predictions, and so forth were each published. People should just enumerate his qualities, without falling to either extreme of being attracted to him or critical of him. Out of joy, respect, and happiness, all of the people who were in the assembly, from whatever station, expressed their gratitude toward the regent and the ministers for fulfilling their responsibilities by performing the esoteric, exoteric, and secret duties in the intervening period. Respected figures from Sera, Drepung, and Ganden monasteries, the isolated regions, the monk and lay government officials, the Tibetan National Assembly members representing religious and secular affairs, together with the common people unanimously and with utter certainty agreed to recognize the incarnation who was born at Taktsé in the Chija family in the Kumbum district as the reincarnation of Dalai Lama. With an attitude of joy, respect, and delight, they also proclaimed that at that time, he should immediately be brought to Lhasa so that out of his compassion, he could be invested with the religious and political responsibilities according to the custom.

The secretaries’ summer festival, the cabinet’s celebration, and so forth were postponed and preparations were made for the entire reception. Since I was also a member of Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa’s party which was to go to Nakchu River to receive the Dalai Lama, I continued with the preparations such as acquiring the ceremonial clothes and the horses. The organization of the camp at Shuktri Lingkha, the duties involved in the reception and procession, and so forth were also announced. As soon as the Dalai Lama and his entourage completed their journey to Dangla on the fifth day of the eighth month, Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa, his monk and lay escort, the monks from Namgyel Monastery, the palanquin bearers, the Potala cooks, and the flag bearers left Lhasa. When they reached Dromtö, a message arrived by horse courier from the commanders of Nakchu. It said that the Dalai Lama’s party would reach the Nakchu River on the tenth day of the eighth month. Thus, Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa immediately explained the situation to his escort. With happiness, he said that he had to go on himself

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and that his escort should also go on without changing horses and so forth. Everyone was to gather at Nakchu on the ninth day of the eighth month. One by one, everyone hurried along. I myself traveled the entire night, taking rests at Chakla Pass, Lanyi, and Sangzhung, finally arriving at the Nakchu River at midnight of the ninth day. Immediately thereafter, I put on the ceremonial dress and proceeded on. When I got to Gazhi Nakhar at sunrise on the tenth, the Dalai Lama and his entourage had already arrived. In addition, it is said that Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa arrived just before the Dalai Lama and was just barely able to offer him a greeting scarf in his palanquin. The rest of the escort arrived one by one, and a ceremony was held at dawn. It was gratifying to encounter the four-year old incarnation. Dressed in monastic robes, the Dalai Lama was brought in by the Nakchu chief, Khyenrap Tendzin. Thus, he was established on the throne. His mother was also seated next to the throne. A paṇḍita’s hat was placed on the young incarnation’s head. Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa presented a maṇḍala of body, speech, and mind to the Dalai Lama on behalf of the government. The proclamations confirming the identity of the precious conqueror from the regent, the cabinet, and the Tibetan National Assembly were presented. Then all of us who had come to greet the Dalai Lama presented greeting scarves to him and received his blessings. Tea and rice were then served. Thereafter, Latsi Letsen Ngödrupding Lozang Dorjé made offerings of celestial nectar to the eight demons and the letter that accompanies Sipahoc was read out. Before the Dalai Lama were banners, big ceremonial drums, religious trumpets, and so forth. Then the monk and lay government officials came on horses along with a litter carrying the incarnation Rinpoché. The Dalai Lama’s father followed wearing the traditional dress of Amdo Ziling, and his mother wore shell ornaments and followed on a mule-palanquin. They in turn were followed by the attendants and lesser dignitaries. The party proceeded to Den Monastery in Nakchu in a mental condition mixed with sleep and dreams. The Regent Radreng Rinpoché and so forth came out to greet the Dalai Lama at a camp established at Damtö Uma Trashi Tang. Having stayed for three days at Radreng Monastery, the headwaters of the Kadampa School, the party proceeded on, resting at the mountain retreat

c

See p. 749 above.

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of Samtenling. On the twenty-third day of the eighth month (October 6, 1939), the party reached a camp at Dögutang, which was populated with tents, as though bright stars were scattered about. All of the monk and lay government officials, the abbots of Ganden, Sera, and Drepung monasteries, the lamas, incarnations, and abbots of the two colleges of Gyudö, Gyümé, and Namgyel monasteries, the missions from India and China, the government representatives from Nepal and Bhutan, and the leader of the Kashmir Muslims came to greet the Dalai Lama there. After staying there for two days, on the twenty-fourth day of the eighth month, the extensive party proceeded in the traditional manner. More than ten thousand people from Lhasa and Zhöl offered their greetings, including military units, a monastic procession, dancers, and singers. Thus, sounds of joy were proclaimed. Meanwhile, after visiting Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang Temple, the Dalai Lama settled in at Kelzang Podrang at Norbu Lingkha. On the thirteenth day of the tenth month, (November 23, 1939), Radreng Hotoktu Chenpo cut a lock of the Dalai Lama’s hair before the image of Jowo Śākyamuni at Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang Temple and bestowed on him the monastic name Jampel Ngawang Lozang Yeshé Tenzin Gyatso Sisum Wanggyur Tsungpa Mepedé Pelzangpo. Afterwards, a sealed communiqué was proclaimed throughout Tibet explaining that the incarnation had definitely been installed on the throne. It read:2 The Supreme Incarnation, the Omniscient Protector, Conqueror of the Three Worlds, the Dalai Lama, who is the Limitless Thorough Protector of Buddhism and of living beings has arrived on the twenty-fifth day of the eighth month, a day marked with astronomical miracles, at the marvelous Norbu Lingkha Palace, the limitless heavenly garden, amidst a crowd of beings, all bowing in respect and displaying joy, faith, and delight. Thus, the victory banner, which is the single ray of hope, the Gelek Zhapsen Norbu, was raised. On the blessed thirteenth day of the tenth month, at the urging of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, the monk and lay government officials, and the Tibetan National Assembly, the Regent Tutor Radreng Hotoktu ceremonially cut the lock of hair from the Dalai Lama before the image of Jowo Śākyamuni and conferred on him the name Jetsün Jampel Ngawang Lozang Yeshé Tenzin Gyatso Sisum Wanggyur Tsungpa Mepedé. With one voice, Buddha and the bodhisattvas recounted his praises. Through bringing down a rain of blessings, this news was broadcast all over, throughout the land. At the same time, the Dalai Lama was installed in power on the golden throne supported by auspicious fearless lions in the Potala Palace, the

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chapter nineteen inestimable mansion which is the second home of Avalokiteśvara on the fifteenth day of the first month of 1940; this was a terribly important time when all living beings throughout the three realms were fed with the nectar of the gods because Lord Buddha had pacified the six adherents to the heretical schools through his display of magical marvels. The kings of the four directions, monks, and lay people, high, low, and middle, all beings touched the dust of his blessed feet with the top of their heads while making clouds of offerings. This news, a life-preserving nectar, which was a completely auspicious manifest omen to be enjoyed as a magnificent festival of fortune, was broadcast to all beings. Thus, during this supremely pleasing festival of fortune, the gods, lamas, monks, and nuns of all large and small monasteries should recite sincere prayers, perform rituals, and invoke the protector deities so that the Dalai Lama can abide for one hundred eons and accomplish his crucial activities, nourishing the fruit of happiness and benefit of Buddhism and all beings under the sky. All subjects, both men and women from government, private and religious estates, adorned with ornaments, should pray to and worship the three precious jewels, burn incense throughout the area and on mountain tops, sound different types of music, beat drums, raise banners, engage in all ways in dancing, singing, and sports and have a cheerful attitude. Without fail, you senior figures must act to inform all of the monasteries and people under your jurisdiction in advance. We Tibetans have tremendous appreciation for the appearance of this youthful sun, the maṇḍala which exemplifies the body, speech, and mind of the Protector of the Land of Snow, radiating one hundred thousand brilliant rays of benefit and happiness. We have faithful satisfaction in this fortunate era in which enjoyment will be improved in all ways. Earnestly apply yourselves to fulfilling all of the ten religious virtues and the sixteen civil purities of the excellent law of religion and politics with an attitude of increasing this faith, like two opponents coming to smile at each other. You must continually apply yourself to this fortunate endeavor, without knowing how to exhaust the play of this festival of religious and financial happiness. On the happy twenty-seventh day of the tenth month of 1939.

This pronouncement was proclaimed throughout Tibet. In this connection, the Chinese government sought permission to have its delegate, Wu Zhongxin, come to offer their congratulations on the Dalai Lama’s ascension to the throne. Thus, the Chinese government applied to the Indian government for transit visas so the delegation could pass through India. In turn the Indian government asked the Tibetan government if it was okay for them to issue the visas. Initially, the Tibetan government said there was no need to send a Chinese delegation and so no transit visas should be issued. However, subsequently

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they replied that it was suitable to give visas to those people who were coming to make offerings at the enthronement, but that others should not be permitted to enter Tibet. The Chinese functionary Gong Jingzong came by way of Dartsedo together with actual offerings. He and his servants were given travel permits by the Do governor, and an official host from the Nanjing Tibetan Mission was assigned to travel with them. The Political Officer of Sikkim, Sir Basil Gould, offered his respects at the enthronement on behalf of the British crown and the Indian government. Official hosts, transportation, and permits were provided to representatives of both India and China. Sir Gould gradually made his way to Lhasa by way of Dromo. Both representatives were brought to the Norbu Lingkha Palace and were given audiences with the young incarnation. On the thirteenth day of the first month of 1940, a procession brought the Dalai Lama from Norbu Lingkha to the Potala Palace according to tradition. On the fourteenth day (February 22, 1940), the day on which the Dalai Lama was installed in power, the supreme sovereign incarnation Rinpoché was set upon the exalted golden throne which was raised up by the eight lords of the fearless Mahādeva in the Sizhi Püntsok Reception Hall. At the same time, the monks of Namgyel Monastery recited prayers of good fortune. In agreement with the ritual which precedes the installment, monks adorned with ornaments made offerings to the Dalai Lama of the eight auspicious signs, the eight auspicious substances, and the seven varieties of royal emblems.d The religious service was performed and solemn prayers were recited. The Protector Regent Radreng gave an oral explanation of the maṇḍala. After the articles of investiture were presented to the Dalai Lama, the regent, the prime minister, the tutors, the high ranking figures, the cabinet, the general attendants, the lamas and incarnations from Ganden, Sera, and Drepung monasteries, and the government officials received the Dalai Lama’s blessing. Then gifts from the Chinese Nationalist government were presented by Wu Zhongxin, Jao Gundin, Gong Jingzong, Chang Waibi, and so forth.

d See The Great Treasury of Words, Chinese and Tibetan (Beijing: Nationalities Publishing, 1993), 3302–3, for drawing of these three offerings.

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The text reciters, debaters, offering distributor, dancers, musicians, the public, and otherse assembled for the official celebration as in the past. All over Lhasa and Zhöl, drums were beaten, and flags were raised. Dancing, sports, and drama were performed at Deyangshar and Shingtsé at the inner stone pillar. At the outer stone pillar, horse races were run. The incomparable auspicious festival engendered donations, rewards, and so forth. On the fifteenth day, Gyeltsen of the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate presented offerings to the high throne of the [Dalai Lama]. Just after that, the Political Officer of Sikkim serving as the representative of the Indian government, Sir Basil Gould, Rai Bādur Dzasak Norbu Döndrup, Hugh Richardson, Rai Sahib Rimzhi Sönam Topden, Major Casey, Captain D. Thornburgh, and Doctor Captain Troktren,f presented gifts as congratulations for the ascension to the throne on behalf of the British crown and the Indian government.3 At the same time, the representative of the king of Sikkim presented offerings to the throne. Thereafter, officials of the Radreng monastic estate, the cabinet, the senior and junior secretaries, abbots of Ganden, Sera, and Drepung monasteries, the important figures of Ü Tsang, and other people from monasteries and temples throughout Tibet came to the enthronement. The ceremony continued for days. Several foundationless and untrue statements have been written about the enthronement by Chinese Nationalist representatives Wu Zhongxin and Li. In this regard, Richardson’s Tibet and its History says:4 The ceremonies of Installation were held in February 1940 and were attended by Sir Basil Gould and Wu Chung-hsin (Wu Zhongxin). The latter traveled through India, having been given facilities at the request of the Tibetan Government. Li’s charge that the question of permission for his journey was decided by the British Foreign Office is misinformed

e

The text reciters are special officiants who sit away from the main rows of monks and recite texts at a low volume. They are usually monk officials, one of them young and the other old. The debaters are finalists in a large debate competition. The offering distributor takes a sample from the offerings that have been made and passes it around so that everyone can partake of them, at least symbolically. The entire public is not invited, but rather just a handful of people who represent the public at large. f I have been unable to identify a British officer whose name could be spelled in this manner in Tibetan (krog kran). Alex McKay (personal communication) indicates that Hugh Richardson was not present at the enthronement, although he was in Lhasa when the Dalai Lama arrived in Lhasa. He also indicates that although there are no other records of a Major Casey being present, Major J. Innes-Keys and Dr. H. Stanton were present as was the Anglo-India doctor, M. V. Kurian.

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and tendentious. There are similar discrepancies in the different accounts of the ceremonies. According to the Chinese, still clinging to the longdiscredited mummery of selecting the Dalai Lama by use of a golden urn, Wu professed to have satisfied himself that the child was the true incarnation and the urn need not be used. After that, in February 1940, the Chinese Government appear to have issued a decree recognizing the child as the Dalai Lama. The Tibetans, as has been said, had recognized the child in August 1939 and had been treating him as Dalai Lama ever since. There must have been bad co-ordination in Chinese quarters, for a Chinese press notice had announced in July 1939 that the child had been declared Dalai Lama with the consent of the Tibetan and Chinese authorities. Wu also claimed that he personally conducted the enthronement and that, in gratitude, the Dalai Lama prostrated himself in the direction of Peking. Those stories, described as false by Bell on the authority of information from Gould, were categorically denied to the writer and dismissed as ludicrous by Tibetans who attended the ceremony. In looking for the truth of the matter, the firm attitude of the Tibetan Government to the demands of Huang Musong may be recalled and, looking much further back, it is permissible to see the origin of such ritual fictions in the fanciful account, in Chinese official histories, of the visit to Peking by the Vth Dalai Lama.

Upon carefully examining these baseless political statements, it is our responsibility to respond honestly and truthfully. Li’s The Historical Status of Tibet says:5 The Regent sent Mr. Wu a communication asking the Central Government to confirm La-mu-tan-chu as the reincarnation of the Dalai Lama without the performance of drawing lots . . . The private interview took place on the morning of January 31 inside a small pavilion in the Jewel Park (Norbu Lingkha), one and a half miles out of Lhasa. Mr. Wu conversed with the boy for about a quarter of an hour and presented him with four gifts, including a watch, which greatly pleased him. Mr. Wu was deeply impressed by the dignified and natural manner of the boy who was only four and a half years old . . . The Nationalist Government, upon . . . the favorable recommendations of Mr. Wu, issued an order on February 5 for dispensing with the lot-drawing process and for proclaiming the boy as the 14th Dalai Lama.

All of us government officials who were present can prove these false allegations to be baseless. As I have already said, the Tibetan National Assembly gathered together in the Dedenkhyil Chambers of the Potala on the twenty-eighth day of the sixth month of 1939, proclaiming their decision to accept the candidate from Kumbum as the incarnation of the Dalai Lama. In

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addition, this news had already been proclaimed throughout Tibet. After the ceremony at Gazhi Nakhar on the tenth day of the eighth month, Cabinet Minister Bönshöpa had presented a maṇḍala of body, speech, and mind to the Dalai Lama, and the proclamations confirming the identity of the precious conqueror from the regent, the cabinet, and the Tibetan National Assembly had been presented to him. Ever since that day, he had been treated with the respect due to the Dalai Lama, and when his party had processed to the great camp at Dögutang on the twenty-third day of the eighth month (October 6, 1939) in the company of religious banners, trumpets, incense and horses, he was accompanied by monk and lay government officials. What need is there to mention the lamas, incarnations, and monastic officials from Ganden, Sera, and Drepung monasteries. Jang Jiyu, the Chinese officer who had remained after Huang Musong for the alleged purpose of negotiating a settlement between China and Tibet, Hugh Richardson from the Indian Mission, a representative from Nepal, and a person from Bhutan who was bringing the annual tribute were also at the ceremony. The following day when the procession moved on to Norbu Lingkha, he was most certainly treated as the Dalai Lama and not merely as a candidate. In addition, the hair on the crown of his head was cut, and he was given a name. His certain identification and enthronement was proclaimed throughout Tibet on the twenty-seventh day of the tenth month. Beyond all of these facts, Li himself wrote in The Historical Status of Tibet that three weeks before Wu arrived in Lhasa, when Gong Jingzong arrived by way of Kham, that the regent had already investigated and confirmed the incarnation from Kumbum.g When the decision had already been made, these assertions by the Chinese government that Wu performed a further investigation of the incarnation lacks foundation in truthful sources. If people possessed of discrimination examine this issue, there will be nothing for them to do but laugh. Furthermore, Wu’s assertion that he conducted the enthronement ceremony, that he himself placed the Dalai Lama on the throne, and that the Dalai Lama bowed in the direction of Beijing out of gratitude are false, and each is completely without foundation in truth. Although

g

181.

Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (London: King’s Crown Press, 1956),

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I was not a high official at that time, having the rank of Tsipa,h I was among the officials who were adorned with ornaments and who held incense. Thus, when the Dalai Lama came from his chambers, I greeted him carrying incense. Throughout the ceremony, I had to remain sitting before the throne in the meeting hall. When the Dalai Lama came from his chambers, Cabinet Minister Lama Tenpa Jamyang and Chief Attendant Ngawang Tendzin held his hands. When he climbed the steps and sat upon the throne, Abbot Khyenrap Tendzin raised him up in his arms. Since Wu Zhongxin had been invited, he was allowed into the throne room. Beyond that, not only did he not touch the Dalai Lama, but he was not permitted to even approach the throne. If anyone had attempted to come near the throne, they would definitely have been seen by everyone. In addition, there is no doubt that the great and powerful bodyguards would have harmed them. In this way, I have fulfilled my responsibility of refuting these groundless charges. Following these events, while Wu Zhongxin was still in Lhasa, he gave presents and decorations made of gold, silver, and so forth to important leaders such as the regent and the cabinet. He raised the question of a Chinese-Tibetan peace agreement and reported that the Chinese officer who had been left behind to negotiate this agreement from the time of Huang Musong, together with the radio transmitter, would be renamed as a branch of the Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau. The cabinet said that in recent times, many Tibetan territories had been seized by the Chinese government and so forth. When the land, tribes, and peoples to the east of Dartsedo which had previously been part of Tibet were returned, they certainly would discuss peace terms between China and Tibet. Moreover, they said that arrangements should be made for the Indian government to mediate as had been the custom in the 1914 Simla Treaty. Also, beyond designating the Chinese officer staying in Lhasa who had been left behind to mediate as a Mission, there was no way that the Tibetan government would accept his office being called the Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau. Since the Tibetans spoke decisively, there was nothing at all for the Chinese to do. Wu replaced the previous representative, Jang Jiwu, with Gong Jingzong. Wu and his subordinates returned by way of India.

h

I.e., a treasury official.

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From about the tenth month of 1940, there were continual rumors that Regent Radreng Rinpoché was going to resign from his responsibilities over Tibet. During the twelfth month, Regent Radreng Rinpoché met with the cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, saying that according to the prognostication of gods and lamas, there were very serious threats to his own health. Thus, he said that he would temporarily be forced to postpone the fulfillment of his official duties, while he performed religious ceremonies and so forth. In response, the cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant said that since he was still young and suffered from no ill health, he should not resign his religious and political responsibilities. They said that the government itself would undertake whatever rites were suitable to help him avert his illness. Yet he would not listen to their supplications. Thus, the Tibetan National Assembly conferred on the most beneficial course of action. Initially, some within the assembly wondered what the regent’s real intentions were since he was still young, his activities had been successful, and it was a time when the border regions were peaceful. Some people even think that they were secretly concerned to have changes in the higher offices of government or to have political reforms and so forth. Some Drungtsi from the Tibetan National Assembly were delegated by the cabinet to meet with the regent at his Shö home, but he vowed that nothing would come of their entreaties. He advised that it would be best if the Dalai Lama’s tutor, Takdrak Rinpoché, be appointed the new protector of the realm. The cabinet and the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant informed the great sovereign Dalai Lama of this advice, and he asked them to make the request to the Tutor Rinpoché. A delegation from the National Assembly offered a symbolic gift to Takdrak Rinpoché and implored him to take up the office. Thus, after seven years of suffering the responsibilities of state, Regent Radreng Alchi Hotoktu retired. The Tutor Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap Tutop Tenpé Gyeltsen took responsibility for protecting the state on the first day of the first month of 1941. To the east, Japan had invaded China with the Chinese losing a great deal of territory; they were forced to move their capital to Drungchin. At the same time, Japan attacked Indo-China, Malaysia, and other places. Thus, the Japanese cut off the great road along which China’s allies America, Britain, and so forth had been bringing necessary war materials from India to China by way of Burma. In addition, since the allies had taken control of Assam, India, both Dzasak Rai Bādur Norbu

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Döndrup and Gong Jingzong, the officers of the Indian and Chinese Missions who were staying in Lhasa, asked the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office if it would be possible to construct a new road for transporting necessary war supplies between India and China through the Tibetan territory of Dzayül. The Tibetan government refused saying that since Tibet was not allied with either the British and Chinese government or the Japanese government, it was utterly unable to give its consent to building a road for transporting military goods. They did, however, consent to permitting private merchants to convey civilian goods such as cloth, thread, medicine and so forth along government roads to China. It seems [the Tibetan government] did not give due consideration to the issue given the importance of the Sino-British military objectives. Yet, it is a clear indication of Tibet’s free and independent behavior. On the tenth day of the first month of 1942, the Dalai Lama received his monastic vows from the Tutor Regent Takdrak Rinpoché in the presence of Lhasa’s Jowo Śākyamuni. At the beginning of that same year, the first Americans came to Lhasa,i Captain Ilia Tolstoy and Lieutenant Brooke Dolan. They were traveling toward China through Tibet and Tsongön; the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office offered them hospitality during their more than month long visit in Lhasa, and they met with the Dalai Lama. In their journey to the Tsongön Lake border region, Dergesé Kelzang Wangdu was provided as a host. A military escort and papers authorizing the use of horses, beasts of burden, and men were also provided. They had brought a letter together with a gift to the Dalai Lama from the President Roosevelt from the White House:6 Your Holiness: Two of my fellow countrymen, Ilia Tolstoy and Brooke Dolan, hope to visit your Pontificate and the historic and widely famed city of Lhasa. There are in the United States of America many persons, among them myself, who, long and greatly interested in your land and people, would highly value such an opportunity. As you know, the people of the United States, in association with those of twenty-seven other countries, are now engaged in a war which has been thrust upon the world by nations bent on conquest who are intent on destroying freedom of thought, of religion, and of action everywhere. The United Nations are fighting today in defense of and for preservation

i Tolstoy and Dolan would have been the first American officials to visit the country. As mentioned above, Sudyam Cutting had already been in the country, and in 1923, William McGovern was the first American to enter Lhasa.

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chapter nineteen of freedom, confidant that we shall be victorious because our cause is just, our capacity is adequate, and our determination is unshakable. I am asking Ilia Tolstoy and Brooke Dolan to convey to you a little gift in token of my friendly sentiment toward you. With cordial greetings [etc.] Franklin D. Roosevelt July 3, 1942

Along with this letter, the president sent along a photograph of himself and a magnificent gold watch which marked the phases of the moon and the days of the week. In turn, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché also wrote to the American president and sent him a gift:7 The Honorable Franklin D. Roosevelt Dear Mr. President: We received with the greatest gratification your letter and the tokens of goodwill (your autographed photo and an exquisite gold watch showing phases of the moon and the days of the week) through Envoys, Captain Ilia Tolstoy and Lieutenant Brooke Dolan, who arrived here safely. I am happy that you and the American people have a great interest in our country. Likewise, it is a great sign that the American people together with those of twenty-seven other nations are engaged in a war for the preservation of freedom, which has been thrust upon them by nations bent on conquest and who are intent upon destroying freedom of thought, of religion, and of action everywhere. The Tibetan people also attach great importance to the protection of freedom and independence of our territory which we have enjoyed from the distant past. Although I am young, following the practices of the previous Dalai Lamas, I have been making efforts for a long time and am attempting to increase the supreme religion taught by the Buddha, depending on the fertile religious soil of Tibet. I pray and hope for a speedy conclusion to the world’s conflicts and that peace and happiness may endure. As a symbol of my affection, I am sending a greeting scarf, three gold Tibetan coins, and three religious paintings fringed with blue brocade depicting the six elements of long life, the four harmonious brothers, and the eight auspicious signs. The Dalai Lama of Tibet The nineteenth day of the first month of the Water-Sheep Year February 24, 1943

The gifts were sent along with the letter. A Gurkha and a Tibetan had a disagreement in Lhasa’s central marketplace. When the police went to arrest them, the Gurkha man

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hid within the Chinese Mission at the Kyitöpa residence. When one of the policemen followed after him, the Chinese officials seized him. In addition, that very night, Gong Jingzong went to Norbu Lingkha Palace, even though the inner and outer gates of the residence had already been locked. The Dzadrak pounded on the gate. He explained that since the policeman had violated the law, he was seeking Regent Takdrak Rinpoché’s protection. After someone was sent immediately to determine if there was any disturbance in Lhasa, the Chinese official Gong was sent back with an escort. Meanwhile, there was absolute tranquility throughout Lhasa. The Tibetan National Assembly directed the Foreign Affairs Office to eject Gong Jingzong within forty-eight hours because of his provocative actions directed at disrupting relations between China and Tibet, such as his mad behavior when there was absolutely no disturbance, for seizing the policeman, and also for pounding on the door of Norbu Lingkha Palace in the middle of the night. His liaison, firewood, official residence, and so forth having been withdrawn, Gong returned to China by way of Kham. The Nationalist government apologized for the mistakes Gong had made without consideration and they asked if they would be permitted to send another deputy. The Indian government asked the Tibetans if it would be suitable to issue travel permits to Gong’s replacement, who was called Shen Zonglian, as well as some other functionaries, to travel through India to Lhasa. As the Tibetan government gave permission, Shen arrived in Lhasa. At that point, it was reported that although the delegation seemed to be promoting harmonious relations, internal records indicate that they were also working to sow dissension. During the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s time, military costs were paid for with revenue generated from previously untaxed government, private, and religious estates, and so the treasury stores were preserved. As they were taxed like the general public, there was absolutely no place to store the grain [since so much had been gathered]. However, at this time, many people requested a discount on their taxes, and it was granted. Also, a great deal of grain had been exchanged for silver. For these reasons, when provisions were needed for the military, it had to be transported from Shelkar to Dotö (Kham). As the distance was so great, it did not arrive for a long time. There were tremendous hardships because the government had to enlist farmers to carry loads to the widely scattered areas and along the major roads. Thus, the Tibetan

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National Assembly restored the previous system of taxation, asking that the contributions be collected and held at specific sites. Hor people were widely spread through thirty-nine villages and were without any particular tax base. Thus, for the general welfare of the public, it was arranged in six regions, and monk and lay officials were appointed and dispatched. Once again, the government created tax sources. In the northern Jang region, four districts were created. However, Jang is a place where supplies must be carried through vast empty stretches, around lakes, and along the border regions in the north. At this time, it was joined with the thirty-nine Hor villages, and monks and lay people were appointed with general responsibility for the area. The geshés of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries were highly accomplished in the five great texts. However, it was very difficult for ordinary monks to make arrangements for the traditional feast held on the occasion of a geshé’s graduation. Thus, many monks who had reached the end of their geshé studies had to stay at regional monasteries [without academic monastic infrastructure]. Because of the great difficulties for authentic academic monks, the government began an endowment for these ceremonies. At the same time, faithful people possessed of resources contributed gifts to the fund. The interest from the fund was loaned to candidates for the geshé degree in proportion to the number of monks in their monastic college. This was extremely beneficial for education. Likewise, an endowment for the Great Prayer Festival had been managed by a council of the monastic estates, but as it had grown in recent years, a separate office was opened. The interest from this fund was given to the monks. Such efforts were truly beneficial. Geshé Sherap Gyatso from Gomang College of Drepung Monastery, an unrivalled scholar who was learned in sūtra, tantra, and so forth, disagreed with the way that the Buddhist scriptures were being edited under the guidance of the thirteenth Dalai Lama. Thus, he went to live in China. As he made plans to return to his monastery, he traveled as far as Nakchukha in the sixth month of 1944. However, he had been working for the Chinese Nationalist government’s Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau. Consequently, he was not permitted to enter Lhasa out of fear that he had been sent from the Nationalist government and that he would be the cause of problems within the monastery. He was forced to return. When the Chinese Communists gained control over the entirety of China some years later, he became an instrument of the

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government. He was made the chairman (kru zhi) of the Tsongön Lake region. As such he broadcast propaganda over the radio in Tibetan. At about ten at night on the third day of the eighth month of 1944, a plane flew from the north of Lhasa. Many people saw it and heard it going to the south. Two days later, the deputy who lived at Nedong, Shödrung Shakjangpa sent a report saying that four American transport planes had crashed in the sands on the banks of the Tsangpo River at a place called Donang near Samyé Monastery. Five pilots had parachuted and landed safely at Tsetang. The American plane had brought supplies from India to China, and when they were returning, they became lost, ran out of fuel, and crashed. The Tibetan government provided assistance such as transportation and supplies, to Lieutenant R. E. Crozier so that he could be brought to Lhasa. A reception was also held by the Chinese and British Missions. The Tibetan government escorted the Americans to the Indian border by way of Gyantsé. At the same time, the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office lodged a complaint with the American military mission in India saying that they were not permitted to cross through Tibetan airspace. The American government told the Foreign Affairs Office that the planes had crashed in Tibetan territory because they had run out of fuel and gotten lost. They also said that it would not occur again. In the letter, they also conveyed their gratitude for the help that had been extended to the airmen and for bringing them to the Indian border. The fact that the Tibetan government could raise this dispute with the tremendously powerful country, which is renowned throughout the world, is excellent proof of Tibet’s freedom and independence. Two Germans,j Heinrich Harrer and Peter Aufschnaiter, escaped from a British war prison in Dehra Dun, India. They reached Lhasa by way of Tsahreng, Saga, and Droshö in the first month of 1945. Although the Indian government asked that they be sent back, the Tibetan government refused. The reason for this was that Tibet maintained a position of neutrality in World War II. Not being returned to India, they were given responsibilities in the government. Aufschnaiter built a new irrigation system under the auspices of the Office of Electrical Production. He also built a new power plant at Zhang. Heinrich Harrer gave advice on such things as reforestation in the area in front of Chakpori Mountain and the construction of a new dam on the

j

The two men were actually Austrians.

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Kyichu River. Both of them lived in accordance with the law and so were well regarded by Tibetan people of all stations. Later, when the Communists invaded Tibet, Aufschnaiter lived in Nepal, and Harrer returned to his own country. He remained supportive of Tibet’s cause and wrote a book called Seven Years in Tibet.k Since America, Britain, and the allied countries won World War II in 1945, the Tibetan government sent congratulatory delegations to America, Britain, and China headed by Dzasak Tupten Sampel and Dzasak Khemé (Künzangtsé) Sönam Wangdu. While preparations were being made, Hugh Richardson of the Indian Mission, who was living in Lhasa, explained to the Foreign Affairs Office that if the Tibetan government were to send delegates to the Great Chinese National Assembly called Guomin Dahui that year, then they would be in violation of the 1914 Simla Agreement. In addition, he said that it would be a political liability. The cabinet replied to Richardson through the Foreign Affairs Office that the Tibetan government had no purpose except to send a delegation to China, Britain, and America to congratulate them on their victory in World War II. There was a tremendous ceremony for the Mission when it arrived in Delhi, India. India’s Viceroy Lord Wavell was given a letter of congratulations from the Dalai Lama and the cabinet along with some gifts. Without needing to go to America itself, a letter and gifts were conveyed through the American Embassy in Delhi. When the Mission had arrived from Lhasa, the Chinese Government Mission Agent in Lhasa, Shen Zonglian assigned Drin Shichang as his representative and accompanied the Tibetan delegation as a sort of host. In Nanjing, China’s capital, they presented letters of congratulations and gifts from the Dalai Lama and the cabinet to President Chiang Kaishek, the Defense Department, the Foreign Affairs Office, and so forth. Unfortunately, Dzasak Khemé’s wife died suddenly and so there was a delay in their departure. During the fifth month of 1946, the Chinese National Assembly took place, and people on the Chinese side, such as the Nationalists and so forth, claimed that members from the Tibetan delegation attended. This was even reported in the Chinese newspapers.

k The story has been told in a romanticized form in the film of the same name, starring Brad Pitt as Harrer.

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At that time, the Tibetan government cabinet said that they would not go without instructions or orders from the Tibetan government. In addition, the International Commission of Juristsl questioned Dzasak Khemé (Künzangtsé) Sönam Wangdu about these matters at Mussourie in 1959. He said that his delegation had been sent to offer congratulations from the Tibetan government, but that beyond that, they had been given no authorization of any kind to attend the Chinese National Assembly. At that time, they had heard that some attendants from Trashi Lhünpo Monastery and some people from Kham were to be included in the assembly, supposedly as representatives of Tibet. Thus, Dzasak said he went to the assembly to observe. Even though they may have been photographed by the newspapers, they were absolutely not there as official representatives. Moreover, they had certainly not signed the new Chinese constitution. At this time, India was nearing freedom and independence from Britain and so they organized a major conference of nations in the east at Delhi, India’s capital. In response to the invitation, the Tibetan government sent Taiji Samdrup Podrangpa Tsewang Rikdzin and Khenchung Lozang Wangyel as delegates, with the fourth-ranking official Kyibukpa Lozang Wangdu serving as a translator. On March 23, 1947, the Inter-Asian Conference, comprised of Asian nations, was convened. Like other nations, the Tibetans raised the Tibetan national flag. In the midst of the large assembly, Taiji Samdrup Podrang Tsewang Rikdzin, the Tibetan delegate, made a speech:8 Since our government has been invited, we are attending this meeting on relations between Asian nations. Our country is one which is protected by the peace and harmony, agreeable with religion. Since India is like the source or mother of the Buddhist religion, it has maintained the excellent relations of friendly neighbors toward the Asian Buddhist nations. Likewise, India has especially harmonious and good relations with Tibet. As a result, our government has sent us to this great conference at this time in order to maintain our peaceful and harmonious relations and to promote agreements in accord with religion. We are happy to meet with

l See the two reports produced by the International Commission of Jurists, Tibet and the Chinese People’s Republic (Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 1960) and The Question of Tibet and the Rule of Law (Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 1959). Through these documents, the prestigious body of international lawyers and judges offered a more neutral account of events in Tibet since the Chinese occupation had begun than had been available up until that time. See also, p. 1034 and p. 1057 below.

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chapter nineteen representatives of Asian nations that have come to this conference and in particular, we are extremely happy to meet with the great Indian leaders Mahatma Gandhi, Paṇḍita Jawaharlal Nehru, and Sarojini Naidu. In addition, we are grateful for their having organized such a conference. It is our hope that hereafter, each of the nations in Asia will live as friends, having abandoned hateful attitudes and harmful actions. We further hope and pray that agreeable religious, harmonious, and economic relations may be furthered.

The regent and Tutor Takdrak Rinpoché and the retired leader Radreng Hotoktu Rinpoché had maintained the relationship of teacher and student. As explained above,m when Radreng Rinpoché retired, he advised the cabinet and the National Assembly that the Tutor Takdrak Rinpoché be given the responsibility of state. However, divisive people began to promote discord, and in accordance with foreboding omens of the destruction of the religion and the nation, evil conditions emerged. For example, in many places such as Penpo, Taktsé, Chushur, Zé, and Gongkar, private and monastic functionaries were collecting the seed and interest which had been loaned to the farmers for the spring planting. As usual in the fall, when someone was unable to repay their debts, their livestock and wealth were seized. Moreover, the interest on their loan was compounded and thus, many farmers became like featherless birds. In 1944, the Tibetan National Assembly had issued a proclamation which made such oppression impermissible. Accordingly, farmers who were unable to make their payments and had become burdened with years of debt were to be protected. Interest on loans during the previous ten years was to be fixed and in order to prevent extremely high interest rates, the government set rates. In addition, it became illegal to seize land, wealth, livestock, and so forth. Finally, people who owed debts were to pay their debts on time. These provisions were communicated to all of the districts. In the fall of 1945,n the grain stewards from the Jé and Tantric colleges of Sera Monastery went to collect grain from Lhündrup Dzong in Penpo, but in accordance with the cabinet’s proclamation, the farmers there would not pay. The issue was submitted to the officials of Lhündrup Dzong for a ruling, and in dependence on the terms of [the 1944] m

See p. 890 above. According to Melvyn C. Goldstein, [The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), p. 428, fn. 2.], who relies on weekly British dispatches reporting the events occurring in Lhasa, these events occurred in the spring of 1944. n

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proclamation, the representative, Khendrung Chöpel Tupten, said that the farmers need not pay. In consequence, the grain stewards from Sera Monastery assaulted the district official, due to which he died. In response, the government appointed an investigating committee comprised of nine members of the Drungtsi and led by Taiji.9 They ordered that the accused be handed over, but the monastery refused. Moreover, during an important ceremony when the Dalai Lama processed to the assembly of Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival, many monks from Sera Monastery’s Jé and Tantric colleges did not attend. In addition, they held improper meetings within the monastery. Immediately after the Prayer Festival, detailed discussions were held and new abbots were appointed for Sera Jé Monastery and the tantric colleges as punishment for their defiance. The monks who had beaten the district representative of Lhündrup Dzong and those who had conducted the improper meetings were punished, being expelled and sent away according to their crimes. Some were given token punishments. For a time, it seemed as though the situation had been resolved. However, Ngawang Gyatso, the former abbot of Sera Jé Monastery, suddenly fled to Kham. The same year, Sera Jé Monastic College invited the retired Regent Radreng Rinpoché to oversee the consecration of the monastery’s restoration. When he came to Lhasa, the government extended the usual courtesies to him such as greeting him and seeing him off. After an audience with the Dalai Lama, the retired regent met with Takdrak Rinpoché. It seems that they did not have mutual agreement, although in the end it is difficult to know just what they discussed. There were many stories and rumors that the retired regent complained about the decisions reached regarding the grain stewards from Sera Jé. During the ninth month of that year, while Tsipön Lhalusé Tsewang Dorjé was returning to Lhasa at night, he was ambushed near Langkhang behind the castle. Several shots were fired, but neither the master nor his attendants were harmed. However, Lhalu’s horse was killed. It was traditional on the fifteenth night of the Great Prayer Festival for the regent and the cabinet to process ceremonially. In 1947, as preparations were being made, the regent suddenly postponed it. Several days later, a letter was tossed into the threshold of Takdrak Rinpoché’s monastic estate. It said that the Do Governor Dzasak Yutokpa had sent an important letter to the regent through Khendrung Ngawang Namgyel, but that the latter had failed to deliver it. Immediately, an investigation was made and a small box was found at Khendrung Ngawang Namgyel’s

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house which supposedly had been sent to Takdrak Rinpoché by the Do governor. It had been delivered several days before, but it had not yet been delivered to the regent. People were suspicious because of the letter that had previously been thrown into the regent’s house. When the box was opened up, a hand grenade blew up. Thus, Khendrung Ngawang Namgyel immediately informed the cabinet of these events. The Cabinet instructed the Welfare Office and the magistrate of Lhasa and Zhöl to investigate the matter in detail. Meanwhile, on the twenty-third day of the second month, the Regent Takdrak Rinpoché, Cabinet Ministers Lama Rampa Tupten Künkhyen and Zurkhang Wangchen Gelek, Kashö Chögyel Nyima, Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé, and Khyenrap Tendzin held a meeting. That very night, leading about a hundred soldiers from the Drapzhi’s Khadang Regiment, Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Lhalu went to bring the former Regent Radreng back to Lhasa. On the morning of the twenty-fourth day, the cabinet summoned the Drungtsio to explain that the Tibetan Mission in Nanjing had sent a radio message saying that the former Regent Radreng Rinpoché had written to President Chiang Kaishek. The letter said that Regent Takdrak Rinpoché had been dealing unfairly with the Tibetan people, but that nothing need be said if he stepped aside voluntarily. However, if he did not step aside, Radreng Rinpoché might have to seize control by force. If that were to transpire, Radreng asked, would Chiang Kaishek come to his aid. The Drungtsi said that since these events constituted a serious threat to the government, Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Lhalu had already gone the previous evening to retrieve the retired Regent Radreng. The Drungtsi, together with representatives of Potala, the lower government, and the cabinet were directed to go and seal the Radreng monastic estate that day. A dzasak and a retired official were summoned to block other houses; out of suspicion, the homes of Yapzhi Püntsok Khangsar and Sadutsang also had to be sealed that same day. On the twentyfifth, when Sera Jé Monastery’s abbot, Lozang Tendar, was returning from a meeting, several Sera Jé monks attacked him and four of his attendants, beating them to death. The reason for this is thought to be

o Tsepon Shakabpa himself was among those informed that morning. Melvyn C. Goldstein, The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 480.

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that the abbot had taken Takdrak Rinpoché’s side and made charges against Radreng. On the twenty-seventh day, Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Lhalu brought the retired regent to Lhasa, and he was imprisoned in the eastern tower in the Potala Palace. Khardo Trülku, who had been complicit in the intrigue, was also taken into custody. Because of the great turmoil, the ceremonial monastic procession was not held. The retired regent Rinpoché was brought before the Tibetan National Assembly for questioning and given a seat; it was said that he was like the middle of a stūpa in that the top and bottom had been reversed while the middle remains constant.p He had succumbed to the perpetual exhortations of Nyungné Lama Lozang Yeshé Namgyel, Khardo Trülku Kelzang Tupten Nyendrak, his nephew dzasak, and so forth to be disposed against Regent Takdrak Rinpoché. He was questioned about a great variety of his own correspondence which he exchanged with Nyungné Lama in which the advisability of these very serious actions was discussed. He immediately bowed before the National Assembly and confessed his crime, saying that he would seek forgiveness from the Regent Rinpoché when they met. Khardo Trülku confessed that he had sent his servant to kill Tsipön Lhalu by lying in wait and then attacking him. Nyungné Lama also confessed to having fabricated the package which was supposed to have come from the Do governor, but which contained the hand grenade. After just a brief period of questioning about these violations of the law, the Tibetan National Assembly was preparing and composing their verdict. Meanwhile, on the twenty-seventh day of the third month, Tsechak reported to the National Assembly’s Investigating Committee that the retired regent was slightly ill. Accordingly, the cabinet sent Doctor Khenchung Khyenrap Norbu to care for him. After feeling his pulse, the doctor determined that there were no serious problems except something like a headache.q He asked permission from the National Assembly to administer some medicine called sampel norbu (bsam ’phel nor bu). At two o’clock in the morning of the twenty-eighth day,

p I.e., even when things are turned upside down, their center was the same. His essential nature remained the same. q This phrase is given as dbu ya’ rnam pa (390.15). Melvyn C. Goldstein [The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 510], refers to an illness called grib rlung, which he says is a chronic nervous disorder.

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Tsechak Tupten Gyelpo and the Commander of the Guards, Tsedrön Kelzang Ngawang, reported to the National Assembly’s Investigating Committee that Radreng had died for the benefit of other people. A committee consisting of Dzasak Tsarongpa, Khenché Lozang Trashi, and so forth along with several other abbots and the steward of Radreng monastic estate was convened to examine the corpse. They found that except for an oblong bruise above the buttocks, there were no wounds or marks of any sort. All of the people who were present were compelled to have faith that a superior person had attained certain freedom in death. His remains were taken to Radreng monastic estate where funerary rites were performed. While Cabinet Minister Zurkhang and Lhalu were bringing the retired regent to Lhasa, they passed in front of Sera Monastery. At that point, several monks from Sera Jé flexed their muscles, mounting plans to rescue Radreng Rinpoché. Subsequently, they broke into Sadu’s house in Lhasa and stole some weapons. In reality, they [were upset] about the illegal action of taking the Chödzé Yulgyel to Sera and so forth. They were also asserting themselves by asking for the release of the retired Regent Rinpoché. In response, Cabinet Minister Kashöpa and Lhalu themselves went to Drapzhi. They were planning that if no agreement was reached with Sera Jé monastic college that they would forcefully enter it. At the same time, patrons, such as traders, told the monks that they had to adopt a conciliatory attitude toward the government and behave peacefully. However, the monks refused to listen because obstructions had intervened. Still, the suspects were apprehended with just the slightest force. The National Assembly’s Investigating Committee deliberated on the case. Among the primary suspects, Nyungné Lama Lozang Yeshé Namgyel took his own life. In addition, Khardo Trülku Kelzang Tupten Nyendrak and Radreng’s nephew dzasak were both to be incarcerated in the new prison to be built near the quarters of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard. The rest of the guilty parties were punished in accordance with their crimes. Yapzhi Pünkhang, Sadutsang, Dzazur, and so forth were found innocent, even though they had been suspects, and so no sentence was passed on them. One evening while the two cabinet ministers were taking Radreng Rinpoché to Lhasa, seventeen soldiers from the Drapzhi’s Khadang Regiment who were guarding the Radreng monastic estate were murdered by his attendants. As a result, the military commander Khenchung Kelzang Tsültrim, and my older brother, the Governor of the Northern

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Province Shakabpa Losel Döndrup, along with the Khadang Regiment military command under the leadership of Ü’s military leader Shukhupa Jamyang Khedrup were ordered to move into the area. After a small skirmish, they occupied both Radreng Monastery and the monastic estate, where they remained for the time being. Correspondence sent and received by the monastic estate together with some proclamations issued to the public were displayed. At that time, a variety of stories were passed around, each person having his or her own interpretation. However, what I have written above is based on my actual experience as the representative of the Drungtsi to the Investigating Committee without contradicting the facts. I have not exaggerated or minimized things. When it became known that it would not be long before the British government gave freedom and independence to India, the Tibetan government became very concerned over whether the new Indian government would support Tibet as the British government had done during the Chinese-Tibetan conflicts. During July of 1947, the British Mission Officer who was living in Lhasa explained that the new Indian government wished to maintain agreeable relations with the Tibetan government as the British had. In addition, it would continue to provide support to Tibet in its struggles with China, as had been the tradition. The British government and the Indian government had come to mutual agreement that the British government’s treaty obligations toward and their political relations with Tibet would continue to be undertaken by the new Indian government when they took over control of the country. Moreover, the Tibetans were told that direct contacts between the British and Tibetan governments would be conducted through the high commissioner in India whenever necessary; British representatives would get permission to go to Tibet from the high commissioner in India whenever necessary. On August 15, 1947, the Indian government gained its freedom and independence from Britain. Thus, the Tibetan government extended their congratulations to Paṇḍita Jawaharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India. The Indian government wrote to the Tibetan government saying that they would be happy if the Tibetans agreed to continue relations between the two sides without negotiating new treaties. The letter said that this mode of procedure that been followed between India and other nations who had had treaty relations with the government of His Majesty’s British India.10 Accordingly, the British trade delegations in Gyantsé, Nadong, and Gartok and the Mission in Lhasa were

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renamed as offices of the Indian government. At the same time, the Tibetan government acknowledged them as such. Tibet’s primary exports are tail wool, pashmina wool, tails, skins, medicinal roots, musk, deer horn, and so forth, and these are mainly traded with India and China. Tibet’s main imports from India are fabrics, candies, machines, iron, and so forth, and from China tea, silk brocade, greeting scarves, and so forth. From this time, Tibetan wool was sold to such countries as England and America. The great thirteenth Dalai Lama had written to both Britain and America in order to improve trade relations with them, although he had been unable to send delegations.11 However, at a more suitable time, the Tibetan government decided to send trade delegations to India, China, America, and England in order to enhance their trade, and so they conferred with America and England on exchanging money earned from trading wool for dollars and pounds sterling. Tibet had been isolated up to that point; people throughout the world did not know much about Tibet, and Tibetans also did not understand much about the world. Thus, it was hoped that some detailed understanding would arise from the trade delegation’s mission. Secondarily, the delegation was charged with securing a small amount of gold to back up the currency that was issued by the Mint at the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production. I, Tsepon Shakabpa Wangchuk Deden, was appointed to head the group with Khenchung Changkhyim Tupten Tsepel as my assistant, the fourth-ranking official Pomdawa Lozang Yarpel who had extensive experience in trade, and with Zurkhangsé Lhawang Topgyé serving as the translator. Our government issued passports,r and we took letters from the Dalai Lama and the cabinet to the heads of states and the Foreign Affairs Offices of the various governments we were going to visit. On the eleventh day of the ninth month of 1947, we left Lhasa. When we arrived in Delhi, the capital of India, we met with Viceroy Lord Mountbatten and Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, presenting them with the letters. At that time, we discussed the purposes of the Trade Mission, exchanging currency and exporting Tibetan goods through the Kalimpong Sanskrit Association; we also sought their assistance. Prime Minister Nehru told us that there was a need for further

r See the image of Shakabpa’s passport, which he argues is undeniable evidence that Tibet was regarded as an independent country during this period.

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talks about trade relations and currency exchange and that these should be discussed with the Foreign Affairs Office. Accordingly, we met with D. H. Dayal and Menon from the Foreign Affairs Office for discussions on several occasions. In essence, they said that before they could discuss currency exchange and trade relations it would be necessary to negotiate a treaty which could serve as the basis for Indo-Tibetan relations. Otherwise, the terms previously settled between Britain and Tibet would have to be followed. As we had not been assigned responsibility to negotiate, we did not know how to respond. The Indians said they would confer with the governor of Sikkim about the Kalimpong Sanskrit Association. Beyond that, they said it was important to negotiate a treaty. Four secret messages were sent to the cabinet, and copies were sent to the Foreign Affairs Office. These issues were to be taken up with the Indian Mission in Lhasa. The cabinet said that we must leave for America and so forth by way of China. Beyond that, we did not receive any instructions on forming a treaty with India. Thus, we left with just a little foreign currency. We planned to have discussions about the treaty at the end of our journey. We went to meet with Mahatma Gandhi, the great being who had peacefully led India to freedom and independence, at Birla House in Delhi. We explained the essential purposes of the Trade Mission. He said that since India and Tibet have had tremendous religious and cultural relations for many centuries and since the two countries share an extremely long border, it was vital for them to live in peace. He also explained that instead of importing goods from foreign countries at a high price, it was best for each country to strive to produce whatever manufactured or agricultural goods it was able to produce. For example, he said it was unfortunate that a small thing like the greeting scarf which we had just presented to him had to be imported from China and could not be manufactured in Tibet itself. He told me that he would be happy if he was presented with a small greeting scarf made by Tibetan hands. This was the sort of advice he gave us. After leaving India, we traveled to the capital of Nationalist China, Nanjing, by way of Hong Kong and Shanghai, arriving on the twentyseventh day of the eleventh month of the Fire-Hog Year (January 31, 1948). When we heard that Mahatma Gandhi, whom we had just meet several days before and who had given us such courageous advice, had been killed, we sent telegrams to Lhasa and to Prime Minister Nehru in India. At that time, we heard that the Tibetan government had offered one thousand lamps before the image of Jowo Rinpoché in Lhasa to

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mark his death, that the entirety of Gyümé Monastery had said prayers on his behalf, and that the Dalai Lama had requested that prayers be said at sacred places all over. While we were staying in Nanjing, we met with Chiang Kaishek, Prime Minister Trangchün (krang cun), Foreign Minister Wang Hrichi (wang hri ci), Trade Minister Drin Jaiten (drin ja’i than), and so forth and presented them with a letter. We also discussed the purposes of the Trade Mission with them. Zhuihri (zhu’i hri), the head of the socalled Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau, and Shen Zonglian, who had previously been to Tibet and was the governor general of Shanghai, hosted a grand reception for the Trade Mission. At the end, they said that if we were going to go to foreign countries like America and so forth, there would be no purpose. Thus, they said it would be best if we returned to Lhasa through India. However, if we had to go, they said it would be helpful if we took Chinese passports. Then in whatever country we visited, we would be assisted by Chinese representatives who were there. They also said that the Chinese government would give us fifty thousand American dollars for travel expenses. We told them that the Trade Mission had no objectives except to explore trade relations with America and England. We also said that we would use our passports, issued by our own Tibetan government. We expressed our gratitude for their offer of fifty thousand American dollars for travel expenses, but that we had already obtained sufficient foreign currency from the Indian government with money from the Tibetan government. Not only would we not accept even one dollar from the Nationalist government, but we proclaimed this clearly in newspapers published in Nanjing and Shanghai. Preparations were being made at that time for the Chinese National Assembly. The so-called Mongolian and Tibetan Bureau said that it would be good if we were able to attend. Although they urged us to do so, we did not go since we had no instructions to attend the assembly. Moreover, it had been arranged that many people from Kham, who were supposed to be a delegation representing Kham areas such as Ba, Litang, Pokhok, Tehor, and so forth, had been brought to Nanjing. The fourth-ranking official Pomdawa pleaded directly with them himself, persuading them not to go. When Chiang Kaishek and Li Zongren had been elected President and Vice-President respectively, I edited the congratulatory message which had been received by telegram from Lhasa and according to official instructions, delivered it in the company of the secretary, the steward, and the translator of Tibet’s Nanjing Mission.

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During our stay in Nanjing, we met with the old Indian Ambassador K. P. S. Menon, his replacement Sardar K. M. Panikkar, and the assistant Chakarpati. We requested that foreign currency be made available in Hong Kong or, in the alternative, when we arrived in America. We then conferred with the American Ambassador John L. Stuart about out visas. He asked whether we were considering going directly to America or if we were going to stop in another country first. We responded that first we would go to Hong Kong and then we would be going directly to America. In that case, he said, we should get our visas in Hong Kong; he would write a letter to his representative there telling him to make the arrangements. Then, we got a visa from Sir Ralph Skrine Stevenson, the British ambassador. He said that he would be able to assist us wherever we traveled. We also met with some officials of Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate several times, such as Jikmé, the head of the delegation who is also known as Tanak Trashi Tongpa, Yeshé Tsültrim of Lhatsé Mönkyi, and Lozang Rinchen. They told us: We have a small requirement of our government. As we told the lay and monk dzasaks last year, responsibilities ought to be given to the incarnation who we have recognized as the Paṇchen Lama. The holdings and power over Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate should be restored as before. Finally, Dzasak Lama and his officials should be withdrawn from governance of Trashi Lhünpo. If these three terms are fulfilled, then we will return. Due to such obstructions as that the mediators have not made our request known to the government, we have not been successful in communicating our offer to the government. Please represent our message to the government well.

I responded: If you monastic estate attendants submitted your proposal in the proper manner and not through the Chinese government, then it would certainly be considered. I will send a telegram from here, and I will especially pursue your case when I return to Tibet. It is trying for you to be in a foreign country, there being no way at all to fulfill your requirements. Thus, you must be able to return to Tibet quickly.

I said whatever I could think to say. During that time, the Nationalist government was like a waning moon. I sent an honest report of my own observations to Lhasa in which I explained that it would be best to resolve the issue with the Trashi Lhünpo officials as soon as possible since there was no way of knowing what the Communists would do.

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Similarly, we had several meetings with Apa Alo or Wang Siling, who was a relative of Jamyang Zhepa of Amdo, and Pema Wangchuk or Yang Bushin who was the prince of Choné, as they were also Tibetans. We discussed the current situation along the border and the status of the Nationalist government. Not only did we discuss the unity of the Tibetan people, but we also tried to persuade them in whatever way we could to take Tibet’s side. On the twelfth day of the fifth month of the Earth-Mouse Year (June 23, 1948), the Trade Delegation arrived in America from China by way of Hong Kong. Wherever we went, the Commerce Department provided us with excellent hospitality. Just before we met with the Secretary of State George Marshall in Washington, the Nationalist Chinese Ambassador Wellington Koo met with us. He said that he would accompany us in our meeting with the secretary of state. He also said that he would be able to assist us in whatever way we would require in our trade discussions. We replied that in India we had met directly with representatives of the Indian government and with Prime Minister Nehru without any involvement by the Nationalist government. We had held direct discussions on trade matters and had not needed any assistance. We met with the secretary of state in the State Department and delivered letters from the Dalai Lama and the cabinet. After exchanging greetings and so forth, he said that the Nationalist ambassador seems to have wanted to accompany us and that although the U.S. enjoyed good political relations with Nationalist China, he was happy to meet with representatives of our Tibetan government directly. He asked various questions about the political state of Tibet and we responded, explaining the actual facts. Thereafter, we met with Mr. George Bell, Director of the Bureau of International Trade, Thomas Blaisdell, Assistant Secretary of Commerce, Henry Dempey, Chief of New Foreign Business Relations, and so forth. We discussed the exportation of wool and skins from Tibet, the payment for them in dollars, the importation of American goods, and the purchase of gold to back up Tibetan currency. Several American factories primarily bought Tibetan wool from England and a little bit from India; thus, they said that they would be happy to help arrange direct exportation with the factories. Since there were political implications related to the question of selling gold, they had to check with the state department before giving a response.

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Beyond that, they said that if we made a list of whatever items we required, such as machinery, preparations would be made to supply them. However, when they asked how we would pay, we said we would pay in Indian rupees. That being the case, they explained that we would have to arrange currency exchanges through the Indian government. If we could arrange to send Tibetan wool directly from Tibet, they said we could receive dollars or receive American goods, but these exchanges would have to be in accordance with international laws on trade and currency exchange. They gave us several books on the subject. Samples of soil from the three provinces of Tibet, Ü, Tsang, and Kham, as well as details on the altitude, temperature, rainfall, and winds were given to the Agriculture Department for analysis and advice was sought on seed and fertilizers which would increase the yield. Similarly, extensive discussions were held on how to increase the yield from pastures, medicines to prevent illness in cattle, methods of feeding poultry, and medicines to prevent illness in them. We discussed agriculture and irrigation, and they gave us seeds suitable for our soil, various books, and a little bit of medicine, all without cost. In accordance with the instructions of the State Department, the Federal Reserve set aside gold to back up Tibetan currency. This was the sort of assistance that the American government provided. We communicated in secret with the cabinet on several essential political matters. In turn we received a telegram saying that up to that point our efforts had been successful, but that we should not undertake any new and more extensive ventures. Thus, this good opportunity was wasted. This was the first time that Tibetans had been in America, and most people had no knowledge about the situation in Tibet. Several people asked whether there were houses in Tibet or whether there were fruit trees, forests, or agriculture. Many people asked whether Tibet was included within China or Britain. Although many people were curious about Tibetan history, they only read books written by foreigners or various fanciful accounts. In particular, an annual journal published by the Nationalist government promoted the Chinese perspective. It detailed the appointment of civil and military officials in Tibet, the assistance given to farmers and the various monasteries, and many other such falsehoods. Since people in America read these reports, they believed that Tibet was included within China. In addition, since Tibetans had not yet traveled to foreign countries, there was no one to

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respond to the Chinese accounts and so tremendous harm to Tibet’s cause resulted. We thought that we could explain matters clearly and so we talked about Tibet’s freedom and independence in political matters in press conferences and so forth. For example, we showed that we were traveling on Tibetan passports. We were also able to clarify the preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet and the way in which religious and cultural relations had arisen between India and Tibet. We met with General Eisenhower at Columbia University in New York. (Later he would become the President of the United States from 1952 until 1960.) He said, “I am very grateful for the assistance the Tibetan government provided to our soldiers when they had to crash land in Tibet.” He also said, “It would be helpful for you to go and tour the training facility for military officers called North Point,”s offering to provide an escort. Both Tolstoy and Cutting, who had been to Tibet, provided excellent hospitality and helpful assistance. Thereafter, we arrived in London, the capital of Britain. We met with Prime Minister Attlee and officials from the Trade and Commerce Department. We discussed the exportation of wool and skins from Tibet and the importation of manufactured goods. They said just the same things as the American government had said. They said that if we became involved with them, they would be very happy to work with us. They explained that international law is like a knife which cuts the same way for everyone. While we stayed in England, the government offered us wonderful hospitality, and we were taken to tour the Upper and Lower Houses of Parliament. In the House of Lords, we met with Winston Churchill who had been the prime minister during the war. Again, we took the opportunity to discuss Tibet’s situation. Many people who had some previous relationship with Tibet offered us hospitality, such as Major Bailey who was the former Political Officer of Sikkim and who had been to Tibet, Sir Basil Gould, Hopkinson, Major Sherrif, and Charles Bell’s daughter. We were also the main guests at official teas and dinners. We explained whatever we could about Tibet’s freedom and independence at news conferences.

s Presumably, this should read West Point, the military academy n New York stae. It is possible that he had “North Point Academy” in mind because some of his children attended a school by this name near Darjeeling, India.

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Thereafter, we returned to India by way of France, Switzerland, Italy, Egypt, and so forth. All of the countries through which we traveled recognized our Tibetan passports, without even the slightest question about giving permission.t Back in India, we met with Governor General Raja Gopalacharya, Prime Minister Nehru, and the new Foreign Minister K. P. S. Menon. Once again, we discussed trade matters. Prime Minister Nehru said that it was vital for India and Tibet to reach a new treaty as he had indicated the previous year. In particular, because of the tremendous changes taking place in China at that time, there would be great difficulties if Tibet remained as it had been in the past. Thus, he said that it was important for Tibet to offer reforms which would benefit the common people. He urged this point in the most forceful terms touching my shoulder several times. “This,” he said, “is the most important thing I can say.” He also said that it would not be unsuitable for us to take up the matters of trade and currency exchange with the foreign minister. We asked if it would be possible for the Tibetan government to have a representative stationed in Delhi since there was an Indian Mission in Lhasa. He said that he would consider the issue and send a response. Thereafter, we had several discussions with the foreign minister. He said that since Tibetan wool was sorted and packaged in India, it became Indian wool and since it was sold to England and America from India, the Tibetans would be paid in Indian currency and not in pounds sterling and dollars. However, whatever foreign currency the Tibetan government required would be made available. Although foreign goods could be imported to Tibet, a duty would be charged if they were opened or sold in India. Alternatively, no duty would be applied if they were not opened in India. Moreover, as there would be difficulties in opening a Tibetan Embassy in Delhi, in the present circumstance an office would be opened, which is called a Trade Mission. Political matters could be dealt with through it. Gradually, it could be referred to as an embassy. These issues were decided after the most detailed discussion about their agreement with international law. When we had returned to Tibet, we immediately went to the monk and lay officials and the cabinet. We submitted a small and a large t

The most notable exceptions to this include China and Hong Kong, where many background deliberations were undertaken about how to handle the Tibetan delegation. See Melvyn C. Goldstein [The Demise of the Lamaist State: A History of Modern Tibet, 1913–1951 (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 570–606.

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report to the cabinet on our observations on trade matters, our political discussions, and other considerations of importance and benefit. The Regent Rinpoché considered these in detail and passed them on to the National Assembly, where they were read. I explained the points that were difficult to understand. Only those people who already had some knowledge about politics were very interested in the reports. Otherwise, it was just like reading a long story because they were such large collections of words. I did not feel that the important issues received sufficient attention. Except for the following, none of the important political recommendations in the reports were adopted. The gold which had been acquired was placed at the Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production; it was examined, newly embossed, and then presented to the small treasury. A small plot of land at Gangtö was set aside by the Agriculture Office for the testing of the seeds and the German Aufschnaiter was placed in charge. The medicines for preventing cattle illnesses and for counteracting poison were deposited at the Medical and Astrological Institute. Instead of opening a Trade Office in Delhi, a house in a secluded area of Kalimpong was purchased and a new Trade Office was opened there. In 1948, Professor G. Tucci received permission to come to Tibet, and he toured around Sakya, Zhikatsé, Gyantsé, Lhasa, and Yarlung. He collected many texts and old religious paintings which can still be seen at the ISMEO (Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente) Library in the Italian capital of Rome. Not only had he written several books on Tibetan religious painting and the monuments of Tibet’s religious kings,u but he had also subsequently invited such Tibetan scholars as Geshé Jampel Senggé and Dergé Chögyel Trülku Namkhé Norbu [to Italy]. The Nationalist Chinese sent many Tibetans to Ganden , Sera , Drepung, and Trashi Lhünpo monasteries to spy under the pretense of studying religion. In addition, several Chinese people had arrived in Lhasa supposedly as traders. While the Tibetan government was considering how to eject all of these sorts of people who were in Tibet, the power of the Communists in China was on the rise. Gradually,

u Giuseppe Tucci, Tibetan Painted Scrolls, 3 vols. (Rome: Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, 1949) and “The Tombs of the Tibetan Kings (Rome: IsMEO, 1950), among many other notable foundational works in the field.

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such places as Beijing and Shanghai were lost to them. When even the Nationalist government could not hold out; there were many stories expressing fear that there were Communists among the Nationalist officials and spies in Lhasa. Thus, there was fear that the Communist army might enter Tibet in order to seize Nationalist officials. Since there was no way to know what harm the Communist spies could do in Tibet’s political affairs, the regent and the cabinet sought the advice of the Tibetan National Assembly on the question. Accordingly, on the third day of the sixth month of 1949, the Nationalist Mission in Lhasa, Drin Shinjang, his assistants, and their radio set, as well as the spies and suspected spies in Ganden, Sera, and Drepung monasteries and in Lhasa were sent back to China by way of India. This included Bapa Püntsok Wangyel. The American Ambassador in Delhi, Loy Henderson, asked permission for the famous American radio host, Lowell Thomas, and his son to visit Lhasa. As the government gave its consent, they reached the city during the seventh month of 1949. After staying for about one week, they returned. At that time, he fell from his horse and hurt himself. He had to be carried on a palanquin. He returned to America through India, and thus, many reports about Tibet were broadcast throughout the world. He wrote a book called Out of This World,v and even still, he continues to support Tibet’s cause. When the Chinese Communists seized control over all of China, the United States Vice Consul General Douglas S. Mekiernam, his colleague Frank Bessag, and three White Russian friends were in Xinjiang. Having heard about these events, they headed to Tibet through the empty northern province. A message arrived at the Foreign Affairs Office of the Tibetan government from the American Ambassador in Delhi asking that they be given permission to enter Tibet, that they be provided with assistance, and that they be taken to the Indian border. Even though it was unknown from which direction they would come, the Tibetan government issued instructions to all of the border commanders in the northern region and the surrounding forts. Unfortunately, the party reached a place called Naktsang in the seventh month of 1950, before the orders had arrived. Not knowing the situation, the Tibetan border guards fired on them and killed the Vice Consul and two of the White

v Lowell Thomas, Jr., Out of This World: Across the Himalayas to Forbidden Tibet (New York: Greystone Press, 1950).

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Russians. After several days, when the orders arrived, the commander of Naktsang and the border guard were extremely disconcerted. Thus, they traveled to Lhasa with the other two members of the party. The commander of Naktsang and the border guard were punished. The American Frank Bessag and the single White Russian were accompanied to the border and returned to America by way of India. Notes to Chapter Nineteen 1. This discussion depends on the Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977) and on the truthful reports of Dzasak Khemepa Sönam Wangdu, together with my own experience. 2. Compilation of Records. 3. The enthronement ceremony was recounted in the English language records by the Political Officer of Sikkim, Sir Basil Gould, who was a witness and in the Tibetan language by Raṇi Chöying Wangmo and Changchen Sönam Gyelpo. Translator’s Note: Gould’s report, “Discovery, Recognition and Installation of the Fourteenth Dalai Lama,” is included in Discovery, Recognition and Enthronement of the 14th Dalai Lama: A Collection of Accounts by Khemey Sonam Wangdu, Sir Basil J. Gould, Hugh E. Richardson (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 2000), 53–101. 4. H. E. Richardson, Tibet and its History (Boulder, CO: Prajºnā Press, 1962), 154. 5. Tieh-tseng Li, The Historical Status of Tibet (New York: King’s Crown Press, 1956), 181–183. 6. Compilation of Records. Translator’s Note: It is puzzling to see the phrase “United Nations” capitalized since the international body would not be founded for another three years. See, http://mblog.lib.umich.edu/tibet/archives/2008/04/the_united_stat_1.html. 7. The original copies of both of the above letters are included in Compilation of Records. They were taken from the State Department in Washington. 8. Compilation of Records. 9. Taiji Samdrup Podrang, Khenché Trashi Lingpa, three senior secretaries, and four accountants composed the nine-member Investigating Committee. Khendrung Chöpel Tupten was not a member as contended. 10. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 77–78. 11. Several different such sealed letters are included in Compilation of Records.

CHAPTER TWENTY

CHINESE COMMUNIST INVASION OF TIBET TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION Towards the end of 1949, Mao Zedong’s Communist forces seized power over all of China. Almost immediately, they began broadcasting announcements that soon they would peacefully liberate Tibet, declarations that were met in Lhasa with intense alarm. The Tibetan government decided that it was advisable to negotiate an agreement with the bellicose Chinese Communist government, and so a divination was performed to determine the identity of the best negotiators. In 1950, Tsepon Shakabpa, and another official, Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo, were selected, and they left for India, with plans to transit through Burma to China. The Tibetan National Assembly issued negotiating instructions and the Foreign Affairs Office of the Tibetan government issued passports. As the negotiating team reached India in early March and prepared to depart for Hong Kong, obstacles were raised by the British High Commissioner Sir Archibald Nye (1895–1967). In the end, the Tibetans were advised to travel to Delhi to negotiate with the communist officials then traveling from Beijing. As the Chinese Red Army began to build up along the Tibetan border, Cabinet Minister Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé (b. 1914) was replaced by Cabinet Minister Ngapöpa Ngawang Jikmé (b. 1910) as the Do Governor. As Shakabpa and Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo communicated with the ambassador’s deputy in the Indian capital in early September of 1950, and they were reassured that Tibet would enjoy religious freedom and political autonomy, but that it was necessary for the Chinese soldiers to liberate Tibet from foreign influences. At the same time, the Chinese insisted that Tibet accept it was part of China. Shakabpa met with Prime Minister Paṇḍita Jawaharlal Nehru, hoping he would serve as an intermediary. Nehru responded in a way that dispirited the Tibetans:a

a

See p. 926 below.

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chapter twenty While the Indian government accepts that Tibet is part of China, as was the case during the British period, it will call for increased autonomy within Tibet and for Chinese troops to not go into Tibet. That being so, it would be difficult to find a suitable arrangement if the Tibetan representatives speak of Tibet’s absolute independence (rang btsan gtsang ma). As for India’s role as an intermediary [required in the Simla Convention], that was from negotiations that took place thirty years ago. That time is not like these days.

The Tibetans refused this perspective, maintained that Tibet was free and independent, and refused to accept that it was a part of China. Shakabpa and the other Tibetans argued vigorously that Tibet had been acknowledged as independent in Simla and that it remained so until the current time. At Nehru’s refusal, Shakabpa was filled with sorrow; he may have been among the first Tibetans to understand how isolated Tibet had already become. When the Tibetan delegation finally met with the Chinese Communist Ambassador General Yuan Zhongxian on September 16, 1950, they pleaded that there were no foreigners from whose influence Tibet needed to be liberated and that Tibet was happy living under the protection of the Dalai Lama. The ambassador summarized China’s position with three points:b 1. Tibet must accept that it is a part of China. 2. The Chinese government will undertake the defense of Tibet. 3. The Chinese government will carry out any negotiations of political and trade matters with foreign countries.

He declared that if Tibet accepted the three points, there would be a peaceful liberation; otherwise, there would be war. The Tibetans conveyed these points to Lhasa and conferred with Prime Minister Nehru and Foreign Secretary Kumara Menon (1898–1982). As Lhasa deliberated its reply, troops built up on the border and the delegation in Delhi attempted to delay. Weeks passed by without a definitive response, despite the entreaties of Shakabpa and the others. Meanwhile, Chinese armies advanced into eastern Tibet on several fronts on October 7th, eventually seizing large swaths of land from the ill-equipped and outnumbered Tibetan forces. Finally, on October 21, the instructions came from Lhasa, advising the Tibetans to accept the first provision only if the Dalai Lama’s status could be preserved, but

b

See p. 928 below.

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refusing to accept the other two demands. In a follow-up cable, permission to accept even the first provision was rescinded. He remarks that with this message, “We had lost all hope that a peaceful conclusion could be obtained . . . [We] could not utter even a single word about the prospects for peace, and so, with blank expressions, we went to the embassy.”c The Tibetan National Assembly ordered Shakabpa and others to travel to Beijing to negotiate on that basis. However, before they could leave from Kalimpong for Calcutta and then on to Beijing, events on the ground in eastern Tibet proved decisive. The Red Army attacked all along the border at the end of October. Many significant outposts, such as Dartsedo, Litang, and Gyeltang fell to the Communists, but Tibetans fought back vigorously in some places, such as Dergé. The response of the Do Governor Cabinet Minister Lhalu was ineffectual and halting, but when he was replaced by Ngapö, the policy shifted to one of conciliation. He even ordered that the Chamdo armory be destroyed. Ultimately, he was surrounded, and he surrendered. Meanwhile, from India, Shakabpa lodged the Tibetan government’s protests with the United Nations. Shakabpa reflected during the writing of the book on what might have been during the negotiations:d Giving careful consideration to these events now, I think that if we had accepted the first and second points and publicized this fact from India, the Indian, Nepalese, and other governments would have continually supported our internal authority and remained friendly. Thereby, there would have been no way for such a disastrous arrangement as the so-called Seventeen-Point Agreement to have been enacted at Beijing.

It remains one of history’s fascinating what-if moments.

c d

See p. 933 below. See p. 934 below.

CHAPTER TWENTY

CHINESE COMMUNIST INVASION OF TIBET After the Chinese Communists seized the entirety of China in October of 1949, radio broadcasts were made from Beijing and Ziling in the Tsongön Region that Tibet was a part of China and that the Chinese Communist People’s Liberation Army was thus being sent into Tibet to liberate it from the foreign imperialists. The broadcasts urged the people of Tibet to revolt against the Dalai Lama’s government and other such baseless things. The Tibetan government acknowledged through the radio station in Lhasa the existence of the preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet; aside from that, however, there was no sense in which Tibet was a part of China. Moreover, they responded truthfully to the claims coming from Beijing, saying that absolutely no foreign governments were exerting influence in Tibet. Immediately, the regent and the cabinet conferred with each other in the Pelden Lhamo Chapel in the Potala and performed a divination concerning the most suitable people to negotiate with the Chinese. Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo and I, Tsepön Shakabpa Wangchuk Deden, were selected according to the divination. Gowo Geshé Lodrö Gyatso of Drepung Loseling was to represent the three great monasteries, and monk and lay functionaries were appointed, Taring Sé Jikmé Sumtsen was the English translator, and Yapzhi Tak Lhesé Püntsok Trashi was the Chinese translator. We were given written negotiating instructions and were told to stay at a place near the Chinese border. We were to negotiate with the Chinese government on maintaining Tibet’s freedom and independence. Accordingly, the Tibetan National Assembly issued the written negotiating positions affixed with four seals, as follows:1 This Snow-Covered Land, Tibet, which is under the protection of the superior Avalokiteśvara, is a special country in which Buddha’s teachings are spread. Up until this time, our free and independent nation, possessed of both religious and political dimensions, has not lost territory to any foreign nation. All foreign powers know clearly that we continue to protect our own territory in accordance with religion.

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chapter twenty However, the Chinese Nationalists and the Communists are continually in conflict. Thus, civilian and military officials must all be instructed that Communist troops must make no further incursions into Tibetan territory along our common border in the Tsongön area and Xinjiang. Previously, on the twelfth day of the ninth month of the Earth-Ox Year (1949), the Foreign Affairs Office of the Tibetan government sent a proposal through India by airmail to Mao Zedong about maintaining peace along the Chinese-Tibetan border. It sought negotiations at the conclusion of the Chinese war on the Tibetan territory which had recently been merged into China. Although he must have received this proposal, we have not gotten a response. Additionally, at present, there are many radio broadcasts from Beijing and Ziling saying such things as that Tibet is a part of China, and these radio messages are broadcast widely. They say that the Tibetan people should subvert the authority of the Dalai Lama and lessen the bonds that oppress Tibetans. They say people should rise up and revolt against the Dalai Lama’s government. There are numerous reports that people must prepare to surrender Tibet in 1950. Previously, for many years the Manchu emperors had offered the greatest respect to the Dalai Lama from a religious point of view and made absolutely no attempt to subjugate Tibet; instead they merely maintained a preceptor-patron relationship. Subsequently, during the reign of the Manchu Emperor Xuantong (1906–1967), Luchün was dispatched to Tibet with an attack force, committing various atrocities. The protector Dalai Lama, king of Tibet, and his ministers were unable to remain in our capital. All of the people of Tibet, monks and lay people, experienced limitless suffering, free from happiness. As a result, in the Tibetan Water-Mouse Year or the year of 1912, the Manchu emperor’s army was expelled from Tibet, whereupon Tibet’s freedom and independence were restored. In addition, everybody knows that Tibet is completely different from China in race, language, religion, clothing, customs, and so forth. All Tibetan people respect the successive incarnations of the Dalai Lamas as the image of the actual Buddha. These days, the protector Regent Rinpoché, who bears responsibility for the government, is also highly regarded. Also, the two of them, the preceptor and patron (i.e., the Dalai Lama and the regent), are concerned for the lives of the Tibetan people, loving and protecting them like a parent does a child. As a result, all of the people of Tibet unanimously and without hesitation wish to maintain Buddha’s teachings and the system of governance in Tibet. Thus, the previously mentioned radio broadcasts have inspired tremendous fear among Tibetans. Up to now, Tibet has not lost its territory or sovereignty to any foreign nation. We continue to protect our land and to engage in behavior that accords with our religion. Tibet occupies an extremely important position in Asia and the world. As a result, if Tibet does not maintain its independence, then all of its neighboring nations will be greatly afflicted. There is no need to explain this, however, because the supreme leader

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Mao Zedong and all small and great officials have a clear understanding of these facts. Accordingly, we are sending a Tibetan government mission consisting of Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo, Tsepön Shakabpa Wangchuk Deden, their staff, and Gowo Geshé Lharam Lodrö Gyatso of Drepung Loseling—the latter to represent the three great monasteries, Drepung, Sera, and Ganden—in order to confer with the Chinese on the proposal previously sent by the Foreign Affairs Office, to review the status of the teaching, achievement, and practice of the Buddhist monasteries, and to discuss the nature of the radio reports mentioned above. They are to meet with representatives of the Communist government at some suitable place furnished with telegraph and mail facilities. It is necessary to achieve a detailed agreement with Mao Zedong whereby the Communist army will make no further incursions into Tibetan territory. Up until now, Tibet has kept to itself under the religious and political leadership of the Dalai Lama, the actual incarnation of the superior Avalokiteśvara. Harmonious relations should continue to exist between China and Tibet, as they have in the past. It is necessary that it be made clear that orders must be disseminated to the civilian and military leaders on the border immediately so that agitations and transgressions do not occur and Communist forces do not cross into Tibet. In this way, peace and prosperity can continue along the border, as before. In particular, you are hereby given authority to negotiate on the most suitable way to maintain agreeable relations between China and Tibet if the Communist government sends representatives to the border for that purpose. Therefore, you must do your best to respond in a manner that is beneficial to both the present and the future happiness and welfare of all of Tibet, the Dalai Lama, Buddhism, the government, and all living beings. If any new and important proposal emerges about which you are unable to reach a decision, then you must immediately send a message to our capitol for consideration. A helpful response will be returned immediately. Meanwhile, several foolish and unaware attendants of one of Tibet’s lamas, the deceased, the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama, caused considerable agitation between China and Tibet from within China during the Nationalist era. Even now, this problem persists, and it is unknown what some of these bad people might do to foment problems between China and Tibet. Therefore, if anything of this sort emerges, pay no attention to them. Authority is hereby given to the mission’s two representatives for whatever suitable negotiations are undertaken in an honest manner. That being the case, all senior and junior officials of foreign governments should cooperate with them. These negotiating instructions were issued by the Tibetan National Assembly on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month of the Tibetan Earth-Ox Year (1950), and affixed with four seals.

The Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office issued passports which said, [for example]:2

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chapter twenty Tsepön Shakabpa, leaving on a mission to China to find a way to maintain Tibet’s independence, is being sent by the Tibetan government. All countries through which he passes are asked to recognize and acknowledge him without obstruction and to extend assistance to him. Issued by the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month of the Tibetan Earth-Ox Year (1950).

This passport, written in English and Tibetan, was impressed with the Foreign Affairs Office’s seal and signed by the cabinet minister in charge of the Foreign Affairs Office, Rampa Tupten Künkhyen. On the eighteenth day of the twelfth month, we took our leave of the Dalai Lama, the regent, and the cabinet. However, we were delayed several days because I had to deposit the gold that had been obtained from America to the Tsé Treasury and obtain a receipt with the Dalai Lama’s seal. Having delivered the gold and having received the receipt and a special reward, we left Lhasa on the twenty-sixth day of the twelfth month. On the eighteenth day of the first month of the Iron-Tiger Year (March 7, 1950), we arrived in Kalimpong. I wrote a letter to the Indian Prime Minister Nehru informing him of our objectives and saying that we would be able to meet soon. We also sent a letter to China by way of Hu Thruhu, Gyeldön’s father-in-law. It asked that Beijing send a representative empowered to negotiate to a place near the Chinese border. Their reply arrived on April 8th. It said that the Chinese Communist government would send a representative to Hong Kong and that Tibetan representatives should go there immediately. In addition, though, the letter said that it would be unacceptable for us to come as foreigners. In India, we had to exchange currency and obtain transit visas from the Burmese and British governments. When we obtained these, we wrote to Beijing that we would certainly be there on April 16th. Our translator Yapzhi Tak Lhesé Püntsok Trashi and Chipché Driyülbu Tsering Wangdu left for Hong Kong ahead of us, but were stopped at the Calcutta Airport. Therefore, we hurried to Delhi to meet with the Indian Foreign Secretary K. P. S. Menon and the British High Commissioner Sir Archibald Nye, both in turn. I explained that because China and Tibet were very close to war, we had to go to Hong Kong to negotiate and that although we had already gotten transit visas, we had been prevented from leaving the airport when it came time to leave. If we were not able to leave immediately, we could not bear the responsibility for the consequences.

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They said that since Hong Kong was under British jurisdiction, visas had to come from England, but this could not happen immediately, and so we had to be stopped. Moreover, since the Chinese Communist government was opening an embassy in India and the ambassador was due to arrive soon, we were advised that if we waited in Delhi to open peace negotiations with China, that this would be most beneficial for everyone. Furthermore, Beijing had discovered that we had been prevented from traveling to Hong Kong, and so they sent a letter saying that it would be best if we met with the ambassador who was being sent to India shortly and negotiate with him. Thus, there was no alternative but to wait for the time being. While we stayed in Delhi, we had cordial meetings with the American Ambassador Loy Henderson and the Nepalese Ambassador Sangha Shamsher Ratna. Gradually, Communist troops arrived on the eastern and northeastern borders of Tibet. Since they proclaimed that they had been sent to liberate Tibet from subjugation by foreign nations, the Tibetan Foreign Affairs Office wrote saying that representatives were being dispatched to the governments of Britain, America, and Nepal to discuss pertinent matters, such as the continued independence of Tibet. At the same time, the appointed representatives and their staffs and translators left Lhasa. Since those countries did not respond, the delegations had to wait at Gyantsé. In the meanwhile, Communist troops who had come from Ziling attacked the Tibetan government border radio transmitter station at Denkhok under the cover of night, whereupon Tibetan border guards and Chinese forces clashed. A famous hero called Rupön Bukhangpa3 was lost to the enemy at a place called Bendé Draktsé at that time. The cabinet minister with general responsibility for civil and military affairs in Domé, Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé, had completed his term, and so Tsipön Ngapöpa Ngawang Jikmé had been appointed as the cabinet minister in his place. Assuming the duties of the office of the Do governor, Ngapö and his assistants reached Chamdo. On the evening of the first day of the seventh month of the Iron-Tiger Year (July 15, 1950), a loud and long sound, like the report of many cannons being fired in one moment, was heard in the sky over Lhasa, the northern region, and Kham. Simultaneously, a great earthquake struck in Dakpo Kongpo, Powo, Ba, Litang, Dzayül, Chatreng, Mili, Gyeltang, and so forth, killing many thousands of people and cattle.

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News arrived that the Chinese Communist ambassador would be arriving in Delhi shortly. Accordingly, the Indian Foreign Ministry said that the Tibetan representatives should go to Delhi, and if we initiated a dialogue with the Chinese government, they would extend whatever assistance they could. Thus, I reached Delhi with my assistants on the twenty-third day of the seventh month of the Iron-Tiger Year (September 4, 1950). When I met with the Indian Foreign Secretary Menon on the fifth, he said: Recently, newspapers have reported that several tens of thousands of troops from the Communist People’s Liberation Army are massed around the Tibetan border. Therefore, the Indian government has lodged a protest with the Beijing government through the Indian Ambassador Sadar K. M. Panikkar, saying that all of the nations in the world would condemn China if it were to invade a small religious country like Tibet. Meanwhile the Chinese Communist ambassador’s deputy has just arrived in Delhi. Thus, it would be advisable for you representatives of Tibet to meet with him immediately. Once the actual ambassador arrives, negotiations could begin.

We expressed our gratitude because he had criticized Beijing with integrity. I also asked what was meant by the term “Liberation Army.” The next day, we were to meet with the Communist ambassador’s deputy, and we prepared to negotiate after the ambassador himself arrived. We requested hopefully that the Indian government act as an intermediary when the actual negotiations began, as had been done in the past. The reason they should have acted as intermediaries is that there would be great significance even for India if the Tibetan government was stable. Thus, before we met with the Chinese ambassador, we wanted to meet with Prime Minister Nehru as there were many points on which we wanted his advice. The senior secretary responded as follows: The term “liberation” signifies that there are supposed to be British, American, and Nationalist Chinese influences within Tibet. The fact of the matter is that Hugh Richardson is the only foreigner in Tibet,a and he is an official of the Indian government. As was the case during the

a Warren W. Smith Jr. [Tibetan Nation: A History of Tibetan Nationalsm and SinoTibetan Relations (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1996), 278–279, n. 57] indicates there were seven Europeans in Tibet just before the Chinese invasion. They were: Heinrich Harrer, Peter Aufshneider, Hugh Richardson, the radio operator Reggie Fox, Robert Ford in Chamdo, Geoffrey Bull in Markham, and the White Russian Nedbaillof in Lhasa. In addition, Frank Bessac was in Lhasa from June 11th to July 27th 1950 along with another Russian, Vasili Zvanzov.

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British rule, the Indian government would like to offer assistance to Tibet in political matters. Prime Minister Nehru could not be here because he has gone to Assam. However, before the Chinese ambassador arrives, he will certainly meet with your representatives.

On September 6th, we met with the Chinese Communist ambassador’s deputy, Shen Chien, and conveyed the present situation to him in detail. We told him that since we were going to begin negotiations as soon as the ambassador arrived, he must urgently call the government in Beijing so that no further incursions would take place in the Kham border region. Shen replied: For many thousands of years in the past, the relationship between China and Tibet had been like that between an older and a younger brother (or a nephew and an uncle). In addition, the entire world knows that Tibet is part of China. It should be understood that this is the basis of the efforts of General Liu Bocheng of the Western Command of our government.

He gave us a small booklet written in Chinese. It said: Our soldiers are going to liberate Tibet. Upon arriving in Tibet, these soldiers have no authority to change the present customs, culture, and religious faith of the Tibetan people. The presently existing Tibetan army will be renamed the “Chinese Government Border Guards.” All provisions such as their weapons and the soldiers pay will be dispersed by the Central Government. Those people who were sympathetic to the British, Americans, Nationalists, and so forth in the past will not be investigated for their past activities provided that they do not obstruct the Communist government.

By the way that he spoke, it was clear that they were prepared to subdue us by military force immediately. We explained that when the Communist ambassador arrived, we would initiate discussions on restoring the excellent preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet as in the past, and that afterwards we were prepared to go to Beijing to establish a harmonious environment. The next day, Deputy Shen and his wife came to the house where we were staying, and we served them tea. On the twenty-sixth day of the seventh month of the Iron-Tiger Year (September 8, 1950), we met with India’s Prime Minister Paṇ̣ḍita Jawaharlal Nehru and spoke with him for more than two hours. Primarily, we said that it would be tremendously beneficial to both India and China if it was possible for Tibet to maintain its freedom and independence, and therefore, we requested the Indian government’s careful consideration. We said we wanted negotiations on the preceptor-patron

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relationship between China and Tibet to take place on Indian territory because if we went to China, we could not bring about any result except what the Chinese wanted. Thus, we asked for assistance in keeping the negotiations in India. When the actual negotiations took place, we requested that India act as the intermediary, as had happened in the past [with the British]. The most pressing issue was for a call to be made to the Chinese government asking that they cease hostilities on the Tibetan border. Prime Minister Nehru replied: While the Indian government accepts that Tibet is part of China, as was the case during the British period, it will call for increased autonomy within Tibet and for Chinese troops to not go into Tibet. That being so, it would be difficult to find a suitable arrangement if the Tibetan representatives speak of Tibet’s absolute independence (rang btsan gtsang ma). As for India’s role as an intermediary [required in the Simla Convention], that was from negotiations that took place thirty years ago. That time is not like these days.

We maintained that Tibet was free and independent and that there was absolutely no way that we would discuss Tibet’s being autonomous and independent within being a part of China. We asked that he never speak in such a way for if Tibet were to be included within China, then with great certainty, it would utterly vanish. Throughout the eastern world, suffering would be felt. In particular, we pointed out that the Indian government presently had seventy-five soldiers protecting the trade market in Tibet; yet, if China and India shared a border, then many hundreds of thousands of soldiers would have to be called up to protect the border. Thus, even India would be severely oppressed. We asked him to give careful consideration to the importance of the long-term outcome and not merely of the agreeable relationship between Nehru’s government and Mao’s government in the present. With some irritation, the Prime Minister said that we needed to produce legal evidence for our claim that Tibet is independent. We noted that in the separate treaty between Britain and Tibet during the Simla Conference of 1914, China had been declared to have no authority at all in Tibet and that even the term “suzerainty” had been eliminated. In the intervening period, Tibet had remained free and independent. The Chinese said that a treaty did not exist which could be called “separate,” and they did not recognize the Simla Treaty. Moreover, the Chinese thought that Tibet was part of China, and the Tibetans thought that since the Chinese did not recognize the Simla

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Treaty, the “separate” treaty was evidence of their independence. According to Nehru, this was problematic in that Tibetans had no clear decision at that time. Later, when Tibetans had a good opportunity to act, they failed to take advantage of the occasion. During that same time, the Chinese had been cunning, and thus, they had frequently proclaimed publicly that Tibet was part of China. At present, he said, it was extremely important for the Tibetan representatives to exercise extreme caution at the start of the negotiations. We replied that if the Indian government did not reflect on the correspondence between their interests and ours, then along with the elimination of Tibet, India also would suffer terrible oppression. We said everything we could think of such as that he must give careful consideration to the events of the past. Then I felt an immeasurable sorrow, thinking that even though we had truth in our hands, truth could be thrown in the dust without difficulty because we lacked the strength of arms and the power of resources. Our initial meeting with the Chinese Communist Ambassador, General Yuan Zhongxian, took place on the fifth day of the eighth Tibetan month (September 16, 1950). We met twice after that, earnestly expressing in detail that Tibet would continue to be independent and that Tibet was concerned to continue observing the critically important preceptor-patron relationship between China and Tibet. As for the so-called “liberation of Tibet from foreign influences,” we vociferously argued that there was absolutely no foreign influence in Tibet by Britain, America, the Nationalists, or anyone. Tibet, we continued, lives under the protection of the Dalai Lama. The essence of the repeated responses of the Chinese was as follows: It was absolutely impossible to say that Tibet was independent. It was good if there actually were no foreign influences in Tibet. Again, they gave us a small book published by the Chinese government, and we were told to concentrate on points fifty to fifty-three in the book.b The representatives said we must understand them and implement them well. The booklet said that the degree of internal authority would be based upon the size of the territory and the number of minorities. The customs and religious faith of the peoples in each territory would not be changed. The soldiers of each territory would guard it, and the central government would help effectuate these in agreement with the

b While in some contexts, items fifty to fifty-three would be considered to be four points, here, Shakabpa means there are three items, number 50, 51, and 52.

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wishes expressed by the collective advice of the people and of the local governments. With a gesture of his hand, he explained all questions, simply and certainly, by referring to the three points: 50. Tibet must accept that it is a part of China. 51. The Chinese government will undertake the defense of Tibet. 52. The Chinese government will carry out any negotiations of political and trade matters with foreign countries.

We had to respond to whether or not we accepted these three points. If we accepted them, then armies would not come into our territory. We would have a peaceful liberation. Otherwise, he said, there was no way to prevent war. Saying this, he threw his sword into the sky.c Since these terms greatly exceeded our instructions, we said we would consult our government. We said that in the meanwhile he must request that there be no further incursions along the border. We were anxious at how our side could accept these terms and at how to avoid missing the essential issues. Immediately thereafter, on the eighth day of the eighth month (September 19, 1950) we sent a telegram to the cabinet in Lhasa, recounting just what the Chinese Communist Ambassador Yuan had said. In addition, we reported the confidential advice from Prime Minister Nehru and Foreign Secretary Menon without skipping even a single word. We said that if we do not decide to cooperate, then it would be difficult to reach any settlement at all. Moreover, we suggested to the Tibetan government suitable approaches to the Communist ambassador’s three points: As for the first point, we could accept that Tibet was part of China in name only. As for the second point, the stationing of troops in Tibet for its protection, there was no threat of war from India and Nepal. Thus, if a war did erupt, Tibet could appeal to the Chinese government for military assistance. Otherwise, there was no need to have Chinese troops in Tibet continually, for we could protect our own territory. As for the third point, we could conduct negotiations with such foreign countries as India and Nepal on trade and cultural matters. Further, we proposed that we should go to Beijing in order to negotiate further. The alternative would be certain war along the border. Therefore, we asked for clear instructions

c It is difficult to know if this should be taken literally or if it is an expression meaning the Tibetans were powerless. They were powerless, as if a sword were wielded by the sky. I.e., who knows where it will fall? (420.8).

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in a detailed telegram. A copy of the message with more forceful language was also sent by pony express through the Dromo governor. At the same time, without contentment, we explained the Communist proposals to Prime Minister Nehru and Foreign Secretary Menon. On the twelfth day of the eighth Tibetan month (September 28, 1950), the initial reply came from the cabinet. It said that since the three points from the Chinese government were so harsh, they would have to undertake focused and detailed consultations on these important issues, whereupon they would send a reply. Until then, they told us, we had to forestall any disruptions in the discussions. Again and again, the Chinese ambassador tried to discover whether we had received a response. Thus, that day, when we went to the Chinese Communist Embassy, we said we had wired our message to Lhasa, but that since the wires were not in good shape, we had also sent it by horse courier so that it could be delivered in person. After it arrived, we continued, it would need to be discussed, and so it would take several weeks. However, as soon as we were able, we would clarify the Tibetan response. Again on the nineteenth day of the eighth Tibetan month (September 30, 1950), we wired the cabinet saying that the Communist ambassador had repeatedly asked for a reply. We said that if a clear reply was delayed any further, then more clashes would occur along the border, and there would be absolutely no need to go to Beijing. Thus, we asked for an immediate response. Khenchung Lozang Tsewang and the fourth-ranking official Zurkhangsé, the two other members of the Tibetan Trade Mission, came to Delhi. They met with President Rajendra Prasad and Prime Minister Nehru, presenting them with letters from the Dalai Lama and the cabinet. They explained that although the initial idea had been to have the Trade Office in Delhi, it was now to be opened in Kalimpong, since that was the most important trade site between India and Tibet. Thus, they returned there. On the twenty-ninth day of the eighth month (October 12, 1950), the cabinet sent a telegram saying that the regent, the cabinet, and the secular and monastic officials had discussed the acceptance of the proposal. If they accepted the three points, they said that Tibet’s previous religious and political authority would be lost in both name and in fact. They directly stated that there was no way they would accept the proposal. Yet the Chinese Communist army was powerful, and tremendous forces had been assembled along the borders; thus, we were advised

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that we should attempt to delay action. As it was unknown what reaction this response might engender, there were serious concerns about how to reply to the Chinese in the short term; we were to do what we could to delay matters in order to forestall a massive incursion across the border. Since they were following the situation on the border and the evolving reaction in the world, the cabinet would consider events, consulting the Tibetan National Assembly when necessary. When we received this message, we immediately sent back a critical telegram. We said that although there was no way to avoid giving serious consideration of important questions, the dam had now been breached. Therefore, at this time, they could no longer wait for international developments. We concluded that if they did not send an immediate and clear response, without delay, then border attacks would commence. Since there would be nothing to decide at that point, we urged them to come to a conclusion immediately. On the seventh day of the ninth Tibetan month (October 17, 1950), we received a telegram which said the cabinet had sent it on the fourth day. It said that the Communist army had crossed the border in five or six places in Domé and that Gotö, east of the Drichu River, had been lost. Also, the Chinese were already only three or four days from Chamdo. Therefore, we were ordered to meet with the Chinese ambassador to negotiate a halt to the hostilities. As the situation was critical, we immediately telephoned the Chinese ambassador. He said that we should come the following day at ten o’clock since he had no time that day. We immediately went to the Indian Foreign Ministry and asked that Prime Minister Nehru be informed. We also asked that he intervene with the Communist government to cease the fighting on the border. On the eighth Tibetan day, we recounted the contents of the government’s telegram to the Chinese ambassador. We also told him that it was illegal to launch a surprise attack on Tibet while peace negotiations were ongoing between China and Tibet. We asked that he appeal to Beijing to have the Communist troops withdrawn to the other side of the Drichu River. He said that he knew that the Chinese had attacked Chamdo, but that it was not the fault of the Chinese because the Tibetan representatives had forced a delay in the talks, stalling for more than a month. He said that whatever people thought in the rest of the world, the Chinese government had already decided to liberate Formosa (Taiwan) and Tibet. At this point, Tibet must accept that it is part of China, and if the representatives went to Beijing, no further harm would result.

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Newspapers reported that while peace negotiations were underway between China and Tibet, the Chinese had launched a surprise attack across the border, illegally crossing the border into Kham. Later, when news arrived about the actual situation in Kham, it was discovered that troops suddenly and simultaneously crossed the border from five places4 on the twenty-sixth day of the eighth Tibetan month (October 7, 1950).5 We visited the Indian Foreign Ministry, the minister of the Office of Domestic Affairs, and important figures in the Parliament imploring them to help find a way to stop the hostilities between China and Tibet. We also publicized the fact that the Chinese Communists had launched an illegal attack at five places, where Tibet kept only a few border guards. Meanwhile, Prime Minister Nehru wrote letters of protest to the Chinese Communist government on the twenty-first, the twenty-sixth, and the twenty-eighth days of the tenth Tibetan month. In addition, President Rajendra Prasad spoke out protesting these actions. In Parliament, Sardar Vallabhai Patel, India’s Internal Affairs Minister, together with many other important figures, protested against the Communist attacks on Tibet and forcefully called on the Indian government to offer military support to Tibet. On the sixth day of the eleventh Tibetan month, the British Foreign Secretary Ernest Davies addressed the British Parliament, expressing the great sadness of the British government over the Chinese government violent attack on Tibet, saying that it supported the Indian government’s continual protests against the Chinese government over Tibet. We received another telegram from our government on the eleventh day of the ninth month of the Iron-Tiger Year (October 21, 1950), saying that ever since the Communists had crossed into Kham, no word had been received from the Chamdo radio transmitter. For this reason, there had been daily meetings of the Tibetan National Assembly, and it had been decided that a mission consisting of Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo, Tsepön Shakabpa Wangchuk Deden, and an assistant should immediately leave to meet with the Communist government in Beijing. Our instructions were as follows: 1. If you must accept the first point, that Tibet is part of China, then you can if you receive assurances both that the supreme protector Dalai Lama’s authority would be preserved in name and deed and that our religious and political form of government would remain free and independent. 2. You must not accept that negotiations with foreign governments will be conducted through the Chinese government.

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chapter twenty 3. You cannot at all accept the third point, that Chinese government troops will protect our territory, as this would entail unbearable harm in both religious and political spheres, now and in the future. We will continue to protect our own land with our own Tibetan guards. Thus, every effort should be made to preserve the religious and political character of Tibet and to find a lasting peace. Discuss in detail how to assure the return to our country of the Do Governor from the Kham region, Sawang Ngapö, and the civil and military leaders who have fallen into enemy hands. It is necessary to keep the essence of Buddhism in mind. If the talks go well, then you must continue on to Beijing to further them.

The response directed us to accept explicitly the first point together with provisions and to reject the other two. They hoped that if we could convey these points in a conciliatory tone, we might be able to forestall warfare. It was decided that if they seemed receptive to the negotiating points, we should go to Beijing immediately. Thus, we called the ambassador to request a meeting, saying that we had received a response from the Tibetan government. He said that he was certain that the response from Lhasa would be favorable, but that since it was Sunday, we should plan on coming the following day for lunch. We could speak then. On the thirteenth day of the ninth Tibetan month (October 23, 1950), we were preparing to go to the embassy. We had also made an appointment to meet with Foreign Secretary Menon at 3:30. Just as we were leaving, we received another urgent message from Lhasa. We decided it was best to decode it before we went to the Chinese Communist Embassy in case there were additional instructions. It was dated the twelfth day of the ninth Tibetan month (October 22, 1950), and it said that since we had received the telegram indicating the response to the three points which had been decided by the regent and the cabinet in consultation with the National Assembly, that we must be preparing to leave for the Chinese Embassy. However, at this point, His Holiness the Protector Dalai Lama thought that acceptance of the first of the three points dictated by the Communists would be like subjugating Tibet to a foreign power. As the acceptance or rejection of that point had the gravest consequences for the religious and political character of Tibet, the infallible precious jewels would have to be supplicated and a divination would have to be performed so that no harm would come now or in the future. The divination had been performed in the chapel of the protective deity at Norbu Lingkha Palace before both Lhamo and

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the Six-Armed Mahākāla deities so that the most desirable course of action could be ascertained. It indicated that the religious and political character of Tibet would be harmed if the first of the three points was accepted, i.e., that Tibet would be under the domination of a foreign power. Since it is not possible for the divination to be mistaken, all three points must be categorically rejected. The message concluded by saying that we must be able to leave for Beijing by the seventeenth day of the ninth Tibetan month. We had lost all hope that a peaceful conclusion could be obtained. While we were decoding the message, the escort and the cars from the Indian government and the Communist Embassy had to wait for more than an hour. Now, however, that the instructions had come from Lhasa, we had nothing to do but convey them. Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo, I myself, an assistant, representatives of the monasteries, and translators could not utter even a single word about the prospects for peace, and so, with blank expressions, we went to the embassy. Since Ambassador Yuan assumed that we had received a response that was mainly positive, he inquired about it with a smile on his face. While he wished to know of the reply from our Lhasa, we merely said that we must be able to leave for Beijing by the seventeenth day of the ninth Tibetan month, and to facilitate this, we asked that he assist us in getting traveling papers, visas, and airplane tickets. We said that we would pay for the tickets. When he asked about our instructions with regard to the previous three-point proposal, we replied that we had received absolutely no response. He observed the manner of our speech and our demeanor, noting that in the beginning of any great task, there would always be certain difficulties, but that we must maintain a calm attitude. His words were spoken soothingly, but internally, he was extremely disappointed. We told him that we were going to Kalimpong to get winter clothes the following day and that we would then go to Calcutta. He said that all of our traveling papers would be ready at the Calcutta consulate. After lunch, we met with India’s Foreign Secretary; we explained to him that although Tibet would not accept the Chinese proposal, we were going to Beijing as instructed. We asked that the Indian government appeal to the Communists that they must turn back from the Tibetan border, and we expressed our gratitude to him. He said that it was unusual for us to be dispatched to Beijing without any sort of clear

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response to make to the proposals; he indicated that he himself would immediately recount what we had said to the prime minister. Giving careful consideration to these events now, I think that if we had accepted the first and second points and publicized this fact from India, the Indian, Nepalese, and other governments would have continually supported our internal authority and remained friendly. Thereby, there would have been no way for such a disastrous arrangement as the so-called Seventeen-Point Agreement to have been enacted at Beijing.d On the other hand, while we did not accomplish anything at the time, we never accepted in any way that Tibet was part of China. As a consequence, these days, that fact has become the most important factor in the quest for Tibet’s freedom and independence. Moreover, the Seventeen-Point Agreement was negotiated in Beijing without consulting with the protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché or the Tibetan people at all. As it was signed under duress, we were able to proclaim this widely. Initially, a divination was performed before Pelden Lhamo in the private temple in the Dalai Lama’s Potala chambers where [Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo and I] were identified as the best people to send. In the meanwhile, the regent, the cabinet, and the Tibetan National Assembly had directed us to go to a place near the Chinese border to negotiate with the Chinese about the maintenance of Tibet’s independence. Finally, when we had been close to accepting two of the points, the divination from the wisdom protector rejected them. I have explained these facts in detail because there can be no doubt these things were done out of future necessities and for the special collections of goodness they would bring. This is known by the older government officials and by the sensible older civilians, both monks and lay people, who have reflected carefully on these events. However, for the benefit of all people everywhere and for those young people who are earnest about politics these days, I have explained this so that it is easier to understand.

d The Department of Information and International Relations of the Central Tibetan Administration of the Tibetan government-in-exile published a valuable small book that provides context, a timeline, and key documents relating to the Tibetan government’s understanding of the Seventeen-Point Agreement. Facts About the 17-Point “Agreement” between Tibet and China (Dharamsala: DIIR Publications, 2001).

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Afterwards, we reached Kalimpong by way of Calcutta and made preparations to depart for Beijing the following day. We received a telegram from Lhasa on the twenty-second day of the ninth Tibetan month (November 2, 1950); it was dated the twentieth day of the ninth Tibetan month (October 31, 1950). It said, While peace talks were continuing between China and Tibet, the Communists had crossed the border, and so the Tibetan National Assembly had advised that, “The representatives should delay their departure for Beijing.” Pursuant to their instructions, you are not to leave for Beijing. The National Assembly will issue instructions after conferring about whether you should stay or go.

The Political Officer of Sikkim, Harishwar Dayal, dispatched a messenger named Norden Bhabu with a letter. It said that Indian Foreign Secretary Menon had sent him a letter from Delhi advising us that it would be best if we delayed our departure for Beijing. The following day, we received another telegram from Lhasa saying that after discussing whether we should stay or go, the National Assembly had decided that we should go to Delhi to meet with the Chinese ambassador. We were to say that the Do Governor Sawang Ngapö had sent two groups of delegates for the purpose of negotiating and still the Chinese government had crossed into Tibet; from that point on, we had no reason to trust the Chinese in negotiations without another country serving as intermediary. Again, a divination had been performed in the Norbu Lingkha private chambers. Since it said that we should not go to Beijing, we were so ordered, and thus, we did not go. In dependence on that message, we sent a message to the Chinese ambassador in Delhi and the consulate in Calcutta saying that for now our departure was being delayed. Let us briefly examine the situation in Chamdo during that time. While Cabinet Minister Lhaluwa Tsewang Dorjé was the Do governor, one column of Communist troops gradually moved from Dartsedo to Kardzé, Dar Monastery, and Dergé, while another proceeded from Yunnan to Satam, Gyeltang, Litang, and Ba. Wangchuk Tenpa of Gyeltang fought with them on several occasions, but finally he was captured and sent to China. Another column moved from Ziling to Jyegündo, Dimchi Nyernga, Denkhok, and Lingtsang. During the night, the Tibetan radio transmitter station in Denkhok was attacked. The Ga and Zhikatsé army units fought, and the famous Rupön Bugangpa fell into enemy hands. At the same time, many officials committed to Buddhism—including Dergé’s queen, Tsedrung Tutop who was the abbot of Dartsedo Monastery, and others—thought that it would be best to strike back right away

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because the Communists were only arriving, and they did not yet know the land or the people. A series of letters had been received from the Chinese [Nationalist] leader of Jyegündo saying that he was prepared to rise up against the Communists. As a result, the Do Governor Lhalu performed a divination before the remains of Geshé Jampa Tayé Rinpoché, and the indication was that even though the opponent had the upper hand and timing on their side, a good opportunity would come at the beginning of the eighth month. After consulting with several of the older officers from Riwoché and Nangchen districts, he decided to strike back at his opponents on the second day of the eighth month at Jyegündo. The Gyantsé commander from Sertsa, the Jadang commander from Riwoché, the Podrakyül army from Karma Yüldzong, and the Zhikatsé Gadang commander from Dongdzong Drukha are recorded as the participants. Cabinet Minister Lhalu asked Lhasa for advice by radio. The cabinet said: It would be good if you are able to seize territory by attacking. However, since you must hold an extensive piece of territory continuously, you must carefully analyze whether you will be able to avoid risking our territory. If not, you must consider well the benefits and losses for the future.

Since the parties were not cooperating due to their own over-enthusiasm, they held each other responsible, and so matters remained unsettled. Since the new Do governor was coming very soon, there was concern that the war effort would be upset when power was handed over; thus, the old Do governor remained. The new Do governor, Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé, arrived. Since the civil and military policies of the old and new Do governors [Lhalu and Ngapö] were so different, Lhalu left for Lhasa. Ngapö felt that there was no alternative except to be conciliatory. He sent the officials Yeshé Dargyé and Pomda Rapga to Markham, while he dispatched Yülga and another official to Denkhok in order to discuss peace terms with the Communists. However, before long, on the twenty-third day of the seventh month Chinese troops simultaneously crossed the border at five places, Kamtok and elsewhere. The Gadang Regiment leader Mujawa and the Podrak militia commander Tsedrung Ludrup Namgyel made excellent headway against the enemy. However, on the ninth day of the eighth month, the Do Governor Sawang Ngapö ordered that the weapons in the Chamdo armory had to be destroyed

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on that day because they would have to escape through some other province, such as Joda. He and his staff planned to go to Lhodzong for the time being. When he reached Lamda, he learned that a large contingent of Chinese soldiers from Pashö and Riwoché discovered his location through bribery, and all of the main routes had already been blocked. They were going to go to To Drugu Monastery that night. He and his assistants conferred and decided that if they surrendered, they would not be killed. Immediately, the official Khenchung Samkharwa Tupten Dönyö, the Dapön of Nya Regiment Laya Jarikpa Sönam Wangchuk, and Tsedrön Tsadrül Tsang Nyima Gyeltsen were sent to Chamdo to surrender. When they came down, they saw some Chinese soldiers coming along the road; they signified that they were surrendering and explained their situation to the officer in charge. He said that this was good because they would not have to go to Chamdo. People who were coming from Pashö arrived in Lamda that night, and they remained with them, leaving for the place where Ngapö was the next morning. That night, they were told to stay there, while a message was sent with a horse for the Do governor. The Chinese officer made many radio calls between Lamda and Chamdo. On the morning of the eleventh day, when the functionaries were going to To Drugu Monastery with Chinese soldiers, they met Sawang Ngapö who was coming down from the monastery with several Chinese Communist soldiers from Chamdo. There was some argument among the Chinese troops over who would take Ngapö to the headquarters. Once again, the Do Governor cabinet minister and all of his assistants were taken back to Drugu Monastery, weapons were seized, all the officials were made to sign and apply their seals to a document written in Chinese, and everyone was photographed many times below the monastery as a sign of their surrender. Thereafter, Ngapö and all of the officials were taken to Chamdo in the midst of Chinese cavalry. A Chinese officer named Wang Qimei was already there. The Do Governor Sawang, Samkhar Khenchung, and Tsogo Sé were temporarily kept in the dining room. The rest of them were kept in the Chinese camp, which was like a good prison. They were kept together for several days and questioned. The rumor was begun at this point that the Tibetan government’s radio operator, Robert Ford, had poisoned Getak Trülku from Tehor.

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One day a large group of Tibetans was assembled and Wang Qimei told them: We have come in order to liberate the woeful Tibetan people. The People’s Liberation Army is your servant, and we are not permitted to take even a needle and thread from you. If you have any concerns, I can answer you. You must speak out in this meeting, whether it is about the murder of Getak Trülku or something similar.

A senior official from Chamdo Monastery, Benlok Rinchen Döndrup, said: I am grateful you say the People’s Liberation Army will not oppress the people. At present, I have not heard anything of the sort, but you must not bring about suffering in the future. The peace negotiations between China and Tibet should not alter the teachings of Buddha or the government of the omniscient Dalai Lama. Getak Lama died naturally. Before today, I had not heard it said that Getak Trülku had been murdered by the radio operator. How is such a thing possible?

He spoke directly about many issues, and although some of his close attendants pulled him back, asking him not to speak, he explained his views until he was content. That he was cornered and confined by Chinese officers that very night reveals the dishonesty of the regime, that there was no freedom of speech.6 The report of the People’s Republic of China broadcast on October 25, 1950 that “the People’s Liberation Army had been ordered to go to Tibet in order to liberate three million Tibetans from the imperialistic domination of foreign powers and to protect China’s western border,” is a lie; they had already invaded on October 7. Moreover, Tibet was governed by Tibetans, and there was absolutely no influence from foreign nations. In addition, Chankya’s Tibet Disappears says:7 Until the Chinese Communists reached Tibet in 1950, all Tibetans, monk and lay, strong and weak, enjoyed freedom and happy lives. The word “liberation” is strange for from who would they be liberated.

Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo and I received a radio message from Lhasa at Shakabpa House. It contained an appeal which was to be presented to the United Nations. We immediately wired it to the Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld on the first day of the tenth Tibetan month (November 10, 1950). Copies were also mailed to India’s Prime Minister Nehru, Foreign Secretary Menon, and the ambassadors of Britain, America, Nepal, France, Italy, Australia, Canada, Burma,

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Ceylon, Thailand, Indonesia, Belgium, and Holland in Delhi. The appeal which was sent to the secretary-general of the United Nations read as follows:8 Your Excellency: The attention of the world is riveted on Korea where aggression is being resisted by an international force. Similar happenings in remote Tibet are passing without notice. It is in the belief that aggression will not go unchecked and freedom unprotected in any part of the world that we have assumed the responsibility of reporting to the United Nations Organization, through you, recent happenings in the border area of Tibet. As you are aware the problem of Tibet has taken on alarming proportions in recent times. The problem is not of Tibet’s own making but is largely the outcome of unthwarted Chinese ambition to bring weaker nations on its periphery under its active domination. Tibetans have for long lived a cloistered life in their mountain fastnesses remote and aloof from the rest of the world except insofar as His Holiness the Dalai Lama, as the acknowledged head of the Buddhist Church, confers benediction and receives homage from followers in many countries. In the years preceding 1912, there were indeed close friendly relations of a personal nature between the Emperor of China and His Holiness the Dalai Lama.9 The connexion was essentially born of belief in a common faith and may correctly be described as the relationship between a spiritual guide and his lay followers; it had no political implications. As a people devoted to the tenets of Buddhism, Tibetans had long eschewed the art of warfare, practised peace and tolerance, and for the defence of their country relied on its geographical configuration and in non-involvement in the affairs of other nations. There were times when Tibet sought but seldom received the protection of the Chinese Emperor. The Chinese, however, in their natural urge for expansion, have wholly misconstrued the significance of the ties of friendship and interindependence that existed between China and Tibet as between neighbors. To them China was suzerain and Tibet a vassal state. It is this which first aroused legitimate apprehension in the mind of Tibet regarding China’s designs on its independent status. The conduct of the Chinese during their expedition of 1910 completed the rupture between the two countries. In 1911–1912 Tibet, under the Thirteenth Dalai Lama, declared its complete independence—even Nepal simultaneously broke away from allegiance to China—while the Chinese revolution of 1911, which dethroned the last Manchurian emperor, snapped the last of the sentimental and religious bonds that Tibet had with China. Tibet thereafter depended entirely on its isolation, its faith in the wisdom of the Lord Buddha, and occasionally on the support of the British in India for its protection. No doubt in these circumstances

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chapter twenty the latter could also claim suzerainty over Tibet. Tibet, notwithstanding Anglo-Chinese influence from time to time, maintained its separate existence, in justification of which it may be pointed out that it has been able to keep peace and order within the country and remain at peace with the world. It continued to maintain neighbourly goodwill and friendship with the people of China but never acceded to the Chinese claim of suzerainty in 1914. It was British persuasion which led Tibet to sign a treaty which superimposed on it the nominal (non-interfering) suzerainty of China and by which China was accorded the right to maintain a mission in Lhasa, though it was strictly forbidden to meddle in the internal affairs of Tibet. Apart from that fact, even the nominal suzerainty which Tibet conceded to China is not enforceable because of the non-signature of the treaty of 1914 by the Chinese. It will be seen that Tibet maintained independent relations with other neighboring countries, such as India and Nepal. Furthermore, despite friendly British overtures, it did not compromise its position by throwing in its forces in the Second World War on the side of China. Thus it asserted and maintained its complete independence. The treaty of 1914 still guides relations between Tibet and India, and China, not being a party to it may be taken to have renounced the benefits that would have otherwise accrued to it from the treaty. Tibet’s independence thereby reassumed de jure status. The slender tie that Tibet maintained with China after the 1911 revolution became less justifiable when China underwent a further revolution and turned into a full-fledged Communist State. There can be no kinship or sympathy between such divergent creeds as those espoused by China and Tibet. Foreseeing future complications, the Tibetan Government broke off diplomatic relations with China and made a Chinese representative in Lhasa depart from Tibet in July, 1949. Since then, Tibet has not even maintained formal relations with the Chinese Government and people. It desires to live apart uncontaminated by the germ of a highly materialistic creed, but China is bent on not allowing Tibet to live in peace. Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the Chinese have hurled threats of liberating Tibet and have used devious methods to intimidate and undermine the Government of Tibet. Tibet recognises that it is in no position to resist. It is thus that it agreed to negotiate on friendly terms with the Chinese Government. It is unfortunate that the Tibetan Mission to China was unable to leave India through no fault of its own but for want of British visas which were required for transit through Hong Kong. At the kind intervention of the Government of India, the Chinese People’s Republic condescended to allow the Tibetan Mission to have preliminary negotiation with the Chinese Ambassador to India, who arrived in New Delhi only in September. While these negotiations were proceeding in Delhi, Chinese troops, without warning or provocation, crossed the Di Chu [Upper Yangtse] River, which has for long been the boundary of Tibetan territory, at a number of places on October 7, 1950. In quick succession, places of stra-

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tegic importance such as Demar, Kamto, Tunga, Tshame, Rimochegotyu, Yakalo, and Markham, fell to the Chinese. Tibetan frontier garrisons in Kham, which were maintained not with any aggressive design but as a nominal protective measure, were all wiped out. Communist troops converged in great force from five directions on Chamdo, the capital of Kham, which fell soon after. Nothing is known of the fate of a Minister of the Tibetan Government posted there. Little is known in the outside world of this sneak invasion. Long after the invasion had taken place China announced to the world that it had asked its armies to march into Tibet. This unwarranted act of aggression has not only disturbed the peace of Tibet, but it is also in complete disregard of a solemn assurance given by China to the Government of India, and it has created a grave situation in Tibet and may eventually deprive Tibet of its long cherished independence. We can assure you, Mr. Secretary-General, that Tibet will not go down without a fight, though there is little hope of a nation dedicated to peace will be able to resist the brutal effort of men trained to war, but we understand that the United Nations has decided to stop aggression whenever it takes place. The armed invasion of Tibet for the incorporation of Tibet in Communist China through sheer physical force is a clear case of aggression. As long as the people of Tibet are compelled by force to become a part of China against their will and consent, the present invasion of Tibet will be the grossest instance of the violation of the weak by the strong. We therefore appeal through you to the nations of the world to intercede in our behalf and restrain Chinese aggression. The problem is simple. The Chinese claim Tibet as part of China. Tibetans feel that, racially, culturally, and geographically, they are far apart from the Chinese. If the Chinese find the reactions of the Tibetans to their unnatural claim not acceptable, there are other civilised methods by which they could ascertain the views of the people of Tibet, or should the issue be purely juridical, they are open to seek redress in an international Court of Law. The conquest of Tibet by China will only enlarge the area of conflict and increase the threat to the independence and stability of other Asian countries. We Ministers, with the approval of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, entrust the problem of Tibet in this emergency to the ultimate decision of the United Nations, hoping that the conscience of the world will not allow the disruption of our state by methods reminiscent of the jungle. The Kashag (Cabinet) and National Assembly of Tibet Tibetan Delegation–Shakabpa House, Kalimpong. Dated Lhasa, the 27th day of the ninth Tibetan month of the Iron Tiger Year (7 November 1950)

The appeal was wired to New York from Kalimpong.

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chapter twenty Notes to Chapter Twenty

1. The original is in the Compilation of Records. 2. Compilation of Records. 3. During the many days of fighting between the Ziling, Chinese forces and the Tibetans, Rupön Bukhangpa killed seven or eight Chinese every day. Finally, he also killed the leader of the Ziling Chinese Sen Yindrang, who was a famous Chinese hero. He was renowned for having secured great victories for the Tibetan army. 4. The five places are Den, Kamtok Drukha, Tsamé, Yagalho, and Markham. 5. In my English-language book, I wrote that the date of the initial attack by the Communist forces was on the twenty-third day of the seventh month of 1950; I also said that they came from eight directions. These are my own errors. Translator’s Note: The error in the reckoning of the date was corrected by the 1984 Potala Publications edition of Tibet: A Political History, p. 301. 6. An official of the Do Governor Ngapö’s during this time merely writes that he had spoken in detail. 7. Sen Chankya, Tibet Disappears: A Documentary History of Tibet’s International Status, the Great Rebellion, and Its Aftermath (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1960), 65. Translators Note: The quote prior to the block quote is from Chankya, but I have been unable to locate the block quote in Tibet Disappears. 8. This is translated from the original in the English language. The English version may be found in Tibet in the United Nations 1950–1961 (New Delhi: Bureau of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, N.d.), 1. Translators Note: I have merely cited the original English version. 9. Although there is some slight difference between this chronology and the actual events, I have consulted the original records. This should be investigated.

CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE

NECESSITY FOR THE FOURTEENTH DALAI LAMA TO ASSUME RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL AUTHORITY SUDDENLY TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION With armies in the field, oracles were consulted in Lhasa, and it was determined that the young Dalai Lama ought to take over control of the government, despite being only fifteen years old. As the abbot of Kumbum Monastery, his older brother, Taktser Trülku Tupten Jikmé Norbu (b. 1922), had already seen how difficult things could become under the Communist government. He left Amdo for Lhasa so that he could warn his younger brother of the dangers posed by the Chinese. In the Dalai Lama’s own autobiography, he describes Taktser Rinpoché’s plight:a The Chinese endeavored to indoctrinate him in the new Communist way of thinking and to try to subvert him. They had a plan whereby they would set him free to go to Lhasa if he would undertake to persuade me to accept Chinese rule. If I resisted, he was to kill me. They would then reward him.

In November of 1950, as Taktser Rinpoché made plans to flee into permanent exile, the young Dalai Lama prepared for his enthronement. Shakabpa conveyed a further appeal to the United Nations on December 3, 1950, asking for the United Nations to send a fact-finding mission to Tibet. Shakabpa blames the newly-independent Indian government and the British government for U.N. inaction because they both urged that the matter be set aside. Meanwhile, the Lhasa government attempted to open up dialogue with the Chinese, urging them to withdraw from Tibetan territory and to return to a state of peaceful relations. As the Tibetan government attempted to navigate the new situation, the Dalai Lama and his family temporarily moved to Dromo

a Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, Freedom in Exile: The Autobiography of the Dalai Lama (London: Hodder and Stroughton, 1990), 58.

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near the border with India, although they eventually felt safe enough to return to Lhasa by mid-summer of 1951. In the spring of 1951, a delegation of Tibetan officials, led by Cabinet Minister Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé, traveled to Beijing for negotiations. According to Shakabpa’s account, a predetermined set of demands was foisted on the Tibetans, and even a request for clarification was met with anger. By May 23, Ngapö had been compelled to sign the so-called “Seventeen-Point Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.”b Chinese sourcesc represent this as an agreement the two sides carefully negotiated with the involvement of Lhasa authorities, while Tibetan sources, including the Dalai Lama,d assert that the first time they heard about it was when it was being broadcast over the radio from China. Those Tibetan sources depict the seventeen points as constituting a complete capitulation to Chinese demands. Notably, it assumes Tibet is an integral part of China, referring to the Tibetan authorities as the “local government.” The document promises broad autonomy for Tibetans, and it indicates that Chinese reforms in Tibet would not be compelled. In July, 1951, the Dalai Lama’s party returned from the border town of Dromo, resigned that Tibet’s situation was so imperiled that he was needed in the capital. As the Chinese military and civilian authority began to spread throughout Tibet, Tsepon Shakabpa petitioned for and received leave to remain in India, where the Dalai Lama’s brother was already ensconced. From there, the two men, along with the Dalai Lama’s other older brother, Gyalo Thondup (b. 1928), were able to begin to lay the groundwork for the Dalai Lama’s permanent exile eight years later; in the intervening years, the three men performed many other services for the Tibetan government. Shakabpa and Gyalo Thondup founded the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in India, an organization that would become essential when one hundred thousand Tibetans followed the Dalai Lama into exile just a few years later.

b

See pp. 953–955 below. For example, seven distinct rounds of negotiations are specified in the account provided in the anonymous source from the “Series of Basic Information of Tibet of China” called Tibetan History (Beijing: China Intercontinental Press, 2003), 145–153. d Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 67 and Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, Freedom in Exile: The Autobiography of the Dalai Lama (London: Hodder and Stroughton, 1990), 68. Also, see p. 956 below. c

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Through 1952 and 1953, the two sides were attempting to find a new equilibrium. As Tibetans experienced the Chinese presence as oppression, they protested against it. On the other side, the Chinese tried to find a way to rule the population effectively. They persuaded the Dalai Lama to relieve the two prime ministers, Lozang Trashi (d. 1966/1967?) and Lukhangpa Tsewang Rapten (1898–1966),e of their responsibilities in the spring of 1952. This undermined the Tibetans’ capacity to influence events since the Dalai Lama was still quite young, and nobody else could stand up to the Chinese.f Back in 1951, the Dalai Lama was asked by Trashi Lhunpo Monastery to identify the new incarnation of the Paṇc̣ hen Lama; Ngapö wired from Beijing to say that of the three potential candidates, only the one from Amdo would be accepted by the Chinese government. Whether it was solely for that reason or because he became convinced of the correctness of that identification, the Dalai Lama did give his blessing to that candidate—three years younger than himself—without the traditional tests being performed. When the Paṇ̣chen Lama reached Lhasa, he had an audience with the Dalai Lama in the Potala, but the former’s attendants complained about the protocol of the visit.g The Dalai Lama has written about his personal fondness for the Paṇc̣ hen Lama and his own sorrow at the difficulties faced by the Paṇ̣chen Lama, who was used as a pawn by the Chinese even as a boy. Shakabpa observes that:h [The Dalai Lama] had to enter into a fifteen-point agreement devised by the Chinese and Trashi Lhünpo about the relationship between the government and the Paṇc̣ hen Lama. Although it was supposedly arranged for the purpose of unifying Tibet, in fact it divided Ü Tsang, wrongly inaugurating a small measure of political authority for the Trashi Lhünpo lama.

The Chinese continually tried to elevate the Paṇ̣chen Lama to a status equal to the Dalai Lama as a way of diminishing the Dalai Lama and dividing Tibet.i

e According to E. Gene Smith at the Tibetan Buddhist Resource Center, Lukhangpa Tsewang Rapten was born in either 1896 or 1897 and died in either 1966 or 1973. f Tsering Shakya, The Dragon in the Land of Snows: A History of Modern Tibet Since 1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 210. g See p. 963 below. h See p. 973 below. i Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 81–84.

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Tibetan officials were compelled to begin accommodating Tibet to the changes being ordered by the Chinese government. A delegation of Tibetans was taken on a tour of factories, schools, and the like in China in order to foster a compliant attitude and confidence in the Communist Party. In 1954, the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ̣chen Lama were invited to Beijing, where they met with a dismissive and occasionally aggressive Mao Zedong. They were also conducted around to staged events in the capital, including the National People’s Congress, meant to portray the Tibetans as willing and compliant representatives of one of the regional populations within the happy family of China. While the Dalai Lama was in Beijing, the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet was established, ostensibly to smooth the way for complete assimilation of Tibet into communist China. Yet, whenever the Tibetans on the committee, including the Dalai Lama, would object to any small matter, the Chinese members would demand full compliance. Shakabpa represents the committee as a sham instrument. When the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ̣chen Lama went to India to celebrate the 2500th anniversary of Buddha’s death in 1956, the Chinese attempted to stage manage the Dalai Lama’s public appearances and to control his private time. However, he gave his own speech reviewing Indian-Tibetan relations through the centuries. He also managed to confer with Indian officials, including Prime Minister Nehru. Although he considered remaining in exile in India, he was eventually persuaded to return to Tibet.j Also while in India, the young Dalai Lama was able to speak with Premier Zhou Enlai (1898–1976). Perhaps as a consequence of this meeting, some of the most problematic reforms in Tibet were suspended by Mao Zedong.k Early in 1957, the Dalai Lama returned to Tibet. As he traveled back to Lhasa, he stopped off in Zhikatsé at the invitation of the Paṇ̣chen Lama. Shakabpa reports that the Chinese intervened and caused the monastic estate to provide only an inadequate reception as a way of creating the appearance of division between the two figures. Shakabpa suggests the episode could be used to criticize the Paṇ̣chen Lama, but then he shifts the blame to the Chinese absolving the Paṇ̣chen Lama of all fault:l j

Tsering Shakya, The Dragon in the Land of Snows: A History of Modern Tibet Since 1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 152–153. k See p. 984 below. l See p. 990 below.

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Whatever the reason, when the Chinese Communists subsequently oppressed both the Dalai Lama’s government and the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s monastic estate equally, the all-seeing Paṇc̣ hen Rinpoché praised the highest true religion and the Dalai Lama without fear and without apprehension. Upon hearing this, one had to confess and repent at one’s previous conclusions about the Paṇ̣chen Lama and rejoice in the excellent deeds of a superior person.

CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE

NECESSITY FOR THE FOURTEENTH DALAI LAMA TO ASSUME RELIGIOUS AND POLITICAL AUTHORITY SUDDENLY During this critical and savage time, the two oracles, Gadong and Nechung, were invoked in the private chambers of Norbu Lingkha Palace and their guidance was sought in the matter of the lost men and territory in Kham. At that time, the Gadong Oracle indicated that the time had come for the Dalai Lama to assume religious and political authority. Hence, the regent and the cabinet sought the advice of the Tibetan National Assembly on whether to follow this order. The assembly unanimously agreed that he should, and so, the Dalai Lama was beseeched to do so. Accordingly, the Regent Tutor Takdrak Rinpoché resigned on the seventh day of the tenth month of the Iron-Tiger year, after being Tibet’s supreme ruler for ten years. A traditional ceremony, which had been cut short under these onerous and crucial circumstances, was held and although the fourteenth Dalai Lama, Tenzin Gyatso, was not yet sixteen years old, he assumed the religious and political leadership according to the wishes of all gods and people of Tibet. This news was immediately spread throughout Tibet, and all convicts who were in prison were freed. The Dalai Lama’s older brother, Taktser Trülku Tupten Norbu, who was the abbot of Kumbum Monastery, was taken to Ziling where Communist military officers made him their messenger. They told him to go Lhasa and tell the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government officials that it would be best if they maintained relations with the Communist government; Tibet’s cultural tradition and religious faith would remain free. When he reached Lhasa, he gave a truthful and detailed account of the actual facts since the Communists had arrived in Tsongön the previous year. He said that many people, in particular the wealthy, had been attacked and there was absolutely no religious freedom. The United Nations heard Tibet’s appeal with an attitude of indifference to the truth, as the countries which clearly understood the situation in Tibet were just concerned for their own interests. Once again, the

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cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly sent a wire to the United Nations through Shakabpa House in Kalimpong on the twenty-fourth day of the tenth month (December 3, 1950). It said that:1 While the General Assembly has not immediately taken up the matter of Tibet, many areas of Tibet are under attack by the Chinese Communists. Chamdo has also already been subjugated. In order that the United Nations clearly understand the nature of the situation between China and Tibet, we would welcome a U.N. fact-finding mission. On November 12, the Dalai Lama assumed religious and political authority for Tibet, and at that time, he ordered that this appeal be sent to the United Nations.

This appeal was also sent by radio. At the same time, according to the advice of the Indian government, the Dalai Lama sent a letter with his seal to the Chinese government through the Chinese officers in Chamdo as a way of initiating a conciliatory arrangement. It said that in his youth, relations between Tibet and China had been strained, but now that he had assumed the leadership himself, he hoped that amicable relations between the two countries could be restored as in the past. It also said that the Tibetan soldiers who had been captured must be returned, and the Tibetan territory seized by the Chinese army had to be restored. The Chinese government also hoped to restore a peaceful environment, and so they relaxed the treatment of the Tibetan civilian and military officers under their control. Following the advice of the Chinese officer in Chamdo, Wang Qimei, Do Governor Ngapö, who was imprisoned at the time, sent two Do officials, Tsedrön Gyeltsen Püntsok and Püntsok Dorjé the younger Kadrön Samling, to Lhasa asking for authority for him to negotiate terms between China and Tibet. Since there was absolutely no way to know what the Chinese Communists might do, the Tibetan National Assembly came to the unanimous conclusion that the Dalai Lama should temporarily move to Dromo for his own security. As this decision became known, everyone became anxious, wishing to be able to accompany the party. People did not want to remain behind because they would have to take responsibility for the government. Both of the Dalai Lama’s tutors and Cabinet Minister Lama Rampa Tupten Künkhyen were assured of going. A divinatory lottery was performed to determine who ought to accompany the party from among the other important officials, the cabinet ministers, the Dalai Lama’s personal attendant, the Drungtsi, Dzatai, and so forth.

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Many people who were not going to Dromo, nevertheless, found some pretext for leaving Lhasa.2 Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekhar (Lukhangpa) Tsewang Rapten were both appointed as prime ministers, and except for matters of extreme urgency, they were given authority to decide all civil and military matters. The Dalai Lama’s party left for Dromo on the eleventh day of the eleventh month of the Iron-Tiger year (December 19, 1950). When the Dalai Lama and his retinue were established at Dromo, I was instructed to go there along with my assistants. On the way, I was pushed aside by a mule on the Natö Pass. Since I struck my hip on a large boulder, I was in a great deal of pain. However, we had to reach our destination to report our previous actions, and our future plans to the Dalai Lama and the ministers. Thus, I arrived at the Dromo governor house leaning on two people for support. Then at a reception of all of the assistants, Tsechak Khenchung Tupten Gyelpo and I presented our report without embellishment. But some of the attendants and members of the assembly registered their disapproval, bleating like sheep and goats. At that time, the Dalai Lama and his retinue lived at the home of the Dromo Governor, Chubi. However, not much later, they moved to the Dungkar Monastery above Dromo where they remained until returning to Lhasa [the following summer]. When Mr. Castro, El Salvador’s Ambassador to the United Nations, presented an appeal on behalf of Tibet, the British ambassador said: Since Tibet’s legal status is unclear, any discussion of the question in the United Nations should be set aside.

At the same time, the Indian ambassador also spoke: We have no wish to exhaust the efforts of the United Nations over this turbulence between Tibet and China. Since relations have existed between China and Tibet, we believe that they will peacefully reach an agreeable arrangement between themselves on the questions of Tibet’s autonomy. In the meanwhile, any discussion in the United Nations ought to be set aside.

In dependence on these proposals, the United Nations did set El Salvador’s appeal aside. In this regard, both the British and the Indian governments failed to uphold their obligations truthfully; having engaged in treaties with Tibet, they knew the actual legal status of Tibet as a free and independent nation. Those actions placed over six million

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Tibetans in the hands of the Chinese Communists. Among the further ill effects of that behavior, the freedom, peace, and resources of India and many of her neighbors were also threatened. As explained above, a monk and lay official carrying a message from Chamdo came to Lhasa. The two acting-prime ministers told them that although the Do Governor Cabinet Minister Ngapö had the authority to negotiate between China and Tibet, he must obtain assurances that the Chinese army would not take any more Tibetan territory than they presently occupied. He was also instructed that he must conduct the talks in Chamdo3 and that Khenchung Tupten Lekmön and Samposé Tendzin Döndrup would be sent to serve as his assistants. With disappointment at the response from the United Nations, the Tibetan government decided to jump into the fire with the Chinese. Thus, Dzasak Zurkhang Zurpa Wangchen Tseten and Khendrung Chöpel Tupten were sent to Delhi to improve relations with the Chinese Communist Ambassador Yuan. The ambassador advised that it would be best to undertake discussions in Beijing. Accordingly, Cabinet Minister Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé and his assistants went to Beijing from Chamdo by way of Dartsedo, Yangen, Drungchin, and Shingen, arriving on April 22, 1951. Dzasak Kemepa Sönam Wangdu and Khendrung Tupten Tendar left from Dromo to help make decisions. They were directed to consult with the government if important issues arose which exceeded their instructions.4 They reached Beijing by way of Hong Kong four days later. In the meanwhile, officials from Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate and from various other monastic estates sent an appeal to the Dalai Lama asking that he examine and render a decision on three potential candidates for the reincarnation of the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama, two from Kham and one from Amdo. Cabinet Minister Ngapö wired a message from Beijing to say that if the candidate from Amdo was not approved the China-Tibet talks would be harmed.5 That candidate was approved; there seemed to be no alternative since he was the one identified by the Chinese Communist government. During this time, the Tibetan government held a grand ceremony at Dromo’s Dungkar Monastery for a gift from the Indian Mahabodhi Society of relics of the Compassionate One and the pair of supreme Hearers.6 A vast cloud of offerings was presented at the ceremony, as vast as the sky. The Dalai Lama also gave the profound initiation of the superior Compassionate One. The faithful gathered from Dromo

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and Pakri, not to mention the limitless numbers of monks and lay people from Ü Tsang, southern Bhutan, Sikkim, Kalimpong, Darjeeling, Ladakh, Nepal, and so forth. This great occasion was fortunate in that these people were completely led to the profound path of liberation. As I had been instructed, I wrote a small book in both English and Tibetan which set down the details of the ceremony.7 When the delegates of the Mission to China arrived in Beijing, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai held a banquet for them. After the Chinese and Tibetan representatives were introduced, Communist representatives Li Weihan, Zhang Jingwu, Zhang Guohua, and Sun Zhiyuan presented the Tibetans with ten points which were supposed to be the basis of discussion. What need is there to mention that the Tibetan representatives were not able to consult with their own government; they had to give up any plans to preserve Tibet’s previous autonomy peacefully. The ten points said that Tibet had been peacefully liberated from foreign domination and that the Tibetan people were returning to the great family of nations of their ancestors. Such assertions contradicted the actual facts, and the Chinese were being impossible, not allowing the Tibetans to ask questions which would have settled their minds. Even requests for a little clarity in the meanings of words and phrases were met with harsh and malicious words and an attitude of vexation. In such an environment, the Tibetans finally had to agree to the socalled Seventeen-Point Agreement which had been written according to the wishes of the Chinese. They asked pointedly whether the Tibetans would accept the terms or not. Although the Tibetan representatives asked their questions a little more loudly, Zhang Jingwu would stand up in the meeting room and furiously shout all kinds of hateful things. In addition, Chairman Li Weihan also harshly stated that in the end they would have to consent to the agreement. Otherwise, they could leave unobstructed, even returning in the next few days. The central government could send a single radio message to the border officers. They said they had absolutely no desire to speak of any other difficulties.8 The so-called Seventeen-Point Agreement was reached under duress. The agreement was signed in Beijing on May 23, 1951:9a

a

The preamble to the agreement is cited in Appendix 1, pp. 1124–1125.

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chapter twenty-one 1. The Tibetan people shall unite and drive out imperialist aggressive forces from Tibet; the Tibetan people shall return to the big family of the Motherland—the People’s Republic of China. 2. The local government of Tibet shall actively assist the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) to enter Tibet and consolidate the national defences. 3. In accordance with the policy towards nationalities laid down in the Common Programme of the CPPCC,10 the Tibetan people have the right of exercising national regional autonomy under the unified leadership of the CPG (Chinese People’s Government). 4. The central authorities will not alter the existing political system in Tibet. The central authorities also will not alter the established status, functions and powers of the Dalai Lama. Officials of various ranks shall hold office as usual. 5. The established status, functions and powers of the Paṇc̣ hen Ngoerhtehni shall be maintained. 6. By the established status, functions and powers of the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ̣chen Ngoerhtehni are meant the status, functions and powers of thirteenth Dalai Lama and the ninth Paṇc̣ hen Ngoerhtehnib when they were in friendly and amicable relations with each other. 7. The policy of freedom of religious belief laid down in the Common Programme of the CPPCC shall be carried out. The religious beliefs, customs and habits of the Tibetan people shall be respected and lama monasteries shall be protected. The central authorities will not effect a change in the income of the monasteries. 8. Tibetan troops shall be reorganized step by step into the PLA and become part of the national defense forces of the CPR. 9. The spoken and written language and school education of the Tibetan nationality shall be developed step by step in accordance with the actual conditions in Tibet. 10. Tibetan agriculture, livestock-raising, industry and commerce shall be developed step by step and the people’s livelihood shall be improved step by step in accordance with the actual conditions in Tibet. 11. In matters relating to various reforms in Tibet, there will be no compulsion on the part of the central authorities. The local government of Tibet should carry out reforms of its own accord, and when the people raise demands for reform, they shall be settled by means of consultation with the leading personnel of Tibet. 12. In so far as former pro-imperialist and pro-Kuomintang officials resolutely sever relations imperialist and Kuomintang and do not

The enumeration of the Paṇ̣chen Lamas, like so many other issues relating to the lineage, has become tendentious. The Chinese government and Trashi Lhunpo Monastery both count three additional earlier figures within the lineage of the Paṇ̣chen Lamas. See p. 659, note 22 below. b

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13. 14.

15.

16.

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engage in sabotage or resistance, they may continue to hold office irrespective of their past. The PLA entering Tibet shall abide by all of the above-mentioned policies and shall also be fair in all buying and selling and shall not arbitrarily take a needle or thread from the people. The CPG shall have centralized handling of all external affairs of the area of Tibet; and there will be peaceful co-existence with neighboring countries and establishment and development of fair commercial and trading relations with them on the basis of equality, mutual benefit and mutual respect for territory and sovereignty. In order to ensure the implementation of this agreement, the CPG shall set up a Military and Administrative Committee and a Military Area HQ in Tibet and—apart from the personnel sent there by the CPG—shall absorb as many local Tibetan personnel as possible to take part in the work. Local Tibetan personnel taking part in the Military and Administrative Committee may include patriotic elements from the local government of Tibet, various districts and various principal monasteries; the name-list shall be set forth after consultation between the representatives designated by the CPG and various quarters and shall be submitted to the CPG for appointment. Funds needed by the Military and Administrative Committee, the Military Area HQ and the PLA entering Tibet shall be provided by the CPG. The local government of Tibet should assist the PLA in the purchase and transport of food, fodder and other daily necessities. This agreement shall come into force immediately after signatures and seals are affixed to it.

Signed and sealed by delegates of the CPG with full powers: Chief Delegate: Li Weihan (Chairman of the Commission of Nationalities Affairs); Delegates: Zhang Jingwu, Zhang Guohua, Sun Zhiyuan. Delegates with full powers of the local government of Tibet: Chief Delegate: Cabinet Minister Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé; Delegates: Dzasak Khemé Sönam Wangdu, Khentrung Thupten Tentar, Khenchung Tupten Lekmön, Rimshi Sampösé Tendzin Tundup. Peking, 23rd May, 1951.

Initially, thinking that the peace talks would be legally conducted on equal terms, the Do governor had taken his cabinet seal and the deputies had brought their respective seals of office. However, they all said that they had not brought them once it became evident that they would be illegally coerced into signing the agreement under the threat of force. The Chinese government forged new seals. After the Tibetans were forced to make the impressions with the false seals, it seems that the latter were kept in Beijing. The pens with which they had signed the document were also kept. The Dalai Lama Rinpoché has written about these events:11

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chapter twenty-one It was not until they returned to Lhasa, long afterwards, that we heard exactly what had happened to them. According to the report which they submitted then, the Chinese foreign minister Zhou Enlai had invited them all to a party when they arrived, and formally introduced them to the Chinese representatives. But as soon as the first meeting began, the chief Chinese representative produced a draft agreement containing ten articles ready-made. This was discussed for several days. Our delegation argued that Tibet was an independent state, and produced all the evidence to support their argument, but the Chinese would not accept it. Ultimately, the Chinese drafted a revised agreement, with seventeen articles. This was presented as an ultimatum. Our delegates were not allowed to make any alterations or suggestions. They were insulted and abused and threatened with personal violence, and with further military action against the people of Tibet, and they were not allowed to refer to me or my government for further instructions. This draft agreement was based on the assumption that Tibet was part of China. That was simply untrue, and it could not possibly have been accepted by our delegation without reference to me or my government, except under duress. But Ngabo (Ngapö) had been a prisoner of the Chinese for a long time, and the other delegates were also virtual prisoners. At last, isolated from any advice, they yielded to compulsion and signed the document. They still refused to affix the seals which were needed to validate it. But the Chinese forged duplicate Tibetan seals in Peking, and forced our delegation to seal the document with them. Neither I nor my government were told that an agreement had been signed. We first came to know of it from a broadcast which Ngapö made on Peking Radio. It was a terrible shock when we heard the terms of it. We were appalled at the mixture of Communist clichés, vainglorious assertions which were completely false, and bold statements which were only partially true. And the terms were far worse and more oppressive than anything we had imagined. The preamble said that “over the last hundred years or more,” imperialist forces had penetrated into China and Tibet and “carried out all kinds of deceptions and provocations,” and that “under such conditions, the Tibetan nationality and people were plunged into the depths of enslavement and suffering.” This was pure nonsense. It admitted that the Chinese government had ordered the “People’s Liberation Army” to march into Tibet. Among the reasons given were that the influence of aggressive imperialist forces in Tibet might be freed and return to the “big family” of the People’s Republic of China. This was also the subject of Clause One of the agreement: “The Tibetan people shall unite and drive out imperialist aggressive forces from Tibet; the Tibetan people shall return to the big family of the Motherland—the People’s Republic of China.” Reading this, we reflected bitterly that there had been no foreign forces whatever in Tibet since we drove out the last of the Chinese forces in 1912. Clause Two provided that “the local government of Tibet shall actively assist the People’s Liberation Army

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to enter Tibet and consolidate the national defences.” This in itself went beyond the specific limits we had placed on Ngabo’s (Ngapö’s) authority.12 Clause Eight provided for the absorption of the Tibetan army into the Chinese army. Clause Fourteen deprived Tibet of all authority in external affairs. In between these clauses which no Tibetan would ever willingly accept were others in which the Chinese made many promises: not to alter the existing political system in Tibet; not to alter the status, functions, and powers of the Dalai Lama; to respect the religious beliefs, customs, and habits of the Tibetan people and protect the monasteries; to develop agriculture and improve the people’s standard of living; and not to compel the people to accept reforms. But these promises were small comfort beside the fact that we were expected to hand ourselves and our country over to China and cease to exist as a nation. Yet we were helpless. Without friends13 there was nothing we could do but acquiesce, submit to the Chinese dictates in spite of our strong opposition, and swallow our resentment. We could only hope that the Chinese would keep their side of this forced, one-sided bargain.

With the Dalai Lama away in Dromo and the situation in Kham worsening daily, everyone was tremendously frightened that some evil people might spread rumors around Lhasa and so cause theft, destruction, and looting. However, under the leadership of the two acting-Prime Ministers, Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekhar, the stewards and police of Lhasa and Zhöl were directed that they must concern themselves with maintaining peace and tranquility. A committee of monk and lay government officials toured the area at night. It was forbidden to stockpile scarce commodities, such as fire wood. The Chief Disciplinarian of Drepung Monastery, who traditionally imposes order during the Great Prayer Festival, was given strict orders not to permit any hoarding of food. These measures assured that the peace, resources, and especially the regional customs and traditions of the area were maintained. All people, monks or lay people, of whatever station, felt that Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekhar, the acting-Prime Ministers, ought to be praised for setting people’s minds at rest. When the astonishing radio reports from Beijing and newspaper stories from India about the signing of an agreement reached Dromo, some of the government officials there thought it would be best if the Dalai Lama moved to India temporarily, before the Chinese representatives arrived so that the agreement, which had been signed under duress, could be repaired. Others felt that in light of the way that the United Nations, India, and Britain had ignored Tibet’s cause, there was no alternative but to tolerate the unfortunate situation for the time being.

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Without faulting either of these approaches, it was finally decided that he should return to Lhasa. The Mission to China consisting of Dzasak Kemepa Sönam Wangdu, Khendrung Tupten Tendar, and the fourth-ranking official Samposé arrived at Dromo on the eleventh day of the fifth month (July 15, 1951), and according to the terms of the agreement, they were accompanied by the Chinese Communist representatives to Lhasa, General Zhang Jingwu who was the military and civilian leader, his assistant Alo Butrang, and a translator from Ba. Dzasak Neu who was in charge of foreign affairs, a secretary, and an accountant greeted the party at Papi Pitang. The first indication that the general was unhappy came at that point; he said, “The cabinet ministers have not come.” He continued, saying that he would meet the Dalai Lama two days hence, the cabinet ministers were to be there, and he and the Dalai Lama were to be seated on chairs of equal height during their meeting. On the thirteenth day of the fifth month (July 17, 1951), General Zhang Jingwu and Alo Butrang met with the Dalai Lama at Dungkar Monastery in Dromo, where they gave him a letter which had been sent by Mao Zedong. Sitting on footstools, they were served tea and so forth. On the twelfth day of the fifth month of the Iron-Hare year (July 20, 1951), the Dalai Lama and his retinue left Dromo for Lhasa. The two Chinese officers escorted them to Lumotang (Lingmatang) above Dromo, but after three days, they stopped for a while and thus met up again in Lhasa. I also accompanied the party as far as Pakri. Thereafter, not wishing to live under Chinese Communism, like some caged monkey, I asked permission to be able to stay in India, where I could recover my health in freedom. This was granted to me, and I returned there. The Dalai Lama gave religious teachings on the way in Gyantsé and so forth and was established at Kelzang Palace in Norbu Lingkha on the thirteenth day of the sixth month. The Chinese General Wang Qimei, who had led three thousand troops of the so-called People’s Liberation Army in the attack on Chamdo, arrived in Lhasa on the eighth day of the seventh month (September 9, 1951). At the same time, Cabinet Minister Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé also arrived. After about two months, General Zhang Guohua and Tan Guasan led twenty thousand Chinese soldiers into Lhasa. From among these troops, several companies were sent to the borders with Bhutan, India, and Nepal, and also to Tsona, Pakri, Dromo, Nyanang, Tögar, and so forth. Vast numbers of civil officials, Chinese laborers, traders, and so forth arrived in waves. Great stores of grain which were in government

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granaries and monasteries were borrowed by the Chinese communists. Most of the large houses in Lhasa were forcibly purchased. They seized a tract of land on the shores of the Tsangpo River to the south of Lhasa, the Luguk Nakha area where the cavalry usually camped during the Great Prayer Festival, and the Zhuktri Lingkha area which had been used for religious teachings since the time of the supreme seventh Dalai Lama Kelzang Gyatso. In place of the things that traditionally occurred in these places, they wrongly put a military camps, assembly halls, and mess halls for the Chinese army. The price of food increased and the value of firewood soared one hundred-fold. Thus, ordinary monks and humble farmers experienced great hardships. Consequently, the people sang songs of protest against the Chinese and hung many posters. In addition, representatives of all the people of Tibet sent a six-point petition to both the Chinese and the Tibetans on the fifth day of the second month of the Water-Dragon year (March 6, 1952).14 Not only did the Chinese not attempt to come to terms with the peaceful demands of the Tibetan public, but they became tremendously suspicious of the two acting-prime ministers, thinking that they had advised the people to send the petition. Five of the citizen’s representatives were imprisoned.15 The Chinese army began to build a new highway from Sichuan to Lhasa by way of Kham, Dartsedo and so forth and another one from Lendru to Lhasa by way of the Tsongön Lake region. Countless numbers of laborers from China were pressed into service to build an airport in Dam, and a similar number of people were required from the Tibetan government. Many thousands of people from the various districts and estates were pressed into servitude. Six or seven coins were given each month to each person as compensation for building the roads, while the farmers were made to work for free. Eventually, such shortages spread even within the Tibetan government. During an important function, the Chinese officers met with the Dalai Lama Rinpoché indicating their increasing feelings of distaste for the two prime ministers. In addition, it was clear in the agreement that Tibet’s army was to be folded into the Liberation Army. General Zhang met several times together with the two acting-prime ministers,16 the cabinet,17 and the Chinese officers18 about raising the Chinese Communist flag. At that time, the two acting-prime ministers strongly urged that the incorporation of the Tibetan army into the Liberation Army and the raising of the Chinese flag at the general’s quarters were in disagreement with the wishes of the Tibetan people and so should

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not be implemented. All of the Chinese officers became furious and so there was a great deal of discussion. In particular, Pen Ziling urged that they definitely raise the flag on rooftops by force. Lukhangpa said that if they raised it one hundred times, the Tibetan people would take it down one hundred times. The agreement said that the Tibetans had to assist the Chinese in Tibet. However, except for agreement with the customs in the hearts of Tibetans, there is nothing in the agreement which could compel the Tibetans to help them. Thus, he said it would be best for the Chinese civilian and military officials to leave Tibet as Tibet was free and independent. The Chinese said that they were provoking hostile feelings between China and Tibet, and thus they should resign. In the alternative, the Chinese told the Dalai Lama, they should be withdrawn. They continued, saying that when the Chinese told them to do something, they did not do it, but if the Dalai Lama spoke to them, even if he told them to commit suicide in a fire or if he told them to jump in a river, they would do it. Such shocking replies caused a great uproar. Then, the cabinet ministers, looking out for their own welfare, did not offer any kind of support to the two acting-prime ministers.19 There are plenty of such sad accounts. Accordingly, because of all of these activities, the Chinese officers sent a letter to the Dalai Lama urging that he remove the two actingprime ministers from office. Merely considering the general objectives of the Tibetan government, they were reliable from the point of view of fulfilling their jobs. Thus, there was no way to force them to quit. However, seeing the great danger to them personally, Lozang Trashi and Lukhangpa Tsewang Rapten were forced to resign on the second day of the third month (April 27, 1952); they were universally respected among Tibetans and they were conscientious in fulfilling their duties in the religious and political spheres. The Dalai Lama describes these events:20 Lukhangwa forebore (sic.) to point out that the only people who had ever threatened our frontiers were the Chinese themselves, and that we had administered our own affairs for centuries. But at another meeting he told the General that in spite of his assurance that the Chinese had come to help Tibet, they had so far done nothing at all to help. On the contrary, their presence was a serious hardship, and most of their actions were bound to add to the anger and resentment of the people . . . On one occasion, Chang Chin-wu came to the Cabinet office and angrily accused the two Prime Ministers of being the leaders of a conspiracy to violate the agreement which had been signed in Peking.

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The pattern of these events will be distressingly familiar in any country which has been the victim of invasion. The invaders had arrived believing—with how much sincerity one cannot tell—that they had come as benefactors. They seemed to be surprised to find that the invaded people did not want their benefactions in the least. As popular resentment grew against them, they did not try to allay it by withdrawing, or even by making concessions to the people’s wishes. They tried to repress it by ever-increasing force, and rather than blame themselves, they searched for scapegoats. In Tibet, the first scapegoats were purely imaginary “imperialists,” and my Prime Minister, Lukhangwa . . . All through this period of mounting tension, the Chinese insisted from time to time on by-passing my Cabinet and the usual agencies of the government and making direct approaches to me. At the beginning, my two Prime Ministers had always been present to advise me when I met the Chinese generals, but at one meeting Chang Chin-wu entirely lost his temper at something my monk Prime Minister Lozang Tashi said . . .21 The final crisis between the Chinese and Lukhangwa arose over a matter which had nothing to do with the sufferings of Lhasa. An especially large meeting was called by Chang Chin-wu. My Prime Ministers and Cabinet were summoned, and all the highest Chinese officials, both civil and military, were present. The General announced that the time had come for Tibetan troops to be absorbed in the “People’s Liberation Army” under the terms of the Seventeen-Point Agreement, and he proposed that as a first step a number of young Tibetan soldiers should be chosen for training at the Chinese army headquarters in Lhasa. Then, he said, they could go back to their regiments and train the others. At this, Lukhangwa spoke out more strongly than he ever had before. He said the suggestion was neither necessary nor acceptable. It was absurd to refer to the terms of the Seventeen-Point Agreement. Our people did not accept the agreement and the Chinese themselves had repeatedly broken the terms of it. Their army was still in occupation of eastern Tibet; the area had not been returned to the government of Tibet, as it should have been. The attack on Tibet was totally unjustifiable: the Chinese army had forcibly entered Tibetan territory while peaceful negotiations were actually going on. As for absorbing Tibetan troops in the Chinese army, the agreement had said the Chinese government would not compel Tibetans to accept reforms . . . They proposed that the Tibetan flag should be hauled down on all Tibetan barracks, and the Chinese flag should be hoisted there instead. Lukhangwa said that if Chinese flags were hoisted on the barracks, the soldiers would certainly pull them down again, which would be embarrassing for the Chinese . . . [Again, during a meeting, Lukhangwa and the Chinese officers argued.] General Fan Ming lost his temper, and accused Lukhangwa of having clandestine relations with foreign imperialist powers, and shouted that he would request me to dismiss Lukhangwa from his office. Lukhangwa told him that of course if I, the Dalai Lama, were satisfied that he had

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chapter twenty-one done any wrong, he would not only give up his office but also his life. [Otherwise, it was useless for the Chinese to speak to him; he had decided not to obey any of their orders.] I received a written report [from Chang Chin-wu] after the meeting, in which the Chinese insisted that Lukhangwa did not want to improve relations between Tibet and China, and suggested that he should be removed from office. They made the same demand to the Cabinet, and the Cabinet also expressed the opinion to me that it would be better if both Prime Ministers were asked to resign . . . I greatly admired Lukhangwa’s courage in standing up to the Chinese, but now I had to decide whether to let him continue, or whether to bow yet again to a Chinese demand. There were two considerations: Lukhangwa’s personal safety, and the future of our country as a whole. On the first, I had no doubt. Lukhangwa had already put his own life in danger. If I refused to relieve him of office, there was every chance that the Chinese would get rid of him in ways of their own . . . So I sadly accepted the Cabinet’s recommendation and asked the Prime Ministers to resign.

The two Prime Ministers had served the government with tremendous courage and there was no way for them to avoid resigning. Such a result enabled us to see clearly from the beginning the extent to which the Chinese would use force. Prime Minister Lozang Trashi studied at the Tsé School as a monastic official and while he served in the government, he was a lama at Dam. He worked at Samyé district, was a steward functionary at Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, and a monastic representative at the Nanjing Mission. He was a senior abbot for some years thereafter and prime minister for more than two years. Since he retired, he had striven to cultivate virtue, reciting prayers. During that time, he had been invited to the Norbu Lingkha Palace to oversee some work when the Chinese army arrested him on the fifth day of the second month of 1959. He spent two years at a Ziling prison with his hands and feet in chains. Thereafter, he labored at Nachentrang for about five years. It seems that he was released in 1966, and he then lived in Lhasa. However, he died before long. He was known to be honest from the heart, and he never sought other’s approval, nor belittled others. Prime Minister Lukhangpa was born in 1898. His paternal estate at Shökor called Dekharwa was one of the smallest and since his residence was near Lukhang, which is behind the castle, everyone knew him as Lukhangpa. After working in government service at Shökor, he worked as an official under the Do Governor Cabinet Minister Lama Jampa Tendar, treasury official, cabinet secretary, steward of Lhasa, and once

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again a senior secretary to the cabinet. Then while he was a tsipön, he became prime minister; he left office after more than two years. In 1956, he went to India on a pilgrimage, and he did not return to Tibet. In 1959, he was directed to return to the post of prime minister, but he requested that he be permitted to step aside. On February 24, 1966, he died in Delhi. In whatever large or small works he undertook, he did it without concern for his own welfare, merely being concerned for the benefit of the government and the people. He always used to say, “Bad servants who flatter their masters are enemies.” Accordingly, since he forswore his own safety, he was an unequalled political hero who was able to speak truthfully about virtue and vice. Two days after the two prime ministers resigned, on the fourth day of the third month (April 29, 1952), the seventh all-seeing Paṇc̣ hen Lama22 and his retinue came to Lhasa from Tsongön with a large contingent of Chinese guards. He met with the Dalai Lama in the Sunlight Chamber in the eastern part of the Potala Palace. The attendants of the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s monastic estate were unsatisfied with the traditional seating arrangement. Thus, subsequent audiences had to be held like private meetings at Norbu Lingkha. Although that meeting had taken place according to the provisions of the Seventeen-Point Agreement which said that arrangements were to be made as they had been between “the thirteenth Dalai Lama and the ninth Paṇ̣chen Ngoerhtehni when they were in friendly and amicable relations with each other.” However, since the Chinese were always seeking some sinister means for dividing the Tibetans, such difficulties and conflicts were continually arising. As this was the first time that the present Paṇ̣chen Lama was going to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, Cabinet Minister Lama Rampa Tupten Künkhyen and some assistants were specially sent to make offerings to his throne. In that same year, about fifty people went to China to present offerings and observe the progress there. The party consisted of Dzasak Neshar Tupten Tarpa who headed the delegation, Taiji Dingchawa Dorjé Gyeltsen who was second in command, Denpa Rapgyé who was senior abbot at Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, as well as various representatives of the government, monastic estates, and monasteries. The following year, the Chairman of the Buddhist Association, Künling Tatsak Hotoktu Lozang Tupten Jikmé Gyeltsen, Cabinet Minister Dokharwa Püntsok Rapgyé who led the group, and his assistants went

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to China and Inner Mongolia to observe the progress under Communist reforms. Monasteries, temples, factories, schools and so forth were all visited in carefully orchestrated tours. Everything to which the group under Dzasak Neshar’s leadership was exposed was at the discretion of the Chinese guides. Based on this experience, he wrote reports on the marvelous development of China, and these were disseminated widely. Careful preparations, such as receptions, departure parties, banquets, dance performances, and stipends were provided for the tour participants. Yet, they were unfortunately not permitted to go where they pleased or even to a little market. During Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival of 1954, Drakyap Hotoktu Loden Sherap and the monk and lay government officials requested the Dalai Lama to preside over the prayers assembly. As he was of a suitable age, he was able to go. At the same time, the Dalai Lama received his vows of full ordination from his tutor, Ling Rinpoché Tupten Lungtok Namgyel Trinlé Pelzangpo, before the statue of Jowo Śākyamuni on the fifteenth day of the first month. Since he planned to initiate gradual reforms at a suitable time in both religious and political affairs in Tibet, the Dalai Lama established a new Office of Reform. A five-point proclamation was issued to Lhasa and Zhöl and to all of the districts and estates in order to bring about the reforms:23 This should be known by all of the clergy and laity on government, private and religious estates at general districts and estates everywhere throughout Tibet, including the regional leaders, the elders, and the public. Following the advice from the Dalai Lama, monasteries which hold the precious teachings of Buddhism in Tibet with its dual religious and political form of government should be improved, the resources of the government should be enhanced, and the common people should be able to live happily without oppression or torment. The Tibetan government must promote these efforts itself in order to improve the various affairs of Tibet, given the Sino-Tibetan agreements. Having considered these matters carefully, the Tibetan National Assembly has issued this proclamation impressed with four seals. It was presented to the Dalai Lama for his consideration. The annual taxes which are due to the upper and lower treasuries must be paid without delay each year according to the tax books from ancient times. There had been a wonderful tradition practiced by the virtuous leader and his subjects alike, where the government and the people would voluntarily give resources to traditional prayer services and so forth. However, in the meanwhile, these traditions have been interrupted because people no longer relied upon those records, and people

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had ceased paying their annual dues. This had resulted in the decline of the traditional prayer services, and both the leader and the people have suffered oppression or torment, such as farmers having to buy goods of an inferior quality.24 As a result, it is proclaimed that from the Wood-Horse year (1954), all districts will be held by the government. From those holdings, the government will investigate and withdraw the separate and attached districts and estates among the private holdings. Up to this point, monk and lay government officials have been granted markets, salary estates, and annual remittances. Combining these sources of income, the government should be run by appointing officials in pairs of monks and lay people and by their sharing responsibilities in turn. Consequently, each delegate sent to reside in the districts must restore the arrangements recorded in the offices as recounted by the upper and lower treasuries. Separately, exceeding even these reforms will be beneficial. Whatever traditional religious offering endowments continue to be meaningful should be restored and improved; moreover, there should be no decline in the types of things that customarily have come from abroad. As much as possible, the common people must be cared for without any severe treatment. Taking that outlook as the foundation, this general policy should be enacted: 1. Whatever actual monk or lay officials are sent to the districts and estates must meet an actual important person on official business in accordance with a written order. Thus, a substitute must be approved in their place, and while officials meet with people to settle accounts, capable substitutes must should be installed. Otherwise, all officials residing permanently in each area must apply the law, the ten religious virtues and the sixteen point civil legal code. Regional border temples, minor temples, and non-sectarian monasteries in shall be unobstructed. Monks must always be encouraged to continually observe Buddha’s teachings which promote harmonious and pure behavior. Lamas and officials from the various monasteries must voluntarily promote righteous behavior according to their own religious system, and they must not contradict government edicts. The laity must not violate the sixteen point civil legal code, the source of collective benefit in this life and the next. Legal taxes which are due must be paid conscientiously without opposition. When district official decide cases when people have broken the law, the punishment should be proportional to the severity of the crime. Suitable punishments include road-building in areas where that is beneficial, needed, the traditional paying of fines, or the guilty party may be given appropriate physical punishments.25 Suitable measures must be undertaken to protect people from fear of being robbed in towns, mountain passes, and other remote places, and such laws must be enforced strictly. Murderers and thieves should be arrested without letting them escape, and they must be punished, although they must not be killed.

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chapter twenty-one There must not be any disputes by vindictive people, and there must be no question of the just application of the law. It is fitting to design a plan for the application of the law so that actual criminals are punished. When suspects are being arrested, they must not be killed; the cases must be investigated impartially. 2. Since all of the produce from the districts and estates have been taken over by the government, the respective districts and estates must take responsibility so that sufficient quantities of seed are provided from granaries, cattle for plowing, iron for ploughs, sheep for manure, and so forth. Records must be kept without dissembling, and all efforts must be made to increase the annual yield. Clear records must also be kept on the proceeds, without subtracting anything. The usual amounts due to the government, including what is due to the upper and lower treasuries, shall be taken from that. The portion owed for the support of traditional prayer services shall also be deducted, all without dispute and in a timely manner. The important thing in serving the government is to create clear accounting on income and expenditures that were derived from settling additional beneficial government receipts and to set aside regular government proceeds. It certainly must be possible from the thirtieth day of the twelfth day to provide a sealed statement of the leftover grains stores that have been accounted. Seed is to be sent to all the different types of branches properties within districts and estates, and it is necessary to select special agricultural field workers from within their own district. Without greatly harming the government, people can sow farmland in the region, rent lands where the annual lease is payable, or lease land by paying a fixed half of the produce of the land; people should do whatever is most suitable in their respective district. Depending on the essential welfare that has come from the equality of the government revenue that comes from this headcount26 method in the respective areas of the northern region and the taxation of the agricultural tenants, in the future, when assessing a headcount, the headman of each respective administrative area should take responsibility without needing to submit a policy to the government. Thus, local headmen and three intelligent and capable delegates who have been selected for their honesty from among members of the public in their area will join together in consultation. They will take up the price of the essential offerings from the groups of monasteries and the essential costs for monks, goods, and sentient being. However the headcounts have been done traditionally, a final decision should be made without misstating the quantities of taxes, goods, and people, and the headcount should be conducted without those in charge taking anything for themselves. Since the duplicate system of government taxation is being newly instituted, remittances will be impartially granted to the government proceeds without interruption, fairly and in

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an unbiased fashion; people must behave carefully with intelligence and altruism. Nowadays, all of the districts and estates everywhere must appoint representatives to hold power. Thus, when the old district commanders and estates managers meet, it will be completely impermissible for them to establish the relative value of grasses and crops. The wealthy of each region also must be as careful as possible since they have ruled the government for a long time up to the present year. 3. As for sustaining the government rule of the districts and estates, the sovereign who performs offering services enhances the wealth of the capital. The way that occurs and the way for the public to live happily is as follows: both the leader and his subjects must pay separate salaries to each respective messenger of virtuous intention that accords with the distance they travel. Upon taking an account for the Wood-Horse year (1954), each should give consideration to how they can increase salaries. According to such considerations, they should collect rents that are due from the districts with a primary attitude of satisfaction. Lacking any ill motives whatsoever, they must arrange the accounts in a clear fashion. What else is there to say? From the point of view of the master or servant in the districts or estates, whether they are subjects living on government, private, or religious lands, through practicing harmful practices, they take up commercial methods that deserve to be identified as compelling others to buy high priced or low quality objects or having to pay commissions. In several districts and estates, there are bad practices of people seizing goats, sheep, wool, butter, and other such assets without cause. In particular, when people living on government, private, or religious lands become divided because of internal disorder among the households in whatsoever pasturelands, then there is a tradition in which the local rulers and the religious and civil leaders seize what is called the one-tenth portion. Henceforth, it is not even permissible to use the name one-tenth portion, which harms the very root of happiness of the public. Moreover the monks and lay people, the masters and servants living in the districts are not at all permitted to ask to have field planted by private individuals for their own benefit. It is fitting to bring about altruistic accomplishments through government proceeds, but increasing [one’s own] salary, taking promotion in rank, or perpetrating fraudulent accounting with government proceeds are improper in that they increase the burdens on the public. Such clear violations must always be punished. In several regions, there is a general arrangement about rights to crops, grasses, and water. Without documents outlining such things as water maps and the like, ownership of water can be coerced. Thus, there have been disruptions in the irrigation of the fields of farmers who are higher or lower in esteem. From now on, since water is the root of happiness, it shall be shared equitably. Beyond that, it is not at all permitted for those who seem to own the water to disrupt its flow, whether they represent the

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chapter twenty-one government, private, or religious entities. Local rulers must behave fairly toward the subjects, publicizing these arrangements they have determined for tax fields, religious lands, and reclaimed lands. It is suitable to encourage taxation among the private and religious holdings. However, it is not permissible to overwork or force into labor corvée laborers, horses, pack animals, field workers, and so forth without end and without considering the roots of happiness for farmers, and it is not permissible to violate the law in any way in regards to subservient people, such as beating, killing, or harming them. It is necessary for government, private, and religious entities to adhere to standardized measures in all commercial exchanges, including the standard volume for measuring grain. By rectifying whatsoever deceptive commercial practices exists in their region in the past, each respective district and estate must institute proper measures, revoke deceptive measures, and continue the honest practices. If someone has not participated in the reaping or irrigating of the harvest in the districts or estates or at groups of private or religious estates, they are not permitted to take the farmers’ agricultural products. There have been various improper traditions in which some people have requested a leave of absence to be able to participate in the harvest. Henceforth, that will not be permitted unless it is to prevent spoilage of crops due to frost or hail. Depending on the situation in the respective regions, new legal customs must be established according to what will be most beneficial to people of all statuses. In addition, both the government and the people must undertake reforms, such as taking responsibility for virtuous tax and legal practices. The main district leaders, estate chiefs, and regional commanders, the nobles, the old people, and the public at large must engage in a reflective discussion, gradually developing a plan of action or a report on their situation that will improve the general welfare. 4. Up until now, traveling representatives from the capital are said to have stayed at a place of the headman of the respective region, and a little bit of meat, butter, ground bean, and bird eggs are given to them. Thus, when they performed internal audits within the respective tax district, there was a great deal of back and forth. Whatever happened, there was a middleman. Henceforth, there will be no need to say traveling representatives from the capital will meet in large or small place. Moreover, with regard to internal audits, the work of many years was combined into one; this could result in losses that could be harmful. Because of the great deceptions involved in not being impartial amongst citizens, from this point onwards, it will be halted periodically. Accounting will be made transparent through a public gathering with duties over citizens, horses, and pack animals. It is not at all permissible to retain old practices that should be overturned. New schools should be founded to disseminate writing to the children at the government, private, and religious estates in the various regions, like a guide for the blind, in order to instruct them in what should be

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adopted and what should be abandoned. Each person must be able to read and do math as needed. Even still, in order to prevent the ups and downs to the public, an adequate salary and writing materials should be provided to the teachers and students. They must apply themselves thoroughly. The government, private, and religious institutions must assume the customary responsibilities to provide one-tenth of the government proceeds in the form of whatever empty and unused places there are, depending on what is of value to the citizens and small households. In the past, it has not been permissible to engage in direct protest actions to institute reforms intended to improve the country through implementing suitable program like clearing new farmland, planting new orchards, or planting trees. In order to prevent undue burdens on the three areas of Gyel, Pé, and Wang27 and for the tax subjects clearly identified in government edicts private estates in some regions have been designated as “bull-neck calves.”28 Recently, these have proven useless. Because of the emptiness of these measures, there have been considerable fluctuations. In the future, there is no need to designate those “bull-neck calves” areas. People should discuss how being able to sustain oneself can benefit one’s life, and both the leaders and their subjects should submit detailed reports expressing virtuous plans. 5. These days, unlike in the past, there is a newly distinguished view that it is necessary to have unity among the nationalities of the two brothers China and Tibet and internal unity among Tibetans. At such a time, the central authorities, officers, and soldiers in the respective regions are urged to maintain unity. Hence, friendship must be maintained. In order to bring about unity. All parties must strive without rest, and the government must impartially look out for the lives of the public, the root of happiness. Gradually, the seals of the Dalai Lama, the regent, and the cabinet were applied to this order, and there was constantly supervision of whether or not it was beneficial to people’s lives without contradicting its basic intention. The different rates of taxation for a government, private, or religious estates could be provided by way of having utilizing a substitute for corvée labor or by paying a nominal field tax; there were a few people who employed those sorts of benefits. Whatever the rates of taxation have been lately, each district and estates will have to assess and determine the rates in each region. It is required that definite and clear consideration be given to this matter. In determining the border with a foreign nation, one should investigate whether there is or is not a lost in authority. If there is a loss, then a petition should be submitted immediately about the details of the situation, addressing questions like what was the traditional border, what was the authority, and what has transpired to bring about its loss in the meanwhile. Once again, effort must be exerted to maintain and keep guard over the subtler types of authority in the region along the traditional

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chapter twenty-one border, least the end of the thread be lost. If some new situation arises, then untiringly and with trepidation, a petition must be disseminated to the respective parties. When each respective district and estate leader throughout all areas would thoughtlessly provoke the government and the public by opposing the constitution and justifying torment and oppression to their subjects, all of the high and low people, the clergy and the laity should explicitly express the benefits and harms for both the leader and his subjects. And they will be permitted to submit a petition on the status of the government. The general-governor, the district leaders, and the estate commanders may not in any way bother those who express faults and submit petitions out of a malicious unkindness, such as by punishing or imprisoning those in charge. In particular, last year, people took responsibility for finding a way to enhance the well-being of the public; they held meeting on repaying borrowed agricultural seeds and certified that there was no conflict with earlier documents about newly created businesses. People from districts and estates voluntarily complied with requests given verbally all over. Primarily, when doing audits in an efficient manner in the capital, it is necessary for the people in charge to have the intention of enhancing Buddhism, the administration, and the people. It is essential that these things be taken seriously. This program must be implemented in accord with what has been said above each annual cycle. However, the proceeds of the altruistic government are to be audited, it must be possible to negate it. Moreover, the respective districts and estates can set up ledger books that clearly show the income and outgo for each year, and these should be supplied to every area. Ordinary councils of district commanders and old leaders were sent to the respective regions all over so they could undertake detailed and earnest audits in the area. To whatever extent resources are diminished should be criticized. Ledgers that are settled without dissension should be certified as being “without dissension,” signed, stamped with a seal, and submitted. The originals should be sent to the palace in the respective district and estate. Once again, gatherings of reformers have worked with altruism to effect urgent and definite ledger accounts. Since it has been reported in some quarters that government proceeds have become too large, everyone must be able to understand these things clearly. Everyone must behave in a way that achieves the objective of abandoning what is negative and adopting what is positive. Issued on the twelfth day of the repeat first month of the Wood-Horse year (1954).

From the point that this proclamation was issued, the four provisions were practiced and urgently pursued. In addition, selfless old people in Lhasa began to provide aid to lame, blind, and mute elderly people. These reforms came at a good time and offered tremendous relief of

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people’s difficulties. Thus, everybody had a great fondness for them. According to the wishes of the people, there were plans for gradually enacting other positive changes, such as land reform. However, the Chinese Communist functionaries perpetually erected all sorts of obstructions in an effort to scuttle our reforms. On the eighth day of the second month (April 29, 1954), the People’s Republic of China and the Hindu (Indian) government met in Beijing where they conferred on Indian and Tibetan trade relations and transportation. They concluded the Five-Point Agreement,c whereby the Chinese government could have trade representatives in Delhi, Calcutta, and Kalimpong, and similarly, the Indian government could keep trade representatives in Gyantsé, Nadong, and Tögar. As had been the case in the past, Indians could visit Mount Kailash and Lake Manasarowara, while Tibetans could visit Bodhgaya, Varanasi, and Kushinagar. Passports of the respective countries would be given to pilgrims and traders, and small traders who lived on the borders would be able to come and go as they always had. The agreement was to remain in effect for eight years, and it was agreed that six months before it expired, the two sides would confer on the issue of its extension. Also at that time, the representatives exchanged letters according to which Indian border guards posted at Gyantsé and Nadong were to be withdrawn within six months. Simultaneously, mail service, as well as telegraph and telephone lines between Nadong and Gyantsé were to be handed over to the Chinese government. Indian hospitals in Gyantsé and Nadong were to be maintained by Indian trade agents. The lives and wealth of traders on both sides were to be protected. Traveler’s rest houses were to be constructed for travelers and pilgrims between Mount Kailash and Lake Manasarowara. If any disputes arose concerning the loaning of money for interest between traders from both sides, then the issue was to be decided according to the local laws in that area.29 However, without cause and in violation of the Five-Point Agreement, the Chinese Communists invaded India in Ladakh, Garhwal, and

c The Five-Point Agreement seems to have been concluded on April 29, 1954, but signed the following day. The five principles are as follows: (1) mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty, (2) mutual non-aggression, (3) mutual noninterference in each other’s internal affairs, equality and (4) mutual benefit, and (5) peaceful co-existence. The full document and accompanying material can be found in Nai-min Ling, comp. Tibet: 1950–1967 (Hong Kong: Union Research Institute, 1968), 66–75, documents 17–19.

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Tawang. As a result, both China and India closed their trade offices at the conclusion of the duration of the treaty in 1962. That year (1954), the Chinese Communist government invited both the Dalai Lama and the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama to a National Assembly where a new constitution would be enacted. The entirety of Tibet’s population, monks and lay people, pleaded that the Dalai Lama not go, seeing the terrible risk to the government and to him personally. Yet, he assured them he would be able to return within the year. He left Lhasa on the eleventh day of the fifth month of 1954. He traveled up to Kongpo by car and then, because the road was under construction and the rainfall was heavy, he went by horse and also on foot. After an extremely tiring journey, they met up with the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s party and they traveled on together from Xi’an. When they arrived in Beijing on the seventh day of the seventh month, they were received by Vice President Zhu De, Prime Minister Zhou Enlai, as well as some other officials at the railway station. Counting the Dalai Lama and his retinue, the leader of the group of Tibetans touring China that year, Cabinet Minister Zurkhangpa Wangchen Gelek, and his assistants, there were about one hundred and fifty officials of the Tibetan government. While the Dalai Lama was in Beijing, he visited with the Chairman of the Communist Party Mao Zedong several times; he in turn visited the Dalai Lama twice. According to the Dalai Lama, Mao had a quiet disposition and spoke slowly. He did not give any attention to his clothes and so forth. He was continually telling the Dalai Lama how the Chinese government wished to help develop Tibet. On one occasion, Mao told the Dalai Lama:30 Religion is poison. It has two great defects: It undermines the race, and secondly it retards the progress of the country. Tibet and Mongolia have both been poisoned by it.

The Dalai Lama was completely surprised and startled by this remark. The pretenses that people were free in their religious beliefs, that a country’s customs were to be respected, and that all of the monasteries and monks would be protected was destroyed in that moment. During the nearly three months that the Dalai Lama stayed in China, he toured villages and factories, and also went to Kumbum and Labrang Trashikhyil monasteries for a quick visit. Although several of the villages and factories were certainly experiencing progress under the strict authority of the Communists, the Dalai Lama could see that the people

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had absolutely no freedom, just like prisoners. Also he thought that although people’s lives seemed to be just adequate:d They not only all dressed the same—men and women dressed in drab dungarees—but all spoke and behaved the same, and I believe all thought the same. They could hardly do otherwise, because they only had one source of information—the newspapers and radio published only the government’s version of the news. Foreign papers and radio were prohibited.

The Dalai Lama understood this clearly. He also thought the intelligentsia were dissatisfied. In addition, there were merely a few lamas and monks offering the traditional prayers at Kumbum and Labrang Trashikhyil monasteries. While he was there, the Dalai Lama asked some of the older, more knowledgeable monks about their lives, they responded, “There is happiness and prosperity under Mao Zedong and the Communists.” However, when they spoke with tears in their eyes, they betrayed their wretched state. Some monks and lay people from Inner Mongolia who came to see the Dalai Lama, told him that there were not even enough old lamas in the monasteries to assist the pilgrims. Thus, the Dalai Lama understood the real policy of the Communists. At the concluding ceremony for the Chinese National Assembly, high officials of the Communist government proposed an approach to which the Dalai Lama agreed. A Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet would be established in place of the original plan:e of governing us directly from Peking through a military and political committee. Instead, we seemed to have been left with some authority over our own internal affairs, and we seemed to have a firm promise of autonomy.

The number of delegates and the special responsibilities of the Committee were also discussed. While the Dalai Lama was in Beijing, he had to enter into a fifteenpoint agreement devised by the Chinese and Trashi Lhünpo about the relationship between the government and the Paṇc̣ hen Lama. Although

d Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 124. e Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 125.

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it was supposedly arranged for the purpose of unifying Tibet, in fact it divided Ü Tsang, wrongly inaugurating a small measure of political authority for the Trashi Lhünpo lama. The Dalai Lama and Communist Chairman Mao Zedong both received letters from the monks and lay people of Ü Tsang, Dromo, Pakri, Lhodrak, Powo, Kongpo, the four regions of the northern province, the three districts of Ngari, the four rivers and six ranges of Do Kham and the Tibetans living abroad in Darjeeling and Kalimpong, all making the single request that the Dalai Lama immediately return to the religious land of Tibet.31 Representatives of the people of Ü Tsang also came to Dartsedo to receive the Dalai Lama. Tibetan monks and lay people living in Kalimpong also performed a ceremony to assure the speedy return of the Dalai Lama to Lhasa. Ever since that year, the people of Kalimpong and Darjeeling have observed the tradition of celebrating the Dalai Lama’s birthday. Monks and lay people from Dotö (Kham) sent representatives to beseech the Dalai Lama to grant them his great blessings by staying at their respective monasteries on his return trip. Although he was anxious to go to these places, according to the wishes of the various monasteries in Kham, unfortunately, the road was destroyed by an earthquake in Dartsedo. However, he sent his junior tutor Trijang Rinpoché to Litang, Chatreng, Ba, Tsakhalho, Markham, Drakyap, and so forth, he sent the Karmapa Rinpoché to Dergé, the twenty-five areas of Dimchi, Tsopa Sogu, and so forth, and he sent Minling Chung Rinpoché to Nyakrong, Sangen, Gojo, and so forth as his personal representatives. The Dalai Lama himself went to Minyak Gön Gartar, the five regions of Horser, Drakgo, Kardzé, Beri, Dargyé Monastery, Dergé, Chamdo, and so forth. At assemblies of the faithful in these places, the Dalai Lama spoke extensively on matters relating to religion and worldly affairs to all of the monks and lay people. The people in each of these areas, whether they were monks or lay people, rich or poor, were dissatisfied with the Chinese because of the reforms they were planning, for the seizure of their land, and most importantly, for the loss of their priceless and treasured rifles. There was a feeling of terrible danger, like porcelain cracking suddenly because of heat. He consoled the people for the mistakes made by some civil and military leaders of the Tibetan government in recent times and said that at the present time, all Tibetans ought to be united. He also said

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that he was strongly motivated by his hope that these areas would soon be placed under the jurisdiction of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet. As the Dalai Lama was traveling from Tsel Gungtang to Lhasa on the eleventh day of the fifth month (June 30, 1955), the rainfall was extremely heavy from early morning until he was established at Norbu Lingkha Palace. Thus, the white hats of the Tsé police and the clothes of the Shö police were ruined. Some thoughtful old people became very concerned thinking this was an inauspicious sign. In 1956, the Indian government held a special festival commemorating the two thousand five hundredth anniversary of Buddha’s passing beyond sorrow. Pelden Döndrup Namgyel who was the prince of Sikkim and the chairman of the Mahabodhi Society of India, came to Lhasa to invite the Dalai Lama on behalf of the Indian government and the society. At that time, the Dalai Lama had already left Lhasa for the Chinese National Assembly. Thus, he followed the Dalai Lama’s party one day to Tsel Gungtang Temple so that he could extend the invitation. This was a tremendously important occasion for all Buddhists, and so the Dalai Lama had a strong desire to go. Yet, because he was obliged to consult the Chinese government, he was somewhat apprehensive. On the sixteenth day of the fifth month of 1954, the edge of a tiny lake in the upper regions of Nyero on the border between Bhutan and Tibet in the Gyantsé region burst open, causing terrible flooding along the Nyangchu River, including at Nyero, Gozhi, Gyantsé, Panam, and the eastern part of Zhikatsé. Many thousands of houses were destroyed, and many thousands of people and animals were injured or killed. In particular, the Indian Trade Mission and the entirety of their garrison in Gyantsé were utterly destroyed. The governor of the Trade Mission, my friend Rai Sahib Rimzhi Penpa, was killed along with his wife. At that time, it was announced that the Tibetan government offered eighty thousand loads of grain to the victims of the area and the Chinese Communist government offered eighty thousand silver coins. However, it is well known that when the Chinese and Tibetan representatives arrived, the Chinese not only took half of the grain given by the government, but they reneged on their promise of the silver coins. The Indian government helped out a great deal by giving medicine, rice, flour, corn, and blankets. The Tibetans living in Kalimpong and Darjeeling also solicited help from wealthy Tibetans, collecting five hundred bags of rice, clothing, and blankets. However, the Chinese

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Communist functionaries presented these as though they had come from China and did not say that they had come from Tibetans living in India. The Political Officer of Sikkim, Mr. Kapoor came to examine the devastated area in Gyantsé, but became ill due to the high altitude. He was only able to return to Gangtok without dying because oxygen tanks were dropped by airplane. The first mechanized units of the Red Army arrived in Lhasa by way of Kham on the twentieth day of the tenth month of that year. The Tibetan official who had accompanied the Dalai Lama to China called a meeting at Tsedrung Lingkha in Lhasa to be attended by other government officials, officials and abbots of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and representatives of the people. They recounted what had transpired in China with regard to the relationship between the government and Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate. They further explained that except for one thousand troops, the Tibetan army would be dissolved since they were unneeded for the time being. Finally, they said that the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet would be established. Since the situation in Tibet was becoming more critical and the enemy was becoming harsher, a committee of Tibetan army commanders submitted a statement saying that the remainder of the Tibetan army would continue to serve the government without salary or uniforms.32 The representatives of the Tibetan people, Bumtang Drungyik Gyeltsen Lozang, Alo Chödzé Tsering Dorjé, and Lhapchuk Drakpa Trinlé submitted a six-point appeal to the cabinet and to both the Chinese and the Tibetans: 1. The Chinese Communists are compelling many tens of thousands of Tibetans to servitude in constructing the automobile road in Dartsedo and the Tsongön regions and in the construction of the airfield in the north. 2. Because there are such a great number of Chinese civil and military officials in Tibet, prices on commodities have sky-rocketed and the weak are experiencing acute hardships. 3. There is no way for the Tibetan people to accept that the Tibetan army will be transformed into the People’s Liberation Army, Tibetan currency will be withdrawn, and Tibetan coins and paper currency will no long be printed. 4. If the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet were to be established, not only would it factionalize Tibet, but the traditional offices of the cabinet, the secretariat, and the treasury would gradually decline.

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5. Reforms have been forcibly instituted in Kham and Amdo in eastern Tibet, and the farmers had to escape into the mountains and forests, like flies from a fire. 6. There were a variety of accounts that the Chinese, according to their own wishes, did not abide by the agreement which they forcibly enacted against us. We will not continue in this self-defeating lifestyle.

Thus, it was as though the Chinese Communists had been stuck in the eye with thorns. During the Great Prayer Festival of 1956, many posters and pamphlets were distributed in Lhasa. The Chinese complained to the cabinet. They produced three leaders they suspected of being responsible and accused them of collaborating with foreign imperials powers, the three were imprisoned in the Tibetan police camp. Lhapchuk died while in prison, and the Chinese forcefully demanded that the other two be investigated. However, they were released with the support of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. Yet, the Tibetan government was obliged to issue a proclamation banning the group called the People’s Association and all other assemblies.33 Since the Chinese Communists were exerting ever increasing force in Tibet, some people though that it would be of some benefit if appeals could be made to the peaceful nations of the world whenever the suppression became intolerable. Thus, in 1956, the Dalai Lama’s older brother Gyalo Thondup, a member of the old Trade Mission Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen, and I, Tsepön Shakabpa Wangchuk Deden founded the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in Kalimpong. We hoped that this might be modestly beneficial to the religion and government of our country. Many impartial people understood this, and they supported us in every way. Moreover, three kind and intelligent secretaries were sent to assist us.34 Gradually, many representatives from the three provinces of Tibet arrived. The work of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare consisted of conducting large religious services to protect Buddha’s precious religion, to ensure the Dalai Lama’s long life, and to prevent disturbances within Tibet. In 1950, the Tibetan government had taken gold, silver, and currency from the Treasury and deposited it in Sikkim. Now the Chinese government was calling on the cabinet to have these treasures returned to Lhasa. This gold and silver belongs to the succession of Dalai Lamas, and in the absence of a stable situation in Tibet, every strategy was employed to prevent it from being sent back.

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Besides those efforts, we protested whenever the Chinese did something in Tibet that violated the Seventeen-Point Agreement which they composed according to their own wish and then foisted on us. We also put a lot of effort into urging the peaceful nations of the world to support the truth in our case. As the Chinese Communists wished, the Dalai Lama was the Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet, the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama and General Zhang Jingwu were the vice chairmen, and Cabinet Minister Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé was the senior secretary. Among the fifty-one members of the committee, there were fifteen from the Tibetan government, ten from the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s committee, and ten from the Chamdo committee, eleven from the large monasteries, religious schools, and associations or were prominent people, and the remaining five were chosen from among the Chinese functionaries in Lhasa. When the candidates had been examined and the appointments approved, Marshal Chen Yi came to ceremonially inaugurate the committee. The Chinese indicated that the Dalai Lama must go out to receive the deputy prime minister when he arrived. The government officials and the people in the capital objected that this created great difficulties, saying, “Since he was the supreme sovereign, Tibet’s lord of both the religious and political spheres, it was unsuitable for him to go out to receive China’s Deputy Prime Minister.” However, hoping to enhance the relations between China and Tibet and seeing a great need to do what he could toward the work of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet, the Dalai Lama did go to receive Marshal Chen Yi at Kyitsel Luding, as the Chinese wished. On the twelfth day of the third month of 1956, the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet was inaugurated. While indicating their aversion to the proceedings, all of the various government officials participated in such things as banquets held for delegations of other minorities who had been invited to Tibet. If the committee operated in fact as it was supposed to in word, then all of the Tibetan monks and lay people would have cooperated without resistance. All questions before the committee, large or small, financial, religious, cultural, agricultural, trade, communication, transportation, or military, were to be decided in a similar way. After a detailed study, the chairman would make the decision, according to which a plan would be made to effect the work. However, if this was in even slight disagreement with the wishes of the Chinese, they would

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go to all lengths to get what they wanted. If these devices were unsuccessful, then they would finally just change it from the Office of Civil and Military Affairs of Tibet. Therefore, the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet was merely a false name, without real authority. The Dalai Lama writes:35 All the appointments were to be subject to the approval of the Chinese government. To give membership to these newly invented regions was an infringement in itself of the Chinese agreement not to alter the political system in Tibet or the status of the Dalai Lama. And the choice of members already had the seeds of failure in it. But people in desperate situations are always ready to cling to the slightest hope, and I hoped—in spite of my gloomy experience of Chinese political committees—that a committee with forty-six Tibetan members and only five Chinese could be made to work . . . It was not long before these hopes were dead. All the worst I had seen in Chinese political meetings was repeated. I had not made enough allowance for one essential fact. Twenty of the members, although they were Tibetans, were representing the Chamdo Liberation Committee and the committee set up in the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s western district. These were both purely Chinese creations. Their representatives owed their positions mainly to Chinese support, and in return they had to support any Chinese proposition; though the Chamdo representatives did behave more reasonably than the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s. With this solid block of controlled votes, in addition to those of the five Chinese members, the Committee was powerless—a mere façade of Tibetan representation behind which all the effective power was exercised by another body called the Chinese Communist Party in Tibet, which had no Tibetan members. We were allowed to discuss minor points, but we could never make any major changes. Although I was nominally the chairman, there was nothing much I could do. Sometimes it was almost laughable to see how proceedings were controlled and regulated, so that plans already completed in the other committee received a pointless and empty discussion and then were passed. But often I felt embarrassed at these meetings. I saw that the Chinese had only made me chairman in order to give an added appearance of Tibetan authority to their schemes.

A series of actions undertaken by the disreputable Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet resulted in ever greater dissatisfaction among the people of Tibet. In addition, as if to coincide with the commencement of the Committee, reforms were forcibly imposed on the Dotö (Kham) and Domé (Amdo) regions. Contempt was shown towards the monasteries and monastic colleges, many monks were disrobed, and the people’s weapons were confiscated. Consequently, it gradually became known that the people had revolted

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against the Chinese at the great Litang Monastery, Tehor, Drago, Chatreng, Gulok, Dzakhok, Dergé, Denkhok, Lingtsang, and so forth. Great numbers of men and women from these areas gradually made their way to Ü Tsang. The Dalai Lama performed the great initiation of the Avalokiteśvara at Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace. He advised the large assembly of many monks and lay people, including government officials and so forth as follows:36 The Chinese have come to help the Tibetans. Beyond that, they have not come to act as our leaders. If we are able to work well, then they will leave. Chinese and Tibetan people are equal; it is not the case that the Chinese are the leaders and the Tibetans are the servants. If the Chinese do not behave well, we will be able to send them home. It is not good for government officials to do such things as dress improperly. Tibetans must behave according to Tibetan customs. While I was traveling in China recently, several officials worked diligently and I say prayers on their behalf. All Tibetan people, monks and lay people, strong or weak, should help each other and be friendly. If people just look out for themselves, there will be no way for us to be free. For example, if it is necessary to carry a large stone, one person will not be able to carry it. If many people join together, it will be possible.

Since he gave such courageous advice, Tibetans were very moved. The previous year, the Indian government and the Mahabodhi Society had invited the Dalai Lama to preside at the special festival commemorating the two thousand five hundredth anniversary of Buddha’s passing beyond sorrow. For the purposes of external relations, the Indian government had told Beijing on several occasions that they were inviting the Dalai Lama. However, the Chinese representatives in Lhasa insisted that the Dalai Lama had a great number of important duties in the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet; being one of its officers, he had to fulfill these duties. For Buddhists this festival marked an extremely important occasion. There was no way that the lord or foremost person in the Buddhist world should not be able to go. So not only did the Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries and other non-sectarian monasteries, and the monastic and lay public beseech the Dalai Lama from the bottom of their hearts, but also the Indian government continually discussed the importance of the event to Beijing. As a result, it was decided that the Dalai Lama and the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Rinpoché would both go.

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When they were preparing to depart, the Chinese officers in Lhasa explained that the Dalai Lama and the Paṇ̣chen Lama would speak to the religious assembly, and similarly their attendants would speak to the officials of foreign governments telling them that the Chinese had been helpful to the Tibetans and had brought about tremendous progress. They also had to say that they were happy, having returned to the house of the Motherland. Beyond that, they were not permitted to discuss the situation in eastern Tibet where there was so much turmoil. They were not allowed to meet foreign imperialist spies or especially with Tibetans living in India. The Chinese advised the Tibetans to exercise a little caution on these matters, cajoling and threatening them. Finally, the Dalai Lama’s two tutors, Prime Minister Zurkhangpa, Dokharwa, Ngapö, and so forth accompanied the Dalai Lama along with whatever monks and lay people were suitable. They drove from Lhasa, and thus, the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama met up with them from Zhikatsé. At Natöla Pass, the Sikkim Governor Apa Pant and the prince of Sikkim who was the chairman of the Mahabodhi Society of India received them, presenting them with greeting scarves and flowers on behalf of the president and prime minister of India. They stayed for a night at Tsogor, where the Dalai Lama was greeted by his older brothers Taktser Rinpoché Tupten Norbu and Gyalo Thondup, whom he had not seen for a long time. A member of the old Trade Mission Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen and I were also there to meet the Dalai Lama. The following day, the king of Sikkim, Trashi Namgyel came to receive the party and together they traveled by car. They stayed for a night at the temple of Gangtok Palace, where the Dalai Lama granted Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen and I a joyful audience in his private chambers. On the twenty-second of the second ninth month (November 24, 1956), the party drove from Gangtok to Shiriguri. They flew to Delhi from there. Vice President Radhakrishnan, Prime Minister Nehru, and various Indian officers, diplomats living in India, and various leaders of other religions kindly received the party. The Dalai Lama and the Indian Vice President drove directly to the Rashtrapati Bhavan, the president’s official residence. They met with President Rajendra Prasad there. Then the Dalai Lama went to Hyderabad House, where he was to stay while in Delhi. The Paṇ̣chen Lama came in on the next plane and was received in the same manner. His party stayed at the Kota House. The next day, the Dalai Lama and his retinue said prayers and offered flowers and special greeting scarves at the monument for Mahatma

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Gandhi, the great man who had peacefully led India to independence. The Dalai Lama visited the Indian vice president and Prime Minister Nehru at their residences and the president, vice president, and prime minister also came to the Dalai Lama’s residence. Not only did representatives of Buddhist countries and many scholars attend the religious conference, but many members of the United Nations’ UNESCO organizations. On November 29, the Dalai Lama gave a speech expressing his own ideas, without following the instructions the Chinese had given him in Lhasa as follows:37 Mr. Chairman, distinguished Prime Minister, fellow delegates, and friends. His Holiness the Paṇ̣chen Lama and I are highly honored by the opportunity to address this symposium before it concludes its deliberations this afternoon. We are indeed grateful to the government of India and the Working Committee of the Buddha Jayanti celebrations in India for their very kind invitation to visit India during the 2,500th Anniversary of Buddha’s Parinirvāṇ̣a and for the excellent program of visits arranged for us. As we are all interested in the development and spread of the Dharma, I am sure you will be interested to know something of the evolution and development of Buddhism in Tibet. In the early 7th century, during the reign of the Tibetan King Songtsen Gampo, Tönmi Sambhot ̣a and many other Tibetan students were deputed to India to learn the literature of the Dharma. Having learned Sanskrit grammar and literature thoroughly from Paṇ̣ḍit Lha Rikpa Sengé and other scholars of Kashmir, these students returned to Tibet. Tönmi Sambhot ̣a invented the Tibetan script based on the Nagari and Sharda scripts of northern and central India respectfully. They translated many books into Tibetan. In the 8th century, during the reign of the Tibetan King Trisong Detsen, many great Indian scholars, such as Acharya Śāntarabta, Padmasaṃ bhava, Vimalamitra, and Kamalaśīla, were invited to Tibet, many Tibetan students, such as Yeshé Wangpo and Vairocana, studied Sanskrit and translated numerous books on Mahāyāna and Vajrayana into Tibetan. Seven Tibetan men became bhikṣus. The cultural and spiritual relations of India and Tibet have gone on increasing ever since. In the 9th century, the Tibetan King Tri Ralpachen invited many scholars, such as Jinamena, Surendra, Ratnabodhi, and Bodhi Danaśila, who revived the old translations and rewrote them into a more standardized Tibetan language. During the reign of cruel Lang Dharma, Buddhism declined to a low ebb, surviving only in remote Tibetan villages. But many great men, including notably Lachen Gönpa Rapsel, raised it again from its very foundations. Many Tibetan scholars, such as Lotsāwa Rinchen Zangpo, Gya Tsöndrü Sengé, and Tsültrim Gyelwa of Naktso, came

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to India. Having completed their studies at Nālandā and Vikramaśīla Vihāras, they invited many unrivaled Indian scholars, such as the great swami Dīpaṃ karajñāna, Sakya Śrī of Kashmir, and Mritijñāna to Tibet. In the course of time they translated all the teachings of the Buddha and the works of the Indian scholars into Tibetan. Thus the sun of the Dharma began to shine in the dark land of Tibet. In those days it was not easy to travel from Tibet to India as it is today. One had to measure the long, hazardous routes from Tibet to India via Nepal on foot, step by step. One had to face the dangers of the wild animals and oppressive summer heat to such an extent that out of a hundred students only three or four could survive and return to their homes. It is because of their gallant efforts and sacrifices that we received the teachings of the Blessed One in our country, and they even spread to adjacent countries. It is unfortunate that after A.D. 1200 Buddhism began to decline in India. Monasteries and vihāras were destroyed and religious books were no longer disseminated; consequently the number of the followers also decreased. As a result of the incessant struggle of its people, India has achieved independence and has since made tremendous political, economic, and social progress. Being equally generous to all faiths, India has shown great love and reverence to Buddhism and has even adopted the Dharma Chakra and Aśokan pillars for its national emblem. This year, with a view to commemorating the kindness of the Compassionate One, India is celebrating the 2,500th Anniversary of His Mahaparinirvāṇ̣a on a scale worthy of her great tradition. India has invited many distinguished guests from Buddhist and non-Buddhist countries to these celebrations, and I consider myself extremely fortunate in being able to attend them. We are convinced that such great deeds of India will not only strengthen our faith in the Dharma in the East, but will also go along way in the propagation of the eternal truths in the West. In one of the sūtras the Lord Buddha had predicted that after 2500 years of His Parinirvāṇ̣a the Dharma would flourish in “the country of the red-faced people.” In the past, some of the Tibetan scholars had held that this prediction was meant for Tibet, but one scholar, Sakya Sri, has interpreted it otherwise. According to him, the prediction refers to Europe, where the Dharma may flourish hereafter, and some signs of this can be observed already. If the Dharma spreads all over the world, it will undoubtedly yield good fruits for our future life; but even in our present existence, hatred, exploitation of one by another, and the ways and deeds of violence will disappear, and the time will come when all will live in friendship and love in a prosperous and happy world. I am glad to have an opportunity of expressing my humble appreciations of the efforts which many peace-loving great countries are making day and night towards freedom of small countries and the elimination of aggression and war. I feel that our lives would be entirely aimless if the Dharma which was

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chapter twenty-one brought to our land by great scholars at such immense cost were allowed to decay. For my part, I shall be grateful for your help and advice in the task of strengthening the Dharma in making it everlasting. Friends, I thank you once again for the privilege of addressing this distinguished Assembly, and I shall devote my prayers for the fulfillment of the causes and success of the efforts of all who have gathered here for this Symposium on Buddhism, as well as for the prosperity and happiness of all beings throughout the entire universe.

The Paṇ̣chen Lama also spoke, commenting on the sūtra verse: Buddhas cannot purify sins with water, They cannot clear away beings’ suffering with their hand. Their realization cannot be transferred to others. Buddha can only liberate by showing the truth of reality.

He expressed his gratitude at being invited to the present religious assembly. At that time, members of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare living in India met with the cabinet in Delhi. The committee presented an appeal to the Dalai Lama and the ministers on the first day of the eleventh month. It said that if every single Chinese military and civil functionary did not leave Tibet, then the Dalai Lama should remain in India. In the alternative, the Seventeen-Point Agreement, which had been forced upon Tibet according to the wish of the Chinese Communists, could be revised. The forcible reforms taking place in the three provinces of Tibet should be discontinued and the oppression in Kham and Amdo should be halted. They advised that talks should be initiated from India with the Beijing government and that the Dalai Lama should remain in India until these changes were implemented. The Dalai Lama had met with Premier Zhou Enlai who had come to India, and they discussed the current situation in Tibet in detail. The cabinet also told the Chinese Communist Premier that the forcible suppression in Kham must be stopped and that the reforms must be suspended. For whatever reason, Mao Zedong suddenly called for a temporary six year suspension of reforms from Beijing. Moreover, he said that in agreement with the wishes of the Tibetan people, they could be suspended for ten or even fifteen years or it may be that they would never be implemented if the Tibetan people did not so wish. Finally, Mao said that the membership of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet would be reduced. In addition, Chinese officials seem to have made many promises to the cabinet.

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Whatever may be the case, the cabinet said that all of the issues raised by the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare had actually been for the benefit of religion and politics of the Tibetan public. However, they told the committee it would be absolutely improper for the Dalai Lama and his retinue to remain in India. They went on to say that: Tibet’s general issues had to be taken up with the Communists. In recent times, all of us have looked out for ourselves while we could see the faults with our own eyes. Tremendous harm has come about because Tibetans have not been able to correct these problems immediately. From this point, all of us must speak honestly about these problems, giving up our own interest. In that case, we must also put forth positive proposals. Thus, we are offering a four-point proposal for future action. For whatever reason, talks have already begun in Delhi and appeals had already been sent to Beijing through the Chinese Ambassador, Dahi. Accordingly, it had been decided to engage in these discussions in Lhasa.

Still, speaking of the many difficulties in communication, they said their concern was to facilitate the common efforts from all quarters in the Tibetan community and to unify these efforts. To that end, they said that the districts officials in each region and the people themselves must report directly to the cabinet about whatever problems there are. They said that whatever discussions were held would be printed and distributed through out Tibet.38 At the same time, some of us, several government officials and several representatives of the three provinces of Tibet, held continual talks with the cabinet in Delhi, Bodhgaya and other pilgrimage sites, Kalimpong, and Gangtok about the welfare of the Tibetan public. Cabinet Minister Dokharwa Püntsok Rapgyé and Tsekhen Drönchewa Palha Tupten Öden met us without any apprehension, and our discussion progressed. These talks took place in public and in private. In contrast, many other members of the party with whom we were well acquainted avoided us, as though a human had arrived in the Tsuta Land.f This was distressing, but upon reflection, they had no alternative since they were going back to Tibet under the power of the Communists. The Dalai Lama’s autobiography, My Land and My People, describes his discussions with Prime Minister Nehru and Premier Zhou Enlai in Delhi:39

f This is a land where people have only one leg, and so they mock bipeds when they meet them.

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chapter twenty-one I had to explain this to Mr. Nehru. We met alone . . . I explained how desperate things had become in eastern Tibet, and how we all feared that worse troubles would spread through the rest of the country. I said I was forced to believe that the Chinese really meant to destroy our religion and customs for ever, and so cut off our historic ties with India. And all Tibetans, I told him, now pinned their remaining hopes on the government and people of India. And then I explained why I wanted to stay in India until we could win back our freedom by peaceful means. He was very kind and listened patiently, but he was firmly convinced that nothing could be done for Tibet at present. He said that nobody had ever formally recognized our country’s independence. He agreed with me that it was useless to try to fight against the Chinese. If we tried, they could easily bring in more forces to crush us completely. And he advised me to go back to Tibet and work peacefully to try to carry out the Seventeen-Point Agreement. I said I had done all I possibly could to carry it out, but however hard I tried, the Chinese refused to honor their side of the agreement, and I could not see any sign of a change of heart among them. At that, he promised to speak to Zhou Enlai, who was coming to India the following day, and our interview ended. I also spoke to Zhou Enlai. I went to the airport to meet him, and the same evening I had a long talk with him. I told him that in our eastern provinces the situation was getting worse and worse. The Chinese were enforcing changes without any thought for local conditions or the wishes or interests of the people. Zhou Enlai seemed sympathetic, and said the local Chinese officials must have been making mistakes. He said he would report what I had said to Mao Zedong, but I could not tie him down to any definite promise of improvement. But a few days later, Zhou Enlai invited my elder brothers Thubten Norbu and Gyelo Thondup to dinner at the Chinese embassy, and the conversation they had with him was rather more hopeful and specific. My brothers had no official position in our government, and so they could afford to speak more frankly without fear of direct repercussions in Tibet; and when they told me of their conversation afterwards, it seemed that they had been thoroughly outspoken in their criticisms. They told Zhou Enlai that for centuries Tibet had respected China as an important and friendly neighbor. Yet now the Chinese in Tibet were treating Tibetans as if they were deadly enemies. They were making deliberate use of the worst types of Tibetans, the misfits in Tibetan society, to stir up discord, and they were ignoring the many patriotic Tibetans who might have been able to improve relations between Tibetans and Chinese. They were supporting the Paṇ̣chen Lama in secular matters, in order to reopen the old rift between his predecessor and mine, and so undermine the authority of our government. And they were keeping such vast unnecessary armies in Tibet, especially in Lhasa, that our economy was ruined and prices had risen to the point where Tibetans were facing starvation. It was not the ruling class of Tibet but the mass of the people who were most

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bitter against the Chinese occupation. It was they who were demanding that the armies should withdraw and a new agreement, as between equal partners, should be signed; but the Chinese in Lhasa would not listen to popular opinion. Zhou Enlai did not seem to enjoy this plain-speaking, but he remained as polite and suave as ever. He assured my brothers that the Chinese government had no thought of using undesirable Tibetans, or the Paṇ̣chen Lama, to undermine my authority or cause dissension. They did not want to interfere in Tibet’s affairs, or to be an economic burden. He agreed that perhaps some difficulties had been caused by lack of understanding among local Chinese officials; and he promised to improve the food supplies in Lhasa, and to begin gradual withdrawal of Chinese troops as soon as Tibet could manage her own affairs. and he also said he would report their complaints to Mao Zedong, and would see that the causes of them were removed. These promises were not mere words, he said; my brothers could stay in India if they liked, to see whether his promises were fulfilled, and if they were not, they would be free to criticize the Chinese government. But at the end of the interview, he told them that he also had a request to make. He had heard that I had been thinking of staying in India, but he wanted them to persuade me to go back to Tibet. It could only harm me and my people, he said, if I did not go.

Moreover, after the Dalai Lama returned to Delhi from his pilgrimage, he met with Premier Zhou Enlai:40 I told him that I was not ready yet to say what I would do, and I repeated all I had told him before of our grievances against the Chinese occupation. And I said we were willing to forget whatever wrongs had been done to us in the past, but the inhuman treatment and oppression must be stopped. He answered that Mao Zedong had made it perfectly clear that “reforms” would only be introduced in Tibet in accordance with the wishes of the people.

The Chinese leader, who held all the power of the Chinese Communists, could say such beautiful sounding words as if to pass the day, without actually working to put them into effect. More will be said about the suffering under increasing oppression. The Dalai Lama and the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Rinpoché and their retinues went on a pilgrimage to Buddhist sites, such as Bodhgaya, Sarnath, Rajgir, Vulture’s Peak in Rajgir, Lumbini Gardens, Kushinagar, Sanchi, Ajanta, and so forth, where they presented clouds of offerings. They also visited Bhakra-Nangal and Tubgabhadra hydroelectric dams, the heavy industry in Tatanagar and Chitranjan, and the major cities of Bombay, Madras, Agra, and Calcutta. The Dalai Lama accepted the invitation which the Tibetans living in Kalimpong and Darjeeling had

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extended to him. However, Paṇc̣ hen Rinpoché, his retinue, and Cabinet Minister Ngapö flew back to Tibet. The Dalai Lama stayed at the Mingyur Ngönga Palace in Kalimpong for a week as the guest of Rani Chöying Wangmo.g He gave the great initiation of the Compassionate One to many people. The initial delegation from the Tibetan government, consisting of Yutok Trashi Döndrup and Khendrung Letsap Ngawang Döndrup, arrived to receive the Dalai Lama. Outwardly, the committee appeared to be inviting the Dalai Lama back to Tibet, and even though the Chinese Communists were publicizing their promises to postpone the reforms in Tibet for six or even ten years and also the reduction in the size of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet, the reception committee privately encouraged him to stay in India for the time being. They did so thinking it might have an important influence in halting the suppression in Kham and Amdo. Thereafter, the Dalai Lama and his retinue went to the Gangtok Palace Temple in Sikkim’s capital. In the meanwhile, because of heavy snowfall, Natöla Pass and so forth made the continuation of their journey impossible. They had to remain there for several weeks. Tibet’s retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa (Dekharwa), who had been on a pilgrimage in India, came to meet the Dalai Lama. He said that since there was no peace in Tibet, if the Dalai Lama were to remain in India, this would promote happiness and it would not stain his altruistic attitude. Mainly because of the advice Prime Minister Nehru had given him and particularly because of the strength of his vow to protect the Land of Snows, Tibet, he decided to take the responsibility upon himself, continuing even the proverbial nine times or to fight fire with fire. If he did this, he hoped that the lot of Tibet and the Tibetans could be improved, becoming happier and more peaceful, as Zhou Enlai had promised many times. Thus, on the fifteenth day of the twelfth month (February 14, 1957), the Dalai Lama rode away from Gangtok. Government officials who were living in Kalimpong and Darjeeling and members of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare accompanied him as far as Karbonang to see him off. The Dalai Lama advised all of us that we must remain unified and work harmoniously for the benefit of religion. He said this with such weariness that those of us who had come to bid him farewell

g

See p. 741 on the thirteenth Dalai Lama’s stay there.

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were momentarily struck with astonishment at his tremendous courage for taking up his terrible burden in the face of the Chinese armies. We prayed that we would quickly meet him again, waving greeting scarves until he had disappeared from sight. A greeting party consisting of Tibetan government officials, Chinese civil and military officers, and Chinese soldiers carrying red flags, received the Dalai Lama at Natöla Pass on the Indian-Tibetan border. The acting Deputy Dzasak Neshar Tupten Tarpa, together with the Drungtsi, representatives of the monasteries, and the Tsang Governor Dzasak Mön Lingpa came to receive the Dalai Lama at Gyantsé. A New Year’s reception was held at Pelkhor Monastery in Gyantsé. Monk and lay government officials from Lhasa, representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and the general public presented the Dalai Lama with a petition urging that since Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate had not made suitable arrangements to receive him while he had been in India the previous year, they would be grateful if he would stay at Zhikatsé’s Samdruptsé Dzong. On the way to the capital, he was asked, “Could you kindly stay at Samdruptsé Dzong Estate in Zhikatsé?” Previously, Dzasak Trashi Tongpa had been sent to Gyantsé by the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Rinpoché to invite the Dalai Lama to stay at Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate. This presented serious difficulties. Not only had Zhikatsé’s Samdruptsé Dzong held particular importance as the place where the great fifth Dalai Lama had initially taken the political authority of Tibet,h but also he wanted to give the priority of political power to his own Tibetan government. Thus, he decided to go to Samdruptsé Dzong first. Accordingly, on the third day of the first month of 1957, a monastic procession and joyful dancers expressing the praises of the monks and laity from the entirety of Tsang led the Dalai Lama from Pelkhor Monastery to Samdruptsé Dzong. The monks and lay people of the upper Tsang castle performed a Long-Life ceremony for the Dalai Lama, making tremendous offerings. Since he had been invited to Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, the Dalai Lama went there on the seventh day of the seventh month. He gave religious teachings to an assembly there on the ninth day, and he gave the great initiation of Avalokiteśvara to many people on the tenth and eleventh. The next day, he journeyed to Zhalu, Ngor, and other monasteries in the area. Once again he returned to Zhikatsé Dzong on

h

See p. 347 above.

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the eighteenth, where he rested for two days. When he had first gotten to Zhikatsé Dzong, the Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate had withdrawn the monastic procession, dancers, and so forth under the influence of the Chinese Communists, even though they would have traditionally been responsible for taking care of the Dalai Lama. Subsequently, except for inviting the Dalai Lama to Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Lama did not make any effort to try to be agreeable. What need is there to mention whether the traditional expression of respect were extended to the Omniscient One, the Lord of both the religious and political spheres in Tibet. Even an ordinary person ought to be given the courtesy of being received and seen off. In contrast, during both the earlier and later visits, the traditional forms of respect were not shown to him, including being received and seen off. This was disturbing to all of the people of Tibet and was a serious basis of criticism in the life story of a superior great being.41 It seems that this problem primarily had its source in Chinese political machinations. Whatever the reason, when the Chinese Communists subsequently oppressed both the Dalai Lama’s government and the Paṇ̣chen Lama’s monastic estate equally, the all-seeing Paṇ̣chen Rinpoché praised the highest true religion and the Dalai Lama without fear and without apprehension. Upon hearing this, one had to confess and repent at one’s previous conclusions about the Paṇ̣chen Lama and rejoice in the excellent deeds of a superior person. I have recounted these stories briefly and without going into unnecessary detail. Cabinet Minister Dokharwa (Rakkhashak) Püntsok Rapgyé, an honorable and extremely well-liked man, suddenly died while the party was in Zhikatsé. Having left Zhikatsé on the twenty-first day of the first month, the Dalai Lama’s party spent one night at Shangdo Chösalung’s estate. He gave religious teachings at Shang Ganden Chökhorling Monastery and then after making a pilgrimage to Serdokchen, Wen Monastery, and Öyukgö, they reached Tölung Marzhuk on the thirtieth. At that time, acting Deputy Shenkhawa, masters and officials from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, monk and lay government officials, Ten Drinun and Drin Siling from the Chinese government, and Püntsok Wangyel from the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet all came to greet the Dalai Lama. On the first day of the second month traveled from Marzhuk to the place where the Chinese and Tibetan reception party was waiting in Kyitsel

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Luding. Thereafter, he proceeded on to Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace on a palanquin, accompanied by white banners and an extensive escort in the traditional manner. Notes to Chapter Twenty-One 1. United Nations Compendium of Records. 2. It was a little difficult to chose which attendants would come with them. 3. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 87. 4. The Dzasak and the Khendrung returned. Thus, they made statements about the state of the negotiations. There is a copy of these statements in Compilation of Records. 5. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 103. 6. The “Supreme Pair” consists of Śāriputra, who was supreme among the Hearers in wisdom, and Mahāmaudgalyāyana, who was supreme among them in terms of miraculous capacities. 7. In the preface to this book, it says, “The relics of the Buddha and the Supreme Pair were brought to Tibet.” Translator’s Note: The book was called Buddha’s Relics in Tibet (Calcutta, Baptist Mission Press, 1951). 8. This account follows what has been recorded by Dzasak Khemepa who went there as a Tibetan representative. 9. This is transcribed from the “Agreement for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet.” Translators Note: I have cited the English version given in H.E. Richardson, Tibet and its History (Boulder, CO: Prajn̂ā Press, 1962), 291–293. I have added the parenthetical material for clarification. 10. I.e., Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference. 11. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 87–89. 12. The cabinet ministers initially thought that the negotiation authorization given to Ngapö included firstly that the Chinese not advance into Tibet any further than they already were and secondly to hold discussions with them. 13. When it says “Without friends,” the United Nations did not take charge; thus, we needed a reliable friend. We thought that since we had agreements with many governments, including the British, Chinese, and Nepali governments, that we would be given support from the United Nations. 14. Compilation of Records. 15. They were Damchö Sönam, Lozang Dawa, Karkhang Chödzé, and so forth. 16. They are Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekhar (Lukhangpa) Tsewang Rapten. 17. The cabinet ministers were Lama Rampa Tupten Künkhyen, Zurkhang Wangchen Gelek, Dokharwa Püntsok Rapgyé, Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé, and Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé. The cabinet deputies were Lama Trashi Lingpa Khyenrap Wangchuk, Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam, and Tupten Rapyang. 18. The Chinese officers were Zhang Jingyu, Zhang Geha, Tan Gesan, Penming, and Drin. 19. Prime Minister Dekhar explained this to me in detail.

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20. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 93–98. Translator’s Note: I have included some material in brackets that clarifies the passage. These sentences are distilled from the sections Shakabpa elided. 21. At that time, Zhang Jinwu unlawfully spoke. I heard that the acting Prime Minister Lozang Trashi was so angry, that he immediately replied to him in Chinese without waiting for the translator. Since he had previously spent several years at the Nanjing Mission, he learned to speak Chinese a little. 22. The government considered Paṇchen Lozang Chögyen to be the First Paṇchen Lama, and so the present one was the seventh. However, the monastic estate recognized the present incarnation as the tenth. 23. Compendium of Records. 24. Although they did not need to make these purchases, they were compelled by force to buy things at a high price. 25. Physical punishments are said to have been whippings with leather whips and horse whips. 26. This was a method of taxation on livestock. 27. The three are Gyantsé, Panam, and Wangden. 28. This is an example. In the government edict of the Fire-Sheep Year (1907?), in larger groups of households, it was suitable not to include the smaller homes in the count. Although it was a case of shifting the tax burden from the poor to the richer, like binding a calf in the neck of a bull, recently, these practices have come to be extremely harmful. Translator’s Note: Although the populations were counted in this way in order to give relief to the poorer households, it had come to be harmful because now it is difficult to prove how many people lived in Tibet. Like so much else in disputes surrounding Tibet, population estimates are tendentious, tied as they are the disagreements over the territorial extent of Tibet. Commonly, Tibetans provide higher estimates for the population of Tibet than do the Chinese. The varying opinions on Tibet’s population are surveyed in Appendix one of A. Tom Grunfeld, The Making of Modern Tibet, Revised Edition (Armonk, N.Y.: East Gate, 1996), 249–253. 29. Compilation of Records. 30. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 117–118. 31. An original of a letter which had been sent and the response from the Chinese government are preserved in Compilation of Records. 32. Compilation of Records. 33. According to Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 135, the nature of their activities showed their great loyalty for Buddhism and the country. However, since it turned out to be meaninglessly suicidal, it was necessary to try to stop them. 34. The secretaries were Tupten Nyinjé, Jampa Wangdu, and Jampa Tsöndrü. 35. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 133. 36. Book of Advice. 37. I have copied this from the original in the records of the Committee of the Buddha Jayanti celebrations. Translators Note: I have merely given the English version in Shakabpa’s Tibet: A Political History [(New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967), 329–330], thinking that it might be the original English translation from the conference. Spellings have been changed to conform to the system employed in this book. 38. The document which was distributed containing the talks with the cabinet is included in the Compilation of Records.

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39. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 148–150. 40. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 151. 41. When the Dalai Lama went to Gyantsé, the cabinet and the Tibetan National Assembly sent an appeal from Lhasa. While the Dalai Lama was staying in Zhikatsé, his attendants would report to the Assembly on all matters. There is a copy of these reports in Compilation of Records.

CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO

BEGINNING OF THE REVOLT AGAINST THE CHINESE IN KHAM, GRADUAL SUPPRESSION OF THE ENTIRETY OF TIBET, AND NECESSITY FOR THE DALAI LAMA AND OTHERS TO SEEK THE PROTECTION OF INDIA TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION As China tightened its grip on Tibet throughout the 1950s, the Communists made a great show of proclaiming that reforms would be introduced into Tibet at whatever pace the Tibetans decided. Yet, in fact, weapons and soldiers poured into the country along with the revolutionary bureaucrats who would implement Chinese policy. Meanwhile, Tibetan dissatisfaction with Chinese land and agricultural reforms, forced conscription into the Chinese army, monastic taxes, and many other measures multiplied as the 1950s proceeded, particularly in Amdo and Kham in eastern Tibet. Human rights violations, such as the execution of high lamas, came to be reported more often. Statements were issued in the name of the Paṇchen Lama urging that the reforms must be initiated immediately. Various Tibetan organizations were established to resist the Chinese, and in 1958, these efforts erupted into armed opposition in Kham led by the National Volunteer Defense Army under the command of Amdruk Gompa Tashi (1900–1964). The Chinese insisted that Tibetan troops be sent to put down the rebellion, but the Tibetan cabinet refused to order Tibetans to attack Tibetans.a The Chinese attempted to attract prominent figures, like the Karmapa, Cabinet Minister Ngapö, the leaders of the great monasteries, and others, to intervene with the everincreasing resistance, but their entreaties were ineffective. In Shakabpa’s narration, the National Volunteer Defense Army continued to make surprising gains, but it could not resist the greater number of troops fielded by the Chinese or their superior weapons and supply lines.

a

For a compelling and detailed account of the emergence of the Tibetan resistance movement, see Mikel Dunham, Buddha’s Warriors: The Story of the CIA-Backed Tibetan Freedom Fighters, the Chinese Invasion, and the Ultimate Fall of Tibet (New York: Penguin, 2004). See also p. 442 below.

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When the Dalai Lama had visited India, he had invited Prime Minister Nehru to come to Tibet to witness what was taking place there. Initially the Chinese consented to have him come, but they later reneged, perhaps out of concern that he would report the real situation in Tibet to the rest of the world. Shakabpa suggests that the Chinese might have threatened Nehru while dressed up as Khampas. In the end, he did not come, and few others were able to witness events within Tibet. During the latter part of the 1950s, the Tibetan government was forced to strip a number of Tibetans of their citizenship, including Tsepon Shakabpa. The organization founded by Shakabpa and the Dalai Lama’s older brother Gyalo Thondup, the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare, sent representatives to many countries around the world, hoping to galvanize international support for the Tibetan cause.b The Chinese leaders in Tibet pressured the Tibetan government officials to condemn and restrain the so-called “reactionary” Tibetan resisters. Shakabpa singles out one person, Tsekhen Drönchewa Palha Tupten Öden (1910–1983), for special praise, saying that he was a pillar of the government and ceaselessly faithful.c He was the chief attendant of the Dalai Lama, and served as the gatekeeper for which people and what information reached the Dalai Lama. In March of 1959, the Dalai Lama was invited to the Chinese military encampment for a theatrical performance; ominously, the Chinese insisted that his customary bodyguard not accompany him. Under Chinese pressure, the date of March 10th was selected as the day the Dalai Lama was to attend the “performance.” Everything about the method of inviting the Dalai Lama violated customary protocol, and swiftly, all of Lhasa was abuzz with fears that their treasured leader would be arrested or worse. A vast crowd encircled his residence at Norbu Lingkha Palace to prevent the Chinese from seizing him. Tensions elevated as the Chinese officers demanded the Dalai Lama come to their compound and as the crowd became increasingly protective. Fearful that events would devolve into violence, the cabinet unsuccessfully attempted to disperse the crowd. Most of the Tibetan cabinet ministers except Ngapö left Norbu Lingkha Palace to meet with the Chinese officers in an effort to pacify the situation; Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé was already at b

Below, p. 1008, Shakabpa asserts that delegates visited eighty countries not allied to China. This statement seems hyperbolic, but I have not been able to verify or disprove the assertion. c See p. 1008 below.

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the Chinese camp, suggesting that he had by this time become entirely complicit with the Chinese.d The Chinese commander, General Tan Guansan (dates unknown), became furious, demanding the Tibetans bring an end to the protests. As the Tibetans carried their protests into the street, circumambulating the Jokhang Tsuklakhang, the Chinese became impatient and tensions elevated. Tibetan troops and members of the National Volunteer Defense Army guarded the key places in Lhasa; meanwhile, the public continued to protect the Dalai Lama at Norbu Lingkha Palace. As the situation became more strained, it became evident that the Dalai Lama would have to leave the country. The inner circle of aides began making preparations for his escape, ever mindful of the danger of spies. As the final arrangements were made, the Chinese fired two warning artillery shots at Norbu Lingkha. Both Cabinet Minister Ngapö and General Tan Guansan wrote to the Dalai Lama, asking him to specify on a map where in Norbu Lingkha he was located, ostensibly so that he would not be harmed in the impending bombardment. They also warned him not to attempt to escape. On March 17, 1959, protective troops were arrayed on the path of escape as some members of the Dalai Lama’s family and inner circle escaped from Lhasa. The Dalai Lama changed into the clothing of a soldier as his closest attendants, including Palha Tupten Öden, prepared to depart. Slowly, the Dalai Lama’s tutors, cabinet members, abbots, and others slipped out of Lhasa. The party crossed the Kyichu River in groups, and carefully moved away from the city. As they slipped away, the Chinese attacked Norbu Lingkha on March 19th. As soon as it was realized that he had left the palace, the Chinese began to pursue the escaping party in the direction of India. As Chinese troops were in pursuit, the party escaped to the south.

d Eventually, there would be no doubt about where Ngapö Ngawang Jikm’s sentiments lay. The signer of the notorious Seventeen-Point Agreement would go on to be a major and enduring member of the Communist Party, serving in many different posts throughout his long career. Tsering Shakya, The Dragon in the Land of Snows: A History of Modern Tibet Since 1947 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999), 240–241. More than sixty years later, he was still receiving appointments to high profile position, including his 2004 appointment as the president of the Association for the Protection and Development of Tibetan Culture. See “China Tibet Information Center,” http:// big5.tibet.cn/g2b/www.tibetinfor.com/english/news/2004–6–27/News02004627100449 .htm, Accessed December 4, 2008.

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Meanwhile, back in Lhasa, according to Shakabpa, the Chinese military launched widespread violent reprisals that resulted in the deaths of many thousands of people and the destruction of much of Norbu Lingkha Palace. They dissolved the Tibetan Ganden Podrang government, which had ruled Tibet in some form or another since 1642, on March 26, 1959. The same day, the Dalai Lama founded the exile government at Lhüntsé Dzong, issuing a potent statement declaring the Tibetan understanding of recent Sino-Tibetan relations and declaring the continuity of the government.e Fearing that the Chinese would capture the Dalai Lama, the party moved into Indian territory, where they were met by welcoming Indian troops on March 31st. Shakabpa was part of a delegation of Tibetans that went to Delhi to begin making arrangements to receive the Dalai Lama into exile. The infrastructure the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare had elaborated in Kalimpong, India turned out to be extremely important at this stage. A broad array of Indians welcomed the Tibetans with great sympathy and compassion, and Buddhist groups across Asia expressed their disapproval of the events in Tibet. Meanwhile, back in Lhasa, as the Chinese attacked Norbu Lingkha Palace, many Tibetans still did not know the Dalai Lama had departed. As they vigorously defended the palace, many people died. Many people who did not die were arrested by the Chinese. At the same time, the Chinese launched retaliatory assaults on other landmarks, including the Potala Palace, Lhasa, and Sera Monastery. The Jokhang Tsuklakhang Temple, the vital center of Tibetan Buddhism since the 8th century, was threatened with destruction by loudspeaker:f If the reactionaries in Lhasa now put an end to their shooting, we will not fire upon the Tsuklakhang, which we could destroy in a few moments. If they make a truce and capitulate, they will not be killed.

Sensing that all was lost, the Tibetan people resigned themselves to what their future held and ceased their resistance.

e f

See pp. 1021–1023 below. See p. 1027 below.

CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO

BEGINNING OF THE REVOLT AGAINST THE CHINESE IN KHAM, GRADUAL SUPPRESSION OF THE ENTIRETY OF TIBET, AND NECESSITY FOR THE DALAI LAMA AND OTHERS TO SEEK THE PROTECTION OF INDIA Just before the Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa, the Chinese announced that the land reforms would be delayed for six, ten, or even fifteen years all throughout Tibet and that it would even be agreeable not to institute them at all if the Tibet people so wished. In addition, they said they were going to reduce the membership of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet by half. Yet, soldiers, weapons, and other necessary military supplies, which had been in little evidence, were then transferred to the area in large numbers. It is hardly necessary to mention whether the Chinese implemented the promises which had been made for the improvement of Tibet’s religious and political situation in talks with the cabinet and the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in Delhi. The Communists issued a proclamation to the people of Lhasa and Zhöl and distributed it to all regions saying that the Tibetans living in India, who were engaged in reactionary behavior (log spyod) agitating between China and Tibet, should be returned and that it was impermissible for people of any station to have any sort of contacts with them: It is harmful and without benefit to our government for the Tibetans living in India to be living abroad for such a long time; it has always been inauspicious. Moreover, since the time has passed for divisions between foreigners and countrymen, enemies and friends, you must return to Tibet by the fifteenth day of the fifth month of 1957.

They also said that there was no way that this order could be ignored. The Tibetans in exile in India did not acquiesce or respond. As a result, the Chinese Communist government filed a protest with the Indian government on the basis of their foreign relations. The Tibetan government was compelled to strip nine Tibetans,1 including the retired Prime Minister Dekharwa (Lukhangpa), of their Tibetan nationality.

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Traders from the Domé region of the four rivers and the six rangesa who were living in Lhasa issued a call that year for the monks and the lay people from the three provinces of Tibet to make whatever offerings they considered suitable for the long life of the Dalai Lama and the success of his activities. On account of the many needs, a golden throne fashioned from pure gold supported by eight fearless lions, rich with many priceless ornaments, a suitable table, and an extremely wellmade golden bowl were placed before the statue of Jowo Rinpoché in Lhasa. A golden bowl which had been used by the Compassionate One [Buddha] in ancient times was also offered. Preparations were made for a three-day long great initiation of Kālachakra in 1957, and a Long-Life Ceremony was held for the Dalai Lama. Such marvelous events were like ushering in a golden age. On the one hand, the Chinese Communist government announced land reforms in eastern Tibet from Dartsedo to east of the Drichu River and declared that private individuals had to surrender their weapons. They also proclaimed that it was impermissible for people on religious estates to make offerings of various sorts, such as the traditional offering of grain, to monasteries. In addition, various monasteries had to remit a monastery tax consisting of a great deal of silver to the Chinese. Many such new measures became unbearable. Knowledgeable monks were made to study the Chinese government. The young healthy people were forced into the Communist army, and the younger ones were sent to China as students. Householders and beggars were humiliated, being forced to criticize their regional leaders. As a result, the people revolted, being unable to bear the heinous assaults of the Chinese. In the second month of 1956, the Chinese Communists attacked the great Litang Monastery by land and by air. Many old lamas between the ages of seventy and eighty were murdered, such as Lozang Khetsün, Lungrik Khenzur, and Geshé Azhang. Many beloved regional leaders such as Yönru Pön Sönam Wangyel and Dagöbu Lodrö Döndrup, were also killed. At the same time, Chatreng Sampeling, Ba Chödé, Markham Lura Monastery, Tehor Drakgo Monastery, Gulok Serta Monastery,

a This name for Kham, the region where these rivers and mountain ranges (chu bzhi sgang drug) are located, later became the name for a guerilla organization, which was also called the National Volunteer Defense Army. See Mikel Dunham, Buddha’s Warriors: The Story of the CIA-Backed Tibetan Freedom Fighters, the Chinese Invasion, and the Ultimate Fall of Tibet (New York: Penguin, 2004). The name of the organization and the golden throne mentioned just below are described at 195–196 in that book.

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Denkhok, and Lingtsang were fiercely attacked by land and from the sky. All able-bodied young monks and lay people left their homes and their wives and children, escaping into the mountains and forests. They were left with no alternative but to join guerilla units and the National Volunteer Defense Army. There were many skirmishes in the revolt in which the Chinese supply lines were cut or small contingents of Chinese soldiers were overcome and robbed. After the inauguration of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet the previous year, the Chinese officers in Chamdo called an assembly to announce that, although the timing was not known, the land reforms would definitely be instituted. More recently, they announced that the Dalai Lama had said in the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet that the reforms should be implemented according to the wishes of the Tibetan people and that the proper time had not arrived. However, they were told that Paṇchen Rinpoché had said the reforms must begin immediately. Based on this statement, the Chinese officers hoped that many of the poor farmers would favor the reforms and tell their Chamdo leader that land reforms should be instituted. However, about one hundred people said, “After the rest of the Tibetan people have had reforms, I will too. Until then, don’t do it.” About forty people said, “Since the time has come, reforms must be implemented immediately.” About two hundred people said, “These so-called reforms will never be needed.” Thus, although this response indicated that they should not be implemented for the time being, it wasn’t long before the Chinese imprisoned several Tibetan representatives from the Joda region to the west of the Drichu River in a Chinese garrison for many days. After being questioned, they were forced to agree to the reforms because they were helpless. So it was announced that these representatives had called for the reforms. Afterwards, those who had “agreed” as well as many farmers, nomads, monks, and lay people concealed themselves on empty mountains, in forests, or valleys carrying guns, other weapons, and a little food. Several monasteries in the area gathered together in the camps of the National Volunteer Defense Army. Thus, with whatever power they had and whatever aid they could offer, they revolted against the Chinese. Some farmers and nomads, old and young, had a few possessions or a few horses or cattle. They gradually made their way to Ü Tsang. Similarly, groups of old lamas from Domé (Amdo) and many farmers abandoned their own monasteries and homes and went to Ü Tsang.

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The Chinese Communists considered the area between Dartsedo and the Drichu River to be Chinese territory; since they began the reforms and the suppression in those areas, fighting erupted. People asked whether the reforms would be begun in the area to the west of the Drichu River since it was part of the Autonomous Region. They tried to implement the reforms, but the revolt commenced. The Chinese became afraid that the flickering flame of war would spread to both the east and west of the Drichu River. Tibetans from Dartsedo in the east to Ladakh in the west are all the people of Tibet; surely it is like the adage, “If one hair on the crown is pulled, the entire head moves.” It is the same for all people. Once they recognized this fact, the Chinese Communist functionaries arrived at a devious plan. If they could have the Tibetan government hold talks with the people from Kham on the east and west of the Drichu River, they could turn their heads around.b They requested members of the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet in Lhasa—Karmapa Rinpoché, Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé, and Pomda Topgyel—to meet with the Khampas, but they did not have any special authority to negotiate. They were merely able to tell the Khampas to give up their weapons and not to revolt against the Chinese, and upon reaching agreement, all farmers and nomads ought to return to their respective places. Beyond that, the delegation from Lhasa had no authority to bring the suppression by the Chinese to an end, to prevent the reforms from being enacted by force, or to ensure that personal religious faith and regional customs were protected. Even though the delegation went to the Chamdo, Dimchi Nyernga, and Dergé regions, they were forced to return without having accomplished anything. While the Dalai Lama was in India for the auspicious occasion of the Buddha Jayanti, he had invited Prime Minister Nehru to come to Tibet. At the time, the Chinese Communist had consented, and so, he had agreed to go. When it actually came time for the prime minister to visit, however, the Chinese were afraid that their lies would be revealed such as that as soon as the Chinese had come to Tibet, they had illegally suppressed Tibet without regard for the Seventeen-Point Agreement and that in fact there was a feeling of unhappiness towards the Chinese; they were also afraid that the extent of their military installations in Tibet

b The implication is that they hoped to be able to divide the Tibetans by making a separate deal with those prominent figures.

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would be revealed. Thus, they said that since there was no tranquility in Tibet at the time, they would be unable to offer assurances that Prime Minister Nehru would be safe in Tibet. The Dalai Lama was certain that all Tibetans from Ü, monks and lay people, would be overjoyed to have him visit. The prime minister himself also wished to visit. In addition, he felt certain that he would not be harmed by any Tibetan. However, the Chinese sometimes dressed in the guise of Khampas and then attacked villagers. Accordingly, if any harm came to Prime Minister Nehru there was the difficulty of who would be blamed. Thus, he was forced to delay the visit. When Prime Minister Nehru went to Sikkim on the eighth month of 1958, he had traveled from Natöla Pass by way of Rinchen Gang on Tibetan territory and Dromo, Assam. So although he had been on Tibetan territory, he was not able to come to Lhasa. Thus, the Tibetan people were extremely disappointed. On that occasion, the Tibetan government sent a delegation to the border at Dromo consisting of Cabinet Minister Zurkhangpa, the Chinese General Zhang Jingwu, and so forth. During his visit to Sikkim, he recognized Sikkim’s freedom and independence and announced that if any foreign power attacked Sikkim, that the Indian government would offer it protection. Since the power of the Chinese military was well fortified in Ü Tsang, they began even harsher measures in Lhasa; they said that Tibetan currency, postage stamps, and so forth would be replaced. Many Tibetan soldiers and local militia were killed. For many months, the public was led astray by such stories as that Pelgön Chokdrup, a man who lived in Gyantsé, had committed serious crimes, murder, robbery, and so forth. Yet all he had done was slightly beat his own brother, Wangyel Püntsok. That story was reported in various newspapers. The recounting of lies like that was encouraged. Under the influence of Chinese people who were living in Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, golden religious articles were stolen from Norling Shartsé Monastic College. Estates were seized and old statues made of wood in Namling Dzong were taken by Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate. The fields of many government attendants were seized. Many such things happened; it was like bees that are not attracted to firelight being compelled or like waking sleeping dogs by beating them with a stick.c

c

The images suggest the Chinese were seeking to achieve unnatural ends through force.

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In Chinese assemblies, someone would hold up a carrot which was unable to grow because it was being eaten by three worms, and they would say that the three worms were Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. Alternatively, they would say that it was a sign that the path to progress was being obstructed by the three, the government, private individuals, and Buddhism. In addition, there were countless unsubstantiated criticisms, such as that yellow symbolized that lamas were robbers and the red symbolized that monks were thieves. In particular, a daily Tibetan Language newspaper in Kardzé said:2 Śākyamuni, who was the founder of the Buddhist religion, was the son of the Indian King Śuddhodana. Thus, since he was extremely oppressive and malicious towards everyone, the neighboring kingdom and the people revolted against him and he escaped into the forest. Then, having been made equal,d he composed the Buddhist religion. Thereby, he had brought laziness and sadness to the hearts of many people. In this way, he once again arrived at the special position of being a charioteer to the masses . . .

This is an incredible indication of disrespect to Buddha who is completely pure. On the pretext of building roads, the Chinese also completely destroyed countless small stamped offering objects, stūpas, stones with mantras printed on them, and other religious objects. They only used force, without any concern whatsoever for the Seventeen-Point Agreement. Many schools were established in the Lhasa region and many young students were also forcibly sent to China against their wishes and made to study Communism. It was announced: Chinese people wearing the blue uniforms and the people of Dotö and Domé who had come to Ü Tsang seeking food and clothing in Lhasa and Zhikatsé must go back to their respective homes. Also, if people who have other clothing hear this and stay, the army will be sent and you will be arrested. Then you will be driven back to your home.

After one month, the Chinese people wearing the blue uniforms, their food, possessions, and jobs were taken away, they were forced into trucks, and they were sent back to China. The Tibetans who had come

d This could be a pun on mnyam par bzhag, which means meditative equipoise, a meditative mind which has as a quality equanimity. The pun is that taken literally it means, “to set as equal.”

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from Dotö and Domé wondered if the soldiers would likewise come for them. If the soldiers did, they thought, fighting would break out in Lhasa; they would not be able to bear losing the priceless supports of their faith, the body, speech, and mind of the Buddha, that is, the Dalai Lama, and the presence of the lamas and geshés, and the two images of Jowo Śākyamuni, respectively. On the eighteenth day of the second month of 1958, all of the people of Dotö and Domé voluntarily formed an association under the leadership of Amdruk Gompa Tashi with the single purpose of benefiting the religion. Upon swearing a unanimous oath, they founded the National Volunteer Defense Army. They sent an appeal to the Tibetan government and the cabinet saying: Because of the reforms which the Chinese are forcing on the land of our fathers and because of their oppression, we have no home to which we can return. Therefore, if the Chinese army leaves Tibet, then we will immediately return to our paternal lands. Until then, we ask permission to remain in Ü Tsang.

The cabinet also continued to discuss these matters with the Chinese. Once again, the Chinese sent soldiers to take a census at the places where the Khampas and people from Amdo were staying. Ever since the sixteenth day of the fourth month of 1958, Amdruk Gompa Tashi, together with a large number of Khampa cavalry and weapons, had been traveling in the Lhokha Drigu Region and the Northern province. They announced that if the forceful suppression and the land reforms in Kham and Amdo did not stop, they would fight directly against the Chinese Communists. Although the National Volunteer Defense Army was utterly lacking in sufficient resources, such as manpower and particularly weapons, to be able to directly confront power of the Chinese army, their courage had reached its peak such that they were willing to give up their lives in order to protect Buddhism and the Ganden Podrang government. Thus, people from all over Tibet became thoroughly committed to the cause. Subsequently, vast numbers of people in Ü Tsang and also several people from the Tibetan government army stealthfully went off to join the National Volunteer Defense Army. Except for a few Chinese soldiers in Tsetang, there were no Chinese civil or military officials in Dakpo, Kongpo, the four districts of Lhodrak, E, Chongyé,

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Drigu, Yardrok, Tsona, and so forth. Therefore, these places became pure lands for a while. On the twenty-first day of the fifth month, the Tibetan government sent Tsang Governor Dzasak Mön Lingpa Jamyang Gyeltsen and representatives of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries to Tsona to persuade the Khampas to return home at the urging of the Chinese. However, it was unsuccessful. Following that, during the seventh month, Amdruk Gompa Tashie led a battalion of volunteer forces and two Chinese artillery officers who had come over to the Tibetan side, Chang Hatong (whose Tibetan name was Lozang Trashi)3 and Gyatruk on a mission to capture weapons and ammunition which the Tibetan government kept in Shang Ganden Chökhorling Monastery. They also took the monastery’s officials with them. When they left with all of the weapons they could carry, they were attacked by Chinese soldiers who were lying in wait. The Volunteer forces fought their enemy heroically and without apprehension. Then, although they had planned to go to southern Tsang, they were unable to do so. They fought another small battle with the Chinese to the north. A large contingent of Chinese troops with artillery, which had stopped on their way from Drigung, were waiting for them. In the midst of the battle, Amdruk Gompa Tashi was slightly wounded. The volunteers split into two groups. Although they were able to gather several people from Drigung and Meldro together in the camp in Lhokha, Amdrup Gompa Tashi called others together in assemblies from Rongpo Gyelrap Tang. Thereafter, staying in Shotar Lhosum, they made contacts with the Volunteer Defense Army of the Four Rivers and Six Ranges. Up to this point, the Chinese Communists were approaching the problem from two directions. First, Chinese officials asked the cabinet whether there were any relations between the Tibetan government and the National Volunteer Defense Army. The cabinet denied this. The Chinese said that in that case, Tibetan troops must be sent to undercut the volunteers. The cabinet decided that it was impossible for Tibetans to kill Tibetans. Even if it were possible to send the Tibetan government

e Amdruk Gompa Tashi was a commander of the Four Rivers and Six Ranges resistance movement. The Dalai Lama eventually elevated him to the rank of general. See Mikel Dunham, Buddha’s Warriors:The Story of the CIA-backed Tibetan Freedom Fighters, the Chinese Invasion, and the Ultimate Fate of Tibet (New York: Penguin, 2004).

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army to expel the volunteers, the cabinet said it could not guarantee that the government troops would not take their weapons and join the National Volunteer Defense Army. In addition, if they went, the size of the volunteer forces would just be increased. The Chinese thought that a way must be found to restore peace with the Dakpas and Khampas, and so once again a delegation was to be sent with the charge of holding peace talks. Khenchung Ngözhi Tupten Samchok and Tsipön Namsé Lingpa Peljor Jikmé were sent to Drigu and Tsona, while the retired Tsang Governor Dzasak Mönkyi Lingpa Jamyang Gyeltsen and Khenchung Tupten Zangpo were sent to the Dö region and the Northern province to ask the National Volunteer Defense Army to give their weapons to the Tibetan army and to return to their respective paternal homes. When Khenchung Ngözhi Tupten Samchok and Tsipön Namsé Lingpa Peljor Jikmé reached Lhokha, they heard that the National Volunteer Defense Army had arrived in Chongyé Riwo Dechen. They immediately stopped at Tangpoché and sent a message to the leader of the volunteers saying that they wanted to have a meeting immediately. Alo Dawa and about forty well-armed cavalry came to meet them. As the delegates explained the cabinet’s message to them, the volunteers said, “Our orders are to go to Tsetang, not to speak. The leaders are at the main military camp at Tsona.” Accordingly, Khenchung Ngözhi Tupten Samchok and Tsipön Namsé Lingpa Peljor Jikmé immediately went to Tsona; as they had been instructed, they discussed the necessity of peace with the volunteer leaders, but they were unsuccessful. Before long the National Volunteer Defense Army moved the main camp to Elha Gyari. The second Chinese strategy was as follows: They knew that some of the Khampas in Lhokha and Dakpo had been oppressive toward the farmers. Many Chinese soldiers adopted the clothing of Khampas. Thus, they went to areas where there were no volunteer forces, pretending to be guerillas, and they would steal wealth, horses, and cattle from the farmers and rape women. Amdruk Gompa Tashi captured several of these disguised Chinese soldiers in Gyeltön and killed them. When the Lingtsang leader arrived in Lukhang Drukha, herding cattle, he came upon a group of the disguised Chinese being led by some Chinese soldiers. Recognizing them, the Tibetans killed them. Such incidents occurred in many places. Later, however, after the common people realized that these were just Chinese soldiers disguised as Khampas, people’s confidence in the National Volunteer Defense Army increased.

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During that time, leaders of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare who were living in India dispatched representatives of the three provinces of Tibet to eighty countries in the world who were not allied to China. They said that not only had the Chinese Communists forcibly invaded the free and independent country of Tibet, but also at present they were attacking the three provinces. Thus, they called all countries to support the truth and to continually and with great force ask the Chinese to be responsible. This period was an exhausting time for the senior figures in the government, the Dalai Lama Rinpoché, the cabinet, and so forth. They had to spend their time listening to patriotic Tibetans and the Chinese invaders. The Chinese were continually telling the cabinet: Not only do you have relations with the reactionaries, but you have helped them take possession of the government weapons and have violated your obligations. Thus, you have become tools of the reactionaries. Several hundred Chinese People’s Liberation Army soldiers have been killed and the price of their lives will be paid in blood by the general officials of the cabinet and especially by Zurkhang Wangchen Gelek.

When the National Assembly gathered, Chinese generals Zhang Jingwu and Zhang Guohua explained that the cabinet could not refer to the National Volunteer Defense Army, representatives of the people, or the Tibetans living in India unless they called them “reactionaries.” Not understanding what had happened, the National Volunteer Defense Army, representatives of the people, or the Tibetans living in India criticized those cabinet ministers saying, “They fill their stomachs with Chinese coins, and they have sold the government.” Thus, the actual situation was said to be the Kongpo dancers who beat a drum from the inside and the outside.f However, all throughout this time, Tsekhen Drönchewa Palha Tupten Öden encouraged the National Volunteer Defense Army and the members of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare to work courageously without fear of the power of the Communists and to avoid hard feelings toward their government. Not only did he solicit their support, but he explained some of the difficulties the cabinet faced. He exhorted them not to upset the traditional government ceremonies. Most importantly, since the Chinese Communists could have evil designs on the Dalai f He is saying that patriotic Tibetans were being attacked by the Chinese in Tibet and by the Tibetans’ critics from India.

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Lama, he urged that a relentless examination should be made of people’s inner, outer, and secret motivations, and if even the slightest qualm arose, then before proceeding one should ask whether this person is an adversary or trustworthy. He said they must work steadily and stealthfully, planning day and night on what to extend and what to hold back, just as a chess master moves his pieces strategically. In fact, he was instrumental in communication between the Dalai Lama and his cabinet on the one hand and the people on the other. He knew the difference between right and wrong, and he also tried to correct wrongs. Since he was seen to be an obstruction to Chinese plans, like aconite poison, he was warned many times that the Chinese would arrest him. Many associates and patriots told him to come to terms with the Chinese or else secretly slip away to India or Nepal. If he didn’t do something like that, they urged, then it seemed they would make plans to arrest him. Although many people pleaded with him in this way, he remained faithful to his promise, as unmoving as a picture carved in rock. Thus, he was like a pillar of the government during this time, taking responsibility upon himself. Not only have I heard this from many reliable witnesses, but I am convinced of these things based on numerous letters I received. In that same year, Chinese trucks in Takdrukha, Markyang, Yangpachen, Gongkar, and Drachi were attacked by the National Volunteer Defense Army all of the time. They also tried to destroy a fortified camp the Chinese had at a place called Tsetang Gangpuk. There were excellent fortifications in all of the Chinese camps around Lhasa and above it; still they continued to dig new trenches under the camps, in the offices, and so forth. Also, the roofs, doors, and windows were packed with sandbags. Several fortifications were newly built in Lhasa for positioning machine guns; many cannons were directed from the Drip Mountains, Nortö Lingkha, Kyangtang Gang, and so forth towards the Potala Palace, Norbu Lingkha Palace, the Lhasa Tsuklakhang, and so forth. Various military transport vehicles and armored vehicles were coming and going without a break. There were also clear reports that before long the Dalai Lama would have to go to a National Assembly meeting in China. Thus, all the Tibetan people, monks and lay people, wealthy and poor, were extremely upset. Because of such conditions, there was an atmosphere of breathless fear with people thinking that all out war would break out between China and Tibet.

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Even while the Dalai Lama had been contending with the perpetual waves of bad news, such as the overpowering fear under Chinese rule and the political and economic upheaval, he had continued to exert great effort in his studies of the five great texts through the six periods of the day. After he had completed his preliminary exams at Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries in 1958, the Dalai Lama took his [geshé] exam in 1959 in the midst of more than ten thousand monks who were conversant in scripture and reasoning. When the traditional ceremonies were about to come to a conclusion, two junior Chinese officers who had been sent by the Chinese officer Tan Guansan suddenly came to meet the Dalai Lama. They said that since the theatrical show was being presented at the Chinese military camp, they had come to invite the Dalai Lama, and he must say when he would be able to come. Usually, it was customary for a visitor to stop outside the Potala Palace chambers, and their request would be conveyed through the chamberlain. Otherwise, it could be presented through the Relations Office, but there was no tradition of presenting such a request directly. This event aroused displeasure throughout the Relations Office; people were saying that it had been done to diminish the Dalai Lama in the eyes of the public. Upon the completion of Lhasa’s Great Prayer Festival, the Dalai Lama processed to Norbu Lingkha Kelzang Palace from Lhasa on the twenty-fourth day of the first month. Three days later, a request was made that a date be selected for the Dalai Lama to visit the Chinese encampment for the theatrical show. Thus, the first day of the second month of the Earth-Pig year (March 10, 1959) was selected. Traditionally, attendants and so forth would accompany the Dalai Lama. On this occasion, however, Chinese officer Tan Guansan called the Tak Lha, the commander of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard. He told him: Tomorrow, when the Dalai Lama comes to the show, the customary armed bodyguards will not be permitted beyond the stone bridge and the people who come out to see him will not be permitted past the stone bridge either. This should be indicated to the officials of Lhasa and Zhöl.

In addition, he said that although it was customary for the personal attendants, who accompanied the Dalai Lama wherever he went, to come along, they were not being invited. Although invitations had been issued to the cabinet ministers, their attendants also were not permitted to accompany them. Also, they would not be permitted to carry weapons.

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Since these were very unusual conditions, all of the attendants became extremely suspicious. According to the terms set down by the Chinese, the public leaders of Lhasa and Zhöl were to publicize that: As the Dalai Lama had been invited to attend a dramatic performance at the Chinese military camp the following day, it had been decided that he would go. Thus, the people of Lhasa and Zhöl who wished to see him could go up to stone bridge on the near side of the Chinese camp, but they were not permitted to cross it.

The thoughtful people became especially suspicious about this arrangement. They thought it was incredibly dangerous. The Chinese had made hostages of the Jamyang Zhepa incarnation and the Sharkelden Gyatso in Amdo and Kham by inviting them to performances in order to prevent the people from revolting. This was passed around from one person to the next and the night was passed in deciding what to do. By about five o’clock on the morning of the first day of the second month (March 10, 1959), as though they were in agreement to throw caution to the wind, the people of Lhasa and Zhöl came to the threshold of the Norbu Lingkha gates one by one until there were nearly thirty thousand people there. They shouted, “Please Dalai Lama! Do not go to the show at the Chinese camp.” When the senior government officials came to Norbu Lingkha at their customary time of nine o’clock, they could not stand all of the rumors that were whirling about. The cabinet ministers who were to accompany the Dalai Lama gradually arrived, but Cabinet Minister Ngapö was not among them. At that time, Cabinet Minister Samdrup Podrangpa Tsewang Rikdzin, who was the police commander, had a Chinese soldier with him as his bodyguard. So when the cabinet minister arrived at the side of Norbu Lingkha Palace in his jeep, he was accompanied by a Chinese man. As soon as the crowd saw this, they began to throw stones; a large stone hit Cabinet Minister Samdrup Podrang in the head, and he fell unconscious. Several government officials there signaled to the crowd, and he was taken to the Indian Embassy hospital, Dekyi Lingkha, in his own jeep. The people had appointed representatives, about sixty of whom went to meet the cabinet in the Norbu Lingkha Palace. They said that there was absolutely no way the Dalai Lama could go to the show at the Chinese encampment without a bodyguard because of the great danger. Not only did they implore the cabinet members to keep the Dalai Lama where he was, but they said that for the time being there was no

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way they could tell what the Chinese might do. Thus, the people would remain to protect the palace. Since Tibet was a free and independent country, they continued, they would no longer remain under Chinese authority. It is reported that several of the representatives even expressed their dissatisfaction with the cabinet and threatened them. The cabinet said the people’s concern for their religion would be reported to the Dalai Lama, but that they must remain peaceful; in this tumultuous time, they must not violate the peace. After they made their report to the Dalai Lama, he and the cabinet ministers conferred and decided that he should not go to the performance at the present time. The cabinet ministers were to go inform the Chinese of this. These matters were announced to the people. In the meanwhile, Khenchung Sönam Gyeltsen, the brother of Chamdo Pakpa Lha Hotoktu Gelek Namgyel, returned home from the morning tea ceremony which he had attended. He changed from his layman’s clothes into clothing customary for Chinese officers, and carrying a gun in his hand, he rode a bicycle to the Norbu Lingkha Palace. Everyone thought that he was well known by the Chinese, and so, they were afraid that he was a spy or had come on a mission from the Chinese. Thus, they seized him, and because he tried to fire his gun, they were suddenly overcome with fury; they beat him with stones and sticks until he was dead. Such events exacerbated the tension. The cabinet ministers came up to the threshold of the stone wall surrounding the Norbu Lingkha Palace and read a proclamation to the crowd: We have reported your concerns to the Dalai Lama and he has agreed not to go to the show at the Chinese camp at this time. Thus, you must not be upset. Right now we are going to tell the Chinese about the circumstances which prevent his visit. As the palace will be protected by the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard and other units of our own government army, you should return to your respective homes. You must remain peaceful . . . Since there must not be a disruption in the peaceful relations between China and Tibet, everyone must work well to maintain peace.

Opening the gate, the cabinet ministers came out in a car. Thinking the Dalai Lama might be concealed in the car, the people wondered whether they should let it pass. However, their agitation was pacified when they searched it. Cabinet Minister Zurkhang Wangchen Gelek, Cabinet Deputy Lama Neshar Tupten Tarpa, and Cabinet Deputy Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam Topgyé went to the Chinese encampment. Cabinet Minister Ngapö

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Ngawang Jikmé, who was already there, sat down with the Chinese officers and did not come to the side of the room where the other cabinet ministers were. Zhang Jingwu, the most senior representative of the Chinese Communists living in Lhasa, and Zhang Guohua were not there as they had gone to Beijing. Tan Guansan held all of the responsibility. Zurkhang Wangchen Gelek, Lama Neshar Tupten Tarpa, and Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam Topgyé from the cabinet assembled with about fifteen Chinese civilian and military officers. The latter acted as though nothing was the matter, asking after each other’s health. Tan Guansan arrived with a countenance of intense anger. He did not ask about the cabinet ministers health. Without even sitting down, he passed back and forth. When finally, he suddenly sat down, he collected himself and looked around at everyone. Cabinet Minister Zurkhangpa explained the actual situation at the present time: Because of the unfortunate timing, the Dalai Lama will not be able to come to the show and so he is sad. We have been sent to explain these matters to you.

As soon as he said this, Tan Guansan leapt from his chair in tremendous anger. Pounding his fist on the table, he said: You reactionaries carry the people in your reactionary mouth and now you have caused them to revolt against China. Up until now, we have been patient. We will not be able to be patient now.

He spoke as if he was unable to breath. Staring, he hurled all sorts of threats. Finally, he said, “If you reactionaries cross the line behaving in this manner, we will do what we have to do with force, wiping you out in one moment.” In response, Cabinet Minister Shenkhawa raised the thumbs of his handsg and spoke in a sage manner: We are grateful that you have shown patience. Please be patient as in the past. We also will explain what is best to the people, thereby gradually restoring the peace. Moreover, the people did not volunteer. Some group of instigators have ignited the flame of their anger. Thus, at present there is no peace. However, we will call for peace ourselves, and we will find the best way to arrange a lasting peace. What you said about destroying

g

This is a gesture of pleading.

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us through force immediately, suppose you were to be able to eliminate the reactionaries, China’s patience so far would go to waste.

Tan Guansan said that, “There must be a limit to patience.” To this Shenkhawa replied that, “The limit was at the point of achieving the perfection of patience.” Several other Chinese officers responded by criticizing, threatening, and blaming the cabinet ministers. Finally, the Chinese officers passed a small piece of paper back and forth between them. The cabinet ministers were frightened, wondering if they were planning to arrest them. Subsequently, Tan Guansan said, “At present you must explain what is right and wrong to the crowd and make them disburse. It is your responsibility to restore peace. We will see what happens in the next few days.” They were certain that if any sort of peaceful arrangement were going to be found, they would have to do what the Chinese said. Then the cabinet ministers asked about Cabinet Minister Samdrup Podrang without seeming to be afraid. The Chinese said that he was in the Chinese military hospital. The cabinet ministers left to inquire about his well-being. Then, they went to Norbu Lingkha Palace to recount what had happened. That day a huge crowd gathered in the Lhasa market, showing their frustration. They shouted slogans like, “The Chinese must return to China,” “Tibet belongs to Tibetans,” and “Tibet is free and independent.” A group of younger government officials and representatives of the crowd gathered, declaring that the three provinces of Tibet were free and independent, and so from that point on, they would not obey Chinese commands. The Dalai Lama’s bodyguard threw off the uniforms that had been given to them by the Chinese and put on Tibetan government uniforms, showing their personal independence. That evening, Tan Guansan sent a letter to the Dalai Lama:4 Respected Dalai Lama, It is very good indeed that you wanted to come to the Military Area Command. You are heartily welcome. Since you have been put into very great difficulties due to the intrigues and provocations of the reactionaries, it may be advisable that you do not come for the time being. Salutations and best regards, Tan Guansan

In order to pacify the anger of the Chinese for the time being, the Dalai Lama replied, saying in essence that reactionary evil elements were carrying out activities endangering him under the pretext of protecting

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his safety. He said he was taking measures to calm things down. He said he would meet him in a few days, when the situation calmed down. Not only did they exchange two more letters later, but the cabinet also exchanged several letters with Ngapö. The manner in which the secret coded letters were sent seems to have been like the letters that were later sent to the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in Kalimpong. For all of these reasons, there was a terrible danger that violence would suddenly break out between the unarmed crowd and the Chinese troops. The Dalai Lama has written about these letters in detail.5 During that time, a group of monk and lay government officials, the abbots and officials from Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, and leaders of military groups joined together vowing to work for the benefit of Buddhism even at the risk of their own lives. Representatives of the government officials, the monasteries, and the people of Lhasa and Zhöl held an urgent meeting in Norbu Lingkha Palace. People who were suspected of being allied with the Chinese were ejected from the meeting. The assembly could have remained in the palace, but they recognized the terrible danger to the Dalai Lama. Thus, the cabinet and the government registrar remained in Norbu Lingkha Palace, and the crowd moved their important gathering to the newly built publishing house. The retired Prime Minister Lozang Trashi was invited to be their leader and several senior government officials were appointed as his assistants. The large group was at the building where Buddhist sūtras were printed, and there were several smaller groups. A message was wired to the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in Kalimpong through Tsepön Shakabpa; it reported the tragic events in Lhasa on the first and second day of the second month and was to be publicized in newspapers in India.6 The people of Lhasa and Zhöl gathered before the Potala Palace as they moved toward war; they burned incense and posted flags. Thus, many tens of thousands of people, women and children, old and young, marched around the market circumambulation route displaying their anger. They continued to shout “Tibet is free and independent. The Chinese Communists must leave Tibet.” People were going to the Indian and Nepalese embassies saying, “The Chinese Communists have forcefully invaded our country. You must act as witnesses and support our aspirations.” The general of the Tibetan army arranged forces to protect the Potala, Godzö Dorjeling, Chakpori, Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang, and so forth. He also had police preserve the peace in the city, and they announced a curfew in Lhasa and Zhöl during the night. People continued to protect the

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Norbu Lingkha Palace. They were reinforced by other groups of military units. A group of younger monk and lay government officials and monks and lay people from Lhasa and Zhöl, numbering several tens of thousands, brought weapons and provisions and thus joined with the National Volunteer Defense Army to protect the Dalai Lama. Although they did not have many weapons and were not very experienced, they had resolved to risk their lives on behalf of the religious and political form of government. Likewise, hundreds of cannon, which had been set up before, were trained on the Potala, Norbu Lingkha Palace, and the Tsuklakhang. Still new reinforcements continued to arrive. Several Tibetans who were in complicity with the Chinese were summoned to the military camps and secure areas. Chinese troops in the outskirts of the area were busy day and night, with trucks and armored vehicles rumbling through Lhasa. Considering the critical external situation, everyone clearly understood that there was no way for the Dalai Lama, who was the very axis of Tibet’s life, to remain in Tibet, like a rabbit concealing itself by freezing in place. However, because the Chinese had so many spies all over the place, they had to keep this secret. It was thought that the leaders were in great danger, but still, there was no way he could avoid behaving like a cuckoo in the winter.h Those people who took the greatest responsibilities had the most powerful enemies and the most severe difficulties. The most important thing was for them to accomplish their objective secretly. If the Dalai Lama left Tibet, then everyone would want to go. Not wanting to live under Chinese rule, they would want to take their households and their families. Considering these facts, it was extremely difficult to decide what to do. Thus, they took a vow to keep the secret of the Dalai Lama’s departure for the general benefit of their religion and their government, no matter what. With courage and without faint-heartedness, they undertook whatever outer, inner, and secret preparations were suitable, having horses, mules, saddles, and provisions brought from Kündeling Monastic Estate and kept near the Tsagur Farm. The Dalai Lama’s chamberlain and other attendants were sent to Taklungdrak monastic estate. In addition, his personal cook was sent on in advance. At the same time, the retired Abbot of the Tantric College

h

Like a cuckoo, he would need to migrate to a warmer climate.

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of Lower Lhasa, Ngawang Lekden,i Sera Mé’s Abbot, Ngawang Drakpa, and some attendant monks had gone ahead to determine whether there were Chinese spies or similar forces in Lhokha. In addition, a division of the National Volunteer Defense Army had arrived at Nyetang Norbu Gang by way of the Zechu River. Another group was established to guard Chakzam Bridge and the boats at the Nyasap Pier. There was another group at Drak, Samyé, and Önpu and another gradually reached Namgyel Gang and Sangda by way of the Jela Pass without being detected. Still others were positioned at the mountain range beyond Rama Gang and the boat crossing at Bentsa. The retired Cabinet Minister Lozang Yeshé Chen secretly reached Norbu Lingkha Palace to report on the arrangement and supplies of the National Volunteer Defense Army. On the actual day of departure, in order not to arouse suspicion, it was decided that the Dalai Lama and the cabinet ministers would wear layman’s clothes. Guards circled around inside and outside Norbu Lingkha’s walls. All sorts of precautions were taken. Since they had considered the timing, it was an excellent strategy which produced many marvels. On the morning of the eighth day, the Chinese trucks at Kyangtang Gang fired two cannon rounds at Norbu Lingkha Palace, but it fell in a pond on the north side. Thus, it was believed that the Chinese attack on the palace was the prelude to their forceful suppression. Moreover, Cabinet Minister Ngapö sent a letter to the Dalai Lama. Along with it, the Chinese officer Tan Guansan sent his final letter. The latter said that since the Chinese would certainly be fighting with the reactionaries, a map indicating where the Dalai Lama was within the yellow walls of the palace should be sent to Tan Guansan. If this were done then the cannon shots could be calculated to ensure his safety. The letter also said that if the Dalai Lama fled in secret, there would be no place to which he could escape. Thus, it was certain that sooner or later, they would attack; they had to rely on the possibility that the Dalai Lama’s party could avoid detection. Out of love for the Dalai Lama, people were willing to lose their own lives. There was no other hope, except for the impossibility that all of the people would just go to their respective homes. i

Khensur Ngawang Lekden ended up living and teaching in the west, where he co-authored with Jeffrey Hopkins a book entitled, Meditations of a Tantric Abbot: The Main Practices of the Mahayana Buddhist Path (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1988).

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Although it was said that as soon as the Dalai Lama left, peace would return for the Tibetan public, people said with one voice that they were willing to die to protect the Dalai Lama. They didn’t display even the slightest measure of their suffering or fear. Since there was absolutely no way for people to abandon the Dalai Lama, these were difficult times for them. At about seven o’clock in the evening of the eighth day of the second month (March 17, 1959), Trashi Pelrap Dorjé Dradül, the commander of the Kha and Drapzhi regiments had gone ahead to protect the boat crossing at Rama Gang, leading sixteen soldiers; they stopped anyone from crossing in either direction. They also did reconnaissance to see whether there were any enemy forces at Jakyak Karpo Mountain. At nine o’clock, the Dalai Lama’s mother, family members, and attendants left in a waiting truck with a cloth cover to conceal them. The truck had been waiting along the side of Dekyi Lingkha, and they fled to the Rama Gang boat crossing without delay. After they had gone, the Dalai Lama made offerings of food and a special scarf in the monastery and then returned to his private chambers to put on layman’s clothes and a hat. At ten o’clock, the Lord Chamberlain Gadrang Lozang Rikdzin, Kendrön Chewa Palha Tupten Öden, and the commander of the bodyguard Taklha Püntsok Trashi changed into ordinary clothes, and they all waited to leave. The latter toured around the inner and outer walls and checked the doors before they left. The Dalai Lama was given a rifle to hold so that he would appear like the other soldiers, and they left for the boat crossing through the southern gate without delay. Among some trees, the Dalai Lama mounted a stallion that had been arranged by Captain Kelzang Dradül, and they rode to Drukha. At that time, several hundred soldiers from the National Volunteer Defense Army, including Künga Samten and Tenpa Dargyé presented him with scarves in greeting, and they rode on together. More horses and mules that had been arranged by Künling Monastic Estate were waiting when they arrived. At ten o’clock, the Dalai Lama’s two tutors, cabinet members Zurkhang, Neshar, and Shenkhawa, and their attendants left the palace in another truck with a covering to conceal them. Nobles also left for Drukha in the same manner. Immediately, the commander of the Gadang Regiment, Rakkhashak Sönam Topgyé, followed them leading one hundred bodyguards. When they had departed from Norbu Lingkha Palace, he stayed in a remote area in Lhokha for a while to avoid the

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enemies. It was hoped that he could engage in talks with the Chinese officials, and that in the meanwhile, when the crowd discovered that the Dalai Lama was no longer at the palace that they would return to their homes; it was hoped that in this way, they would not be killed. However, events did not go according to plan as will be gradually explained below. When the Dalai Lama’s party arrived at the Rama Gang boat crossing, they were on the north side of the Kyichu River. Since they were extremely close to the Chinese camp at Nortö Lingkha and the Agricultural Offices, the area was illuminated by electric lights. The horses’ hooves also made a loud noise against the small pebbles on the road. Accordingly, there was tremendous fear that the Chinese would notice them and give pursuit. When they had gradually made their way through Neula Pass, Sangda, Tangtö, and so forth, they rested at Namgyel Gang, the religious estate of Mönling Monastery. Then they arrived at the bottom of the Jela Pass at dawn on the ninth day, having come by way of Tsana, Ushang, and so forth. There food had been arranged by Takdrak Monastic Estate, and so, the party quickly settled in to eat. At the Bentsa river crossing, they were received by the retired Abbot of the Tantric College of Lower Lhasa, Sera Mé’s Abbot, and another regional contingent of the National Volunteer Defense Army. West of there, they stayed a night at Kyishong Ramé Monastic College. While they were traveling on the tenth day of the second month, they were received by the Senior Abbot Tupten Samchok, and the Dalai Lama sent him to tell the Khampa volunteers who were behind them to remain peaceful. When the abbot first approached the Dalai Lama’s party he was going to prostrate and present him with a greeting scarf, but he could not immediately recognize him because all of the men were wearing ordinary clothes and the horses had ordinary tack. That night they stayed at Chedé Zhöl Dopu Chökhor Monastery and Khenchung Tupten Samchok arrived to report on the arrangements the volunteer forces had made for both the Dalai Lama and the cabinet ministers in Lhokha. The party spent the night of the eleventh in Drachipu and the night of the twelfth at Chenyé Monastery. They had planned to spend the night of the thirteenth at Riwo Dechen. However, Tsipön Namsé Lingpa arrived from Tsetang and reported on the terrible events in Lhasa, i.e., that since two o’clock in the morning on the tenth day of the second month (March 19, 1959), the Chinese Communists had fired their cannon at Norbu Lingkha Palace and Lhasa. At that point,

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a note arrived from Khenchung Ngözhi Tarawa Dongak Tarchin by a horse courier coming from the Kyishong Valley. It reported in detail about the cannon bombardment on Norbu Lingkha Palace and said that when he had escaped from the palace, he had been slightly injured and was only able to make his way very slowly. Everyone was terribly frightened when they heard these things. They had planned to leave the following day for Nyel, but they were worried that if they stayed, the Chinese might pursue them. Since they were close to the Indian border, they pushed on. That night, as soon as Khenchung Ngözhi arrived, he immediately brought food to the Dalai Lama. The other members of the party, who did not have any physical necessities, not even a cup, were provided with barley, butter, meat, clothes, bedding, animal feed, and so forth. The result was like giving medicine to a dying person. Early on the morning of the fourteenth day, Künling Dzasak Özer Gyeltsen was sent to Nakartsé and Gyantsé to obstruct any Chinese forces that might be coming, while Khenchung Ngözhiwa and Tsipön Namsé Lingpa were sent to Puma Jangtang. Orders were given to the commanders of the government forces, the National Volunteer Defense Army, and the regional armies to take command of the river crossings at Chakzam, Kyinak, Bentsé, Dordrak, Gerpa, and Nyanggo. That night the Dalai Lama and his retinue stayed at Yartö Dargyeling Monastery. The Dalai Lama’s tutor Yongdzin Ling’s monastic estate took care of the entire retinue. The party stayed at Echu Dokyang on the night of the fifteenth, there being problems at Yartödrak. When they arrived in Shopo on the sixteenth to spend the night, a courier arrived to say that a Chinese division was coming. Jayül, which is included within the petty kingdom of Desi Nedongpa, had a castle called Yülgyel Lhüntsé Dzong, the palace of King Tendzin Norbu and Miwang Tsokyé Dorjé.j The Dalai Lama and his party rode to that famous site on the seventeenth day of the second month (March 26, 1959). The Chinese in Lhasa had announced that they had dissolved the Tibetan Ganden Podrang government. As a result, the Dalai Lama founded a new temporary government in order to fortify the confidence of the Tibetan people. Through the great efforts of Tsedrung Ngawang Chözang and Nedong Dzong’s Shödrung Jorgyepa, who were living at

j King Tendzin Norbu and Miwang Tsokyé Dorjé were sovereigns from ancient times.

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Lhüntsé Dzong, all sorts of preparations were made for a ceremony, including a throne, ceremonial offerings, a monastic procession, and so forth. The traditional government inauguration ceremony was performed in a large courtyard with the Dalai Lama’s two tutors performed the investiture ceremony, explaining the maṇḍala and reciting extensive prayers. Officials explained the current situation to the assembled people and thus the temporary Ganden Podrang government was founded. Civil and military officials announced this and the cabinet issued a proclamation which was sent out all over Tibet:7 To all Districts and Estates, For a thousand years, Tibet, the Land of Snow, has been known as a free and independent nation with the dual religious and political government. More recently, the Chinese Manchu emperors claimed that Tibet was part of China by virtue of the preceptor-patron relationship. Since Ganden Podrang, the government of free and independent Tibet, has continued on, it has military forces and manufactures military supplies to protect the country, and also has coins of gold, silver, and copper, and paper currency which are used by all of the people. The [government also] issued postage stamps. Tibet had also had direct relations with foreign nations. These are the sorts of factors which make us like other independent nations of the world; as a result of this good evidence, Tibet is fully qualified to be independent. In 1950, the Chinese Communists forcefully dispatched military troops into Tibet; since all of our weapons could not resist the enemy, the Seventeen-Point Agreement between China and Tibet was forced on the Tibetan government under duress and without the chance to question the terms. It was entirely according to the wishes of the Chinese Communists. Ever since then the Dalai Lama, the Tibetan government Ganden Podrang, and the monks and lay people of Tibet have done whatever they could to fulfill the terms of the Agreement. However, the Chinese Communist government and their troops in Tibet have not abided by the agreement; they have utterly destroyed many monasteries in Kham and in particular have labeled Buddhism, lamas, and monks as their primary hated enemy. They have identified the Compassionate Teacher, the Blessed Buddha, as a reactionary, publishing these incredible perverse, demeaning lies in widely circulated newspapers. As a result, following the story about Buddha, religious practitioners and people from all walks of life in Tibet, monks and lay people, men and women, rich and poor, have been powerless to avoid their deep disgust. Their malicious, illegal suppression has become ever more severe through the years. Buddha’s precious teachings are more dear to Tibetans than their own lives. As the Chinese are attempting to utterly destroy the Tibetan religion

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by force, the Tibetan people, monks and lay people, who are distinguished by their characteristic religion, language, and clothing, have remained in a state of sadness, exhaustion, suffering, and unbearable anger. Recently, on the first day of the second month of 1959, 933 years [after the introduction of the Kālachakra Tantra], the sovereign protector Dalai Lama Rinpoché who is the religious and political lord of all Tibet, the cabinet which bears the responsibilities of government, and various leaders were invited to attend a show in the Chinese military compound. They gave a sign of their intentions by not permitting the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard to carry weapons. The extent of their evil designs were not understood. However, since the situation has become increasingly oppressive, the Dalai Lama resolved to go because he felt helpless to decline the Chinese invitation. At that point, the lamas, officials, and the monks of Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, the monk and lay government officials, and the monks and lay people of Lhasa and Zhöl, numbering more than ten thousand, became frightened at the prospect of the Dalai Lama going to see a show at the Chinese camp, something which would have been impossible up until the Chinese Communists arrived in Tibet eight years ago. Thus, they respectfully blocked the threshold of the Norbu Lingkha Palace. All of the people rose up at one time, thinking that there is no way that opposites can remain together in one vessel, like hot and cold; Tibet and China are opposites in both religion and culture. From that day, the entire population marched in a demonstration proclaiming Tibet’s independence from Chinese domination. A tremendous outcry arose calling for a struggle for independence. The Dalai Lama gave profound advice to the popular leaders that they should adopt any means to decrease tensions and promote stability between the Chinese and the Tibetans. However, thinking that nothing could be done to eliminate the heartache of the people, the leaders did not obey the Dalai Lama. Large numbers of the National Volunteer Defense Army, wearing their military equipment, took up defensive positions around the perimeter of the Potala and the Tsuklakhang. Relations between China and Tibet immediately became more fractured. However, the Dalai Lama continued to do what he could, hoping to restore a peaceful arrangement between China and Tibet. The Chinese Communist officers in Lhasa planned to use force and would not extend a hand towards an agreement; they accelerated preparations of their army. At four o’clock in the afternoon of the eighth day of the second month, the Chinese army attacked the northern side of the palace where the Dalai Lama was staying; two cannon shots fell eighty feet from the palace walls, but they did not explode. Had they done so, it would have posed a great danger to the Dalai Lama. It became necessary to respond to the situation directly. All of the monks and lay people of Tibet urgently appealed to the Dalai Lama that he must temporarily go into exile for his own safety. Suddenly, that very night, it became necessary for the Dalai Lama, his two tutors, the cabinet which holds responsibility for the government, and

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the government registrar, to gather together a few attendants and secretly leave Lhasa. Thereafter, they established themselves at Lhokha. Because of the conflict at present, the monks and lay people with responsibility for the government and the people of Tibet in general are unable to bear the thought of the treasured Dalai Lama remaining on Tibetan soil. The Dalai Lama will go to a suitable location in a foreign country on account of the tremendous importance of the present and future welfare of living beings everywhere, of the government, and of Buddhism, which is the source of benefit and happiness of Tibet and Greater Tibet. The authority of government for the three regions of Tibet—Ü, Tsang, and Domé—continues to be held by the government Ganden Podrang government, except for those towns, such as Lhasa, which are occupied by Chinese forces. Because of the turmoil in Lhasa, our capital, the refounding of the independent Ganden Podrang government, with religious and political authority, has been undertaken in the Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace. The Dalai Lama has sent a letter, impressed with his seal, to the retired Prime Ministers Lozang Trashi and Dekharpa, reappointing them to their former positions. On this Thursday, the seventeenth day of the second month of 1959, a most astrologically auspicious day, the Dalai Lama, lord of the religious and political spheres, has kindly offered prayers for the proliferation of Buddhism, the happiness of all beings, and in particular, for the perpetual enjoyment of complete happiness by all of the monks and lay people of Tibet. All of the people here in Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace, monks and lay people, civil and military people, have been raising the auspicious banner and celebrating with immeasurable joy. You should also proclaim this news of the refounding of the independent Ganden Podrang government to all of the monks and lay people under your jurisdiction. Wearing their special ceremonial clothes, all men and women should hoist auspicious flags and monks should take the special one-day fasting vow. Offerings should be made to the Three Precious Jewels. People must celebrate this event of taking our freedom into our own hands by lighting incense and singing, dancing, and so forth. Hereafter, whatever reports on private and public activities are suitable should be sent to the seat of government here in Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace, and everyone should take their directives from here. Not only must there be no confusion about these matters for the present and future benefit and happiness of Tibet and Buddhism, but from this point on, people will be able to enjoy the possession of complete religious and economic freedom as they like in new festivals. Take these points to mind. From the Cabinet In Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace Twelfth day of the second month of the Earth-Pig Year

The people of Yülgyel Lhüntsé Palace demonstrated their happiness by dancing and singing before the castle.

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The cabinet gave Amdruk Gompa Tashi, who had just arrived from Dotö, a commendation along with the rank of dzasak for the many things he had altruistically done, such as holding Ü, the heart of Buddhism and the Tibetan government, and so forth. The Dalai Lama stayed at Dreu Monastery on the eighteenth day. Since the Chinese were following after the Dalai Lama’s party, it was decided that they should proceed to India, the land of the superiors, for the time being. To that end, the fourth-ranking Palhasé Trashi Wangchuk and Tsedrung Changkhyimpa Kelzang Tupten were sent ahead to the Indian border to report to the Indian government on the situation. The Dalai Lama has written about this decision:8 By then, all of us had admitted the unwelcome truth to ourselves: that wherever we tried to stop in the mountains, the Chinese could hunt us out, and that my presence there could only lead in the end to more fighting, and more deaths of the brave men who would try to defend me.

There were many considerations which compelled the Dalai Lama to finally decide to go to India. On the twentieth day, the party spent a night at Jora, having come by way of Logöla Pass. When they went to Tsona by way of Karpola Pass on the twenty-first, a pale green airplane flew over from the south-east to the north-west. Since it was believed to be a Chinese spy plane, this was another condition which eliminated the party’s apprehension about going to India. They stayed in Tsona that night. On the twenty-second, they stayed in Mangmang; although the area was a little warm, it was not a good place to stay because it lacked agreeable facilities. Since the tent in which the Dalai Lama was staying did not keep out the rain, he was cold and became a little ill. Except for the people who were gathering together in India, the members of Dalai Lama’s bodyguard, lead by Dapön Trashi Pelwa, and a contingent of the National Volunteer Defense Army had to return to Lhokha from that area; thus, they remained behind. The two people who had been sent to report to the Indian government returned, and so the order arrived from Delhi that the entire party was granted permission from the Indian government to enter the country. With the good news that the Indian border officials and the population in Chudangmo were making preparations to receive the Dalai Lama, all of the lamas and officials became extremely happy. The situation in Lhasa and Lhokha was becoming more critical, and thus, it seemed the sup-

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pression by the Chinese Communists would be complete. If that were so, then the destruction of their religion, which is so rare and difficult to find, would come about. There was no way to pacify their distress. When they arrived at the Tibetan-Indian border at Chudangmo on the twenty-third day of the second month (March 31, 1959), the Indian border guard and an interpreter, Rinak Yarpa Sönam Topgyel, from Mongolia, received the Dalai Lama. Now, I will explain a little about the terrible events that took place in Lhasa and the extent to which the Tibetans living in India worried about that. Early in the morning on the ninth day of the second month, the Norbu Lingkha attendants and the officials of the cabinet discovered that the Dalai Lama and the cabinet were not there; it seemed vacant as if one hundred birds had simultaneously flown from the nest. Thus, they experienced immeasurable sorrow. However, as there was no problem so great as this dangerous time, they thought that it was best for the Dalai Lama to be able to flee to some remote place. Hoping that he had been able to go a great distance, they tried to continue with their duties as usual without even discussing his departure among themselves. None of them wanted to abandon the palace and return to their own homes. They felt that the confrontation between the Chinese and the Tibetan people had come to a head and in the future they would certainly die, one way or another. Without a place to further the hopes of other people, they all decided to do what they could to defend the palace. At two o’clock in the morning of the tenth day of the second month (March 19, 1959), the Chinese launched a massive artillery assault on Norbu Lingkha Palace. It was impossible to tell from which direction the cannon were being fired. However, the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard returned innumerable cannon volleys on the camps where the Chinese were living in Nortö Lingkha, on Chakpori and Bongwari from the south and on their trucks from the north. As the cannon shots rained down on Norbu Lingkha Palace, there was no limit to the deaths of people, large innocent horses, elaborate offerings, and so forth. The palace and the homes of many of the cabinet members and officials were destroyed. The eastern, western, and northern walls were shattered. The tops and branches of trees were broken. The walls of the Tsuklakhang and the monks’ quarters were destroyed and totally collapsed. Soldiers in the Norbu Lingkha Palace, soldiers in the National Volunteer Defense Army, and many people were shot with machine

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guns. Although they undoubtedly entered the conflict carrying handguns and rifles, they could not get close to the enemy because they had long-range artillery. Thus, there was no place for the Tibetan troops to avoid the conflagration. Many heroic people on our side, such as Chamdo Yaptsang Lozang Könchok and Böpa Dorjé, were killed in the firefight. At about three o’clock in the afternoon, the publishing house sent messages out to all the people that if the fighting continued it would only result in deaths on both sides as there was no way to triumph over the enemy; thus, it would be best if everyone just did what they could to preserve their own life. Many people fled toward the Rama Gang boat crossing, thinking that it was in the hands of the National Volunteer Defense Army. However, since the Chinese had already seized the hilltop, these people were fired on with machine guns from the rocks between the river crossings. Several thousand heroic people, such as the retired attendant Lozang Yeshé and Sadu Lo Gendün, died there, and many were wounded. With bullets falling like a hard rain, a few people, such as Khenchung Tarawa Dongak Tarchin, crossed the Kyichu branch of the Tsangpo River without hesitation, but not knowing how to swim, they lost their lives to the enemy of water. Also many soldiers and civilians fled through the Jango, and were fired upon from the weapons atop the enclosed area of Kyangtang Gang. Thus, the numbers of dead and wounded mounted. A few people, such as Dzasak Taring,k were able to escape from the enclosed area through Pari Mountain. A large number of people remained with Norbu Lingkha Palace. Just before sunrise, Chinese troops got closer and closer to Norbu Lingkha Palace, and thus, the people inside no longer had any wish to fight. Therefore, Tsechak Khenchung Gyeltsen La9 and his close friend Tsedrung Lozang Nyendrak did not want to put themselves into the hands of the evil Chinese. They both shot themselves. Many other brave people lost their lives battling to the end, doing whatever they were able to do. The inner and outer walls of the palace, as well as the inside of the palace itself, were full of the dead and wounded.

k Dzasak Taring was a prince from Sikkim who married Rinchen Dolma Taring, who had been married to the much older Tsarong. She wrote an affecting memoir that provides fascinating glimpses into Tibet in the first half of the 20th century, particularly among the noble classes. See Rinchen Dolma Taring, Daughter of Tibet (London: Wisdom Publications, 1986), 102–103.

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Ignoring the sight, the Chinese crept into the palace from three directions and arrested many monks and lay people, including Prime Ministers Lozang Trashi, Khenché Ngawang Drakpa, Khendrung Chöpel Tupten, Tupten Tendar, Tupten Jangchup, Tsipön Shukhüpa, Shakabpa the fourth-ranking official who was my elder brother, Khenchung Kelzang Ngawang. All of the remainder were held in the Norbu Lingkha offices, under a Chinese guard. Similarly, the Chinese also bombarded the Potala Palace, Lhasa, and Zhöl with a rain of artillery. However, Tibetan soldiers and citizens set fire to several places where the Chinese were located and killed many Chinese soldiers. There was no break in the thunder of guns and artillery throughout the night. On the morning of the eleventh day, a rumor was spread around Lhasa that Norbu Lingkha Palace had been victorious. Thus, townspeople issued calls of peace from the rooftops. People burned incense and called out, “The gods are victorious.” That night, Lhasa, the Potala, and Sera Monastery were fired upon simultaneously with cannon. The Tsuklakhang of Ramoché and the Tantric College were utterly destroyed. Countless numbers of people on both sides died or were wounded. The guards of the Tsuklakhang and the police fearlessly went within the Barkor route,l inflicting losses on the Chinese who were at Kyitöpa, Kashöpa, and Zurkhang. Even more incredible, they displayed their tremendous bravery by stealthfully assaulting the Chinese camp at Luguk. The many well-armed trucks of the Chinese were used to block the road between Lhasa and Zhöl, the great roads going north and west, and the many smaller roads within the city. From about five o’clock that evening, people began to escape in the direction of Sera Monastery and Langru. Yet the Chinese fired from atop the high buildings in that area with machine guns. Many more people were killed or wounded. Countless old people, women, and children who were hidden within their houses died of fright or were accidentally killed. At about four o’clock in the morning on the twelfth day of the second month, the Chinese Communists began making frequent announcements over a loudspeaker: The reactionaries in Norbu Lingkha Palace have been utterly destroyed and the remainder have already been arrested. If the reactionaries in Lhasa

l The Barkor (bar bskor) is a circumambulation route within Lhasa. It surrounds the Jokhang Tsuklakhang Temple.

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now put an end to their shooting, we will not fire upon the Tsuklakhang, which we could destroy in a few moments. If they make a truce and capitulate, they will not be killed.

People were uncertain if the omniscient Dalai Lama had been able to escape, although it seemed that the Norbu Lingkha Palace had been destroyed. Now, this Tsuklakhang Temple, Rasa Trülnang, was the only remaining spark of their religion. Thus, if it were destroyed, there would be nothing left. Seeing that they would be powerless to resist for a long time, the fighting gradually abated. Those people who were able to act cautiously escaped. Chinese troops went from house to house searching for and seizing all of the weapons they found. Old people, women, and children were left, and all of the young people were kept in groups in Trimon, Meru, Zhidé, Sampo, and Chingur. The people were investigated to see if they were senior monks in the government, officials in private estates, soldiers, or monastic officials; all of them were imprisoned. The remainder, many thousands of ordinary men and women, were taken to Norbu Lingkha Palace by Chinese soldiers. They were made to search for the corpses of monks to see if the Dalai Lama had been killed accidentally. Other than that, several thousand corpses were moved and placed in a huge pile. Oil and gasoline were poured on the bodies and they were burned. The smoke from the burning of human flesh and houses filled the sky with black clouds for several days until it rained. The land was full of terrible smells. Many important government officials were arrested in the Potala Palace and in Lhasa, including retired Cabinet Minister Lhaluba, Dzasak Tsarongpa, Dzasak Mön Lingpa, General Khenchung Lodrö Kelzang, Tsechak Khenchung, Lamen Khenchung Loden Chödrak, Pokpön Kenchung Ngawang Tsepel, Lachak Khenchung Tupten Tenpa, Tupten Chönyi, Lhasa steward Khenchung Lozang Tendzin, Zhöl steward Khenchung Ngawang Tsültrim, Khenchung Lozang Nyendrak, the Dapön of Drapzhi Samposé, fourth-ranking Dodewa, Salungpa, Sumdoba, Rasa Gyagenpa, Lachak Mentöpa, Dumrawa, and Mipön Gokkharwa. Many courageous representatives of the people were also arrested and imprisoned in military districts and Taring. Several Chinese officers and soldiers went to Doring House to arrest Ganden Tripa Rinpoché; Gazhisé shot the leader, and he in turn was beaten to death by a Chinese officer. Khenchung Tönpa Jampa Khedrup kept firing from his house, and at the end of a long battle with the Chinese, he lost his

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life. In both Norbu Lingkha Palace and Lhasa, more than ten thousand people died and more than fifteen thousand were wounded.10 The news of the turmoil in Lhasa reached Kalimpong on the second day of the second month. There was unbearable fear of the danger to the Dalai Lama if the present turmoil intensified, and so the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare in Kalimpong led by retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa sent a wire to India’s Prime Minister Nehru asking him to help protect the Dalai Lama. At the same time, retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa and deputy of the Cabinet Yutok led a group of people to Delhi, India’s capital, on the eleventh day of the second month; it consisted of myself, monk and lay government officials, members and representatives of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare, the abbot of Tarchö Monastery, Tibetan traders living in India, and representatives of the Tibetan people living in Darjeeling. In all, there were more than three hundred people. In Delhi, we met with Vice President Dr. Radhakrishnan, Prime Minister Nehru, Interior Minister Pandit Pant, Congress Party President Indira Gandhi, and Indian Foreign Secretary Dutt. We submitted an appeal to them saying that the Chinese Communists had forcefully suppressed Tibet and asking them to intervene. It also asked that they take responsibility for the Dalai Lama’s security and communicate with China. The appeal continued, saying that Tibet was free and independent and exhorting the Indian government to support the Tibetan army and the National Volunteer Defense Army. At the same time, we met with members of the Indian opposition party, Mr. Vajpaiyi, Acharya Kirpalani, Ashoka Metha, Masani, and so forth, asking them to support the truth in Tibet. At that time, the front pages of all of the Indian newspapers explained that the Chinese Communists had attacked Norbu Lingkha Palace and Lhasa with artillery. Since reports arrived each day that the whereabouts of the Dalai Lama were unknown, those of us who were in Delhi were afflicted with terrible suffering. Some people went crazy, some fell unconscious, and some even died. At that time, out of his great concern for the religious and political status of Tibet, the Vice Minister of Ladakh, Prince Bhakula, visited important figures in the Indian government, including Prime Minister Nehru and in particular, members of the Congress Party, urging them to support Tibet’s cause. The Prime Minister of Bhutan, Jikmé Dorjé, also sympathetically supported Tibet, and he acted as a friend to the

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monasteries. Many thousands of Indian citizens, led by the Jan Sangh and the Praja Socialist Parties, demonstrated in front of the Chinese Embassy, displaying their displeasure. They shouted slogans like “The suppression in Tibet must be stopped” and “The Chinese must leave Tibet.” Many thousands of Indians also demonstrated in Bombay, burning a portrait of Chairman Mao as a way of defaming him. According to what the Indian Prime Minister Nehru said, similar demonstrations happened in many other Indian cities. This is an indication that the spontaneously arisen friendly relations between Tibet and India could not be undone. Members of Buddhist religious associations and monks in Ceylon held meetings in which they exhorted the government of Ceylon to discontinue political and trade relations between Ceylon and China if the Chinese did not cease their attacks on Tibet. At the same time, Buddhist groups in Burma, Thailand, the Philippines, and Japan urged their respective governments to insist that the Chinese suppression be halted immediately. The Progressive Party of Vietnam promised to send one hundred young people to assist the volunteer forces of Tibet. Tens of thousands of young Chinese people demonstrated in Taipei, the capital of Formosa, calling for an end to Chinese influence in Tibet. Mongolians living in America also protested in front of the United Nations building, handing out pamphlets of protest against the Chinese and carrying banners that read “Long Live the Dalai Lama.” Beyond this, sympathetic people in many countries throughout the world came out in support of the truth in Tibet. Several of our representatives went to the Marina Hotel in New Delhi on April 3, 1959, to meet with Prime Minister Lukhangpa. We were distressed to hear about the newspaper reports that the Dalai Lama had been injured in a fall, and so we discussed what could be done to improve matters. While this meeting was underway, Mr. Masani called me from the Parliament House to report that: Prime Minister Nehru has just told the Lower House of Parliament that he received a request for asylum from the Dalai Lama on March 29th. As permission has been granted, the Dalai Lama has already reached the Indian border on March 31. An Indian government reception committee is being sent to receive him and his retinue and arrangements are being made for whatever they require. Members of Parliament proclaimed their unanimous greetings.

Immediately, I went to tell Prime Minister Lukhangpa; at that time, he was sitting cross legged with a book of prayers on his lap. As soon as

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he heard the news, he seized the book in his hands, rose to his feet and shouted, “Tashi Delek!” At the same time, he walked around several times without any problem. For all of the Tibetans in Delhi, our joy at this news cannot be expressed; we spread the news around, and all of us left for Kalimpong and Darjeeling that night to prepare to receive the Dalai Lama. Notes to Chapter Twenty-Two 1. The nine were the retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa, Taktser Tupten Norbu, Gyalo Thondup, Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen, myself, Tsepon Shakabpa, Tsedrung Tupten Nyinjé, Jampa Wangdu, Jampa Tsöndrü, and Alo Chödzé. 2. A copy of this Kardzé daily newspaper from the twelfth day of the tenth month (November 22, 1958), is included in the Compilation of Records. 3. After being subjected to “struggle sessions” with the Chinese army several time, the Chinese Lozang Trashi made the decision to join the National Volunteer Defense Army. Later, he went to India along with the other members of the volunteer forces. These days, he lives in a Tibetan refugee camp in Mussourie. The other Chinese man escaped during the night to Nyasap Drukha; one primarily hears that he was a Chinese spy. 4. Concerning the Question of Tibet (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1959), 37. This book is published in Beijing. Translator’s Note: The version I have used here is from Chankya Sen, Tibet Disappears: A Documentary History of Tibet’s International Status, the Great Rebellion, and Its Aftermath (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1960), 141. 5. See Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 186–188. 6. Compilation of Records. 7. Compilation of Records. 8. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 212–213. 9. He was the tremendously heroic person who was most responsible for maintaining the secret that the Dalai Lama and his retinue were secretly fleeing. About him, I remember that in 1948 Tsipön Lukhangpa highly praised his service, saying in front of the assembly that he has a crooked eye but not a crooked mind. 10. I have heard about these events from many witnesses who actually saw what happened in Lhasa.

CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE

DALAI LAMA’S APPEAL TO THE UNITED NATIONS UPON ARRIVING IN INDIA TRANSLATOR’S INTRODUCTION The Indian government immediately welcomed the Dalai Lama and those who had arrived with him on April 5, 1959. The twenty-three year old incarnation, now free of Chinese control for the first time in nearly a decade, issued a statement officially rejecting the SeventeenPoint Agreement that had been forced on the Tibetans in 1951 and denouncing the Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet in which he had been compelled to participate. The statement recounted some of the ways the Tibetans had felt aggrieved during the occupation and narrated the Dalai Lama’s escape from Tibet. While living under the control of China during the intervening years, he had been unable to express himself freely on these points. As efforts were underway to establish the instruments of a government-in-exile, the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare was disbanded so that all official efforts to provide for Tibetans in India could be organized under the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama was initially established at Mussoorie in Uttarakhand, India, near both Tibet and western Nepal. As increasing numbers of Tibetans followed the Dalai Lama into exile, government officials were organized into departments responsible for various aspects of their welfare. Massive relief efforts were implemented to provide for the one hundred thousand Tibetans that would cross the Himalayas in the following few years. As Shakabpa remarks, “a new world had to be built.”a Fortunately, the Indian government showed itself to be a sympathetic supporter of the Tibetan exiles. India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru spoke about Tibet in Parliament. He rebutted charges made by the Chinese that India was holding the Dalai Lama against his will or that India was pursuing a policy of expansionism. He also reported his conversations with Zhou Enlai in which the Chinese Premier assured him that Tibetans

a

See p. 1042 below.

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would not be compelled to adopt Communism or unwanted reforms.b Nehru’s sympathetic assurances to the Dalai Lama during his 1956 visit to India had encouraged the Dalai Lama to believe that it would be possible to reach an accommodation with China.c However, Nehru was at best slow to perceive the dangers posed to Tibet by China and at worst an appeaser, reluctant to condemn China’s aggressive posture for fear of being compelled to take a stand against Mao. Mindful of Indian national interests, he did not offer disinterested advice to the Dalai Lama, but rather urged the young man to follow a path that Nehru himself believed would help India avoid becoming entrapped in a conflict with China over Tibet.d Tsepon Shakabpa was appointed to lead the Bureau of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Delhi, a sort of embassy through which the exile government could act on the international stage. Throughout 1959, the Dalai Lama attempted to gain support in the international community, including appeals directly through the United Nations. Shakabpa and the Dalai Lama’s elder brothers, Gyalo Thondup and Taktser Jikmé Norbu, flew to England and then to New York in order to press Tibet’s case. A resolution was passed on October 27, 1959 calling for “respect for the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people and for their distinctive cultural and religious life.” The delegation met with the Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld (1905–1961) before returning to India to brief the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government. The following year, an international conference of nations from Asia and Africa passed a resolution supporting Tibet. The International Commission of Jurists issued several reports condemning human rights abuses and breaches of international law in Tibet by the Chinese.e In

b

See pp. 1043–1044 below. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, Freedom in Exile: The Autobiography of the Dalai Lama (London: Hodder and Stroughton, 1990), 128–135. See also p. 988 above. d Mikel Dunham, Buddha’s Warriors: The Story of the CIA-Backed Tibetan Freedom Fighters, the Chinese Invasion, and the Ultimate Fall of Tibet (New York: Penguin, 2004), 174–178 and 285–286. It is evident that one of the main reasons the Dalai Lama decided to return to Tibet in 1956 is because Nehru urged him to do so. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 122–124. e International Commission of Jurists published two volume (see p. 897 above), which included various official documents, statements by the Dalai Lama, the Cabinet, and other government officials, and statements by Tibetan citizens on all aspects of the invasion and occupation. c

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addition to concluding that the Chinese had committed genocide, the panel of jurists determined that:f Tibet was a free and independent nation, and not only was it free and independent under nominal Chinese authority, but it was free and independent by legal agreement.

Shakabpa records a number of public statements by the Dalai Lama from this era that provide a snapshot of the official viewpoint of the Tibetan government at the time.g Meanwhile, the Indian government supported the Dalai Lama’s exiled government in the creation of a series of refugee centers, including the base at Dharamsala in Himachel Pradesh in northern India. The government-in-exile was established there along with the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, the Tibetan Medical and Astrological Institute, the Tibetan Cultural Printing Press, several monasteries, and other facilities. Resettlement camps, schools, and hospitals were established at various locations throughout India and the Himalayan region. These efforts consumed much of the 1960s and the first half of the 1970s. By 1976, Tsepon Shakabpa had published this account of the political history of Tibet, but he would continue to play a significant role in writing the story of Tibet through his personal efforts to elaborate a life in exile.

f g

See p. 1058 below. See pp. 1045–1052 below.

CHAPTER TWENTY-THREE

DALAI LAMA’S APPEAL TO THE UNITED NATIONS UPON ARRIVING IN INDIA Most of the preceding history took place within Tibet, and so I have given dates according to the Tibetan calendar, with the important events also given in the international calendar. From this point on, dates will be given according to the international calendar. On April 5th, when the Dalai Lama and his retinue arrived at Tawang Monastery in Mön, he was received by a procession of monks and lay people. The Assistant Secretary of the Indian Foreign Ministry, Mr. Menon, who had previously been to Lhasa as a representative of the Indian government, presented the Dalai Lama with a telegram which had been sent by Prime Minister Nehru. It said:1 My assistants and I extend a joyous welcome to you. We congratulate you for being able to escape to freedom in India. We will satisfy whatever necessities you and your retinue require to stay in India; there are no doubts nor any questions about this.

The Dalai Lama responded with a message expressing his gratitude. Similarly, the political officer of the Khameng district, Mr. Harmander Singh, and his wife came to greet the Dalai Lama. They accompanied him from Tawang to Tezpur, with the officer’s wife preparing all of the Dalai Lama’s meals with great devotion. Progressing gradually, they reached a small town called Bomdila on April 9th, where they were also greeted by the advisor of the NorthEast Frontier Agency, Mr. K. L. Mehta. After resting there for eight days, he traveled by train to Tezpur on the 18th. Retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa and Cabinet Deputy Yutok presented the Dalai Lama with scarves in greeting; afterwards, they gave him a detailed account of Tibetan matters within India. He also received a great number of telegrams from the leaders of many nations throughout the world and from many important people, congratulating him for being able to escape. A host of newspapers and television reporters from India and other foreign nations also came to Tezpur. A brief statement was prepared, as follows:2

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It has always been accepted that Tibetan people are different from the Han people of China. There has always been a strong desire for independence on the part of the Tibetan people. Throughout history this has been asserted on numerous occasions. Sometimes the Chinese Government had imposed their suzerainty on Tibet and at other times Tibet has functioned as an independent country. In any event, at all times, even when the suzerainty of China was imposed, Tibet remained autonomous in control of its internal affairs. In 1951 under pressure of the Chinese Government a 17-point agreement was made between China and Tibet. In that agreement the suzerainty of China was accepted as there was no alternative left to the Tibetans. But even in the agreement it was stated that Tibet would enjoy full autonomy. Though the control of external events were to be in the hands of the Chinese Government, it was agreed that there would be no interference by the Chinese Government with the Tibetan religion and customs and her internal administration. In fact, after the occupation of Tibet by the Chinese armies the Tibetan Government did not enjoy any measure of autonomy even in internal matters, and the Chinese Government exercised full powers in Tibetan affairs. PREPARATORY COMMITTEE In 1956 a preparatory committee was set up for Tibet with the Dalai Lama as Chairman and the Paṇchen Lama as Vice-Chairman and General Chang Kuo-hua (Zhang Guohua) as the representative of the Chinese Government. In practice even this body had little power, and decisions in all important matters were taken by the Chinese authorities. The Dalai Lama and his Government tried their best to adhere to the 17-point agreement but the interference of the Chinese authorities persisted. By the end of 1955 a struggle had started in the Kham province and this assumed serious proportions in 1956. In the consequential struggle the Chinese armed forces destroyed a large number of monasteries. Many lamas were killed and a large number of monks and officials were taken and employed in the construction of roads in China and the interference in exercise of religion freedom increased. 1959: STRAINED RELATIONS The relation of Tibetans with China became openly strained from the early part of February 1959. The Dalai Lama had agreed a month in advance to attend a cultural show in the Chinese headquarters and the date was suddenly fixed for March 10. The people of Lhasa became apprehensive that some harm might be done to the Dalai Lama and as a result about 10,000 people gathered around the Dalai Lama’s Summer Palace at Norbu Lingka and physically prevented the Dalai Lama from attending the function.

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Thereafter the people themselves decided to raise a bodyguard for the protection of the Dalai Lama. Large crowds of Tibetans went about the streets of Lhasa demonstrating against the Chinese rule in Tibet. Two days later thousands of Tibetan women held demonstrations protesting against Chinese authority. In spite of this demonstration from the people the Dalai Lama and his Government endeavored to maintain friendly relations with the Chinese representatives as to how best to bring about peace in Tibet and assuage the people’s anxiety. While these negotiations were being carried out reinforcements arrived to strengthen the Chinese garrisons in Lhasa and Tibet. On March 17, two or three mortar shells were fired in the direction of the Norbu Lingkha palace. Fortunately the shells fell in a nearby pond. After this the advisers became alive to the danger to the person of the Dalai Lama and in those difficult circumstances it became imperative for the Dalai Lama, the members of his family and his high officials to leave Lhasa. The Dalai Lama would like to state categorically that he left Lhasa in Tibet and came to India of his own free will and not under duress. It was due to the loyalty and affectionate support of his people that the Dalai Lama was able to find his way through a route which is quite arduous. The route which the Dalai Lama took involved crossing the Kyichu and Tsangpo rivers and making his way through Lhokha area, Yarlung Valley and Psona Dzong before reaching the Indian frontier at Kanzeymane near to Chuhangmu. TWO EMISSARIES On March 29, 1959, the Dalai Lama sent two emissaries to cross the Indo-Tibetan border requesting the Government of India’s permission to enter India and seek asylum here. The Dalai Lama is extremely grateful to the people and Government of India for their spontaneous and generous welcome as well as the asylum granted to him and his followers. India and Tibet have had religious, cultural and trade links for over a thousand years and for Tibetans it has always been the land of enlightenment, having given birth to the Lord Buddha. The Dalai Lama is deeply touched by the kind greetings extended to him on his safe arrival in India by the Prime Minister, Mr. Jawaharlal Nehru, and his colleagues in the Government of India. The Dalai Lama has already sent a reply to this message of greeting. Ever since the Dalai Lama entered at Kanzeymane near Chuhangmu he has experienced in full measure the respect and hospitality extended to him by the people of the Khameng frontier division of the North-East Frontier Agency and the Dalai Lama would like to state how the Government of India’s officers posted there had spared no effort in making his stay and journey through this extremely well administered part of India as comfortable as possible.

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The Dalai Lama will now be proceeding to Mussoorie which he hopes to reach in the next few days. The Dalai Lama will give thought to his future plans and, if necessary, give expression to them as soon as he has had a chance to rest and reflect on recent events. His country and people have passed through an extremely difficult period and all that the Dalai Lama wishes to say at the moment is to express his sincere regret at the tragedy which has overtaken Tibet and to hope fervently that these troubles will be over soon without any more bloodshed. As the Dalai Lama and spiritual head of all the Buddhists in Tibet, his foremost concern is the well-being of his people and in ensuring perpetual flourishing of his sacred religion and freedom of his country. While expressing once again thankfulness at his safe arrival in India the Dalai Lama would like to take this opportunity to communicate to all his friends, well-wishers and devotees in India and abroad his sincere gratitude for the many messages of sympathy and concern with which they have flooded him.

The Dalai Lama and his retinue left Tezpur on a special train. Not only did the Tibetans living in Kalimpong, Darjeeling, and Sikkim come to greet the Dalai Lama at the Siliguri Train Station, but many thousands of Indians and Nepalis also came. The Dalai Lama gave a joyful audience and granted blessings to the crowd on a platform outside of the train station. It became as if the joy at being able to flee to safety and the torment about the Chinese suppression in Tibet were in contention with each other. Mr. Apa Pant the Governor of Sikkim, Rani Chöying Wangmo the daughter of the Queen of Sikkim, and the district officers of Jalpaiguri and Darjeeling also met with the Dalai Lama. After almost half an hour, the train left again. The train was received by many tens of thousands of people at Varanasi, Lucknow, Dehra Dun, and so forth. People offered their respects, and at the same time, they proclaimed their joy at his escaping to safety, resounding like the thunder of a thousand bolts of lightening. On April 20th, they reached the Birla House residence in Happy Valley at Mussoorie which had been arranged by the Indian government. It was like Sakra’s Palace;a the Dalai Lama was happily established there. Four days later, Prime Minister Nehru went to Mussoorie to meet with the Dalai Lama; they discussed a variety of issues for a long time.3

a

I.e., Indra’s palace.

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After we had met the Dalai Lama at Siliguri, we immediately returned to Kalimpong, where a meeting of the Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare was held. I said: While the Dalai Lama was in Tibet, his older brother Gyalo Thondup, Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen, and I respectfully did whatever we could for Tibet’s benefit, like the example of measuring the night with a donkey instead of a rooster.b However, the Dalai Lama and the cabinet can now take care of all of Tibet’s affairs. From this day forward, the organization which we started will be disbanded. Thus, all of us should work under the direction of the Dalai Lama.

We discontinued the committee. According to instructions received from Mussoorie, all government officials who were living in the Kalimpong area, including Prime Minister Lukhangpa and Cabinet Deputy Yutok, went to Mussoorie to explain their general activities in recent times to the Dalai Lama and the cabinet. At that point, we indicated that we had disbanded the committee and that henceforth we would work under the Dalai Lama’s leadership. There were a variety of unfounded rumors that Gyalo Thondup, Khenchung Lozang Gyeltsen, and I had used our government’s gold and silver that had been deposited in Gangtok, Sikkim, for our own personal enjoyment. In fact, not only did we not enjoy the use of a grain of gold or even an invisible speck of silver, the door and its seal were under guard, undisturbed. Since we were able to transfer the accounts, we expressed our gratitude directly to the Dalai Lama and the cabinet if they would take it. It is reported that a representative subsequently transported the treasures to Calcutta.c All sorts of lamas and leaders gathered in Mussoorie and in accordance with the proclamation issued at Yülgyel Lhüntsé, the retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa was asked to continue bearing the responsibilities b Shakabpa is humbly saying they could do very little because they did not have the familiar helpful guidance of the Dalai Lama. In that context, they merely did what they could. But the tools they had were not good. After all, who tries to wake up with the morning braying of a donkey? c The Dalai Lama himself mentions this episode in his autobiography, Freedom in Exile (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1990, 184–185), confirming that the resource was returned to the government. He says this treasure was sold on the open market, raising about $8 million dollars. Unsound investment decisions wasted a significant portion of these funds, and the remainder was used to create the organization known as His Holiness the Dalai Lama’s Charitable Trust, which was established in 1964 and continues to operate for the benefit of the Tibetan people.

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of that office. He said that he was old and had chronic health problems; thus, although he would continue to go to important functions and various ceremonies, he said he would rather retire. All of the cabinet ministers were assigned various duties: Internal Affairs, Foreign Affairs, Religion, Education, Economics, and Security. Within Tibet, the Chinese Communists killed or arrested countless people. Thus, a vast number of terrified monks and lay people were beginning to follow the Dalai Lama into India by way of Tawang in Mön, Bhutan, Sikkim, Nepal, Ladakh, and so forth. The Indian government immediately established a camp at Misameri to take care of the refugees. Thus, a director and a doctor were assigned there. The effort was led by Mrs. Sujita, the wife of Acharya Kirpalani who was a representative of India’s Lower House of Parliament. The aid from the Indian government, the Red Cross, and other foreign nations were channeled through the newly established Central Relief Office. Assistance was given in the form of rice, wheat flour, powdered milk, corn flour, sugar, butter, tea, salt, medicine, clothing, and even firewood. This was done under the guidance of the retired Prime Minister Lukhangpa, Khendrön Palhawa, and other functionaries and translators. Those people among the refugees who could take care of themselves were allowed to travel as they pleased. The remainder, monks and so forth, went to Buxaduor and Dalhousie. Others had gone to Simla, Chamba, and Sikkim where they were able to find temporary work building roads. Still others, who were interested in learning a craft, attended newly founded training centers in Dalhousie and other mountainous places where it was not too hot. Indian and Tibetan government officials were sent to these places along with translators. People who became extremely ill, with tuberculosis and so forth, were taken to hospitals run by the aid agencies. In many ways, a new world had to be built. At that time, I was appointed to lead the Bureau of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Delhi; the son of the fourth-ranking official Taring and another functionary were made my assistants. We maintained contact with the Indian government, other foreign embassies, and foreign relief organizations, such as the Central Relief Office. Relief was given to refugees working on the roads crews and gradually efforts were made to establish camps, workshops, schools, religious camps, and nurseries. Appeals were made for assistance, and whatever was received was distributed to all who needed it.

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Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru reported to India’s Lower House of Parliament in the Lok Sabha on April 27, 1959, about the vital importance of the Dalai Lama’s having come to India:4 The charges made against India [by the Chinese government] are so fantastic that I find it difficult to deal with them. There is the charge of our keeping the Dalai Lama under duress. The Chinese authorities should surely know how we function in this country and what our laws and Constitution are . . . As the Paṇchen Lama has made himself responsible specially for some strange statements, I have stated that we would welcome him to come to India and meet the Dalai Lama himself. Should he choose to do so, every courtesy will be extended to him. I have further said that the Chinese Ambassador or any other emissary of the Chinese Government can come to India for this purpose and meet the Dalai Lama. There is no barrier for anyone to come peacefully to India, and whether we agree with him or not, we shall treat him with courtesy due to a guest. Another and an even stranger allegation has been made about “Indian expansionists” who, it is alleged, are inheritors of the British tradition of imperialism and expansion. It is perfectly true that British policy was one of expansion into Tibet and that they carried this out by force of arms early in this century. That was, in our opinion, an unjustified and cruel adventure which has brought much harm to the Tibetans. As a result of that, the then British Government of India established certain extraterritorial rights in Tibet. When India became independent, we inherited some of these rights . . . We withdrew our army detachments from some places in Tibet and handed over Indian postal and telegraph installations and rest houses [to the Tibetans] . . . I have stated some time ago that our broad policy was governed by three factors: (1) the preservation of the security and integrity of India; (2) our desire to maintain friendly relations with China; and (3) our deep sympathy for the people of Tibet . . . We for our part will follow this policy, but we hope that China also will do likewise and that nothing will be said or done which endangers the friendly relations of the two countries which are so important from the wider point of view of the peace of Asia and the world. When Premier Zhou Enlai came here two or three years ago, he was good enough to discuss Tibet with me at considerable length . . . He told me that while Tibet had been a part of the Chinese State, they did not consider Tibet as a province of China. The people were different from the people of China proper . . . He told me further that it was absurd for anyone to imagine that China was going to force communism on Tibet. Communism could not be enforced in this way on a very backward country and they had no wish to do so even though they would like reforms to come in progressively. Even these reforms they proposed to postpone for a considerable time.

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At that time, the Dalai Lama was also here and I had long talks with him then. I told him of Premier Zhou Enlai’s friendly approach and of his assurance that he would respect the autonomy of Tibet. I suggested to him that he should accept these assurances in good faith and cooperate in maintaining that autonomy and bringing about certain reforms in Tibet. The Dalai Lama agreed that his country, though, according to him, advanced spiritually, was very backward socially and economically and reforms were needed . . . To say that a number of “upper strata reactionaries” in Tibet were solely responsible for this appears to an extraordinary simplification of a complicated situation. Even according to the accounts received through Chinese sources, the revolt in Tibet was of considerable magnitude and the basis of it must have been a strong feeling of nationalism which affects not only upper class people but others also . . . When the news of these unhappy developments came to India, there was immediately a strong and widespread reaction. The Government did not bring about this reaction. Nor was this reaction essentially political. It was largely one of sympathy based on sentimental and humanitarian reasons. Also on a certain feeling of kinship with the Tibetan people derived from long-established religious and cultural contacts . . . If that was the reaction here, one may well imagine the reaction among the Tibetans themselves. Probably this reaction is shared in the other Buddhist countries of Asia. When there are such strong feelings, which are essentially not political, they cannot be dealt with by political methods alone, much less by military methods. We have no desire whatever to interfere in Tibet; we have every desire to maintain the friendship between India and China; but at the same time we have every sympathy for the people of Tibet, and we are greatly distressed at their hapless plight. We hope still that the authorities of China, in their wisdom, will not use their great strength against the Tibetans but will win them to friendly cooperation in accordance with the assurances they have themselves given about the autonomy of the Tibet region. Above all, we hope that the present fighting and killing will cease. As I said above, I had a long talk with the Dalai Lama three days ago in Mussoorie . . . He said that up to the last moment he did not wish to leave Lhasa. It was only on the afternoon of the 17th of March when, according to him, some shells were fired at his palace and fell in a pond nearby, that the sudden decision was then to leave Lhasa . . .

In this way, Prime Minister Nehru explained the extent of the Chinese suppression in Tibet and the helplessness of the Tibetan people. However, he said that Tibet was nominally part of China; this was a recognition of his inability to change the previous mistaken policy. A large conference on the issue of Tibet was organized in Calcutta under the leadership of Jaya Prakash Narayan; it lasted for two days and was attended by many scholars who were famous in India. The

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Dalai Lama sent a message to the conference and supporters of Tibet in India also attended. The Tibetan representatives were Ngortartsé Abbot Sönam Gyatso, Tretong’s son Sönam Topjor, Markham Tösam, and so forth. The conferees agreed that the free and independent nation of Tibet had been invaded by Communist China, that the people of India should support Tibet’s political cause, that the Afro-Asian Committee for Tibet should be established to promote Tibet’s quest for independence, and that the issue of Tibet should be raised with the United Nations. The following day, a crowd of many tens of thousands of people assembled in Wellington Square in Calcutta. Shri J. P. Narayan, Dr. Mazum Das, Acharya Kirpalani, Mr. C. P. Gupta, Mr. D. P. Prasang Gosh, Mr. Khamath, and so forth spoke, criticizing China. Many tens of thousands of Indians demonstrated, shouting slogans like “Communist China leave Tibet” and “Tibet must be given her independence.” On June twentieth, the Dalai Lama held a news conference in Mussoorie in which he said:5 Ever since I arrived in India, I have received reports every day about the situation of terrible difficulties and sufferings of the Tibetan people and the increasing murders of the ordinary Tibetan people. In order to forestall the destruction of the Buddhist religion and the Tibetan people, I can no longer remain silent. Thus, the time has come to present the actual facts about the situation in Tibet to the world and to the developed nations . . . Before 1950, Tibet was a free and independent nation and enjoyed the practical rights held by independent nations, both internally and externally. This fact was made clear even in the Seventeen-Point Agreement imposed on Tibet by the Chinese Communists in 1951. The manner in which it was agreed upon and the individual provisions within it showed that it was reached between two independent nations. As a result, the initial dispatch of Chinese troops onto Tibetan soil was an invasion. Thereafter, the Seventeen-Point Agreement was imposed without regard for the wishes of the Tibetan people. The Tibetans were powerless to ignore their threatened forces of arms. If my representatives did not sign, the Chinese would attack and they feared that Tibet would be utterly destroyed. They had no alternative . . . Although the Chinese had agreed to preserve my authority, they quickly subverted my power, and the Chinese representatives who were in Tibet exercised inappropriate control. They disliked my two Prime Ministers Khenché Lozang Trashi and Tsipön Dekar (Lukhangpa) Tsewang Rapten for speaking bluntly and compelled me to ask them to resign. Forced labor, extra-judicial torture and executions, seizure of monastic and private lands, and the extra-judicial execution of several nobles are signs of Chinese domination in Tibet.

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Through these years, I have done whatever I could, advising the Tibetans to cooperate and even telling the Chinese officers that they must strive to increase the stability. However, their actions just contradicted my wishes. Even if I stayed in Lhasa, there was nothing I could do to relieve the danger to our country and the evil circumstances there because the situation was such that it was hopeless to benefit the Tibetan people . . . This is the actual situation. Since it is possible that the Beijing government does not know the actual situation of Tibet, if they wish to check the truth of what I am saying, a committee could be sent to our country to investigate. If they did so, my government and I would gladly accept this. We would accept the consideration and conclusions of whatever investigation was undertaken by an impartial committee. Still, to repeat myself, I have adopted many methods to bring about the necessary reforms in Tibet and also to avert the Tibetan people’s hostility towards the Chinese. However, they have not considered or accepted these approaches. Since I myself was unable to do anything to improve the lot of the Tibetan people, I had decided to remain in India temporarily at the time when I was here for the celebration of the 2,500th Anniversary of Buddha’s Parinirvāṇa. However, India’s Prime Minister Nehru, who has been supportive and kind, held discussions with Premier Zhou Enlai in which the latter made all sorts of promises. Prime Minister Nehru then advised me that I must change my mind. Believing that the situation in Tibet would improve, I returned to Tibet . . . From the day that I arrived back in Tibet, I clearly understood that none of the promises given by Chinese officials were implemented, and thus I was overcome with sadness. Instead, matters became increasingly hopeless. Let me clearly state that I am certain of the necessity for social, economic, and political reforms in Tibet, but my government and I have never done anything at all to contradict this. The actual fact is that our society is an ancient one. We had no reason to hide this. There is a definite necessity for reforms for the benefit of the Tibetan people. In particular, for nine years, my government and I developed many proposals, which enjoyed wide support, for ways to initiate reforms. Yet, the Chinese continually obstructed these plans. For that reason, there was no way to improve the society and economy of Tibet . . . The Chinese did not permit us to implement sincere and appropriate reforms with their obstructions. At present, the Chinese representative in Lhasa are only nominally initiating reforms; the Tibetan people resolutely revolted against their violent and ferocious approach which involved forceful seizures and contradicted our religion. I have acted to express clearly the actual situation in Tibet to the advanced nations in the world, and have not presented any fanciful description. These days, even if actions not based in truth are done with strength, truth will prevail in the end . . . All Tibetans, whether we are lay people or monks, do not harbor any ill-will toward the Chinese people. We only wish to live in peace and

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happiness. Thus, we appeal to all the nations of the world to please live in peace, happiness, and harmony. If the Chinese are willing to undertake peace talks within an acceptance of the rights and authority which existed unblemished up to 1950, prior to the present tragic environment, then my government and I would be happy to do so. Before it would be possible to come to a mutually agreeable settlement, several necessary principles must be fulfilled. Although we are seeking a suitable way towards peace and happiness, we must definitely maintain our authority and rights. Being the representative of the Tibetan people, I offer my gratitude to all of you.

At the conclusion of his speech, the Dalai Lama responded to many questions from the press corps. I have not recounted them out of fear of compiling too large a book. Tibetans who had escaped from Tibet presented many eye witness reports. According to these reports, the Chinese Communists had killed more than ten thousand monks and lay people at Norbu Lingkha Palace and in Lhasa and Zhöl. More than fifteen thousand people were wounded. Government officials and popular leaders were imprisoned in Chinese military garrisons, illegally killed, or pressed into forced labor. A vast number of monks and lay people were forced into road building crews in Kormo. Many nobles were unable to bear the wretched conditions, and so, they took their own lives. In general, countless numbers of old people, women, and children died of hunger because it was difficult to even find the nourishment of a little tea. Many accounts of the increasing hopelessness were recounted. In addition, although there were hints in the newspapers of a negotiated peace between China and Tibet, the Chinese Communist government would not admit this, and so they were insincere. Thus, the Dalai Lama, unable to bear the status quo, decided to bring an appeal before the United Nations. To this end, he traveled from Mussoorie to Delhi and met with President Rajendra Prasad, Prime Minister Nehru, various other relevant officials, and ambassadors of foreign nations. On November seventh, the Dalai Lama gave a speech at a conference held by the Indian Council of World Affairs at Sabru House, as follows:6 Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen, I greatly appreciate the honor you have done me by giving me this opportunity to speak to you very briefly on one or two aspects of the tragic problem of Tibet. Mr. President, I am personally grateful to you for the active interest you have evinced in this matter and for the earnest efforts made by you to arouse the conscience of the world. I am not a statesmen or politician. I am not a student of international law. I am only

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a priest wedded to the religion of peace and freedom and dedicated to the cause of the welfare of my people who have been entrusted to my care by Divine Providence. It is in this spirit that I propose to make a few observations on the grave tragedy which confronts today the people of Tibet. It is needless for me to emphasize that I have been prompted purely by the desire to help the cause which is nearest to my heart; and if in making these observations I have to differ from the views expressed by some great and distinguished statesmen, I do so with the greatest regret and in all humility. Ladies and Gentlemen, it is our firm conviction that Tibet was a separate and sovereign State at the time when her territorial integrity was violated by the Armed Forces of China. Several weighty arguments can be urged in support of this contention. In the first place, it should be remembered that no power or authority was exercised by China over Tibet between 1894, when the 13th Dalai Lama assumed the reins of government, and 1950 when the Chinese marched into Tibet under the orders of the Peking Government. This fact is clearly admitted by the People’s Government of China in the preamble to the Agreements of 1951, which was drafted by the Peking Government and thrust upon Tibet under threat of further military action against her people. It is clearly acknowledged in the preamble that Tibet and the Tibetans have been outside the pale of the authority of China for several decades. In their note of the 16th November 1950, to the Government of India, the Peking Government have implicitly endorsed this position. They have stated; “When the Chinese Government actually exercised its sovereign rights, and began to liberate the Tibetan people and drive out foreign forces and influence to ensure that the Tibetan people will be free from aggression, and will realize regional autonomy and religious freedom, the Indian Government attempted to influence and obstruct the exercise of its sovereign rights in Tibet by the Chinese Government.” This statement clearly shows that the so-called sovereign rights claimed by the Government of China had not been exercised by them prior to the invasion of Tibet. The Chinese authorities did not, however, disclose the source of such sovereign rights, because there is none from which such extravagant claims could be derived. However, whatever be the nature of the claim advanced by China, it is perfectly clear that during this period the Government of Tibet was not subject to any control by the Chinese Government. This de facto independence became legally valid and effective when in 1912 the 13th Dalai Lama issued a proclamation declaring the complete independence of Tibet and denouncing the Chinese claim to suzerainty. It is our considered opinion that this Declaration had the same effect in international law as the Declaration made by Bulgaria in 1908 terminating the rights of suzerainty vested in the Government of Turkey. This Declaration, although unilateral, was accepted by the concert of powers which had previously recognized Turkish suzerainty under the Treaty of Berlin of 1878. Our position is, therefore, clear and unambiguous. So far as China was concerned, during this entire period

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Tibet was completely independent and not subject to any control by the Government of China. In the second place, according to the best advice available to me, one of the essential ingredients of the sovereign status of a State is the right to conclude treaties with other international persons. If this be the criterion of a sovereign State, surely the Government of Tibet was in full possession of external sovereignty, for during this period it entered into as many as five international agreements. The first was the Treaty of 1856 between Tibet and Nepal which bound the Government of Nepal to render assistance to the Government of Tibet in the event of invasion of Tibet by a foreign power. As regards China, the treaty expressly stated that, “both States pay respect as always before to the Emperor of China”. In other words, the High Contracting Parties acknowledged the nominal suzerainty of China as had always been the case since the installation of the first Dalai Lama. The second treaty was between Outer Mongolia and Tibet and recognized the independence and sovereignty of the two contracting States. Then came the Lhasa Convention of 1904 between the British Government and the Government of Tibet. This convention expressly speaks of “the relations of friendship and good understanding which have existed between the British Government and the Government of Tibet”. This was indeed a clear recognition of the sovereign status of Tibet at the time. It should also be pointed out that under this Convention the Government of Tibet engaged that, without the previous consent of the British Government, no foreign power would be permitted to intervene in Tibetan affairs and that no representatives of any foreign power would be admitted to Tibet. This provision was applicable to China as well as to other foreign powers. It follows, therefore, that even if Chinese suzerainty did survive the assumption of power by the 13th Dalai Lama, it ceased to have any effect after the conclusion of this Convention. It should also be pointed out that the provisions of this Convention were accepted by the Government of China under the Peking Convention of 1906. The next important international agreement was the Simla Convention of 1914. Article I of this Convention stipulated that the British Government recognized the suzerainty of China whereas the Government of China undertook to recognize the autonomy of Tibet. It was, however, expressly made clear that the suzerainty of China did not authorize her to interfere in the administration of Tibet or to convert Tibet into a Chinese Province. There was a further prohibition of the Government of China prohibiting them from sending troops into Tibet, or stationing civil or military officials or establishing Chinese colonies in the country. The Convention also continued the restrictions which were imposed on the authority of the Chinese Government under the Lhasa and Peking Conventions. However, the Convention, although initiated by the Chinese representative, was not ratified by the Government of China. It is, therefore, manifestly clear that no claim to Chinese suzerainty, much less a claim to sovereignty, can be founded upon the provisions of this Convention. As the Chinese Government did not ratify the Convention,

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the Article recognizing the suzerainty of China was null and void and had no effect. There is, therefore, no international agreement under which the Government of Tibet acknowledges and recognizes Chinese suzerainty. The position was made clear beyond doubt by the British Foreign Secretary in his memorandum to the Chinese Prime Minister in 1943, where he stated that the British Government was prepared to recognize the suzerainty of China over Tibet only if China, on her part, recognized the autonomy of Tibet. Since there has been no such recognition of the autonomy of Tibet by the Chinese Government there is no valid international agreement giving due recognition to Chinese suzerainty. However, the point of paramount importance in connection with the Simla Convention is that the representatives of the Government of Tibet were recognized by the Government of Great Britain and China as a plenipotentiary and accorded the same status as the representatives of the other two Governments. This is amply borne out by the preamble to the Simla Convention. There cannot be any clearer and more unmistakable evidence of the international status of Tibet. This was followed by the Anglo-Tibetan Agreement relating to trade regulations. Here, again, the representative of the Government of Tibet occupied the same position and status as a plenipotentiary as the representative of His Majesty the King of Great Britain. In the face of this clear and positive evidence, it is difficult to see how it can be contended that Tibet did not possess and enjoy international status before the Chinese invasion of 1950. I should like to invite your attention, ladies and gentlemen, to an extremely important question which arises in this connection. The Government of India contends that the boundary between Tibet and India was finally settled according to the McMahon Line, but this frontier was laid down by the Simla Convention and this Convention was only valid and binding as between Tibet and the British Government. If Tibet did not enjoy international status at the time of the conclusion of the Convention, she had no authority to enter into such an agreement. Therefore, it is abundantly clear that if you deny sovereign status to Tibet, you deny the validity of the Simla Convention and, therefore, you deny the validity of the McMahon Line. On the other hand, if the McMahon Line is valid and binding, the Simla Convention must be valid and binding. And, therefore, it follows as a logical corollary that Tibet did possess sovereign and international status at the time when she concluded the Simla Convention. And if she did possess sovereign status in 1914, nothing happened subsequently to impair that status in any manner. Ladies and Gentlemen, this is then the position which Tibet occupied according to valid and duly concluded agreements of an international character. Can this unimpeachable testimony be discarded merely because the powerful Government of China has advanced unfounded and baseless claims? I believe that the conscience of the civilized world will not permit such violations of the universally accepted principles of law and

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justice. In this connection I wish to bring your notice to another point of great importance. There is considerable confusion in the minds of people regarding the two concepts of sovereignty and suzerainty. I am advised that there are fundamental differences between them. Sovereignty signifies complete and absolute control. Suzerainty, on the other hand, does not necessarily imply the loss of the international personality of the vassal State. Thus, for instance, Bulgaria enjoyed all rights of external sovereignty while under Turkish suzerainty. She attended the Hague Conference in 1899 as an equal member with her suzerain, and took a decision regarding the covenant which emerged from the Conference different from the decision taken by Turkey. Similarly. Morocco and Tunisia concluded treaties with the Republic of France, while still remaining under Turkish suzerainty. This was also the position of Serbia. Our contention is that Chinese Suzerainty legally came to an end when the Declaration of Independence was made by the 13th Dalai Lama. Even if it be accepted for the sake of argument that Chinese suzerainty survived this Declaration, it is clear beyond doubt that the Anglo-Tibetan Convention completely deprived the suzerainty of China of all legal effect and consequence: and this Convention as we have already pointed out, was accepted by China under the Peking Convention of 1906. Moreover, Article I of the Simla Convention which purported to recognize Chinese suzerainty did not come into operation as the Convention was not ratified by the Chinese Government. There was, therefore, no foundation for the Chinese claim that China was exercising her sovereign rights when her Armed Forces violated the Tibetan territory. But this is not the whole story. Ample evidence of the sovereign status of Tibet is to be found in other indisputable facts and circumstances. Thus, for instance, in 1942 the Chinese Government pressed for the opening of communication through Tibet. As it was imperative at the time to do everything possible to bolster up Chinese morale and Anglo-Chinese relations, the British Government joined with the Government of China to bring pressure on the Tibetan Government. The proposal was stoutly resisted by the Government of Tibet, but eventually they gave in to the advice of the British Government. They, however, made it clear that they would only allow non-military goods to pass through Tibet from India to China in order to preserve their neutrality in a war in which both China and Great Britain were involved. This position was accepted by the Governments of China and Great Britain. If Tibet could thus maintain her neutrality, there can be no doubt that at that time she did possess and enjoy international status. Moreover, during this entire period the Government of Tibet had diplomatic relations with various foreign powers. In 1901 a diplomatic delegation from the Dalai Lama was received by the head of the Russian State. Similarly, Tibet had treaty relations with Great Britain throughout the period. She also had diplomatic relations with Outer Mongolia and the neighboring States of Nepal and Bhutan. It is inconceivable that a State which did not enjoy international status could have such direct relations

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with other States. Similarly, in 1948, a Trade Delegation from Tibet visited the countries of the United Kingdom, the United States of America and France, and the passports issued by the Government of Tibet were duly accepted by the Governments of these countries. The right to issue its own passports can only be claimed by a State of international status, and this fact alone fully endorses the position which has been accorded to Tibet under international agreements. For these reasons it is our firm conviction that Tibet was in full possession of external sovereignty and, therefore, enjoyed international status at the time when her territorial integrity was violated by the Chinese forces. The conclusion is therefore, irresistible that the Chinese invasion of Tibet in 1959 was a flagrant act of aggression in defiance of all principles of law and the comity of nations. Our position is that the act of aggression committed by the People’s Government of China has not come to an end. On the contrary, the area of aggression has been substantially enlarged, and today practically the whole of Tibet is under the complete domination of the Chinese Forces. Dire consequences have followed. A reign of tyranny and oppression prevails over the whole country. Innocent men, women, and children have been massacred en masse and are being daily massacred, to enable the Chinese authorities to achieve their objective of total extermination of the Tibetan race. Crimes against humanity are being daily committed. Equally rampant are crimes against religion. Thousands of monasteries have been razed to the ground and sacred images and articles have been ruthlessly destroyed. Despite these atrocities, I and my Government are prepared to accept a just and peaceful settlement, and in my statement to the Press on 20th June last, I made a clear and emphatic appeal for peace and justice. So far my appeal has evoked no response. In these circumstances we have no alternative but to ask the United Nations to take up the consideration of the Tibetan issue which is already pending before the General Assembly. Our decision to appeal to the United Nations has received a great deal of criticism. I wish to make it perfectly clear that we are and have always been prepared to accept any other reasonable remedy which might be available, but at the present moment no other course is open to us, and I would be failing in my duty if I did not take every possible measure to assist my people in their bitter and grim struggle for survival. It has been argued that our appeal to the United Nations may not produce any immediate or practical result, but this does not and should not afford us sufficient justification for discarding the instrument of peace which has been created by the peace-loving nations of the world. In these circumstances, ladies and gentlemen, I make an earnest appeal to you, one and all, to lend your full support to our cause. I also appeal to the peoples and Governments of all nations to come to the succor and assistance of the tortured and oppressed people of Tibet.

Lengthy speeches of support were also given by the popular leaders Kunjuru, Ashoka Metha, and so forth.

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The Dalai Lama wrote to the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Dag Hammarskjöld, on September 9, 1959, as follows:7 His Excellency Secretary-General United Nations New York Your Excellency, Kindly refer to the proceedings of the General Committee of the United Nations General Assembly held on Friday, November 24, 1950, at which it was resolved that the consideration of El Salvador’s complaint against “invasion of Tibet by foreign forces” should be adjourned in order to give the parties the opportunity to arrive at a peaceful settlement. It is with the deepest regret that I am informing you that the act of aggression has not terminated. On contrary the area of aggression has been substantially extended with the result that practically the whole of Tibet is under the occupation of the Chinese forces. I and my Government have made several appeals for peaceful and friendly settlement, but so far these appeals have been completely ignored. Under these circumstances, and in view of the inhuman treatment and crimes against humanity and religion to which the people of Tibet are being subjected, I solicit immediate intervention of the United Nations and consideration by the General Committee on its own initiative of the Tibetan issue, which had been adjourned. In this connection I and my Government wish to emphasize that Tibet was a sovereign State at the time when her territorial integrity was violated by Chinese armies in 1950. In support of the contention the Government of Tibet urges the following: 1. No power of authority was exercised by the Government of China in or over Tibet since the Declaration of Independence by the 13th Dalai Lama in 1912. 2. The sovereign status of Tibet during this period finds conclusive evidence in the fact that the Government of Tibet concluded as many as five international agreements immediately before and during these years. 3. The Government of Tibet takes their stand on the Anglo-Tibet Convention of 1914 which recognized the sovereign status of Tibet and accorded the same position to the Tibetan Plenipotentiary as was given to the representatives of Great Britain and China. It is true that this convention imposed certain restrictions on the external sovereignty of Tibet, but these did not deprive her of her internal position. Moreover, these restrictions ceased to have any effect on the transfer of power in India. 4. There is no valid and subsisting international agreement under which Tibet or any other power recognized Chinese suzerainty. 5. The sovereign status of Tibet is equally evident from the fact that during the Second World War Tibet insisted on maintaining her neutrality and only allowed transport of nonmilitary goods from India to China

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through Tibet. This position was accepted by the Governments of Great Britain and China. 6. The sovereign status has also been recognized by other powers. In 1946, when the Trade Delegation from the Government of Tibet visited India, France, Italy, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, the passport issued by the Tibetan Government was accepted by the governments of these countries. Your Excellency, I and my Government also solicit immediate intervention of the United Nations on humanitarian grounds. Since their violation of the territorial integrity of Tibet, the Chinese forces have committed the following offenses against the universally accepted laws of international conduct: 1. They have dispossessed thousands of Tibetans of their properties, and deprived them of every source of livelihood, and thus driven them to death and desperation. 2. Men, women, and children have been pressed into labor gangs and made to work on military construction without payment or on nominal payment. 3. They have adopted cruel and inhuman measures for the purpose of sterilizing men and women with a view to the total extermination of the Tibetan race. 4. Thousands of innocent people of Tibet have been brutally massacred. 5. There have been many cases of murder of leading citizens of Tibet without any cause or justification. 6. Every attempt has been made to destroy our religion and culture. Thousands of monasteries have been razed to the ground and sacred images and articles of religion completely destroyed. Life and property are no longer safe, and Lhasa, the capital of the State, is now a dead city. The sufferings which my people are undergoing are beyond description, and it is imperatively necessary that this wanton and ruthless murder of my people should be immediately brought to an end. It is under these circumstances that I appeal to you and the United Nations in the confident hope that our appeal will receive the consideration it deserves. The Dalai Lama

At the same time as he wrote this letter, the Dalai Lama wrote other letters of appeal to request the support of representatives of other countries. His brother Gyalo Thondup, Sadu Rinchen la, and I, Shakabpa Wangchuk Deden, were dispatched with instructions from the Dalai Lama and the cabinet and the cabinet’s seal.8 When we arrived in England, having flown out of Delhi on September 27, 1959, the Dalai Lama’s brother Taktser Choktrül Rinpoché Tupten Norbu joined us. We met with representatives of groups and individuals supportive of Tibet’s cause in England and eventually flew on to New York.

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We met with Dag Hammarskjöld, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, Mr. Aiken, the Foreign Minister of Ireland, Mr. Dato Khamil, the U.N. Ambassador from Malaysia, and Mr. Urguia, the U.N. Ambassador from El Salvador. We expressed our gratitude to them for agreeing to present the Tibetan situation to the United Nations. Still, they continued to offer advice on the most compelling way to proceed. We presented letters about Tibet’s former and present status. We also met with representatives from America, England, India, Nationalist China, France, Pakistan, Thailand, Cambodia, New Zealand, Australia, the Philippines, Indonesia, Burma, Japan, Nepal, Greece, and so forth. We presented them with documents about Tibet’s status and asked for their support. Simultaneously, we also explained matters to newspaper reporters. At that time, the American legal scholar Mr. A. Gross, as well as Mr. D. K. Sen, Mr. H. Richardson, Mr. P. Trikamdas, and so forth assisted us in lobbying for support among the United Nations delegates and in preparing documents. A discussion was held in the Preparatory Committee of the United Nations on October twelfth to decide whether or not to consider the issue of Tibet in the General Assembly. In the end, votes were taken, and forty-three voted in favor, eleven opposed, and twenty-four abstained. The Indian government did not participate. Having gained approval, the Preparatory Committee decided to bring the issue up for discussion. The question was debated through three sessions on Wednesday and Thursday, October 20 and 21, 1959 during the fourteenth General Assembly. Finally, a vote was taken on the proposal written by the representative from Ireland, Malaysia, and El Salvador on the human rights abuses and genocide in Tibet. Forty-five nations voted in favor, nine opposed, and twenty-six abstained. Since the proposal was adopted, the representatives of Ireland, Malaysia, and El Salvador immediately came over to the observers’ gallery where we were sitting, and in turn, they shook our hands, offering us their congratulations. We were overtaken by a mixture of angst, because we had listened to the debate about the distress of the Tibetan people, and joy, because the many people who supported the truth had given us this victory. We offered them our gratitude. The proposal agreed upon by the United Nations General Assembly reads as follows:9 The General Assembly Recalling the principles regarding fundamental human rights and freedoms set out in the Charter of the United Nations and in the Universal

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Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the Geneva Assembly on 10 December 1948, Considering that the fundamental human rights and freedoms to which the Tibetan people, like all others, are entitled include the right to civil and religious liberty for all without distinction, Mindful also of the distinctive cultural and religious heritage of the people of Tibet and of the autonomy which they have traditionally enjoyed, Gravely concerned at reports, including the official statements of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, to the effect that the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people of Tibet have been forcibly denied them, Deploring the effect of these events in increasing international tension and in embittering the relations between peoples at a time when earnest and positive efforts are being made by responsible leaders to reduce tension and improve international relations, 1. Affirms its belief that respect for the Charter of the United Nations and in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is essential for the evolution of a peaceful world order based on the rule of law; 2. Calls for respect for the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people and for their distinctive cultural and religious life. 834th plenary meeting 21 October 1959

Whether or not this decision taken by the United Nations was implemented, this was the first step toward Tibet’s freedom and independence from Chinese oppression. When we met with Dag Hammarskjöld, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, he offered us advice. He said it was of great importance that the issue of Tibet had even been included in the United Nations proceedings and although the declaration might not be applied in the political sphere immediately, we must steadfastly pursue human rights, gradually taking steps toward the political issue. For example, he said, when a bridge is being built over a large raging river, foundation rocks must be thrown at the place where the pilings will be. If they are carried away, one cannot given up saying, “It is not possible to build the bridge now,” because there would never be any way to build the bridge. Acting with steadfastness, if you continue to throw different kinds of rocks and if you analyze different methods of building a strong foundation and perpetually strive, then finally you will be able to build the bridge. For forty years, Algeria appealed to the international community and after overcoming great difficulties, it achieved freedom and independence from France. He gave us a great deal of courageous advice. Thereafter, we met with representatives of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees to request relief supplies.

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Upon returning to India, we gave a written report and verbal account of all that had happened to both the Dalai Lama and the Cabinet. The Afro-Asian Convention on Tibet, led by J. P. Narayan, held a meeting at the Vigyan Bhavan in New Delhi on April 8, 1960. Representatives of the Upper and Lower House of India’s Parliament, many government and private leaders, and representatives from Ceylon (Sri Lanka), Indonesia, Japan, Burma, Malaysia, Nepal, South Vietnam, Congo, the Philippines, Turkistan, Pakistan, Lebanon, Kenya, Egypt, and Jordan attended. Several Tibetan representatives also attended. The flags of the various nations were flown at the threshold of the building. The Dalai Lama also sent a message to the Convention. The representatives held detailed discussions about the invasion of Tibet, the colonization of farming areas, the torture and execution of Tibetans, and the complete destruction of the religion and the culture by the Chinese. Finally, they resolved that an appeal be made to the United Nations that Tibetan self-determination should be promoted, the situation in Tibet should be publicized, the people of Asia and Africa should work sympathetically for Tibet’s cause through mutual cooperation, and a new Office of the Afro-Asian Convention on Tibet should be established in New Delhi. In addition, support should be given to the many millions of people living under colonialism, racial divisions, and imperialism and protests should be made to the oppressors. In all, nine provisions were adopted in order to execute these principles.10 Thus, the new Office of the Afro-Asian Convention on Tibet was opened in New Delhi. The International Commission of Jurists, an organization composed of about fifty thousand legal scholars from fifty countries of the world, sent representatives to the Tibetan refugee camps in order to investigate the dispute between Tibet and China. They discovered the following: The Chinese Communists afflicted people, either by murdering them, beating them, or pressing them into servitude. Similarly, many lamas and monks were threatened with violence and made to suffer in other ways. When a lama was to be murdered, his students would be forced to watch and when a mother, father, or relatives were to be murdered, the children or spouses would be forced to watch. The Commission further discovered that efforts were being made to completely destroy the religion, culture, and traditions of Tibet. Many similar crimes were uncovered. The Jurists studied ancient and modern Tibetan history, treaties, and ancient and modern agreements. In addition, they interviewed the Dalai Lama and the cabinet ministers several times. They concluded

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that Tibet was a free and independent nation, and not only was it free and independent under nominal Chinese authority, but it was free and independent by legal agreement. Furthermore, they found that the Seventeen-Point Agreement had been accepted under duress and that the Chinese had violated the terms of the agreement repeatedly. Moreover, the Chinese had committed the worst crime there is: genocide. The International Commission of Jurists published a detailed account of their findings in The Question of Tibet and the Rule of Law.11 At the suggestion of the Indian government, the Dalai Lama and his retinue moved from Mussoorie to Dharamsala in Himachel Pradesh near Punjab. Initially, the Dalai Lama lived in Swarg Ashram and the offices were located in Montemol Hall. However, gradually the Tekchen Chöling Palace was built, and near that a temple, and subsequently a new monastery called Pen Delek Sheling [i.e., Namgyel] were constructed. The primary statues were an unparalleled image of the Conqueror Śākyamuni Buddha, a one story high image of the resplendent guru Padmasaṃ bhava, which is of a size such that it could fit into the selfarisen Avalokiteśvara image in Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang five times, and a human sized thousand-armed, thousand-eyed Avalokiteśvara fashioned from silver; these were newly built. Jowo Wadi Zangpo was the primary image of Dzongchö Monastery. These images and their residences were prepared as bases through which all beings could gather merit. Various offices and houses for senior and junior officials were established at Gangchen Kyishong. The Library of Tibetan Works and Archives was built to house the collections of Buddha’s scriptures— which are difficult to find, if they can be found at all—and the commentarial literature, as well as volumes of discourses from all of the schools of Tibetan Buddhism. The Tibetan Medical and Astrological Institute, the Tibetan Cultural Printing Press, and the Tibetan Institute of Performing Arts were also established eventually. Thereby, Dharamsala came to be like a second Lhasa. Under the Dalai Lama’s sincere leadership, results were attained in a very brief time through the tireless and active efforts of the compassionate foreign aid organization, all of the Tibetan government officials, and primarily the Indian government. Permanent schools were established at Dalhousie, Simla, Darjeeling, Kalimpong, Mount Abu, Panchamari, and so forth and Tibetan Children’s Village campuses were arranged at Mussoorie and Dharamsala under the auspices of the Indian government’s Department of Education. Principals, religious teachers,

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Tibetan language teachers, foster parents, and so forth were sent to each of them as needed. More than eight thousand young boys and girls were given an excellent opportunity to study the Tibetan, English, and Hindi languages. In addition, those students who earned high marks when they advanced to secondary schools were able to go to the colleges and universities through the kindness of the Indian government. Similarly, the Tibetan Institute for Higher Learning in Varanasi was established to continue the excellent tradition of studying texts in the Sanskrit language and so forth. Aid agencies and the Indian government provided assistance through the state governments; Tibetan Resettlement camps were established such as Lukzung Samdrupling at Bylakuppe in Mysore, Döguling in Mundgod, Rapgyeling in Hunsur, Döndenling in Kollegal, Püntsokling in Orissa, Pendeling at Mainpat in Madhya Pradesh, Norgyeling at Bhandra in Maharashtra, Dargyeling in Tezu in Assam, Künzangling in Changlang, Bomdila, Lama Lhada and Soneda in the Darjeeling area, and others in Sikkim and Ladakh. Gradually, farming was developed; machinery was used to cut down trees and till the soil. Day schools, nurseries, retirement homes, hospitals, craft factories, small shops for buying necessities, and farm machine repair shops were established in each of those places. Temples and cultural centers were even founded. The Tibetans were proud that the effect of their tireless efforts resulted in an excellent fall harvest and fruit production. The state governments and the local populations also praised the Tibetan’s earnest effort. Not only was their labor considered to serve as an excellent example, but their results continued to improve. At the same time, four Tibetan Resettlement camps were established in Bhutan with the assistance of the governments of Bhutan and India; they were Küngaling at Pador, Raptenling at Jikmé, Kelzangling at Bumtang, and another at Hasa Tramsa. The facilities, progress, and so forth were just about the same as the resettlement camps mentioned above. Similarly, I have heard that such camps as Trashiling in the Pokra area and Delekling in Shorong, which were established through the assistance of the Nepalese government, had all the amenities of the settlements. At Tibet House in New Delhi, items characteristic of Tibetan culture were displayed, such as images fashioned from bronze, gold, and copper, ancient manuscripts and religious paintings, and so forth. A store and library were established to sell crafts made in the resettlement camps.

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Similarly, both the Pelden Tantric Colleges of Upper and Lower Lhasa were initially re-established in Dalhousie. Suitable arrangements were made at Buxaduor for monks and nuns from each school, including Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries. However, the Tantric College of Upper Lhasa was moved to Bomdila, and the remainder were transferred to areas in South India. Drepung, Sera, and Ganden monasteries, Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, the Tantric College of Lower Lhasa, and monasteries of the Sakya, Nyingma, and Kagyü schools were provided with homes and farmland for the provision of their necessities. Gyelwa Karmapa established his monastery at Rumtek in Sikkim, which was almost like a second Tsurpu. Karma Drukpa Kagyü Dargyeling Nunnery was established in the Kangra region. Within the best tradition of teaching, studying, and meditation, each of these groups became ornaments for the eye. Beyond that, Döndrupling Resettlement camp was established at Dehra Dun for people from Amdo, Khamtrül Rinpoché’s followers were established at Palampur, and several other resettlement camps were arranged for people from Sakya, Dergé, Nangchen, Draopön, Katok, and Lingtsang. Many craft factories were established in Dalhousie, Darjeeling, Simla, Dharamsala, Rajpur, and Nepal. They produced sacred images, paintings, gold, silver, and copper objects, tailoring, knives, woven blankets, and in particular, the traditional Tibetan types of woven carpets. These products were sold in India and exported to other foreign countries; not only did this vastly improve people’s livelihoods, but also this continued to improve. With the assistance of the Pestalozzi Children’s Village, more than one hundred young boys and girls were sent to Switzerland, England, France, and Germany; they were provided with religious teachers, foster parents, and Tibetan language teachers. With the assistance of Moro Hospital, about twenty students were sent to Japan. Under the auspices of the Austrian government, fifteen students were sent to learn various technical skills. Moreover, about fifty students were sent to places in Europe such as Belgium. A resettlement camp was established in Switzerland with about eight hundred men and women under the auspices of the Swiss Red Cross. A Tibetan Monastery called Chökhorling was founded at Rikong as a place for these people to worship; there were eight monks who performed rituals and gave religious teachings. Similarly, a settlement of two hundred people men and women, ordained and lay people was established with the support of the Canadian government. May it be so that the Tibetan people continually have a surpassing standard of living.

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With the assistance of the American millionaire, Mr. Rockefeller, about thirty Tibetan geshés and scholars were invited to universities and libraries in America, England, Germany, France, Italy, and Japan. In consequence, Tibet’s religion and culture became increasingly known in all of these various regions, in a manner which had no parallel. In addition to this, several lamas and monks were brought to England and America by various individuals. Religious centers have been established so that people could teach, learn, and meditate about Buddhism. As I understand it, this has improved the welfare of living beings. At this time, there were men and women doing roadwork in Kulu and Simla, India who were unable to go to the resettlement camps. Similarly, many Tibetans in areas of India and Nepal were supporting themselves, living wherever they could and selling crafts or working in restaurants or shops. Other Tibetans were engaged in the tiring work in shops which traded old and new Nepali clothing, and so forth. Thus, they also had an adequate standard of living. People from the three provinces of Tibet who were in India or other foreign countries treasured and protected their customs, religion, and culture. The National Volunteer Defense Army had tried to protect the country without being called to do so. Tibetans from all quarters came together to celebrate the Dalai Lama’s birthday and Tibetan Uprising Day (March 10). In particular, the Tibetans were exerting tremendous effort to regaining the freedom and independence of their beloved country. All of these factors were taken as manifest signs of the Tibetan people’s praiseworthiness by the people of India and other foreign nations. The treasured Dalai Lama continually advised that all Tibetans must remain united and work together for the general benefit with warm equanimity. However, whether it be due to the emergence of the signs of the five degenerationsd of the unfortunate eon or if it be due to the obstructing influence of some demon’s agitation, at times, religious, regional, or racial groups of Tibetans are said to have caused foundationless passions, hatred, conflicts, and intolerance with respect to other Tibetans, while wearing a mask of friendliness. Thus, it serves as a reminder of the depth of ignorance. Since these activities created disunity within the Tibetan community and brought about continual disputes, many problems were created for the Dalai Lama; they were a source for conflict within the religion and an obstruction to the

d I.e., degenerate lifespan, degenerate views, degenerate afflictions, degenerage beings, and degenerate time.

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fulfillment of political objectives. Not only were these things disappointing, but if the Tibetans who had to remain back in Tibet heard about them, it would have left them despondent from their hearts. News of this situation would have been a joy to an enemy and suffering to a friend. By considering all of the Tibetan people of whatever station equally, the Dalai Lama engendered an unprecedented sense of responsibility among them, this being a necessary prerequisite to improvements in the religious, economic, and political spheres. A constitution with seventyseven articles was composed for the future Tibet; it was in agreement with the legal customs and traditions of the advanced democratic nations of the time. It was announced in 1963 and implemented directly, with representatives being elected. If someone had some understanding of matters, a good character, and was practical, then they would be able to be involved in all of the large and small issues of government, without any restrictions based on race, financial resources, or sex. The elections were equal, fair, and free of dispute. This was an excellent opportunity for many plans to be accomplished. In addition, through his tremendously important insights, the Dalai Lama worked tirelessly in every way to restore Tibet’s freedom and independence. In particular, his religious activities can be summarized with the verse written by Jé Tsongkhapa: The good qualities of your body, speech, and mind Cannot be comprehended by the Bodhisattvas, Solitary Realizers, or the Hearers, No matter how much they analyze them. What need is there to mention whether they could be understood by Brahmā and Śiva?

Accordingly, it would be beyond the capacities of a seventy-three year old man like myself to fathom the Dalai Lama’s religious activities. In brief, As Khedrup Rinpoché says: Protector, even the breath from your mouth Becomes a cause of benefit to all living beings. That being so, what need is there to mention the [benefit] of the activities [you have undertaken to fulfill] the two collections.e I beseech you to assist all beings in the three worlds.

e The two collections are those of wisdom and merit. Fulfilling these collections is a prerequisite to becoming a Buddha and consists of meditation and compassionate actions respectively.

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Thus, the Dalai Lama’s activities are unsurpassed in benefitting others, like the display of a thousand lights. This was a time of abiding in happiness. Similarly, the Supreme of the Yellow Hat Gelukpa School senior Tutor Trichen Ling Rinpoché Tupten Lungtok Namgyel Trinlé, Lord of the Entire Doctrine Junior Tutor Trijang Dorjé Chang Lozang Yeshé Tendzin Gyatso, the Illuminator of the Khön Lineage Sakya Daktri Rinpoché Ngawang Künga Tekchen, the Axis of the Kagyü School Gyelwa Karmapa Rinpoché Jangchup Dorjé,f Lord of the Early Transmission School Kyapjé Düjom Rinpoché Jikdrel Yeshé Dorjé, the Scholar-Adept Wangchuk Dilgo Khyentsé Rinpoché Tekchok Tenpé Gyeltsen, and so forth, like a constellation of great supreme beings who bear the knowledge of their respective doctrines, have profoundly established a path for bringing countless trainees to see, hear, and understand Buddhism through hearing, thinking, and meditating and through teaching, debating, and composing books on the stainless religious traditions according to their own systems far beyond the slight indication here. Simultaneously, they have been resolutely praying night and day for the special objective, the restoration of Tibet’s freedom and independence and the restoration of Buddha’s teachings, which have been utterly destroyed in our land. Each of them has issued a good call to all people saying they must strive to restore the traditional religious and political government of Tibet and support the general welfare without ceasing, and likewise fulfill the needs of life and resources in a manner that all can see. This completes for now the political history of the great imperial government, having the two aspects of religion and politics in the Land of Snow, Tibet. Notes to Chapter Twenty-Three 1. Compilation of Records. 2. A detailed explanation of what the Dalai Lama said is included within the Compilation of Records. Translators Note: It appears that Shakabpa may have reconstructed this statement from notes in Tibetan sources. Here I quote the more complete version of the English language statement which was read to reporters at the time. Taken from Chankya Sen, Tibet Disappears: A Documentary History of Tibet’s International

f Likely, Shakabpa meant to provide the name of the Karmapa that lived at the time, the sixteenth Karmapa Rangjung Rigpe Dorje (1923–1981).

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Status, the Great Rebellion, and Its Aftermath (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1960), 145–148. 3. Raja Hutheesing, ed., A White Book, Tibet Fights for Freedom (Bombay: Orient Longmans, 1960). 4. International Commission of Jurists, The Question of Tibet and the Rule of Law (Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 1959), 173–176. 5. Compilation of Records. Translators Note: There is a copy of an article from “The Times of India” about this news conference in Chankya Sen, Tibet Disappears: A Documentary History of Tibet’s International Status, the Great Rebellion, and Its Aftermath (New York: Asia Publishing House, 1960), 359–363, although the text of the Dalai Lama’s speech is not included. 6. Compilation of Records. Translators Note: The English text is included in G. Tharchin, ed., Appeal to the United Nations and Other Speeches (Kalimpong, India: N.d.), 20–28. I have corrected a few minor errors and made other small changes in the interests of uniformity. 7. The English original is in Tibet in the United Nations 1950–1961. (New Delhi: Bureau of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, N.d.), 17. This version is taken from the Tibetan original. Translators Note: With minor modifications, I have used the official English version as found in Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 253–5. I made some minor corrections based on the version in Tibet in the United Nations 1950–1961 (New Delhi: Bureau of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, N.d.). 8. The original is included in the Compilation of Records. 9. Tenzin Gyatso, the Fourteenth Dalai Lama of Tibet, My Land, My People: The Original Autobiography of the His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet (New York: Warner Books, 1977), 263, and Tibet in the United Nations—1950–1961, p. 230. Translator’s Note: This is UN Resolution 1353 (XIV). Other relevant United Nations resolutions are in pp. 1131–1132 above. 10. All of the original documents from this period are included in the Compilation of Records. 11. International Commission of Jurists, The Question of Tibet and the Rule of Law (Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 1959). Translators Note: See also International Commission of Jurists, Tibet and the Chinese People’s Republic (Geneva: International Commission of Jurists, 1960), which included various official documents, statements by the Dalai Lama, the Cabinet, and other government officials, and statements by Tibetan citizens on all aspects of the invasion and occupation. 12. See this book, p. 1056. 13. Jawaharlal Nehru, Letters From a Father to His Daughter (New Delhi: Children’s Book Trust, 1984), 64/8. 14. Compilation of Records.

AFTERWORD As a final comment, I will briefly recount [our] genuine aspirations. If those who read this book continuously investigate well, there is no doubt they will be able to understand the political status of Tibet clearly. However, it is not sufficient merely for mature young people who are patriotic and courageous to understand our political history. Instead, they should gradually progress, step by step, towards independence in accordance with the real state of affairs, having the courage that is never disheartened at all. Our own greatest disappointment came in relation to my three appeals to the United Nations; as I gradually working toward a resolution, I felt great sadness when our requests were set aside, unlike the treatment received in the great capitals of most of our allies. Some people say that since there was no Chinese Communist delegate participating in the United Nations, there was no need to engage in empty talk in the absence of a defendant, [something that would have been as impossible] as clapping with one hand. Others say that after the Indian government refused to take the lead in helping us [with our United Nations appeals], there was no force [behind the initiative]. Since the Chinese Communists have now entered the United Nations, they have a representative there; thus, there is no point in assigning blame. It would be best if the Indian government would take the lead in helping us. There can be no satisfaction in taking the lead during difficult times. However, if the essential matter of Tibet can be brought before the United Nations every year, under the auspices of nations that have taken the lead in the past, then knowledge of our situation will remain alive. I think this is a great necessity. United Nations Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld gave us advice such as that it was important to make an appeal year after year, whether or not we had political success.12 Nonetheless, at some point, we will no longer need to make appeals on the political issues or for some other necessity. From the 15th to the 19th centuries, many powerful nations have engaged in a great contest of expansionism and colonialism. However, now in the twentieth century, scores of nations have gained independence. Recently, several countries have gained independence, such as Guinea Bissau, which was under the rule of Portugal. Others have a great aspiration of obtaining freedom soon, such as Angola.

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In 1959, when we made the initial appeal to the United Nations concerning the matter of Tibet, there were no more than eighty nations. These days there are about one hundred and thirty; they are not newly formed nations in the world, like mushrooms that have sprouted suddenly in a field. Rather, those nations have remained under colonial rule by imperial nations for centuries. Henceforth, independence will only come about as a result of the legitimate facts. Many patriotic and courageous peoples of those countries have continuously struggled to contend with difficult circumstances. Countries with which they have relations have constantly made appeals to the United Nations. And [their independence] was the result of their supporters’ efforts. Every year in the United Nations, issues of colonialism or human rights are brought before the General Assembly. Likewise, many powerful nations, such as Russia or India, constantly express criticism opposing colonial governments or white-rule governments that prevail in Africa or work to support peoples of limited experience. However, while that is so, India’s next door neighbor, Tibet, an independent country living in peace in accordance with its religion, has been made into a new colony by the Chinese communists. It is a profound disappointment that not even a hint of a word has been spoken about this gobbling. Without a restoration of Tibet’s independence, there is no way at all for India to achieve a stable peace. Consequently, there will be grave difficulties both politically and economically. While that unfolds, the leaders of India’s government and the public at large have come to a clear realization. Not only that, but everyone will realize that there is no way to bring peace to all of the nations of southeast Asia and the Middle East. Taking these facts as a foundation, it is extremely important for us to create good relations with and issue appeals to India, not to mention our neighbors Nepal, Bhutan, Afghanistan, Outer Mongolia, Russia, and so forth. Likewise, I think it is very important to create good relations with and issue appeals to Buddhist countries—like Sri Lanka, Burma, Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Indonesia, Japan, and Korea—and to nations with which we have had relations in the past, like England and the United States.a a The majority of the populations of Malaysia and Indonesia practice Islam, while Buddhism is practiced by only about 19% and 1% of the populations, respectively.

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As for India, which is like our second homeland, we have never wanted to create any pointless difficulties or hardships for the Indian government. However, foreign aggression has come to our land. While the Tibetan people at large have become slaves of the Han nationality and the Tibetan nationality is being utterly eradicated, there is no choice but for us to undertake a prolonged appeal for the purpose of reviving our independence. On top of that, it must be requested that the exile-government of His Holiness the Dalai Lama in India should be recognized as the republican government of all three regions of Tibet. Furthermore, I wish to make significant points clear to the leaders of the government of Communist China. Since China has entered the United Nations, international law must be accepted and put into practice. Also, according to some people, a person must be acknowledged as a dreamer if they say, “A small country like Tibet must become independent from a powerful country like China.” But is it not like that. This is not to say that we are going to separate from the nation of China. With legitimate facts, I am saying that we are a separate nationality (mi rigs), with a distinct language, who are independent. For example, independence has been gained even by small countries of only two or three hundred thousand people each, such as Malta and Fiji Islands, which became independent from Britain. These days, that has come about in dependence upon a policy in which countries need not remain as colonies in the world. It is not the case that the weak need to give their independence to Britain. These days, all large and small countries hope that the United Nations has become the place where legal matters can be explained with respect to whether or not a country should be subsumed in another. If the United Nations does nothing but monitor the gobbling up of Tibet by the Chinese Communists and issue appeals, then the place with the grand name “United Nations” is nothing but a place where great nations play politics. If we did not continually agitate for independence and issue calls from within legitimate facts, then there would be no way at all someone could say, “You must make us independent!” However, if it is asked what sort of path to independence we must walk and what kind of work we need to do, the officials of the government, the national representatives, and all lay and monastic Tibetans must come together on the single point of internal unity under the righteous guidance of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Without engaging

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in mere formalized services of respect or in flattery, people must strive with sincerity. In addition, in the past we have struggled to overcome difficulties in regards to our freedom and independence. These days, in our acts and our behavior, we must proceed on a path towards independence by following the fine example of an agricultural village [in that we work cooperatively], whatever may befall us. For example, in addressing a person’s hunger, there is no benefit from a republic of food. Just as it is necessary to eat, so there is no benefit to explaining by mouth “Independence! Independence!” Instead, one must actually put it into practice. In the advice offered by the Dalai Lama among the many pieces of evidence presented during ceremonies and religious discourses, he has repeatedly said: If we ourselves strive, nothing is hopeless. Moreover, we can be confident that we will achieve our final ultimate objective. Consequently, everyone must strive without relaxing. We will recline contentedly in our independent country. Those who wait around never achieve reconciliation. In order to gain independence, it will take hard work. Through striving by yourself, you should obtain [independence.]

Accordingly, there is no doubt we will achieve a restoration of our independence because of all the changes in the world today. Moreover, we are progressing towards our ever greater aspirations which will be achieved quickly. In particular, in order to offer special encouragement to our maturing young kinsmen, people with elevated qualities of innate intelligence and learning ability have engaged in advanced study in order to become specialists. Thereby they will be able to work for the develop our own country in the future in terms of politics, economics, science, and military arts. Also, those with an advanced ability to learn, without abiding in indolent slothfulness, are indispensible in developing the prosperity of the country in work relating to industry, farming, animal husbandry, and so forth. Thus, such people have completed their training in those areas. It is necessary to realize a firm motivation and vow to achieve one’s own livelihood at the present time and to be able to serve one’s own country in the future. Indeed, those are responsibilities that attach to all Tibetans, young and old. Yet, even as one performs the work, one becomes capable of doing it. Milarepa’s biography says: When he and a traveling companion went from Mangyül Gungtang to Ü Tsang in order to study sorcery (mthu), his mother went a long way to

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see him off. Along the road, they had a departing beer. His mother said many things to “my friend.” In particular, she pulled him aside; unable to bear the separation of a mother and a son, she took him in her hands and held him. While sobbing, she said: Look at the fate of a mother and son! We’ll see what comes of the sorcery rituals performed in our land. Their sorcery is not like ours! Darling child, they are the sorcery of arrogance, while we, a mother and child, have the sorcery of our own troubles. Thus, generate fortitude! If someday, it comes to pass that the signs of your sorcery in our land are reversed, then I, an old woman, will seek to die, having committed suicide in front of you.

Likewise, the learning of other nationalities is not like our Tibetan nationality. The Chinese Han people have committed acts of aggression in our country, where they have absolutely no rights. The owners of our country, the monastic and lay Tibetans, the men and women, the young and old are compelled to labor wherever there is a need as if they were animals. Consider in detail the miserable situation in which they are being fed like a dog and worked like a donkey throughout the day and the night! Certainly it is critical that people serve in whatever way they can, wherever they are needed, holding their lineage in their heart, studying, and campaigning. Also, to those who have been able to universities or lower schools, when you are able to work for our government as needed or work for the future, do whatever is best. If the government has no work for you, there is no point at all in acting with arrogance, in a rebellious fashion, and so forth. In general, understanding just those good qualities is the result of working hard. On the other hand, some people have a chance to go to school or university in reliance on the means of our government; they should be content to learn just those good qualities and they should see the benefits to that opportunity. Those who do not find a job can temporarily earn their living in the private sector. People should consider the benefits for reviving our independence if all people contribute according to their ability. In particular, I also exhort all to strive to undertake a host of actions, such as creating books that will permit the increased study of all the areas of modern knowledge, such as science, in the Tibetan language; relatedly, I exhort Tibetans, whether they live in India or other foreign countries to respect local laws and to associate with their neighbors as siblings.

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Still, in order to appeal to all of our kinsmen, I have repeatedly admonished people that they must protect and preserve our excellent and unique religion, culture, customs, and habits, without permitting them to deteriorate. Even if these days we are underdeveloped compared to the world at large in terms of politics, economics, power, and science, the compassion of the series of religious kings in Tibet and the kind translators and scholars, relying on Buddhism, have induced both a logical understanding of the meaning of the mind and a good mental continuum harboring our excellent habits. Nonetheless, there are many satisfactory people in every developed part of Tibet, people who are able to take the lead in confronting difficulties, people who are not coarse, and people who do not lie, steal, and cheat. What need is there to mention the traditional techniques for making statues—such as how to make clay images with the proportions specified in the sūtras and tantras, how to caste bronze, and how to hammer limbs—and making stūpas, how to make thankas (scroll paintings) having the correct proportions, making articles fashioned from gold, silver, iron, or copper, how to engrave iron, how to do bas relief on those, how to do relief work on pitchers, how to carve woodblocks for texts, how to fashion types of wool garments, carpets, and so forth, how to work with dyes, how to make medicinal compounds and incense, performing the hand signs of rituals, and performing melodies. In brief, it is critically important to increase the study and preserve the practice of all kinds of our distinctive customs, including drama and the singing and dancing in opera. These days, all the countries in the world are undergoing transformations in general. However, aside from the country of the Chinese Communists, people are also working to preserve and popularize the traditional practices. Moreover, I have never said we must obstinately adhere to the traditional practices alone. Not only must people increase the study and preserve the practice of the virtuous Buddhist practices, such as the practices relating to our religion, culture, and habits, but they also must abandon all the things that are harmful. Still, I hope that we will be able to definitely adopt all the beneficial features of politics, science, and the like that accord with the modern revolutionary practices of the developed nations of the world. India’s Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru said: 13 British people think they and their country are the very best, and French people think that their country and their people are the best. Similarly, the

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Germans and the Italians also think that their countries are immeasurably the best. Indians think India is the largest and the best among the many in the world. That is just how people are. However, in fact, there is no way to know what is even a little special about your own people. Regarding that, one must search for and take hold of whatever is good, and one must try to abandon whatever is faulty. Certainly, one will regard one’s own country with special regard and will see as supreme one’s responsibility to one’s country.

Not only that, but His Holiness the Dalai Lama offered advice at the seventh memorial of the thirteenth [Dalai Lama]: You might ask why we should want to have a government. While we are attached to our own society, at the same time, private individuals can accomplish things with effort; yet, there are some things that private individuals cannot accomplish. Primarily, the abilities of people are connected to one another; taking the desired arrangement as a basis, the strength of the collection is the highest form of public organization. Consequently, this thing called a “government” is what is desired. Thus, the most capable public organization, which is the abode of all public and private welfare, must be the government. It is extremely important that the public understand clearly the essence of the government. If I were to provide a brief clear explanation about what the essence of our Tibetan government is like at present, I would say that our government is simply a religio-political government, but also it is a government that is mainly for the people. In other words, our government is not a royal government. It is not a government that is held by a lineage of nobles. Nor is it a government that is held by a lineage of lamas. This is an independent, democratic, popular government. The essence of our government is like this, and that must be understood by all of you [Tibetans], monastics and lay people, men and women.

Also, the Dalai Lama continued, saying: What sort of people are a part of our public? They are people that love our government, and they have affection for it; thereby they rely on it with respect. Moreover, there is no doubt whatsoever that they will work to support our government completely, with thorough trust from their hearts. In considering the democratic Tibetan government, there are only the people; in working to achieve it, there is only the general welfare of Tibet. Thus, every single one of the six million Tibetan people, in Tibet or in exile, consistently respects and supports our government here in Dharamsala, in the Punjab,b India.

b While at the time of speaking, Dharamsala was included under the administration of the Punjab State. However, it is now within the state called Himachel Pradesh, which came into existence under a reorganization of Indian territory in 1971.

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Accordingly, our organized government and the people must mutually work to assist each other. If the two come into opposition, there will be no way at all to achieve the objectives of the Tibetan public. Consequently, when some people offer opinions and encouragement, they undertake an investigation of what is suitable. If they immediately display selfless disdain by wrinkling their noses and pursing their lips in disapproval, they will be unable to make requests later. They seek the destruction of our independent democracy. I think it is extremely important to persist in investigating all petitions, now and in the future. The great fifth Dalai Lama said: Without seeking knowledge in detail from the past, One could come to a decision about right and wrong, without inquiring for long. Thereupon, one sees some things as friends and others as enemies; Then one falls into the ocean of regret.

Thus, one should consider this very carefully. The supreme grandfather of India, Mahatma Gandhi said:14 Moreover, it is necessary to generate a discernment regarding all common people as brothers. There is no point to having a way of life in which people lack positive traditional customs. People must venerate their own supreme practices as being positive traditional customs, and they must have the nature of humility. There is no way to refute or criticize an independence that arises from good customs, humility, and an absence of protecting one’s own accumulated wealth. Pure customs and purifying mental obscurations, those are supreme paths for people to pursue. Passionate sectarianism and complete discursiveness lead to a dark path. They provide the common foundation from which oneself is thrown into destruction.

And grandfather Gandhi also said: The actual people who adhere to traditional ways of life and those who are strictly obedient to their discipline are the ones who should undertake a detailed study of the sentiments of citizens. In dependence upon having respect for discipline, they prepare themselves to enter the good path of the sacred and the profane. Not only are those who adhere to traditional ways of life able to set aside their own interests, but they certainly must be able even to set aside their own life.

I have come to think that those pieces of advice were spoken especially for us in our time. One must have respect for the laws of a country in general and the words of the Dalai Lama in particular, and one must completely put them into practice.

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Absolute unity is nothing but the condition of independence. Thus, we have not reached this level in our politics at present. That is not so even in my own country. In the present weak condition of our economy, the relationship between the government and the people on the one hand and between close friends among the people have been used to provoke political problems, as deceptive economic issues, and so forth. Moreover, it is amazing to hear of all contentious divisions arising from allegiance to our respective religious systems or tribalism based on our province, region, or locality, the baseless rumors of uncooperativeness among the old government officials, and the blind loyalty to different cliques. Those who would destroy the internal unity of all of us and our kinsmen have come from within and without. Since this is inevitable, we must be cautious, like a wounded animal. In particular, we aggressively condemn all those things disconnected from the words of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, the suspect things that are not done under the auspices of the government, and the crooked irreligious things. There has been all sorts of meaningless talk, such as people are led astray by money, the tyranny of mass movements, and the babbling of perverse explanation. Where there is a danger of such things occurring, they are possible. The omniscient [first Dalai Lama] Gendün Drup said: Friends who follow after me, Without coming to be partial, Investigate and remain unbiased. It is great that they can enter an honest path!

Accordingly, without being led astray like a rabbit frightened without cause or by deceptive rumors, I have applied myself to undertake a detailed study of the reasons. It is of the utmost importance that we must be able to remain faithful to truth without error. Above, I have taken the political history of the great nation of Tibet, Land of Snows, and the actual situation that existed in the past and in recent times as the foundation. If with these expressions, together with my own general wish, I—an experienced old man of nearly seventy years called Wangchuk Deden, of the Shakabpa lineage, an old noble family, whose members have earned their livelihood through the kindness of the Tibetan government Ganden Podrang from generation to generation—summon everyone with the good altruistic attitude, then they will become settled in correct thinking. Also, if there are errors, illusions, or mistakes, such as lacking skill in expression that would

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offend the body, speech, and mind, I beseech the reader for forbearance. From my own side, even though I have become a little weary from recounting this history, I am pleased and proud, thinking I have been fortunate to undertake such an immense and meaningful labor. In the Tibetan royal year of 2102, on the international date of May 25, 1975, in the 949th year of the sixteenth sexagenary cycle, the rakṣasa year in Sanskrit, the sinbu (srin bu) demon year in the terminology of the Todrel (stod ’brel) commentary, in the female wood hare year in accordance with the Sphere of Divination,c and on the Saga Dawa Holiday 2519 years after our compassionate teacher [Buddha] passed into nirvāṇa in the city of Kuśinagar,d and in the town of Darjeeling in the territory to the West Bengal, from the Buddhist area nestled in the Himalayan Mountains, I have completed this work at my own home, Shakabpa House in Kalimpong, in synchrony with the marvelous time of the gracious invited visit of the great omniscient protector and refuge, the single deity of the land of snows [the Dalai Lama] whose friendship is not met with by transmigrating beings and gods. The only source of happiness in the snowland Is the precious teaching of the Buddha; Thanks to the successive translators and kings Who brought, administered, and promoted it. My intelligence, innate and learned, is low, like small particles. Many unfavorable conditions for worldly excellences disturbs my mind. If there are any mistakes in my expressions and the content [of this book] I humbly confess them before the lamas, deities, and the learned experts. This history of Tibet, a marvelous political and temporal governance, Tightly bound into a spiritual system which serves as a basis of wonder in future too, Which I have written here clearly without confusion, as it had occurred; May its fruit of the Ganges flow continuously to sustain the teaching and beings.

c

While I have not been able to identify this text, informants have speculated that it is an astrology text of some type. d Shakabpa is providing all sorts of different ways of identifying the date that he completed the text.

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Protector of the ocean of teachings without partiality Tenzin Gyatso, the sole divinity of the Snowland, my Friend, May you, the Guru of sentient beings, live long firmly; May all your wishes be fulfilled, and may your legacy spread all around. With a meaningful intention, passion for my country, Through a meaningful speech, this Political History of Tibet, Finding the meaningful goal, the flawless path, May we gain the meaningful fruit of independence quickly! The source of goodness for all, the shining jewel of the Buddha’s teaching on top, The four glorious forces of the excellent banner flying in the wind, Supported by the pole of unwavering vajra courage, May the hundred joyful governances of the victory banner be raised in a hundred directions. Possessed by the demon of afflictions, the mechanics of the evil-minded hostile spirits, Motivated by the action conforming in function, having the poisonous breath of bad ideology, Desiring to harm the teaching and beings with evil thought and deed, akin to a tree rotten at the root, May they be rendered a mere name, incapable of bearing any fruit. The cool and nourishing dharma nectar falling from the immortal city of gods, Its excellent flow gently running on the harbor nurturing limitless beings, Surrounded by the fence of ten moral principles, enjoying the fortunate feast of festivity; May happiness and freedom, yearned for by the people of Snowland, shine forth. The golden parasol flowing above the undying victory banner ablaze with the major and minor marks standing firm and profoundly alleviating the sorrows of saṃ sāra, The twin gold-eyed fish of method and wisdom dancing elegantly in the bright colors upon the smiling thousand-petaled lotus, The fifth-birth right-coiling conch resounding melody upon a round neck vase filled with nectar, The mind free of reification and characterized by the resultant purified state—may there be auspiciousness of the thousand-spoked wheel!

As for the lettering [in this book], Khunu Tarchin La, who had a keen interest in Tibetan culture for a long time, has loaned Drakyap Ngawang La, who resides at Kalimpong and who is manifestly accomplished in writing the ujen script. With great diligence, he wrote the text singlehandedly. May his good virtue always increase.

APPENDICES

A NOTE ON THE TREATIES Most of the treaties listed below are available in many sources, including the following: Aitchison, C. U. A Collection of Treaties, Engagements, and Sanads Relating to India and Neighbouring Countries. Calcutta: Government of India, Central Publication Branch, 1929. Bell, Charles. Tibet: Past and Present. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968. Richardson, Hugh. Tibet and its History. Boulder, CO: Prajn̂ā Press, 1962. Shakabpa, Tsepon W. D. Tibet: A Political History. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1967. van Walt van Praag, Michael C. The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law. London: Wisdom, 1987. http://www/tibetjustice.org/materials/treaties/index.html After each treaty, I have provided citations to some of the more easily available sources containing them. The fine volume by Michael C. van Walt van Praag, in which he analyzes Tibet’s status in terms of international law, is the most comprehensive one-volume source containing treaties relating to Tibet.

APPENDIX I

INTERNATIONAL TREATIES AND AGREEMENTS 821/823 A.D. Sino-Tibetan Treaty Translated from the inscription on the west face of the stone pillar at Lhasa. The great king of Tibet, the Divine Manifestation, the bTsan-po and the great king of China, the Chinese ruler Hwang Te, Nephew and Uncle, having consulted about the alliance of their dominions have made a great treaty and ratified the agreement. In order that it may never be changed, so that it may be celebrated in every age and every generation the terms of the agreement have been inscribed on a stone pillar. The Divine Manifestation, the bTsan-po, Khri gTsug-Ide-brtsan himself and the Chinese Ruler, B’un B’’u, He’u Tig Hwang Te, their majesties the Nephew and the Uncle, through the great profundity of their minds know whatsoever is good and ill for present and future alike. With great compassion, making no distinction between outer and inner in sheltering all with kindness, they have agreed in their counsel on a great purpose of lasting good—the single thought of causing happiness for the whole population—and have renewed the respectful courtesies of their old friendship. Having consulted to consolidate still further the measure of neighbourly contentment they have made a great treaty. Both Tibet and China shall keep the country and frontiers of which they are now in possession. The whole region to the east of that being the country of Great Tibet, from either side of that frontier there shall be no warfare, no hostile invasions, and no seizure of territory. If there be any suspicious person, he shall be arrested and an investigation made and, having been suitably provided for, he shall be sent back. Now that the dominions are allied and a great treaty of peace has been made in this way, since it is necessary also to continue the communication of pleasant messages between Nephew and Uncle, envoys setting out from either side shall follow the old established route. According to former custom their horses shall be changed at Tsang Kun Yog, which is between Tibet and China. Beyond sTse Zhung Cheg,

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where Chinese territory is met, the Chinese shall provide all facilities; westwards, beyond Tseng Shu Hywan, where Tibetan territory is met, the Tibetans shall provide all facilities. According to the close and friendly relationship between Nephew and Uncle the customary courtesy and respect shall be practised. Between the two countries no smoke or dust shall appear. Not even a word of sudden alarm or of enmity shall be spoken and, from those who guard the frontier upwards, all shall live at ease without suspicion or fear, their land being their land and their bed their bed. Dwelling in peace they shall win the blessing of happiness for ten thousand generations. The sound of praise shall extend to every place reached by the sun and moon. And in order that this agreement establishing a great era when Tibetans shall be happy in Tibet and Chinese shall be happy in China shall never be changed, the Three Jewels, the body of saints, the sun and moon, planets and stars have been invoked as witnesses; its purport has been expounded in solemn words; the oath has been sworn with the sacrifice of animals; and the agreement has been solemnized. If the parties do not act in accordance with this agreement or if it is violated, whether it be Tibet or China that is first guilty of an offence against it, whatever stratagem or deceit is used in retaliation shall not be considered a breach of the agreement. Thus the rulers and ministers of both Tibet and China declared and swore the oath; and the text having been written in detail it was sealed with the seals of both great kings. It was inscribed with the signatures of those ministers who took part in the agreement and the text of the agreement was deposited in the archives of each party. Source: Hugh Richardson, “The Sino-Tibetan Treaty Inscription of A.D. 821/23 at Lhasa,” Journal of the Royal Central Asiatic Society 2 (1978), 153–154. 1684 Peace Treaty Between Ladakh and Tibet at Tingmosgang The Drukpa (red sect) Omniscient Lama, named Mee-pham-wang-po, who in his former incarnations had always been the patron Lama of the kings of Ladak, from generation to generation, was sent from Lhasa to Tashis-gang, to arrange the conditions of a treaty of peace—for the

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Ladak king could never refuse to abide by the decision of the Omniscient One. It was agreed as follows: 1. The boundaries fixed, in the beginning, when king Skyed-Idangeema-gon gave a kingdom to each of his three sons, shall still be maintained. 2. Only Ladakis shall be permitted to enter into Ngarees-khor-sum wool trade. 3. No person from Ladak, except the royal trader of the Ladak Court, shall be permitted to enter Rudok. 4. A royal trader shall be sent by the Deywa Zhung (i.e. the Grand Lama of Lhasa), from Lhasa to Ladak, once a year, with 200 horseloads of tea. 5. A “Lo-chhak” shall be sent every third year from Leh to Lhasa with presents. As regards the quality and value of presents brought for all ordinary Lamas, the matter is of no consequence, but to the Labrang Chhakdzot shall be given the following articles, viz: (a) (b) (c) (d)

Gold dust—the weight of 1 zho 10 times. Saffron—the weight of 1 srang (or thoorsrang) 10 times. Yarkhand cotton cloths—6 pieces. Thin cotton cloth—1 piece.

The members of the Lapchak Mission shall be provided with provisions, free of cost, during their stay at Lhasa, and for the journey they shall be similarly provided with 200 baggage animals, 25 riding ponies, and 10 servants. For the uninhabited portion of the journey, tents will be supplied for the use of the Mission. 6. The country of Ngaress-khor-sum shall be given to the Omniscient Drukpa Lama, Mee-pham-wang-po, and in lieu thereof the Deywa Zhung wil give to the Ladak king three other districts (in Great Tibet). 7. The revenue of the Ngarees-khor-sum shall be set aside for the purpose of defraying the cost of sacrificial lamps, and of religious ceremonies to be performed at Lhasa. 8. But the king of Ladak reserves to himself the village (or district?) of Monthser (i.e. Minsar) in Ngarees-khor-sum, that he may be independent there; and he sets aside its revenue for the purpose of meeting

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the expense involved in keeping up the sacrificial lights at Kang-ree (i.e. Kailas), and the Holy Lakes of Manasarwar and Rakas Tal. With reference to the first clause of the treaty, it may be explained that, roughly speaking, king Skyed-Ida-ngeema-gon gave the following territories to his sons: a. To the eldest son—The countries now know as Ladak and Purig extending from Hanley on the east to the Zojila Pass on the west, and including Rudok and the Gogpo gold district. b. To the second son—Goo gey, Poorang and certain other small districts. c. To the third son—Zangskar, Spiti, and certain other small districts. Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 288–289. 1792 Defeat of the Gurkhas See pp. 541–544 above. 1817 Treaty of Titaliya Treaty, Covenant or Agreement entered into by Captain Barre Latter, Agent on the part of His Excellency the Right Honourable the Earl of Moira, K.G., Governor-General & C., & C., and by Nazir Chaina Tenjin and Macha Teinbah and Lama Duchim Longdoo, Deputies on the part of the Rajah of Sikkimputtee, being severely authorised and duly appointed for the above purpose—1817. Article 1 The Honourable East India Company cedes, transfers, and makes over in full sovereignty to the Sikkimputtee Rajah, his heirs or successors, all the hilly or mountainous country situated to the eastward of the Mechi River and to the westward of the Teesta River, formerly possessed and occupied by the Rajah of Nepaul, but ceded to the Honourable East India Company by the Treaty of Peace signed at Segoulee.

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Article 2 The Sikkimputtee Rajah engages for himself and successors to abstain from any acts of aggression or hostility against the Gorkhas or any other State. Article 3 That he will refer to the arbitration of the British Government any disputes or questions that may arise between his subjects and those of Nepaul or any other neighbouring State, and to abide by the decision of the British Government. Article 4 He engages for himself and successors to join the British Troops with the whole of his Military Force when employed within the Hills, and in general to afford the British Troops every aid and facility in his power. Article 5 That he will not permit any British subject, nor the subject of any European and American State to reside within his dominions, without the permission of the English Government. Article 6 That he will immediately seize and deliver up any dacoits or other notorious offenders that may take refuge within his territories. Article 7 That he will not afford protection to any defaulters of revenue or other delinquents when demanded by the British Government through their accredited Agents. Article 8 That he will afford protection to merchants and traders from the Company’s Provinces, and he engages that no duties shall be levied on the transit of merchandise beyond the established customs at the several golas or marts. Article 9 The Honourable East India Company guarantees to the Sikkimputtee Rajah and his successors the full and peaceable possession of the tract of hilly country specified in the first Article of the present Agreement.

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Article 10 This Treaty will be ratified and exchanged by the Sikkimputtee Rajah within one month from the present date, and the counterpart, when confirmed by His Excellency the Right Honourable the Governor General, shall be transmitted to the Rajah. Done at Titaliya, this 10th day of February 1817, answering to the 9th of Phagoon 1973 Sambat, and to the 30th Maugh 1223 Bengallie. BARRE LATTER NAJIR CHINA TINJIN MACHA TIMBA LAMA DUCHIM LONGADOC MOIRA N.B. EDMOSTONE ARCHD SETON GEO DOWDESWELL Ratified by the Governor Genera, in Council, at Fort William, this fifteenth day of March, one thousand eight hundred and seventeen. J. Adams Acting Chief Secretary to Government. Source: http://www.nepaldemocracy.org/documents/treaties_agreements/ nep_india_open_border.htm 1826 Treaty of Yandaboo Treaty of Peace between the Honorable East India Company on the one part, and His Majesty the King of Ava on the other, settled MajorGeneral Sir Archibald Campbell, K.C.B., and K.C.T.S., commanding the expedition, and Senior Commissioner in PEGU and AVA; Thomas Campbell Robertson, Esq., Civil Commissioner In Pegu and Ava; and Henry Ducie Chad, Esq., Captain, Commanding Britannic Majesty’s and the Honorable Company’s Naval Force the Irrawaddy River, on the part of the Honorable Company; and by Mengyee-Maha-MenHlah-Kyan-Ten Woongyee, Lord of Laykaing, and Mengyee-MaraHlah-Thuo-Hah-Thoo-Atwen-Woon, Lord of The Revenue, on the part

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of the King of Ava; who have each communicated to the other their full powers, agreed to and executed at Yandaboo in the Kingdom of Ava, on this Twenty-fourth day of February, in the year of Our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Twenty-six, corresponding with the Fourth day of the decrease of the Moon Taboung, in the year One Thousand One Hundred and Eighty-seven Gaudma Era, 1826. Article 1. There shall be perpetual peace and friendship between the Honorable Company on the one part, and His Majesty the King of Ava on the other. Article 2. His Majesty the King of Ava renounces all claims upon, and will abstain from all future interference with, the principality of Assam and its dependencies, and also with the contiguous petty States of Cachar and Jyntia. With regard to Munnipoor it is stipulated, that should Ghumbheer Sing desire to return to that country, he shall be recognized by the King of Ava as Rajah thereof. Article 3. To prevent all future disputes respecting the boundary line between the two great Nations, the British Government will retain the conquered Provinces of Arracan, including the four divisions of Arracan, Ramree, Cheduba, and Sandoway, and His Majesty the King of Ava cedes all right thereto. The Unnoupectoumien or Arakan Mountains (known in Arakan by the name of the Yeomatoung or Pokhingloung Range) will henceforth form the boundary between the two great Nations on that side. Any doubts regarding the said line of demarcation will be settled by Commissioners appointed by the respective governments for that purpose, such Commissioners from both powers to be of suitable and corresponding rank. Article 4. His Majesty the King of Ava cedes to the British Government the conquered Provinces of Yeh, Tavoy, and Mergui and Tenasserim, with the islands and dependencies thereunto appertaining, taking the Salween River as the line of demarcation on that frontier ; any doubts regarding their boundaries will be settled as specified in the concluding part of Article third.

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Article 5. In proof of the sincere disposition of the Burmese Government to maintain the relations of peace and amity between the Nations, and as part indemnification to the British Government for the expenses of the War, His Majesty the King of Ava agrees to pay the sum of one crore of Rupees. Article 6. No person whatever, whether native or foreign, is hereafter to be molested by either party, on account of the part which he may have taken or have been compelled to take in the present war. Article 7. In order to cultivate and improve the relations of amity and peace hereby established between the two governments, it is agreed that accredited ministers, retaining an escort or safeguard of fifty men, from each shall reside at the Durbar of the other, who shall be permitted to purchase, or to build a suitable place of residence, of permanent materials; and a Commercial Treaty, upon principles of reciprocal advantage, will be entered into by the two high contracting powers. Article 8. All public and private debts contracted by either government, or by the subjects of either government, with the others previous to the war, to be recognized and liquidated upon the same principles of honor and good faith as if hostilities had not taken place between the two Nations, and no advantage shall be taken by either party of the period that may have elapsed since the debts were incurred, or in consequence of the war; and according to the universal law of Nations, it is further stipulated, that the property of all British subjects who may die in the dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava., shall, in the absence of legal heirs, be placed in the hands of the British Resident or Consul in the said dominions, who will dispose of the same according to the tenor of the British law. In like manner the property of Burmese subjects dying under the same circumstances, in and part of the British dominions, shall be made over to the minister or other authority delegated by His Burmese Majesty to the Supreme Government of India.

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Article 9. The King of Ava will abolish all exactions upon British ships or vessels in Burman ports, that are not required from Burman ships or vessels in British port nor shall ships or vessels, the property of British subjects, whether European or Indian, entering the Rangoon River or other Burman ports, be required to land their guns, or unship their rudders, or to do any other act not required of Burmese ships or vessels in British ports. Article 10. The good and faithful Ally of the British Government, His Majesty the King of Siam, having taken a part in the present War, will, to the fullest extent, as far as regards His Majesty and his subjects, be included in the above Treaty. Article 11. This Treaty to be ratified by the Burmese authorities competent in the like cases, and the Ratification to be accompanied by all British, whether Europe or Native, American, and other prisoners, who will be delivered over to the British Commissioners; the British Commissioners on their part engaging that the said Treaty shall be ratified by the Right Honorable the Governor-General in Council, and the Ratification shall be delivered to His Majesty the King of Ava in four months, or sooner if possible, and all the Burmese prisoners shall, in like manner be delivered over to their own Government as soon as they arrive from Bengal. ARCHIBALD CAMPBELL. LARGEEN MEONJA, Woonghee. T. C. ROBERTSON, Civil Commissioner. SEAL OF THE LOTOO. HY. D. CHADS, Captain, Royal Navy. SHWAGUM WOON, Atawoon.

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The British Commissioners being most anxiously desirous to manifest the sincerity of their wish for peace, and to make the immediate execution of the fifth Article of this Treaty as little irksome or inconvenient as possible to His Majesty the King of Ava, consent to the following arrangements, with respect to the division of the sum total, as specified in the Article before referred to, into instalments, viz., upon the payment of twenty-five lacks of Rupees, or one-fourth of the sum total (the other Articles of the Treaty being executed), the Army will retire to Rangoon. Upon the further payment of a similar sum at that place within one hundred days from this date, with the proviso as above, the Army will evacuate the dominions of His Majesty the King of Ava with the least possible delay, leaving the remaining moiety of the sum total to be paid by equal annual instalments in two years, from this Twenty-fourth day of February 1826 A.D., through the Consul or Resident in Ava or Pegu, on the part of the Honorable the East India Company. Archibald Campbell. Largeen Meonja, Woongee. T. C. Robertson, Civil Commissioner. Seal of the Lotoo Hy. D. Chads, Captain, Royal Navy. Shwwagum Woon, Atawoon Ratified by the Governor-General in Council, at Fort William in Bengal, this Eleventh day of April, in the Year of our Lord One Thousand Eight Hundred and Twenty-six. Amherst. Combermere. J. H. Harington. W. B. Bayley. Source: C. U. Aitchison, ed. A Collection of Treaties, Engagements and Sanads: Relating to India and Neighbouring Countries. Vol. XII. (Calcutta: Government of India Central Publication Branch, 1931), 213–233.

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1842 Ladakhi Letter of Agreement See p. 586 above. 1852 Agreement Between Tibet and Kashmir Concluded between the two Garpons or provincial Governors appointed by the Dalai Lama and the representatives of the Maharaja of Kashmir. This is dated the third day of the month of the Water Bull Year (apparently 1852). The Ladakis refusing to supply the Tibetan Government trader Ke-Sang Gyurme with the usual transport animals on account of the decreased tea trade, the Nyer-pas of the Garpons were deputed to enquire about this matter and to investigate the boundary dispute between Ladak and Tibet. A meeting was accordingly arranged between Ladak Thanadar Sahib Bastiram and Kalon Rinzin accompanied by his servant Yeshe Wangyal and an agreement was made as follows: In the future the Ladakis will supply the Tibetan Government traders with the usual transport requirements without any demur. The joint Te-jis (“Teji” is a Tibetan title which the then Garpons have held) will request their Government to appoint only intelligent and capable men to take the annual tribute to Tibet. The Ladakis shall provide the Tibetan Government traders with accommodation and servants as usual and render them any further assistance according to the oldestablished custom. The Garpons will issue orders to the effect that tea and woollen goods arriving at Nagari shall only be sent to Ladak and not to any other place. The boundary between Ladak and Tibet will remain the same as before. No restriction shall be laid by the people of Rudok on the export of salt and woollen goods and the import of barley flour and barley. Neither party shall contravene the existing rules and the rates of Customs duties and market supplies shall be fixed by both parties concerned. The above rules shall apply also to the Rongpas (people inhabiting the valley countries), who export salt. The travelers from North and West who come through Rong are given passports by the Thanadar. They are liable to customs duties as prescribed in their passports. Should any of them be unable to produce his passport, he shall be made to pay fifty times the amount ordinarily recoverable from him. No case will be heard against such recoveries made by the

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Customs Officer. In deciding all important matters the rule shall take into consideration the manners and customs of both sides and observe the old-established rules regarding supply of transport, etc. There shall be no restriction in grazing animals in the pasture reserved for the animals of the Government traders, but the people shall not be allowed to abuse this privilege by bringing animals from outside to graze on it. Both parties shall adhere strictly to the agreement thus arrived between Tibet and Sinpas (Kashmiris), and the two frontier officers shall act in perfect accord and co-operation. Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 291–292. 1853 Tibet-Ladakh Trade Agreement See pp. 590–591 above. 1856 Treaty Between Tibet and Nepal (1856) See pp. 595–597 above. 1876 Chefoo Convention Between The British Government and the Government of China (Extract). Her Majesty’s Government having it in contemplation to send a mission of exploration next year, by way of Peking, through Kansuh and Koknor, or by way of Szechuan to Tibet, and thence to India, the Tsungli Yamen, having due regard to the circumstances, will, when the time arrives, issue the necessary passports, and will address letters to the High Provincial Authorities and the Residents in Tibet. If the Mission should not be sent by these routes but should be proceeding across the Indian frontier to Tibet, the Tsungli Yamen, on receipt of a communication to that effect from the British Minister, will write to the Chinese Resident in Tibet, and the Resident, with due regard to the circumstances, will send officers to take care of the Mission, and

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passports for the Mission will be issued by the Tsungli Yamen, that its passage be not obstructed. Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 295–296. 1886 Convention Relating to Burmah and Tibet 24 JULY 1886 Between the British Government and the Government of China (Extract). Inasmuch as inquiry into the circumstances, by the Chinese Government, has shown the existence of many obstacles to the Mission to Tibet provided for in the separate article of the Chefoo Agreement, England consents to countermand the Mission forthwith. With regard to the desire of the British Goverment to consider arrangements for frontier trade between India and Tibet, it will be the duty of the Chinese Government, after careful inquiry into the circumstances, to adopt measures to exhort and encourage the people with a view to the promotion and development of trade. Should it be practicable, the Chinese Government shall then proceed carefully to consider trade regulations but if insuperable obstacles should be found to exist, the British Government will not press the matter unduly. Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 296. 1890 Convention Between Great Britain and China Relating to Sikkim and Tibet Signed at Calcutta, 17 March 1890 Ratified at London, 27 August 1890 Whereas Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of

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China, are sincerely desirous to maintain and perpetuate the relations of friendship and good understanding which now exist between their respective Empires; and whereas recent occurrences have tended towards a disturbance of the said relations, and it is desirable to clearly define and permanently settle certain matters connected with the boundary between Sikkim and Tibet, Her Britannic Majesty and His Majesty the Emperor of China have resolved to conclude a Convention on this subject, and have, for this purpose, named Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, his Excellency the Most Honourable Henry Charles Keith Petty Fitzmaurice, G.M.S.I., G.C.M.G., G.M.I.E., Marquess of Lansdowne, Viceroy and GovernorGeneral of India; And His Majesty the Emperor of China, his Excellency Sheng Tai, Imperial Associate Resident in Tibet, Military Deputy LieutenantGovernor; Who, having met and communicated to each other their full powers, and finding these to be in proper form, have agreed upon the following Convention in eight Articles:— I. The boundary of Sikkim and Tibet shall be the crest of the mountain range separating the waters flowing into the Sikkim Teesta and its affluents from the waters flowing into the Tibetan Mochu and northwards into other rivers of Tibet. The line commences at Mount Gipmochi on the Bhutan frontier, and follows the above-mentioned water-parting to the point where it meets Nepal territory. II. It is admitted that the British Government, whose Protectorate over the Sikkim State is hereby recognized, has direct and exclusive control over the internal administration and foreign relations of that State, and except through and with the permission of the British Government neither the Ruler of the State nor any of its officers shall have official relations of any kind, formal or informal, with any other country. III. The Government of Great Britain and Ireland and the Government of China engage reciprocally to respect the boundary as defined in Article 1, and to prevent acts of Aggression from their respective sides of the frontier. IV. The question of providing increased facilities for trade across the Sikkim-Tibet frontier will hereafter be discussed with a view to a mutually satisfactory arrangement by the High Contracting Powers.

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V. The question of pasturage on the Sikkim side of the frontier is reserved for further examination and future adjustment. VI. The High Contracting Powers reserve for discussion and arrangement the method in which official communications between the British authorities in India and the authorities in Tibet shall be conducted. VII. Two joint Commissioners shall, within six months from the ratification of this Convention, be appointed, one by the British Government in India, the other by the Chinese Resident in Tibet. The said Commissioners shall meet and discuss the questions which, by the last three preceding Articles, have been reserved. VIII. The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in London as soon as possible after the date of the signature thereof. In witness whereof the respective negotiators have signed the same, and affixed thereunto the seals of their arms. Done in quadruplicate at Calcutta, this 17th day of March, in the year of our Lord 1890, corresponding with the Chinese date, the 27th day of the second moon of the 16th year of Kuang Hsu. Landsdowne Signature of the Chinese Plenipotentiary Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 297–8. 1893 Regulations regarding Trade, Communication and Pasturage, appended to the Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet of 1890 Signed at Darjeeling, India, December 5, 1893. 1. A TRADE mart shall be established at Yatung on the Tibetan side of the frontier, and shall be open to all British subjects for purposes of trade from the 1st day of May, 1894. The Government of India shall be free to send officers to reside at Yatung to watch the conditions of British trade at that mart.

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2. British subjects trading at Yatung shall be at liberty to travel freely to and fro between the frontier and Yatung, to reside at Yatung, and to rent houses and godowns for their own accommodation, and the storage of their goods. The Chinese Government undertake that suitable buildings for the above purposes shall be provided for British subjects, and also that a special and fitting residence shall be provided for the officer or officers appointed by the Government of India under Regulation 1 to reside at Yatung. British subjects shall be at liberty to sell their goods to whomsoever they please, to purchase native commodities in kind or in money, to hire transport of any kind, and in general to conduct their business transactions in conformity with local usage, and without any vexatious restrictions. Such British subjects shall receive efficient protection for their persons and property. At Lang-jo and Ta-chun, between the frontier and Yatung, where rest-houses have been built by the Tibetan authorities, British subjects can break their journey in consideration of a daily rent. 3. Import and export trade in the following articles—arms, ammunition, military stores, salt, liquors, and intoxicating or narcotic drugs— may, at the option of either Government, be entirely prohibited, or permitted only on such conditions as either Government, on their own side, may think fit to impose. 4. Goods, other than goods of the descriptions enumerated in Regulation 3, entering Tibet from British India, across the Sikkim-Tibet frontier, or vice versa, whatever their origin, shall be exempt from duty for a period of five years, commencing from the date of the opening of Yatung to trade; but after the expiration of this term, if found desirable, a Tariff may be mutually agreed upon and enforced. Indian tea may be imported into Tibet at a rate of duty not exceeding that at which Chinese tea is imported into England, but trade in Indian tea shall not be engaged in during the five years for which other commodities are exempt. 5. All goods on arrival at Yatung, whether from British India or from Tibet, must be reported at the Custom station there for examination, and the report must give full particulars of the description, quantity, and value of the goods. 6. In the event of trade disputes arising between British and Chinese or Tibetan subjects in Tibet, they shall be inquired into and settled in personal conference by the Political Officer for Sikkim and the Chinese Frontier Officer. The object of personal conference being to ascertain

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facts and do justice, where there is a divergence of views, the law of the country to which the defendant belongs shall guide. 7. Despatches from the Government of India to the Chinese Imperial Resident in Tibet shall be handed over by the Political Officer for Sikkim to the Chinese Frontier Officer, who will forward them by special courier. Despatches from the Chinese Imperial Resident in Tibet to the Government of India will be handed over by the Chinese Frontier Officer to the Political Officer for Sikkim, who will forward them as quickly as possible. 8. Despatches between the Chinese and Indian officials must be treated with due respect, and couriers will be assisted in passing to and fro by the officers of each Government. 9. After the expiration of one year from the date of the opening of Yatung, such Tibetans as continue to graze their cattle in Sikkim will be subject to such regulations as the British Government may from time to time enact for the general conduct of grazing in Sikkim. Due notice will be given of such regulations. General Articles 1. In the event of disagreement between the Political Officer for Sikkim and the Chinese Frontier Officer, each official shall report the matter to his immediate superior, who in turn, if a settlement is not arrived at between them, shall refer such matter to their respective Governments for disposal. 2. After the lapse of five years from the date on which these Regulations shall come into force, and on six months’ notice given by either party, these Regulations shall be subject to revision by Commissioners appointed on both sides for this purpose, who shall be empowered to decide on and adopt such amendments and extensions as experience shall prove to be desirable. 3. It having been stipulated that Joint Commissioners should be appointed by the British and Chinese Governments under Article VII of the Sikkim-Tibet Convention to meet and discuss, with a view to the final settlement of the questions reserved under Articles IV, V, and VI of the said Convention; and the Commissioners thus appointed having met and discussed the questions referred to, namely, trade, communication, and pasturage, have been further appointed to sign the Agreement in nine Regulations and three General Articles now arrived at, and to

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declare that the said nine Regulations and the three General Articles form part of the Convention itself. In witness whereof the respective Commissioners have hereto subscribed their names. Done in quadruplicate at Darjeeling, this 5th day of December, in the year 1893, corresponding with the Chinese date, the 28th day of the 10th moon of the 19th year of Kuang Hsü. (L. S.) A. W. Paul, British Commissioner. (L. S.) Ho Chang-Jung, James H. Hart, Chinese Commissioners. British and Foreign State Papers, 1892–1893. Vol. LXXXV, pp. 1235–1237. 1904 Convention Between Great Britain and Tibet Whereas doubts and difficulties have arisen as to the meaning and validity of the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890, and the Trade Regulations of 1893, and as to the liabilities of the Tibetan Government under these agreements; and whereas recent occurrences have tended towards a disturbance of the relations of friendship and good understanding which have existed between the British Government and the Government of Tibet; and whereas it is desirable to restore peace and amicable relations, and to resolve and determine the doubts and difficulties as aforesaid, the said Governments have resolved to conclude a convention with these objects, and the following articles have been agreed upon by Colonel F. E. Younghusband, C.I.E., in virtue of full powers vested in him by His Britannic Majesty’s Government and on behalf of that said Government, and Lo-Sang Gyal-Tsen, the Ga-den Ti-Rimpoche, and the representatives of the Council, of the three monasteries Se-ra, Dre-pung, and Ga-den, and of the ecclesiastical and lay officials of the National Assembly on behalf of the Government of Tibet. I. The Government of Tibet engages to respect the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890 and to recognise the frontier between Sikkim and Tibet, as defined in Article I of the said Convention, and to erect boundary pillars accordingly. II. The Tibetan Government undertakes to open forthwith trade marts to which all British and Tibetan subjects shall have free right of access at Gyantse and Gartok, as well as at Yatung.

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The Regulations applicable to the trade mart at Yatung, under the Anglo-Chinese Agreement of 1893, shall, subject to such amendments as may hereafter be agreed upon by common consent between the British and Tibetan Governments, apply to the marts above-mentioned. In addition to establishing trade marts at the places mentioned, the Tibetan Government undertakes to place no restrictions on the trade by existing routes, and to consider the question of establishing fresh trade marts under similar conditions if development of trade requires it. III. The question of the amendment of the Regulations of 1893 is reserved for separate consideration, and the Tibetan Government undertakes to appoint fully authorised delegates to negotiate with representatives of the British Government as to the details of the amendments required. IV. The Tibetan Government undertakes to levy no dues of any kind other than those provided for in the tariff to be mutually agreed upon. V. The Tibetan Government undertakes to keep the roads to Gyantse and Gartok from the frontier clear or all obstruction and in a state of repair suited to the needs of the trade, and to establish at Yatung, Gyantse and Gartok, and at each of the other trade marts that may hereafter be established, a Tibetan Agent who shall receive from the British Agent appointed to watch over British trade at the marts in question any letter which the latter may desire to send to the Tibetan or to the Chinese authorities. The Tibetan Agent shall also be responsible for the due delivery of such communications and for the transmission of replies. VI. As an indemnity to the British Government for the expense incurred in the despatch of armed troops to Lhasa, to exact reparation for breaches of treaty obligations, and for the insults offered to and attacks upon the British Commissioner and his following and escort, the Tibetan Government engages to pay a sum of pounds five hundred thousand—equivalent to rupees seventy-five lakhs—to the British Government. The indemnity shall be payable at such place as the British Government may from time to time, after due notice, indicate whether in Tibet or in the British districts of Darjeeling or Jalpaiguri, in seventy-five annual instalments of rupees one lakh each on the 1st January in each year, beginning from the 1st January 1906. VII. As security for the payment of the above-mentioned indemnity, and for the fulfilment of the provisions relative to the trade marts

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specified in Articles II, III, IV and V, the British Government shall continue to occupy the Chumbi valley until the indemnity has been paid and until the trade marts have been effectively opened for three years, whichever date may be the later. VIII. The Tibetan Government agrees to raze all forts and fortifications and remove all armaments which might impede the course of free communication between the British frontier and the towns of Gyantse and Lhasa. IX. The Government of Tibet engages that, without the previous consent of the British Government: a. no portion of Tibetan territory shall be coded, sold, leased, mortgaged or otherwise given for occupation, to any Foreign Power; b. no such Power shall be permitted to intervene in Tibetan affairs; c. no representatives or Agents of any Foreign Power shall be admitted to Tibet; d. no concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, mining or other rights shall be granted to any Foreign Power, or the subject of any Foreign Power. In the event of consent to such concessions being granted similar or equivalent concessions shall be granted to the British Government; e. no Tibetan revenues, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or assigned to any Foreign Power, or the subject of any Foreign Power. X. In witness whereof the negotiators have signed the same, and affixed thereunto the seals of their arms. Done in quintuplicate at Lhasa, this 7th day of September in the year of our Lord one thousand nine hundred and four, corresponding with the Tibetan date the 27th day of the seventh month of the Wood Dragon year. F. E. Younghusband, Col., British Commissioner. Seal of British Commissioner. Seal of the Dalai Lama, affixed by the Ga-den Ti-Rimpoche. Seal of Council. Seal of the Dre-pung Monastery. Seal of Sera Monastery. Seal of Ga-den Monastery. Seal of National Assembly.

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In proceeding to the signature of the Convention, dated this day, the representatives of Great Britain and Tibet declare that the English text shall be binding. F. E. Younghusband, Col., British Commissioner. Seal of British Commissioner. Seal of the Dalai Lama, affixed by the Ga-den Ti-Rimpoche. Seal of Council. Seal of the Dre-pung Monastery. Seal of Sera Monastery. Seal of Ga-den Monastery. Seal of National Assembly. Ampthill, Viceroy and Governor-General of India. This Convention was ratified by the Viceroy and Governor-General of India in Council at Simla on the eleventh day of November, A.D., one thousand nine hundred and four. S. M. Fraser, Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign Department. 1904 Declaration signed by His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India and appended to the ratified Convention of the 7th September 1904. His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India, having ratified the Convention which was concluded at Lhasa on 7th September 1904 by Colonel Younghusband, C.I.E., British Commissioner, Tibet Frontier Matters, on behalf of His Britannic Majesty’s Government; and by Lo-Sang Gyal-Tsen, the Ga-den Ti-Rimpoche, and the representatives of the Council, of the three monasteries, Sera, Dre-pung and Ga-den, and of the ecclesiastical and lay officials of the National Assembly, on behalf of the Government of Tibet, is pleased to direct as an act

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of grace that the sum of money which the Tibetan Government have bound themselves under the terms of Article VI of the said Convention to pay to His Majesty’s Government as an indemnity for the expenses incurred by the latter in connection with the despatch of armed forces to Lhasa, be reduced from Rs. 75,00,000 to Rs. 25,00,000; and to declare that the British occupation of the Chumbi valley shall cease after the due payment of three annual instalments of the said indemnity as fixed by the said Article, provided, however, that the trade marts as stipulated in Article II of the Convention shall have been effectively opened for three years as provided in Article VI of the Convention; and that, in the meantime, the Tibetans shall have faithfully complied with the terms of the said Convention in all other respects. Ampthill, Viceroy and Governor-General of India. This declaration was signed by the Viceroy and Governor-General of India in Council at Simla on the eleventh day of November, A.D., one thousand nine hundred and four. S. M. Fraser, Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign Department. Source: Charles Bell, Tibet Past and Present (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968), 284–287. 1906 Convention Between Great Britain and China Respecting Tibet Signed at Peking, 27 April 1906 Ratified at London, 23 July 1906 Whereas His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of China are sincerely desirous to maintain and perpetuate the relations of friendship and good understanding which now exist between their respective Empires; And whereas the refusal of Tibet to recognize the validity of or to carry into full effect the provisions of the Anglo-Chinese Conventions of March 17, 1890 and Regulations of December 5, 1893 placed the

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British Government under the necessity of taking steps to secure their rights and interests under the said Convention and Regulations; And whereas a Convention of ten Articles was signed at Lhasa on September 7, 1904 on behalf of Great Britain and Tibet, and was ratified by the Viceroy and Governor-General of India on behalf of Great Britain on November 11, 1904, a declaration on behalf of Great Britain modifying its terms under certain conditions being appended thereto; His Britannic Majesty and His Majesty the Emperor of China have resolved to conclude a Convention on this subject and have for this purpose named Plenipotentiaries, that is to say—His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland: Sir Ernest Mason Satow, Knight Grand Cross of the Most Distinguished Order of Saint Michael and Saint George, His said Majesty’s Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to His Majesty the Emperor of China; And His Majesty the Emperor of China: His Excellency Tong Shoa-yi, His said Majesty’s High Commissioner Plenipotentiary and a Vice-President of the Board of Foreign Affairs—who having communicated to each other their respective full powers and finding them to be in good and true form have agreed upon and concluded the following Convention in six Articles. Art. I. The Convention concluded on September 7, 1904 by Great Britain and Tibet, the texts of which in English and Chinese are attached to the present Convention as an annex, is hereby confirmed, subject to the modification stated in the declaration appended thereto, and both of the High Contracting Parties engage to take at all times such steps as may be necessary to secure the due fulfillment of the terms specified therein. II. The Government of Great Britain engages not to annex Tibetan territory or to interfere in the administration of Tibet. The Government of China also undertakes not to permit any other foreign State to interfere with the territory or internal administration of Tibet. III. The Concessions which are mentioned in Article IX (d) of the Convention concluded on September 7, 1904 by Great Britain and Tibet are denied to any State or to the subject of any State other than China, but it has been arranged with China that at the trade marts specified in Article II of the aforesaid Convention Great Britain shall be entitled to lay down telegraph lines connecting with India. IV. The provisions of the Anglo-Chinese Convention of 1890 and Regulations of 1893 shall, subject to the terms of this present Convention and annex thereto, remain in full force.

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V. The English and Chinese texts of the present Convention have been carefully compared and found to correspond but in the event of there being any difference of meaning between them the English text shall be authoritative. VI. This Convention shall be ratified by the Sovereigns of both countries and ratifications shall be exchanged at London within three months after the date of signature by the Plenipotentiaries of both Powers. In token whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed and sealed this Convention, four copies in English and four in Chinese. Done at Peking this twenty-seventh day of April, one thousand nine hundred and six, being the fourth day of the fourth month of the thirtysecond year of the reign of Kuang-hsu. (L.S.) Ernest Satow (Signature and Seal of the Chinese Plenipotentiary) Exchange of Notes Between Great Britain and China Respecting the Non-Employment of Foreigners in Tibet, Peking, April 27, 1906 Tong Shoa-yi to Sir E. Satow Your Excellency, With reference to the Convention relating to Tibet which was signed to-day by your Excellency and myself on behalf of our respective Governments, I have the honour to declare formally that the Government of China undertakes not to employ any one not a Chinese subject and not of Chinese nationality in any capacity whatsoever in Tibet. I avail, & c. Tong Shoa-yi Sir E. Satow to Tong Shoa-yi Your Excellency, I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency’s note of this day’s date, in which you declare formally, with reference to the Convention relating to Tibet which was signed today by your Excellency

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and myself on behalf of our respective Governments, that the Government of China undertakes not to employ any one not a Chinese subject and not of Chinese nationality in any capacity whatsoever in Tibet. I avail, & c. Ernest Satow Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 304–306. 1907 Convention Between Great Britain and Russia Signed at St. Petersburg on the 18th (31st) August 1907 His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, animated by the sincere desire to settle by mutual agreement different questions concerning the interests of their States on the Continent of Asia, have determined to conclude Agreements destined to prevent all cause of misunderstanding between Great Britain and Russia in regard to the questions referred to, and have nominated for this purpose their respective Plenipotentiaries, to wit: His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, the Right Honorable Sir Arthur Nicolson, His Majesty’s Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias; His Majesty the Emperor of All the Russias, the Master of his Court Alexander Iswolsky, Minister for Foreign Affairs; Who, having communicated to each other their full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed on the following. Arrangement Concerning Tibet The Governments of Great Britain and Russia recognizing the suzerain rights of China in Tibet, and considering the fact that Great Britain,

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by reason of her geographical position, has a special interest in the maintenance of the status quo in the external relations of Tibet, have made the following arrangement. Article I. The two High Contracting Parties engage to respect the territorial integrity of Tibet and to abstain from all interference in the internal administration. Article II. In conformity with the admitted principle of the suzerainty of China over Tibet, Great Britain and Russia engage not to enter into negotiations with Tibet except through the intermediary of the Chinese Government. This engagement does not exclude the direct relations between British Commercial Agents and the Tibetan authorities provided for in Article V of the Convention between Great Britain and Tibet of the 7th September 1904, and confirmed by the Convention between Great Britain and China of the 27th April 1906; nor does it modify the engagements entered into by Great Britain and China in Article I of the said Convention of 1906. It is clearly understood that Buddhists, subjects of Great Britain or of Russia, may enter into direct relations on strictly religious matters with the Dalai Lama and the other representatives of Buddhism in Tibet; the Governments of Great Britain and Russia engage, as far as they are concerned, not to allow those relations to infringe the stipulations of the present arrangement. Article III. The British and Russian Governments respectively engage not to send Representatives to Lhassa. Article IV. The two High Contracting Parties engage neither to seek nor to obtain, whether for themselves or their subjects, any Concessions for railways, roads, telegraphs, and mines, or other rights in Tibet. Article V. The two Governments agree that no part of the revenues of Tibet, whether in kind or in cash, shall be pledged or assigned to Great Britain or Russia or to any of their subjects. Annex to the Arrangement Between Great Britain and Russia Concerning Tibet Great Britain reaffirms the declaration, signed by His Excellency the Viceroy and Governor-General of India and appended to the ratification of the Convention of the 7th September 1904, to the effect that the occupation of the Chumbi Valley by British forces shall cease after

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the payment of three annual installments of the indemnity of 25,00,000 rupees, provided that the trade marts mentioned in Article II of that Convention have been effectively opened for three years, and that in the meantime the Tibetan authorities have faithfully complied in all respects with the terms of the said Convention of 1904. It is clearly understood that if the occupation of the Chumbi Valley by the British forces has, for any reason, not been terminated at the time anticipated in the above Declaration, the British and Russian Governments will enter upon a friendly exchange of views on this subject. The present Convention shall be ratified, and the ratifications exchanged at St. Petersburgh as soon as possible. In witness whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Convention and affixed thereto their seals. Done in duplicate at St. Petersburgh, the 18th (31st) of August, 1907. Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 307–308. 1908 Agreement Between Great Britain, China and Tibet Amending Trade Regulations of 1893 Signed at Calcutta, 20 April 1908 Ratified at Peking, 14 October 1908 Tibet Trade Regulations Preamble Whereas by Article I of the Convention between Great Britain and China on the 27th April, 1906, that is the 4th day of the 4th moon of the 32nd year of Kwang Hsu, it was provided that both the High Contracting Parties should engage to take at all times such steps as might be necessary to secure the due fulfillment of the terms specified in the Lhassa convention of the 7th September, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet, the text of which in English and Chinese was attached as an annex to the abovenamed Convention;

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And whereas it was stipulated in Article III of the said Lhassa convention that the question of the amendment of the Tibet Trade Regulations which were signed by the British and Chinese Commissioners on the 5th day of December, 1893, should be reserved for separate consideration, and whereas the amendment of these Regulations is now necessary; His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, and His Majesty the Emperor of the Chinese Empire have for this purpose named as their plenipotentiaries, that is to say—His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India: Mr. E.C. Wilton, C.M.G.; His Majesty the Emperor of the Chinese Empire: His Majesty’s Special Commissioner Chang Yin Tang—And the High Authorities of Tibet have named as their fully authorized representative to act under the directions of Chang Tachen and take part in the negotiations, the Tsarong Shape, Wang-Chuk Gyalpo. And whereas Mr. E.C. Wilton and Chang Tachen have communicated to each other since their respective full powers and have found them to be in good and true form and have found the authorization of the Tibetan Delegate to be also in good and true form, the following amended Regulations have been agreed upon. 1. The Trade Regulations of 1893 shall remain in force in so far as they are not inconsistent with these Regulations. 2. The following places shall form, and be included within, the boundaries of the Gyantse mart. A. The line begins at the Chumig Dangsang (Chhu-Mig-DangsSangs) north-east of the Gyantse Fort, and thence it runs in a curved line, passing behind the Pekor Chode (Dpal-HkhorChoos-Sde), down to Chag-Dong-Gang (Phyag-Gdong-Sgang); thence passing straight over the Nyan Chu, it reaches the Zamsa (Zam-Srag). B. From the Zamsa the line continues to run, in a south-eastern direction, round to Lachi-To (Gla-Dkyii-Stod), embracing all the farms on its way, viz., the Lahong, the Hogtso (Hog-Mtsho), the Tong-Chung-shi (Grong-Chhung-Cshis), and the Rabgang (Rab-Sgang), &c. C. From Lachi-To the line runs to the Yutog (Gyu-Thog), and thence runs straight, passing through the whole area of Gamkar-Shi (Ragal-Mkhar-Gshis), to Chumig Dangsang.

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As difficulty is experienced in obtaining suitable houses and godowns at some of the marts, it is agreed that British subjects may also lease lands for the building of houses and godowns at the marts, the locality for such building sites to be marked out specially at each mart by the Chinese and Tibetan authorities in consultation with the British Trade Agent. The British Trade Agents and British subjects shall not build houses and godowns except in such localities, and this arrangement shall not be held to prejudice in any way the administration of the Chinese and Tibetan local authorities over such localities, or the right of British subjects to rent houses and godowns outside such localities for their own accommodation and the storage of their goods. British subjects desiring to lease building sites shall apply through the British Trade Agent to the municipal office at the mart for a permit to lease. The amount of rent, or the period or conditions of the lease, shall then be settled in a friendly way by the lessee and the owner themselves. In the event of a disagreement between the owner and lessee as to the amount of rent or the period or conditions of the lease, the case will be settled by the Chinese and Tibetan authorities, in consultation with the British Trade Agent. After the lease is settled, the sites shall be verified by the Chinese and Tibetan officers of the municipal office conjointly with the British Trade Agent. No building is to be commenced by the lessee on a site before the municipal office has issued him a permit to build, but it is agreed that there shall be no vexatious delays in the issue of such permit. 3. The administration of the trade marts shall remain with the Tibetan officers, under the Chinese officers’ supervision and directions. The Trade Agents at the marts and Frontier Officers shall be of suitable rank, and shall hold personal intercourse and correspondence one with another on terms of mutual respect and friendly treatment. Questions which cannot be decided by agreement between the Trade Agents and the local authorities shall be referred for settlement to the Government of India and the Tibetan High Authorities at Lhassa. The purport of a reference by the Government of India will be communicated to the Chinese Imperial Resident at Lhassa. Questions which cannot be decided by agreement between the Government of India and the Tibetan High Authorities at Lhassa shall, in accordance with the terms of Article I of the Peking Convention of 1906, be referred for settlement to the Governments of Great Britain and China. 4. In the event of disputes arising at the marts between British subjects and persons of Chinese and Tibetan nationalities, they shall be inquired

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into and settled in personal conferences between the British Trade Agent at the nearest mart and the Chinese and Tibetan authorities of the Judicial Court at the mart, the object of personal conference being to ascertain facts and to do justice. Where there is a divergence of view the law of the country to which the defendant belongs shall guide. In any of such mixed cases, the officer or officers of the defendant’s nationality shall preside at the trial, the officer or officers of the plaintiff’s country merely attending to watch the course of the trial. All questions in regard to rights, whether of property or person, arising between British subjects, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of the British authorities. British subjects who may commit any crime at the marts or on the routes to the marts shall be handed over by the local authorities to the British Trade Agent at the mart nearest to the scene of offence, to be tried and punished according to the laws of India, but such British subjects shall not be subjected by the local authorities to any ill-usage in excess of necessary restraint. Chinese and Tibetan subjects, who may be guilty of any criminal act towards British subjects at the marts or on the routes thereto, shall be arrested and punished by the Chinese and Tibetan authorities according to law. Justice shall be equitably and impartially administered on both sides. Should it happen that Chinese or Tibetan subjects bring a criminal complaint against a British subject before the British Trade Agent, the Chinese or Tibetan authorities shall have the right to send a representative, or representatives, to watch the course of trial in the British Trade Agent’s Court. Similarly, in cases in which a British subject has reason to complain of a Chinese or Tibetan subject in the Judicial Court at the mart, the British Trade Agent shall have the right to send a representative to the Judicial Court to watch the course of trial. 5. The Tibetan authorities, in obedience to the instructions of the Peking Government, having a strong desire to reform the judicial system of Tibet, and to bring it into accord with that of Western nations, Great Britain agrees to relinquish her rights of extra-territoriality in Tibet, whenever such rights are relinquished in China, and when she is satisfied that the state of the Tibetan laws and the arrangements for their administration and other considerations warrant her in so doing. 6. After the withdrawal of the British troops, all the rest-houses, eleven in number, built by Great Britain upon the routes leading from

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the Indian frontier to Gyantse, shall be taken over at original cost by China and rented to the Government of India at a fair rate. One-half of each resthouse will be reserved for the use of the British officials employed on the inspection and maintenance of the telegraph lines from the marts to the Indian frontier and for the storage of their materials, but the rest-houses shall otherwise be available for occupation by British, Chinese, and Tibetan officers of respectability who may proceed to and from the marts. Great Britain is prepared to consider the transfer to China of the telegraph lines from the Indian frontier to Gyantse when the telegraph lines from China reach that mart, and in the meantime Chinese and Tibetan messages will be duly received and transmitted by the line constructed by the Government of India. In the meantime China shall be responsible for the due protection of the telegraph lines from the marts to the Indian frontier, and it is agreed that all persons damaging the lines or interfering in any way with them or with the officials engaged in the inspection or maintenance thereof shall at once be severely punished by the local authorities. 7. In law suits involving cases of debt on account of loans, commercial failure, and bankruptcy, the authorities concerned shall grant a hearing and take steps necessary to enforce payment; but, if the debtor plead poverty and be without means, the authorities concerned shall not be held responsible for the said debts, nor shall any public or official property be distrained upon in order to satisfy these debts. 8. The British Trade Agents at the various trade marts now or hereafter to be established in Tibet may make arrangements for the carriage and transmission of their posts to and from the frontier of India. The couriers employed in conveying these posts shall receive all possible assistance from the local authorities whose districts they traverse and shall be accorded the same protection as the persons employed in carrying the despatches of the Tibetan authorities. When efficient arrangements have been made by China in Tibet for a postal service, the question of the abolition of the Trade Agents’ couriers will be taken into consideration by Great Britain and China. No restrictions whatever shall be placed on the employment by British officers and traders of Chinese and Tibetan subjects in any lawful capacity. The persons so employed shall not be exposed to any kind of molestation or suffer any loss of civil rights to which they may be entitled as Tibetan subjects, but they shall not be exempted from all lawful taxation. If they be guilty of any criminal act, they shall be dealt with by the local authorities

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according to law without any attempt on the part of their employer to screen or conceal them. 9. British officers and subjects, as well as goods, proceeding to the trade marts, must adhere to the trade routes from the frontier of India. They shall not, without permission, proceed beyond the marts, or to Gartok from Yatung and Gyantse, or from Gartok to Yatung and Gyantse, by any route through the interior of Tibet, but natives of the Indian frontier, who have already by usage traded and resided in Tibet, elsewhere than at the mart shall be at liberty to continue their trade, in accordance with the existing practice, but when so trading or residing they shall remain, as heretofore, amenable to the local jurisdiction. 10. In cases where officials or traders, en route to and from India or Tibet, are robbed of treasure or merchandise, public or private, they shall forthwith report to the police officers, who shall take immediate measures to arrest the robbers and hand them to the local authorities. The local authorities shall bring them to instant trial, and shall also recover and restore the stolen property. But if the robbers flee to places out of the jurisdiction and influence of Tibet, and cannot be arrested, the police and the local authorities shall not be held responsible for such losses. 11. For public safety, tanks or stores of kerosene oil or any other combustible or dangerous articles in bulk must be placed far away from inhabited places at the marts. British or Indian merchants wishing to build such tanks or stores may not do so until, as provided in Regulation 2, they have made application for a suitable site. 12. British subjects shall be at liberty to deal in kind or in money, to sell their goods to whomsoever they please, to purchase native commodities from whomsoever they please, to hire transport of any kind, and to conduct in general their business transactions in conformity with local usage and without any vexatious restrictions or oppressive exactions whatever. It being the duty of the police and local authorities to afford efficient protection at all times to the persons and property of the British subjects at the marts, and along the routes to the marts, China engages to arrange effective police measures at the marts and along the routes to the marts. On due fulfillment of these arrangements, Great Britain undertakes to withdraw the Trade Agents’ guards at the marts and to station no troops in Tibet, so as to remove all cause for suspicion and disturbance among the inhabitants. The Chinese authorities will not

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prevent the British Trade Agents holding personal intercourse and correspondence with the Tibetan officers and people. Tibetan subjects trading, travelling, or residing in India shall receive equal advantages to those accorded by this Regulation to British subjects in Tibet. 13. The present Regulations shall be in force for a period of ten years reckoned from the date of signature by the two Plenipotentiaries as well as by the Tibetan Delegate; but if no demand for revision be made by either side within six months after the end of the first ten years, then the Regulations shall remain in force for another ten years from the end of the first ten years; and so it shall be at the end of each successive ten years. 14. The English, Chinese, and Tibetan texts of the present Regulations have been carefully compared, and, in the event of any question arising as to the interpretation of these Regulations, the sense as expressed in the English text shall be held to be the correct sense. 15. The ratifications of the present Regulations under the hand of His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland, and of His Majesty the Emperor of the Chinese Empire, respectively, shall be exchanged at London and Peking within six months from the date of signature. In witness whereof the two Plenipotentiaries and the Tibetan Delegate have signed and sealed the present Regulations. Done in quadruplicate at Calcutta this 20th day of April, in the year of our Lord 1908, corresponding with the Chinese date, the 20th day of the 3rd moon of the 34th year of Kuang Hsu. (L.S.) E.C. Wilton, British Commissioner. (L.S.) Chang Yin Tang, Chinese Special Commissioner. (L.S.) Wang Chuk Gyalpo, Tibetan Delegate. Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 309–314.

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See pp. 742–743 above. 1913 Treaty of Friendship and Alliance Between the Government of Mongolia and Tibet Mongolia and Tibet, having freed themselves from the dynasty of the Manchus and separated from China, have formed their own independent States, and, having in view that both States from time immemorial have professed one and the same religion, with a view to strengthening their historic and mutual friendship the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Nikta Biliktu Da-Lama Rabdan, and the Assistant Minister, General and Manlai baatyr beiseh Damdinsurun, as plenipotentiaries of the Government of the ruler of the Mongol people, and gudjir tsanshib kanchen-Lubsan-Agvan, donir Agvan Choinzin, director of the Bank Ishichjamtso, and the clerk Gendun Galsan, as plenipotentiaries of the Dalai Lama, the ruler of Tibet, have made the following agreement. Article 1. The ruler of Tibet, Dalai Lama, approves and recognizes the formation of an independent Mongol State, and the proclamation, in the year of the pig and the ninth day of the eleventh month, of Chjebzun Damba Lama of the yellow faith as ruler of the country. Article 2. The ruler of the Mongol people, Chjebzun Damba Lama, approves and recognizes the formation of an independent (Tibetan) State and the proclamation of the Dalai Lama as ruler of Tibet. Article 3. Both States will work by joint consideration for the wellbeing of the Buddhist faith. Article 4. Both States, Mongolia and Tibet, from now and for all time will afford each other assistance against external and internal dangers. Article 5. Each State within its own territory will afford assistance to the subjects of the other travelling officially or privately on affairs of religion or State. Article 6. Both States, Mongolia and Tibet, as formerly, will carry on a reciprocal trade in the products of their respective countries in wares, cattle, &c., and will also open industrial establishments.

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Article 7. From now the granting of credit to anyone will be permitted only with the knowledge and sanction of official institutions. Without such sanction Government institutions will not consider claims. As regards contracts made previous to the conclusion of the present treaty, where serious loss is being incurred through the inability of the two parties to come to terms, such debts may be recovered by (Government) institutions, but in no case shall the debt concern “shabinars” or “khoshuns.” Article 8. Should it prove necessary to supplement the articles of the present treaty, the Mongolian and Tibetan Governments must appoint special delegates, who will conclude such agreements as the conditions of the time shall demand. Article 9. The present treaty shall come into force from the date of its signature. Plenipotentiaries from the Mongolian Government for the conclusion of the treaty: Nikta Biliktu Da-Lama Rabdan, Minister for Foreign Affairs; and General and Manlai baatyr beiseh Damdinsurun, Assistant Minister. Plenipotentiaries from the Dalai Lama, the ruler of Tibet, for the conclusion of the treaty: Gudjir tsanshib kanchen Lubsan-Agvan, Choinzin, the Director of the Bank of Tibet Ishichjamtsa, and the clerk, GendunGalsan. Signed (by Mongol reckoning) in the fourth day of the twelfth month of the second year of the “Raised by the Many,” and by Tibetan reckoning on the same day and month of the year of the “water-mouse.” Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 320–321. 1914 Exchange of notes between the British and Tibetan Plenipotentiaries To Lonchen Shatra, Tibetan Plenipotentiary In February last you accepted the India-Tibet frontier from the Isu Razi Pass to the Bhutan frontier, as given in the map (two sheets), of

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which two copies are herewith attached, subject to the confirmation of your Government and the following conditions: (a) The Tibetan ownership in private estates on the British side of the frontier will not be disturbed. (b) If the sacred places of Tso Karpo and Tsari Sarpa fall within a day’s march of the British side of the frontier, they will be included in Tibetan territory and the frontier modified accordingly. I understand that your Government have now agreed to this frontier subject to the above two conditions. I shall be glad to learn definitely from you that this is the case. You wished to know whether certain dues now collected by the Tibetan Government at Tsöna Jong and in Kongbu and Kham from the Monpas and Lopas for articles sold may still be collected. Mr. Bell has informed you that such details will be settled in a friendly spirit, when you have furnished to him the further information, which you have promised. The final settlement of this India-Tibet frontier will help to prevent causes of future dispute and thus cannot fail to be of great advantage to both Governments. Delhi A. H. McMahon 24 March 1914 British Plenipotentiary To Sir Henry McMahon, British Plenipotentiary to the China-Tibet Conference. As it was feared that there might be friction in future unless the boundary between India and Tibet is clearly defined, I submitted the map, which you sent to me in February last, to the Tibetan Government at Lhasa for orders. I have now received orders from Lhasa, and I accordingly agree to the boundary as marked in red in the two copies of the maps signed by you subject to the conditions, mentioned in your letter, dated the 24th March, sent to me through Mr. Bell. I have signed and sealed the two copies of the maps (not published). I have kept one copy here and return herewith the other.

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Sent on the 29th day of the 1st Month of the Wood-Tiger year (25th March 1914) by Lönchen Shatra, the Tibetan Plenipotentiary. [Seal of Lönchen Shatra.] 1914 Anglo-Tibetan Declaration We, the Plenipotentiaries of Great Britain and Tibet, hereby record the following declaration to the effect that we acknowledge the annexed convention as initialled to be binding on the Governments of Great Britain and Tibet, and we agree that so long as the Government of China withholds signature to the aforesaid convention she will be debarred from the enjoyment of all privileges accruing therefrom. In token whereof we have signed and sealed this declaration, two copies in English and two in Tibetan. Done at Simla this 3rd day of July, A.D. 1914, corresponding with the Tibetan date the 10th day of the 5th month of the Wood-Tiger year. A. Henry McMahon, British Plenipotentiary (Seal of the British Plenipotentiary) (Seal of the Dalai Lama) (Signature of the Lonchen Shatra) (Seal of the Lonchen Shatra) (Seal of the Drepung Monastery) (Seal of the Sera Monastery) (Seal of the Gaden Monastery) (Seal of the National Assembly) Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 321–322. 1914 Convention Between Great Britain, China, and Tibet, Simla His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India,

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His Excellency the President of the Republic of China, and His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet, being sincerely desirous to settle by mutual agreement various questions concerning the interests of their several States on the Continent of Asia, and further to regulate the relations of their several Governments, have resolved to conclude a Convention on this subject and have nominated for this purpose their respective Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: His Majesty the King Of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, Sir Arthur Henry McMahon, Knight Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order, Knight Commander of the Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire, Companion of the Most Exalted Order of the Star of India, Secretary to the Government of India, Foreign and Political Department; His Excellency the President of the Republic of China, Monsieur Ivan Chen, Officer of the Order of the Chia Ho; His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet, Lonchen Ga-den Shatra Paljor Dorje; who having communicated to each other their respective full powers and finding them to be in good and due form have agreed upon and concluded the following Convention in eleven Articles. Article 1. The Conventions specified in the Schedule to the present Convention shall, except in so far as they may have been modified by, or may be inconsistent with or repugnant to, any of the provisions of the present Convention, continue to be binding upon the High Contracting Parties. Article 2. The Governments of Great Britain and China recognizing that Tibet is under the suzerainty of China, and recognizing also the autonomy of Outer Tibet, engage to respect the territorial integrity of the country, and to abstain from interference in the administration of Outer Tibet (including the selection and installation of the Dalai Lama), which shall remain in the hands of the Tibetan Government at Lhasa. The Government of China engages not to convert Tibet into a Chinese province. The Government of Great Britain engages not to annex Tibet or any portion of it. Article 3. Recognizing the special interest of Great Britain, in virtue of the geographical position of Tibet, in the existence of an effective Tibetan Government, and in the maintenance of peace and order in the neighbourhood of the frontiers of India and adjoining States, the Government of China engages, except as provided in Article 4 of this

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Convention, not to send troops into Outer Tibet, nor to station civil or military officers, nor to establish Chinese colonies in the country. Should any such troops or officials remain in Outer Tibet at the date of the signature of this Convention, they shall be withdrawn within a period not exceeding three months. The Government of Great Britain engages not to station military or civil officers in Tibet (except as provided in the Convention of September 7, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet) nor troops (except the Agents’ escorts), nor to establish colonies in that country. Article 4. The foregoing Article shall not be held to preclude the continuance of the arrangement by which, in the past, a Chinese highofficial with suitable escort has been maintained at Lhasa, but it is hereby provided that the said escort shall in no circumstances exceed 300 men. Article 5. The Governments of China and Tibet engage that they will not enter into any negotiations or agreements regarding Tibet with one another, or with any other Power, excepting such negotiations and agreements between Great Britain and Tibet as are provided for by the Convention of September 7, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet and the Convention of April 27, 1906, between Great Britain and China. Article 6. Article III of the Convention of April 27, 1906, between Great Britain and China is hereby cancelled, and it is understood that in Article IX(d) of the Convention of September 7, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet the term ‘Foreign Power’ does not include China. Not less favourable treatment shall be accorded to British commerce than to the commerce of China or the most favoured nation. Article 7.a. The Tibet Trade Regulations of 1893 and 1908 are hereby cancelled. b. The Tibetan Government engages to negotiate with the British Government new Trade Regulations for Outer Tibet to give effect to Articles II, IV and V of the Convention of September 7, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet without delay; provided always that such Regulations shall in no way modify the present Convention except with the consent of the Chinese Government. Article 8. The British Agent who resides at Gyantse may visit Lhasa with his escort whenever it is necessary to consult with the Tibetan Government regarding matters arising out of the Convention of September 7, 1904, between Great Britain and Tibet, which it has been found impossible to settle at Gyantse by correspondence or otherwise.

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Article 9. For the purpose of the present Convention the borders of Tibet, and the boundary between Outer and Inner Tibet, shall be as shown in red and blue respectively on the map attached hereto. Nothing in the present Convention shall be held to prejudice the existing rights of the Tibetan Government in Inner Tibet, which include the power to select and appoint the high priests of monasteries and to retain full control in all matters affecting religious institutions. Article 10. The English, Chinese and Tibetan texts of the present Convention have been carefully examined and found to correspond, but in the event of there being any difference of meaning between them the English text shall be authoritative. Article 11. The present Convention will take effect from the date of signature. In token whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed and sealed this Convention, three copies in English, three in Chinese and three in Tibetan. Done at Simla this third day of July, A.D., one thousand nine hundred and fourteen, corresponding with the Chinese date, the third day of the seventh month of the third year of the Republic, and the Tibetan date, the tenth day of the fifth month of the Wood-Tiger year. Initial of the Lonchen Shatra (Shedra) Seal of the Lonchen Shatra A.H.M. Seal of the British Plenipotentiary Schedule 1. Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet, signed at Calcutta the 17th March 1890. 2. Convention between Great Britain and Tibet, signed at Lhasa the 7th September 1904. 3. Convention between Great Britain and China respecting Tibet, signed at Peking the 27th April 1906. The notes exchanged are to the following effect: 1. It is understood by the High Contracting Parties that Tibet forms part of Chinese territory.

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2. After the selection and installation of the Dalai Lama by the Tibetan Government, the latter will notify the installation to the Chinese Government whose representative at Lhasa will then formally communicate to His Holiness the titles consistent with his dignity, which have been conferred by the Chinese Government. 3. It is also understood that the selection and appointment of all officers in Outer Tibet will rest with the Tibetan Government. 4. Outer Tibet shall not be represented in the Chinese Parliament or in any other similar body. 5. It is understood that the escorts attached to the British Trade Agencies in Tibet shall not exceed seventy-five per centum of the escort of the Chinese Representative at Lhasa. 6. The Government of China is hereby released from its engagements under Article III of the Convention of March 17, 1890, between Great Britain and China to prevent acts of aggression from the Tibetan side of the Tibet-Sikkim frontier. 7. The Chinese high official referred to in Article 4 will be free to enter Tibet as soon as the terms of Article 3 have been fulfilled to the satisfaction of representatives of the three signatories to this Convention, who will investigate and report without delay. Initial of the Lonchen Shatra (Shedra) Seal of the Lonchen Shatra A.H.M. Seal of the British Plenipotentiary Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 323–325. 1914 Anglo-Tibetan Trade Regulations Whereas by Article 7 of the Convention concluded between the Governments of Great Britain, China and Tibet on the third day of July, A.D., 1914, the Trade Regulations of 1893 and 1908 were cancelled and the Tibetan Government engaged to negotiate with the British Government

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new Trade Regulations for Outer Tibet to give effect to Articles II, IV and V of the Convention of 1904; His Majesty the King of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, and His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet have for this purpose named as their Plenipotentiaries, that is to say: His Majesty the King of Great Britain and Ireland and of the British Dominions beyond the Seas, Emperor of India, Sir A.H. McMahon, G.C.V.O., K.C.I.E., C.S.I.; His Holiness the Dalai Lama of Tibet-Lonchen Ga-den Shatra Pal-jor Dorje. And whereas Sir A. H. McMahon and Lonchen Ga-den Shatra Paljor Dorje have communicated to each other since their respective full powers and have found them to be in good and true form, the following Regulations have been agreed upon. I. The area falling within a radius of three miles from the British Trade Agency site will be considered as the area of such Trade Mart. It is agreed that British subjects may lease lands for the building of houses and godowns at the Marts. This arrangement shall not be held to prejudice the right of British subjects to rent houses and godowns outside the Marts for their own accommodation and the storage of their goods. British subjects desiring to lease building sites shall apply through the British Trade Agent to the Tibetan Trade Agent. In consultation with the British Trade Agent the Tibetan Trade Agent will assign such or other suitable building sites without unnecessary delay. They shall fix the terms of the leases in conformity with the existing laws and rates. II. The administration of the Trade Marts shall remain with the Tibetan Authorities, with the exception of the British Trade Agency sites and compounds of the rest-houses, which will be under the exclusive control of the British Trade Agents. The Trade Agents at the Marts and Frontier Officers shall be of suitable rank, and shall hold personal intercourse and correspondence with one another on terms of mutual respect and friendly treatment. III. In the event of disputes arising at the Marts or on the routes to the Marts between British subjects and subjects of other nationalities, they shall be enquired into and settled in personal conference between the British and Tibetan Trade Agents at the nearest Mart. Where there is a divergence of view the law of the country to which the defendant belongs shall guide.

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All questions in regard to rights, whether of property or person, arising between British subjects, shall be subject to the jurisdiction of the British Authorities. British subjects, who may commit any crime at the Marts or on the routes to the Marts, shall be handed over by the Local Authorities to the British Trade Agent at the Mart nearest to the scene of the offence, to be tried and punished according to the laws of India, but such British subjects shall not be subjected by the Local Authorities to any ill-usage in excess of necessary restraint. Tibetan subjects, who may be guilty of any criminal act towards British subjects, shall be arrested and punished by the Tibetan Authorities according to law. Should it happen that a Tibetan subject or subjects bring a criminal complaint against a British subject or subjects before the British Trade Agent, the Tibetan Authorities shall have the right to send a representative or representatives of suitable rank to attend the trial in the British Trade Agent’s Court. Similarly in cases in which a British subject or subjects have reason to complain against a Tibetan subject or subjects, the British Trade Agent shall have the right to send a representative or representatives to the Tibetan Trade Agent’s Court to attend the trial. IV. The Government of India shall retain the right to maintain the telegraph lines from the Indian frontier to the Marts. Tibetan messages will be duly received and transmitted by these lines. The Tibetan Authorities shall be responsible for the due protection of the telegraph lines from the Marts to the Indian frontier, and it is agreed that all persons damaging the lines or interfering with them in any way or with the officials engaged in the inspection or maintenance thereof shall at once be severely punished. V. The British Trade Agents at the various Trade Marts now or hereafter to be established in Tibet may make arrangements for the carriage and transport of their posts to and from the frontier of India. The couriers employed in conveying these posts shall receive all possible assistance from the Local Authorities, whose districts they traverse, and shall be accorded the same protection and facilities as the persons employed in carrying the despatches of the Tibetan Government. No restrictions whatever shall be placed on the employment by British officers and traders of Tibetan subjects in any lawful capacity. The persons so employed shall not be exposed to any kind of molestation or

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suffer any loss of civil rights, to which they may be entitled as Tibetan subjects, but they shall not be exempted from lawful taxation. If they be guilty of any criminal act, they shall be dealt with by the Local Authorities according to law without any attempt on the part of their employer to screen them. VI. No rights of monopoly as regards commerce or industry shall be granted to any official or private company, institution, or individual in Tibet. It is of course understood that companies and individuals, who have already received such monopolies from the Tibetan Government previous to the conclusions of this agreement, shall retain their rights and privileges until the expiry of the period fixed. VII. British subjects shall be at liberty to deal in kind or in money, to sell their goods to whomsoever they please, to hire transport of any kind, and to conduct in general their business transactions in conformity with local usage and without any vexation, restrictions or oppressive exactions whatever. The Tibetan Authorities will not hinder the British Trade Agents or other British subjects from holding personal intercourse or correspondence with the inhabitants of the country. It being the duty of the Police and the Local Authorities to afford efficient protection at all times to the persons and property of the British subjects at the Marts and along the routes to the Marts, Tibet engages to arrange effective Police measures at the Marts and along the routes to the Marts. VIII. Import and export in the following Articles: arms, ammunition, military stores, liquors and intoxicating or narcotic drugs, may at the option of either Government be entirely prohibited, or permitted only on such conditions as either Government on their own side may think fit to impose. IX. The present Regulations shall be in force for a period of ten years reckoned from the date of signature by the two Plenipotentiaries; but, if no demand for revision be made on either side within six months after the end of the first ten years the Regulations shall remain in force for another ten years from the end of the first ten years; and so it shall be at the end of each successive ten years. X. The English and Tibetan texts of the present Regulations have been carefully compared, but in the event of there being any difference of meaning between them the English text shall be authoritative. XI. The present Regulations shall come into force from the date of signature.

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Done at Simla this third day of July, A.D., one thousand nine hundred and fourteen, corresponding with the Tibetan date, the tenth day of the fifth month of the Wood-Tiger year. Seal of the Dalai Lama Signature of the Lonchen Shatra Seal of the Lonchen Shatra A. HENRY MCMAHON, British Plenipotentiary Seal of the Seal of the British Plenipotentiary Seal of the Drepung Monastery Seal of the Sera Monastery Seal of the Ganden Monastery Seal of the National Assembly Negotiated and signed only by the British and Tibetan plenipotentiaries. Source: Michael C. van Walt van Praag, The Status of Tibet: History, Rights, and Prospects in International Law (London, Wisdom, 1987), 326–329. 1918 Agreement for the Restoration of Peaceful Relations Between China and Tibet See pp. 795–798 above. 1918 Supplementary Agreement Regarding Mutual Withdrawal of Troops and Cessation of Hostilities Between Chinese and Tibetans See pp. 798–799 above.

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appendix i 1951 Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet

The Tibetan nationality is one of the nationalities with a long history within the boundaries of China and, like many other nationalities, it has done its glorious duty in the course of the creation and development of the great Motherland. But over the last 100 years or more, imperialist forces penetrated into China and in consequence also penetrated into the Tibetan region and carried out all kinds of deceptions and provocations. Like previous reactionary Governments, the Kuomintang reactionary Government continued to carry out a policy of oppression and sowing dissension among the nationalities, causing division and disunity among the Tibetan people. The local government of Tibet did not oppose the imperialist deception and provocation and adopted an unpatriotic attitude towards the great Motherland. Under such conditions the Tibetan nationality and people were plunged into the depths of enslavement and sufferings. In 1949 basic victory was achieved on a nation-wide scale in the Chinese people’s war of libeation; the common domestic enemy of all nationalities—the Kuomintang reactionary Government—was overthrown and the common foreign enemy of all nationalities—the aggressive imperialist forces—was driven out. On this basis the founding of the People’s Republic of China (CPR) and of the CPG was announced. In accordance with the Common Programme passed by the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the CPG declared that all nationalities within the boundaries of the CPR are equal and that they shall establish unity and mutual aid and oppose imperialism and their own public enemies, so that the CPR will become a big family of fraternity and cooperation, composed of all its nationalities. With the big family of all nationalities of the CPR, national regional autonomy shall be exercised in areas where national minorities are concentrated and all national minorities shall have freedom to develop their spoken and written languages and to preserve or reform their customs, habits and religion, beliefs, and the CPG shall assist all national minorities to develop their political, economic, cultural, and educational construction work. Since then, all nationalities within the country—with the exception of those in the areas of Tibet and Taiwan—have gained liberation.

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Under the unified leadership of the CPG and the direct leadership of higher levels of people’s governments, all national minorities have fully enjoyed the right of national equality and have exercised, or are exercising, national regional autonomy. In order that the influences of aggressive imperialist forces in Tibet might be successfully eliminated, the unification of the territory and sovereignty of the CPR accomplished, and national defence safeguarded; in order that the Tibetan nationality and people might be freed and return to the big family of the CPR to enjoy the same rights of national equality as all other nationalities in the country and develop their political, economic, cultural and educational work, the CPG, when it ordered the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to march into Tibet, notified the local government of Tibet to send delegates to the central authorities to conduct talks for the conclusion of an agreement on measures for the peaceful liberation of Tibet. At the latter part of April 1951 the delegates with full powers of the local government of Tibet arrived in Peking. The CPG appointed representatives with full powers to conduct talks on a friendly basis with the delegates with full powers of the local government of Tibet. As a result of the talks both parties agreed to establish this agreement and ensure that it be carried into effect. For the seventeen points of the treaty, see pp. 954–955 above. Signed in Peking on May 23, 1951 under the full name of “Agreement of the Central People’s Government (CPG) and the Local Government of Tibet on Measures for the Peaceful liberation of Tibet,” popularly known as Seventeen-Point agreement. English text can be found in Concerning the Question of Tibet (Peking, 1959), pp. 14–16; The Question of Tibet and the Rule of Law (Geneva, 1959), pp. 139–142; Documents of International Affairs (London: Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1951), pp. 577–579. 1954 Sino-Indian Pact on Tibet Signed in Peking on April 29, 1954 under the name of the Agreement between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India on Trade and Intercourse between Tibet Region of China and India.

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The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China and the Government of the Republic of India, being desirous of promoting trade and cultural intercourse between Tibet Region of China and India and of facilitating pilgrimage and travel by the peoples of China and India, have resolved to enter into the present Agreement based on the following principles: 1. Mutual respect for each other’s territorial integrity and sovereignty. 2. Mutual non-aggression, 3. Mutual non-interference in each other’s internal affairs, 4. Equality and mutual benefit, and 5. Peaceful coexistence, And for this purpose have appointed as their respective plenipotentiaries: The Central People’s Government of the People’s Republic of China, His Excellency Chang Han-fu, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Central People’s Government; the Government of the Republic of India, His Excellency Nedyam Raghavan, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of India accredited to the People’s Republic of China, who, having examined each other’s credentials and finding them in good and due form, have agreed upon the following: Article One The high contracting parties mutually agree to establish trade agencies: 1. The Government of India agrees that the Government of China may establish trade agencies at New Delhi, Calcutta and Kalimpong. 2. The Government of China agrees that the Government of India may establish trade agencies at Yatung, Gyantse and Gartok. The trade agencies of both parties shall be accorded the same status and same treatment. The trade agents of both parties shall enjoy freedom from arrest while exercising their functions, and shall enjoy in respect of themselves, their wives and children who are dependent on them for livelihood freedom from search. The trade agencies of both parties shall enjoy the privileges and immunities for couriers, mailbags and communications in code.

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Article Two The high contracting parties agree that traders of both countries known to be customarily and specifically engaged in trade between Tibet Region of China and India may trade at the following places: 1. The Government of China agrees to specify (a) Yatung, (b) Gyangtse and (c) Phari as markets for trade. The Government of India agrees that trade may be carried on in India, including places like (a) Kalimpong, (b) Siliguri and (c) Calcutta, according to customary practice. 2. The Government of China agrees to specify (a) Gartok, (b) Pulanchung (Taklakot), (c) Gyanimakhargo, (d) Gyanimachakra, (e) Ramura, (f ) Dongbra, (g) Pulingsumdo, (h) Nabra, (i) Shangtse and (j) Tashigong as markets for trade; the Government of India agrees that in future, when in accordance with the development and need of trade between the Ari District of Tibet Region of China and India, it has become necessary to specify markets for trade in the corresponding district in India adjacent to the Ari District of Tibet. Region of China, it will be prepared to consider on the basis of equality and reciprocity to do so. Article Three The high contracting parties agree that pilgrimage by religious believers of the two countries shall be carried on in accordance with the following provisions: 1. Pilgrims from India of Lamaist, Hindu and Buddhist faiths may visit Kang Rimpoche (Kailas) and Mavam Tso (Manasarovar) in Tibet Region of China in accordance with custom. 2. Pilgrims from Tibet Region of China of Lamaist and Buddhist faiths may visit Benaras, Sarnath, Gaya and Sanchi in India in accordance with custom. 3. Pilgrims customarily visiting Lhasa may continue to do so in accordance with custom. Article Four Traders and pilgrims of both countries may travel by the following passes and route: (1) Shipki La Pass, (2) Mana Pass (3) Niti Pass, (4) Kungri Bingri Pass, (5) Darma Pass, and (6) Lipu Lekh Pass.

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Also, the customary route leading to Tashigong along the Valley of the Shangatsangpu (Indus) River may continue to be traversed in accordance with custom. Article Five For traveling across the border, the high contracting parties agree that diplomatic personnel, officials and nationals of the two countries shall hold passports issued by their own respective countries and visaed by the other party except as provided in Paragraphs One, Two, Three and Four of this Article. 1. Traders of both countries known to be customarily and specifically engaged in trade between Tibet Region of China and India, their wives and children who are dependent on them for livelihood and their attendants will be allowed entry for purposes of trade into India or Tibet Region of China, as the case may be, in accordance with custom on the production of certificates duly issued by the local government of their own country or by its duly authorized agents and examined by the border check-posts of the other party. 2. Inhabitants of the border districts of the two countries who cross the border to carry on petty trade or to visit friends and relatives may proceed to the border districts of the other party as they have customarily done heretofore and need not be restricted to the passes and route specified in Article Four above and shall not be required to hold passports, visas or permits. 3. Porters and mule-team drivers of the two countries who cross the border to perform necessary transportation services need not hold passports issued by their own country, but shall only hold certificates good for a definite period of time (three months, half a year or one year) duly issued by the local government of their own country or by its duly authorized agents and produce them for registration at the border check-posts of the other party. 4. Pilgrims of both countries need not carry documents of certification but shall register at the border check-posts of the other party and receive a permit for pilgrimage. 5. Notwithstanding the Provisions of the foregoing Paragraphs of this Article, either Government may refuse entry to any particular person. 6. Persons who enter the territory of the other party in accordance with the foregoing Paragraphs of this Article may stay within its ter-

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ritory only after complying with the procedures specified by the other party. Article Six The present Agreement shall come into effect upon ratification by both Governments and shall remain in force for eight years. Extension of the present Agreement may be negotiated by the two parties if either party requests for it six months prior to the expiry of the Agreement and the request is agreed to by the other party. Done in duplicate in Peking on the 29th day of April, 1954, in the Chinese, Hindi and English languages, all texts being equally valid. Chang Han-fu, Plenipotentiary of the Central People’s Government, People’s Republic of China. Nedyam Raghavan, Plenipotentiary of the Government of the Republic of India. Source: Hugh Richardson, A Short History of Tibet (New York: Dutton, 1962), 278–281. 1959 Order of the State Council of Communist China The following order is herewith proclaimed: Most of the kaloons of the Tibetan local government and the reactionary clique of the upper social strata colluded with imperialism, gathered together rebellious bandits, rebelled, wrought havoc among the people, held the Dalai Lama under duress, tore up the 17-Article Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet and, on the night of March 19, directed the Tibetan local army and rebels in an all-out attack against the People’s Liberation Army garrison in Lhasa. Such acts which betray the motherland and disrupt the unification of the country cannot be tolerated by the law. To safeguard the unification of the country and national unity, in addition, to enjoining the Tibet Military Area Command of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army to put down the rebellion thoroughly, it has been decided that as from today the Tibetan local government is dissolved and its functions and powers will be exercised by the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region. During the time

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when the Dalai Lama Dantzen-Jaltso, Chairman of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region, is held under duress, Panchen Erdeni Chuji-Geltseng, Vice-Chairman of the Preparatory Committee, shall act as Chairman. Pebala Choliehnamje, member of the Standing Committee of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region, is hereby appointed Vice-Chairman of the Preparatory Committee. Ngapo Ngawang-Jigme, member of the Standing Committee and Secretary-General of the Preparatory Committee, is hereby appointed Vice-Chairman and Secretary-General of the Preparatory Committee. Eighteen traitors, Surkong Wongching-Galei, Neusha Thubten-Tarpa, Hsinka Jigmedorje (Shasu), Yuto Chahsidongchu, Tsrijong LozongYiehsi, Kachang Lozong-Rentzen, Dala Lozong-sungdin, Khemey Sonamwongdui, Rongnamse Thubtan-Norzong, Pala Thubtenwenten, Nonghsi Thubtan-Zongchu, Namselin Panchunjigme, Menjelin Jalyanggeltseng, Karihpen Tsewong Dorje, Pengchu, Weisegeltseng (Kundelinchasa), Gungalama, and Tsupugamapa Rihpeidorje, are hereby dismissed from their posts as members of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region and from all their other posts and shall be punished respectively according to law. Sixteen persons, Teng Shao-tung, Chan Hua-yu, Hui Yijan, Liang Hsuan-hsien, Tsuiko Dongchutseren, Chantung Lozongnamje, Gahden Tsripa Thubten-Kunga, Chienpaitzuli, Ngapo Tsirtenchoga, Dorjetsirten, Shirou Dungchu, Geltseng-pintso, Lozongi Tzucheng, Chunjue, Pintsowongchiu, and Wang Pei-sheng, are hereby appointed members of the Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region. The Preparatory Committee for the Tibet Autonomous Region will lead all the people of Tibet, ecclesiastical and secular, to unite as one and make common efforts to assist the People’s Liberation Army in putting down the rebellion quickly, to strengthen the national defence, protect the interests of the people of all nationalities, maintain social order and strive for the building of a democratic and socialist, new Tibet. Chou En-Lai, Premier March 28, 1959 Source: Concerning the Question of Tibet (Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1959), 1–3.

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UN Declarations Resolution 1353 (XIV) 1959 See pp. 1055–1056 above. Resolution 1723 (XVI) 1959 The General Assembly, Recalling its resolution 1353 (XIV) of 21 October 1959 on the question of Tibet, Gravely concerned at the continuation of events in Tibet, including the violation of the fundamental human rights of the Tibetan people and the suppression of the distinctive cultural and religious life which they have traditionally enjoyed, Noting with deep anxiety the severe hardships which these events have inflicted on the Tibetan people, as evidenced by the large-scale exodus of Tibetan refugees to the neighbouring countries, Considering that these events violate fundamental human rights and freedoms set out in the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, including the principle of self-determination of peoples and nations, and have the deplorable effect of increasing international tension and embittering relations between peoples, 1. Reaffirms its conviction that respect for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is essential for the evolution of a peaceful world order based on the rule of law; 2. Solemnly renews its call for the cessation of practices which deprive the Tibetan people of their fundamental human rights and freedoms, including their right to self-determination; 3. Expresses the hope that Member States will make all possible efforts, as appropriate, towards achieving the purposes of the present resolution.

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Resolution 2079 (XX) 1961 The General Assembly Bearing in mind the principles relating to human rights and fundamental freedoms set forth in the Charter of the United Nations and proclaimed in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, Reaffirming its resolutions 1353 (XIV) of 21 October 1959 and 1723 (XVI) of 20 December 1961 on the question of Tibet, Gravely concerned at the continued violation of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people of Tibet and the continued suppression of their distinctive cultural and religious life, as evidenced by the exodus of refugees to the neighbouring countries, 1. Deplores the continued violation of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people of Tibet; 2. Reaffirms that respect for the principles of the Charter of the United Nations and of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is essential for the evolution of a peaceful world order based on the rule of law; 3. Declares its conviction that the violation of human rights and fundamental freedoms in Tibet and the suppression of the distinctive cultural and religious life of its people increase international tension and embitter relations between peoples; 4. Solemnly renews its call for the cessation of all practices which deprive the Tibetan people of the human rights and fundamental freedoms which they have always enjoyed; 5. Appeals to all States to use their best endeavours to achieve the purposes of the present resolution. Source: Tibet Justice Center, www.tibetjusticecenter.org, accessed December 15, 2008.

APPENDIX II

DALAI LAMAS, PAṆ CHEN LAMAS, REGENTS, GANDEN TRIPAS Dalai Lamas 1. Gendün Drup 2. Gendün Gyatso 3. Sönam Gyatso 4. Yönten Gyatso 5. Lozang Gyatso 6. Tsangyang Gyatso 7. Kelzang Gyatso 8. Jampel Gyatso 9. Lungtok Gyatso 10. Tsültrim Gyatso 11. Khedrup Gyatso 12. Trinlé Gyatso 13. Tupten Gyatso 14. Tenzin Gyatso

1391–1474 1475–1541 1543–1588 1589–1616 1617–1682 1683–1706 1708–1757 1758–1804 1806–1815 1816–1837 1838–1856 1857–1875 1876–1933 1935–present

Paṇ chen Lamas 1. Lozang Chökyi Gyeltsen 2. Lozang Yeshé 3. Lozang Pelden Yeshé 4. Pelden Tenpé Nyima 5. Tenpé Wangchuk 6. Tupten Chökyi Nyima 7. Lozang Trinlé Lhündrup Chökyi Gyeltsen 8. Gendün Chökyi Nyima

1570–1662 1663–1737 1738–1780 1782–1853 1854–1882 1883–1937 1938–1989 1989–?

Regents: Desi (sde srid) 1642–1757 1. Sönam Chöpel 2. Trinlé Gyatso 3. Lozang Tutop 4. Lozang Jinpa 5. Sangyé Gyatso

1642–1658 1660–1668 1669–1675 1675–1679 1679–1703

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6. Ngawang Rinchen 7. Taktsé Zhapdrung

1703–1706 1717–1720

Gyeltsap (rgyal tshab) 1757–1950 1. Demo Ngawang Jampel 2. Tsemönling Ngawang Tsültrim 3. Kündeling Yeshé Lozang 4. Demo Lozang Tupten 5. Tsemönling Ngawang Jampel Tsültrim 6. Radreng Ngawang Yeshé 7. Kündeling Chökyi Gyeltsen 8. Demo Trinlé Rapgyé 9. Radreng Tupten Jampel 10. Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap

1757–1777 1777–1781 1789–1810 1811–1819 1819–1844 1845–1862 1875–1886 1886–1895 1934–1941 1941–1950

Regents during 13th Dalai Lama’s exile 1. Lamoshar Lozang Gyeltsen 2. Tsemönling Ngawang Lozang

1904–1909 1910–1912

Ganden Tripas (Throne Holders of Ganden) Throne Holder dates of life (service as T.H.) 1. Jé Tsongkhapa 1357–1419 1409–1419 2. Gyeltsap Darma Rinchen 1364–1432 1419–1431 3. Khedrup Gelek Pelzang 1385–1438 1431–1438 4. Lekpa Gyeltsen 1375–1450 1438–1450 5. Chöjé Lodrö Chökyong 1389–1463 1450–1463 6. Baso Chökyi Gyeltsen 1402–1473 ????–???? 7. Khechok Lodrö Tenpa 1402–1478 ????–???? 8. Mönlam Pel 1414–1491 ????–???? 9. Lozang Nyima 1439–1492 ????–???? 10. Chöjé Yeshé Zangpo 1415–1498 ????–???? 11. Darren Lozang Drak 1429–1511 ????–???? 12. Jamyang Sherap Drekpa Lodrö 1450–1530 ????–???? 13. Chöjé Chökyi Shenyen 1453–1540 ????–???? 14. Chöjé Rinchen Özer 1453–1540 ????–???? 15. Paṇchen Sönam Drakpa 1478–1554 ????–???? 16. Chöjé Chökyong Gyatso 1473–1539 ????–???? 17. Chöjé Dorjé Zangpo 1491–1554 ????–???? 18. Chöjé Gyeltsen Zangpo 1497–1548 ????–????

dalai lamas, paṇ chen lamas, regents, ganden tripas 1135 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57.

Chöjé Ngawang Chödrak Chöjé Chödrak Zangpo Ölga Gyang Sarwa Gelek Pelzang Chöjé Gedün Tenpa Dargyé Chöjé Tseten Gyatso Chöjé Jampa Gyatso Chöjé Peljor Gyatso Chöjé Damchö Pelbar Chöjé Sangyé Rinchen Chöjé Gedün Gyeltsen Chöjé Shenyen Drakpa Chöjé Lodrö Gyatso Chöjé Dam Chöpel Chöjé Tsültrim Chöpel Chöjé Drakpa Gyatso Chöjé Ngawang Chökyi Gyeltsen Chöjé Jamyang Könchok Chöpel Kongpo Tendzin Lekshé Chöjé Gedün Rinchen Tenpa Gyeltsen Könchok Chözang Pelden Gyeltsen Lozang Gyeltsen Lozang Dönyö Jampa Tri Lodrö Gyatso Jamyang Tsültrim Dargyé Samli Jinpa Gyatso Lozang Chöpel Dönyö Gyatso Lozang Dargyé Gedün Püntsok Pelden Drakpa Ngawang Tsepel Gyeltsen Senggé Ngawang Chokden Namkha Zangpo Lozang Drimé Samten Püntsok

????–???? 1493–1559 1505–1567 1553– 1628 1520–1576 1516–1590 1526–1599 1523–1599 1540–1612 1532–1607 1546–1618 1546–1618 1546–1620 1560–1623 1555–1627 1575–???? 1573–1646 ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–1673 ????–???? ????–1672 1602–1678 1618–1684 1635–1688 1632–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? 1659–1723 ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? 1678–1756 1665–1751 ????–???? ????–???? ????–????

????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? 1627–1629 1627/6–1638 1638–1644 1644–1648 ????–???? 1648–1654 1654–1661 1662–1668 1668–1674 1675–1681 1682–1685 1685–1691 1692–1694 1695–1701 1701–1706 1707–1713 1714–1720 1721–1727 1728–1731 1732–1738 1739–1745 1746–1750 1751–1575 1575–1763

1136 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89. 90. 91. 92. 93. 94. 95. 96.

appendix ii

Ngawang Chödrak Ngawang Chödrak (Chima) Lozang Tenpa Ngawang Tsültrim Lozang Mönlam Lozang Khechok Lozang Tri Gedün Tsültrim Ngawang Nyendrak Jamyang Mönlam Lozang Gelek Jangchup Chöpel Ngawang Chöpel Yeshé Tardö Jampel Tsültrim Ngawang Tsültrim Gyatso Lozang Lhündrup Ngawang Lungtok Yönten Gyatso Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk Tsültrim Dargyé Jamyang Damchö Lozang Jinpa Drakpa Döndrup Ngawang Norbu Yeshé Chöpel Jangchup Namkha Lozang Tsültrim Lozang Tsültrim Pelden Lozang Gyeltsen Tseling Tenpé Gyeltsen Khyenrap Yön Gyatso Nyendrak Gyatso Jampa Chödrak Lozang Gyeltsen Tupten Nyinjé Yeshé Wangden Lhündrup Tsöndrü Tongdü Tupten Künga

1707–1778 1708–???? 1725–???? 1721–1791 ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? ????-1949 1947–1953 1891–1964

1763–1769 1769–1770 1770–1775 1775–1781 1781–1788 1788 1789–1795 1795–1801 1801–1807 1807–???? 1807–1808 1808–1814 1814–1819 ????–???? ????–???? ????–???? 1819–1850 1850–1853 1853–1859 1859–1861 1861–1867 1867–1870 1870–1876 1876–1880 1880–1886 1886–1890 1890–1896 1896–1901 1901–1907 1908–1914 1914–1919 1919–1920 1921–1927 1927–1933 1933 1933–1939 1940–1946 ????–???? 1954–1964

dalai lamas, paṇ chen lamas, regents, ganden tripas 1137 97. 98. 99. 100. 101.

Tupten Lungtok Tendzin Trinlé Jampel Zhenpen Yeshé Dönden Lozang Nyima Lungrik Namgyel

1903–1983 1965– 1919–1988/9? ????–1995 1928– 1995–2003 1927– 2003–

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TIBETAN RESOURCES For information on different editions, scholarly literature relating to these sources, and other information, the reader is advised to consult the indispensable volume by Dan Martin, in collaboration with Yael Bentor, Tibetan Histories: A Bibliography of Tibetan Language Historical Works. London: Serindia, 1997. The identifying numbers come from the Tibetan Buddhist Resources Center (www.tbrc.org), which was also exceedingly valuable in creating this bibliography. Lobsang Shastri and Jampa Samten Shastri have published a series of books under the title, Catalogue of the Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, that has helped me to solve some problems of authorship. Aku Gerap Gyatso, List of Rare Tibetan Sources, bod kyi dpe rgyun dkon pa’i dpe tho. Amé Jangchup Dreköl, a mes byang chub ’dre bkol. The Rhinoceros Book, Biography of the Lang Divine Lineage, lha rigs rlangs kyi rnam thar pu ti bse ru. (Cf. Jangchup Gyeltsen.) Ba Yeshé Wangpo, sba ye shes dbang po. sba bzhed zhabs btags ma, W00KG09830. Bodong Tamjé Khyenpa, bo dong thams cad mkhyen pa. General Presentation of Buddhism, bstan pa spyi’i rnam bzhag. Butön Rinchen Drup, bu ston rin chen grub. Religious History of the Treasury of Precious Discourses, chos ’nyung gsung rab rin po che’i mdzod, W1923. Changkya Rolpé Dorjé, lcang skya rol pa’i rdo rje. Biography of the Supreme Victor Kelzang Gyatso, Sprouts of the Precious Wish-Fulfilling Tree, rgyal mchog bskal bzang rgya mtsho’i rnam thar dpag bsam rin po che’i snye ma, W2625. Chechok Düpa, che mchog ’dus pa. Clearing Away the Darkness of Torment, gdung ba’i mun sel. Chögo Sönam Pel, chos sgo bsod nams dpal. The Biography of Deshek Pakmo Drupa, bde gshegs phag mo gru pa’i rnam thar. Chögyel Lhundrup, chos rgyal lhun grub. Biography of Shākya Gelong Namkha Dorjé, Mirror Clarifying Marvels, shākya’i dge slong rdo rje nam mkha’ rdo rje’i rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar gsal ba’i me long, W16486. Chökyi Jungné Tsuklak Chökyi Nangwa, Situ, Chos kyi ’byung gnas, si tu, gtsug lag chos kyi snang ba, Catalog of the Dergé Canon of Buddha’s Word, sde dge’i bka’ ’gyur dkar chag. Choné Lozang Gyatso, co ne blo bzang rgya mtsho. Magical Key of Good Explanations, Catalog of the Canon of Buddha’s Word of Lhasa, lha sa’i bka’ ’gyur dkar chag legs bshad ’phrul gyi lde mig. Chonggyé Lakhyen Ngawang, ’phyings rgyas bla mkhyen ngag dbang. Unprecedented Treatise, Two Hundred and Eight Notes on Unresolved Issues in the “White Lapiz Lazuli,” sngon med kyi bstan bcos baiḍur dkar po las ’phros pa’i snyan sgron nyis brgya dang brgyad pa, W30117. Chöying Dorjé, chos dbyings rdo rje. Abbreviated Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Lodrö Chöpel, Luminous Stainless Lapiz Lazuli, rdo rje ’dzin pa blo gros chos ’phel gyi rnam par thar pa mdo tsam du brjod pa dri med baiḍur.ya’i ’od snang, W21231. ——. Biography of Ogyen Ngawang Yeshé, Excellent Wish-Fulfilling Tree, o rgyan ngag dbang ye shes dpal bzang po’i rnam thar dpag bsam ljon shing, W212332. Dalai Lama, second, Gendün Gyatso, dge ’dun rgya mtsho. Autobiography, Completing the End, mjug ma grub pa. Dalai Lama, fifth, Ngawang Lozang Gyatso, ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho. Autobiography, Good Silk Cloth, 3 vols., rang rnam du kū la’i gos bzang, W175.

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——. Biography of the Conqueror Sönam Gyatso, Chariot for an Ocean of Feats, rgyal ba bsod nams rgya mtsho’i rnam thar dngos grub rgya mtsho’i shing rta, W27927. ——. Biography of the Conqueror Yönten Gyatso Pelzang, Garland of Jewels, rgyal ba yon tan rgya mtsho dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar pa nor bu’i ’phreng ba, W178. ——. Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Lozang Gyatso Drakpa Gyeltsen (Tsarchen Dorjé Chang Losel Gyatso), Sunlight that Unveils the Instructions, rdo rje ’chang blo gsal rgya mtsho grags pa rgyal mtshan dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar pa slob bshad bstan pa’i nyi ’od, W186. ——. Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Peljor Lhundrup, Chariot of Faith for the Fortunate, rdo rje ’dzin pa dpal ’byor lhun grub kyi rnam thar skal bzang dad pa’i shing rta, W182. ——. Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Tsarchen Losel Gyatso Drakpa Gyeltsen, Explanation of the Teacher, the Light of Buddhism, rdo rje ’dzin pa tshar chen blo gsal rgya mtsho grags pa rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar slob bshad bstan pa’i nyi ’od, W186. ——. Biography of Jangpa Rikdzin Wangpo, Arrangement of Marvels, byang pa rig ’dzin dbang po’i rnam thar ngo mtshar bkod pa, W183. ——. Biography of Jé Könchok Chöpel, Ornament for the Ear of Scholars, rje dkon mchog chos ’phel gyi rnam thar mkhas pa’i rna rgyan, W181. ——. Biography of Rikdak Gönpo Sönam Chokden, Garland of Waves of Faith, rig bdag mgon po bsod nams mchog ldan gyi rnam thar dad pa’i rlabs phreng, W180. ——. Biography of Rikdzin Ngagi Wangpo, Record of Wonders, rig ’dzin chen po ngag gi dbang po’i rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar bkod pa, W183. ——. Biography of Zurchen Chöying Rangdröl, Chariot of the Supreme Vehicle’s Teaching, theg mchog bstan pa’i shing rta, W184. ——. Catalog of the Three Supports of Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang Temple, White Crystal Mirror, lha ldan gtsug lag khang gi rten gsum dkar chag shel dkar me long. ——. Complete Festival of Youth, A Dynastic History, rgyal rabs rdzogs ldan gzhon nu’i dga’ ston, W241. ——. Handprint Proclamation on the Triple Steps of the Potala Palace, rtse pho brang po tā la’i gsum skas ’go’i rtsi tshig phyag rjes ma. ——. History of the Zhalu Serkhang and Compendium of Notices, zhwa lu gser khang gi lo rgyus dang bca’ yig gcig ’thus. ——. Letters to Leaders and Patrons in China, Tibet, Hor, and Mongolia, rgya bod hor sog gi dpon rigs dang sbyin bdag khag la bka’i shog, W27476? ——. Letters to Monasteries in China, Tibet, Hor, and Mongolia, rgya bod hor sog gi dgon khag la bca’ yig. Dalai Lama, eighth, Jampel Gyatso, ’jam dpal rgya mtsho. Biography of Yongdzin Yeshé Gyeltsen, Sun that Opens the Lotus of Buddhism, yongs ’dzin ye shes rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar thub bstan padmo ’byed pa’i nyin byed, W1243. Dalai Lama, thirteenth, Tubten Gyatso, thub bstan rgya mtsho. Catalog of the Restoration of Lhasa’s Tsuklakhang Temple, Lake of Milk in which One Hundred Thousand Appearances of Faith Dawn, lha ldan gtsug lag khang nyams gso’i dkar chag dad snang ’bum phrag ’char ba’i ’o mtsho’i rdzing bu, W3086. ——. Dalai Lama’s Orders to Lö Dotel, lo’o rdo thal bka’ yig. Dalai Lama, fourteenth, Tenzin Gyatso, bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho. Compilation of Records, including “Memories from the time of the thirteenth Dalai Lama” and “Lectures to the people of China and Tibet,” gsum bcu’i dus dran khag dang gzhan yang rgya bod mi mang la gsung bshad stsal khag phyogs bsdus. ——. My Land and My People, ngos kyi yul dang ngos kyi mi mang. ——. Opening the Eye of New Awareness, legs bshad blo gsal mig ’byed. Dergé Tendzin Puntsok, sde dge bstan ’dzin phun tshogs. Stainless Crystal Sphere; Garland of Stainless Crystal, med shel gong; dri med shel phreng, W7516. Desi Sangyé Gyatso, sde srid sangs rgyas rgya mtsho. Answers and Questions Clearing Away Misconceptions within the “White Lapiz Lazuli,” Revealing the Face of Meaning,

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bstan bcos baiḍurya dkar po las dri lan ’khrul snang g.ya’ sel don gyi bzhin ras ston byed, W8226. ——. Biography of the Victorious Tsangyang Gyatso, Thoroughly Clear, Golden Ears of Corn, rgyal dbang tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho’i rnam thar rab gsal gser gyi snye ma, W8222. ——. Blue Lapiz Lazuli, Commentary on the Four Tantras, and the Addendum, rgyud bzhi’i gsal byed bai Dur sngon po, W2DB4602. ——. Boat for Crossing the Ocean to the Island of Liberation, Catalog of the Ornament for the World, the Golden Reliquary, gser gdung ’dzam gling rgyan gcig gi dkar chag thar gling rgya mtshor bgrod pa’i gru rdzing, W30092. ——. Clear Crystal Mirror Showing what to Adopt and What to Discard, blang dor gsal bar ston pa’i dwangs shel me long, W8234. ——. Golden Lapiz Lazuli, Religious History of the Yellow Hat [Gandenpa], [dga’ ldan] zhwa ser chos ’byung baiḍur ser po’i phreng ba, W8224. ——. Great Enlightenment Setting Forth Ceremonial Offerings, Orb of the Sun, tshogs mchod bca’ bsgrigs byang chen nyi ma’i dkyil ’khor, W8235. ——. Introduction of Excellent Noble Customs from the Past, Annals that are Pleasing to the Eye, Mind, and Ear, Iron Hook that Summons, gna’ bo’i lugs bzang ya rabs srol gtod pa’i deb ther mig yid rna ba’i dga’ ston ’gugs pa’i lcags kyo. ——. Maṇḍala of the Sun, nyi ma’i dkyil ’khor, W8235. ——. Report on the Transference From the Fifth to the Sixth [Dalai Lama], Elixir for the Ear, lnga pa sdom brtson rgyal po’i tshul ’chang ba drug par ’phos pa’i gtam rna ba’i bcud len, W1CZ2050. ——. Supplement to fifth Dalai Lama’s Autobiography, Good Silk Cloth, 2 vols., du kū la’i gos bzang gis ’phros, W175. Dokhar Zhabdrung Tsering Wangyel, mdo mkhar zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal. Autobiography, Music of a Reliable Voice, mdo mkhar zhabs drung tshe ring dbang rgyal gyi rand rnam zol med ngag gi rol mo. ——. Biography of Miwang, Speech Pleasing throughout the World, mi dbang rtogs brjod ’jig rten kun tu dga’ ba’i gtam, W2DB25427. Doring Kalön Tendzin Peljor, rdo ring bka’ blon bstan ’dzin dpal ’byor. Autobiography, Recounting the Genology of the Gazhi Leaders, Music of Non-Deceptive Speech, rdo ring bka’ blon bstan ’dzin dpal ’byor gyi rang rnam sde dpon dga’ bzhi ba’i mi rabs kyi byung ba brjod pa zol med gtam gyi rol mo, W28259. Dorjé Dzinpa Peljor Lhündrup, rdo rje ’dzin pa dpal ’byor lhun grub. Biography of Drogön Pakpa Lodrö Gyeltsen, Garland of Precious, ’gro mgon ’phags pa blo gros rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar rin po che’i ’phreng ba. ——. Catalog Explaining the Sacred Sites of Pabongkha, pha bong kha’i gnas bshad dkar chag. Dorjé Gyeltsen, Tsang Jampa, gtsang byams pa rdo rje rgyal mtshan. Ornament of the Principled Geneology of the Sakya Lineage, sa skya’i gdung rabs yar rabs kha rgyan, W18647. Drakgo Rabjampa, brag sgo rab ’byams pa. Commentary on the Ornament of Jewels of Great Compassion, Sending a Sign of the Unusual Attitude, How the Good and the Bad are Mixed, thugs rje chen po nor bu rgyan ’grel la bsres lhad yod tshul lhag bsam brda btang. Drakgön Könchok Tenpa Rapgyé, brag dgon dkon mchog bstan pa rab rgyas. Ocean Annals, Religious History of Domé, mdo smad chos ’byung deb ther rgya mtsho, W28064. Drakpa Gyeltsen, Jetsün, rje btsun grags pa rgyal mtshan. Fulfilling All Desires, Valuable Treasury of the Sakya Geneology, sa skya’ gdung rabs rin chen bang mdzod dgos ’dod kun ’byung. Drakpa Mönlam or Neu Paṇdị ta, Garland of Flowers of Previous Speech, A Religious History of Nel, sngon gyi gtam me tog phreng ba nel pa chos ’byung. W28877. Drakpé Tsenjen, Sera Mé Abbot, ser smad mkhan po grags pa’i mtshan can. History of Ganden Shartsé Norbuling, Ornament for the Essential Thought of Mañjuśrī, dga’ ldan shar rtse nor bu’i gling gi lo rgyus ’jam dpal snying po’i dgongs rgyan, W14457?

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Gyurmé Namgyel, ’gyur med rnam rgyal. Lineage Succession of the Chiefs of Lhatok, the Good Explanation Annals, the Key that Opens in Manifold Ways the Religious and Political Form of Government, lha thog dpon gyi gdung rabs deb ther legs bshad chos srid sgo brgya byed pa’i lde’u mig, W23161. Jadrel Lhawang Gyatso, bya bral lha dbang rgya mtsho. Biography of Paṇchen Sönam Drakpa, Play of Wonderful Marvels, paṇ chen bsod nams grags pa’i dpal rnam dpyod mchog gi sde’i rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar rmad du byung ba dad pa’i rol rtsed, W17594. Jadrel Sangyé Püntsok, bya dral sangs rgyas phun tshogs. Biography of Ngorpa Kunzang, Godd Explanations, Ocean Gathering Streams, ngor pa kun bzang gi rnam thar legs bshad chu bo ’dus pa’i rgya mtsho. Jamo Gelong, ’ja’ mo dge slong. A General Religious History of Buddhism, bstan pa spyi’i chos ’byung, W18621. Jampa Tupwang, Kuchar Lamen Khenpo Ngözhi, sku bcar bla sman mkhan po dngos gzhi byams pa thub dbang. Orders of Quintessential Instructions, Preparation of Precious Pills and Preparations of Twenty-Children, rig chen ril bu’i sbyor tshad man ngag bka rgya ma. Jampel Tsültrim, Gyümé Lama Udzé, rgyud smad bla ma dbu mdzad ’jam dpal tshul khrims and Deyang Rapjampa Kelzang Tsültrim, bde yangs rab ’byams pa skal bzang tshul khrims. Biography of Lungtok Gyatso, Allure of Faith, lung rtogs rgya mtsho’i rnam thar dad pa’i yid ’phrog, See Jikmé Gyatso. Jamyang Gyeltsen, Bhutan Lama, ’brug gi bla ma ’jam dbyangs rgyal mtshan. The Biography of Lord Ngawang Yönten Tayé, Sun that Spreads One Hundred Rays of Wisdom Increasing the Lotus of Belief for the Fortunate, rje ngag dbang yon tan mtha’ yas kyi rnam thar skal bzang mos pa’i padmo rgyas byed ye shes ’od stong ’phro ba’i nyi ma. Jamyang Gyepé Shenyen, ’jam dbyangs dgyes pa’i bshes gnyen. Royal History of the Great Hor, Pleasing to the Learned, Annals of the Golden Marvels, chen po hor gyi rgyal rabs dpyod ldan mgu byed ngo mtshar gser gyi deb ther. Jamyang Khyentsé Wangpo, ’jam dbyangs mkhyen brtse dbang po. Autobiography, Stream of Nectar of the Great Secret, gsang chen bdud rtsi’i chu rgyun. ——. Guide to the Holy Places at the Monasteries of Central Tibet, dbus ’gyur ches sde khag gi gnas yig, W21709. Jamyang Zhepé Dorjé, Kunkhyen, kun mkhyen ’jam dbyangs bzhad pa’i rdo rje. Elucidation of the Teaching, Chronological Tables of Occurrences in Tibet, Variegated Golden Rays of Sun, bstan pa’i gsal byed bod du rim byung gi lo tshigs re mig gser gyi nyi ma ’od zer bkra ba, W8368. Jangchup Gyeltsen, byang chub rgyal mtshan. The Rhinoceros Book, Descent of the Lang Divine Lineage. lha rigs rlangs kyi gdung rabs pu ti bse ru, W30165. ——. Questions and Answers about Descent of the Lang Divine Lineage, rlangs gdung rabs kyi dri ba dri lan. Jangpa Rikden Chenpo, byang pa rigs ldan chen po. Drops of Nectar, the Lesser Analysis, smad dpyad bdud rtsi’i zeg ma. Jetsün Ratṇa, rje btsun ratṇa. Dynastic History, Dim Light Illuminating the Mirror, rgyal rabs me long gsal byed nyung ngu rnam gsal. Jikmé Gyatso, Demo, de mo ’jigs med rgya mtsho. Biography of Lungtok Gyatso, Allure of Faith, lung rtogs rgya mtsho dpal bzang po’i zhal snga nas kyi rnam par thar pa mdor mtshon pa dad pa’i yid ’phrog, W28956. See also Jampel Tsültrim and Deyang Rapjampa Kelzang Tsültrim. Jokri Ngawang Tendzin Trinlé, ’jog ri ngag dbang bstan ’dzin ’phrin las. Catalog of the Great Gungtang Tsuklakhang and Kumbum, gung thang gtsug lag khang dang sku ’bum chen po’i dkar chag. Kachen Yeshé Gyeltsen, dka’ chen ye shes rgyal mtshan. Supreme Ornament Beautifying the Conqueror’s Teachings, the Biographies of the Lineage of Lamas Teaching the

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Stages of the Path, lam gyi rim pa’i bla ma brgyud pa’i rnam par thar pa rgyal bstan mdzes pa’i rgyan mchog, W986. Kadrung Norgyé Nangpa Wangdü Tsering, bka’ drung nor rgyas nang pa dbang ’dud tshe ring, compiler, Record of Ten Thousand Years, khri lo tham deb; Important Points for Government Officials, Annals of the Sequence of Leaders, Record of Ten Thousand Years, A Guide for the Blind, gzhung zhabs rnams la nye bar mkho ba bla dpon rim byon gyi lo rgyus [khri lo] tham deb long ba’i dmigs bu, W23160. Karma Ngedon Tengyé, ka.rma nges don bstan rgyas. [Biography of Gampopa Sönam Rinchen], the Incomparable Dakpo Lhajé, mnyam med dwags po lha rje’i rnam thar, W24063. Karma Tsewang Kunkhyap, ka.rma tshe dbang kun khyab. Garland of Moon Crystals, Jewel of the Scholars, Biography of the Precious Lineage of the Karma Kamtsang, ka.rma kam tshang gi brgyud pa rin po che’i rnam par thar pa rab ’byams nor bu zla ba chu shel gyi phreng ba, W24686. Katok Rikdzin Tsewang Norbu, ka thog tshe dbang nor bu. Mirror of the Mind Briefly Clarifying the Descent of the Kings of Tibet, bod kyi lha btsan po’i gdung rabs tshig nyung don gsal yid kyi me long. Khalaratsé Tendzin, How Zorawar Singh Attacked Tibet, dzo ra wa sing gi bod la dmag rgyab tshul. Kharnak Lotsāwa Peljor Gyatso, mkhar nag lo tsā ba dpal ’byor rgya mtsho. Religious History of Ganden, dga’ ldan chos ’byung, W18611. Khedrup Gelek Pelzang, mkhas grub dge legs dpal bzang. Biography of the Great Jetsun Lama Tsongkhapa, rje btsun bla ma tsong kha pa chen po’i ngo mtshar rmad du byung ba’i rnam par thar pa dad pa’i ’jug ngogs. Khetsun Sangpo, mkhas btsun bzang po. Biographical Dictionary of Tibet and Tibetan Buddhism twelve volumes. Khewang Könchok Lhündrup, mkhas dbang dkon mchog lhun grub. Great Boat for the Ocean of Buddhism, A Religious History, bstan pa’i rgya mtshor ’jug pa’i gu chen, W10345. Könchok Damchö Yarpel, dkon mchog dam chos yar ’phel. Biography of Throne Holder Gungtang Könchok Tenpé Drönmé, khri gung thang dkon mchog bstan pa’i sgron me’i rnam thar, W16473. Könchok Gyeltsen, Nyamé, mnyam med dkon mchog rgyal mtshan. Biography of the Supreme Lama Sönam Gyeltsen, bla ma dam pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar. Könchok Gyeltsen, Pönyig, compiler, dpon yig dkon mchog rgyal mtshan. Biography of Bodong Choklé Namgyel, bo dong phyogs las rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar, W18602. Könchok Jikmé Wangpo, dkon mchog ’jigs med dbang po. Biography of Kunkhyen Jamyang Zhepa, River Crossing of the Marvelous Fortunate Aeon, kun mkhyen ’jam dbyangs bzhad pa’i rdo rje’i rnam thar ngo mtshar skal bzang ’jug ngogs, W2050. ——. Biography of Paṇchen Lama Pelden Yeshé, Light of the Sun, paṇ chen dpal ldan ye shes kyi rnam thar nyi ma’i ’od zer, W2055. ——. Treasury of the Wish-Fulfilling Jewel, Catalog of the Canon of Choné edition of the Canonical Commentarial Literature, co ne’i bstan ’gyur dkar chag yid bzhin nor bu’i gter mdzod, W2056. Könchok Tendzin, Drigung, ‘bri gung dkon mchog bstan ‘dzin. Explanation of the Sacred Sites of Kailash Mountain and Lake Manasarowar, White Crystal Mirror, gangs ti si dang mtsho ma pham gyi gnas bshad shel dkar me long. Kongtrul Yönten Gyatso, kong sprul yon tan rgya mtsho. Autobiography of Jamgön Lodrö Tayé, Colored Jewels, ’jam mgon blo gros mtha’ yas kyi rang rnam nor bu sna tshogs mdogs can, W20879. ——. Gentian Flowers, zing thig. ——. Life Stories of Padma Gargi Wangchuk Trinlé Drodül Tse, Current of a Mirage, padma gar gyi dbang phyug phrin las ’gro ’dul rtsal gyi rtogs pa brjod pa dum bu smrig rgyun, W24388.

bibliography of tibetan resources

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Kunga Gyeltsen, kun dga’ rgyal mtshan. Biography of Jetsün Damchö Pekar, Fragrance of Kindness, rje btsun dam chos pad dkar gyi rnam par thar pa thugs rje chen po’i dri bsungs, W29906. ——. Biography of Paṇchen Gendün Drupa, Twelve Marvelous Deeds, paṇ chen dge ’dun grub pa’i rnam thar ngo mtshar mdzad pa bcu gnyis pa, W15965. Kunga Lodrö, kun dga’ blo gros. Treasury of Precious Marvels of the Sakya Lineage, sa skya’i gdung rabs ngo mtshar bang mdzod, W27309. Kunzang Peljor, kun bzang dpal ’byor. Although Scorched, Tibet was not Burned, bsregs kyang mi ’tshigs pa’i bod. Lodrö Gyelpo, blo gros rgyal po. Oral Instructions of the Ancestor’s Medical Science, gso dpyad mes po’i zhal lung. Losel Gyatso, blo gsal rgya mtsho. Biography of Dakchen Lodrö Gyeltsen, Necklace of Enticing Lotuses, bdag chen blo gros rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar yid ’phrog utpa la’i do shal, W8622. Lozang Chödrak, Yartö Darma Men Rampa, yar stod dar ma sman ram pa blo bzang chos grags. Orders of Quintessential Instructions, man ngag bka’ rgya ma, W00EGS1017462. ——. Golden Ornament of Good Explanations, Commentary on the Lineage of Quintessential Instructions, man ngag rgyud kyi dka’ ’grel legs bshad gser rgyan, W13853. Lozang Norbu, Sera Jé Slozur, ser byes slob zur blo bzang nor bu. Explanation of the Sacred Sites of Yerpa, yer pa’i gnas bshad. Lozang Trinlé, Darhen Khendrül, dar han mkhan sprul blo bzang ’phrin las. Biography of [Lama Tsongkhapa] the Omniscient Jé Rinpoché, A Beautiful Ornament of the Subduers, A Garland of Marvelous Jewels, rje thams cad mkhyen pa’i rnam thar thub bstan mdzes rgyan ngo mtshar nor bu’i ’phreng ba. ——. Biography of the Victorious Lord Khedrup Gyatso, Marvels of Divine Music, rgyal dbang mkhas grub rgya mtsho’i rnam thar ngo mtshar lha’i rol mo. ——. Biography of the Victorious Lord Tsültrim Gyatso, Garland of Jewel Wonders, rgyal dbang tshul khrims rgya mtsho’i rnam thar ngo mtshar nor bu’i ’phreng ba, W5330. Lozang Trinlé, Rikdzin, rig ’dzin blo bzang ’phrin las. Autobiography of Rikdzin Lozang Trinlé (Lelung Jedrung), Festival of the Fortunate, rig ’dzin blo bzang ’phrin las (sle lung rje drung) kyi rang rnam skal bzang dga’ ston. ——. Biography of Dorjé Dzinpa Chechok Düpa Tsal (Terdak Lingpé Nyené Lozang Gyatso), Clearing Away the Darkness of Torment, An Historical Supplement, rdo rje ’dzin pa che mchog ’dus pa rtal (gter bdag gling pa’i nyes gnas blo gsal rgya mtsho) gyi rnam thar las ’phros pa byung brjod pa gdung ba’i mun sel. Lozang Tukjé, Sera Mé Lazur, ser smad bla zur blo bzang thugs rje. Biography of Tseling Nomihen Ngawang Tsültrim, Opening the Door of Faith, tshe gling no mi han ngag dbang tshul khrims kyi rnam thar dad pa’i sgo ’byed, W14098. Lozang Yeshé Tendzin Gyatso, blo bzang ye shes bstan ’dzin rgya mtsho. Essential Nectar, the Outline of the Stages of the Path, lam rim zin bris gdam ngag bdud rtsi’i snying po. Longdol Ngawang Lozang, klong rdol ngag dbang blo bzang. Presentation of the Donors of Buddhism, bstan pa’i sbyin bdag rnams kyi rnam bzhag, W78. Mindröl Nomihen Jampel Chökyi Tendzin Trinlé, smin grol no min han ’jam dpal chos kyi bstan ’dzin ’phrin las. Extensive Geography of the World, ’dzam gling rgyas bshad, WooKG03991. Mipam Gelek Namgyel, ’ju mi pham dge legs rnam rgyal. Important Points on Chronology, bstan rtsis nyer mkho. Namkha Gyeltsen, Jé Barawa, rje ’ba’ ra ba nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan. Autobiography of Jeba Rawa Namkha Gyeltsen, rje ’ba’ ra ba nam mkha’ rgyal mtshan gyi rang rnam. Ngawang Chöjor, Denjé, ldan rje ngag dbang chos ’byor. Accounts Drawn from Poetry Written on the Occasion of the All-Seeing Tenpé Wangchuk’s trip to Central Tibet, kun gzigs bstan pa’i dbang phyug dbus phebs gnang skabs snyan ngag lam las drangs pa’i byung ba brjod pa.

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Ngawang Dorjé Lhündrup Dargyé, Lhatsün, lha btsun ngag dbang rdo rje lhun grub dar rgyas. Biography of the Omniscient Ngawang Chödrak Gyatso (Rinchen Tsangyang Gyatso), Elegant Saying Without Activity, Tantric Melody of the Divine Tambura, thams cad mkhyen pa ngag dbang chos grags rgya mtsho’i (rin chen tshangs dbyangs rgya mtsho) rnam thar mdzad med gtam snyan lha’i tambu ra’i rgyud kyi sgra dbyangs, W30154. Ngawang Lozang, Gomang Tsenzhap, sgo mang mtshan zhabs ngag dbang blo bzang. Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal Mirror, ’phrin las rgya mtsho rnam thar dwangs shel me long. See also Purchok Yongdzin Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim. Ngawang Namgyel, ngag dbang rnam rgyal. Biography of Taklung Thangpa Rinpoché, stag lung thang pa rin po che’i rnam thar, W21026. Ngawang Pelzang, Katok Khenpo, kah thog mkhan po ngag dbang dpal bzang. Autobiography of Katok Khenpo Ngawang Pelzang, Illusory Dance, ’od gsal rin chen snying po pad+ma las ’brel rtsal gyi rtogs brjod ngo mtshar sgyu ma’i rol gar, W30148. Ngawang Yönten Tayé, ngag dbang yon tan mtha’ yas. Narrative Clarifying the Virtuous Actions of the Dharma King Sherap Wangchuk, Pearl Necklace, chos rgyal chen po shes rab dbang phyug gi dge ba’i cho ga rab tu gsal ba’i gtam mu tig do shal, W29910. ——. Supplement to “Autobiography of Pema Karpo, Drama of Great Compassion,” Abandonment of Great Illusion, kun mkhyen padma dkar po’i rang rnam thugs rje chen po’i zlos gar de’i ’phros sgyu ma chen po’i dor, W8725. Ngödön Serkhang Secretary, dngos don ser khang nang pa’i phyag drung. Verses Clearly Explaining the Situation During the British-Tibetan War of the Wood-Dragon Year (1904), shing ’brug dbyin bod dmag ’khrug skabs kyi gnas lugs gsal bar brjod pa tshig bcad ma. Norgyé Nangpa Wangdü Tsering, Cabinet Secretary, compiler, bka’ drung nor rgyas nang pa dbang ’dud tshe ring. Various Guides for Government Officials, Legal Foundations, Commercial Issues, a Compendium of Documents, shod drung las tshan ’gro khungs khag dang khrims ’degs stong srang zho ’beb sogs yig cha phyogs bsdus. Nyangtö, nyang stod. The Treasury of the Precious History of Nenying Monastery, gnas rnying gi gdan rabs rin po che’i gter mdzod. Nyima Özer, Ngadak Nyangrel, nyi ma ’od zer, mnga’ bdag nyang ral. Copper Continent Chronicles, bka’ thang zangs gling ma. W7956. Paṇchen Lama, first, Lozang Chökyi Gyeltsen, paṇ chen blo bzang chos kyi rgyal mtshan. Autobiography, Garland of Jewels which Clearly Indicates Codes of Conduct, spyod tshul gsal bar ston pa nor bu’i phreng ba, W9752. Paṇchen Lama, second, Lozang Yeshé, paṇ chen blo bzang ye shes. Autobiography, Garland of White Light, rang rnam ’od dkar can gyi ’phreng, W2008. Paṇchen Lama, third, Pelden Yeshé, paṇ chen dpal ldan ye shes. Biography of Purchok Ngawang Jampa, Sun that Makes the Hundred-Petaled Lotus of Faith Bloom, phur lcog ngag dbang byams pa’i rnam thar dad pa’i ’dab brgya bzhad pa’i nyin byed, W2009. Paṇchen Sönam Drakpa, paṇ chen bsod nams grags pa. Beautiful Ornament of Thought, a Religious History of the Kadampa School, bka’ gdams chos ’byung yid kyi mdzes rgyan, W19815. ——. Biography of Jamyang Trashi Pelden, ’jam dbyangs bkra shis dpal ldan gyi rnam thar. ——. Magical Key to the Royal Lineage, the New Red Annals, deb gsar ma’i deb gsar ma’am rgyal rabs ’phrul gyi lde mig, W21657. Paṇchen Yeshé Tsemo, paṇ chen ye shes rtse mo. Biography of Gendün Drup, Jewel Garland dge ’dun grub kyi rnam thar nor bu’i phreng ba, W8620. Pawo Tsuklak Trengwa, dpa’ bo gtsug lag ’phreng ba. Festival of the Learned, Religious History chos ’byung mkhas pa’i dga’ ston, W28792. Pelden Chökyi Zangpo, dpal ldan chos kyi bzang po. Appreciating the Precious, Dynastic History of Northern Yeru, g.yas ru byang pa’i rgyal rabs rin po che bstar ba, W1CZ1882.

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Pelden Gyatso, dpal ldan rgya mtsho. Extensive Biography of Bhutan’s Ngawang Namgyel, Song of the Cloud of Dharma, ’brug chen ngag dbang rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar rgyas pa chos kyi sprin chen po’i dbyangs, W30164. Pelden Sharkawa, dpal ldan shar ka ba. Garland of Ornaments, Lineage Chronicles, gdung rabs rgyan gyi ’phreng ba. Peltrül Ogyen Jikmé Chökyi Wangpo, dpal sprul o rgyan ’jigs med chos kyi dbang po. Sun Illuminating Chronology, bstan rtsis nyin ’byed snang ba, W24850?. Pema Karpo, Drukpa Kunkhyen, ’brug pa kun mkhyen. padma dkar po. Autobiography of Pema Karpo, Drama of Great Compassion, kun mkhyen padma dkar po’i rang rnam thugs rje chen po’i zlos gar, W10471. ——. Biography of Pelden Lama Dampa Ngawang Chokyi Gyelpo, ne Hundred Marvelous Lights, dpal ldan bla ma dam pa ngag dbang chos kyi rgyal po’i rnam par thar pa ngo mtshar ’od brgya pa, W10467. ——. Biography of Tsangpa Gyaré, Garland of Waves of Marvelous Faith, gtsang pa rgya ras pa’i rnam thar ngo mtshar dad pa’i rlabs ’phreng. ——. Dance of the Great Illusion, rgyu ma chen po’i zlos gar. ——. Dawning of the Day in which the Lotus of Buddhism Increases, A Religious History, chos ’byung bstan pa’i padma rgyas pa’i nyin byed, W10437. Pöntsang Tsarongpa Tsewang Namgyel, dpon tshang tsha rong pa tshe dbang rnam rgyal. Swift Path for Beings in the Fortunate Eon, Religious History of Medical Science, gso rig chos ’byung skal bzang ’gro ba’i myur lam, Cf. W13863. Purchok Ngawang Jampa, phur lcog ngag dbang byams pa, Garland of White Lotuses, a Catalog of the Four Great Monasteries and the Tantric Colleges of Upper and Lower Lhasa, gdan sa chen po bzhi dang rgyud grwa stod smad gnyis kyi dkar chag pad dkar ’phreng ba. ——. Voice of Brahmā, Catalog of the Commentarial Canon of Narthang, rnar thang bstan ’gyur dkar chag tshangs pa’i dbyangs. Purchok Yongdzin Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, phur lcog yongs ’dzin sprul sku thub bstan byams pa tshul khrims bstan ’dzin. Biography of Trinlé Gyatso, Clear Crystal Mirror, ’phrin las rgya mtsho dpal bzang po’i rnam thar dwangs shel me long, W2971. See also Gomang Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang. ______. Biography of Victorious Lord Tupten Gyatso, Garland of Precious Marvels, rgyal mchog thub bstan rgya mtsho’i rnam thar ngo mtshar rin po che’i phreng ba, W3087. Rinchen Namgyel, Gelong Dratsepa, dge slong sgra tshad pa rin chen rnam rgyal. Biography of the Omniscient Butön Rinpoché, Corn Flowers, thams cad mkhyen pa bu ston rin chen grub kyi rnam thar snyim pa’i me tog, P154. Rinchen Namgyel, Lhatsün, lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal. Having the Objective of Seeing Marvels, the Biography of Druptop Tsangnyön, grub thob gtsang smyon gyi rnam thar ngo mtshar mthong ba don ldan. Rinchen Tenpé Seljé, rin chen bstan pa‘i gsal byed. Biographies that Illuminate the Karma [Kagyü], An Aid for Faith, ka.rma gsal byed kyi rnam thar dad pa’i gsal ’debs, W21227. ——. Brief Biography of the Mahasiddha Könchok Gyeltsen, Stream of Marvelous Nectar, grub thob chen po dkon mchog rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar mdor bsdus ngo mtshar bdud rtsi’i chu rgyun, W21228, Rinpung Ngawang Jikten Wangchuk Drakpa, rin spungs ngag dbang ’jig rten dbang phyug grags pa. Biography of Sakya Paṇḍita Künga Gyeltsen, Auspicious Good Fortune, sa skya paṇḍita kun dga’ rgyal mtshan gyi rnam thar skal bzang legs lam. Sakya Jetsün Sönam Gyeltsen, The Luminous Mirror, A Dynastic History, rgyal rabs gsal ba’i me long, W00CHZ0103341. Sangyé Lingpa, sangs rgyas gling pa. Golden Garland Chronicle, bka’ thang gser gyi phreng ba. W18924. Selnang, gsal snang. Saying of Ba, sba bzhed, W20000.

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Shakabpa, Tsepon Wangchuk Deden, dbang phyug bde ldan zhwa sgab pa, rtsi dpon. Brief History of Ancient Monasteries and Temples in Tibet. ed. by T. Tsepal Taikhang. Varanasi, India: Wangchuk Deden Shakabpa Memorial Foundation, 2002. Bod kyi gna’ dus kyi dgon pa dang lha khang khag gi lo rgyus mdor bsdus. ——. Catalog and Guide to the Central Temple of Lhasa. Kalimpong, India: Shakabpa House, 1982. Lha ldan rwa sa ’phrul snang gtsug lag khang gi dkar chag. ——. with Yonten Gyatso, Nectar of the Immortal Gods Inducing Recollection in the Brethren Living at Home in the Three Province of Tibet and Living in Exile, bod ljongs chol kha gsum gyi gzhis byes spun zla rnams la gzhen skul ’chi med lha’i bdud rtsi. ——. One Hundred Thousand Moons Reflected in the Luminous Pond or the Playful Lake in which Young Intelligent Bees take Joy, the History of the Political Situation of the Great Nation of Tibet, the Land of Snows, Possessed of a Religious and Political Form of Government, bod yul gangs can gyiljongs chos srid gnyis ldan rgyal khab chen po’i sngon rabs srid don gyi gnas lugs lo rgyus gsal bar ston pa zla ba ’bum phrag ’char ba’i rdzing bu’am blo gsar bung ba dga’ ba’i rol mtsho, W28263. Shedra Döndrup Dorjé, Cabinet Minister, bka’ blon bshad sgra don grub rdo rje, compiler, Diary by a resident in Lhasa in Central Tibet while traveling to Dartsedo by way of Gyamda, Chamdo, Markham Ba, and Litang, to Kumbum by way of Nagchu and Tso Lamo, and to Rutok by way of Zhikatsé Jangtradun, and Gartok, lha ldan rgyal khab dbus su bzhag pas rgya mda’ dang chab mdo rmar khams ’ba’ li brgyud dar rtse mdo bar dang nag chu mtsho lo ma brgyud sku ’bum bar gzhis rtse byang pra bdun sgar thog brgyud ru thog bar gyi lam tho. Sherap Gyatso, Geshé, dge bshes shes rab rgya mtsho. Biography of the eleventh Tatsak Jedrung Tubten Kelzang Tenpé Drönmé, Treasury of Jewels that Grants Wishes, rta tshag rje drung sku ’phreng bcu gcig pa thub bstan bskal bzang bstan pa’i sgron me dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar ba bsam ’phel nor bu’i bang mdzod, W00KG01650. Sidhi Aśvaghoṣa, Melody Issued from the Auspicious Religious Horn, How the Supreme Religion Arose in the Land of the Great Hor, chen po hor gyi yul du dam pa’i chos byung tshul bkra shis chos dung bshad pa’i sgra dbyangs. Sönam Gyeltsen, Lama Dampa, bla ma dam pa bsod nams rgyal mtshan. Marvelous Appearances, Religious History of “Path and Fruit, lam ’bras chos ’byung ngo mtshar snang ba. Songtsen Gampo, srong btsan sgam po. Revealed by Atisha. Last Will of King Songtsen Gampo, bka’ chems ka khol ma. W20856. Sumpa Khenpo Yeshé Peljor, sum pa mkhan po ye shes dpal ’byor. Excellent WishGranting Tree, History of Buddhism in India, China, Tibet, and Mongolia, ’phags yul rgya nag chen po bod dang sog yul du dam pa’i chos ’byung tshul dpag bsam ljon bzang, W29969. ——. History of the Blue Lake, the New Song of Brahmā, mtsho sngon gyi lo rgyus tshangs glu gsar snyan, W29970. ——. Unknown if authored by Sumpa Khenpo. Festival of Appearing Marvels, Heap of Jewels, Religious History, chos ’byung rin chen spungs pa ngo mtshar snang ba’i dga’ ston. Taikhang, T. Tsepal. Compiler. Rare Tibetan historical and literary texts from the library of Tsepon W. D. Shakabpa. New Delhi: Taikhang, 1974. Tai Situ Chökyi Jungné, chos kyi ’byung gnas. Autobiography that Reveals, Stainless Crystal Mirror, bstan pa’i nyin byed kyi rang rnam dri bral shel gyi me long, W27878. Taklung Zhapdrung Ngawang Namgyel, stag lung zhabs drung ngag dbang rnam rgyal. Ocean of Marvels, A Religious History, chos ’byung ngo mtshar rgya mtsho, W17276. ——. The Southern Preface to the Discoursing on the Sphere of the Great Cloud of Religion, chos kyi sprin chen po’i dbyangs kyi gleng gzhi lho. Taktsang Lotsāwa Sherap Rinchen, stag tshang lo tsā ba shes rab rin chen. Contacting Medicines, Selected Practices, sman gyi lag len gces bsdus le’u bcu pa reg pas nad sel, W705.

bibliography of tibetan resources

1149

——. Fascination of Scholars, A General Presentation Medical Science, sman dpyad spyi’i rnam bzhag mkhas pa’i yid ’phrog, W704. ——. Festival of Learning Chinese and Tibetan Writing, rgya bod kyi yig tshan mkhas pa dga’ byed, W1CZ1997. ——. Knowing All Sciences, rig gnas kun shes, W707. Tāranātha, ta ra na tha. Religious History of India, Establishing all Desires, rgya gar chos ’byung dgos ’dod kun ’byung, W00CHZ0103343. ——. attributed. Portal for the Scholars, Good Explanations on the Reports of Marvels of Upper, Lower, and Middle parts of the Nyang Valley (Religious History of Nyang), myang yul stod smad bar gsum gyi ngo mtshar gtam gyi legs bshad mkhas pa’i ’jug ngogs (myang chos ’byung), W1CZ689. TAR Committee to Make Commentary and Annotations on the ’Political History of Tibet and published under the title, ’Shakabpa’s “Political History” and the Real History of Tibet (Chinese edition, 1996: Xiageba di “Xizang zheng zhi shi” yu Xizang li shi di ben lai mian mu/ Xizang Zizhiqu “Xizang zheng zhi shi” ping zhu xiao zu bian xie. Beijing Shi: Min zu chu ban she. Tibetan edition, 1996: Bod rang skyong ljongs “Bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs” Blta bsdur mchan ’god tshogs chung, Zhwa sgab pa’i bod kyi srid don rgyal rabs dang bod kyi lo rgyus dngos. Lhasa: Mi rigs dpe skrun khang). Tatsak Tenpé Gönpo, rta tshag bstan pa’i mgon po. Biography of Longdöl Lama Ngawang Lozang, Chariot Inducing Precious Devotion, Ornament of a Prince’s Activities, ngag dbang blo bzang dpal bzang po’i rnam thar mos gus rin chen ’dren pa’i shing rta rgyal sras spyod pa’i rgyan, W20533. Tendzin Chögyel, bstan ‘dzin chos rgyal. Biography of Tendzin Döndrup, Lake Where the Serpents Play, bstan ‘dzin don grub kyi rnam thar klu dbang rol mtsho, W29907. ——. Religious History of the South, Continuation of the Precious Teachings, the Garland of All Prayers for the Smooth Protector, lho’i chos ’byung bstan pa rin po che’i ’phro mthud ’jam mgon smon mtha’i ’phreng ba. Tendzin Sherap, Nakshö Lama, nag shod bla ma bstan ’dzin shes rab. Biography of the Conqueror Jampel Gyatso, Ornament for the Entire World, rgyal ba ’jam dbyangs rgya mtsho’i ’dzam gling mtha’ gru yangs pa’i rgyan. See also Tupten Jikmé. Tenpé Gönpo, bstan pa’i mgon po. Biography of Longdöl Ngawang Lozang Pelzang, Ornament of a Prince’s Activities, klong brdol ngag dbang blo bzang dpal bzang po’i rnam thar rgyal sras spyod rgyan, W30147. Tibetan Government-In-Exile in Dharamsala, India, dha ram sa la’i bod gzhung las khungs. Status of Tibetan Refugees 1959–1969, spyi lo 1959–1969 bar bod mi skyabs bcol ba’i gnas stangs. Trashi Khansar, Cabinet Minister, zhabs pad bkra shis khang gsar. Extractions from Notes made by Cabinet Minister Trashi Khansar during the Ladakh-Tibet War, la bod g.yul ’khrug skabs zhabs pad bkra shis khang gsar ba’i ga’u le nas zur ’don byas pa. Trimonpa Norbu Wangyal Chok, Cabinet Secretary, bka’ blon khri smon pa nor by dbang rgyal mchog. Compilation concerning the Tri-partite Negotiations at Simla in the WoodTiger Year (1914) Between China, Tibet, and Britain the and Significant Related Document Relating to the Public and Wealth fo Tibet, shing rtag lo sim lar rgya bod dbyin gsum chings don bka’ mol gnang skabs dag skyel khag phyogs bsgrigs gnang ba gangs ljongs skye rgu’i snying nor dang de dang ’brel ba’i gal che’i yig cha khag. Trinlé, Dungkar Lozang. Dungkar Tibetological Great Dictionary. Beijing: China Tibetological Publishing House, 2002. Tsangnyön Heruka Rüpé Gyenchen, gtsang smyon he ru ka rus pa’i rgyan can. Biography of Mila Zhepé Dorje [Milarepa], A Guide for Omniscience, mi la ras pa’i rnam par thar pa dang thams cad mkhyen pa’i lam ston, W1GS56158. ——. compiler. Hundred Thousand Songs of Milarepa, mi la ras pa’i mgur ’bum, W1GS56161. Tselpa Künga Dorjé, tshal pa kun dga’ rdo rje, Red Annals, deb ther dmar po or hu lan deb ther, W16476.

1150

bibliography of tibetan resources

Tsering Gönpo, tshe ring mgon po. History of the Secret Mantra Castle, bde chen gsang sngags mkhar gyi lo rgyus, W18624. Tsewang Norbu, tshe dbang nor bu. Concise Geneology of Tibetan Divinities, bod kyi lha btsan po’i gdung rabs. Tsongkhapa, Lozang Drakpa, blo bzang grags pa tsong kha pa. Garland of Worship Services, mchod ’phreng. ——. Great Exposition of the Stages of the Path, lam rim chen mo, W00KG09355. ——. Great Exposition of Secret Mantra/Stages of the Path to a Conqueror and Pervasive Master, a Great Vajradhāra, Revealing All Secret Topics, rgyal ba khyab bdag rdo rje ’chang chen po’i lam gyi rim pa gsang ba kun gyi gnad rnam par phye ba, W492. Tsültrim Rinchen, Zhuchen, zhus chen tshul khrims rin chen. Catalog of the Dergé Canon of the Commentarial Literature, sde dge’i bstan ’gyur dkar chag. Tupten Jikmé, Demo, de mo thub bstan ’jigs med. Biography of the Conqueror Jampel Gyatso, Ornament for the Entire World, rgyal ba ’jam dbyangs rgya mtsho’i ’dzam gling mtha’ gru yangs pa’i rgyan. See also Tendzin Sherap. Tubten Norzang, Chödön Kazur, chos don bka’ zur thub bstan nor bzang mchog. Book of Lectures on How the Religious and Political Form of Government Emerged During the Time of the Victorious Lord, the thirteenth Dalai Lama, rgyal dbang sku ’phreng bcu gsum pa chen po’i rjes su bod kyi rgyal rabs dang ’brel ba’i srid lugs ji ltar byung tshul gsung bshad gnang deb. Tuken Lozang Chökyi Nyima, thu’u bkwan blo bzang chos kyi nyi ma. Biography of Changkya Hotoktu Yeshé Tenpé Drönmé, Beautiful Ornament of the Virtuous Religion, ye shes bstan pa’i sgron me’i rnam par thar pa dge ldan bstan pa’i mdzes rgyan, W7436. ——. Crystal Mirror of the Good Explanations Showing the Sources and Assertions of All Systems of Tenets, grub mtha’ thams cad kyi khungs dang ’dod tshul ston pa legs bshad shel gyi me long, W2124. Tupten Chöpel Zangpo, thub bstan chos ’phel bzang po. A Flute that Speaks of Marvels, the Catalog of One Hundred Thousand, ’bum gyi dkar chag ngo mtsha gtam gyi gling bu. Tutop Namgyel and Yeshé Drölma, mthu stobs rnam rgyal dang ye shes sgrol ma. Dynastic History of Sikkim, ’bras ljongs rgyal rabs, W29205. Waginḍ, How to Identify the Four Main and the Eight Lesser Divisions of the Kagyü School, bka’ brgyud che bzhi chung brgyad kyi ngos ’dzin byed tshul. Wangchuk Drupa, Kongpo Gelong Chömawa, kong po dge slong chos smra ba dbang phyug grub pa. Biography of Gowo Rapjampa Sönam Sengé, Garlang of Precious Marvels, go bo rab ’byams pa bsod nams seng ge’i rnam thar ngo mtshar rin po che’i ’phreng ba, W11051. Yangchen Drupé Dorjé, dbyangs can grub pa’i rdo rje. Biography of Jé Dharmabhadra, Beautiful Ornament that Reveals the Yellow Hat School, rje btsun bla ma thams cad mkhyen pa dharma bha dra dpal bzang po’i rnam par thar pa zhwa ser bstan pa’i mdzes rgyan, W30156. ——. Autobiography of Ngulchuwa Yangjen Drupé Dorjé or Jetsün Lozang Chöpel, Sunlight Revealing the Geden, dngul chu ba dbyangs can grub pa’i rdo rje’am rje btsun blo bzang chos ’phel gyi rang rnam dge ldan bstan pa’i nyi ’od, W15960?. Yangpa Chöjé, g.yang pa chos rje. Biography of the Conqueror Gendün Gyatso, Tree of Faith, rgyal ba dge ’dun rgya mtsho rnam thar dad pa’i ljon shing. Yarjé Ogyen Lingpa, yar rje o rgyan gling pa. Crystal Cave Chronicles, bka’ thang shel brag ma. W17664. ——. revealed by. Lotus Chronicle, pad ma bka’ thang. W17320. ——. revealed by. Five Chronicles, bka’ thang sde lnga. W17319. Yeshé Gyeltsen, Yongdzin, yongs ’dzin ye shes rgyal mtshan. Biography of Drupwang Lozang Namgyel, Ornament Beautifying Buddhism, Grub dbang blo bzang rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar thub bstan mdzes rgyan, W1017.

bibliography of tibetan resources

1151

Yeshé Sengé, ye shes seng ge. Biography of Ra Lotsāwa Pervasive Sound of the Drum, rwa lo tsā ba’i rnam thar kun khyab snyan pa’i rnga sgra, W2CZ6606. Yeshé Tupten Gyatso, Ganden Tepo Kyeming, dga’ ldan the po skye ming ye shes thub bstan rgya mtsho. Biographies fo the Series of Ganden Throne Holders, Garland of Amazing Jewels, dga’ ldan gser khri rin po cher dbang bsgyur ba’i skyes mchog dam pa khri chen rim byon rnams kyi rnam thar rmad byung nor bu’i ’phreng ba, W11574, possibly attributed to Drakpa Khedrup. Yeshé Tsemo, Paṇchen, paṇ chen ye shes rtse mo. Biography of the Omniscient Gendün Drupa, Wonderful Marvels, Garland of Jewels, rje thams cad mkhyen pa dge ’dun grub pa dpal bzang po’i rnam thar ngo mtshar rmad byung nor bu’i ’phreng ba, W8620. Zurkhar Nyamnyi Dorjé, zur mkhar mnyam byi rdo rje. Ten Million Relics, bye ba ring bsrel. For a variety of cited sources, I have been unable to identify the author or any other information. Regrettably, this list includes several compendia of government documents, cabinet records, treaties, private records, and other sources. I have listed them as they were cited by Shakabpa. ——. Biography of Chok Jangchup Pelden History of Nechung and the Oracle, lcog byang chub dpal ldan pa’i rnam thar gnas chung dang chos skyong gi lo rgyus. ——. Biography of Jowo Jé Pelden Atīśa, Volume of Kadam Scriptures, jo bo rje dpal ldan a ti sha’i rnam thar bka’ gdams glegs bam. ——. Biography of Lhatsün Rinchen Namgyel, Luminescence of the Transcendent Truth Body, lha btsun rin chen rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar blo ’das chos sku’i rang mdangs. ——. Biography of Lhodrak Marpa Lotsāwa, lho brag mar pa lo tsā’i rnam thar. ——. Biography of Lochen Dharma Śrī, lo chen dharma shri’i rnam thar. ——. Biography of Minling Rikdzin Terdak Lingpa Padma Gargi Wangchuk, smin gling rig ’dzin gter bdag gling pa padma gar yi dbang phyug gi rnam thar. ——. Biography of Ngulchuwa Khedrup Ngawang Dorjé, dngul chu ba mkhas grub ngag dbang rdo rje’i rnam thar. ——. Biography of Rechung Dorjé Drakpa, ras chung rdo rje grags pa’i rnam thar. Possibly by Lodrö Tayé, W24140. ——. Biography of the Seventieth Ganden Throne Holder Ngawang Chöpel, dga’ ldan khri thog bdun cu pa ngag dnag chos ’phel gyi rnam thar. ——. Biography of Trulku Tenpé Seljé, String of Pearls, sprul sku rin chen bstan pa’i gsal byed kyi rnam thar mu tig ’phreng ba, W21229. ——. Biography of Tuksé Chennga Rinchen of Bara, from the Golden Garland of the Kagyü, bka’ brgyud gser ’phreng las ’ba’ ra’i thugs sras spyan snga rin chen ldan gyi rnam thar, W19231. ——. Book of Advice, bka’ slob phyag deb. ——. Cabinet Records of 1808, Thoroughly Clear Mirror, sa ’brug bka’ shag mgron deb kun gsal me long. ——. Cabinet Records of 1809, Thoroughly Clear Mirror, sa sprul bka’ shag mgron deb kun gsal me long. ——. Cabinet Records of 1822, Completely Joyous Speech, chu rta bka’ shag mgron deb kun tu dga’ ba’i gtam. ——. Cabinet Records of 1843, Thoroughly Clear Mirror, chu yos bka’ shag mgron deb kun gsal me long. ——. Cabinet Records of 1844, Thoroughly Clear Mirror, shing ’brug bka’ shag mgron deb kun gsal me long. ——. Clear Crystal Mirror, Clearly Setting Forth the Dynastic History of Celestial Sikkim, mkha’ spyod ’bras mo ljongs kyi rgyal rabs gsal ba bkod pa dwangs shel me long. ——. Compendia of Treaties reached by Imperial Tibet and Its Neighbor and Other Agreements, bod rgyal khab chen pos nye ’brel rgyal khab khag la chings yig dang gros chod bzhag pa’i ngo bshus phyogs bsdus.

1152

bibliography of tibetan resources

——. Compendium of Important Documents Correspondence from the Tibetan government to the Manchu Amban Residing in Lhasa, Forty-One Article Indictment of the Crimes of the Chinese Official Zhao Erfeng, the Nineteen Article Indictment of the Two Ambans Lian and Wen, and so forth, Great Ocean Of Good Explanations, bod gzhung nas lha sdod man ju’i am ban la yig ’grul gnang khag dang rgya dpon sgra’o rdo thal nas khams phyogs khrims ’gal byas pa’i nag khra don tshan zhe gcig pa am ban lan dbun gnyis kyi nag khra don tshan bcu dgu pa sogs gal che’i yig cha phyogs sdebs legs bshad rdzing chen. ——. Compendium of Documents Consisting Mainly of Copies of Significant Material Relating to Letters Written by the Tibetan Government to Sichuan’s Tsungtu about Nyakrong Territory in the Fire-Monkey Year (1896), Relating to Nyakrong Territory, Tseling Gyeltok, and Demo Gyeltok, Relating to my grandfather Tsipa Shakabpa Tenzin Norgye’s assessments of the grain harvest in Ü, Tsang, and Kham in the Fire-Tiger Year of the fifteenth Sexagenary Cycle (1926), and so forth. me spre lo gzhung gnas nas nyan rong sa sde’i skor zi khron tsung thur phyag bris gnang khag dang gzhan yang nyag rong sa sde skor tshe gling rgyal thog gnyis pa dang de mo rgyal thog gsum pa dbu nyes byung rtsa’i skor rab byung bco lnga pa’i me stag lor mes po rtsis pa zhwa sgab pa bstan ’dzin nor rgyas mchog nas dbus gtsang khams gsum nang ston ’bab thob byung skor ’bru bogs ’bru sogs la ’bring tshad bskor ba’i bsdoms mtho’i ngo bshus kyis gtsos pa’i yig cha phyogs bsdus. ——. Compilation of Accusations of Manchu Amban Lian and General Zhong Tongling, man ju’i am ban lan dang dmag spyi cung thung ling gi nag khra phyogs sdebs. ——. Compilation of Government Papers, the Sunlight that Shines on the Garden of Buddhism, chab shog phyogs bsdus rgyal bstan pad tshal bzhad pa’i nyi ’od. ——. Compilation of Private Records, sger gyi yig cha phyogs bsdus. ——. Compilation of Records, yig cha phyogs bsdus. ——. Compilation of Treaty Records, chings yig ngo bshus phyogs bsdus. ——. Collection of Praises in the Nartang Edition of the Commentarial Canon, snar thang par ma’i bstan ’gyur bstod tshogs. ——. Collection of Simla Records, sim la’i chings skabs kyi gleng brjod yig cha phyogs sdebs. ——. Documents Known to the Learned Bön, mkhas dbang bon grong pa’i chab shog. ——. Future of the Great Dual Religious and Political Form of Government of Tibet, Constitution of Tibet, Guide to Benefit and Happiness, bod ljongs chos srid gnyis ldan rgyal khab chen po’i ma ’ongs bod kyi rtsa khrims phan bde’i lam ston. ——. Excellent Condensation of the Essence of Pelden Gyatso’s “Biography of Bhutan’s Ngawang Namgyel, Song of the Cloud of Dharma,” Drop of Nectar, ’brug chen ngag dbang rnam rgyal gyi rnam thar chos kyi sprin po’i snying po legs par bsdus pa bdud rtsi’i thig pa. ——. Extracts from Several Companion Volume of the Cabinet from the 14th and 15th Sexagenary Cycles, rab byung bcu bzhi pa dang bco lnga pa’i nang gi bka’ shag mgron deb ’ga’ shas nas zur ’don byas pa. ——. Great Catalog of the Glorious Samyé Monastery, dpal bsam yas kyi dkar chags chen mo. ——. Histories of Ancient Tibet found in Dunhuang that were collected by libraries in London, Paris, Rome, and Tokyo, lon ḍon spa’i ri si rōm krog kyo sogs kyi dpe mdzod khang khag nas phyogs bsdus byas pa tong hāng nas brnyes pa’i bod snga rabs kyi lo rgus. ——. Forty-One Legal Violations of Zhao Erfeng, sgra’o ar khungs gi khrims ’gal don tshan zhe gcig pa zhes pa’i yig cha. ——. Minister’s Orders, bka’i thang yig. ——. Praising Monks Who Practice Religion, chos byed kyi dge ’dung zengs bstod pa. ——. Preliminary Report of the 1914 Simla Conference, sing stag lor sim la’i chings yig skabs ngon ’gro’i bka’ mol. ——. Records of the Birthplace of Radreng Rinpoché, Kyarpo Ngödrup Ding, rwa sgreng rgyal tshab rin po che ’khrungs gzhis skyar po dngos grub sding gi yig cha.

bibliography of tibetan resources

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——. Religious History of Lho, the Garland of Prayers to Mañjuśrī, lho’i chos ’byung ’jam mgon smon mtha’i ’phreng ba. ——. Renowned Extensive Biography of Jowo Atīśa, jo wo’i rnam thar rgyas pa yongs grags ma. ——. Royal Orders, rgyal po bka’i thang yig. ——. Six Ornaments Which Beautify the Jambu Continent and the Biographies of the two Supreme beings [Nāgārjuna and Asanga], ’dzam gling mdzes pa’i rgyan drug mchog gnyis kyi rnam thar. Possibly by Lozang Tsültrim, W7462. ——. Stone Pillar Inscriptions from in front of the Potala Palace, from near the hair of the Jowo image in the Jokhang Tsuklakhang, and similarly, stone pillar inscriptions from Samyé, the end of the Chongyé Bridge, the Drigung Zha Temple, Karchung Gyeldé, Tsurpu, and so forth, and the stone inscription in the yellow house near the Zhöl Stone Pillar, rtse pho brang po tā la’i mdun zhol gyi rdo ring lha ldan gtsug lag khang jo bo’i dbu skra’i ’gram gyi rdo ring de bzhin bsam yas ’phyongs rgyas zam sne ’bri gung zhwa lha khang skar chung rgyal sde mtshur phu sogs kyi rdo ring khag dang zhol rdo ring nye ’gram khang ser nang gi rdo yig bcas pa’i zhal bshus khag. ——. Sun that Increases the Subduer’s Lotus Garden, thub stan pad tshal rgyas pa’i nyin ’byed. ——. Treasury Report on Firearms Manufactured at Drapzhi Office of Electrical Production, gra bzhi glog ’phrul las khungs kyi me mda’i bcug la sbug dam rten deb. ——. Treasury of Riches, Precious Treatise of Khutön, khu ston gyi bstan bcos rin chen bang mdzod. ——. various tales about how King Gesar of Ling Dradül subdued enemies from the four directions, gling rje ge sar nor bu’i dgra ’dul kyis mtha’ bzhi’i dgra bo brtul ba’i sgrung yig mi ’dra ba khag. Some Buddhist Canonical Sources are cited Heap of Jewels Sūtra, Mahāratnakūṭadharmaparyāyaśatasāhasrikagranthasūtra, dkon mchog brtsegs pa chen po’i chos kyi rnam grangs le’u stong phrag brgya pa’i mdo. P760, Vol. 22–24. See Marcelle Lalou, “La version tibétaine du Ratnakūt ̣a. Contribution à la bibliographie du Kanjur,” in Journal Asiatique (1927), no, 4, 233–259. Heart Sūtra or Heart of the Prefection of Wisdom Sūtra, Prajñāhṛ d aya Sūtra/ Bhagavatīprajñāpāramitāhṛdaya Sūtra, shes rab snying po/bcom ldan ’das ma shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa’i snying po’i mdo. P160, Vol. 6. Sanskrit: in E. Conze. Thirty Years of Buddhist Studies. (Oxford: Cassirer, 1967), 148–53. English translation: E. Conze. Buddhist Texts Through the Ages. rpt. (New York: Harper, 1964), 152–3; also in Geshe Rabten’s Echoes of Voidness. Stephen Batchelor, ed. and trans. (London: Wisdom, 1983), 18–19. Translation with explanation and Sanskrit text, E. Conze. Buddhist Wisdom Books. (London: George Allen & Unwin, 1958), 77–107. Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra in One Hundred Thousand Stanzas, Śatasāhas rikāprajñāpāramitā Sūtra, shes rab kyi pha rol tu phyin pa stong phrag brgya pa. P730, vol. 12–18. See: E. Conze. The Large Sūtra on Perfect Wisdom. Berkeley: University of California, 1975. Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish, mdo mdzangs blun. See Frye, Stanley. The Sūtra of the Wise and the Foolish (Dharamsala: Library of Tibetan Works and Archives, 1981).

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GENERAL INDEX Given the amount of material contained in this book, these indices could have easily been much more extensive. I have edited the general index and the place name index by excluding all references to minor or rarely mentioned people and places. It is hoped that these indices will serve the purposes of most readers. Since some specialist readers might wish to use this book to research even minor points, I will post searchable versions of the expanded indices on my own website (http://www.ecu.edu/religionprogram/ maher/) and on the website of the Tibetan and Himalayan Library at the University of Virginia (http://www.thlib.org/). Those indices will include the standard Wylie spellings for Tibetan words. Acharya Kirpalani, 1029, 1042–5 Ajo Pelzang, 444, 479 Akya, 637, 703, 717 Alexander III, Czar, 653 Alexandra, Czarina, 688 Alexis, Prince, 688 Alliance on the Side of Happiness, 845, 850 Alten Khan, 42, 290, 298–305, 358, 755, 759 Amdruk Gompa Tashi, 995, 1005–7, 1024 Artso monks, 180, 185 Ashoka Metha, 1029, 1052 Atīśa, 4, 7, 18, 75, 134, 174, 182–98, 350, 555, 802, 1148, 1161 Attlee, Prime Minister, 877, 910 Avalokiteśvara, xxxv, 3, 7, 9, 48, 54–5, 69–74, 86, 122, 133, 161, 166, 235, 301–2, 311, 319, 350–1, 389, 426–8, 446, 456, 461–2, 497, 546, 562, 569, 582, 630, 634, 689, 707, 736, 749–50, 759, 762, 849, 884, 919, 921, 980, 989, 1058 Bahadur Shah Sahib, 510, 523, 534 Bātur Taiji, 337, 375, 389 Bell, Sir Charles, 716, 724, 741, 748, 767–8, 785, 805, 841, 910 Bentsa Lhopa, 528, 555 Betselwa, Dapön, 512, 519 Bhim Sahib, 517, 521–3, 526, 536 Bhumpa Dzasak, 777, 811, 843 Bhumpasé, Cabinet Speaker, 595–6 black beer, 251, 263, 271, 408 Bogle, George, 484, 493–4, 554–6, 683, 1159 Bomdawu Topgyel, 846, 852 Bönshöpa, Cabinet Minister, 881–2, 888

calendar, xlii, 220, 551, 763, 1158 Capuchin missionaries, 419, 450–3 Changkhyimpa Ngawang Pelzang, Cabinet Minister Lama and Prime Minister, 667–70, 674, 678, 683, 692, 702–6, 719–21, 744, 749, 781, 804, 822, 904 Changkya, 2nd, Ngawang Chöden (1642–1714), 389 Changkya 3rd, Rölpé Dorjé, (1717–1786), 428–9, 454, 457–64, 478–81, 497 Changkya 4th, Hotoktu Yeshé Tenpé Drönmé, (1787–1846), 483, 490–507, 523, 554, 570 Charlemagne, King, 44, 147 Chennga Drakpa Jungné, 240, 250 Chennga Rinpoché Chökyi Drakpa, 209, 251, 274 Chennga Tsenga, 272–4 Chenngawa Tsültrimbar, 18, 75 Chiang Kaishek, 815–6, 896, 900, 906 Chinese Communists, xl, xliii, xlv, 13, 29, 46, 57, 60–5, 79, 90, 94, 245, 268, 688, 709, 794, 846, 854–5, 894–6, 907, 912–3, 919–20, 931–8, 941, 947–52, 971–8, 984–90, 999–29, 1042–7, 1057 Chinese National Assembly, 772, 896–7, 906, 973, 975 Chingwang Lozang Tendzin, 424, 438 Chödar, Gomang Abbot, 530, 546, 555 Chongyé Rinchen Gyelchok, 273–5, 308 Chöpel Tupten, Khendrung, 899, 914, 952, 1027 Chungyung, Prince Dāchen, 698, 700–2 Cixi, Empress Dowager, 661, 685, 695–700, 710 Claude White, 654–5, 664, 670, 681

1166

general index

coinage, 63–4, 90, 104, 225, 328, 415, 473–5, 497, 508–18, 524–5, 532–3, 703, 802 Committee for Tibetan Social Welfare, xiv, 944, 977, 984–8, 996–9, 1008, 1015, 1029, 1033, 1041 Cultural Revolution, xxxii, xlv, 57 currency, paper, 2, 59–65, 104, 413, 468, 485–7, 633, 703, 763, 780, 794, 802–4, 821, 843, 877, 904–11, 922, 976–7, 1003, 1021 Curzon, Viceroy Lord George Nathaniel, 651, 663, 682–3 Cutting, Charles Suydam, 819, 843, 891, 910 Daiching Bātur, 432–47, 452, 478 Dakchen, 252–3, 285 Daknyi Chenpo Zangpo Pel, 225, 231–2, 252 Dakpo Kagyü, 18, 263, 283 Dalai Bātur Gyurmé Namgyel, 454, 463–73, 478, 496 Dalai Lama, 1st, Gendün Drup (1391–1474), 1, 20, 70, 77, 289, 293–4, 1049, 1073, 1133 Dalai Lama, 2nd, Gendün Gyatso (1475–1541), 269, 282, 292–5, 302, 856, 873 Dalai Lama, 3rd, Sönam Gyatso (1543–1588), 56, 73, 241, 295–306, 310, 317–8, 335, 376, 411 Dalai Lama, 4th, Yönten Gyatso (1589–1616), 101, 305–19, 335 Dalai Lama, 5th, Lobsang Gyatso (1617–1682), 40, 42, 48, 63, 72–3, 77, 86–91, 95, 116, 228, 285, 295–7, 311, 321–74, 381, 383–9, 400–5, 411–4, 420, 424, 437, 448, 456, 469, 475, 500–2, 608, 638, 695–7, 725, 755, 760, 768, 778, 830, 837, 850, 989, 1160 Dalai Lama, 6th, Tsangyang Gyatso (1683–1706) 381–409, 414, 429 Dalai Lama, 7th, Kelzang Gyatso (1708–1757), 52, 95, 381, 404–6, 409–11, 417, 423–7, 431–79, 489, 494, 508, 557, 634, 638, 717, 837, 959 Dalai Lama, 8th, Jampel Gyatso (1758–1804), 483, 487–491, 494–6, 502–13, 518–525, 528–532, 537–8, 545–9, 552, 557 Dalai Lama, 9th, Lungtok Gyatso (1806–1815), 75, 558–67, 573–4

Dalai Lama, 10th, Tsültrim Gyatso (1816–1837), 558, 568–73, 577, 588 Dalai Lama, 11th, Khedrup Gyatso (1838–1856), 575, 581–2, 588–9, 616–7, 730 Dalai Lama, 12th, Trinlé Gyatso (1857–1875), 578, 615, 621, 627, 646, 680 Dalai Lama, 13th, Tupten Gyatso (1876–1933), xi, xviii, 11, 52, 61, 64, 89, 94, 97–8, 103, 376, 554, 562, 575, 588, 617, 625–46, 652–4, 666–711, 715, 719–52, 759, 762–80, 786–7, 834, 836, 849, 893–4, 954, 963 Dalai Lama, 14, Tenzin Gyatso (b. 1935), xiii, xxxvi, li, 20, 62, 90, 94, 102, 124, 167, 301, 357, 489, 627, 715, 726, 741, 780, 875–6, 879–892, 896, 906–8, 914–6, 919–922, 927–934, 938–964, 969, 972–1064, 1067–1074 Dampa Hotoktu, Jetsün, 685–8, 762, 830 Darhen Lozang Trinlé, 601, 606, 618 Dayen Noyön, 299, 304, 348 Dazang Dradül, 722, 739, 743, 762, 822 Debukpa, Tsipön, 516, 523, 526 Dedruk Hotoktu Lozang Khyenrap Wangchuk, Regent, 611–4, 643 Dekyi Lingpa, 471, 727 Demo Jikmé Gyatso, Regent, 555, 561–2, 568, 573 Demo Ngawang Lozang Trinlé Rapgyé, Regent, 624, 635–40 Demo Trülku Namkha Jamyang, 393, 394, 408 Demo Trülku Ngawang Jampel Delek Gyatso, 483, 489–91, 494, 497640 Denma Dzöpa, 735, 766 Denpa Tsojé, 311, 314 Desideri, Ippolito, 375, 419, 429 Dharmapāla, 17, 140, 180, 201, 224, 229–31 Dokhar Rakshak Sönam Wangyel, 496, 522 Dokhar Zhapdrung Tsering Wangyel, 448, 460–8, 479, 556 Dokharwa Püntsok Rapgyé, Cabinet Minister, 963, 985 Dokharwa Tsering Wangyel, Cabinet Minister, 455, 464, 471, 480, 510 Dokharwa, Commander Dapön, 743, 748 Dolan, Lieutenant Brooke, 891–2 Dolpor Dongpa, 513, 526, 555 Dönyö Dorjé, 273, 277–8, 294, 298, 313, 323, 338, 340

general index Doring Tendzin Peljor, Cabinet Minister, 192, 428, 471, 508, 513–6, 521–8, 533–41, 552–4 Dorjé Drakden, 405, 646 Dorjé Pel, 234, 251 Dorjé Senggé, 717, 800 Dorjé Tseten, 272, 277 Dorzhiev, (Ngawang Lozang), 641, 652, 655, 660, 663, 682, 688, 696, 726, 743, 769 Drakgön Könchok Tenpa Rapgyé, 194–5 Drakpa Gyeltsen, 240–2 Drakpa Gyeltsen, King, 266–70, 275, 289, 293 Drakpa Jungné, 246, 250, 271–6 Drakpa Tayé, 459–61, 490 Drenkha Pelgyi Yönten, 146, 161 Drigum Tsenpo, King, 5, 31, 47, 116, 205, 275 Drigung Kagyü School, 11, 19, 45, 75, 98, 209, 232–4, 240–2, 249–51, 285, 296, 336, 340, 358, 371, 375, 481, 1142, 1234 Drin Köntel, 690, 718 Drogön Chakna, 201, 229 Drogön Chögyel Pakpa Lodrö Gyeltsen, 44, 63, 72, 116, 173, 190–4, 227, 231, 239, 249, 268 Dromtön Gyelwé Jungné, 12, 18, 75, 174, 181, 187–9 Drongdrak Makgar, 823, 835–6 Drongmé Awar (see Desi Sangyé Gyatso) Drukchen Ngawang Chökyi Gyelpo, 277–8 Drukchen Ngawang Namgyel, 89, 284 Drukpa Kagyü School, 297, 336, 340, 369, 371, 414, 510 earthquake, 238, 336, 410 East India Company, 576, 592, 617 Eisenhower, General Dwight D., 877, 910 Fusi Trungtang, 535, 541, 545, 556 Gadong Oracle, 83, 307, 490, 949 Ganden Tsewang Pelsang, 103, 369, 370, 378 Gandhi, Mahatma, xxxix, 786, 818, 877, 898, 905, 982, 1072 Gazhi Tendzin Peljor, Cabinet Minister, 441–2, 455, 470–1, 478, 504, 508, 528, 534–5, 541, 552–6, 566, 570

1167

Geluk School, 100, 266–9, 285, 293–7, 310, 313, 323–6, 329, 331, 335, 338, 340, 350, 369, 375, 410, 422, 446, 456, 498, 836, 861, 1063 Gendün Chöpel, 5, 15, 77, 97–105, 138–40, 364, 1142, 1156, 1234 Gendün Gyeltsen, Ganden Tri, 292, 307, 308 Genghis Khan, 42, 152, 167, 199–209, 216, 220, 239–45, 249, 266, 291, 304–5, 310, 424, 755, 759, 769–70 Gesar of Ling, xiii, xxxix, 10, 39, 55, 141–3, 175, 192–6, 539–40 Geshé Sherap Gyatso, 876, 894 Getak Trülku, 937–8 Goden Khan, 102, 199–202, 209–12, 217, 230, 234 Golden Reliquary, tomb of fifth Dalai Lama, 76, 98–9, 141, 171, 396–7, 401, 437 Golden Urn Lottery, 504, 557–8, 562, 568–9, 575, 581, 588, 599, 628–9, 724, 829 Gong Jingzong, 876, 885, 888, 889, 891, 893 Gonsuke Hayashi, Japanese Ambassador, 701, 710 Gould, Basil, 722–3, 775–6, 860, 885–6, 910, 914 Great Prayer Festival, 20, 52, 56, 63, 91, 106, 247, 268–9, 277, 290, 294–7, 317, 341, 396, 437, 458–9, 468, 477, 550, 559, 564–8, 595, 599, 603, 606, 609, 633–41, 703, 720–1, 726, 730, 778, 836–7, 872, 894, 899, 957–9, 964, 977, 1010 Guangxu, Emperor, 661, 689, 695–700, 710 Gung Gyurmé Tseden, 432, 463, 466–8, 471, 480 Gung Lumpawa, 432, 440–1, 446–8 Gung Tsewang Norbu, 424, 435 Gurkhas, 522, 593–601, 615–7, 632, 641–2, 650, 664, 671–2, 679, 708, 720, 730, 744, 769–71, 806–9, 813, 852, 892 Gushri Khan, 42, 95, 106, 202, 218, 285, 289, 321–67, 375–81, 410–4, 424, 429, 437–8 Gyalo Thondup, xiv, xliii, 944, 977, 981, 996, 1031–4, 1041, 1054 Gyelkhar Tsepa, 41, 364 Gyelsé Trülku, 418, 426 Gyelsé Tsodrak Namgyel, 649, 655 Gyeltsen Püntsok, Khenchung, 707, 727

1168

general index

Gyeltsen Zangpo, 227, 251 Gyelwa Zangpo, Pönchen, 238, 255–62, 286 Hamilton, Alexander, 484, 493 Hammarskjöld, United Nations General-Secretary Dag, xiii, 938, 941, 1034, 1053–6, 1065 Harrer, Heinrich, 876, 895 Hārūn al-Rashid, 10, 146, 147 Hastings, Warren, 484, 493 Helha Jetsün Dampa Hotoktu, 503, 548 Henderson, Loy, 913, 923 Heruka, xxxvi, 540, 1149 Hong Taiji, 299, 330, 389–91, 414–18, 423–4, 429, 444 Hoover, President Herbert, 786, 819 Hor Zhönnu Zangpo, 246, 254–61 Horkhang Dzasak, 705, 740 Hotoktu Yeshé Tenpé Dronmé, 483, 503, 508 Huang Musong, 851–2, 887–9 Inter-Asian Conference, 877, 897 International Commission of Jurists, 897, 1034, 1057–8, 1064, 1158 Jaisang, 355, 361, 369, 418–22, 440 Jamchen Chöjé Śākya Yeshé, 93, 268–9 Jampa Chözang, Khenchung, 707–8, 719–20 Jampa Namgyel, 705, 740 Jampa Tendar, Cabinet Minister Do Governor Lama, 95, 736, 738, 749, 762, 794, 962 Jampa Tendzin, Cabinet Deputy Commander-in-Chief Lama, 671, 676–8 Jampa Tupwang, 710, 763 Jamyang Chöjé, 295, 489 Jamyang Gyeltsen, Tsedrön, 721, 730 Jamyang Zhepa, xx, 75, 158, 208, 240, 317, 381, 394–9, 406, 427–9, 499, 691, 908, 1011 Jangchup Gyeltsen, Tai Situ, 88, 239, 249–65, 285 Jangchup Ö, 18, 174, 182–9, 516, 555 Janglo Jenpa, Dapön, 421, 441–5, 504, 512, 516, 528, 534 Jangpa Rikden, 41, 67, 364 Jara Taiji, 432–48, 480 Jedrung Trülku, 395, 426, 448 Jetsün Dampa, 487, 503–4, 548–9 Jinamitra, 148, 180

Jit Bahadur, Nepali Ambassador Captain, 679–81, 720 Jordan, British Ambassador Sir John, 701, 744 Jowo Mikyö Dorjé, statue, 52, 110, 118, 120, 123, 129, 268, 475, 528, 793, 1005 Jowo Śākyamuni, statue, 7, 18, 49, 51, 110, 119–3, 129, 166, 177, 212, 268, 271, 307, 309, 312–3, 338, 409, 438, 465, 475, 481, 528, 544, 547, 551, 589, 607, 739, 793, 883, 891, 905, 964, 1000, 1005 Jung Bahadur, 593–4, 601–2, 617 Kadampa School, 18, 20, 75, 99, 174, 181, 358, 705, 882, 1146 Kaji Ogyen Dorjé, 671, 724, 741 Kangxi, Emperor, 367, 378, 386, 406, 411, 412, 424, 436, 769–71, 837 Karma Tenkyong Wangpo, 284, 333, 346 Karmapa, 1st, Dusum Khyenpa, (1110–1193), 19, 43, 191 Karmapa, 2nd, Pakṣ, (1204–1283), 44, 76, 218 Karmapa, 3rd, Rangjung Dorjé, (1284–1338), 68, 218, 238, 264–5 Karmapa, 4th, Rölpé Dorjé, (1340–1383), 265 Karmapa, 5th, Dezhin Shekpa, (1384–1415), 267–8 Karmapa, 7th, Chödrak Gyatso, (1454–1506), 277, 294 Karmapa, 8th, Mikyö Dorjé, (1507–1554), 74, 279 Karmapa, 9th, Wangchuk Dorjé, (1556–1601/3), 282 Karmapa, 10th, Chöying Dorjé, (1604–1674), 70, 247, 274, 283–5, 292, 317, 323, 327, 339, 349–50, 375–8 Karmapa, 12th, Jangchub Dorjé, (1703–1732), 453, 1063 Karmapa, 16th, Rangjung Rigpe Dorje, (1923–1981), 974, 995, 1002, 1060, 1063 Kawaguchi, Ekai, 641, 652–5, 682, 709, 1158 Kemepa Sönam Wangdu, Dzasak, 952, 958 Kengshi Palace, 137, 153 Keu Tsang Trülku Rinpoché, 859, 879, 880 Khangchené Sönam Gyelpo, 382, 416, 423–6, 432–6, 447

general index Khangser Trülku, 859, 879 Khedrup Gelek Pelzang, 20, 270–1 Khelkha Helha Jetsün Dampa, 587, 614–5 Khemepa Rinchen Wangyel, 707, 811 Könchok Dalai Khan, 364, 378, 389 Könchok Gyelpo, 18, 200, 210 Könchok Jikmé Wangpo, 99, 166–72, 377, 394–7, 406, 427–9, 479–80, 499, 553–4 Kublai Khan, 11, 44, 199–202, 217–30, 239–49, 290, 321, 347–8 Kuchar Lamen Khenpo Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang, 67, 105, 1143 Kündün Rinpoché Chösang Trinlé, 307, 376 Kündün Zhing, 71, 247, 281–2 Künga Gyeltsen, Jetsün, 200, 210 Künga Lekpa, 231, 271–5 Künga Rinchen, 238, 627–8 Künga Zangpo, 201, 218, 223–8 Künzang Pak, 270, 287 Künzang Tsepa, 298, 305 Kurap, 275, 284, 308, 345 Kyapjé Yongdzin Trijang, xlv, xlvi, 71, 73, 95, 225, 340, 427 Kyishö Depa, 308, 341, 351, 364, 376, 391 Kyitöpa, 592–3, 600, 618, 851 Lachen Gongpa Rapsel, 17, 178, 186, 457 Lama Jampel, 252, 553 Lama Katokpa, 461, 474 Lama Künpangpa, 260, 262 Lama Nyamepa, 252–6, 260 Lamo Tsangpa Oracle, 285, 305, 391, 396, 397, 404, 415–6, 465 Lamoshar Lozang Gyeltsen, Ganden Tri Rinpoche, 678, 692 Lang Darma, King, 11, 17, 32, 112–3, 162–4, 173–8, 190, 217, 582, 982 Langdün Gung Künga Wangchuk, Prime Minister, 847–9, 872 Lekpa Pel, Pönchen, 238, 255 Lelung Jedrung Lozang Trinlé, 395, 408, 422, 427–8, 447–8 Lepar Lozang Trinlé, Khendrung, 663–5 Lhalu, Cabinet Minister Lhengyé, 647–8, 667, 680, Lhalu Tsewang Dorjé, Do Governor and Cabinet Minister, 899–902, 915–7, 923, 935–6, 991, 1028 Lhalung Pelgyi Dorjé, 113, 163–4, 178, 190

1169

Lhamo Döndrup, 599, 856, 880–1, 932–4 Lhato Tori Nyentsen, 110, 117–8 Lhatsün, 187–8, 261, 330 Lian Amban, 729–31 Lianyu, Manchu Amban, 733, 745, 747 Ling Rinpoché Tupten Lungtok Namgyel Trinlé Pelzangpo, 834, 964 Lingmé Zhapdrung Könchok Chöpel, 331–2, 371 Lo Titai, 714, 728–9, 732 Lochen Dharma Śri, 403, 421 Lodrö Gyelpo, 67, 105, 1145 Longdöl Lama, 372, 497 Long-Life Ceremony, 833, 1000 Lozang Chödrak, 105, 492, 1145 Lozang Chögyen, 105, 308, 317–8, 351, 363, 376–7 Lozang Dargyé, 365, 392, 426, 440, 627 Lozang Gyeltsen, 596, 981, 1041 Lozang Gyeltsen, Khenchung, xiv, 977, 981 Lozang Khan, 359, 389–423, 428–9, 435, 439, 448 Lozang Tendzin, 617, 686 Lozang Trashi, Prime Minister, 902, 945, 951, 957, 960–2, 1006, 1015, 1023, 1027, 1045 Lozang Trinlé, Cabinet Minister Lama, 672, 677, 704, 727 Lozang Tsewang, Khenchung, 859, 880, 929 Lozang Tutop, Desi, 41, 365, 366 Lozang Yarpel, 853, 904 Luchun, 719, 720, 816, 830 Lukhangpa Tsewang Rapten, Prime Minister, (1898–1966), 945, 951, 960–2, 988, 991, 1029–31, 1037, 1041–2 Lumpa Bargung, 439 Lumpa, Tsipön, 418, 435–6, 440–8, 480 Lungshar Dorjé Tsegyel, Tsipa, 765, 806, 811, 821–2, 845, 849–50 Ma Bufang, 824, 875, 880 Ma Hotien, 862, 870 Ma Titel, 717, 750 MacDonald, Brigadier General James R. L., 671, 675–6, 723, 742, 751, 1159 Mahābodhi Society, xliii, 741 Mahākāla, 277, 308, 502, 506, 537 Mahārāja Gulab Singh (1792–1857), 576, 585

1170

general index

Maitreya, 17, 69, 76–7, 91, 105, 153, 167, 177, 269, 359, 458, 466 Makgyapa, the King of Magadha, 109, 115 Manchu Dynasty, 199, 700, 755, 759–60 Mangsong Mangtsen, Tibetan King, 125, 126 Mañjuśrī, xxxv, 48, 55, 133, 195–7, 288, 357, 389, 456, 475, 493, 497, 685, 693, 699, 1141, 1152 Mao Zedong (1893–1976), xiii, 124, 846, 915, 920–1, 958, 972–4, 984–7 Marpa Lotsāwa Chökyi Lodrö, 18, 190 Mar Śākyamuṇi, 163, 173, 178, 197 McMahon, Foreign Minister Sir Henry, 756, 767, 770–4, 781, 1050 Menon, Foreign Secretary Kumara Menon (1898–1982), 905–7, 911, 916, 922–4, 928–9, 932–8 Milarepa, 19, 74, 98, 101–2, 180, 190, 311, 516, 699, 1159, 1234 Ming Dynasty, 43, 243–5, 249, 324, 755, 760 Minto, Indian Viceroy Lord, 683, 714, 724, 735 Mipam Wangpo, 369, 453 Mipam, Gyeltsap, 803, 807 Miwang Kuzhap, (see Polhané) Möndrong Khyenrap Künzang, 28, 764, 812 Mong Consort Tricham, 119–22 Mu Amban, 486, 520–1 Muné Tsenpo, 10, 41, 78, 88, 144–5, 161 Murup Tsenpo, 10, 94, 144 Muslims, 582, 630, 706–8, 720, 750, 883 Nāgārjuna, xlvi, 20, 67, 72 Nakchu, 397–9, 410, 440, 548 Naktso Lotsāwa, 185–9, 197 Namkha Gyelpo, Depa, Gandenpa, 270, 276–7 Namri Songtsen, 9, 117 Namsé Lingpa, Dapön, 672–4, 863–4, 867–8 Nangchen Wangdzön, 246, 254–5, 260–1 Nangkarsé, 570, 581 Nangkarwa Wangchuk Tarchin, 811, 821–2, 850 Nangtsé Khuwön, 277, 294 Narayan, Shri J. P., 1045, 1057 Nāropa, 18, 180 National Volunteer Defense Army, 995–7, 1000–1, 1005–9, 1016–26, 1029–31, 1061

Nationalist government, 809, 815, 824, 851, 854, 860, 863, 885, 893–4, 906–9, 913, 920 Nechung Oracle, 83, 91, 103, 360, 384, 490, 569, 607, 615, 628, 635–8, 646, 667–9, 683, 709, 829, 833, 836, 880, 949, 1151 Nedongpa, 238, 249–1, 269, 280, 296 Nehru, Prime Minister Jawaharlal, xxxix, 14, 780, 877, 898, 903–8, 911, 915–6, 922–31, 938, 981–8, 1002–3, 1029–33, 1037–47, 1070 Neshar Tupten Tarpa, Dzasak, 781, 963 Neu Shak Khyenrap Püntsok, Khenché, 721, 728 Ngadak Yumten, 177, 287 Ngagi Wangchuk, King, 272–3, 276, 296 Ngapö Ngawang Jikmé, Cabinet Minister, xiii, 915, 923, 936, 944, 950–8, 978, 988, 991, 996–7, 1002, 1011–17 Ngapöpa, 432–48, 480 Ngawang Chödrak Gyatso, 26, 403 Ngawang Döndrup, xlv, 572 Ngawang Drakpa, 273, 873, 1017, 1027 Ngawang Gyatso, 453, 899 Ngawang Jampel, 577, 587, 703, 706 Ngawang Lozang, (see Dorzhiev) Ngawang Lozang Tupten Gyatso Jikdrel Wangchuk Choklé Nampar Gyelwé Dé, Jetsün, 629, 698 Ngawang Namgyel, 106, 273, 278–8, 317–8, 333, 350–2, 361, 377 Ngawang Pelsang, 105, 437 Ngawang Rinchen, Regent (1703–1706), 397, 403–8 Ngawang Samten, 386–8, 427 Ngawang Yeshé Gyatso, 409–10, 420–1 Ngödrup Rapten Gung Paṇḍita, Cabinet Minister, 464, 468–70, 490, 496 Ngözhi Jampa Tupwang, 637, 687, 696, 752, 778 Ngözhi, Khenchung, 1007, 1020 Nicholas II, Czar of Russia, 653, 682, 688, 694, 726, 838 Norbu Zangpo, 272, 276, 287 Nupchen Sangyé Yeshé, 17, 163 Nyang Tingdzin Zangpo, 146, 162 Nyatri Tsenpo, 9, 15–6, 31, 109, 115–6, 153, 164–6, 217 Nyatri Tsenpo, Lord, 9, 47 Nye, British High Commissioner Sir Archibald Nye, 915, 922 Nyené Chenpo, 201, 226–8

general index Nyingma School, 76, 194, 247, 282–5, 323, 332, 337, 372–4, 421–3 O’Conner, Captain William, 664, 671–7, 684 Ogyen Wangchuk, 666, 671, 680, 693 Ön Gyelsé Dönyö Chökyi Gyatso, 308, 446 Orongpa, 410, 416–7 Ösung, 75, 177, 179 Özer Sengé, 238, 254 Padmasaṃbhava, 16, 56, 92, 111, 132–3, 140–4, 282, 315, 333, 347, 371, 421, 500, 516, 636, 749, 982, 1058 Pajo Lhakhangpa Tendzin Namgyel, Dapön, 504, 535 Pakmo Drupa, 11, 19, 41, 95, 238–76, 287, 347, 364, 391 Pakpa Rinpoché, Lodrö Gyeltsen, 11, 44, 199–202, 212–33, 245, 290, 321, 346–8 Paṇchen Lama, 1st, Lozang Chökyi Gyelsten (1570–1662), 73, 292, 308–9, 314–6, 331–4, 342–9, 354–8, 392, 992 Paṇchen Lama, 2nd, Lozang Yeshé (1663–1737), 371, 386–91, 399, 414–8, 435, 443, 453, 465 Paṇchen Lama, 3rd, Lozang Pelden Yeshé (1738–1780), 464–5, 484, 497, 503, 509 Paṇchen Lama, 4th, Tenpé Nyima (1781–1854), 548, 561, 566, 569, 577, 581–2, 587–90 Paṇchen Lama, 5th, Tenpé Wangchuk (1854–1882), 621, 627–33, 665, 684 Paṇchen Lama, 6th, Chökyi Nyima (1883–1937), 77, 706, 715, 732–3, 743, 777, 785–6, 803–9, 815, 832, 846–7, 860–71, 876, 880, 921 Paṇchen Lama, 7th, Kelzang Tseden (1938–1989), 715, 907, 945–7, 952–4, 963, 972–3, 978–90, 995, 1001, 1038 Paṇchen Sönam Drakpa, 99, 115, 181, 296 Pāṇḍava brothers, 5–7, 102 Paṇḍita Smṛtijñānakīrti, 16, 181 Pangtang Kamé, 128, 146 Pelden Döndrup, ii, 514, 575, 581, 606–14 Pelden Lhamo, xxxviii, xlii, 89, 93, 163, 370–1, 448, 515, 528–32, 553, 592, 599, 632, 669, 846, 856, 919, 932, 934 Pelden Trashi, 548, 561

1171

Peljor Dorjé, 668, 768, 821 Peljor Gyelpo, 75, 272 Pellhün Lhünpo, Cabinet Minister, 583, 584–6, 594–6 Pelzhiwa, Dapön Dromo Governor, 742, 748 Pema Gyelpo, 369, 378 Pema Karpo, Drukpa Künkhyen, 71, 98, 105, 275–88, 297, 317–8, 1234 Pema Tsering, 421, 640 Peter Aufschneider, 7, 895 Peter, Prince, 7, 98, 1160, 1234 Pin Tungling, 766, 792, 793 Pokpön Kyitöpa, 593, 617 Polhané Taiji Sönam Topgyé, 382, 403, 410–7, 422–5, 439–63, 478–80, 496 Pön Khorlo Ché, 312, 316 preceptor–patron relationship, xli, 42, 103, 201–5, 222, 230–1, 239, 249, 275–9, 300, 321, 377, 386, 396–401, 411, 436, 462, 473, 492, 498, 512–19, 565, 588, 603–5, 697, 702, 729–37, 755, 759–60, 770, 816, 820, 830, 837, 851, 910, 919–20, 925–7, 1021 Preparatory Committee for the Autonomous Region of Tibet, 973–1002 Prithvinarayan Shah, 485, 509 Pudé Gungyel, 16, 116–7 Pünkhang Trashi Dorjé, Taiji, 705, 721 Püntsok Namgyel, 89, 283–4, 309, 315–7, 323, 327–9, 333, 362, 615 Püntsok, Khenché, Khyenrap, 637, 727, 731 Pulungpa Tsewang Dorjé, Cabinet Minister, 606–9, 780 Purchok Ngawang Jampa, (1682–1762), 103, 146, 400, 428, 458, 463, 479–80 Purchok Tutor Lozang Tsültrim Jampa Gyatso, (1825–1901), 614–9, 627, 630, 634, 654–5 Purchok Tutor Trülku Tupten Jampa Tsültrim, (1902?–?), 751, 780, 829, 833–4, 844, 849, 859, 879 Puyi, Emperor, 698–700, 710 Qianlong, Emperor, 457, 464, 473, 480, 496–501, 522–4, 555–6 Radhakrishnan, Dr. Vice President, 981, 1029 Radreng, 5th, Jampel Yeshé Tenpé Gyeltsen (1912/1919–1947), 845–9, 855–9, 872–90, 898–903

1172

general index

Radreng Ngawang Lozang Yeshé Tsültrim Gyeltsen (1816–1863), 577–9, 589, 593–5, 599–610, 617–8 Rajendra Prasad, President, 929–31, 981, 1047 Rampa Tupten Künkhyen, Cabinet Minister Lama, 850, 855, 900, 922, 950, 963, 991 Rampawa, Cabinet Deputy, 644, 727, 740 Rana Bahadur Shah, 510, 534, 547 Rani Chöying Wangmo, xlvi, 988, 1040 Rapjampa Sönam Drakpa, 314–6 Rapten Künzang Pak, 76, 270 Rapten Sharpa, 416, 443, 456 Relpachen, King, 10, 51, 65, 70, 78, 88, 106, 111–3, 143–61, 172, 186, 191, 197, 982 Richardson, Hugh, 586, 852, 886–8, 896, 924, 1055 Rikdzin Dorjé, 764, 804, 824–8 Rikdzin Ngagi Wangpo, 284–8, 333 Rinchen Zangpo, 16, 173, 180–1, 187, 982 Rinpungpa, 41, 243, 249, 271–81, 287, 364 Rockhill, W. W., 629, 694, 701, 710, 840 Roosevelt, President Franklin D., 876, 891–2 Sachen Künga Nyingpo, 18, 63, 207–8 Saga Dawa celebration, 72, 438, 548, 740 Śākya Gyeltsen, 265, 276 Sakya Jetsün Sönam Gyeltsen, 147, 191 Sakya Paṇḍita Künga Gyeltsen, 17–8, 43, 191, 199–201, 216, 233, 240, 279, 347, 690 Śākya Zangpo, Pönchen, 63, 232 Sakyong Trashi Rapten, 299, 302 Salungpa, 808, 843, 1028 Samdrup Lingpa, 417, 441 Samdrup Podrangpa, Cabinet Minister Taiji, 586, 596, 600 Samposé Tendzin Döndrup, 952, 958, 1028 Samyé Oracle, 360, 490 Sangyé Gyatso, Desi, Regent (1679–1703), 38, 49, 63–8, 73–5, 98–106, 141, 158, 170–1, 286, 318, 329, 351, 366–70, 374–92, 396–404, 413–4, 427–8, 475, 525, 778 Sangyé Gyeltsen, 271, 275 Śāntaraksita, 132, 982 Śāntideva, xli, 458, 529

Sarat Chandra Das (1849–1917), 623, 630–1, 652, 840 Sarjungpa, Cabinet Minister, 571, 589, 611, 721 Sarojini Naidu, xxxix, 877, 898 scripts, 13–5, 99, 118–20, 224, 357, 376, 476–7, 706, 818, 842, 857, 982, 1075 Sechen Gyelpo, 200, 207, 217, 222–30 Sechen Hong Taiji, 299, 304, 312 Serkhang Nangpé Chakdrung, 683, 709 Seventeen Point Agreement, 917, 934, 944, 953–63, 978, 984, 1002–4, 1021, 1033, 1038, 1045, 1058 Shakabpa Losel Döndrup, xiii, 903 Shakabpa Tashi Puntsok, xiii, 445, 704 Shakabpa Tenzin Norgye, Tsipa, 13, 711, 744, 879 Shakabpa, Tsepon Wangchuk Deden, (author of this book), xi–xxxiv, xliv–xlvi, 46, 104, 445, 563, 716, 722, 739, 751, 786, 846, 872, 875, 877–9, 900, 904–912, 915–35, 938–44, 950, 977, 996–998, 1015, 1027, 1031, 1034–5, 1054, 1073–4 Shatri Tsenpo, 116, 275 Shedra Döndrup Dorjé, Cabinet Minister, 559, 563, 569–71, 607 Shedra Hor Kunga Peljor, Cabinet Minister, 534–6, 540–1 Shedra Peljor Dorjé, Cabinet Minister, xxxviii, 667, 767, 804 Shedra Wangchuk Gyelpo, Cabinet Minister, (1795–1864), 579, 583, 586–610, 616 Shedra Tsering Wangchuk, Cabinet Minister, 611–4, 618–9 Shedrawa Peljor Dorjé, Cabinet Minister, 652, 658, 667–71, 678, 683, 692, 706, 709, 719, 721, 727–8, 734, 751, 767–8, 773–7, 804, 821–2 Shen Zonglian, 893, 896, 906 Shenkhawa Gyurmé Sönam Topgyé, 619, 1013 Shenkhawa, Deputy, 990, 1012 Sherap Drakpa, 591, 592 Sherap Wangchuk, Desi of Bhutan, 474, 491 Shunzhi, Emperor 324, 353, 356, 377, 456, 695, 697, 837 Sikhs, 583–5, 589–91, 602, 725, 770 Sikyong Trülku, 642–3, 650, 655, 709 Sikyong Wang Dalai Bātur, 464–71, 480 Simla Conference, xxxviii, 157–8, 377, 545, 682, 716, 750–1, 756, 767–776, 781, 846, 851, 916, 926, 1049–50

general index Situ Rinpoché Tenpé Nyinjé, 98, 105, 425, 430, 1234 smallpox, 284, 333, 368, 386, 390, 443–4, 492–3, 497, 503, 568 Sönam Chöpel, Regent, 52, 103, 285, 348 Sönam Gyeltsen, 106, 168–171, 197, 210, 231, 238, 254–5, 327 Sönam Gyeltsen, Khenchung, 639, 705, 1012 Sönam Topgyel, 52, 63, 741, 873 Songtsen Gampo, xxxv, 3, 9, 12–5, 40, 48–53, 69–70, 86–7, 93–4, 110–1, 117–29, 135, 153, 159–61, 167, 186, 263, 350–1, 363, 475, 982, 1148 stone pillar, 10, 51, 54, 88, 98, 103, 121, 130–40, 148, 153–63, 170–2, 436, 604, 618, 696 Sun Yatsen, 715, 733, 851 Surya, 415–9, 435 suzerainty, 682–3, 756, 771–3, 815, 926, 940, 1038, 1048–53, 1104, 1116 Tā Lama, 80–5, 104, 549 Tabön Lodrö Gyeltsen, 246, 262 Takdrak Ngawang Sungrap Tutop Tenpé, Regent (1874–1952), 807, 834, 875–93, 898–901, 949, 1019 Takdzong Ngapö Namgyel Dorjé, 592, 593 Taklung Kagyü School, 19, 56, 77, 296, 328–31, 337, 342, 346, 350, 358, 371, 426, 455 Taktsang Lotsāwa Sherap Rinchen, 4, 67–8, 73, 105, 115, 228, 234, 239–42 Taktsé, Desi, 393, 411, 418–26, 435–7 Taktser Jikmé Norbu Choktrül Rinpoché Tupten Norbu, xiv, 943, 949, 981, 1034, 1054 Tan Guansan, 997, 1010–7 Tanawa, 751, 780, 790 Tangtong Gyelpo, 193, 271–3 Tatsak Tenpé Gönpo, Regent (1760–1810), 484, 499, 508, 522, 526, 538, 548–7, 565 Tatsak Kündeling Jedrung Chökyi Gyeltsen, Regent, 580, 615, 627–9, 632 taxation, 80, 101, 104, 137, 183, 186, 280, 366, 376, 412, 458–9, 475, 488, 505, 517, 548–9, 610, 761, 770, 802–5, 838, 894, 964, 968, 969, 992, 1000 Teichman, Eric, 95, 107, 750–1, 783, 795–9, 842 Tendzin Dalai Khan, 364, 378, 389–90 Tendzin Gyatso, 883, 949

1173

Tendzin Peljor, 192, 428, 508, 513–6, 526, 541–3 Tendzin Wangpo, 387, 396 Tendzin Wangyel, 389, 391 Tendzin, Khyenrap, 882, 900 Tenling Dza Lama, 527, 528, 531 Tenpa Dargyé, 75, 1018 Tenpé Gyeltsen, 600, 777 Tensung Wangpo, 282, 283, 309 Tenzin Norgye, 609, 615 Tertön Rinpoché, 384, 402 Thubten Tsepal Taikhang, Khenchung, xvi–xvii, xxiii, xlviii, 104 Tibetan National Assembly, 587–9, 594, 599, 607, 614–5, 628, 632, 639–40, 644–5, 664–9, 678–81, 691–2, 708, 711, 719–20, 739–44, 759, 776–9, 808–10, 834, 849, 859–72, 877–83, 887–94, 898, 901, 913, 919–21, 930–5, 949–50, 964, 993 Togan Tada, 675, 700, 709, 752, 766, 819, 843, 1161 Tolstoy, Captain Ilia, 891–2 Tongzhi, Emperor, 608, 628, 699 Tönmi Sambhoṭa, 14, 110, 118, 120, 166, 539, 982 Trashi Döndrup, 823, 836 Trashi Khangsar, Cabinet Minister, 590–6, 600–6 Trashi Öbar, 489, 494 Trashi Püntsok, 338, 504, 534 Trashi Topgyel, 281–2, 288 Trashi Tsepa, 410, 417, 435, 436 Trechungpa, Chöjé, 291, 310, 311 Tretongpa Gyurmé Gyatso, xii, 790, 798–9, 826, 853 Tridé Songtsen, 112, 117, 144–6, 154 Tridé Tsukten, 9, 130 Tridé Tsuktsen, 111, 127–30, 136, 146, 150, 154, 161 Trijang Dorjé Chang Lozang Yeshé Tendzin Gyatso, Junior Tutor, 618, 619, 834, 974, 1063 Trimon, Cabinet Minister Norbu Wangyal, xi, xxxviii, 704, 710, 736–40, 749, 762, 767–8, 777, 849, 850, 855, 856, 858 Trin Taitu, 541, 556 Trinlé Gyatso, Regent, 363, 400 Trinlé Namgyel, 616, 647–9, 655 Trisong Detsen, King, xxxv, 9, 12, 16–7, 27, 40–1, 54, 67, 69, 78, 88, 94, 111–2, 129–46, 169, 171, 172, 186, 803, 982 Trisong Deutsen, King, 9, 12

1174

general index

Tritsuk Detsen, 112, 147, 153–5 Tropu Lotsāwa Jampa Pel, 17, 191, 196 Tsador Ngawang Tsültrim, 483, 496 Tsang Rapsel, 17, 163, 173, 178–9, 197 Tsarong Dazang Dradül, Dzasak, 64, 777, 820–1, 902, 1028 Tsarongpa Wangchuk Gyelpo, Cabinet Minister, 663, 684, 692, 710, 740, 762, 804 Tsawa Tritrül, 744, 752, 766 Tsedrön Döndrup Püntsok, 516, 521 Tsekhen Drönchewa Palha Tupten Öden, 985, 996, 1008 Tsemön Ling Nomihen Ngawang Jampel Tsültrim Gyatso, Regent, 568, 577, 587, 727 Tsenpo Nomihen, 446, 447, 448, 499, 554 Tsenzhap Ngawang Lozang, 641, 663, 696 Tsering Döndrup, 374, 418–22 Tsering Trashi, 398–99 Tseten Dorjé, 67, 71, 247, 281 Tseten Wangchuk, 673, 804, 822 Tsewang Rapten, 365, 389, 414–6, 423, 429 Tsogowa, Cabinet Minister, 611, 619 Tsokchen Trülku, 640, 748 Tsokyé Dorjé, 273–6, 278, 287, 335, 1020 Tsongkhapa, Lozang Drakpa, 20, 52, 56, 63, 73–7, 93, 105, 197, 266–70, 286–93, 303, 338, 350, 358–9, 377, 390–3, 418, 456–8, 464–6, 525, 617, 637, 690, 820, 1062 Tsültrim Gyatso, 305, 331, 569, 573 Tsukpu Namgyel, 642–3, 654–5 Tsungtu, 636–7, 669, 692, 717, 824 Tuken Lozang Chökyi Dorjé, 198, 461, 479 Tupten Gyelpo, Tsechak Khenchung, xiii, 915–21, 931–4, 938, 951 Tupten Künpel, 787, 821–3, 834–6, 846 Tupten Pema, Hor Governor, Khenchung, 863–8 Tupten Tendar, Khendrung, 952, 958 Tutop Namgyel, 615, 643–4, 709 Twenty-Nine Article Imperial Ordinance, 310, 487, 557 Ugotai Khan, 199, 211 United Nations, 914, 939, 942–3, 951, 991, 1052–6, 1064–7, 1161–2

Vairochana, 67, 133 Vajrabhairava, 454, 632, 678, 803, 836 Vajrapāni, 48, 55, 133 Vasubandhu, xxxviii, 181, 344 Vimalamitra, 146, 982 Viṣṇu, 49, 281, 313, 539, 750 Wang Gyurmé Namgyel, 463, 473 Wang Qimei, 937–8, 950, 958 Wangdzön, 260–2 Wencheng Gongzhu, Princess, 50, 69, 78, 118–9 World War I, 764, 775 World War II, 895, 896, 1053 Wu Kontai, 722, 751, 791 Wu Zhongxin, 884–6, 889 Xuantong, Emperor, 698–704, 710, 733, 830, 920 Yasujiro Yajima, 765, 820 Yasumasa Fukushima, General, 694 701 Yazangpa, 254–6, 262 Yeshé Gyeltsen, 515, 521 Yeshé Tsültrim, 589, 907 Yeshé Wanggyel, 590, 591 Yeshé Ö, 18, 173–86, 197, 806 Yifan Zhen, Amban, 756, 767–72 Yo Gewajung, 17, 163, 173, 178–9, 197 Younghusband, Col. Francis, iii, 654–8, 663–5, 671–84, 708–10, 723–5, 750, 1163 Youtai, Manchu Amban, 679, 683 Yuan Dynasty, 199–200, 324 Yuan Shihkai, 699, 733, 744, 748, 759 Yuan, Ambassador, 928, 933, 952 Yugang, Amban, 640, 769 Yungpa Tsewang, 273, 277 Yutok Trashi Döndrup, Cabinet Minister, 511, 525–34, 540, 542, 555, 629 Yutok, Cabinet Deputy, 652, 668, 670, 676–8, 823, 899, 1029, 1037, 1041 Zhamar, 1st, Tokden Drakpa Sengé, (1283–1349), 235, 308–15 Zhamar Chökyi Drakpa Gyatso, 4th, (1453–1524), 71, 273, 277 Zhamar Garwang Chökyi Wangchuk, 6th, (1584–1630), 291, 308, 310–1, 315, 336 Zhamar, 10th, Chödrup Gyatso, (1741/2–1792), 310, 453, 485–6, 502, 508–25, 531–41, 546, 555

general index Zhamar Rapjam, 336–7 Zhang Guohua, 953, 955, 958, 1008, 1013, 1038 Zhang Jingwu, 953–8, 978, 1003, 1008, 1013 Zhang Yintang, Manchu Amban, 692, 693, 703, 708 Zhang Zhung Consort Litikmen, 119–20 Zhangyu Drakpa, 56, 190 Zhao Erfeng, 661, 689–90, 702–3, 713–6, 734, 750–1, 768–9, 1152 Zhappé Menkhap Töpa, Governor, 814, 824 Zhingshakpa Tseten Dorjé, 279–82 Zhönnu Zangpo, 258–61

1175

Zhou Enlai, Prime Minister, 780, 946, 953–6, 972, 984–8, 1033, 1043–6 Zhukhang Rapjampa Gelek Lhündrup, 308, 312 Zhölkhang Tseten Wangchuk, Tsechak, Cabinet Minister, 639, 667–70, 678–83, 692, 706, 719–21, 727, 775, 804, 811, 822, 843 Zorawar Singh (1786–1841), 576, 583, 587, 616 Zurchen Chöying Rangdröl, 73, 363, 371 Zurkhang, Ü Dapön, 583–4, 631, 647–8 Zurkhangpa Wangchen Gelek, Cabinet Minister, 826–7, 863–4, 871, 900, 952, 972, 1003, 1008–13

INDEX OF LOCATIONS Afghanistan, 5, 102, 236, 684, 1066 Africa, 1034, 1057, 1066 Amdo, 172, 429, 554, 952 Arik, 275, 409 Assam, 8, 732, 814, 890, 925, 1003, 1059 Australia, 938, 1055 Ba, xlix, 9, 74–6, 100, 119–20, 126, 132, 156–57, 197, 353, 359, 366, 391, 409, 500, 504, 551, 566, 570, 594, 606–9, 680, 689, 717–8, 735, 766, 769, 789–95, 828, 853–4, 906, 923, 935, 958, 974 Ba Monastery, 689, 691, 718 Baghdad, 10, 147 Belgium, 939, 1060 Bengal, 18, 182, 360, 493, 494, 840 Bentsang Monastic College, 494, 640, 748 Beri, 540, 594, 606, 608, 799, 823, 824, 871, 974 Bhutan, xliii, xlvi, 5, 8, 59–60, 82, 171, 266, 283, 284, 297, 310, 316–24, 332–3, 350–2, 360–1, 363–64, 377–8, 385, 412–14, 438, 452–5, 474–9, 490–94, 503, 509, 563, 569–73, 621, 638, 642–8, 654, 666, 679, 681, 693, 725, 743, 766, 773–4, 838, 883, 888, 953, 958, 1029, 1042, 1051, 1059, 1066 Bihar, 109, 115, 122, 133, 170, 198 Birla House, 905, 1040 Blue Castle, 304–5, 318, 358, 367 Bomdila, 1037, 1059–60 Bongwari Mountain, 55, 548 Boudanāth Stūpa, 441, 478, 510, 539 Bulgaria, 1048, 1051 Bumtang, 170, 350, 360, 363, 410, 414, 416, 417, 668 Burma, 9, 13, 25, 43, 121, 645, 791–3, 890, 938, 1030, 1055–7, 1066 Calcutta, 64, 493, 649–51, 683, 692, 707, 715–9, 724–6, 733, 741, 748, 752, 763, 768, 775, 780, 859, 922, 933–5, 971, 987, 1041–5 Cambodia, 9, 1055, 1066 Canada, xxxi, 938

Chakla Pass, 435, 594, 606–8, 636–7, 684, 882 Chakpori Mountain, 54–5, 895, 1015, 1025 Chakzam, 723, 1017, 1020 Chakzam Monastery, 722, 748 Chakzamkha, 790–4 Chamdo, 9, 28, 75–9, 303, 340–41, 486, 528–33, 551, 567–8, 594, 607, 617, 637, 691, 716–9, 734–5, 751, 766, 780, 789–95, 802, 826–8, 853, 861, 867, 871, 923, 930–7, 941, 950–2, 958, 974–9, 1001–2 Chamdo Monastery, 793, 938 Changkhyim, 410, 420 Chatreng Sampel Ling Monastery, 606–9, 680, 689–90, 718, 923, 974, 980, 1000 Chefoo, 625, 644, 654, 655, 1090, 1091 Chingur, 739, 1028 Chingwar Taktsé, 47, 117, 327, 330–1, 375 Chökhor Gyel Monastery, 295, 296, 315, 408, 615, 627, 641, 855–7, 880 Chökhor Yangtsé Monastery, 747–9 Chongyé, 98, 123, 272, 281–3, 296, 317, 327, 331–2, 339, 345, 349, 375, 395, 584, 1005 Chumik, 11, 270 Chushur, 606, 673, 722, 747, 811, 843, 898 Chuzang, 55, 408, 438 Cooch Behar, 492–4 Dākhurel, 685–7 Dakpo, 8, 19, 59, 78, 88, 275, 327–33, 340, 348, 360, 401, 441, 471, 531, 553, 562, 599, 621, 627–9, 666, 672, 728, 736, 740, 764, 859, 1005 Dalhousie, 1042, 1058, 1060 Dam, 46, 56, 69, 297, 334, 342–3, 359, 397–400, 406, 410, 413–18, 497, 555, 762, 959 Dampa Rangdröl Monastery, 636–7 Damtö Uma Trashi Tang, 454, 882 Dangla Pass, 426, 705, 881 Dargyé Monastery, 823–4, 871, 974

1178

index of locations

Darjeeling, 643–52, 667–71, 724–41, 765–7, 805, 810–12, 821, 953, 974–5, 987–8, 1029–31, 1040, 1058–60, 1074 Dartsedo, 152, 340, 348, 353, 366, 389–91, 409, 504, 533, 567, 581, 602, 618, 717–8, 728, 751, 768–70, 789–99, 824, 861, 871, 885, 889, 935, 952, 959, 974–6, 1000–2 Dehra Dun, 895, 1040, 1060 Dekyi Lingkha, 852, 1011, 1018 Delhi, xxxix, xl, xliii, 74, 202, 236–7, 616, 774, 780, 896–7, 904–5, 911–5, 922–4, 929, 935, 939–40, 952, 963, 971, 981–7, 998–9, 1024, 1029–4, 1042, 1047, 1054–9, 1157–60 Denkhok, 74, 825, 863–4, 923, 935–6, 980, 1001 Dergé, 28, 73, 77–8, 82, 89, 194, 341, 411, 425, 450, 454–6, 477, 504, 563, 570–1, 582, 594, 606–8, 617, 633, 637, 702–6, 717–8, 735, 790–806, 824–6, 854, 871, 912, 935, 974, 980, 1002, 1060 Dergé Monastery, 719, 791 Deyangshar, 610, 886 Dharamsala, 1035, 1058–60, 1071 Dimchi, 828, 974 Dimchi Nyernga, 531, 571, 608, 935, 1002 Dingri, 514, 528, 550–2, 665, 671, 766, 814 Do Kham, 4, 11, 20, 31, 179, 340–1, 666, 799–802, 816–7, 974 Dö region, 859, 1007 Dögutang, 630, 883, 888 Döjö Pelkhyil, 77, 86, 476 Dokdé, 804, 821 Dokham, 134, 197, 270, 365, 376–8, 417, 462, 522, 531 Dokra, ii, 581, 582–4 Dolda, 284, 403 Domé, 197, 241, 554, 608, 692, 698, 703–4, 729, 735–7, 761, 789, 794, 816, 824, 828, 854, 859, 864, 923, 979, 1000–5, 1023 Dotö, 708, 717, 759, 803, 851, 893, 974, 979 Dotö Kham, 606, 690–1 Dotra Estate, 650–5 Dotsuk Gying Monastery, 650–1 Dra, 636, 717 Drachi, 261, 879, 1009 Drakyap, 303, 504, 589–90, 602, 607, 735, 766, 790, 974

Dram, 527–8, 532–4 Dranak Zhöl, 604–5 Drapzhi, 55, 64, 417, 454, 738–9, 745, 749, 764, 780, 804, 813, 821, 823, 825, 828, 835, 843, 900, 902, 904, 912, 1018, 1028, 1153 Drazhöl, 736–42 Drepung Monastery, xix, 55–61, 76, 80–83, 89–92, 103, 248, 276–77, 283–302, 307–18, 323, 327–48, 354, 387, 392–99, 404–6, 411–7, 426, 436–9, 445–9, 455–61, 489–96, 518, 528–31, 562–3, 564–70, 581–2, 588–618, 629–645, 665–81, 691, 705–6, 728–43, 749–50, 760–7, 778, 806–15, 832–7, 850–3, 868–9, 881–8, 894, 912–3, 921, 957, 976–80, 989–90, 1004, 1006, 1010, 1015, 1022, 1060 Drepung Monastery Gomang Monastery, 394, 422, 492, 599, 641, 652, 663, 686, 743, 769, 807 Drepung Monastery Loseling College, 606, 611–2, 638, 804, 836, 919 Drichu River, 9, 98, 299, 336, 353, 411, 425, 705, 795, 824–6, 855, 871, 930, 1000–2 Drigu, 1006–7 Drigung, 20, 209, 232, 242, 250, 262–5, 455, 856, 1006 Drokyap, 606–8 Drölma Temple, 56, 280 Dromo, 642–9, 663, 669–82, 722–3, 731, 743, 751, 812, 885, 929, 943, 950–58, 974, 1003 Dromo Chumbi, 642–8 Dromo Rinchen Gang, 671, 742 Dromtö, 426, 478, 881 Drongmé, 338, 366–74, 400, 419 Drongpa, 28, 441 Drongtsé, 232, 279, 297, 442, 455, 464, 471, 494 Droshö, 369, 424, 441, 583, 895 Drungchin, 890, 952 Düné, 672–5 Dunhuang, xlii, 122–8 Dungkar Monastery, 951, 958 Dzachu, 790, 792, 801 Dzalepla Pass, 643–8, 671, 724, 742, 748 Dzingchi Monastery, 295, 348 Dzingkhamé, 706, 856 Dzonga, 512–21, 594–6 Dzongkyi, 512–5 Dzora, 82, 702, 766

index of locations Dzumli, 476–7, 480, 536, 563 Dzüngar, 335–8, 374, 414–29, 435–41, 456, 464, 469–70, 492 E, 28, 78, 1005 Egypt, 44, 911, 1057 El Salvador, 951, 1053–5 Enyel, 273, 278 Europe, 775, 983, 1060 Formosa (Taiwan), 522, 930, 1030 France, xxxix, 158, 206, 598, 701, 775, 877, 911, 938, 1051–61 Ga, 825, 935 Gampa Dzong, 657–8, 663–76, 708 Ganden Monastery, 21, 52, 57, 79–83, 91, 103, 285–7, 304–7, 313–7, 339, 350, 376–8, 387, 393, 406–17, 421–6, 436, 445–9, 455–58, 465–70, 489–96, 518, 528–31, 562–70, 581–2, 590–618, 629–646, 665–91, 704–6, 721, 726–8, 736–50, 760–2, 767, 778, 800–16, 832, 837, 853, 868–9, 881–8, 894, 912–3, 921, 976–80, 989, 990, 998, 1004–6, 1010, 1015, 1020–3, 1028, 1060 Ganden Podrang, 38, 64, 79, 164, 238, 274, 285, 295, 302–17, 327–8, 331–52, 361, 370–7, 405–6, 412–3, 472, 564, 572, 763, 1005 Ganden Shartsé College, 603–9 Ganden Yiga Chödzin Monastery, 93, 190 Ganges River, 8, 98, 140, 168, 185, 197, 493, 724 Gangtok, 648–51, 663, 775, 976, 981–8, 1041 Gansu, 9, 98, 125, 149, 217 Gardok, 590–1 Garlok, 163, 182–84, 185, 236 Gartar, 450, 454, 581, 606 Gartok, 681, 704, 903 Germany, 206, 701, 710, 764, 775, 1060–1 Gobi Desert, 10, 149 Gojo, 341, 504, 589, 735, 790, 794, 974 Gökarla Pass, 189, 409, 858 Gola Pass, 618, 678, 706 Göla Pass, 684, 856 Gongkar, 69, 257–61, 273, 302, 310–1, 345–9, 395–400, 606, 618, 627, 898, 1009 Gönlung Monastery, 308, 335, 438 Greece, 7, 1055

1179

Gugé, 370, 570 Gulok, 9, 46, 75, 193–5, 409, 563, 608, 703, 980 Gungtang, 19, 56, 103, 190, 234, 255, 296, 555, 561–2, 1143 Guru, 672–4 Gyalrong, 538–41 Gyangkhar Castle, 232, 442 Gyantsé, 61, 72–8, 95, 242, 270, 297, 336, 348, 393, 440–48, 589, 631, 665, 671–84, 722–3, 734–7, 745, 764–7, 777, 808–12, 858–9, 895, 903, 912, 958, 971–6, 989, 1003, 1020 Gyari, 287, 295, 308, 388 Gyel, 297, 328 Gyeljetsel Monastery, 602–3, 610 Gyelrong, 178, 353, 477, 594, 602 Gyeltang, 178, 251, 353, 365–7, 378, 389, 450, 594, 602–6, 923, 935 Gyelteng Kotri, 723, 742 Gyetap Ramoché, 268, 760, 837 Helha, 42, 302, 504, 573 Hong Kong, 877, 905–8, 911, 915, 922–3, 940, 952 Hor, 40, 88, 92, 103, 143, 166, 167, 172, 192, 205–30, 235, 239–6, 254–67, 270–5, 285–7, 299–300, 304, 314, 327–31, 335, 340–41, 364, 369, 375, 388, 411, 441, 457, 477, 490, 535–6 Horkhok, 582, 618, 791, 794, 824, 854, 871 Horser, 594, 735, 770, 974 Hrehor, 606, 611–2, 906, 980 Hungary, 206–7 Indian Foreign Ministry, 924, 930, 931, 1037 Indonesia, 939, 1055, 1057, 1066 Inner Mongolia, 769, 964, 973 Italy, xxxix, 206, 450, 877, 911, 938, 1054, 1061 Jakhyung Monastery, 691, 703 Jakla, 353, 563–70 Jakpori, 409, 420–2 Jampa Ling Monastery, 450, 498, 690–1, 703–4 Jang, 129, 279, 287, 298, 365 Jangrik, 728, 736 Jangtang, 161, 299 Jangyül, 74, 127 Japan, 625, 653, 689, 701, 765, 766, 777, 819, 838, 870, 871, 890, 1030, 1055, 1057, 1060, 1061, 1066

1180

index of locations

Jatsön Spring, 55, 679, 680 Jayül, 793, 1020 Jela Pass, 1017–9 Joda, 871, 937, 1001 Jokhang Tsuklakhang, 7, 11, 30, 47–56, 69, 89, 103, 110, 119–23, 129, 134, 146, 153, 159–62, 168–70, 177, 190–4, 212, 223, 268, 294–6, 307, 334–8, 358, 373, 409, 440, 450–8, 474, 525–30, 561, 569, 605, 629–30, 635, 714, 721, 730, 736–9, 749, 807, 834–7, 850, 883, 997–8, 1009, 1015–6, 1022–8, 1058, 1143, 1153 Jomo Kharek, 8, 196, 261, 281 Jyegündo, 824, 861–71, 935 Kailash Mountain, xxxvi, 3, 4, 8, 98, 481, 539, 1144 Kalimpong, xiii–v, xxvi, 96, 104, 378, 647–9, 671–2, 724, 731, 736–41, 752, 766, 904–5, 912, 917, 922, 929, 933–41, 950–3, 971, 974–7, 985–8, 998, 1015, 1029–31, 1040–1, 1058, 1064, 1074–5, 1126–7, 1148, 1161 Kardzé, 789–90, 871, 935, 974, 1004, 1031 Kashmir, 5, 9, 17, 99, 118, 141, 180, 196, 369, 373, 583–5, 624, 642, 720, 852, 883, 982–3 Kathmandu, 390, 508–10, 517, 520, 532–5, 594–7, 650 Katok, 606, 1060 Kazhi, 251, 273 Kelzang Palace, 92, 505, 958, 1010 Kham, iii, 594, 609, 613, 671–2, 689–91, 697, 702, 710, 719, 728–9, 734–6, 744, 751, 760–1, 765–9, 774–5, 814–7, 853, 868, 888, 893, 897–9, 906–9, 923–5, 931–2, 941, 949–52, 957–9, 974–7, 984–8, 995, 1002–5, 1011, 1021, 1038 Khangsar, 53, 239, 334–40, 362, 410, 448, 458, 466–9, 477, 496, 526, 563, 606–8 Khelkha, 570, 587, 636, 685–7, 705 Kongpo, 5–8, 32, 85, 115–16, 193–94, 209, 232, 242, 266, 274, 280, 287, 327–8, 345–9, 369, 401, 409, 441–5, 512, 531, 567, 599, 611–2, 666, 671–2, 708, 728, 737–40, 859, 972–4, 1005 Kongpo Gyamda, 718–20, 727, 764, 769, 789–90 Korea, 939, 1066 Kormo, 29, 563, 1047 Korsum, 4, 11, 440, 570

Kündeling Monastery, 55, 548, 565, 630–2, 1016 Kumbum, 303, 354–8, 404–6, 411, 417, 423–5, 436–8, 456, 475, 497–99, 531, 689–4, 702–8, 879–81, 887–8, 949, 972–3 Kuśinagar, 732, 971, 987, 1074 Kyangtang, 373, 419, 679 Kyemtong, 78, 763 Kyichu River, 8, 50, 56, 146, 161, 163, 328, 420–1, 435, 455, 522, 612, 630, 720 Kyidrong, 510–17, 521, 528, 533–6, 541, 598, 680 Kyirong, 441, 468, 478, 593–6 Kyishö, 271–7, 294–8, 312–9, 327–51, 364, 376, 388–96 Kyitsel Luding, 388, 569, 749, 978 Kyormo Lung, 295–6, 318, 398 Kyormolung, 56, 277 Labrang Gyeltsen Tönpo, 293–7, 362–3 Labrang Trashikhyil Monastery, 972–3 Ladakh, ii, xliii, 9, 13, 40, 59, 171–2, 324, 348, 369–70, 474, 480, 563, 570, 581–91, 616, 624, 636–42, 770, 953, 971, 1002, 1029, 1042, 1059–60 Lamda, 790, 937 Lamo, 335, 390–7, 404, 415–16, 465–7, 490, 562 Langdru, 383, 690 Lendru, 692, 959 Lhalu, 404–5, 417, 504 Lhamo Latso Lake, 627, 855–7 Lhasöl, 599, 629 Lhatok, 608, 856 Lhatsé, 262, 424, 441–4, 531, 596 Lho, 85, 789–90, 814 Lhodruk, 13, 60, 71, 178 Lhodzong, 766, 937 Lhoka, 672, 736, 766, 1006–7, 1017–24, 1039 Lhokha, 273, 333, 584, 607, 615, 631, 793 Ling Pentsün, 630, 706, 750 Lingtsang, 194–5, 353, 582, 606–8, 935, 980, 1001, 1007, 1060 Litang, 76, 302–3, 335–41, 353, 359, 382, 391, 408–10, 449–50, 475, 504, 551, 566–8, 594, 606–9, 680, 691, 717–8, 735, 794–5, 854, 906, 923, 935, 974, 980, 1000 Liyül, 69–70, 78, 163 Lower Dakpo, 627–9

index of locations Lower Dromo, 646, 723, 742–3 Luding, 344, 512 Lungtur, 646–51 Machen Pomra, 8, 299 Machu River, 9, 11, 225, 299, 303–4, 692 Malaysia, 890, 1055–7, 1066 Manchuria, 206–7, 222–5 Mangyül Gungtang, 184, 1068 Markham, 9, 11, 82, 193, 303, 504, 551–2, 570, 587–90, 602, 607, 702, 735, 766, 790–4, 852, 936, 941, 974 Markyang, 512, 1009 Meldro, 308, 471, 708, 1006 Meru, 458, 1028 Meru Monastic College, 52, 93, 589 Mili, 505, 609, 923 Mindroling Monastery, 403, 421, 879 Mön, 209, 363, 385, 566, 591, 592, 602, 1037, 1042 Mongolia, xlii, 5, 13–4, 42–4, 116, 193–94, 205–17, 229–30, 240, 249, 264–66, 275, 285, 298, 300–306, 312, 316–8, 328–32, 347–56, 363, 370–8, 383–87, 389–91, 401–12, 423–4, 438, 469, 471–3, 498, 502–5, 564–9, 630, 633, 641, 652–3, 673, 685–89, 701, 707–27, 733, 764, 770, 780, 808–9, 814, 825, 838, 972, 1025 Morocco, 147, 1051 Mount Everest, 8, 98, 1234 Mount Kailash, 8, 95–8, 233, 242, 263, 370, 585, 971, 1234 Mussourie, 897, 1031 Nadong, 671, 681, 723, 812, 903, 971 Nak, 636, 717 Nakartsé, 278, 330–1, 348, 387–8, 677, 1020 Nakchu, 730, 859–62, 881–2 Nakchu River, 397–9, 426, 454, 533, 566, 571, 684, 705–6, 815, 825, 881–2 Naktsang, 29, 416–18, 425–6, 444, 479, 533, 566, 913 Namgyel Monastery, 366, 383, 420, 590, 881–5 Namtso Chukmo Lake, 8, 60, 344, 416, 435 Nangchen, 824–7, 936, 1060 Nanjing, 158, 267, 794, 824, 832, 851–3, 860–3, 870, 896–900, 905–7, 962, 992 Nartang, 74–7, 97, 223, 293–7, 442, 455–8, 463, 479, 1152, 1234 Natöla Pass, 643, 648, 951, 1003

1181

Nedong, 7, 12, 251–66, 273–9, 296, 305–8, 330, 347, 366, 895 Nepal, xxxix, xliii, 5, 8, 15, 17, 18–19, 47, 59–64, 69–70, 82, 90, 117, 121–22, 127, 132, 141, 146, 153, 161, 168, 185–8, 196, 209, 229, 303, 324, 332, 349, 362, 373, 390, 409, 441, 450–52, 464, 473, 478–9, 503, 508–41, 567–73, 579, 593–5, 601, 624, 630, 641, 650, 653, 672, 679–81, 706, 725, 732, 806, 811, 837–8, 883, 888, 896, 923, 928, 938–40, 953, 958, 983, 1009, 1042, 1049–51, 1055–66 Neu, 272–8, 294–5, 345, 349 New York, 155, 573, 655, 710, 753, 781, 843, 910–3, 941, 1034, 1053–60 Ngamring, 424, 441–3, 533 Ngari, 4, 11, 17, 38, 40, 52, 102, 177, 180–1, 187, 197, 207, 214, 241, 247–9, 262–3, 268, 273, 283, 369–70, 416, 423–4, 440–1, 463–5, 466–8, 471, 478–80, 583, 589, 974 Ngari Korsum, 583, 761 Ngor, 631, 989 Norbu Lingkha Palace, 522, 589–90, 599–600, 607, 633, 636, 667, 678–9, 707, 727, 732, 736, 777, 803–10, 818, 828, 837, 883–5, 893, 932, 949, 962, 975, 980, 991, 997, 1009–29, 1047 Nyakdra, 606–9 Nyakkhok, 607, 618, 637, 826 Nyakrong, 28, 606–8, 618, 631, 636–7, 654, 680, 703, 717, 794, 824, 854, 974 Nyanang, 485, 510–36, 593–602, 807, 958 Nyang, 50, 393 Nyangchu River, 442, 975 Nyangdren Pabongkha, 118–9 Nyangtö, 270, 274, 281, 298, 328, 345 Nyasap La Pass, 444–5 Nyasho, 526, 527, 672 Nyemo, 78, 601–3, 610–4, 807 Nyenchen Tanglha, 8, 95 Nyero, 722, 975 Nyetang, 56, 189–90, 388, 471, 490, 497, 569 Nyiö Chamber, 436, 448, 505, 646 Ölga, 345, 349, 395, 490, 599–600 Outer Mongolia, 710, 762, 815, 830, 1049, 1051, 1066 Öyuk, 193, 227–8, 309, 344, 512 Pabongkha, 55, 611, 837 Padro, 316, 414, 644

1182

index of locations

Pakistan, 9, 13, 624, 1055, 1057 Pakri, 8, 61, 352, 360–1, 364, 378, 414, 456, 615, 644–5, 663, 671–2, 676, 722–5, 731, 743, 764, 792, 812, 953, 958, 974 Panam, 193, 228, 274, 281, 298, 343, 348–9, 376, 444, 531, 589, 734–7, 975 Pangtang Palace, 132–3 Pashö, 594, 937 Patabuk, 724, 735 Pelkhor Monastery, 72, 270, 309, 355, 989 Pelmo Peltang, 140, 234 Pendé Lekshe Ling, 91–3 Penpo, 100, 274, 307, 856, 898 Penyül, 76, 122, 179, 189, 197, 328, 331, 398–9, 435, 445–6 Persia, 95, 141–2, 206, 236, 684 Petup, 369–70 Philippines, 1030, 1055–7 Pokhok, 853, 906 Potala Palace, xl, 28, 48–9, 54–55, 61–3, 73–6, 80–4, 90–93, 110, 130–31, 136, 277, 321, 351, 368, 373, 377, 382–409, 417–22, 426, 431, 435–6, 443–9, 451, 459, 469, 476–7, 483–4, 489–91, 496–98, 501, 504–6, 512, 523–31, 541, 555, 562, 569–72, 581, 590, 600, 604–18, 630–3, 644–6, 678–83, 707–10, 714, 721, 727–30, 736–40, 750, 762, 807, 810, 813, 823, 834–37, 850–1, 856, 879–87, 901, 911, 919, 934, 942, 963, 998, 1009–10, 1015–6, 1022, 1027–8, 1140, 1153, 1156, 1160 Powo, 504, 563, 570, 572–3, 728, 734–7, 806, 814, 923, 974 Püntsok Ling Monastery, 25, 455 Püntsok Rapten Peljor, 410, 418, 422, 440 Puhreng, 369, 583 Pungtang, 414, 474 Punjab, 9, 1058, 1071 Qinghai, 875–6 Radreng, 678, 706, 837, 901 Radreng Monastery, 18, 77, 190, 209, 240, 299, 307, 331, 336, 358, 455, 577, 593, 605, 618, 685, 856, 882, 886, 900–3 Ralung Gadrong, 310–1, 317 Ralung Monastery, 283, 743 Rama Gang, 1017–26

Ramoché, 54, 69, 120, 129, 335–6, 373, 417, 722, 749, 1027 Rasa Trülnang Tsuklakhang, 263, 634, 707, 760, 1028 Ratsak, 56, 633 Red Palace, 15, 28, 48, 123, 350, 351, 363, 376 Richen Gang, 648, 708 Rinpung, 28, 95, 270–81, 294–95, 298, 313, 342–3, 347–49, 444 Riwo Dechen, 858, 1019 Riwo Tsenga, 121, 691–3 Riwoché, 77, 594, 607, 766, 780, 789–93, 825, 826–8, 936–7 Riwo Tsenga, 691–3, 765, 820 Rome, 143, 207, 367, 912, 1155 Rongpa, 527, 536 Rongpatsa, 795–8, 823 Rongshar, 485, 510–3, 517, 521, 528, 533, 536, 593–6 Russia, 206, 492, 575, 621–5, 642, 652–5, 660–1, 673, 682–9, 701, 725, 777, 786, 815, 838, 1066, 1103, 1104, 1159, 1161 Rutok, 441, 583, 591 Saga, 369, 424, 441, 512, 895 Sakya, 11–2, 18–20, 42–3, 48, 63, 70–2, 76–7, 85, 88, 98, 104–6, 168–71, 190–3, 197–205, 209–64, 270, 279–81, 286, 297, 302, 336–40, 346, 349–51, 372–6, 391, 414, 424, 429, 444–5, 453, 514–20, 528–31, 570, 582, 595–6, 631, 770, 912, 1060, 1141–5 Samding Monastery, 677, 722 Samdruptsé, 71, 270, 276–84, 314–7, 347–8, 989 Samyé Monastery, 11, 40, 47, 67–9, 132–45, 161–2, 169, 179–89, 361, 471, 494–6, 641, 760, 858, 872, 1017 Sanakma, 247, 277, 294, 313 Sanga, 441–3, 468, 476–7, 583 Sangda, 56, 1017–9 Sangen, 504, 570, 587–9, 602, 790–4, 974 Sangpu Neutok Monastery, 82, 190, 470 Sangzhung, 706, 882 Sarnath, 732, 987 Satam, 570, 935 Sera Jé Monastery, 641, 766, 807, 859, 899 Sera Mé Monastery, 276–7, 392–3, 473, 480, 496, 523–4, 554, 587, 599, 638–41, 744, 807

index of locations Sera Tekchen Ling Monastery, 50–61, 81–3, 91–3, 104, 248, 268–9, 283–95, 307, 312–7, 323, 328–46, 358, 387, 397–426, 436–9, 445–9, 455–8, 480, 489–96, 518–31, 554, 564–70, 577, 581–2, 587–613, 629–46, 652, 665–6, 672, 677–81, 691, 705–6, 728, 733–43, 749–52, 760–2, 767, 778, 809–15, 820, 832–7, 853, 859, 868–9, 877, 881–8, 894, 898–902, 912, 921, 976–80, 989–90, 1004–6, 1010, 1015–22, 1027, 1060, 1098, 1099, 1115, 1123 Sertsa, 780, 936 Shakabpa Estate, 445 Shakabpa House, 938, 941, 950 Shambhala, 51, 347 Shang, 14, 18, 119, 227–8, 261, 274, 280, 297, 478, 493, 512, 554 Shang Ganden Chökhor Ling Monastery, 990, 1006 Shangchok, 441, 531 Shanghai, 905–6, 913 Shangshung, 16, 179, 184, 570 Shanxi, 10, 98, 121, 143, 693 Shelkar, 194, 364, 424, 441–4, 455, 460, 512–4, 520–1, 528–33, 594, 893 Shelling, 824–6 Shö, 890, 900, 911, 975 Shok, 636, 717 Shopa, 607, 766 Shözimchung Chamber, 600, 612 Siam, 127, 139, 169–70, 1162 (See also Thailand) Sichuan, 27, 139, 149, 167, 206, 240, 512, 543, 550–1, 623, 636–7, 669, 697, 707, 718, 730–4, 751, 760, 794–5, 824–8, 842, 855, 861, 959 Sikkim, xliii, xlvi, 13, 74–5, 157, 167, 241, 286, 324, 362–4, 378, 456, 479, 509, 517–8, 536, 554, 563, 570, 600, 615–7, 624, 630, 642–58, 663–81, 697, 709, 723–5, 741–2, 748, 775–6, 781–5, 805, 831, 852, 859–60, 871, 885–6, 905, 910–4, 935, 953, 975–81, 988, 1003, 1040–2, 1060, 1158 Simla, xi, 682, 716, 749–51, 767–81, 789, 805, 821, 851–2, 896, 916, 1042, 1051, 1058–61, 1152 Situ, 75, 88, 98–9, 103–5, 193, 232, 239, 252–63, 285–7, 425–30, 1234 Sizhi Püntsok Chamber, 630, 680 Sokla Kyawo, 11, 241 Solong, 533, 543

1183

St. Petersburg, 652, 684–8 Swayambū Stūpa, 186, 510 Switzerland, xxxi, xxxix, xliv, 7, 877, 911, 1060 Tāchi Desert, 10, 149 Tadül, 119, 263, 635 Taklung, 582, 677, 706 Taklung Sangchö Monastery, 677, 684, 747 Taktsé, 285, 880–1, 898 Tanak, 181, 193, 261, 297, 531 Tangpoché, 189, 255–6 Tantric College of Lower Lhasa, 52, 458, 492, 750, 833, 883, 906, 1017–9, 1060 Tantric College of Upper Lhasa, 52, 473, 496, 524, 610, 618, 627–8, 750, 833, 883, 1060 Tawang Monastery, 972, 1037, 1042 Tazik, 40–1, 78, 102, 142 Tehor, 340, 359, 477, 563 Tel Monastery, 27, 75, 250–1, 266, 271, 310, 437, 858 Teng Monastery, 690, 718 Tengyé Ling Monastic College, 495, 632, 638–41, 728, 739, 744–52, 778 Thailand, 9, 127, 139, 939, 1030, 1055, 1066 Tibetan Medical and Astrological School, 52, 67, 84, 86, 637, 778, 839, 912 1058 Tingkyé, 531, 650, 655 Tögar, 9, 583, 958, 971 Tögertsé, 28, 563 Tokyo, 709–1, 765–6, 1155 Tölbu, 283, 317 Tölung, 398–400, 428, 606 Tömé, 11, 77 Tongkhor, 564, 606–8 Torgö, 570–3, 633, 653, 686 Tradruk, 760, 858, 872 Tradruk Trashi Jamnyom Temple, 69, 119 Trasam, 641, 837 Trashi Lhünpo Monastery, 82, 247, 282–5, 293–7, 308–9, 323–31, 342–7, 363, 369, 386–93, 414–21, 435–6, 442–5, 464, 484, 489–501, 507–9, 514–20, 529–47, 570, 582, 587–9, 595–6, 630–1, 665, 674–7, 683, 705, 734, 743, 777, 803–8, 814, 860–71, 886, 897, 907, 912, 945, 952, 962–3, 973–6, 989–90, 1003, 1060

1184

index of locations

Trashi Lhünpo monastic estate, 587, 631, 646, 672, 715, 733, 990, 1003 Trashi Zilnön Monastery, 323, 327 Tromzik Khang, 53, 410, 469 Trongsa, 414, 671–2, 681 Tropu, 17, 309 Tsakhalho, 795, 974 Tsangpo River, 92–3, 189, 228, 309, 400, 445, 609, 748, 793, 895, 959, 1026, 1039 Tsangrong, 163, 274–9, 298 Tsari Mountain, 409, 538 Tsaritra, 263, 858 Tsechokling Monastery, 595–6 Tsel, 234, 349, 376, 387, 402 Tsel Gungtang Temple, 56, 975 Tselpa, 11, 241, 249, 255, 262, 287 Tsemön Ling Monastery, 496, 524, 570, 588, 739 Tsetang, 78, 228, 263, 268–74, 366, 439, 895, 1005–7, 1019 Tsona, 78, 363–4, 385–7, 762, 958, 1006–7, 1024 Tsongön Lake, 58–62, 179, 207, 240, 298, 302–7, 312, 323, 335–40, 358–65, 375, 383–9, 397, 410–8, 423–4, 429, 437–8, 526, 563, 571–2 Tumé, 299, 327 Turkey, 206, 1048, 1051 Ulan Bator, 762, 815, 830 United Kingdom, ii, xxxix, 28, 376, 598, 625–7, 641–54, 663, 672–5, 684, 701, 715, 733, 764–75, 783, 789, 799, 804–12, 820, 838, 845, 850, 877, 890, 896–7, 903–11, 923–7, 938, 957, 1050–5, 1060–7 United Nations, the, iii, 891, 917, 938–57, 982, 1030–34, 1045–57 United States of America, xxxix, 46, 701, 751, 819, 838, 890–1, 896, 904–14, 922–7, 938, 1030, 1052–66 Upper Ngari, 8, 11, 369, 570 Upper Tsang, 41, 88–9, 262, 274, 280–4, 318, 327, 344, 441–3, 517, 522, 529, 537, 547 Ushang, 837, 1019 Varanasi, 92, 360, 494, 537, 971, 1040, 1059 Vikramalaśīla Monastery, 47, 182–8, 197, 983 Vulture’s Peak, 732, 987

Walung, 509, 650, 680 Wangden Pelbar, 53, 491 Washington, 908, 914 Wen Monastery, 73, 990 Xinjiang, 913, 920 Yangdül, 119, 263, 635 Yangpajen Monastery, 27, 71, 277, 397–8, 444, 497, 517, 547 Yardrok, 11, 59, 336, 444, 677, 1006 Yardrok Samding Monastery, 631, 722, 743–7 Yardrok Yutso Lake, 8, 631, 677 Yargyap, 271–3, 315 Yarkhyen, 78, 197, 206, 236, 416, 563 Yarlung, 9, 115–6, 253–5, 261, 273–7, 286, 296, 308, 333, 584, 912 Yartö, 72, 77, 333, 1020 Yazang Monastery, 11, 255–60 Yellow Palace, 354–6, 502 Yerpa, 134, 189, 837 Yerpa Temple, 70, 120 Yeru, 11, 304 Yunnan, 127, 697, 733, 760, 791–5, 820, 842, 935 Yutok (g.yu thog) Bridge, 54, 545, 552 Zangri, 584, 599 Zap Pulung, 297, 309 Zhalu, 297, 989 Zhang Zhung (zhang zhung), 11, 15–7, 119–21, 126, 167 Zheho, 491, 497–9 Zhidé, 458, 739–40, 1028 Zhikatsé (gzhi), 62, 77–9, 247, 279, 283, 289, 293, 324–7, 332–6, 344–9, 361, 376, 394, 418, 442–4, 450, 471, 486, 492–3, 513, 521, 526, 531–6, 550–4, 587, 644, 649, 665, 671, 677, 683, 734–7, 766, 778, 808, 814, 912, 975, 981, 989–93, 1004 Zhöl (zhol), 43, 48, 53–5, 79, 85, 103, 130–1, 349, 395, 405–8, 418–19, 436–40, 448–51, 470, 512, 549–52, 562, 604, 612, 618, 630, 639–40, 707–10, 721, 727, 740, 748–50, 778–9, 804–7, 834–5, 859, 883, 900, 957, 964, 999, 1011–5, 1027–8 Ziling (zi ling), 27, 240, 358, 424, 543, 564, 690–2, 703, 780, 786, 815, 824–8, 844, 860–1, 871, 882, 919–23, 935, 942, 949, 960–2