Men's Lives (8th Edition)

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G H T H

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MEN'S LIVES

M ic hael S. Ki m mel State University of New York-Stony Brook

M ic hael A. M essner University of Southern California

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For Bob Blauner, friend and mentor

CONTENTS

ix

Preface

Introduction

PART

ONE

ARTICLE 1

xi

Perspectives on Masculinities

Caveman Masculinity: Finding an Ethnicity in Evolutionary Science

Martha McCaughey ARTICLE 2 ARTICLE 3

14

All Men Are Not Created Equal: Asian Men in U.S. History

17

Boyhood

37

Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom: Renegotiating the Social Contract? Ellen Jordan and Angela Cowan

ART I C lE 6

39

"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be like That!": Parents' Responses to Children's Gender Nonconformity Emily W. Kane

ARTIC lE 7

26

"Macho": Contemporary Conceptions Alfredo Mirande

PART TWO ARTIC lE 5

3

The Male Privilege Checklist Barry Deutsch

Yen Le Espiritu ARTICLE 4

1

52

"Dude, You're a Fag": Adolescent Masculinity and the Fag Discourse

C. J. Pascoe

70

ARTIC lE 8

The Act-Like-a-Man Box Paul Kivel

ARTIC lE 9

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions Ritch C. Savin-Williams

ARTIC lE :10

Making a Name for Yourself: Transgressive Acts and Gender Per formance Ann Ferguson

PART THREE ARTIC lE 1 1

86

104

Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril 117

Guyland: Gendering the Transition to Adulthood

Michael Kimmel ARTIC lE:12

83

119

The Measure of a Man: Conceptualizations of Masculinity among High-Achieving African American Male College Students

Shaun R. Harper

134

v

vi

CONTENTS

ART I C l E

13

The Fraternal Bond as a Joking Relationship: A Case Study of the Role of Sexist Jokes in Male Group Bonding

Peter Lyman ART I C l E

14

147

Why College Men Drink: Alcohol, Adventure, and the Paradox of Masculinity Rocco L. Capraro

ART I C l E

PART ART I C l E

15

The Starbucks Intervention Greg Bortnichak

FOUR :16

157

Men and Work

175

The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the "Female" Professions Christine L. Williams

ART I C l E

17

171

177

"Why Marcia You've Changed!": Male Clerical Temporary Workers Doing Masculinity in a Feminized Occupation

Kevin D. Henson and Jackie Krasas Rogers ART I C l E

18

Sexual Harassment and Masculinity: The Power and Meaning of "Girl Watching" Beth A. Quinn

ART I C l E

1. 9

ART I C l E

FIVE 20

221

Men and Health

21

22

ART I C l E

23

243

Old Gay Men's Bodies and Masculinities Kathleen F. Slevin and

Thomas J. Linneman ART I C l E

241

Masculinities and Men's Health: Moving toward Post-Superman Era Prevention Don Sabo

ART I C l E

208

Just One of the Guys?: How Transmen Make Gender Visible at Work

Kristen Schilt

PART

261

If Men Could Menstruate Gloria Steinem

24

280

Fixing Broken Masculinity: Viagra as a Technology for the Production of Gender and Sexuality Meika Loe

ART I C l E

192

282

It Takes Balls: Lance Armstrong and the Triumph of American Masculinity Monica Casper and Lisa Jean Moore

PART ART I C l E

SIX 25

Men in Relationships

289

301

"I'm Not Friends the Way She's Friends": Ideological and Behavioral Constructions of Masculinity in Men's Friendships

Karen Walker ART I C l E

26

303

The Politics of Gay Men's Friendships Peter M . Nardi

316

CON T E N T5

ART I C l E

27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Per formance of Masculinity as Collective Activity David Grazian

ART I C l E

28

vii

320

Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships: A Focus on Boys Peggy C. Giordano, Monica A. Longmore, and

Wendy D. Manning

PART ART I C l E

Male Sexualities

SEVEN 29

338

369

Becoming 100 Percent Straight Michael A. Messner

371

377

ART I C l E 3 0

The Heterosexual Questionnaire M . Rochlin

ART I C l E

3 1

A Pornographic World [What Is Normal?] Robert Jensen

ART I C l E

3 2

They Don't Want to Cruise Your Type: Gay Men of Color and the Racial Politics of Exclusion Chong-suk Han

ART I C l E 3 3

384

Fantasy Islands: Exploring the Demand for Sex Tourism Julia

397

O'Connell Davidson and Jacqueline Sanchez Taylor

Men in Families

PART EIGHT ART' C l E 3 4 ART I C l E

3 5

378

411

Strategies Men Use to Resist Francine M. Deutch

413

Ethnicity, Race, and Difference: A Comparison of White, Black, and Hispanic Men's Household Labor Time Anne Shelton and

Daphne John ART I C l E 3 6

Fathering: Paradoxes, Contradictions, and Dilemmas

Scott Coltrane ART I C l E 3 7

ART I C l E

NINE 38

432

Cruising to Familyland: Gay Hypergamy and Rainbow Kinship

Judith Stacey

PART

420

450

Masculinities in the Media and Popular Culture 463

The Male Consumer as Loser: Beer and Liquor Ads in Mega Sports Media Events Michael A. Messner and

Jeffrey Montez de Oca ART I C l E 3 9

When in Rome: Heterosexism, Homophobia, and Sports Talk Radio

David Nylund ART I C l E 4 0

465

479

Retrofitting Frontier Masculinity for Alaska's War against Wolves

Sine Anahita and Tamara L. Mix

504

viii

C ONT ENT S

ARTI C l E

4 :1

" A Walking Open Wound": Emo Rock and the "Crisis" o f Masculinity in America Sarah F. Williams

PART TEN ART I C l E

42

521

Violence and Masculinities

533

Athlete Aggression on the Rink and off the Ice: Athlete Violence and Aggression in Hockey and Interpersonal Relationships

Nick T. Pappas, Patrick C. McKenry, and Beth Skilken Catlett ART I C l E

43

Culture, Gender, and Violence: "We Are Not Women"

James Gilligan ART I C l E

44

ART I C l E

45

535

551

Men on Rape Tim Beneke

559

Wielding Masculinity inside Abu Ghraib: Making Feminist Sense

565

of an American Military Scandal Cynthia Enloe

PART ART I C L E

ELEVEN 46

Men, Movements, and the Future

The Role of Men and Boys in Achieving Gender Equality

United Nations Commission on the Status of Women, Forty-Eighth Session, March

1-12,2004 575

ART I C L E

47

More Than a Few Good Men Jackson Katz

ARTI C L E

48

New Black Man Mark Anthony Neal

ARTI C L E

49

579

591

"I Used to Think Women Were Weak": Orthodox Masculinity, Gender Segregation, and Sport Eric Anderson

ARTI C L E

50

Unraveling the Gender Knot Allan Johnson

Contributors

623

596

613

573

PREFA CE

Over the past twenty years, we have been teach­ ing courses on the male experience, or "men's lives." Our courses have reflected both our own education and recent research by feminist schol­ ars and profeminist men in US. society. (By pro­ feminist men, we mean active supporters of women's efforts against male violence and claims for equal opportunity, political participation, sex­ ual autonomy, family reform, and equal educa­ tion.) Gender, scholars have demonstrated, is a central feature of social life-one of the chief organizing principles around which our lives revolve. Gender shapes our identities and the in­ stitutions in which we find ourselves. In the uni­ versity, women's studies programs and courses about women in traditional disciplines have ex­ plored the meaning of gender in women's lives. But what does it mean to be a man in contempo­ rary US. society? This anthology is organized around specific themes that define masculinity and the issues men confront over the course of their lives. In ad­ dition, a social-constructionist perspective has been included that examines how men actively construct masculinity within a social and histori­ cal context. Related to this construction and inte­ grated in our examination are the variations that exist among men in relation to class, race, and sexuality. We begin Part One with issues and questions that unravel the "masculine mystique" and reveal various dimensions of men's position in society and their relationships with women and with other men. Parts Two through Ten examine the different issues that emerge for men at different times of their lives and the ways in which their lives change over time. We touch on central mo­ ments related to boyhood, adolescence, sports, occupations, marriage, and fatherhood, and we explore men's emotional and sexual relationships with women and with other men. We also include

a section on Violence and Masculinities. We have done so because violence remains the single be­ havior, attitude, or trait for which there are over­ whelming, significant, and seemingly intractable gender differences. It affects so many other are­ nas of our lives that we have decided that we need to highlight this important feature of men's lives. The final part, "Men, Movements, and the Fu­ ture," explores some of the ways in which men are changing and some possible directions in which they might continue to change. Although a major component of the tradi­ tional, normative definition of masculinity is in­ dependence, we are pleased to acknowledge those colleagues and friends whose criticism and support have been a constant help throughout our work on this project. Karen Hanson and Jeff Lasser, our editors at Allyn and Bacon, inherited this project and have embraced it as their own, fa­ cilitating our work at every turn. Chris Cardone and Bruce Nichols, our original editors, were sup­ portive from the start and helped get the project going. Many other scholars who work on issues of masculinity, such as Bob Blauner, Robert Brannon, Harry Brod, Rocco Capraro, Raewyn Connell, James Harrison, Jeff Hearn, Joe Pleck, Tony Rotundo, Don Sabo, and Peter Stein, have contributed to a supportive intellectual commu­ nity in which to work. Colleagues at the State University of New York at Stony Brook and the University of South­ ern California have been supportive of this project. We are especially grateful to Diane Barthel-Bouchier, John Gagnon, Barry Glassner, Norman Goodman, Carol Jacklin, and Barrie Thorne. A fellowship from the Lilly Foundation supported Kimmel's work on pedagogical issues of teaching about men and masculinity. This book is the product of the profeminist men's movement as well-a loose network of men who support a feminist critique of tradiix

X

P R E FA C E

tional masculinity and women's struggles to en­ large the scope of their personal autonomy and public power. These men are engaged in a variety of efforts to transform masculinity in ways that allow men to live fuller, richer, and healthier lives. The editors of Changing Men (with whom we worked as Book Review Editor and Sports Edi­ tor), the late Mike Biernbaum and Rick Cote, la­ bored foymore than a decade to provide a forum for antisexist men. We acknowledge their efforts with gratitude and respect. Our families, friends, and colleagues have provided a rare atmosphere that combines intel­ lectual challenge and emotional support. We thank the reviewers of this edition: Kelly Eitzen Smith, University of Arizona; Jennifer L. Em­ merich, Western Michigan University; Elizabeth

Erbaugh, Grinnell College; Marcia Hernandez, University of the Pacific; Michael J. Murphy, Washington University in St. Louis. We want es­ pecially to acknowledge our fathers and mothers for providing such important models-not of being women or men, but of being adults capable of career competence, emotional warmth, and nurturance (these are not masculine or feminine traits). Finally, we thank Amy Aronson and Pierette Hondagneu-Sotelo, who have chosen to share our lives, and our sons, who didn't have much of a choice about it. Together they fIll our lives with so much joy. M.S.K. M.A.M.

INTRODU CTION

This is a book about men. But unlike other books about men, which line countless library shelves, this is a book about men as men. It is a book in which men's experiences are not taken for granted as we explore the "real" and significant accomplishments of men, but a book in which those experiences are treated as significant and important in themselves.

Men as "Gendered Beings" But what does it mean to examine men "as men"? Most courses in a college curriculum are about men, aren't they? But these courses rou­ tinely deal with men only in their public roles, so we come to know and understand men as scien­ tists, politicians, military figures, writers, and philosophers. Rarely, if ever, are men understood through the prism of gender. But listen to some male voices from some of these "ungendered" courses. Take, for example, composer Charles Ives, debunking "sissy" types of music; he said he used traditional tough guy themes and concerns in his drive to build new sounds and structures out of the popular musical idiom (cf. Wilkinson 1986: 103). Or architect Louis Sullivan, describing his ambition to create "masculine forms": strong, solid, commanding respect. Or novelist Ernest Hemingway, retaliat­ ing against literary enemies by portraying them as impotent or homosexual. Consider also political figures, such as Car­ dinal Richelieu, the seventeenth-century French First Minister to Louis XIII, who insisted that it was "necessary to have masculine virtue and do everything by reason" (cited in Elliott 1984: 20). Closer to home, recall President Lyndon Baines Johnson's dismissal of a political adversary: "Oh him. He has to squat to piss!" Or President John­ son's boast that during the Tet offensive in the

Vietnam War, he "didn't just screw Ho Chi Minh. I cut his pecker off!" Democrats have no monopoly on unexam­ ined gender coloring their political rhetoric. In­ deed, recent political campaigns have revolved, in part, around gender issues, as each candidate at­ tempted to demonstrate that he was not a "wimp" but was a "real man." (Of course, female politicians face the double task of convincing the electorate that they are not the "weak-willed wimps" that their gender implies in the public mind while at the same time demonstrating that they are "real women.") These are just a few examples of what we might call gendered speech, language that uses gender terms to make its case. And these are just a few of the thousands of examples one could find in every academic discipline of how men's lives are organized around gender issues and how gender remains one of the organizing principles of social life. We come to know ourselves and our world through the prism of gender-only we act as if we didn't know it. Fortunately, in recent years, the pioneering work of feminist scholars, both in traditional dis­ ciplines and in women's studies, and of feminist women in the political arena has made us aware of the centrality of gender in our lives. In the so­ cial sciences, gender has now taken its place alongside class and race as one of the three cen­ tral mechanisms by which power and resources are distributed in our society and the three central themes out of which we fashion the meanings of our lives. We certainly understand how this works for women. Through women's studies courses and also in courses about women in traditional disciplines, students have explored the complex­ ity of women's lives, the hidden history of exem­ plary women, and the daily experiences of

xi

xii

IN T R O D U C T I O N

women in the routines of their lives. For women, we know how gender works as one of the forma­ tive elements out of which social life is orga­ nized.

The Invisibility of Gender: A Sociological Explanation Too often, though, we treat men as if they had no gender, as if only their public personae were of interest to us as students and scholars, as if their interior experience of gender was of no signifi­ cance. This became evident when one of us was in a graduate seminar on feminist theory several years ago. A discussion between a white woman and a black woman revolved around the question of whether their similarities as women were greater than their racial differences as black and white. The white woman asserted that the fact that they were both women bonded them, in spite of their racial differences. The black woman disagreed. "When you wake up in the morning and look in the mirror, what do you see?" she asked. "I see a woman," replied the white woman. "That's precisely the issue," replied the black woman. "I see a black woman. For me, race is visible every day, because it is how I am not priv­ ileged in this culture. Race is invisible to you, which is why our alliance will always seem some­ what false to me." Witnessing this exchange, Michael Kimmel was startled. When he looked in the mirror in the morning, he saw, as he put it, "a human being: universally generalizable. The generic person." W hat had been concealed-that he possessed both race and gender-had become strikingly vis­ ible. As a white man, he was able not to think about the ways in which gender and race had af­ fected his experiences. There is a sociological explanation for this blind spot in our thinking: the mechanisms that afford us privilege are very often invisible to us. What makes us marginal (unempowered, op­ pressed) are the mechanisms that we understand, because those are the ones that are most painful

in daily life. Thus, white people rarely think of themselves as "raced" people, and rarely think of race as a central element in their experience. But people of color are marginalized by race, and so the centrality of race both is painfully obvious and needs study urgently. Similarly, middle-class people do not acknowledge the importance of social class as an organizing principle of social life, largely because for them cla�s is an invisible force that makes everyone look pretty much the same. Working-class people, on the other hand, are often painfully aware of the centrality of class in their lives. (Interestingly, upper-class people are often more aware of class dynamics than are middle-class people. In part, this may be the re­ sult of the emphasis on status within the upper class, as lineage, breeding, and family honor take center stage. In part, it may also be the result of a peculiar marginalization of the upper class in our society, as in the overwhelming number of televi­ sion shows and movies that are ostensibly about just plain [i.e., middle-class] folks.) In this same way, men often think of them­ selves as genderless, as if gender did not matter in the daily experiences of our lives. Certainly, we can see the biological sex of individuals, but we rarely understand the ways in which gender-that complex of social meanings that is attached to bi­ ological sex-is enacted in our daily lives. For ex­ ample, we treat male scientists as if their being men had nothing to do with the organization of their experiments, the logic of scientific inquiry, or the questions posed by science itself. We treat male political figures as if masculinity were not even remotely in their consciousness as they do battle in the political arena. This book takes a position directly opposed to such genderlessness for men. We believe that men are also "gendered" and that this gendering process, the transformation of biological males into socially interacting men, is a central experi­ ence for men. That we are unaware of it only helps to perpetuate the inequalities based on gen­ der in our society. In this book, we will examine the various ways in which men are gendered. We have gath-

I NTRODUCTION

ered together some of the most interesting, en­ gaging, and convincing materials from the past decade that have been written about men. We be­ lieve that Men's Lives will allow readers to explore the meanings of masculinity in contemporary U.S. culture in a new way.

Earlier Efforts to Study Men Certainly researchers have been examining mas­ culinity for a long time. Historically, there have been three general models that have governed so­ cial scientific research on men and masculinity. Biological models have focused on the ways in which innate biological differences between males and females program different social be­ haviors. Anthropological models have examined masculinity cross-culturally, stressing the varia­ tions in the behaviors and attributes associated with being a man. And, until recently, sociological models have stressed how socialization of boys and girls includes accommodation to a "sex role" specific to one's biological sex. Although each of these perspectives helps us to understand the meaning of masculinity and femininity, each is also limited in its ability to explain fully how gen­ der operates in any culture. Relying on differences in reproductive biol­ ogy, some scholars have argued that the physio­ logical organization of males and females makes inevitable the differences we observe in psycho­ logical temperament and social behaviors. One perspective holds that differences in endocrine functioning are the cause of gender difference, that testosterone predisposes males toward ag­ gression, competition, and violence, whereas es­ trogen predisposes females toward passivity, tenderness, and exaggerated emotionality. Others insist that these observed behavioral differences derive from the differences between the size or number of sperm and eggs. Since a male can pro­ duce 100 million sperm with each ejaculation, whereas a female can produce fewer than 200 eggs capable of producing healthy offspring over the course of her life, these authors suggest that men's "investment" in their offspring is signifi-

xiii

cantly less than women's investment. Other au­ thors arrive at the same conclusion by suggesting that the different size of egg and sperm, and the fact that the egg is the source of the food supply, impels temperamental differences. Reproductive "success" to males means the insemination of as many females as possible; to females, reproduc­ tive success means carefully choosing one male to mate with and insisting that he remain present to care for and support their offspring. Still other au­ thors argue that male and female behavior is gov­ erned by different halves of the brain; males are ruled by the left hemisphere, which controls ra­ tionality and abstract thought, whereas females are governed by the right hemisphere, which con­ trols emotional affect and creativity. (For exam­ ples of these works, see Trivers 1972; Goldberg 1975; Wilson 1976; and Goldberg, 1986.) Observed normative temperamental differ­ ences between women and men that are assumed to be of biological origin are easily translated into political prescriptions. In this ideological sleight of hand, what is normative (i.e., what is pre­ scribed) is translated into what is normal, and the mechanisms of this transformation are the as­ sumed biological imperative. George Gilder, for example, assembles the putative biological differ­ ences between women and men into a call for a return to traditional gender roles. Gilder believes that male sexuality is, by nature, wild and lusty, "insistent" and "incessant," careening out of control and threatening anarchic disorder, unless it can be controlled and constrained. This is the task of women. When women refuse to apply the brakes to male sexuality-by asserting their own or by choosing to pursue a life outside the do­ mestic sphere-they abandon their "natural" function for illusory social gains. Sex education, abortion, and birth control are all condemned as facilitating women's escape from biological ne­ cessity. Similarly, he argues against women's em­ ployment, since the "unemployed man can contribute little to the community and will often disrupt it, but the woman may even do more good without a job than with one" (Gilder 1986: 86).

xiv

I N T R O D U C T IO N

The biological argument has been chal­ lenged by many scholars on several grounds. The implied causation between two observed sets of differences (biological differences and different behaviors) is misleading, since there is no logical reason to assume that one caused the other, or that the line of causation moves only from the bi­ ological to the social. The selection of biological evidence.is partial, and generalizations from "lower" animal species to human beings are al­ ways suspect. One sociologist asks, if these dif­ ferences are "natural," why must their enforcement be coercive, and why must males and females be forced to assume the rules that they are naturally supposed to play (see Epstein 1986: 8)? And one primatologist argues that the evidence adduced to support the current status quo might also lead to precisely the opposite con­ clusions, that biological differences would impel female promiscuity and male fragility (see Hrdy 1981). Biological differences between males and females would appear to set some parameters for differences in social behavior, but would not dic­ tate the temperaments of men and women in any one culture. These psychological and social dif­ ferences would appear to be the result far more of the ways in which cultures interpret, shape, and modify these biological inheritances. We may be born mal€s or females, but we become men and women in a cultural context. Anthropologists have entered the debate at this point, 'but with different positions. For ex­ ample, some anthropologists have suggested that the universality of gender differences comes from specific cultural adaptations to the environment, whereas others describe the cultural variations of gender roles, seeking to demonstrate the fluidity of gender and the primacy of cultural organiza­ tion. Lionel Tiger and Robin Fox argue that the sexual division of labor is universal because of the different nature of bonding for males and fe­ males. "Nature," they argue, "intended mother and child to be together" because she is the source of emotional security and food; thus, cul­ tures have prescribed various behaviors for women that emphasize nurturance and emo-

tional connection (Tiger and Fox 1984: 304). The bond between men is forged through the neces­ sity of "competitive cooperation" in hunting; men must cooperate with members of their own tribe in the hunt and yet compete for scarce re­ sources with men in other tribes. Such bonds pre­ dispose men toward the organization of the modern corporation or governmental bureau­ cracy. Such anthropological arguments omit as much as they include, and many scholars have pointed out problems with the model. Why didn't intelligence become sex linked, as this model (and the biological model) would imply? Such positions also reveal a marked conservatism: The differences between women and men are the dif­ ferences that nature or cultural evolution in­ tended and are therefore not to be tampered with. Perhaps the best-known challenge to this an­ thropological argument is the work of Margaret Mead. Mead insisted that the variations among cultures in their prescriptions of gender roles re­ quired the conclusion that culture was the more decisive cause of these differences. In her classic study, Sex and Temperament in Three Primitive So­ cieties ( 1935), Mead observed such wide variabil­ ity among gender role prescriptions-and such marked differences from our own-that any uni­ versality implied by biological or anthropologi­ cal models had to be rejected. And although the empirical accuracy of Mead's work has been challenged in its specific arguments, the general theoretical arguments remain convincing. Psychological theories have also contributed to the discussion of gender roles, as psychologists have specified the developmental sequences for both males and females. Earlier theorists ob­ served psychological distancing from the mother as the precondition for independence and auton­ omy or suggested a sequence that placed the ca­ pacity for abstract reason as the developmental stage beyond relational reasoning. Because it is normative for males to exhibit independence and the capacity for abstract reason, it was argued that males are more successful at negotiating these psychological passages and implied that

INT RODU C TION

women somehow lagged behind men on the lad­ der of developmental success. (Such arguments may be found in the work of Freud, Erikson, and Kohlberg.) But these models, too, have been challenged, most recently by sociologist Nancy Chodorow (1978), who argued that women's ability to con­ nect contains a more fundamentally human trait than the male's need to distance, and by psychol­ ogist Carol Gilligan (1982), who claimed that women's predisposition toward relational reason­ ing may contain a more humane strategy of thought than recourse to abstract principles. Re­ gardless of our assessment of these arguments, Chodorow and Gilligan rightly point out that the highly ideological assumptions that make mas­ culinity the normative standard against which the psychological development of both males and fe­ males was measured would inevitably make fem­ ininity problematic and less fully developed. Moreover, Chodorow explicitly insists that these "essential" differences between women and men are socially constructed and therefore subject to change. Finally, sociologists have attempted to syn­ thesize these three perspectives into a systematic explanation of "sex roles." These are the collec­ tion of attitudes, attributes, and behaviors that is seen as appropriate for males and appropriate for females. Thus, masculinity is associated with technical mastery, aggression, competitiveness, and cognitive abstraction, whereas femininity is associated with emotional nurturance, connect­ edness, and passivity. Sex role theory informed a wide variety of prescriptive literature (self-help books) that instructed parents on what to do if they wanted their child to grow up as a healthy boy or girl. The strongest challenge to all these perspec­ tives, as we have seen, has come from feminist scholars, who have specified the ways in which the assumptions about maturity, development, and health all made masculinity the norm against which both genders were measured. In all the so­ cial sciences, these feminist scholars have stripped these early studies of their academic fa-

XV

cades to reveal the unexamined ideological as­ sumptions contained within them. By the early 1970s, women's studies programs began to artic­ ulate a new paradigm for the study of gender, one that assumed nothing about men or women be­ forehand and that made no assumptions about which gender was more highly developed.

Thinking about Men: The First Generation In the mid-1970s, the first group of works on men and masculinity appeared that was directly influ­ enced by these feminist critiques of the tradi­ tional explanations for gender differences. Some books underscored the costs to men of traditional gender role prescriptions, exploring how some as­ pects of men's lives and experiences are con­ strained and underdeveloped by the relentless pressure to exhibit other behaviors associated with masculinity. Books such as Marc Feigen­ Fasteau's The Male Machine (1974) and Warren Farrell's The Liberated Man (1975) discussed the costs of the traditional male sex role to men's health-both physical and psychological-and to the quality of relationships with women, other men, and their children. Several anthologies explored the meanings of masculinity in the United States by adopting a feminist-inspired prism through which to view men and masculinity. For example, Deborah David and Robert Brannon's The Forty-Nine Per­ cent Majority (1976) and Joseph P1eck and Jack Sawyer's Men and Masculinity (1974) presented panoramic views of men's lives from within a framework that accepted the feminist critique of traditional gender arrangements. Elizabeth Pleck and Joseph Pleck's The American Man (1980) sug­ gested a historical evolution of contemporary themes. These works explored both the costs and the privileges of being a man in modern U.S. society. Perhaps the single most important book to criticize the normative organization of the male sex role was Joseph Pleck's The Myth of Masculinity

xvi

IN T ROD U C T ION

(1981). Pleck carefully deconstructed the con­ stituent elements of the male sex role and re­ viewed the empirical literature for each component part. After demonstrating that the empirical literature did not support these norma­ tive features, Pleck argued that the male sex role model was incapable of describing men's experi­ ences. In its place, he posited a male "sex role strain" model that specified the contemporary sex role as problematic, historically specific, and also an unattainable ideal. Building on Pleck's work, a critique of the sex role model began to emerge. Sex roles had been cast as the static containers of behaviors and attitudes, and biological males and females were required to fit themselves into these containers, regardless of how ill-fitting these clusters of be­ haviors and attitudes felt. Such a model was ahis­ torical and suggested a false cultural universalism, and was therefore ill equipped to help us under­ stand the ways in which sex roles change, and the ways in which individuals modify those roles through the enactments of gender expectations. Most telling, however, was the way in which the sex role model ignored the ways in which defini­ tions of masculinity and femininity were based on, and reproduced, relationships of power. Not only do men as a group exert power over women as a group, but the definitions of masculinity and femininity reproduce those power relations. Power dynamics are an essential element in both the definition and the enactments of gender. This first generation of research on mas­ culinity was extremely valuable, particularly since it challenged the unexamined ideology that made masculinity the gender norm against which both men and women were measured. The old models of sex roles had reproduced the domina­ tion of men over women by insisting on the dom­ inance of masculine traits over feminine traits. These new studies argued against both the defin­ itions of either sex and the social institutions in which those differences were embedded. Shapers of the new model looked at "gender relations" and understood how the definition of either mas­ culinity or femininity was relational, that is, how

the definition of one gender depended, in part, on the understanding of the definition of the other. In the early 1980s, the research on women again surged ahead of the research on men and masculinity. This time, however, the focus was not on the ways in which sex roles reproduce the power relations in society, but rather on the ways in which femininity is experienced differently by women in various social groups. Gradually, the notion of a single femininity-which was based on the white middle-class Victorian notion of fe­ male passivity, langorous beauty, and emotional responsiveness-was replaced by an examination of the ways in which women differ in their gen­ der role expectations by race, class, age, sexual orientation, ethnicity, region, and nationality. The research on men and masculinity is now entering a new stage, in which the variations among men are seen as central to the under­ standing of men's lives. The unexamined as­ sumption in earlier studies had been that one version of masculinity-white, middle-aged, middle-class, heterosexual-was the sex role into which all men were struggling to fit in our society. Thus, working-class men, men of color, gay men, and younger and older men were all observed as departing in significant ways from the traditional definitions of masculinity. Therefore, it was easy to see these men as enacting "problematic" or "deviant" versions of masculinity. Such theoreti­ cal assertions, however, reproduce precisely the power relationships that keep these men in sub­ ordinate positions in our society. Not only does middle-class, middle-aged, heterosexual white masculinity become the standard against which all men are measured, but this defmition, itself, is used against those who do not fit as a way to keep them down. The normative definition of mas­ culinity is not the "right" one, but it is the one that is dominant. The challenge to the hegemonic definition of masculinity came from men whose masculin­ ity was cast as deviant: men of color, gay men, and ethnic men. We understand now that we can­ not speak of "masculinity" as a singular term,

IN T R O D U C T I 0 N

but must examine masculinities: the ways in which different men construct different versions of mas­ culinity. Such a perspective can be seen in several recent works, such as Harry Brod's The Making of Masculinities (1987), Michael Kimmel's Changing

Men: New Directions in Research on Men and Mas­ culinity (1987), and Tim Carrigan, R. W Connell, and John Lee's "Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity" (1985). R. W Connell's Gender and Power (1987) and Jeff Hearn's The Gender of Op­ pression (1987) represent the most sophisticated theoretical statements of this perspective. Con­ nell argues that the oppression of women is a chief mechanism that links the various masculin­ ities, and that the marginalization of certain mas­ culinities is an important component of the reproduction of male power over women. This critique of the hegemonic definition of mas­ culinity as a perspective on men's lives is one of the organizing principles of our book, which is the first college-level text in this second genera­ tion of work on men and masculinities. Now that we have reviewed some of the tra­ ditional explanations for gender relations and have situated this book within the research on gender in general, and men in particular, let us briefly outline exactly the theoretical perspective we have employed in the book.

The Social Construction of Masculinities Men are not born, growing from infants through boyhood to manhood, to follow a predetermined biological imperative encoded in their physical organization. To be a man is to participate in so­ cial life as a man, as a gendered being. Men are not born; they are made. And men make them­ selves, actively constructing their masculinities within a social and historical context. This book is about how men are made and how men make themselves in contemporary U.S. society. It is about what masculinity means, about how masculinity is organized, and about the so­ cial institutions that sustain and elaborate it. It is

xvii

a book in which we will trace what it means to be a man over the course of men's lives. Men's Lives revolves around three important themes that are part of a social scientific per­ spective. First, we have adopted a social construc­ tionist perspective. By this, we mean that the important fact of men's lives is not that they are biological males, but that they become men. Our sex may be male, but our identity as men is de­ veloped through a complex process of interaction with the culture in which we both learn the gen­ der scripts appropriate to our culture and attempt to modify those scripts to make them more palat­ able. The second axis around which the book is organized follows from our social constructionist perspective. As we have argued, the experience of masculinity is not uniform and universally gener­ alizable to all men in our society. Masculinity dif­ fers dramatically in our society, and we have organized the book to illustrate the variations among men in the construction of masculinity. Third, we have adopted a life course perspective, to chart the construction of these various masculin­ ities in men's lives and to examine pivotal devel­ opmental moments or institutional locations during a man's life in which the meanings of mas­ culinity are articulated. Social constructionism, variations among men, and the life course per­ spective define the organization of this book and the criteria we have used to select the articles in­ cluded.

The Social Constructionist Model The social constructionist perspective argues that the meaning of masculinity is neither transhis­ torical nor culturally universal, but rather varies from culture to culture and within any one cul­ ture over time. Thus, males become men in the United States in the early twenty-first century in a way that is very different from men in Southeast Asia, or Kenya, or Sri Lanka. Men's lives also vary within any one culture over time. The experience of masculinity in the contemporary United States is very different from that experience 150 years ago. Who would argue that what it meant to be a "real man" in

xviii

IN T ROD U C T ION

seventeenth-century France (at least among the upper classes)-high-heeled patent leather shoes, red velvet jackets covering frilly white lace shirts, lots of rouge and white powder makeup, and a taste for the elegant refmement of ornate furni­ ture-bears much resemblance to the meaning of masculinity among a similar class of French men today? A perspective that emphasizes the social construction of gender is, therefore, both historical and comparative. It allows us to explore the ways in which the meanings of gender vary from cul­ ture to culture, and how they change within any one culture over historical time.

Variations among Men Masculinity also varies within any one society ac­ cording to the various types of cultural groups that compose it. Subcultures are organized around other poles, which are the primary way in which people organize themselves and by which resources are distributed. And men's experiences differ from one another according to what social scientists have identified as the chief structural mechanisms along which power and resources are distributed. We cannot speak of masculinity in the United States as if it were a single, easily identifiable commodity. To do so is to risk posit­ ing one version of masculinity as normative and making all other masculinities problematic. In the' contemporary United States, mas­ culinity is constructed differently by class culture, by race and ethnicity, and by age. And each of these axes of masculinity modifies the others. Black masculinity differs from white masculinity, yet each of them is also further modified by class and age. A 30-year-old middle-class black man will have some things in common with a 30-year­ old middle-class white man that he might not share with a 60-year-old working-class black man, although he will share with him elements of masculinity that are different from those of the white man of his class and age. The resulting matrix of masculinities is complicated by cross­ cutting elements; without understanding this, we

risk collapsing all masculinities into one hege­ monic version. The challenge to a singular definition of masculinity as the normative definition is the sec­ ond axis around which the readings in this book revolve. The Life Course Perspective The meaning of masculinity is not constant over the course of any man's life but will change as he grows and matures. The issues confronting a man about proving himself and feeling successful and the social institutions in which he will attempt to enact his definitions of masculinity will change throughout his life. Therefore, we have adopted a life course perspective to discuss the ways in which different issues will emerge for men at different times of their lives and the ways in which men's lives, themselves, change over time. The life course perspective that we have employed will ex­ amine men's lives at various pivotal moments in their development from young boys to adults. As in a slide show, these points will freeze the action for a short while, to afford us the opportunity to examine in more detail the ways in which differ­ ent men in our culture experience masculinity at any one time. The book's organization reflects these three concerns. Part One sets the context through which we shall examine men's lives. Parts Two through Ten follow those lives through their full course, examining central moments experienced by men in the United States today. Specifically, Parts Two and Three touch on boyhood and ado­ lescence, discussing some of the institutions or­ ganized to embody and reproduce masculinities in the United States, such as fraternities, the Boy Scouts, and sports groups. Part Four, "Men and Work," explores the ways in which masculinities are constructed in relation to men's occupations. Part Five, "Men and Health," deals with heart at­ tacks, stress, AIDS, and other health problems among men. Part Six, "Men in Relationships," describes men's emotional and sexual relation­ ships. We deal with heterosexuality and homo­ sexuality, mindful of the ways in which variations

IN T ROD U C T ION

are based on specific lines (class, race, ethnicity). Part Seven, "Male Sexualities," studies the nor­ mative elements of heterosexuality and probes the controversial political implications of pornography as a source of both straight and gay men's sexual information. Part Eight, "Men in Families," concentrates on masculinities within the family and the role of men as husbands, fa­ thers, and senior citizens. Part Nine, "Masculini­ ties in the Media," explores the different ways the media present modes of masculinity. Part Ten, "Violence and Masculinities," looks at violence as the most obdurate, intractable behavioral gen­ der difference. Part Eleven, "Men, Movements, and the Future," examines some of the ways in which men are changing and points to some di­ rections in which men might continue to change. Our perspective, stressing the social construc­ tion of masculinities over the life course, will, we believe, allow a more comprehensive understand­ ing of men's lives in the United States today.

References Brad, Harry, ed. The Making of Masculinities. Boston: Unwin, Hyman, 1987. Carrigan, Tim, Bob Connell, and John Lee. "Toward a New Sociology of Masculinity " in Theory and Society, 1985,5(14). Chodorow, Nancy. The Reproduction of Mothering. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978. Connell, R. W. Gender and Power. Stanford, CA: Stan­ ford University Press, 1987. David, Deborah, and Robert Brannon, eds. The Forty­ Nine Percent Majority. Reading, MA: Addison­ Wesley, 1976. Elliott, J. H. Richelieu and Olivares. New York: Cam­ bridge University Press, 1984.

xix

Epstein, Cynthia Fuchs. "Inevitability of Prejudice" in Society, Sept.! Oct., 1986. Farrell, Warren. The Liberated Man. New York: Ran­ dom House, 1975. Feigen-Fasteau, Marc. The Male Machine. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1974. Gilligan, Carol. In a Different Voice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982. Gilder, George. Men and Marriage. Gretna, LA: Peli­ can Publishers, 1986. Goldberg, Steven. The Inevitability of Patriarchy. New York: William Morrow & Co., 1975. "Reaffirming the Obvious" in Society, Sept.! Oct., 1986. Hearn, Jeff. The Gender of Oppression. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1987. Hrdy, Sandra Blaffer. The Woman That Never Evolved. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981. Kimmel, Michael S., ed. Changing Men: New Directions in Research on Men and Masculinity. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1987. Mead, Margaret. Sex and Temperament in Three Primi­ tive Societies. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1935. Pleck, Elizabeth, and Joseph Pleck, eds. The American Man. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1980. Fleck, Joseph. The Myth of Masculinity. Cambridge, MA: M.LT. Press, 1981. and Jack Sawyer, eds. Men and Masculinity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1974. Tiger, Lionel, and Robin Fox. The Imperial Animal. New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1984. Trivers, Robert. "Parental Investment and Sexual Se­ lection" in Sexual Selection and the Descent of Man (B. Campbell, ed.). Chicago: Aldine Publishers, 1972. Wilkinson, Rupert. American Tough: The Tough Guy Tradition and American Character. New York: Harper & Row, 1986. Wilson, E. O. Sociobiology: The New Synthesis. Cam­ bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976. ---

---

O N E

the " m ascu line mystique" and suggest various d i­ mensions of men 's position in society, their power,

Pers pectives on

their powerlessness, and their confusion.

M asc u l i n ities

some universal category that is experienced i n the

But we cannot speak of " mascu l i n ity" as same ways by each man. "All men are alike" runs a popu lar saying. But are they really? Are gay men's experiences with work, relationships , love, and pol itics similar to those of heterosexual men? Do black and Chicano men face the same prob­

A quick glance at any magazine rack or television

lems and confl icts in their daily l ives that white men face? Do middle-class men have the same

talk show is enough to make you aware that these

political interests as blue-collar men? The answers

days, men are confused. What does it mean to be

to these questions, as the articles in this part sug­

a " real man"? How are men supposed to behave?

gest, are not simple.

What are men supposed to feel? How are men to

Although earlier studies of men and mas­

express their feelings? Who are we supposed to

culinity focused on the apparently u niversal norms

be like: Eminem or Boyz II Men? Jimmy Kimmel or

of mascul in ity, recent work has attempted to

Carson Kressley? Derek Jeter or Kobe Bryant?

demonstrate how different the worlds of various

Rhett Butler or Ashley Wilkes?

men are. Men are divided along the same l ines

We are bombarded daily with i m ages and

that divide any other group: race, cl ass, sexual ori­

handy rules to help us negotiate our way through

entatio n , eth nicity, age, and geographic region.

a world in which all the rules seem to have sud­

Men's lives vary i n crucial ways, and understand­

denly vanished or changed. Some tel l us to

ing these variations will take us a long way toward

reassert trad itional mascu l i n ity against a l l con­

understanding men's experiences.

temporary challenges. But a strength that is built

Earlier studies that suggested a s i ngle uni­

only on the weakness of others hardly feels l i ke

versal norm of masculinity reproduced some of the

strength at a l l . Others tel l us that men are i n

problems they were trying to solve. To be sure , all

power, the oppressor. B u t i f m e n are i n power as

benefit from the i nequal ity between women and

a group, why do individual men often feel so

men; for example, thi n k of how rape jokes or male­

powerless? Can men change?

exclusive sports culture provide contexts for the

These questions wi l l return throughout this

bonding of men across class, race, and eth nic

book. These articles i n Part One begin to u nravel

l ines whi l e denying full partici pation to wome n .

1

2

PART O N E

Perspectives on Masculinities

But the single, seem i ngly universal mascul i nity

into what is normal. In this way, heterosexual men

obscured ways in which some men hold and main­

maintain their status by the oppression of gay men;

tai n power over other men in our society, h id i ng

m iddle-aged men can maintain thei r dominance

the fact that men do not all share equally in the

over older and younger men; upper-class men can

fruits of gender inequal ity.

exploit working-class men; and wh ite men can

Here is how sociologist Erving Goffman put it in his important book Stigma (New York: Double­ day, 1963 , p. 128):

enjoy privileges at the expense of men of color. The articles in this section explore this idea of mascu linities as plural. Alfredo M i rande and Yen Le Espiritu focus on the different ways in which

In an i m portant sense there is only one com­

different groups of men (Latino and Asian Ameri­

plete unblushing male in America: a young, mar­

can) experience masculinities. They suggest that

ried, wh ite, urban , northern, heterosexua l

an understand i ng of class, ethnic, and racial m i­

Protestant father o f college education, fully em­

norities requires an understanding of how pol itical,

ployed, of good complexion, weight, and height,

social, and economic factors shape and constrai n

and a recent record in sports. Every American

the possibil ities and personal l ifestyle choices for

male tends to look out upon the world from this

different groups of men. Calls for " changing mas­

perspective, this constituting one sense in

culinities , " these articles suggest, must involve an

wh ich one can speak of a common value sys­

emphasis on institutional transformation.

tem in America. Any male who fails to qualify i n

And yet despite all these differences among

any one o f these ways is l i kely to view h im­

men , men also share some i m portant common

self-during moments at least-as unworthy,

characteristics. Barry Deutsch suggests that a l l

incomplete, and inferior.

men, regardless o f race, class, ethn icity, sexuality, or age, benefit from a set of privileges that are so

As Goffman suggests, m idd le-class, white ,

ordinary that they are invisible. Martha McCaughey

heterosexual masculin ity is used as the marker

shows how the new "science" of evolutionary psy­

against which other masculinities are measured ,

chology has rushed i n to shore up a biological and

and by which standard they may be found wanting.

evolutionary foundation for male dominance and

What is normative (prescribed) becomes translated

violence.

A R T I C L E

1

Martha McCaughey

Caveman Masculinity: Finding an Ethnicity i n Evolutionary Science The Caveman as Retrosexuality Most of us can call up some image of prehistoric man and his treatment of women. He's a shaggy, well-muscled caveman, whose name is Thor, and we might picture him, club in hand, approaching a scrawny but curvaceous woman, whom he bangs over the head and drags by the hair into a cave to mate. I'm sure the majority of readers rec­ ognize this imagery. Indeed, today an image of modern men as guided by such prehistoric ten­ dencies is even celebrated on T-shirts sold to American men on web sites that allow people to post and sell their own designs. One such image for sale on the cafepress website features a version of Thor, wearing a fur pelt and holding a club, ac­ companied by the slogan "ME FIND WOMAN!" Another image available for T-shirts boxer shorts baseball caps, and coffee mugs fe tures a ma dressed in· a one-shoulder fur pelt, with his club, smiling behind a cavewoman who is wearing a fur bikini outfit and cooking a skinned animal on a spit, with the saying "MEN'S PRIORITYS [sic] : 1 0,000 YEARS LATER AND STILL ON THE HUNT FOR FOOD AND SEX!" Another image features only the club, with the saying, "caveman: primitive pimpin' ." Everywhere we look we can find applications of an increasingly fashionable academic exer­ cise�the invocation of evolutionary theory to explain human male behaviors, particularly de-

�

�

Based on The Caveman Mystique: Pop-Darwinism and the Debates over Sex, Violence, and Science by Martha

McCaughey. Copyright © 2008 Routledge. Reprinted by permission.

plorable behaviors such as sexual harassment, rape, and aggression more generally. The familiar portrayals of sex differences based in evolution popularize and legitimize an academic version of evolutionary thought known increasingly as evo­ lutionary psychology, a field referred to as the "science of the mind."! The combination of scholarly and popular attention to evolution and human male sexuality has increasingly lodged American manhood in an evolutionary logic. The discourse of evolutionary science has become part of popular consciousness, a sort of cultural consensus about who men are. The evolutionary theory is that our human male ancestors were in constant competition with one another for sexual access to fertile women who were picky about their mate choices give the high level of parental investment required of the human female for reproduction�months of gestation, giving birth, and then years of lacta­ tion and care for a dependent child. The human male's low level of parental investment required for reproduction, we are told, resulted in the unique boorishness of the hairier sex: He is sexu­ ally promiscuous; he places an enormous em­ phasis on women's youth and beauty, which he ogles every chance he gets; he either cheats on his wife or wants to; and he can be sexually aggres­ sive to the point of criminality. We find references to man's evolutionary her­ itage not only on T-shirts but in new science text­ books, pop psychology books on relationships, men's magazine, and Broadway shows. There are caveman fitness plans and caveman diets. Saturday Night Live's hilarious "Unfrozen Cave­ man Lawyer" and the affronted caveman of the

�

3

4

PART

ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

Geico car insurance ads joke about the ubiquity of caveman narratives. More disturbingly, the Darwinian discourse also crops up when men need an excuse for antisocial behavior. One man, who was caught on amateur video participating in the Central Park group sexual assaults in the summer of 2000, can be heard on video telling his sobbing victim, "Welcome back to the caveman times." How does a man come to think of himself as a caveman when he attacks a woman? W hat made so many American men decide that it's the DNA, rather than the devil, that makes them do it? Using the late sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's theory of habitus, or the account of how cultural ideas are taken up in the form of bodily habits and tastes that reinforce behavioral norms and social inequality, I suggest that scientific theories find their way into both popular culture and men's corporeal habits and attitudes. Evolution has be­ come popular culture, where popular culture is more than just media representations but refers to the institutions of everyday life: family, marriage, school, work-all sites where gender and racial knowledges are performed according to images people have available to them in actionable reper­ toires, scripts, and narratives. As popular culture, evolutionary narratives offer men a way to em­ body male .sexuality. That an evolutionary account of hetero­ sexual male desire has captured the popular imag­ ination is obvious from Muscle & Fitness magazine's article on "Man the visual animal," which ex­ plains why men leer at women. Using a theory of the evolved difference between human male and female sexual psychologies developed by leading evolutionary psychologist Donald Symons, the article offers the following explanation under the subheading "Evolution Happens": Not much has changed in human sexuality since the Pleistocene. In his landmark book The Evolution of Human Sexuality (Oxford Univer­ sity Press, 1 979), Symons hypothesizes that the male's sexual response to visual cues has been so rewarded by evolution that it's become innate.2

Such stories provide a means by which het­ erosexual male readers can experience their sex­ uality as acultural, primal: "The desire to ogle is your biological destiny."3 Evolution may happen (or may have hap­ pened), but these stories do not just happen. Their appeal seems to lie precisely in the sense of secu­ rity provided by the imagined inevitability of heterosexual manhood. In a marketplace of mas­ culine identities, the caveman ethos is served up as Viagra for the masculine soul. Just as the 1950s women suffering what Betty Friedan famously called the "feminine mystique" were supposed to seek satisfaction in their Tupperware collections and their feminine figures, men today have been offered a way to think of their masculinity as powerful, productive, even aggressive-in a new economic and political climate where real oppor­ tunities to be rewarded for such traits have slipped away.4 It's hardly that most men today find them­ selves raising children at home while female part­ ners bring home the bacon. But, like the fifties housewife, more men must now find satisfaction despite working below their potential (given that their job skills have lost their position to tech­ nology or other labor sources) in a postindustrial service economy that is less rewarding both ma­ terially and morally. As Susan Faludi puts it in her book Stiffed: "The fifties housewife, stripped of her connections to a wider world and invited to fill the void with shopping and the ornamental display of her ultrafemininity, could be said to have morphed into the nineties man, stripped of his connections to a wider world and invited to fill the void with consumption and a gym-bred dis­ play of his ultra-masculinity. "5 On top of the economic changes affecting men, during the 1990s a growing anti-rape move­ ment also challenged men, taking them to task for the problem of violence against women. More state and federal dollars supported efforts to stop such violence, and men increasingly feared complaints and repercussions for those com­ plaints. The rape trials of Mike Tyson and William Kennedy Smith, Jr. , the increasingly

ARTIC L E

1

Caveman Masculinity: Finding an Ethnicity in Evolutionary Science

common school shootings (executed overwhelm­ ingly by boys), the sexual harassment of women by men at the Citadel, the media attention given to the notorious Spurr Posse (a gang of guys who sought sex for "points" at almost all costs), the local sexual assault trials of countless high school and college athletic stars, the sexual ha­ rassment allegations against Supreme Court Jus­ tice nominee Clarence T homas, and the White House sex scandals involving Bill Clinton meant more lost ground. Indeed, the 1 990s saw relent­ less-though not necessarily ill-founded-criti­ cism of men's sexual violence and other forms of aggression. Right-wing leaders were as upset with men as feminists and other progressives. T hose opposing abortion rights argued that sexual intercourse without procreation was undermining male re­ sponsibility, and those opposing women's equal­ rights legislation argued that women's liberation would only allow men to relinquish their eco­ nomic obligations to their families, sending women and children into divorce-induced poverty. Con­ sidering that critics of men came from the politi­ cal right and left, and from among men as well as women, it seems fair to say that in turn-of-the­ century America, moral disdain for men, what­ ever their age, race, or economic rank, had reached an all-tim� high. For some men, the response was to cultivate a rude-dude attitude-popularized by Howard Stern,

The Man Show, and MTV's endless shows

about college spring break vacations. For some others, the response was to face, with a sense of responsibility and urgency, men's animal natures and either accept or reform their caveman ways. While some men were embracing the role of con­ sumers and becoming creatures of ornamenta­ tion-the "metrosexuals"-other men revolted against metrosexuality, embracing a can-do viril­ ity that Sara Stewart in

The New York Post referred

5

The Caveman as Popular Scientific Story Popular culture is a political Petri dish for Dar­ winian ideas about sex. Average American guys don't read academic evolutionary science, but many do read about science in popular magazines and in best-selling books about the significance of the latest scientific ideas. As such, it is worth ex­ amining-even when magazine writers and tele­ vision producers intentionally " dumb down" relatively sophisticated academic claims. In this section, I look at the way some popular texts make sense of evolutionary claims about men. Later I suggest that the caveman ideology, much of which centers on men's aggressive heterosexu­ ality, gets embodied and thereby reproduced. 7 I n September o f 1 999,

Men's Health maga­

zine featured a caveman fitness program. Readers are shown an exercise routine that corresponds to the physical movements their ancestors would have engaged in: throwing a spear, hauling an an­ imal carcass, honing a stone. A nice looking clean-shaven young man is shown exercising, his physical posture mirrored by a scruffy animal skin-dad caveman behind him in the photo. Each day of the week-long routine is labeled according to the caveman mystique: building the cave home; the hunt; the chase; the kill; the long trek home; preparing for the feast; and rest. T hat an exercise plan is modeled after man-as-caveman reveals the common assumption that being a caveman is good for a man, a healthy existence. Another issue of

Men's Health magazine ex­

plains "the sex science facts" to male readers in­ terested in "the biology of attraction. " We follow the steps of a mating dance, but don't quite un­ derstand that's what we're doing. Indeed, we must learn the evolutionary history of sex to see why men feel the way they do when they notice a beautiful woman walking down the street:

to as "retrosexuality, " or that "cringe-inducing backlash of beers and leers."6 Caveman mas­ culinity, with its focus on men's irrepressible het­

Of course, out there in the street, you have no

thoughts about genetic compatibility or child­

erosexuality and natural vigor, is a scientifically

bearing. Probably the farthest thing from your

authorized form of retrosexuality.

mind is having a child with that beautiful

6

PA RT O N E

Perspectives on Masculinities

woman. But that doesn't matter. What you think counts for almost nothing. In the envi­ ronment that crafted your brain and body, an environment in which you might be dead within minutes of spotting this beauty, the only thing that counted was that your clever neocor­ tex-your seat of higher reason-be turned off so that you could quickly select a suitable mate, impregnate her, and succeed in passing on your genes to the next generation. 8

staged answers reveal something about the indi­ viduals' real-life choices (or genes). But the re­ sults of this research make great copy. Men's Health magazine in 1999 offers an arti­ cle called "The Mysteries of Sex . . . Explained!" and relies on evolutionary theory, quoting several professors in the field, to explain "why most women won't sleep with you." The article eluci­ dates:

The article proceeds to identify the signals of fertility that attract men: youth, beauty, big breasts, and a small waistline. Focusing on the desire for youth in women, the article tells men that "the reason men of any age continue to like young girls is that we were designed to get them pregnant and dominate their fertile years by keep­ ing them that way. . . . When your first wife has lost the overt signals of reproductive viability, you desire a younger woman who still has them all."9 And, of course, male readers are reminded that "your genes don't care about your wife or girl­ friend or what the neighbors will say." lO

Stop blaming your wife. The fault lies with Mother Nature, the pit boss of procreation. Neil M. Malamuth, Ph.D., professor of psy­ chology at UCLA, explains. "You're in Las Vegas with 10 grand. Your gambling strategy will depend on which form your money takes. With 10 chips worth $1,000 each, you'd weigh each decision cautiously. With 10,000 $1 chips, you'd throw them around. " That's reproductive strategy in a nutshell. 12

Amy Alkon's Winston-Salem Journal advice column, "The Advice Goddess," uses an evolu­ tionary theory of men's innate loutishness to comfort poor "Feeling Cheated On," who sent a letter complaining that her boyfriend fantasizes about otheF women during their lovemaking. The Advice Goddess cited a study by Bruce J. Ellis and Donald Symons (whose work was also men­ tioned in Muscle & Fitness) to conclude that "male sexuality is all about variety. Men are hard-wired to want you, the entire girls' dorm next door, and the entire girls' dorm next to that. " l l Popular magazines tell men that they have a biological propensity to favor women with the faces of 1 1 � year-old girls (where the eyes and chin are close together) and a waist-to-hip ratio of .7 (where the waist measures 70% that of the hips). Men are told that their sexist double stan­ dard concerning appearance is evolutionary. Some of this research is very speculative-for in­ stance, in some studies, men are simply shown photos of women with specific waist-to-hip ratios and then asked, "Would you like to spend the rest of your life with this woman?"-as though such

Popular magazine articles like this follow a standard formula. They quote the scientists, re­ porting on the evolutionary theorists' research, and offer funny anecdotes about male sexuality to illustrate the research findings. This Men's Health article continues to account for men's having fetishes: "Men are highly sexed creatures, less interested in relationship but highly hooked on visuals, says David Givens, Ph.D., an anthropol­ ogist. 'Because sex carries fewer consequences for men, it's easier for us to use objects as surrogate sexual partners. ' Me? I've got my eye on a Zenith, model 39990. "13 It's not just these popular and often humor­ ous accounts of men that are based in some version of evolutionary theory. Even serious aca­ demic arguments rely on evolutionary theories of human behavior. For example, Steven Rhoads, a member of the University of Virginia faculty in public policy, has written Taking Sex Differences Se­ riously (2004), a book telling us why gender equity in the home and the workplace is a feminist pipedream. Rhoads argues that women are wrong to expect men to take better care of children, do more housework, and make a place for them as equals at work because, he states, "men and women still have different natures and, generally

A R TIC L E 1

Caveman Masculinity: Finding an Ethnicity in Evolutionary Science

7

speaking, different preferences, talents and inter­

article, for instance, quotes feminist writer Katha

ests. " 14 He substantiates much of his argument

Pollitt, who insists that "human beings cannot be

about the divergent psychological predispositions

reduced to DNA packets."2o And then, as if to af­

in men and women with countless references to

firm Pollitt's claim, homosexuality is invoked as

studies done by evolutionary scholars.

an example of the countless non-adaptive delights

News magazines and television programs

we desire: "Homosexuality is hard to explain as

have also spent quite a bit of time popularizing

a biological adaptation. So is stamp collecting. . . .

evolutionary science and its implications for un­

We pursue countless passions that have no direct

derstanding human sex differences. The ABC

bearing on survival."21 So when there is a nod to

news program Day One reported in 1995 on evo­

ways humans are not hardwired, homosexual de­

lutionary psychologist David Buss's new book,

sires are framed as oddities having no basis in na­

The Evolution of Desire. 15 Buss appeared on the

ture, while heterosexual attraction along the lines

show, which elaborated his theory by presenting

of stereotypical heterosexual male fantasy is

us with super model Cindy Crawford and Barbie

framed as biological . Heterosexual desire enj oys

(the doll), presumably as representations of what

a

biologically correct status.

men are wired to find desirable. As Buss ex­

Zoologist Desmond Morris explains how

plained in the interview, our evolutionary fore­

evolutionary theory applies to humans in his 1 999

brothers who did not prefer women with high

six-part television series, Desmond Morris' The Human Animal: A Personal View of the Human Species.22 The first show in the series draws from his book, The Naked Ape, explaining that humans

cheekbones, big eyes, lustrous hair, and full lips did not reproduce. As Buss puts it, those men who happened to like someone who was older, sicker, or infertile "are not our ancestors. We are all the

are relatively hairless with little to protect them­

descendants of those men who preferred young

selves besides their big brains.23 This is stated as

healthy women and so as offspring, as descen­

we watch two naked people, one male and one fe­

dants of those men, we carry with us their de­

male, walk through a public place where everyone

sires . " 16 On that same television show,

Penthouse

else is dressed in modern-day clothing. Both are

magazine publisher Bob Guccioni was inter­

white, both are probably

viewed and explained that men are simply bio­

look like models (the man with well-chiseled mus­

25 to 30 years old, both

logically ,designed to enjoy looking at sexy

cles, a suntan, and no chest hair; the woman thin,

women: "This may be very politically incorrect

yet shapely with larger than average breasts,

but that's the way it is . . . . It's all part of our an­

shaved legs, and a manicured pubic region). This

cestral conditioning. " 17 Evolutionary narratives

presentation of man and woman in today's aes­

clearly work for publishers of pornography mar­

thetically ideal form as the image of what all of us

keted to men.

were once like is

Newsweek's 1996 cover story, "The Biology

de rigueur for any popular repre­

sentation of evolutionary theory applied to

of Beauty: What Science has Discovered about

human sexuality. No woman is flabby, flat chested,

Sex Appeal," argues that the beautylust humans

or has body hair; no man has pimples or back

exhibit "is often better suited to the Stone Age

hair. These culturally mandated ideal body types

than to the Information Age; the qualities we find

are presented as the image of what our human an­

alluring may be powerful emblems of health, fer­ tility and resistance to disease. . . . " 1 8 Though

cestors naturally looked like. In this way and oth­

"beauty isn't all that matters in life," the article as­

as states of nature.

serts, "our weakness for 'biological quality' is the cause of endless pain and injustice. "19 Sometimes the magazines and TV shows

ers, such shows posit modern aesthetic standards

Time magazine'S 1994 cover story on "Our Cheating Hearts" reports that "the emerging field known as evolutionary psychology" gives us

covering the biological basis of sexual desire give

"fresh detail about the feelings and thoughts that

a nod to the critics. The aforementioned Newsweek

draw us into marriage-or push us out. "24 After

8

PART ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

criminating about their sexual partners than

Rob Becker's one-man show, Defending the Caveman, played Broadway and elsewhere from

women, the article moves on to discuss why peo­

1993 to 2005. This performance piece poking fun

ple divorce, anticipating resistance to the evolu­

at sex differences is the longest running solo play

explaining the basics about men being less dis­

tionary explanation:

in Broadway history. It relies on a longstanding man-the-hunter and woman-the-gatherer frame­

Objections to this sort of analysis are pre­

work, from which modern sex differences follow.

dictable: "But people leave marriages for emo­

Cavemen hunted and focused on their prey until

tional reasons. They don't add up their offspring

killing it. Cavewomen gathered things to use in

and pull out their calculators. " But emotions

the cave home. Men are thus strong silent types

are just evolution's executioners. Beneath the thoughts and feelings and temperamental dif­ ferences marriage counselors spend their time sensitively assessing are the stratagems of the genes-cold, hard equations composed of sim­ ple variables: social status, age of spouse, num­ ber of children, their ages, outside romantic opportunities, and so on. Is the wife really

while women are into communication and to­ getherness. More significantly, Difending the Cave­

man's creator and performer believes men have a bad rap. Becker points out that women say "men are all assholes" with a kind of feminist cultural authority men no longer enjoy when they make derogatory remarks about women. Rob Becker

duller and more nagging than she was 20 years

thus echoes the common sentiment among Amer­

ago? Maybe, but maybe the husband's tolerance

ican men today that men are in the untenable po­

for nagging has dropped now that she is 45 and

sition of being both hated and ignorant. They

has no reproductive future.25

may want to try but they are unable to succeed.

In case

Time readers react to the new evolu­

the behavior patterns and sex battles in their daily

tionary psychology as part of a plot to destroy

lives, and seems to poke fun at men's shortcom­

The show validates many people's observations of

the cherished nuclear family, they are told that

ings-all the while affirming a vision of men as

"progress will also depend on people using the

being as similar as peas in a primordial pea soup.

explosive insight of evolutionary psychology in a morally responsible way. . . . We are potentially moral animals-which is more than any other an­

Evolution as I deology

imal can say-but we are not naturally moral an­

A critical examination of evolutionary science in

imals. The first step to being moral is to realize

its popular cultural manifestations over the past

how thoroughly we aren't. "26 While many accounts of evolution's signifi­

1 5 to 20 years-the way most men come to know of the theory about their sexuality-allows us to

cance for male sexuality seem simply to ratio­

ask how men come to know what they know

nalize sexist double standards and wallow in

about themselves. This type of analysis assumes

men's loutishness, a number of pop-Darwinist

that evolution is an ideology-which is not to sug­

claims have the moral purpose of liberating men

gest that humans got here via God's creation or

from being controlled by their caveman natures.

some means other than evolution by natural se­

Their message: Men can become enlightened

lection.

cavemen. These popular versions of man as cave­

about human nature as an ideology is to under­

Positioning

evolutionary

arguments

man make an attempt to liberate men by getting

stand that people think and act in ways that take

them to see themselves differently. They tell men

evolutionary theory, however they construe it, as

that they are cavemen with potential. They ei­

a self-evident truth. Furthermore, positioning evo­

ther make fun of men's putatively natural short­

lutionary theory applied to humans as an ideol­

comings or encourage them to cage the caveman

ogy allows us to examine the way evolutionary

within through a kind of scientific consciousness­

ideas about male sexuality circulate in our cul­

raising.

ture. It is on this basis that I challenge the conve-

A R T I C L E 1.

Caveman Masculinity: Finding an Ethnicity in Evolutionary Science

9

nient innocence with which men invoke science

ments. I argue that this explanation too simplisti­

to explain their bodies and their actions.

cally separates men's bodies from discourse.

The caveman is certainly not the only form of

The work of Pierre Bourdieu provides a tool

masculine identity in our times. But the emer­

for understanding how power is organized at the

gence of a caveman masculinity tells us much

level of unconscious embodiment of cultural

about the authority of science, the flow of scien­

forces. I suggest that popular manifestations of

tific ideas in our culture, and the embodiment of

scientific evolutionary narratives about men's sex­

Science, Culture and Society Mark

uality have a real material effect on many men.

those ideas. In

Erickson explains the connection between science

Bourdieu's theory of practice develops the con­

and society in our times:

cepts of habitus andfield to describe a reciprocally constitutive relationship between bodily disposi­

We live with science: science surrounds us, in­

tions and dominant power structures. Bourdieu

vades our lives, and alters our perspective on

concerned himself primarily with the ways in

the world. We see things from a scientific per­

which socioeconomic class is incorporated at the

spective, in that we use science to help us make

level of the body, including class-based ways of

sense of the world-regardless of whether or not that is an appropriate thing to do-and to legitimize the picture of the world that results from such investigations.27

In a culture so attached to scientific author­ ity and explication, it is worth examining the pop­ ular appeal of evolutionary theory and its impact on masculine embodiment. The popularity of the scientific story of men's evolved desires-how­ ever watered down or distorted the science be­ comes as enthusiasts popularize it-can tell us something about the appeal and influence of that story.

speaking, postures, lifestyles, attitudes, and tastes. Significant for Bourdieu is that people ac­ quire tastes that mark them as members of par­ ticular social groups and particular social levels. 28 Membership in a particular social class produces and reproduces a class sensibility, what Bourdieu (1 990) called "practical sense. " 29 Habitus is "a so­ matized social relationship, a social law converted into an embodied law. "3o The process of becom­ ing competent in the everyday life of a society or group constitutes habitus. Bourdieu's notion of embodiment can be extended to suggest that habi­ tus, as embodied field, amounts to "the pleasur­ able and ultimately erotic constitution of [the individual's1 social imaginary. "31 Concerning the circulation of evolutionary

The Caveman as Embodied Ethos

narratives, we can see men taking erotic pleasure

If the evolutionary stories appeal to many men,

in the formation of male identity and the perfor­

and it seems they do indeed, it's because they ring

mance of accepted norms of heterosexual mas­

true. Many men feel like their bodies are aggres­

culinity using precisely these tools of popular

sive. They feel urges, at a physical level, in line

evolutionary

with evolutionary theoretical predictions. With a

Darwinism is a discourse that finds its way into

science.

Put

differently,

pop­

naIve understanding of experience, men can see

men's bones and boners. The caveman story can

affect as having an authenticity and empirical va­

become a man's practical sense of who he is and

lidity to it. In other words, the men who feel like

what he desires. This is so because masculinity is

cavemen do not see their identity as a fiction; it is

a dimension of embodied and performative prac­

their bodily reality and is backed by scientific

tical sensibility-because men carry themselves

study.

with a bodily comportment suggestive of their po­

Certainly, evolutionary scholars would argue

sition as the dominant gender, and they invest

that the actual evolved psychologies make men

themselves in particular lifestyle practices, con­

feel like cavemen, or at least make those feelings

sumption patterns, attire, and bodily comport­

emerge or affect behavior in particular environ-

ment. Evolutionary narratives thus enter the

10

PART ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

so-called habitus, and an aestheticized discourse and image of the caveman circulates through pop­

Sociologist R. W Connell discusses the sig­ nificance of naturalizing male power. He states :

ular culture becoming part of natural perception, and consequently is reproduced by those em­

The physical sense of maleness is not a simple

bodying it:

thing. It involves size and shape, habits of pos­

In his study of the overwhelmingly white and male workspace of the Options Exchange floor, sociologist Richard Widick uses Bourdieu's the­ ory to explain the traders' physical and psychical engagement with their work. Widick holds that "the traders' inhabitation and practical mastery of the trading floor achieves the bio-physical psy­ cho-social state of a natural identity. "32 Hence the

ture and movement, particular physical skills and the lack of others, the image of one's own body, the way it is presented to other people and the ways they respond to it, the way it op­ erates at work and in sexual relations. In no sense is all this a consequence of XY chromo­ somes, or even of the possession on which dis­ cussions of masculinity have so lovingly dwelt, the penis. The physical sense of maleness grows

traders describe their manner as a "trading in­

through a personal history of social practice, a

stinct. " In a similar way, American men with

life-history-in-society. 38

what we might call a caveman instinct can be said to have acquired a "pre-reflexive practical sense" of themselves as heterosexually driven. 33

We see and believe that men's power over women is the order of nature because "power is

Bourdieu gives the name "symbolic vio­

translated not only into mental body-images and

lence" to that process by which we come to accept

fantasies, but into muscle tensions, posture, the

and embody power relations without ever ac­

feel and texture of the body. "39 Scientific dis­

cepting them in the conscious sense of knowing

course constitutes the field for some men in the

them and choosing them. We hold beliefs that

constructed figure of the caveman, enabling those

don't need to be thought-the effects of which

men to internalize such an identity. The caveman

can be "durably and deeply embedded in the body

thus becomes an imaginative projection that is ex­

in the form of dispositions."34 From this perspec­

perienced and lived as real biological truth.

tive, the durable dispositions of evolutionary dis­ course are apparent in our rape culture, for

In his book,

Cultural Boundaries of Science,

Thomas Gieryn comments on the cultural au­

example, when a member of the group sexual as­

thority of science, suggesting that "if ' science'

sault in New York tells the woman he's attacking,

says so, we are more often than not inclined to be­

"Welcome back to the caveman times." Embody­

lieve it or act on it-and to prefer it to claims lack­

ing the ideolbgy of irrepressible heterosexual de­

ing this epistemic seal of approval."40 To his

sire makes such aggression appear to be natural. Bourdieu's theory allows us to see that both cultural and material forces reveal themselves in

observation I would add that we are also more likely to

live it. Ideas that count as scientific, re­

gardless of their truth value, become lived ide­

the lived reality of social relations.35 We can see

ologies. It's how modern American men have

on men's bodies the effects of their struggle with

become cavemen and how the caveman ethos en­

slipping economic privilege and a sense of enti­

joys reproductive success.

tlement to superiority over women. If men live

Cultural anthropologist Paul Rabinow gives

out power struggles in their everyday experiences,

the name "biosociality" to the formation of new

then caveman masculinity can be seen as an imag­

group and individual identities and practices that

ined compensation for men's growing sense of

emerge from the scientific study of human life.41

powerlessness. 36 To be sure, some men have more

Rabinow offers the example of neurofibromato­

social and economic capital than others. Those

sis groups whose members have formed to dis­

with less might invest even more in their bodies

cuss their experiences, educate their children,

and appearances. 37

lobby for their disease, and "understand" their

ARTICLE 1

Caveman Masculinity: Finding an Ethnicity in Evolutionary Science

11

fate. And in the future, he points out, " . . . lilt is

cal identity among men. Embodying ideology al­

not hard to imagine groups formed around the

lows men to feel morally exonerated while they

1 7, locus 1 6,256, site 654,376 allele

reproduce that very ideology. The discourse of

variant with a guanine substitution. "42 Rabinow's

male biological unity suppresses many signifi­

chromosome

concept of biosociality is instructive here; for the

cant differences among men, and of course many

discourse of the caveman offers this form of

ways in which men would otherwise identify with

biosociality. The caveman constitutes an identity

women's tastes and behaviors. The evolutionary

based on new scientific "facts" about one's

explanation of men's sexual behavior is an all­

biology. Of course, evolutionary psychologists would

encompassing narrative enabling men to frame their own thoughts and experiences through it.

have us think that men's desires are, in some final

As such it's a grand narrative, a totalizing theory

instance, biological properties of an internal psy­

explaining men's experiences as though all men

che or sexual psychology. I am suggesting, in line

act and feel the same ways, and as though the

with Bourdieu, that men's desires are always per­

ideas of Western science provide a universal truth

formed in relation to the dominant discourses in

about those actions and feelings.

circulation within their cultural lifeworlds, either

I'm skeptical of this kind of totalizing nar­

for or against the representations that permeate

rative about male sexuality because evolution ap­

those lifeworlds. We can see that a significant

plied to human beings does not offer that sort of

number of men are putting the pop-Darwinian

truth. The application of evolutionary theory to

rhetoric to good use in social interactions. The

human behavior is not as straightforwardly sci­

scientific discourse of the caveman (however un­

entific as it might seem, even for those of us who

scientific we might regard it by the time it gets to

believe in the theory of evolution by natural se­

everyday guys reading magazines and watching

lection. It is a partial, political discourse that au­

TV) is corporealized, quite literally incorporated

thorizes certain prevalent masculine behaviors

into living identities, deeply shaping these men's

and a problematic acceptance of those behaviors.

experience of being a man.

I think there are better-less totalizing, and dif­ ferently consequential-discourses out there that describe and explain those same behaviors. I'm

The Caveman as Ethnicity

also skeptical of men's use of the evolutionary narrative because, at its best, it can only create

I recognize the lure of the caveman narrative.

"soft patriarchs"-kinder, gentler cavemen who

After all, it .provides an explanation for patterns

resist the putative urges of which evolutionary

we do see and for how men do feel in contempo­

science makes them aware. 43

rary society, tells men that they are beings who are

Caveman masculinity has become an "ethnic

the way they are for a specific reason, offers them

option," a way of identifying and living one's

an answer about what motivates them, and carries

manhood. Mary C. Waters explains that ethnic

the authority of scientific investigation about their

identity is " far from the automatic labeling of a

biological makeup. Evolutionary theory offers an

primordial characteristic" but instead is a com­

origin story. Plus, it's fun: thinking of the reasons

plex, socially created identity.44 As an ethnicity,

you might feel a certain way because such feelings

caveman masculinity is seen as not only impossi­

might have been necessary for your ancestors to

ble but also undesirable to change.45 The cave­

survive a hostile environment back in the Pleis­

man as an ethnicity reveals an embrace of biology

tocene can be a satisfying intellectual exercise.

as a reaction to social constructionist under­

In telling men a story about who they are,

standings of masculinity, feminist demands on

naturally, pop-Darwinism has the normalizing,

men, and the changing roles of men at work and

disciplinary effect of forging a common, biologi-

in families.

12

PART ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

To repeat: My quarrel is not limited to evo­ lutionary theorists alone. Darwinian ideas are often spread by enthusiasts-secondary school teachers, science editors of various newspapers and magazines, and educational television show producers-who take up evolutionary theorists' ideas and convey them to mass audiences. Evo­ lutionary thinking has become popular in part because it speaks to a publicly recognized predica­ ment of men. Changing economic patterns have propelled men's flight from marriage and bread­ winning, in conjunction with women's increased (albeit significantly less prosperous) indepen­ dence. If a man today wants multiple partners with as little commitment as possible, evolution­ ary rhetoric answers why this is so. Evolutionary science doesn't tell a flattering story about men. But more significantly, many people don't understand that it's

a story. Evolu­

tion has become not only a grand narrative but also a lived ideology. Maleness and femaleness, like heterosexuality and homosexuality, are not simply identities but

systems of knowledge.46 And

those systems of knowledge inform thinking and acting. Bourdieu's concept of habitus explains the ways in which culture and knowledge, including evolutionary knowledge, implant themselves at the level of the body, becoming a set of attitudes, tastes, perceptions, actions, and reactions. The status of science as objective, neutral knowledge helps make evolution a lived ideology because it feels truthful, natural, real. Taking the historical and cultural changes af­ fecting men seriously and embracing the diversity among men demand new understandings of mas­ culinity, identity, and science. In gaining such a sociological perspective, men might resist mak­ ing gender a new ethnicity and instead take a great leap forward to become new kinds of men.

ularization of Darwinism in Germany, 1860-1914 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1981) and Alvar Ellegard, Darwin and the General Reader: The Reception of Darwin's Theory of Evolution in the British Press, 1859-1872 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990). 2. Mary Ellen Strote, "Man the Visual Animal," Muscle & Fitness (February 1994): 166. 3. Ibid., 166. 4. Betty Friedan, The Feminine Mystique (New York: Dell Publishing Company, 1963). 5. Susan Faludi, Stiffed: The Betrayal of the American Man (New York: HarperCollins, 1999), 40. 6. Sara Stewart, "Beasty Boys-'Retrosexuals' Call for Return of Manly Men; Retrosexua1s Rising," The New York Post, July 18, 2006). 7. My argument here parallels a study of the per­ vasive iconography of the gene in popular culture. In The DNA Mystique: The Gene As a Cultural Icon, Dorothy Nelkin and M. Susan Lindee (New York: W. H . Freeman and Company, 1995, 11) explain that popular culture provides "narratives of meaning." Those narratives filter complex ideas, provide guid­ ance, and influence how people see themselves and evaluate other people, ideas, and policies. In this way, Nelkin and Lindee argue, DNA works as an ideology to justifY boundaries of identity and legal rights, as well as to explain criminality, addiction, and person­ ality. Of course addict genes and criminal genes are misnomers-the definitions of what counts as an ad­ dict and what counts as a crime have shifted through­ out history. Understanding DNA stories as ideological clarifies why, for example, people made sense of Elvis's talents and shortcomings by referring to his ge­ netic stock (Ibid. , 79-80). To call narratives of DNA ideological, then, is not to resist the scientific argu­ ment that deoxyribonucleic acid is a double-helix structure carrying information forming living cells and tissues, but to look at the way people make sense of DNA and use DNA to make sense of people and events in their daily lives. 8. Laurence Gonzales, "The Biology of Attraction," Men's Health 20.7 (2005): 186---93.

Notes 1. For defenses of the study of the popularization of scientific discourse, and exemplary studies of the popularization of Darwinian discourse in different eras, see Alfred Kelly, The Descent of Darwin: The Pop-

9. Ibid., 192. 10. Ibid., 193. 1 1. Amy Alkon, "Many Men Fantasize During Sex, But It Isn't a Talking Point," Winston-Salem Journal, 29 September 2005, p. 34.

ARTICLE 1

Caveman Masculinity: Finding an Ethnicity in Evolutionary Science

1 2 . Greg Gutfeld, "The Mysteries of Sex . . . Ex­

Men's Health Apri1:

plained!,"

1999, 76.

Taking Sex Differences Seriously

1 5 . David M. Buss,

The Evolution of Desire: Strategies of

Human Mating (New York: Day One reported in

As a Lived Relation," in

Feminism After Bourdieu,

ed.

2004) , 177. 36. See McNay 1 75-90 for a discussion of emotional

BasicBooks, 1 994).

compensation and lived experience.

199 5 . ABC News.

1 7 . Ibid. . 1 8 . Geoffrey Cowley, "The Biology of Beauty," 127 (1 996): 62.

37. See Beverley Skeggs,

Formations of Class and Gen­

der: Becoming Respectable

(London: Sage, 1 997) for a

study pointing this out about working class women. 38. R. W Connell,

Gender and Power: Society, the Person and Sexual Politics (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1987), 84.

19. Ibid., 64. 20. Ibid., 66.

39. Ibid. , 85.

2 1 . Ibid.

Desmond Morris' The Human Animal: A Personal View of the Human Species ["Beyond Survival"] . Clive

22.

Bromhall,

39.

Lisa Adkins and Bev Skeggs (Oxford: Blackwell,

(San Francisco: Encounter Books, 2004), 4.

Newsweek

Masculine,

3 5 . Lois McNay, "Agency and Experience: Gender

14. Steven E . Rhoads,

16.

33. Ibid. 34. Bourdieu,

1 3 . Ibid., 76.

13

dir.

(Discovery

Communication/TLC

Video, 1999).

40. Thomas F. Gieryn,

Cultural Boundaries of Science: Credibility on the Line (Chicago: University of Chicago

Press, 1999), 1 . 4 1 . Paul Rabinow,

ogy

23. Desmond Morris,

The NakedApe (New Yark: Dell

Publishing, 1967).

Making PCR, A Story of Biotechnol­

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1 996),

1 0 1-102. 42. Ibid. , 1 02.

24. Robert Wright, The Moral Animal: Evolutionary Psychology and Everyday Lifo (New York: Pantheon Books, 1994), 45.

43. I am appropriating W Bradford Wilcox's term,

Soft Patriarchs, New Men: How Christian­ ity Shapes Fathers and Husbands (Chicago: University

from his book

2 5 . Ibid., 50.

of Chicago Press, 2004). Wilcox argues that the Chris­

26. Ibid. , 52.

tian men's movement known as the Promise Keepers

27. Mark Erickson,

Science, Culture and Society (Cam­

bridge: Polity Press, 2005), 224. 28. Pierre Bourdieu,

Judgment of Taste

Distinction: A Social Critique of the

(Cambridge : Harvard University

Press, 1 984) .. 29. Pierre Bourdieu,

The Logic of Practice

(Stanford:

Stanford University Press, 1990). 30. Pierre Bourdieu,

Masculine Domination (Stanford:

Sanford University Press, 2001). 3 1 . Richard Widick, "Flesh and the Free Market: (On Taking Bourdieu to the Options Exchange),"

and Society 32

(2003): 679-72 3 , 7 1 6 .

32. Widick, 70 1 .

Theory

encourages men to spend mare time with their wives and children without ever challenging the fundamen­ tal patriarchal family structure that places men at the top.

44. Mary C. Waters, Ethnic Options: Choosing Identities

in America,

Berkeley: University of California Press,

1 990), 16.

Manhood in America: A CulturalHistory (New York: Free Press, 1 996), 127-1 37.

45. See Michael S. Kimmel,

46. Steven Seidman, Difference Troubles: Queering So­ cial Theory and Sexual Politics (Cambridge, UK: Cam­ bridge University Press, 1997), 93.

A R T I C L E

2

Barry Deutsch

The Male Privi lege Checkl ist * 1 990, Wellesley College professor Peggy McIn­

thing in life for free; being privileged does not

tosh wrote an essay called "White Privilege: Un­

mean that men do not work hard, do not suffer.

packing the Invisible Knapsack."

In many cases-from a boy being bullied in

In

McIntosh

observes that whites in the U.S. are "taught to see

school, to a soldier dying in war-the sexist soci­

racism only in individual acts of meanness, not

ety that maintains male privilege also does great

in invisible systems conferring dominance on my

harm to boys and men.

group. " To illustrate these invisible systems,

In the end, however, it is men and not

26 invisible privileges

women who make the most money; men and not

McIntosh wrote a list of whites benefit from.

As McIntosh points out, men also tend to be

women who dominate the government and the corporate boards; men and not women who

unaware of their own privileges as men. In the

dominate virtually all of the most powerful posi­

spirit of McIntosh's essay, I thought I'd compile

tions of society. And it is women and not men

a list similar to McIntosh's, focusing on the invis­

who suffer the most from intimate violence and

ible privileges benefiting men. Due to my own limitations, this list is un­ avoidably U.S. centric. I hope that writers from other cultures will create new lists, or modify this one, to reflect their own experiences. Since I first compiled it, the list has been posted

rape; who are the most likely to be poor; who are, on the whole, given the short end of patri­ archy'S stick. Several critics have also argued that the list somehow victimizes women. I disagree; pointing out problems is not the same as perpetuating

many times on internet discussion groups. Very

them. It is not a "victimizing" position to ac­

helpfully, many people have suggested additions to

knowledge that injustice exists; on the contrary,

the checklist. More commonly, of course, critics

without that acknowledgment it isn't possible to

(usually, but pot exclusively, male) have pointed out

fight injustice.

men have disadvantages too-being drafted into

An internet acquaintance of mine once

the army, being expected to suppress emotions, and

wrote, "The first big privilege which whites,

so on. These are indeed bad things-but I never

males, people in upper economic classes, the able

claimed that life for men is all ice cream sundaes.

bodied, the straight (I think one or two of those

Obviously, there are individual exceptions to

will cover most of us) can work to alleviate is the

most problems discussed on the list. The existence

privilege to be oblivious to privilege. " This check­

of individual exceptions does not mean that

list is, I hope, a step towards helping men to give

generalproblems are not a concern.

up the "first big privilege."

Pointing out that men are privileged in no way denies that bad things happen to men. Being privileged does not mean men are given every-

The Male Privilege Checklist 1 . My odds of being hired for a job, when com­

*An U nabashed Imitation of an article by Peggy Mci ntosh From the author's website: www.amptoons.com/blog/the· male·priviledge·checklistj. Reprinted by permission.

14

peting against female applicants, are proba­ bly skewed in my favor. The more prestigious the j ob, the larger the odds are skewed.

ARTICLE 2

2. I can be confident that my co-workers won't think I got my job because of my sex-even though that might be true. 3 . If I am never promoted, it's not because of my sex. 4. If I fail in my job or career, I can feel sure this won't be seen as a black mark against my en­ tire sex's capabilities. 5. I am far less likely to face sexual harassment at work than my female co-workers are. 6. If I do the same task as a woman, and if the measurement is at all subjective, chances are people will think I did a better job. 7. If I'm a teen or adult, and if I can stay out of prison, my odds of being raped are relatively low. 8. On average, I am taught to fear walking alone after dark in average public spaces much less than my female counterparts are. 9. If I choose not to have children, my mas­ culinity will not be called into question. 1 0. If I have children but do not provide primary care for them, my masculinity will not be called into question. 1 1 . If I have children and provide primary care for them, I'll be praised for extraordinary parenting if I'm even marginally competent. 1 2 . If I have children and a career, no one will think,I'm selfish for not staying at home. 1 3 . If I seek political office, my relationship with my children, or who I hire to take care of them, will probably not be scrutinized by the press. 1 4 . My elected representatives are mostly peo­ ple of my own sex. The more prestigious and powerful the elected position, the more this is true. 1 5 . When I ask to see "the person in charge," odds are I will face a person of my own sex. The higher-up in the organization the person is, the surer I can be. 1 6. As a child, chances are I was encouraged to be more active and outgoing than my sisters. 1 7. As a child, I could choose from an almost in­ finite variety of children's media featuring

18.

19.

20.

2l. 22. 23. 24.

25.

26.

27. 28.

29.

30.

31.

The Male Privilege Checklist

15

positive, active, non-stereotyped heroes of my own sex. I never had to look for it; male protagonists were (and are) the default. As a child, chances are I got more teacher at­ tention than girls who raised their hands just as often. If my day, week or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether or not it has sexist overtones. I can turn on the television or glance at the front page of the newspaper and see people of my own sex widely represented, every day, without exception. If I'm careless with my financial affairs, it won't be attributed to my sex. If I'm careless with my driving, it won't be at­ tributed to my sex. I can speak in public to a large group without putting my sex on trial. Even if I sleep with a lot of women, there is no chance that I will be seriously labeled a "slut," nor is there any male counterpart to "slut-bashing. " I do not have to worry about the message my wardrobe sends about my sexual availability or my gender conformity. My clothing is typically less expensive and better-constructed than women's clothing for the same social status. While I have fewer options, my clothes will probably fit better than a woman's without tailoring. The grooming regimen expected of me is rel­ atively cheap and consumes little time. If I buy a new car, chances are I'll be offered a better price than a woman buying the same car. If I'm not conventionally attractive, the dis­ advantages are relatively small and easy to ignore. I can be loud with no fear of being called a shrew. I can be aggressive with no fear of being called a bitch. I can ask for legal protection from violence that happens mostly to men without being seen as a selfish special interest, since that kind of violence is called "crime" and is a

16

PART O N E

Perspectives on Masculinities

general social concern. (Violence that hap­

39. If I have children with a wife or girlfriend,

pens mostly to women is usually called "do­

chances are she'll do most of the childrear­

mestic violence" or "acquaintance rape," and

ing, and in particular the most dirty, repeti­

is seen as a special interest issue.)

tive and unrewarding parts of childrearing.

32. I can be confident that the ordinary language

40. If I have children with a wife or girlfriend,

of day-to-day existence will always include

and it turns out that one of us needs to make

my sex. "All men are created equal," mail­

career sacrifices to raise the kids, chances are

man, chairman, freshman, he.

we'll both assume the career sacrificed

3 3 . My ability to make important decisions and

should be hers.

my capability in general will never be ques­

4 l . Magazines, billboards, television, movies,

tioned depending on what time of the month

pornography, and virtually all of media is

it is.

filled with images of scantily-clad women in­

34. I will never be expected to change my name upon marriage or questioned if I don't change my name.

35. The decision to hire me will never be based

tended to appeal to me sexually. Such images of men exist, but are rarer.

42. In general, I am under much less pressure to be thin than my female counterparts are. If I

on assumptions about whether or not I might

am fat, I probably suffer fewer social and eco­

choose to have a family sometime soon.

nomic consequences for being fat than fat

36. Every major religion in the world is led pri­ marily by people of my own sex. Even God,

women do.

43. If I am heterosexual, it's incredibly unlikely

in most major religions, is pictured as male.

that I'll ever be beaten up by a spouse or lover.

37. Most maj or religions argue that I should be

44. Complete strangers generally do not walk up

the head of my household, while my wife and children should be subservient to me.

38. If I have a wife or live-in girlfriend, chances are we'll divide up household chores so that she does most of the labor, and in particular the most repetitive and unrewarding tasks.

to me on the street and tell me to "smile."

45. On average, I am not interrupted by women as often as women are interrupted by men.

46. I have the privilege of being unaware of my male privilege.

A R T I C L E

3

Yen Le Espiritu

All Men Are Not C reated Equal : Asian Men i n U .S . H istory Today, virtually every major metropolitan market across the United States has at least one Asian American female newscaster. In contrast, there is a nearly total absence of Asian American men in anchor positions (Hamamoto, 1 994, p. 245; Fong­ Torres, 1 995). This gender imbalance in television news broadcasting exemplifies the racialization of Asian American manhood: Historically, they have been depicted as either asexual or hypersex­ ual; today, they are constructed to be less suc­ cessful, assimilated, attractive, and desirable than their female counterparts (Espiritu, 1 996, pp. 95-98). The exclusion of Asian men from Euro­ centric notions of the masculine reminds us that not all men benefit-or benefit equally-from a patriarchal system designed to maintain the un­ equal relationship that exists between men and women. The feminist mandate for gender soli­ darity tenqs to ignore power differentials among men, among women, and between white women and men of color. This exclusive focus on gender bars traditional feminists from recognizing the oppression of men of color: the fact that there are men, and not only women, who have been " fem­ inized" and the fact that some white middle-class women hold cultural power and class power over certain men of color (Cheung, 1 990, pp. 245-246; Wiegman, 1 99 1 , p. 3 1 1). Presenting race and gen­ der as relationally constructed, King-Kok Cheung (1 990) exhorted white scholars to acknowledge that, like female voices, "the voices of many men of color have been historically silenced or dis­ missed" (p. 246) . Along the same line, black fem-

Reprinted by permission of the author.

inists have referred to "racial patriarchy"-a con­ cept that calls attention to the white/patriarch master in U.S. history and his dominance over the black male as well as the black female (Gaines, 1 990, p. 202). Throughout their history in the United States, Asian American men, as immigrants and citizens of color, have faced a variety of eco­ nomic, political, and ideological racism that have assaulted their manhood. During the pre-World War II period, racialized and gendered immigra­ tion policies and labor conditions emasculated Asian men, forcing them into womanless com­ munities and into "feminized" jobs that had gone unfilled due to the absence of women. During World War II, the internment of Japanese Amer­ icans stripped Issei (first generation) men of their role as the family breadwinner, transferred some of their power and status to the U.S.-born chil­ dren, and decreased male dominance over women. In the contemporary period, the patriar­ chal authority of Asian immigrant men, particu­ larly those of the working class, has also been challenged due to the social and economic losses that they suffered in their transition to life in the United States. As detailed below, these three his­ torically specific cases establish that the material existences of Asian American men have histori­ cally contradicted the Eurocentric, middle-class constructions of manhood.

Asian Men in Domestic Service Feminist scholars have argued accurately that do­ mestic service involves a three-way relationship between privileged white men, privileged white

1.7

18

PA RT O N E

Perspectives on Masculinities

women, and poor women of color (Romero, 1992). But women have not been the only domes­ tic workers. During the pre-World War II period, racialized and gendered immigration policies and labor conditions forced Asian men into "femi­ nized" jobs such as domestic service, laundry work, and food preparation.! Due to their non­ citizen status, the closed labor market, and the shortage of women, Asian immigrant men, first Chinese and later Japanese, substituted to some extent for female labor in the American West. David Katzman (1 978) noted the peculiarities of the domestic labor situation in the West in this pe­ riod: "In 1 880, California and Washington were the only states in which a majority of domestic servants were men" (p. 55). At the turn of the twentieth century, lacking other job alternatives, many Chinese men entered into domestic service in private homes, hotels, and rooming houses (Daniels, 1 988, p. 74). Whites rarely objected to Chinese in domestic service. In fact, through the 1 900s, the Chinese houseboy was the symbol of upper-class status in San Fran­ cisco (Glenn, 1 986, p. 1 06). As late as 1 920, close to 50 percent of the Chinese in the United States were still occupied as domestic servants (Light, 1 972, p. 7). Large numbers of Chinese also be­ came laundrymen, not because laundering was a traditionar male occupation in China, but because there were very few women of any ethnic ori­ gin-and thus few washerwomen-in gold-rush California (Chan, 1 99 1 , pp. 33-34). Chinese laun­ drymen thus provided commercial services that replaced women's unpaid labor in the home. White consumers were prepared to patronize a Chinese laundryman because as such he "occu­ pied a status which was in accordance with the so­ cial definition of the place in the economic hierarchy suitable for a member of an 'inferior race' " (cited in Siu, 1 987, p. 2 1). In her autobio­ graphical fiction China Men, Maxine Hong Kingston presents her father and his partners as engaged in their laundry business for long periods each day-a business considered so low and de­ based that, in their songs, they associate it with the washing of menstrual blood (Goellnicht, 1 992, p. 1 98). The existence of the Chinese house-

boy and launderer-and their forced "bachelor" status-further bolstered the stereotype of the feminized and asexual or homosexual Asian man. Their feminization, in turn, confIrmed their assignment to the state's labor force which per­ formed "women's work." Japanese men followed Chinese men into do­ mestic service. By the end of the first decade of the twentieth century, the US. Immigration Com­ mission estimated that 1 2 ,000 to 1 5,000 Japanese in the western United States earned a living in domestic service (Chan, 1 99 1 , pp. 39-40). Many Japanese men considered housework beneath them because in Japan only lower-class women worked as domestic servants (Ichioka, 1 988, p. 24). Studies of Issei occupational histories indi­ cate that a domestic job was the first occupation for many of the new arrivals; but unlike Chinese domestic workers, most Issei eventually moved on to agricultural or city trades (Glenn, 1 986, p. 1 08). Filipino and Korean boys and men likewise relied on domestic service for their livelihood (Chan, 1 99 1 , p. 40). In his autobiography East Goes West, Korean immigrant writer Younghill Kang ( 1 937) related that he worked as a domes­ tic servant for a white family who treated him "like a cat or a dog" (p. 66). Filipinos, as stewards in the U.S. Navy, also performed domestic duties for white US. naval of­ ficers. During the ninety-four years of US. mili­ tary presence in the Philippines, US. bases served as recruiting stations for the U.S. armed forces, particularly the navy. Soon after the United States acquired the Philippines from Spain in 1 898, its navy began actively recruiting Filipinos-but only as stewards and mess attendants. Barred from ad­ missions to other ratings, Filipino enlistees per­ formed the work of domestics, preparing and serving the officers' meals, and caring for the of­ ficers' galley, wardroom, and living spaces. Ashore, their duties ranged from ordinary house­ work to food services at the U S. Naval Academy hall. Unofficially, Filipino stewards also have been ordered to perform menial chores such as walking the officers' dogs and acting as personal servants for the officers' wives (Espiritu, 1 995, p. 1 6).

ARTI CLE 3

All Men Are Not Created Equal: Asian Men in U.S. History

As domestic servants, Asian men became subordinates of not only privileged white men but also privileged white women. The following tes­ timony from a Japanese house servant captures this unequal relationship: Immediately the ma'am demanded me to scrub the floor. I took one hour to finish. Then I had to wash windows. That was very difficult job for me. Three windows for another hour! ' " The ma'am taught me how to cook. . . . I was sitting on the kitchen chair and thinking what a change of life it was. The ma'am came into the kitchen and was so furious! It was such a hard work for me to wash up all dishes, pans, glasses, etc. , after dinner. When I went into the dining room to put all silvers on sideboard, I saw the reflection of myself on the looking glass. In a white coat and apron! I could not control my feelings. The tears so freely flowed out from my eyes, and I buried my face with my both arms (quoted in Ichioka, 1988, pp. 25-26). The experiences of Asian male domestic ser­ vice workers demonstrate that not all men bene­ fit equally from patriarchy. Depending on their race and class, men experience gender differently. While male domination of women may tie all men together, men share unequally in the fruits of this domination. For Asian American male do­ mestic workers, economic and social discrimina­ tions locked them into an unequal relationship with not only privileged white men but also priv­ ileged white women (Kim, 1 990, p. 74). The racist and classist devaluation of Asian men had gender implications. The available evi­ dence indicates that immigrant men reasserted their lost patriarchal power in racist America by denigrating a weaker group: Asian women. In China Men, Kingston's immigrant father, having been forced into "feminine" subject positions, lapses into silence, breaking the silence only to utter curses against women (Goellnicht, 1992, pp. 200-201 ) . Kingston ( 1 980) traces her father's abuse of Chinese women back to his feeling of emasculation in America: "We knew that it was to feed us you had to endure demons and physi­ cal labor" (p. 1 3). On the other hand, some men

19

brought home the domestic skills they learned on the jobs. Anamaria Labao Cabato relates that her Filipino-born father, who spent twenty-eight years in the navy as a steward, is "one of the best cooks around" (Espiritu, 1 995, p. 143). Leo Sicat, a re­ tired U.S. Navy man, similarly reports that "we learned how to cook in the Navy, and we brought it home. The Filipino women are very fortunate because the husband does the cooking. In our household, I do the cooking, and my wife does the washing" (Espiritu, 1 995, p. 108). Along the same line, in some instances, the domestic skills which men were forced to learn in their wives' ab­ sence were put to use when husbands and wives reunited in the United States. The history of Asian male domestic workers suggests that the denigration of women is only one response to the stripping of male privilege. The other is to insti­ tute a revised domestic division of labor and gen­ der relations in the families.

Changing Gender Relations: The Wartime Internment of Japanese Americans Immediately after the bombing of Pearl Harbor, the incarceration of Japanese Americans began. On the night of 7 December 1 94 1 , working on the principle of guilt by association, the Federal Bu­ reau of Investigation (FBI) began taking into cus­ tody persons of Japanese ancestry who had connections to the Japanese government. On 1 9 February 1 942, President Franklin Delano Roo­ sevelt signed Executive Order 9066, arbitrarily suspending civil rights of U. S. citizens by autho­ rizing the "evacuation" of 120,000 persons of Japanese ancestry into concentration camps, of whom approximately 50 percent were women and 60 percent were U. S.-born citizens (Mat­ sumoto, 1 989, p. 1 16). The camp environment-with its lack of pri­ vacy, regimented routines, and new power hier­ archy-inflicted serious and lasting wounds on Japanese American family life. In the crammed twenty-by-twenty-five-foot "apartment" units, tensions were high as men, women, and children

20

PART ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

struggled to recreate family life under very trying

which racism operates simultaneously to deny

conditions. The internment also transformed the

(Crenshaw,

balance of power in families: husbands lost some

1 989, p. 1 55).

Camp life also widened the distance and

of their power over wives, as did parents over chil­

deepened the conflict between the Issei and their

dren. Until the internment, the Issei man had

U. S.-born children. At the root of these tensions

been the undisputed authority over his wife and

were growing cultural rifts between the genera­

children: he was both the breadwinner and the

tions as well as a decline in the power and au­

decision maker for the entire family. Now "he had

thority of the Issei fathers. The cultural rifts

no rights, no home, no control over his own life"

reflected not only a general process of accultura­

1 973, p. 62). Most im­

tion, but were accelerated by the degradation of

portant, the internment reverted the economic

everything Japanese and the simultaneous pro­

roles-and thus the status and authority-of fam­

motion of Americanization in the camps (Chan,

ily members. With their means of livelihood cut off indefinitely, Issei men lost their role as bread­

1 99 1 , p. 128; see also Okihiro, 1 99 1 , pp. 229232). The younger Nisei also spent much more

winners. Despondent over the loss of almost

time away from their parents' supervision. As a

everything they had worked so hard to acquire,

consequence, Issei parents gradually lost their

(Houston and Houston,

many Issei men felt useless and frustrated, par­

ability to discipline their children, whom they sel­

ticularly as their wives and children became less

dom saw during the day. Much to the chagrin of

dependent on them. Daisuke Kitagawa ( 1 967) re­

the conservative parents, young men and women

ports that in the Tule Lake relocation center, "the

began to spend more time with each other un­

[Issei] men looked as if they had suddenly aged

chaperoned-at the sports events, the dances, and

ten years. They lost the capacity to plan for their

other school functions. Freed from some of the

own futures, let alone those of their sons and

parental constraints, the Nisei women socialized

daughters"

more with their peers and also expected to choose

(p. 91).

Issei men responded to this emasculation in

their own husbands and to marry for "love"-a

various ways. By the end of three years' intern­

departure from the old customs of arranged mar­

ment, formerly enterprising, energetic Issei men

riage (Matsumoto,

had become immobilized with feelings of despair,

curred, the prominent role that the father plays in

hopelessness, and insecurity. Charles Kikuchi re­

marriage arrangements-and by extension in

members his father-who "used to be a perfect

their children's lives-declined (Okihiro,

terror and dictator" -spending all day lying on his cot: " He probably realizes that he no longer

23 1).

controls the family group and rarely exerts him­

tion, War Relocation Authority (WRA) policies

1 989, p. 1 1 7). Once this oc­

1 99 1 , p.

Privileging U.S. citizenship and U. S. educa­

self so that there is little family conflict as far as

regarding camp life further reverted the power hi­

he is concerned" (Modell,

1 973, p. 62). But oth­

erarchy between the Japan-born Issei and their

ers, like Jeanne Wakatsuki Houston's father, re­

U.S.-born children. In the camps, only Nisei were

asserted their patriarchal power by abusing their

eligible to vote and to hold office in the Commu­

wives and children. Stripped of his roles as the

nity Council; Issei were excluded because of their

protector and provider for his family, Houston's

alien status. Daisuke Kitagawa ( 1967) records the

father "kept pursuing oblivion through drink, he

impact of this policy on parental authority: "In

kept abusing Mama, and there seemed to be no

the eyes of young children, their parents were def­

way out of it for anyone. You couldn't even run"

initely inferior to their grown-up brothers and sis­

(Houston and Houston,

1 973, p. 61). The experi­

ters, who as U. S. citizens could elect and be

ences of the Issei men underscore the intersec­

elected members of the Community Council. For

tions of racism and sexism-the fact that men of

all these reasons many youngsters lost confidence

color live in a society that creates sex-based norms

in, and respect for, their parents"

and expectations (i .e. , man as breadwinner)

larly, the WRA salary scales were based on Eng-

(p. 88). Simi­

ARTICLE 3

All Men Are Not Created Equal: Asian Men in U.S. History

21

lish-speaking ability and on citizenship status. As

omy-have produced two distinct chains of emi­

a result, the Nisei youths and young adults could

gration from Asia: one comprising the relatives of

earn relatively higher wages than their fathers.

working-class Asians who had immigrated to the

This shift in earning abilities eroded the economic

United States prior to 1 965; the other of highly

basis for parental authority (Matsumoto, 1 989, p.

trained immigrants who entered during the late

1 16).

1 960s and early 1 970s (Liu, Cng, and Rosenstein,

At war's end in August 1 945, Japanese

1 99 1 ) . Given their dissimilar backgrounds, Asian

Americans had lost much of the economic

Americans "can be found throughout the income

ground that they had gained in more than a gen­

spectrum of this nation" (Cng, 1 994, p. 4). In

eration. The majority of Issei women and men no

other words, today's Asian American men both

longer had their farms, businesses, and financial

join whites in the well-paid, educated, white col­

savings; those who still owned property found

lar sector of the workforce

their homes dilapidated and vandalized and their

grants in lower-paying secondary sector jobs (Cng

andjoin Latino immi­

personal belongings stolen or destroyed (Broom

and Hee, 1 994). This economic diversity contra­

and Riemer, 1 949). The internment also ended

dicts the model minority stereotype-the com­

Japanese American concentration in agriculture

mon belief that most Asian American men are

and small businesses. In their absence, other

college educated and in high-paying professional

groups had taken over these ethnic niches. This

or technical jobs.

loss further eroded the economic basis of parental

The contemporary Asian American com­

authority since Issei men no longer had businesses

munity includes a sizable population with limited

to hand down to their Nisei sons (Broom and

education, skills, and English-speaking ability. In

Riemer, 1 949, p. 3 1 ) . Historian Roger Daniels

1990, 1 8 percent of Asian men and 26 percent of

( 1 988) declared that by the end of World War II,

Asian women in the United States, age 25 and

"the generational struggle was over: the day of

over, had less than a high school degree. Also, of

the Issei had passed" (286). Issei men, now in

the 4 . 1 million Asians 5 years and over, 56 percent

their sixties, no longer had the vigor to start over

did not speak English "very well" and 35 percent

from scratch. Forced to find employment quickly

were linguistically isolated (U. S. Bureau of the

after the war, many Issei couples who had owned

Census, 1 99 3 , Table 2). The median income for

small businesses before the war returned to the

those with limited English was $20,000 for males

forms of manual labor in which they began a gen­

and $ 1 5 ,600 for females; for those with less than

eration ago. Most men found work as janitors,

a high school degree, the figures were $ 1 8,000

gardeners, kitchen helpers, and handymen; their

and $ 1 5 , 000, respectively. Asian American men

wives toiled as domestic servants, garment work­

and women with both limited English-speaking

ers, and cannery workers (Yanagisako, 1 987, p.

ability and low levels of education fared the

92).

worst. For a large portion of this disadvantaged population, even working full-time, full-year brought in less than $ 1 0,000 in earnings (Cng and Hee, 1 994, p. 45).

Contemporary Asian America: The Disadvantaged

product of immigration: Nine tenths are immi­

Relative to earlier historical periods, the economic

grants (Cng and Hee, 1 994) . The majority enter

The disadvantaged population is largely a

pattern of contemporary Asian America is con­

as relatives of the pre- 1 956 working-class Asian

siderably more varied, a result of both the postwar

immigrants. Because immigrants tend to have so­

restructured economy and the 1 965 Immigration

cioeconomic backgrounds similar to those of

Act.2 The dual goals of the 1 965 Immigration

their sponsors, most family reunification immi­

Act-to facilitate family reunification and to

grants represent a continuation of the unskilled

admit educated workers needed by the U.S. econ-

and semiskilled Asian labor that emigrated before

22

PART

ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

1 956 (Liu, Ong, and Rosenstein, 1 9 9 1 ) . South­ east Asian refugees, particularly the second-wave refugees who arrived after 1 978, represent another largely disadvantaged group. This is partly so be­ cause refugees are less likely to have acquired readily transferable skills and are more likely to have made investments (in training and educa­ tion) specific to the country of origin (Chiswick, 1 979; Montero, 1 980). For example, there are sig­ nificant numbers of Southeast Asian military men with skills for which there is no longer a mar­ ket in the United States. In 1 990, the overall eco­ nomic status of the Southeast Asian population was characterized by unstable, minimum-wage employment, welfare dependency, and participa­ tion in the informal economy (Gold and Kibria, 1 993). These economic facts underscore the dan­ ger of lumping all Asian Americans together be­ cause many Asian men do not share in the relatively favorable socioeconomic outcomes at­ tributed to the "average" Asian American. Lacking the skills and education to catapult them into the primary sector of the economy, dis­ advantaged Asian American men and women work in the secondary labor market-the labor-in­ tensive, low-capital service, and small manufac­ turing sectors. In this labor market, disadvantaged men generally have fewer employment options than women. This is due in part to the decline of male-occupied manufacturing jobs and the con­ current growth of female-intensive industries in · the United States, particularly in service, micro­ electronics, and apparel manufacturing. The gar­ ment industry, microelectronics, and canning industries are top employers of immigrant women (Mazumdar, 1 989, p. 19; Takaki, 1989, p. 427; Vil­ lones, 1989, p. 1 76; Hossfeld, 1 994, pp. 7 1-72). In a study of Silicon Valley (California's famed high­ tech industrial region), Karen Hossfeld ( 1 994) re­ ported that the employers interviewed preferred to hire immigrant women over immigrant men for entry-level, operative jobs (p. 74). The employers' "gender logic" was informed by the patriarchal and racist beliefs that women can afford to work for less, do not mind dead-end jobs, and are more suited physiologically to certain kinds of detailed

and routine work. As Linda Lim ( 1 983) observes, it is the " comparative disadvantage of women in the wage-labor market that gives them a comparative advantage vis-a-vis men in the occupations and industries where they are concentrated-so-called female ghettoes of employment" (p. 78). A white male production manager and hiring supervisor in a California Silicon Valley assembly shop dis­ cusses his formula for hiring: Just three things I look for in hiring [entry-level, high-tech manufacturing operatives1 : small, for­ eign, and female. You find those three things and you're pretty much automatically guaran­ teed the right kind of work force. These little foreign gals are grateful to be hired-very, very grateful-no matter what (Hossfeld, 1 994, p. 65).

Refugee women have also been found to be more in demand than men in secretarial, clerical, and interpreter jobs in social service work. In a study of Cambodian refugees in Stockton, Cali­ fornia, Shiori Ui ( 1 99 1 ) found that social service agency executives preferred to hire Cambodian women over men when both had the same quali­ fications. One executive explained his preference, "It seems that some ethnic populations relate bet­ ter to women than men. . . . Another thing is that the pay is so bad" (cited in Ui, 1 99 1 , p. 169). As a result, in the Cambodian communities in Stock­ ton, it is often women-and not men-who have greater economic opportunities and who are the primary breadwinners in their families (Ui, 1 99 1 , p. 1 7 1 ) . Due t o the significant decline in the eco­ nomic contributions of Asian immigrant men, women's earnings comprise an equal or greater share of the family income. Because the wage each earns is low, only by pooling incomes can a husband and wife earn enough to support a fam­ ily (Glenn, 1 983, p. 42). These shifts in resources have challenged the patriarchal authority of Asian men. Men's loss of status and power-not only in the public but also in the domestic arena-places severe pressure on their sense of well-being. Re­ sponding to this pressure, some men accepted the

ARTICLE 3

All Men Are Not Created Equal: Asian Men in U.S. History

23

new division of labor in the family (Ui, 1 99 1 , pp.

that ideologies of manhood and womanhood

1 70-1 73); but many others resorted to spousal

have as much to do with class and race as they

abuse and divorce (Luu, 1 989, p. 68). A Korean

have to do with sex. The intersections of race,

immigrant man describes his frustrations over

gender, and class mean that there are also hierar­ chies among women and among men and that

changing gender roles and expectations:

some women hold power over certain groups of In Korea [my wife1 used to have breakfast ready

men. The task for feminist scholars, then, is to de­

for me. . . . She didn't do it any more because she

velop paradigms that articulate the complicity

said she was too busy getting ready to go to

among these categories of oppression,

work. If I complained she talked back at me,

strengthen the alliance between gender and ethnic

telling me to fix my own breakfast . . . . I was very frustrated about her, started fighting and hit her (Yim, 1 978, quoted in Mazumdar, 1989, p. 1 8). Loss of status and power has similarly led to depression and anxieties in Hmong males. In par­ ticular, the women's ability-and the men's in­ ability-to earn money for households "has undermined severely male omnipotence" (Irby

that

studies, and that reach out not only to women, but also to men, of color.

Notes 1 . One of the most noticeable characteristics of pre-World War II Asian America was a pronounced

shortage of women. During this period, u.s. immi­ gration policies barred the entry of most Asian

and Pon, 1 988, p. 1 1 2). Male unhappiness and

women. America's capitalist economy also wanted

helplessness can be detected in the following joke

Asian male workers but not their families. In most in­

told at a family picnic, " When we get on the plane

stances, families were seen as a threat to the efficiency

to go back to Laos, the first thing we will do is

and exploitability of the workforce and were actively

beat up the women! " The joke-which generated

prohibited.

laughter by both men and women-drew upon a

2 . The 1965 Immigration Act ended Asian exclusion

combination of "the men's unemployability, the

and equalized immigration rights for all nationalities.

sudden economic value placed on women's work, and men's fear of losing power in their families" (Donnelly, 1 994, pp. 74-75) . As such, it highlights the intercoimections of race, class, and gender­ the fact that in a racist and classist society, work­

No longer constrained by exclusion laws, Asian im­ migrants began arriving in much larger numbers than ever before. In the 1 980s, Asia was the largest source of U.S. legal immigrants, accounting for 40 percent to 47 percent of the total influx (Min, 1995, p. 12).

ing-class men of color have limited access to

p

economic o portunities and thus limited claim to patriarchal authority.

Broom, Leonard and Ruth Riemer. 1 949. Removal and

Return: The Socia-Economic Effects of the War on Japanese Americans. Berkeley: University of Cal­

Conclusion

ifornia Press.

A central task in feminist scholarship is to expose and dismantle the stereotypes that traditionally have

provided

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A R T I C L E

4

Alfredo Mirande

" M acho" : Contemporary Conceptions

Mi Noche Triste

street caned Vicente Eguia, before moving to an

noche triste occurred when my father re­ turned from location on the film Capitan de Castilla My own

(Captain from Castille) . I remember that he had been gone for a long time, that he came back from Morelia with a lot of presents, and that at fIrst, I was very happy to see him. Then there was a big fIght; my parents argued all night, and they sepa­ rated shortly thereafter. One night when my mother was very sad and depressed, she went to

el arbol de la noche triste. As she cried by the tree she thought about how she and Hernan Cortes both had been in the same situation: depressed, weep­ ing, and alone. After my parents separated, my brothers and I went with my father and moved to Tacubaya to live with his mother, Anita, and her mother (my great-grat;ldmother) , Carmela (Mama Mela). Grandmother Anita, or Abilla, as we called her, was a petite, energetic little woman, but Mama Mela was �all, dark, and stately. In Tacubaya we were also surrounded by family, but now it was my father's family, Mirande-Salazar. His family was smaller because he was an only child and be­ cause his father's two siblings, Concha (Consuelo) and Lupe (Guadalupe), never married or had chil­ dren. My grandfather, Alfredo, died when I was about two years old, but I remember him. In Tacubaya we fIrst lived in a big, long house with a large green entrance,

El Nueve (nine), on a

apartment house,

EI Trece (thirteen), down the

street. At El Trece we lived in the fIrst apartment, and my great-aunts, Concha and Lupe, lived in El

Seis (six). Concha had been an elementary school teacher and Lupe was an artist. They were retired but very active; both did a lot of embroidering and Lupe was always painting. I was very fond of

las tias. To me las tias always seemed old and very religious, but I was very close to my aunts and loved them deeply. They wore black shawls and went to church early each morning. When I wasn't playing in the courtyard, I was often visit­ ing with my aunts. They taught me catechism, and Tia Lupe was my madrina, or godmother, for my fIrst communion. I would spend hours with

las tias, fascinated

by their conversation. It seemed that every minute was fIlIed with stories about the Mexican Revo­ lution and about my grandfather, Alfredo. I espe­ cially liked it when they spoke about him, as I had been named Alfredo and identifIed with him. They said he was a great man and that they would be very proud and happy if I grew up to be like him someday. No, it was actually that I had no choice-I was destined to be like him. Because I had the good fortune of being named after Al­ fredo, I had to carry on his name, and, like him, I too would be a great man someday. I should add that my aunts stressed

man when they talked

about him. In other words, I had a distinct im­ pression that my grandfather and I were linked

From Hombres y Machos: Masculinity and Latino Culture by Alfredo Mirande. Copyright © 1997. Reprinted by per­ mission of Westview Press, a member of Perseus Books, L.L.C.

26

not only because we were both named Mirande and Alfredo, but also because we were both men. I did not realize it at the time, but my teachers (who were mostly women)-las

tias, my Abilla,

ARTICLE 4

Mama Mela, and my mother-were socializing

"Macho": Contemporary Conceptions

27

was said to be incredibly just and judicious.

me into my "sex role." But I don't remember any­

Everyone who knew him said he treated people of

one describing Grandfather Alfredo as "macho."

varying educational and economic levels fairly,

Perhaps my

tias took his being "macho" for

granted, since he was obviously male.

equally, and with dignity and respect. I realize that Alfredo lived in a society and a

I do not know very much about Alfredo's

historical period in which women were relegated

family, except that his father, Juan, or Jean, came

to an inferior status. Yet I also know that he and

mexicana,

my grandmother shared a special intimacy and

Maria. I also learned from my mother that Al­

mutual respect such as I have never personally en­

fredo was of humble origins and was, in a very

countered . By all accounts they loved and re­

to Mexico from France and married a

real sense, a self-made man who studied and

spected each other and shared an incredible life

pursued a career as a civil engineer. He was

together. I have read letters that my grandfather

committed to bringing about social justice and

wrote to my grandmother when they were apart,

hacendados (landowners) among the Mexican peones. As a

gard and treated her as an equal partner.

distributing the land held by the

and they indicate that he held her in very high re­

civilian he served under Emiliano Zapata, making cannons and munitions. According to historian John Womack . . . , Alfredo Mirande was one of

" Macho": An Overview

Zapata's key assistants and worked as a spy in

Mexican folklorist Vicente T. Mendoza suggested

Puebla for some time under the code name

that the word "macho" was not widely used in

"Delta." While he was in hiding, my Abilld would

Mexican songs,

take in other people's clothes to mend and to laun­

culture until the 1 940s . . . . Use of the word was

corridos (folk ballads), or popular

der to earn money so that the family could sur­

said to have gained in popularity after Avila Ca­

vive. My grandfather grew to be disillusioned,

macho became president. The word lent itself to

however, as the Revolution did not fulfill its

use in

promise of bringing about necessary economic

"Camacho."

and social reforms. My

tias had a photograph of Alfredo stand­

corridos because "macho" rhymed with

While "macho" has traditionally been asso­ ciated with Mexican or Latino culture, the word

ing proudly in front of a new, experimental can­

has recently been incorporated into American

non that he had built. They related that a foolish

popular culture, so much so that it is now widely

and headstrong general, anxious to try out the

used to describe everything from rock stars and

new cannon, pressured Alfredo to fire it before it

male sex symbols in television and film to burri­

was ready. My grandfather reluctantly complied

tos. When applied to entertainers, athletes, or

and received severe burns all over his body, al­

other "superstars, " the implied meaning is clearly

most dying as a result of the explosion. It took

a positive one that connotes strength, virility, mas­

him months to recover from the accident.

culinity, and sex appeal. But when applied to

As I think back, most of the stories they told

Mexicans or Latinos, "macho" remains imbued

me had a moral and were designed, indirectly at

with such negative attributes as male dominance,

least, to impart certain values. What I learned

patriarchy, authoritarianism, and spousal abuse.

from my tias and, indirectly, from my grandfather

Although both meanings connote strength and

was that although one should stand up for prin­

power, the Anglo macho is clearly a much more

ciples, one should attempt to avoid war and per­

positive and appealing symbol of manhood and

sonal conflicts, if at all possible. One should also

masculinity. In short, under current usage the

strive to be on a higher moral plane than one's ad­

Mexican macho oppresses and coerces women,

versaries. Alfredo was intelligent, strong, and

whereas his Anglo counterpart appears to attract

principled. But what impressed me most is that he

and seduce them.

28

PART ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

This [reading] focuses on variations in per­

tempted to compensate for deep-seated feelings of

ceptions and conceptions of the word "macho"

inadequacy and inferiority by assuming a hyper­

held by Mexican and Latino men. Despite all that

masculine, aggressive, and domineering stance.

has been written and said about the cult of mas­

There is a second and lesser-known view that is

culinity and the fact that male dominance has

found in Mexican popular culture, particularly in

been assumed to be a key feature of Mexican and

film and music, one that reflects a more positive,

Latino culture, very little research exists to support

perhaps idyllic, conception of Mexican culture

this assumption. Until recently such generaliza­

and national character. Rather than focusing on

tions were based on stereotypes, impressionistic

violence and male dominance, this second view

evidence, or the observations of ethnographers

associates macho qualities with the evolution of a

such as Oscar Lewis . . . , Arthur Rubel . . . ,

distinct code of ethics.

and William Madsen. . . . These Anglo ethnog­

Un hombre que es macho is not hypermasculine

raphers were criticized by noted Chicano folklorist

or aggressive, and he does not disrespect or deni­

Americo Paredes . . . for the persistent ignorance

grate women. Machos, according to the positive

and insensitivity to Chicano language and culture

view, adhere to a code of ethics that stresses hu­

that is reflected in their work. Paredes contended,

mility, honor, respect of oneself and others, and

for example, that although most anthropologists

courage. What may be most significant in this sec­

present themselves as politically liberal and fluent

ond view is that being "macho" is not manifested

in Spanish, many are only minimally fluent and

by such outward qualities as physical strength and

fail to grasp the nuance and complexity of Chi­

virility but by such inner qualities as personal in­

cano language. There is, it seems, good reason to

tegrity, commitment, loyalty, and, most impor­

be leery of their findings and generalizations re­

tantly, strength of character. Stated simply, a man

garding not only gender roles but also all aspects

who acted like my Tio Roberto would be macho

of the Mexican/Latino experience. Utilizing data obtained through qualitative

in the first sense of the word but certainly not in the second. It is not clear how this code of ethics

open-ended questions, I look in this chapter at

developed, but it may be linked to nationalist sen­

how Latino men themselves perceive the word

timents and Mexican resistance to colonization

"macho" and how they describe men who are

and foreign invasion. Historical figures such as

considered

"muy machos." Although all of the re­

spondents were living in the United States at the

Cuauhtemoc, El Pipila,

Los Nifios Heroes, Villa, and

Zapata would be macho according to this view. In

time of the interviews, many were foreign-born

music and film positive macho figures such as

and retained close ties with Mexican/Latino cul­

Pedro Infante, Jorge Negrete, and even Cantinflas

ture. Since they had been subjected to both Latino

are patriots, but mostly they are muy hombres, men

and American influences, I wondered whether

who stand up against class and racial oppression

they would continue to adhere to traditional Mex­

and the exploitation of the poor by the rich.

ican definitions of "macho" or whether they had

Despite the apparent differences between the

been influenced by contemporary American con­

two views, both see the macho cult as integral to

ceptions of the word.

Mexican and Latino cultures. Although I did not

Specifically, an attempt was made in the in­

formulate explicit hypotheses, I entered the field

terviews to examine two polar views. The pre­

expecting that respondents would generally iden­

vailing view in the social science literature of the

tify with the word "macho" and define it as a pos­

Mexican macho is a negative one. This view holds

itive trait or quality in themselves and other

that the origins of the excessive masculine dis­

persons. An additional informal hypothesis pro­

plays and the cult of masculinity in Mexico and

posed was that men who had greater ties to

other Latino countries can be traced to the Span­

Latino culture and the Spanish language would be

ish Conquest, as the powerless colonized man at-

more likely to identify and to have positive asso-

A R T IC LE 4

ciations with the word. I expected, in other words, that respondents would be more likely to adhere to the positive view of macho.

Findings: Conceptions of Macho Respondents were first asked the following ques­ tion: "What does the word 'macho' mean to you?" The interviewers were instructed to ask this and all other questions in a neutral tone, as we wanted the respondents to feel that we really were interested in what they thought. We stressed in the interviews that there were no "right" or "wrong" answers to any of the questions. This first question was then followed by a series of fol­ low-up questions that included: "Can you give me an example (or examples) of someone you think is really macho?"; "What kinds of things do people who are really macho do?"; and "Can a woman be macha?" Each person was assigned an identification number, and the responses to the above questions were typed on a large index card. Three bilingual judges, two men and one woman, were asked to look at the answers on the cards and to classify each respondent according to whether they be­ lieved the respondent was generally "positive," "negative," or "neutral" toward the word "macho." Those respondents classified as "positive" saw the term as a desirable cultural or personal trait or value, identified with it, and believed that it is gen­ erally good to be, or at least to aspire to be, macho. But those respondents classified as "negative" by the judges saw it as an undesirable or devalued cultural or personal trait, did not identify with being macho, and believed that it is generally bad or undesirable to be macho. In the third category, respondents were classified as "neutral" if they were deemed to be indifferent or ambivalent or to recognize both positive and negative components of the word "macho." For these respondents, macho was "just a word," or it denoted a partic­ ular male feature without imputing anything pos­ itive or negative about the feature itself. Overall there was substantial agreement among the judges. In 86 percent of 1 05 cases the

"Macho": Contemporary Conceptions

29

judges were in complete agreement in their clas­ sifications, and in another 1 2 percent two out of three agreed. In other words, in only two in­ stances was there complete disagreement among the judges in which one judge ranked the respon­ dents positive, another negative, and still another neutral. One of the most striking findings is the extent to which the respondents were polarized in their views of macho. Most had very strong feelings; very few were neutral or indifferent toward the word. In fact, only 1 1 percent of the 1 05 respon­ dents were classified as neutral by our judges. No less surprising is the fact that, contrary to my ex­ pectations, very few respondents viewed the word in a positive light. Only 3 1 percent of the men were positive in their views of macho, compared to 57 percent who were classified as negative. This means, in effect, that more than two-thirds of the respondents believed that the word "macho" had either negative or neutral connotations. My expectation that those individuals with greater ties to Latino culture would be more likely to identify and to have positive associations with "macho" was also not supported by the data. Of the thirty-nine respondents who opted to be in­ terviewed in Spanish, only 1 5 percent were seen as having a positive association with macho, whereas 74 percent were negative and 10 percent were neutral toward the term. In contrast, of the sixty-six interviewed in English, 4 1 percent were classified as positive, 47 percent as negative, and 1 2 percent as neutral toward the term. Although negative views of the word "macho" were more prevalent than I had ex­ pected, the responses closely parallel the polar views of the word "macho" discussed earlier. Re­ sponses classified as "negative" by our judges are consistent with the "compensatory" or "deficit" model, which sees the emphasis on excessive mas­ culinity among Mexicans and Latinos as an at­ tempt to conceal pervasive feelings of inferiority among native men that resulted from the Con­ quest and the ensuing cultural, moral, and spiri­ tual rape of the indigenous population. Those classified as "positive," similarly, are roughly

30

PA R T

ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

consistent with an "ethical" model, which sees

pecially relative to the wife. According to one re­

macho behavior as a positive, nationalist response

spondent, "They insist on being the dominant one

to colonization, foreign intervention, and class

in the household. What they say is the rule. They

exploitation.

treat women as inferior. They have a dual set of rules for women and men." Another respondent added:

Negative Conceptions of "Macho" A number of consistent themes are found among the men who were classified as viewing the word " macho" in a negative light. Though I divide them into separate themes to facilitate the pre­

It's someone that completely dominates. There are no two ways about it; it's either his way or no way. My dad used to be a macho. He used to come into the house drunk, getting my

sentation of the fmdings, there is obviously con­

mother out of bed, making her make food,

siderable overlap between them.

making her cry.

Negative Theme Masculinity

1: Synthetic/Exaggerated

A theme that was very prevalent in

the responses is that machos are men who are in­ secure in themselves and need to prove their man­ hood. It was termed a "synthetic self-image," "exaggerated masculinity, " "one who acts tough and is insecure in himself," and an "exaggerated form of manliness or super manliness." One re­ spondent described a macho as one who acts "bad." One who acts tough and who is insecure of himself. I would say [dudes] who come out of the

pinta

batos

[prison]

A Spanish-speaker characterized the macho as follows:

Una persona negativa completamente. Es una per­ sona que es irresponsable en una palabra. Que anda en las cantinas. Es no es hombre. Si, conozco muchos de mi tierra; una docena. Toman, pelean. Llegan a la case gritando y golpeando a la senora, gritando, can­ tando. Eso lo vi yo cuando era chavalillo y se me graM. Yo nunca vi a mi papa que golpeara a mi mama (A completely negative person. In a word, it's a person who is irresponsible. Who is

out in the taverns. That's not a man. Yes, I

know many from my homeland; a dozen. They

seem to have a tendency to be insecure with

drink, fight. They come home yelling and hit­

themselves, and tend to put up a front. [They]

ting the wife, yelling, singing. I saw this as a

talk loud, intimidate others, and disrespect the

child and it made a lasting impression on me. I

meaning of a man.

never saw my father hit my mother).

Another person described it as being a synthetic self-image that's devoid of content. . . . It's a sort of facade that people use to hide the lack of strong, positive person­ ality traits. To me, it often implies a negative set

Negative Theme

3: Violence/Aggressiveness

A third, related theme is macho behavior mani­ fested in expressions of violence, aggressiveness, and irresponsibility, both inside and outside the family. It is "someone that does not back down,

of behaviors. . . . I have a number of cousins

especially if they fear they would lose face over

who fit that. I have an uncle who fits it. He re­

the most trivial matters. " Another person saw

fuses to have himself fixed even though he was

macho as the exaggeration of perceived mascu­

constantly producing children out of wedlock.

line traits and gave the example of a fictional fig­ ure like Rambo and a real figure like former

2: Male Dominance Authori­

president Ronald Reagan. This person added that

A second, related theme is that of

it was " anyone who has ever been in a war," and

Negative Theme tarianism

male dominance, chauvinism, and the double

"it's usually associated with dogmatism, with vi­

standard for men and women. Within the family,

olence, with not showing feelings." A Spanish­

the macho figure is viewed as authoritarian, es-

speaking man summarized it succinctly as

"el

ARTICLE 4

hombre que sale de su trabajo los vierns, va a la cantina, gasta el cheque, y llega a su casa gritando, pegandole a su esposa diciendo que el es el macho" (the man who gets out of work on Friday, goes to a bar, spends his check, and comes home yelling and hitting his wife and telling her that he is the macho [i.e., man]) . Still another felt that men who were macho did such things as " drinking to excess," and that associated with the word "macho" was "the notion of physical prowess or intimidation of others. A willingness to put themselves and oth­ ers at risk, particularly physically. For those that are married, the notion of having women on the side. " One of our Spanish-speaking respondents mentioned an acquaintance who lost his family

"El decia, 'La mujer se hizo para andar en la casa y yo pa ' andar en las cantinas'" (He used to say, "Woman was made

because he would not stop drinking.

to stay at home and I was made to stay in tav­ erns"). This respondent also noted that men who are real machos tend not to support their families or tend to beat them, to get "dandied up," and to go out drinking. Another said that they "drink tequila" and "have women on their side kissing them. "

Negative Theme 4 : Self-Centeredness/ Egoismo Closely related is the final theme, which views someone who is macho as being self-centered, selfish, and stubborn, a theme that is especially prevalent among respondents with close ties to Mexico. Several men saw machismo as

un tipo de

"Macho": Contemporary Conceptions

31

my ideas are worthwhile. As the saying goes, "Whatever I say goes." . . . They cling to their own beliefs. Everything they say is right. They try to get everyone, including children and fam­ ily, to think and act the way they do) . Some respondents who elaborated on the "self­ centeredness" or

egoista theme noted that some

men will hit their wives "just to prove that they are

machos," while others try to show that they "wear the pants" by not letting their wives go out. One person noted that some men believe that wives and daughters should not be permitted to cut their hair because long hair is considered "a sign of femininity, " and another made reference to a young man who actually cut off a finger in order to prove his love to his sweetheart. Because the word "macho" literally means a "he-mule" or a "he-goat," respondents often likened macho men to a dumb animal such as a mule, goat, or bull: " Somebody who's like a bull, or bullish"; "The man who is strong as though he were an animal" ; "It's an ignorant person, like an animal, a donkey or mule "; and "It's a word that is outside of that which is human. " One person described a macho as the husband of the mule that pulls the plow. A macho is a person who is dumb and unedu­ cated.

Hay tienes a [There you have] Macho Ca­

macho [the boxer] . He's a wealthy man, but that doesn't make a smart man. I think he's dumb! . . . They're aggressive, and they're harmful, and insensitive.

egoismo (a type of selfishness) and felt that it re­ ferred to a person who always wanted things done

Another respondent said, "Ignorant, is what

his way-a la mia. It is someone who wants to im­

it means to me, a fool. They're fools, man. They

pose his will on others or wants to be right,

act bully type." Another similarity linked it to

whether he is right or not. It is viewed, for exam­

being "ignorant, dumb, stupid," noting that they

ple, as

un tipo de egoismo que nomas "lo mio" es bueno y nomcis mis ideas son buenas. Como se dice, "Nomas mis chicharrones truenan." . . . Se apegan a lo que ellos creen. Todo lo que ellos dicen esta correcto. Tratan que toda fa gente entre a su manera de pen­ sar y actuar, incluyendo hijos yfamilia (A type of selfishness where only "mine" is good and only

"try to take advantage of their physical superior­ ity over women and try to use that as a way of showing that they are right. " Given

that

these

respondents

viewed

"macho" in a negative light, it is not surprising to find that most did not consider themselves macho. Only eight of the sixty men in this cate­ gory reluctantly acknowledged that they were

32

PART ONE

Perspectives on Masculinities

"somewhat" macho. One said, "Yes, sometimes

mentioned women who exemplified "macho

when I drink, I get loud and stupid," and another,

qualities" or indicated that these qualities may be

"Yes, to an extent because I have to be head­

found among either gender. Another man gave

strong, and bullish as a teacher. "

Positive Conceptions of Macho: Courage, Honor, and I ntegrity

John Kennedy and Eleanor Roosevelt as exam­ ples and noted that people who are macho know how to make decisions because they are

As previously noted, only about 30 percent of the

confident of themselves. They know their place

respondents were classified as seeing macho as a

in the world. They accept themselves for what

desirable cultural or personal trait or value, and those who did so were much more apt to conduct the interview in English. Some

82 percent of the

men who had positive conceptions were inter­ viewed in English. As was true of men who were classified as negative toward the word " macho," several

they are and they are confident in that. They don't worry about what others think. . . . They know what to do, the things that are essential to them and others around them. A Spanish-speaking respondent added:

indicated that it meant "masculine " or "manly"

En respecto a nuestra cultra es un hombre que de­ fiende sus valores, en total 10 fisico, 10 emocional, 10 psicol6gico. En cada mexicano hay cierto punto de macho. No es arrogante, no es egoista excepto cuando tiene que df!jimder sus valores. No espresumido (Rel­

(varonil), a type of masculinity (unaforma de mas­ culinidad), or male. The overriding theme, how­

what he believes, physically, emotionally, and

themes were discernible among those classified as positive. And as with the negative themes, they are separate but overlapping. A few respondents

ever, linked machismo to internal qualities like courage, valor, honor, sincerity, respect, pride, hu­ mility, and responsibility. Some went so far as to identify a distinct code of ethics or a set of prin­ ciples that they saw as being characteristic of machismo.

ative to our culture, it's a man that stands up for psychologically. Within every Mexican there is a certain sense of being macho. He is not arro­ gant, not egotistic, except when he has to de­ fend his values. He is not conceited).

Positive Theme

2: Responsibility/Selflessness

A second positive macho theme is responsibility,

Positive Theme 1: Assertiveness/Standing Up

selflessness, and meeting obligations. In direct op­

A more specific subtheme is the as­

position to the negative macho who is irresponsi­

sociation .of machismo with being assertive,

ble and selfish, the positive macho is seen as

courageous, standing up for one's rights, or going

having a strong sense of responsibility and as

for Rights

"against the grain" relative to other persons. The

being very concerned with the welfare and well­

following response is representative of this view:

being of other persons. This second positive

To me it means someone that's assertive, some­ one who stands up for his or her rights when challenged. . . . Ted Kennedy because of all

macho theme was described in a number of ways: "to meet your obligations"; "someone who shoul­ ders responsibility" ; "being responsible for your

the hell he's had to go through. I think I like

family"; "a person who fulfills the responsibility

[Senator] Feinstein. She takes the issues by the

of his role. . . irrespective of the consequences";

horns. . . . They paved their own destiny. They

"they make firm decisions . . . that take into con­

protect themselves and those that are close to

sideration the well-being of others." According

them and attempt to control their environment

to one respondent:

versus the contrast. A macho personality for me would be a person

It is interesting to note that this view of being

that is understanding, that is caring, that is

macho can be androgynous. Several respondents

trustworthy. He is all of those things and prac-

ARTICLE 4

"Macho": Contemporary Conceptions

4: SincerityIRespect

33

tices them as well as teaches them, not only

Positive Theme

with family but overall. It encompasses his

positive theme overlaps somewhat with the others

whole life.

The final

and is often subsumed under the code of ethics or

It would be a leader with compassion. The

principles. A number of respondents associated

image we have of Pancho Villa. For the Amer­

the word "macho" with such qualities as respect

icans it would be someone like Kennedy, as a

for oneself and others, acting with sincerity and

strong person, but not because he was a wom­ anizer.

Positive Theme

respect, and being a man of your word. One of our interviewees said,

3: General Code of Ethics

The

same traits mentioned in the first and second

Macho significa una persona que cumpie can su paZ­ abra y que es un hombre total. . . . Actuan can sin­ ceridady con respeto (Macho means a person who

themes, but it differs in that respondents appear to

backs up what he says and who is a complete

third theme we identified embodies many of the

link machismo not just to such individual quali­ ties as selflessness but to a general code of ethics or a set of principles. One respondent who was married to an Israeli woman offered a former de­ fense minister of Israel as exemplifYing macho qualities. He noted that It's a man responsible for actions, a man of his word. . . . I think a macho does not have to be a statesman, just a man that's known to stand by his friends and follow through. A man of action relative to goals that benefit others, not himself. Another said that it means living up to one's prin­ ciples to the point of almost being willing to die for them. One of the most extensive explications of this code of ethics was offered by the follow­ ing respond�nt: To me it really refers to a code of ethics that I use to relate values in my life and to evaluate myself in terms of my family, my job, my com­ munity. My belief is that if I live up to my code of ethics, I will gain respect from my family, my job, and my community. Macho has noth­ ing to do with how much salsa you can eat,

man. . . . They act with sincerity and respect). Another mentioned self-control and having a sense of oneself and the situation. Usually they are reserved. They have kind of an inner confidence, kind of like you know you're the fastest gun in town so you don't have to prove yourself. There's nothing to prove. A sense of self. Still another emphasized that physical prowess by itself would not be sufficient to identifY one as macho. Instead, "It would be activities that meet the challenge, require honor, and meet obliga­ tions. " Finally, a respondent observed: Macho to me means that you understand your place in the world. That's not to say that you are the "he-man" as the popular conception says. It means you have respect for yourself, that you respect others. Not surprisingly, all of the respondents who viewed machismo in a positive light either already considered themselves to have macho qualities or saw it as an ideal they hoped to attain.

how much beer you can drink, or how many women you fuck! They have self-pride, they hold themselves as meaningful people. You can be macho as a

Neutral Conceptions of Macho Twelve respondents could not be clearly classi­ fied as positive or negative in their views of

farmworker or judge. It's a real mixture of pride

"macho." This so-called neutral category is some­

and humility. Individualism is a part of it-self­

what of a residual one, however, because it in­

awareness, self-consciousness, responsibility.

cludes not only men who were, in fact, neutral but

34

PART ON E

Perspectives on Masculinities

also those who gave mixed signals and about whom the judges could not agree. One said that "macho" was just a word that didn't mean any­ thing; another said that it applied to someone strong like a boxer or a wrestler, but he did not know anyone who was macho, and it was not clear whether he considered it to be a positive or negative trait. Others were either ambivalent or pointed to both positive and negative components of being macho. A street-wise young man in his mid-twenties, for example, indicated that The word macho to me means someone who won't take nothing from no one. Respects oth­ ers, and expects a lot of respect from others. The person is willing to take any risk. . . . They always think they can do anything and every­ thing. They don't take no shit from no one. They have a one-track mind. Never want to ac­ cept the fact that women can perform as well as men.

lafamilia. Representa egoismo. . . . Macho significa varon, hombre, pero el machismo es una manera de pensar, y es negativo (To be macho is to be brave or to not be afraid. The connotation that is neg­ ative is to put the interests of the man ahead of those of the woman or the rest of the family. It represents selfishness. . . . Macho means male, man, but machismo is a way of thinking, and it is negative). Another person similarly distinguished be­ tween being macho and being

machista.

Pues, en el sentido personal, significa el sexo mas­ culino y 10 difiere del sexo femenino. La palabra machismo existe solamente de bajo nivel cultural y significa un hombre valiente, borracho y pendenciero (Well, in a personal sense, it means the mascu­

line gender and it distinguishes it from the fem­ inine. The word machismo exists only at a low cultural level and it means a brave man, a drunkard, and a hell-raiser) .

Significantly, the judges were divided in classify­ ing this respondent; one classified him as nega­ tive, another as positive, and the third as neutral. The fact is that rather than being neutral, this

Six of the twelve respondents who were classi­ fied as neutral considered themselves to be at least somewhat macho.

young man identifies both positive ("respects oth­ ers and self") and negative ("never want to accept the fact that women can perform as well as men") qualities with being macho. Another person observed that there were at least two �eanings of the word--one, a brave per­

Regional and Socioeconomic Differences in Conceptions of Macho Conceptions of the word "macho" do not vary

son who is willing to defend his ideals and him­

significantly by region, but there are significant

self, and the other, a man who exaggerates his

differences according to socioeconomic status.

masculinity-but noted that "macho" was not a

Men with more education, with a higher income,

term that he used. Another respondent provided

and in professional occupations were more likely

a complex answer that distinguished the denota­

to have a positive conception of the word. This is

tive (i.e., macho) and connotative (i.e., machismo)

not to suggest that they are necessarily more

meanings of the term. He used the word in both

machista, or chauvinistic, but that they simply see

ways, differentiating between being macho or

the word in a more positive light. Almost half (42

male, which is denotative, and machismo, which

percent) of the respondents who were profes­

connotes male chauvinism. He considered him­ self to be macho but certainly not

machista.

sionals associated the word "macho" with being principled or standing up for one's rights, whereas only 23 percent of nonprofessionals had a positive

Ser macho es ser valiente 0 no tener miedo. La con­ notacion que tiene mal sentido es poner los intereses del hombre adelante de los de la mujer 0 del resto de

conception of the word. Place of birth and language were also signif­ icantly associated with attitudes toward machismo,

ARTICLE 4

"Macho": Contemporary Conceptions

35

but, ironically, those respondents who were born

haviors such as drinking and trying to prove one's

in the United States and those who were inter­

masculinity.

viewed in English were generally more positive to­

Place of birth and the language in which the

ward the word "macho." Forty-two percent of

interview was conducted were also related to the

those born in the United States have positive re­

type of behavior that was associated with the

sponses, compared with only 10 percent of those

word "macho." Men born in the United States

who were foreign-born.

and those who opted to conduct the interview in

An English-speaking respondent said that

English were significantly more likely to associate

"macho equals to me chivalry associated with the

such positive behaviors as being responsible, hon­

Knights of the Round Table, where a man gives

orable, or respectful of others with people they

his word, defends his beliefs, etc." Another noted

considered to be macho.

that machos were people who " stand up for what they believe, try things other people are afraid to do, and defend the rights of others." But one Mex­

Conclusion

ican man saw it as the opposite-"Mexicanos

These data provide empirical support for two very

que aceptan que la mujer 'lleve los pantalones, ' irrespons­ ables, les dan mas atenci6n a sus aspectos sociales que a sus responsabilidades" (Mexicans who accept that the women "wear the pants," they are irresponsi­

different and conflicting models of masculinity. The compensatory model sees the cult of virility and the Mexican male's obsession with power and domination as futile attempts to mask feel­

ble, these men pay more attention to their social

ings of inferiority, powerlessness, and failure,

lives than to their responsibilities).

whereas the second perspective associates being macho with a code of ethics that organizes and

Regional and Socioeconomic Differences in "How Machos Act"

gives meaning to behavior. The first model stresses external attributes such as strength, sex­ ual prowess, and power; the second stresses in­

After defining the word "macho," respondents

ternal qualities like honor, responsibility, respect,

were asked to give an example of how people who

and courage.

are macho act or behave. The answers ranged

Although the findings are not conclusive,

from drinking to excess, acting "bad" or "tough,"

they have important implications. First, and most

being insecure in themselves, to having a "syn­

importantly, the so-called Mexican/Latino mas­

thetic self-image," a code of ethics, and being sin­

culine cult appears to be a more complex and di­

cere and responsible. Because responses typically

verse phenomenon than is commonly assumed.

were either negative or positive rather than neu­

But the assumption that being macho is an im­

tral or indifferent, they were grouped into two

portant Mexican cultural value is seriously called

broad categories.

into question by the findings . Most respondents

Regional differences were not statistically sig­

did not define macho as a positive cultural or per­

nificant, although southern Californians were

sonal trait or see themselves as being macho.

more likely than Texans or northern Californians

Only about one-third of the men in the sample

to see macho behavior as aggressive or negative

viewed the word "macho" positively. If there is a

and to associate it with acting tough, drinking, or

cultural value placed on being macho, one would

being selfish.

expect that those respondents with closer ties to

The general pattern that was observed with

Latino culture and the Spanish language would

regard to occupation, education, and income was

be more apt to identify and to have positive asso­

that professionals, those with more education,

ciations with macho, but the opposite tendency

and those with higher incomes were less likely to

was found to be true. Respondents who preferred

associate the word "macho" with negative be-

to be interviewed in English were much more

36

PART ONE

Perspectives on Masculinities

likely to see macho positively and to identify with

ery or valor, courage, generosity, stoicism, hero­

it, whereas the vast majority of those who elected

ism, and ferocity; the negative macho simply uses

to be interviewed in Spanish viewed it negatively.

the appearance of semblance of these traits to

A major flaw of previous conceptualizations

mask cowardliness and fear. . . .

has been their tendency to treat machismo as a

From this perspective much of what social

unitary phenomenon. The findings presented

scientists have termed "macho" behavior is not

here suggest that although Latino men tend to

macho at all, but its antithesis. Rather than at­

hold polar conceptions of macho, these concep­

tempting to isolate a modal Mexican personality

tions may not be unrelated. In describing the

type of determining whether macho is a positive

term, one respondent observed that there was al­

or a negative cultural trait, social scientists would

most a continuum between a person who is re­

be well served to see Mexican and Latino culture

sponsible and one who is chauvinistic. If one

as revolving around certain focal concerns or key

looks more closely at the two models, moreover,

issues such as honor, pride, dignity, courage, re­

it is clear that virtually every trait associated with

sponsibility, integrity, and strength of character.

a negative macho trait has its counterpart in a

Individuals, in turn, are evaluated positively or

positive one. Some of the principal characteris­

negatively according to how well they are per­

tics of the negative macho and the positive coun­

ceived to respond to these focal concerns. But be­

terparts are highlighted in Table

cause being macho is ultimately an internal

4. l .

The close parallel between negative and pos­

quality, those who seek to demonstrate outwardly

Mendoza's distinction between genuine and false

A person who goes around holding his genitals,

macho. According to Mendoza, the behavior of a

boasting about his manliness, or trying to prove

itive macho traits is reminiscent of Vicente T.

genuine machismo is characterized by true brav-

that they are macho are caught in a double bind.

how macho he is would not be considered macho by this definition. In the final analysis it is up to others to determine the extent to which a person lives up to these expectations and ideals .

• TA B L E 4 . 1 Negative and Positive Macho Traits

Negative

Positive

Bravado

Brave

Cowardly.

Courageous

Violent

Self-defensive

Irresponsible

Responsible

Disrespectful

Respectful

Selfish

Altruistic

Pretentious

Humble

Loud

Soft-spoken

Boastful

Self-effacing

Abusive

Protective

Headstrong/bullish

Intransigent

Conformist

Individualistic

Chauvinistic

Androgynous

Dishonorable

Honorable

External qualities

Internal qualities

It is also important to note that to a great ex­ tent, the positive internal qualities associated with the positive macho are not the exclusive domain of men but extend to either gender. One can use the same criteria in evaluating the behavior of women and employ parallel terminology such as

fa hembra (the female) and hembrismo (female­ ness). Una mujer que es una hembra (a woman who is a real "female") is neither passive and submis­ sive nor physically strong and assertive, for these are external qualities. Rather,

una hembra is a per­

son of strong character who has principles and is willing to defend them in the face of adversity. Thus, whereas the popular conception of the word "macho" refers to external male character­ istics such as exaggerated masculinity or the cult of virility, the positive conception isolated here sees being macho as an internal, androgynous quality.

T W O

ously, I had to do someth i ng to project my fierce sense of manhood " ( New York Times, 26 April 1987). That the assertion of manhood is part of a

Boyhood

boy's natural development is suggested by Roger Brown, in h i s textbook Social Psychology (New York: Free Press, 1965, p. 161): In the United States, a real boy climbs trees,

" 0n e

disdains girls, d i rties his knees, plays with sol­ i s not born , but rather becomes, a

d i ers, and takes blue for h i s favorite color.

woman , " wrote the French feminist thinker Simone

When they go to schoo l , real boys prefer man­

de Beauvoir in her ground-breaking book The Sec­

ual tra i n i ng, gym, and arithmetic. In college the

( New York: Vintage, 1958). The same is

boys smoke pipes , drink beer, and major in en­

true for men. And the social processes by which

gineering or phys ics. The real boy matures into

ond Sex

boys become men are complex and i m portant.

a " m a n ' s man" who plays poker, goes hunting,

How does early c h ildhood socialization d iffer for

drinks brandy, and d ies in the war.

boys and girls? What specific traits are empha­ sized for boys that mark their socialization as dif­

The articles in this section address the ques­

ferent? What types of institutional arrangements

tion of how boys develop, focusing on the i n stitu­

reinforce those traits? How do the various institu­

tions that s hape boys' l ives. Ellen Jordan and

tions in which boys find themselves-school , fam­

Angela Cowan describe the gender socialization of

i ly,

schooling, both inside and outside the classroom.

and

c i rcles

of

friends-influence

the i r

development? What o f the special institutions that

Ritch Savi n-Wi l liams and Ann Ferguson examine

promote " boys' l ife" or an adolescent male sub­

these issues from the perspectives of different

culture?

groups of boys-both those who feel different and

During c h i l d hood and adolescence, mascu l i n­

those who are made to feel different.

ity becomes a central theme in a boy's l ife. New

As anyone walking down any hallway in middle

editor A. M . Rosenthal put the d i lemma

school or high school in the United States would

this way: "So there I was, 13 years old, the small­

probably tell you , the most common put down is

est boy in my freshman c lass at DeWitt C l i nton

"that's so gay. " Homophobia is one of the found­

York Times

H igh School , smoking a White Owl cigar. I was not

i ng pri nciples of masc u l i n ity, as the articles by

only l ittle , but I did not have longies-Iong

C. J . Pascoe and Em ily Kane, and the exercise de­

trousers-and was stil l in knickerbockers. Obvi-

veloped by Pau l Kivel , detail. Asked recently about

37

38

PART TWO

Boyhood

Photo by Mike Messner.

why he is constantly rapping about "faggots, " one

h i m a s issy, call h i m a punk. Faggot to me

of our favorite contemporary gender theorists, Em­

doesn't necessarily mean gay people. Faggot to

i nem, said:

me j ust means taking away your manhood .

The loyvest degrading thing you can say to a

The association between sexual orientation

man when you're battl ing h i m is to call h i m a

and gender begins early in boys' l ives, and contin­

faggot and try to take away h i s manhood . Call

ues as they grow to be men.

A R T I C L E

5

Ellen Jordan Angela Cowan

Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom : Renegotiating the Social Contract? Since the beginning of second wave feminism, the separation between the public (masculine) world of politics and the economy and the private (fem­ inine) world of the family and personal life has been seen as highly significant in establishing gen­ der difference and inequality (Eisenstein 1 984). Twenty years of feminist research and specula­ tion have refined our understanding of this divide and how it has been developed and reproduced. One particularly striking and influential account is that given by Carole Pateman in her book The Sexual Contract ( 1 988). Pateman's broad argument is that in the modern world, the world since the Enlighten­ ment, a "civil society" has been established. In this civil society, patriarchy has been replaced by a fratriarcl�y, which is equally male and oppressive of women. Men now rule not as fathers but as brothers, able to compete with one another, but presenting a united front against those outside the group. It is the brothers who control the public world of the state, politics, and the economy. Women have been given token access to this world because the discourses of liberty and uni­ versalism made this difficult to refuse, but to take part they must conform to the rules established to suit the brothers. This public world in which the brothers op­ erate together is conceptualized as separate from the personal and emotional. One is a realm where From Gender & Society 9(6): 727-743. Copyright © 1995 by Sage Publ ications. Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications. Inc.

there is little physicality-everything is done ra­ tionally, bureaucratically, according to contracts that the brothers accept as legitimate. Violence in this realm is severely controlled by agents of the state, except that the brothers are sometimes called upon for the supreme sacrifice of dying to preserve freedom. The social contract redefines the brawling and feuding long seen as essential characteristics of masculinity as deviant, even criminal, while the rest of physicality-sexuality, reproduction of the body, daily and intergenera­ tionally-is left in the private sphere. Pateman quotes Robert Unger, "The dichotomy of the pub­ lic and private life is still another corollary of the separation of understanding and desire. . . . When reasoning, [men] belong to a public world. . . . When desiring, however, men are private be­ ings" (Pateman 1989, 48). This is now widely accepted as the way men understand and experience their world. On the other hand, almost no attempt has been made to look at how it is that they take these views on board, or why the public/private divide is so much more deeply entrenched in their lived ex­ perience than in women's. This article looks at one strand in the complex web of experiences through which this is achieved. A major site where this occurs is the school, one of the insti­ tutions particularly characteristic of the civil so­ ciety that emerged with the Enlightenment (Foucault 1 980, 55-57). The school does not de­ liberately condition boys and not girls into this dichotomy, but it is, we believe, a site where what Giddens ( 1 984, 1 0-1 3) has called a cycle of

39

40

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

practice introduces little boys to the public/pri­ vate division. The article is based on weekly observations

the violence once characteristic of the warrior has, in civil society and as part of the social con­ tract, become the prerogative of the state, it can

in a kindergarten classroom. We examine what

still be re-enacted symbolically in countless sport­

happens in the early days of school when the chil­

ing encounters. The mantle of the warrior is in­

dren encounter the expectations of the school

herited by the sportsman.

with their already established conceptions of gen­

The school discipline that seeks to outlaw

der. The early months of school are a period when

these narratives is, we would suggest, very much

a great deal of negotiating between the children's

a product of modernity. Bowles and Gintis have

personal agendas and the teacher's expectations

argued that "the structure of social relations in ed­

has to take place, where a great deal of what Gen­

ucation not only inures the student to the disci­

ovese ( 1 972) has described as accommodation

pline of the work place, but develops the types of

and resistance must be involved.

personal demeanor, modes of self-presentation,

In this article, we focus on a particular con­

self-image, and social-class identifications which

test, which, although never specifically stated, is

are the crucial ingredients of job adequacy"

central to the children's accommodation to

(1 976, 1 3 1 ) . The school is seeking to introduce the

school: little boys' determination to explore cer­

children to the behavior appropriate to the civil

tain narratives of masculinity with which they are

society of the modern world.

already familiar-guns, fighting, fast cars-and

An accommodation does eventually take

the teacher's attempts to outlaw their importation

place, this article argues, through a recognition of

into the classroom setting. We argue that what

the split between the public and the private. Most

occurs is a contest between two definitions of

boys learn to accept that the way to power and re­

masculinity: what we have chosen to call "warrior

spectability is through acceptance of the conven­

narratives" and the discourses of civil society-ra­

tions of civil society. They also learn that warrior

tionality, responsibility, and decorum-that are

narratives are not a part of this world; they can

the basis of school discipline.

only be experienced symbolically as fantasy or

By "warrior narratives," we mean narratives

sport. The outcome, we will suggest, is that little

that assume that violence is legitimate and justi­

boys learn that these narratives must be left be­

fied when it occurs within a struggle between

hind in the private world of desire when they par­

good and evil. There is a tradition of such narra­

ticipate in the public world of reason.

tives, stretching from Hercules and Beowulf to Superman and Dirty Harry, where the male is de­ picted as the warrior, the knight-errant, the su­

The Study

perhero, the good guy (usually called a "goody"

The school where this study was conducted serves

by Australian children), often supported by broth­

an old-established suburb in a country town in

ers in arms, and always opposed to some evil fig­

New South Wales, Australia. The children are

ure, such as a monster, a giant, a villain, a

predominantly Australian born and English

criminal, or, very simply, in Australian parlance,

speaking, but come from socioeconomic back­

a "baddy. " There is also a connection, it is now

grounds ranging from professional to welfare

often suggested, between these narratives and the

recipient. We carried out this research in a class­

activity that has come to epitomize the physical

room run by a teacher who is widely acknowl­

expression of masculinity in the modern era:

edged as one of the finest and most successful

sport (Duthie 1 980, 91-94; Crosset 1 990; Messner

kindergarten teachers in our region. She is an ad­

1 992, 1 5). It is as sport that the physicality and de­

mired practitioner of free play, process writing,

sire usually lived out in the private sphere are per­

and creativity. There was no gender definition of

mitted a ritualized public presence. Even though

games in her classroom. Groups composed of

ARTICLE 5

Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom

41

both girls and boys had turns at playing in the

a variety of ways in which women accommodate

Doll Corner, in the Construction Area, and on the

to and resist prescriptions of appropriate femi­

Car Mat.

nine behavior, arguing for a significant level of

The research method used was nonpartici­

choice and agency (Anyon 1983, 23-26).

pant observation, the classic mode for the socio­

Thorne argues that the processes of social

logical study of children in schools (Burgess 1984;

life, the form and nature of the interactions, as

Thorne 1 986; Goodenough 1 987). The group of

well as the choices of the actors, should be the ob­

children described came to school for the first

ject of analysis. She writes, "In this book I begin

time in February 1993. The observation sessions

not with individuals, although they certainly ap­

began within a fortnight of the children entering

pear in the account, but with group life-with so­

school and were conducted during "free activity"

cial relations, the organization and meanings of

time, a period lasting for about an hour. At first

social situations, the collective practices through

we observed twice a week, but then settled to a

which children and adults create and recreate gen­

weekly visit, although there were some weeks

der in their daily interactions" (1 993, 4).

when it was inconvenient for the teacher to ac­ commodate an observer.

These daily interactions, Connell ( 1 98 7 , 1 39-1 4 1 ) has suggested, mesh t o form what Gid­

The observation was noninteractive. The ob­

dens ( 1 984, 10-1 3) has called "cyclical practices. "

server stationed herself as unobtrusively as possi­

Daily interactions are neither random nor specific

ble, usually seated on a kindergarten-sized chair,

to particular locations. They are repeated and re­

near one of the play stations. She made pencil

created in similar settings throughout a society.

notes of events, with particular attention to accu­

Similar needs recur, similar discourses are avail­

rately recording the words spoken by the children,

able, and so similar solutions to problems are

and wrote up detailed narratives from the notes,

adopted; thus, actions performed and discourses

supplemented by memory, on reaching home. She

adopted to achieve particular ends in particular

discouraged attention from the children by rising

situations have the unintended consequence of

and leaving the area if she was drawn by them

producing uniformities of gendered behavior in

into any interaction.

individuals.

This project thus employed a methodology

In looking at the patterns of accommodation

that was e.thnographic and open-ended. It was

and resistance that emerge when the warrior nar­

nevertheless guided by certain theories, drawn

ratives that little boys have adapted from televi­

from the work on gender of Jean Anyon, Barrie

sion encounter the discipline of the classroom,

Thorne, and R. W Connell, of the nature of so­

we believe we have uncovered one of the cyclical

cial interaction and its part in creating personal

practices of modernity that reveal the social con­

identity and in reproducing the structures of a

tract to these boys.

society. Anyon has adapted the conceptions of ac­ commodation and resistance developed by Gen­

Warrior Narratives in the Doll Corner

ovese ( 1 972) to understanding how women live

In the first weeks of the children's school experi­

with gender. Genovese argued that slaves in the

ence, the Doll Corner was the area where the

American South accommodated to their contra­

most elaborate acting out of warrior narratives

dictory situation by using certain of its aspects, for

was observed. The Doll Corner in this classroom

example, exposure to the Christian religion, to

was a small room with a door with a glass panel

validate a sense of self-worth and dignity. Chris­

opening off the main area. Its furnishings-stove,

tian beliefs then allowed them to take a critical

sink, dolls' cots, and so on-were an attempt at a

view of slavery, which in turn legitimated certain

literal re-creation of a domestic setting, revealing

forms of resistance (Anyon 1983, 2 1 ) . Anyon lists

the school's definition of children's play as a

42

PART TWO

Boyhood

preparation for adult life. It was an area where the acting out of "pretend" games was acceptable. Much of the boys' play in the area was do­ mestic: Jimmy and Tyler were jointly ironing a table­ cloth. "Look at the sheet is burnt, I've burnt it," declared Tyler, waving the toy iron above his head. "I'm telling Mrs. Sandison," said Jirruhy worriedly. "No, I tricked you. It's not re­ ally burnt. See," explained Tyler, showing Jimmy the black pattern on the cloth. (February 23, 1993) "Where is the baby, the baby boy?" Justin asked, as he helped Harvey and Malcolm settle some restless teddy babies. "Give them some potion." Justin pretended to force feed a teddy, asking "Do you want to drink this potion?" (March 4, 1993) On the other hand, there were attempts from the beginning by some of the boys and one of the girls to use this area for nondomestic games and, in the case of the boys, for games based on war­ rior narratives, involving fighting, destruction, goodies, and baddies. The play started off quietly, Winston cuddled a teddy bear, then settled it in a bed. Just as Win­ ston tucked in his bear, Mac snatched the teddy out of bed and swung it around his head in cir­ cles. "Don't hurt him, give him back," pleaded Winston, trying vainly to retrieve the teddy. The two boys were circling the small table in the center of the room. As he ran, Mac started to karate chop the teddy on the arm, and then threw it on the floor and jumped on it. He then snatched up a plastic knife, "This is a sword. Ted is dead. They all are. " He sliced the knife across the teddy's tummy, repeating the action on the bodies of two stuffed dogs. Winston grabbed the two dogs, and with a dog in each hand, staged a dog fight. "They are alive again." (February 10, 1993) Three boys were busily stuffing teddies into the cupboard through the sink opening. "They're in jail. They can't escape," said Malcolm. "Let's pour water over them." "Don't do that. It'll hurt them," shouted Winston, rushing into the Doll

Corner. "Go away, Winston. You're not in our group," said Malcolm. (February 12, 1993) The boys even imported goodies and baddies into a classic ghost scenario initiated by one of the girls: "I'm the father," Tyler declared. "I'm the mother," said Alanna. "Let's pretend it's a stormy night and I'm afraid. Let's pretend a ghost has come to steal the dog." Tyler nodded and placed the sheet over his head. Tyler moaned, "ooooOOOOOOOAHHHH[!!" and moved his outstretched arms toward Alanna. Jamie joined the game and grabbed a sheet from the doll's cradle, "I'm the goody ghost." "So am I," said Tyler. They giggled and wres­ tled each other to the floor. "No! you're the baddy ghost," said Jamie. Meanwhile, Alanna was making ghostly noises and moving around the boys. "Did you like the game? Let's play it again," she suggested. (February 23, 1993) In the first two incidents, there was some conflict between the narratives being invoked by Winston and those used by the other boys. For Winston, the stuffed toys were the weak whom he must protect knight-errant style. For the other boys, they could be set up as the baddies whom it was legitimate for the hero to attack. Both were versions of a warrior narrative. The gender difference in the use of these nar­ ratives has been noted by a number of observers (Paley 1 984; Clark 1 989, 250-252; Thorne 1 993, 98-99). Whereas even the most timid, least phys­ ically aggressive boys-Winston in this study is typical-are drawn to identifying with the heroes of these narratives, girls show almost no interest in them at this early age. The strong-willed and as­ sertive girls in our study, as in others (Clark 1 990, 83-84; Walkerdine 1 990, 1 0-12), sought power by commandeering the role of mother, teacher, or shopkeeper, while even the highly imaginative Alanna, although she enlivened the more mun­ dane fantasies of the other children with ghosts, old widow women, and magical mirrors, seems not to have been attracted by warrior heroes.! Warrior narratives, it would seem, have a powerful attraction for little boys, which they lack

ARTICLE 5

for little girls. Why and how this occurs remains unexplored in early childhood research, perhaps because data for such an explanation are not available to those doing research in institutional settings. Those undertaking ethnographic re­ search in preschools frod the warrior narratives al­ ready in possession in these sites (Paley 1 984, 70-73, 1 1 6; Davies 1 989, 91-92). In this research, gender difference in the appeal of warrior narra­ tives has to be taken as a given-the data gathered are not suitable for constructing theories of ori­ gins; thus, the task of determining an explanation would seem to lie within the province of those in­ vestigating and theorizing gender differentiation during infancy, and perhaps, specifically, of those working in the tradition of feminist psycho­ analysis pioneered by Dinnerstein ( 1 977) and Chodorow (1 978). Nevertheless, even though the cause may remain obscure, there can be little ar­ gument that in the English-speaking world for at least the last hundred years-think of Tom Sawyer playing Robin Hood and the pirates and Indians in J. M. Barrie's Peter Pan-boys have built these narratives into their conceptions of the masculine.

Accommodation through Brico/age The school classroom, even one as committed to freedom and self-actualization as this, makes lit­ tle provision for the enactment of these narra­ tives. The classroom equipment invites children to play house, farm, and shop, to construct cities and roads, and to journey through them with toy cars, but there is no overt invitation to explore warrior narratives. In the first few weeks of school, the little boys un-self-consciously set about redressing this omis­ sion. The method they used was what is known as bricolage-the transformation of objects from one use to another for symbolic purposes (Hebdige 1 979, 1 03). The first site was the Doll Corner. Our records for the early weeks contain a number of examples of boys rejecting the usages ascribed to the various Doll Corner objects by the teacher and by the makers of equipment and assigning a

Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom

43

different meaning to them. This became evident very early with their use of the toy baby carriages (called "prams" in Australia). For the girls, the baby carriages were just that, but for many of the boys they very quickly became surrogate cars: Mac threw a doll into the largest pram in the Doll Corner. He walked the pram out past a group of his friends who were playing "crashes" on the Car Mat. Three of the five boys turned and watched him wheeling the pram toward the classroom door. Mac per­ formed a sharp three-point turn; raced his pram past the Car Mat group, striking one boy on the head with the pram wheel. (February 10, 1 993) "Brrrrmmmmmm, brrrrrmmmmm," Tyler's revving engine noises grew louder as he rocked the pram back and forth with sharp jerking movements. The engine noise grew quieter as he left the Doll Corner and wheeled the pram around the classroom. He started to run with the pram when the teacher could not observe him. (March 23, 1993)

The boys transformed other objects into mas­ culine appurtenances: knives and tongs became weapons, the dolls' beds became boats, and so on. Mac tried to engage Winston in a sword fight using Doll Corner plastic knives. Winston backed away, but Mac persisted. Winston took a knife but continued to back away from Mac. He then put down the knife, and ran away half­ screaming (semi-seriously, unsure of the situa­ tion) for his teacher. (February 10, 1 993)

In the literature on youth subcultures, brico­ lage is seen as a characteristic of modes of resis­ tance. Hebdige writes: It is through the distinctive rituals of consump­ tion, through style, that the subculture at once reveals its "secret" identity and communicates its forbidden meanings. It is predominantly the way commodities are used in subculture which mark the subculture off from more orthodox cultural formations . . . . The concept of bricolage can be used to explain how subcultural styles are constructed. ( 1 979, 1 03)

44

PART TWO

Boyhood

In these early weeks, however, the boys did

[Nigel] , and said in a baby voice, "Goo-goo;

not appear to be aware that they were doing

give him [Mac] the feather duster. " "No! give

anything more than establishing an accommo­ dation between their needs and the classroom environment.

him the feather duster; he did the longest one all over the clothes," Mac said to Nigel. (June 1 ,

1 993)

This mode of accommodation was rej ected by the teacher, however, who practiced a gentle,

Although exciting and imaginative games

but steady, discouragement of such bricolage.

continued, the bricolage virtually disappeared

Even thoHgh the objects in this space are not re­

from the Doll Corner. The intention of the de­

ally irons, beds, and cooking pots, she made

signer of the Doll Corner equipment was in­

strong efforts to assert their cultural meaning, in­

creasingly respected. Food for the camping trip

structing the children in the "proper" use of the

was bought from the shop the teacher had set up

equipment and attempting to control their behav­

and consumed using the Doll Corner equipment.

ior by questions like "Would you do that with a

The space invaded by flies was a domestic space,

tea towel in your house?" "Cats never climb up on

and appropriate means, calling in expert help by

the benches in

my house." It was thus impressed

telephone, were used to deal with the problem.

upon the children that warrior narratives were in­

Chairs and tables were chairs and tables, clothes

appropriate in this space.

were clothes and could be fouled by appropriate

The children, our observations suggest, ac­

inhabitants of a domestic space, babies. Only the

cepted her guidance, and we found no importa­

baby carriages continued to have an ambiguous

tion of warrior narratives into the Doll Corner

status, to maintain the ability to be transformed

after the first few weeks. There were a number of

into vehicles of other kinds.

elaborate and exciting narratives devised, but they

The warrior narratives-sword play, baddies

were all to some degree related to the domestic

injail, pirates, and so on-did not vanish from the

environment. For example, on April

boys' imaginative world, but, as the later obser­

20, Justin

and Nigel used one of the baby carriages as a

vations show, the site gradually moved from the

four-wheel drive, packed it with equipment and

Doll Corner to the Construction Area and the

went off for a camping trip, setting out a picnic

Car Mat. By the third week in March (that is, after

with Doll Corner tablecloths, knives, forks, and

about six weeks at school), the observer noticed

plates when they arrived. On May 1 8 , Matthew,

the boys consistently using the construction toys

Malcolm, Nigel, and Jonathan were dogs being

to develop these narratives. The bricolage was

fed in the Doll Corner. They then complained of

now restricted to the more amorphously defined

the flies, and Jonathan picked up the toy tele­

construction materials.

phone and said, " Flycatcher! Flycatcher! Come and catch some flies. They are everywhere. " On June I , the following was recorded:

Tyler was busy constructing an object out of five pieces of plastic straw (clever sticks). "This is a water pistol. Everyone's gonna get wet," he

"We don't want our nappies [diapers] changed,"

cried as he moved into the Doll Corner pre ­

Aaron informed Celia, the mum in the game.

tending to wet people. The game shifted to guns

"I'm poohing all over your clothes mum," Mac

and bullets between Tyler and two other boys.

declared, as he grunted and positioned himself

" I've got a bigger gun," Roger said, showing off

over the dress-up box. Celia cast a despairing

his square block object. "Mine's more longer.

glance in Mac's direction, and went on dressing

Ehehehehehehehehe, got you," Winston yelled

a doll. "I am too; poohing all over your clothes

to Roger, brandishing a plastic straw gun. "I'll

mum," said Aaron. "Now mum will have to

kill your gun," Mac said, pushing Winston's

clean it all up and change my nappy," he in­

gun away. "No Mac. You broke it. No," cried

formed Mac, giggling . He turned to the dad

Winston. (March 23, 1 993)

ARTICLE 5

Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom

45

Two of the boys picked up swords made out of

The belief underlying her practice was that

blue- and red-colored plastic squares they had

firmly established classroom rules make genuine

displayed on the cupboard. "This is my sword,"

free play possible, rather than restricting the range

Jamie explained to Tyler. "My jumper [sweater] holds it in. Whichever color is at the bottom, well that's the color it shoots out. Whoever is bad, we shoot with power out of it." "Come on Tyler," he went on. "Get your sword. Let's go get some baddies." (March 30, 1 993) The toy cars on the Car Mat were also pressed into the service of warrior narratives: Justin, Brendan, and Jonathan were busy on the Car Mat. The game involved police cars that

of play opportunities. Her emphasis on "proper" use of equipment was intended to stop it being damaged and consequently withdrawn from use. She had rules of "no running" and "no shout­ ing" that allowed children to work and play safely on the floor of the classroom, even though other children were using equipment or toys that de­ manded movement, and ensured that the noise level was low enough for children to talk at length to one another as part of their games.

were chasing baddies who had drunk "too

One of the outcomes of these rules was the

much beers." Justin explained to Jonathan why

virtual outlawing of a whole series of games that

his car had the word "DOG" written on the

groups of children usually want to initiate when

front. "These are different police cars, for catch­

they are playing together, games of speed and

ing robbers taking money." (March 4, 1 993)

body contact, of gross motor self-expression and

Three boys, Harvey, Maurice, and Marshall, were on the Car Mat. "Here comes the bad­

skill. This prohibition affected both girls and boys and was justified by setting up a version of pub­

dies," Harvey shouted, spinning a toy car

lic and private spaces: The classroom was not the

around the mat. " Crasssshhhhh everywhere."

proper place for such activities, they "belong" in

He crashed his car into the other boys' cars and

the playground .2 The combined experience of

they responded with laughter. "I killed a baddie

many teachers has shown that it is almost impos­

everyone," said Maurice, crashing his cars into another group of cars. (May 24, 1 993)

A new accommodation was being proposed by

sible for children to play games involving car crashes and guns without violating these rules ; therefore, i n this classroom, a s in many others

the boys, a new adaptation of classroom materi­

(Paley 1 984, 7 1 , 1 1 6) , these games were in effect

als to the needs of their warrior narratives.

banned. These rules were then policed by the children themselves, as the following interchange shows:

Classroom Rules and Resistance Once again the teacher would not accept the ac­ commodation proposed. Warrior narratives pro­ voked what she considered inappropriate public behavior in the miniature civil society of her class­

"Eeeeeeheeeeeeheeeeh!" Tyler leapt about the room.

A couple of girls were saying, "Stop it

Tyler" but he persisted. Jane warned, "You're not allowed to have guns." Tyler responded say­ ing, "It's not a gun. It's a water pistol, and that's not a gun." "Not allowed to have water pistol

room. Her aim was to create a "free " environ­

guns," Tony reiterated to Tyler. "Yes, it's a

ment where children could work independently,

water pistol," shouted Tyler. Jane informed the

learn at their own pace, and explore their own in­

teacher, who responded stating, "NO GUNS,

terests, but creating such an environment involved its own form of social contract, its own version of the state's appropriation of violence. From the

even if they are water pistols." Tyler made a spear out of Clever Sticks, straight after the ban­

ning of gun play. (March 23, 1 993)

very first day, she began to establish a series of

The boys, however, were not prepared to

classroom rules that imposed constraints on vio­

abandon their warrior narratives. Unlike gross

lent or disruptive activity.

motor activities such as wrestling and football,

46

PA RT TWO

Boyhood

they were not prepared to see them relegated to

into a robot and the top pops off. " (March 23,

the playground, but the limitations on their ex­

1993)

pression and the teacher disapproval they evoked led the boys to explore them surreptitiously; they found ways of introducing them that did not vio­ late rules about running and shouting. As time passed, the games became less visi­ ble. The warrior narratives were not so much acted out as talked through, using the toy cars and the construction materials as a prompt and a basis: Tyler was showing his plastic straw construc­

Children even protested to one another that they were not making weapons, "This isn't a gun, it's a lookout. " "This isn't a place for bullets, it's for petrol. " The warrior narratives, it would seem, went underground and became part of a " deviant" masculine subculture with the characteristic "se­ cret" identity and hidden meanings (Hebdige 1 979, 1 03). The boys were no longer seeking ac­ commodation but practicing hidden resistance.

tion to Luke. "This is a Samurai Man and this

The classroom, they were learning, was not a

is his hat. A Samurai Man fights in Japan and

place where it was acceptable to explore their gen­

they fight with the Ninja. The bad guys who use

der identity through fantasy.

cannons and guns. My Samurai is captain of the Samurai and he is going to kill the sergeant of the bad guys. He is going to sneak up on him

with a knife and kill him." (June 1 , 1993) Malcolm and Aaron had built boats with Lego blocks and were explaining the various compo­ nents to Roger. "This ship can go faster," Mal­ colm explained. "He [a plastic man] is the boss of the ship. Mine is a goody boat. They are not baddies." "Mine's a steam shovel boat. It has wheels," said Aaron. "There it goes in the river and it has to go to a big shed where all the steam shovels are stopping." (June 1 1 , 1993) It also became apparent that there was some­

This, however, was a message that only the boys were receiving. The girls' gender-specific fan­ tasies (Paley 1 984, 1 06-108; Davies 1 989, 1 1 8122) of nurturing and self-display-mothers, nurses, brides, princesses-were accommodated easily within the classroom. They could be played out without contravening the rules of the miniature civil society. Although certain delightful activi­ ties-eating, running, hugging, and kissing (Best 1 983, 1 1 0)-might be excluded from this public sphere, they were not ones by means of which their femininity, and thus their subjectivity, their conception of the self, was defined.

thing covert about this play. The cars were crashed quietly. The guns were being transformed into water pistols. Swords were concealed under jumpers and only used when the teacher's back was turned. When the constructed objects were displayed to the class, their potential as players in a fighting game was concealed under a more mundane description. For example: Prior to the free play, the children were taking turns to explain the Clever Stick and Lego Block constructions they had made the previ­ ous afternoon. I listened to Tyler describe his Lego robot to the class: "This is a transformer robot. It can do things and turn into every­ thing." During free play, Tyler played with the same robot explaining its capacities to Winston:

"This is a terminator ship. It can kill . It can turn

Masculinity, the School Regime, and the Social Contract We suggest that this conflict between warrior nar­ ratives and school rules is likely to form part of the experience of most boys growing up in the in­ dustrialized world. The commitment to such nar­ ratives was not only nearly 1 00 percent among the boys we observed, but similar commitment is, as was argued above, common in other sites. On the other hand, the pressure to preserve a decorous classroom is strong in all teachers (with the possible exception of those teaching in " al­ ternative" schools) and has been since the begin­ nings of compulsory education. Indeed, it is only in classrooms where there is the balance of free-

ARTICLE 5

Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom

47

dom and constraint we observed that such narra­

Although teachers in the first years of school are

tives are likely to surface at all. In more formal sit­

predominantly female, the regime they impose is

uations, they would be defined as deviant and

perpetuated by male teachers (Brophy

forced underground from the boys' first entry into

and this preference i s endorsed b y powerful and

school.

influential males in the society at large. The kind

1 985, 121),

If this is a widely recurring pattern, the ques­

of demeanor and self-management that teachers

tion then arises: Is it of little significance or is it

are trying to inculcate in the early school years is

what Giddens

(1 984, 1 0-3) would call one of the

the behavior expected in male-dominated public

"cyclicaLpractices" that reproduce the structures

arenas like boardrooms, courtrooms, and union

of our society? The answer really depends on how

mass meetings.3

little boys "read" the outlawing of their warrior narratives. If they see it as simply one of the broad

Connell (1989,

291) and Willis (1977, 76, 84)

provide evidence that by adolescence, boys from

constraints of school against which they are con­

all classes, particularly if they are ambitious,

tinually negotiating, then perhaps it has no sig­

come to regard acquiescence in the school's de­

nificance. If, on the other hand, it has in their

mands as compatible with constructing a mascu­

minds a crucial connection to the definition of

line identity. Connell writes:

gender, to the creation of their own masculine identity, to where they position particular sites

Some working class boys embrace a project of

and practices on a masculine to feminine contin­

mobility in which they construct a masculinity

uum, then the ostracism of warrior narratives

organized around themes of rationality and re­

may mean that they define the school environ­ ment as feminine. There is considerable evidence that some pri­ mary school children do in fact make this cate­ gorization (Best

sponsibility. This is closely connected with the "certification" function of the upper levels of the education system and to a key form of mas­ culinity among professionals. (1 989, 291)

1 983, 14-15; Brophy 1985, 1 1 8; 1 990, 36), and we suggest here that the out­

argued long ago, the primary characteristics o f

lawry of the masculine narrative contributes to

the modern society theorized by the Enlighten­

this. Research by Willis ( 1977) and Walker (1988)

ment thinkers as based on a social contract. This

Clark

Rationality and responsibility are, as Weber

in high schools has revealed a culture of resis­

prized rationality has been converted in practice

tance based on definitions of masculinity as

into a bureaucratized legal system where "re­

antagonistic to the demands

of the school, which

sponsible" acceptance by the population of the

are construed as feminine by the resisters. It might

rules of civil society obviates the need for indi­

therefore seem plausible to see the underground

viduals to use physical violence in gaining their

perpetuation of the warrior narrative as an early

ends or protecting their rights, and where, if such

expression of this resistance and one that gives

violence is necessary, it is exercised by the state

some legitimacy to the resisters' claims that the

(Weber

school is feminine.

rior is obsolete, his activities redefined bureau­

Is the school regime that outlaws the warrior narratives really feminine? We would argue,

1978, 341-354).

In civil society, the war­

cratically and performed by the police and the military.

rather, that the regime being imposed is based on

The teacher in whose classroom our obser­

a male ideal, an outcome of the Enlightenment

vation was conducted demonstrated a strong

and compulsory schooling. Michel Foucault has

commitment to rationality and responsibility. For

pointed out that the development of this particu­

example, she devoted a great deal of time to

lar regime in schools coincided with the emer­

showing that there was a cause and effect link be­

gence of the prison, the hospital, the army

tween the behavior forbidden by her classroom

barracks, and the factory (Foucault

rules and classroom accidents. Each time an

1 980, 55-57).

48

PAR T TWO

Boyhood

accident occurred, she asked the children to de­

T. [To Malcolm and Winston] What hap­

termine the cause of the accident, its result, and

pened?

how it could have been prevented. The implica­

W. Malcolm hit me on the head.

tion throughout was that children must take re­

M. But it was an accident. I didn't mean it. I

sponsibility for the outcomes of their actions.

didn't really hurt him.

Mac accidentally struck a boy, who was lying on

T. How did it happen?

the floor, in the head with a pram wheel. He

M. It was an accident.

was screaming around with a pram, the victim was playing on the Car Mat and lying down to

W. He [Malcolm] hit me.

obtain a bird's eye view of a car crash. Mac

T. Malcolm, I know you didn't mean to hurt

rushed past the group and struck Justin on the

Winston, so how did it happen?

side of the head. Tears and confusion ensued.

M. I didn't mean it.

The teacher's reaction was to see to Justin, then stop all play and gain children's attention, speak­ ing first to Mac and Justin plus Justin's group:

T. How did Justin get hurt? M. [No answer] T. Mac, what happened?

M. I was wheeling the pram and Justin was in the way.

T. Were you running?

T. I know you didn't mean it, Malcolm, but why did Winston get hurt? Chn. Malcolm was running. M. No I wasn't.

T. See where everyone was sitting? There is

hardly enough room for children to walk. Children working on the floor must remem­ ber to leave a walking path so that other chil­ dren can move safely around the room.

M. I was wheeling the pram.

Otherwise someone will be hurt, and that's

The teacher now addresses the whole class:

what has happened today. (February

T. Stop working everyone, eyes to me and lis­

23,

1 993)

ten. Someone has just been hurt because

This public-sphere masculinity of rationality

someone didn't remember the classroom

and responsibility, of civil society, of the social

rules. What are they, Harvey?

contract is not the masculinity that the boys are

(Har;yey was listening intently and she

bringing into the classroom through their warrior

wanted someone who could answer the ques­

narratives. They are using a different, much older

tion at this point.)

version-not the male as responsible citizen, the

H. No running in the classroom.

producer and consumer who keeps the capitalist

T. Why?

system going, the breadwinner, and caring father

Other children offer an answer. Chn. Because someone will get hurt.

T. Yes, and that is what happened. Mac was going too quickly with the pram and Justin was injured. Now how can we stop this hap­ pening next time? Chn. No running in the classroom, only walk. (February

1 0, 1 993)

of a family. Their earliest vision of masculinity is the male as warrior, the bonded male who goes out with his mates and meets the dangers of the world, the male who attacks and defeats other males characterized as baddies, the male who turns the natural products of the earth into weapons to carry out these purposes. We would argue, nevertheless, that those boys who aspire to become one of the brothers

Malcolm, walking, bumped Winston on the

who wield power in the public world of civil so­

head with a construction toy. The teacher in­

ciety ultimately realize that conformity to ratio­

tervened:

nality and responsibility, to the demands of the

ARTICLE 5

school, is the price they must pay. They realize that although the girls can expect one day to be­ come the brides and mothers of their pretend games, the boys will never, except perhaps in time of war, be allowed to act out the part of warrior hero in reality. On the other hand, the school softens the transition for them by endorsing and encouraging the classic modern transformation and domesti­ cation of the warrior narrative, sport (Connell 1 987, 177; Messner 1 992, 1 0-12). In the school where this observation was conducted, large play­ ground areas are set aside for lunchtime cricket, soccer, and basketball; by the age of seven, most boys are joining in these games. The message is conveyed to them that if they behave like citizens in the classroom, they can become warriors on the sports oval. Gradually, we would suggest, little boys get the message that resistance is not the only way to live out warrior masculinity. If they accept a pub­ lic/private division of life, it can be accommo­ dated within the private sphere; thus, it becomes possible for those boys who aspire to respectabil­ ity, figuring in civil society as one of the brothers, to accept that the school regime and its expecta­ tions are masculine and to reject the attempts of the "resisters" to define it (and them) as feminine. They adopt the masculinity of rationality and re­ sponsibility as that appropriate to the public sphere, while the earlier, deeply appealing mas­ culinity of the warrior narratives can still be ex­ perienced through symbolic reenactment on the sports field.

Conclusion We are not, of course, suggesting that this is the only way in which the public/private division be­ comes part of the lived awareness of little boys. We do, however, believe that we have teased out one strand of the manner in which they encounter it. We have suggested that the classroom is a major site where little boys are introduced to the mas­ culinity of rationality and responsibility charac-

Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom

49

teristic of the brothers in civil society; we have been looking at a "cycle of practice" where, in classroom after classroom, generation after gener­ ation, the mode of masculinity typified in the war­ rior narratives is first driven underground and then transferred to the sports field. We are, we would suggest, seeing renegotiated for each generation and in each boy's own life the conception of the "social contract" that is characteristic of the era of modernity, of the Enlightenment, of democ­ racy, and of capitalism. We are watching reen­ acted the transformation of violence and power as exercised by body over body, to control through surveillance and rules (Foucault 1 977, 9; 1984, 66-67), the move from domination by individual superiors to acquiescence in a public sphere of decorum and rationality (Pateman 1 988). Yet, this is a social contract, and there is an­ other side to the bargain. Although they learn that they must give up their warrior narratives of masculinity in the public sphere, where rational­ ity and responsibility hold sway, they also learn that in return they may preserve them in the pri­ vate realm of desire as fantasy, as bricolage, as a symbolic survival that is appropriate to the spaces of leisure and self-indulgence, the playground, the backyard, the television set, the sports field. Al­ though this is too large an issue to be explored in detail here, there may even be a reenactment in the school setting of what Pateman ( 1 988, 99-1 1 5) has defined as the sexual contract, the male right to dominate women in return for ac­ cepting the constraints of civil society. Is this, per­ haps, established for both boys and girls by means of the endemic misogyny-invasion of girls' space (Thorne 1986, 172; 1 993, 63-88), overt ex­ pressions of aversion and disgust (Goodenough 1 987, 422; D'Arcy 1 990, 8 1 ), disparaging sexual innuendo (Best 1 983, 1 29; Goodenough 1 987, 433; Clark 1 990, 38-46}-noted by so many ob­ servers in the classrooms and playgrounds of modernity? Are girls being contained by the boys' actions within a more restricted, ultimately a pri­ vate, sphere because, in the boys' eyes, they have not earned access to the public sphere by sharing

50

PART TWO

Boyhood

their ordeal of repression, resistance, and ultimate symbolic

accommodation

of

their

gender­

defining fantasies? Author's Note: The research on which this article i s b a s e d was funded by the Research M anagement Committee of the U n iversity of Newcastle. The obser­ vation was conducted at East M a itland Public Schoo l , a n d t h e authors would l i ke to t h a n k the p ri n c i pa l , teachers, -and children involved for making o u r ob­ server so welcome.

plined masculinity of the pub, the brawl, and the race­ track (Metcalfe 1988, 73-125). This distinction is very similar to that noted by Paul Willis in England between the "ear'oles" and the "lads" in a working-class sec­ ondary school (Willis 1977). It needs to be noted that this is not a class difference and that demographically the groups are identical. What distinguishes them is, as Metcalfe points out, their relative commitment to the respectable modes of accommodation and resistance characteristic of civil society of larrikin modes with a much longer history, perhaps even their acceptance or rejection of the social contract.

Notes 1 . Some ethnographic studies describe a "tomboy" who wants to join in the boys' games (Best 1 98 3 , 95-97; Davies 1 989, 93, 123; Thorne 1993, 127-129), although in our experience, such girls are rare, rarer even than the boys who play by choice with girls. The girls' rejection of the warrior narratives does not ap­ pear to be simply the result of the fact that the char­ acters are usually men. Bronwyn Davies, when she read the role-reversal story Rita the Rescuer to preschoolers, found that many boys identified strongly with Rita ("they flex their muscles to show how strong they are and fall to wrestling each other on the floor to display their strength"), whereas for most girls, Rita remained " other" (Davies 1 989, 57-58).

This would seem to reverse the usual parallel of outdoor! indoor with public/private. This further sug­ gests that the everyday equation of "public" with "vis­ ible" may not be appropriate for the specialized use of the term in sociological discussions of the public/pri­ vate divisioR. Behavior in the street may be more vis­ ible than what goes on in a courtroom, but it is nevertheless acceptable for the street behavior to be, to a greater degree, personal, private, and driven by "desire." 2.

3. There are some groups of men who continue to re­ ject these modes of modernity throughout their lives. Andrew Metcalfe, in his study of an Australian min­ ing community, has identified two broad categories of miner, the "respectable," and the "larrikin" (an Aus­ tralian slang expression carrying implications of non­ conformism, irreverence, and impudence). The first are committed to the procedural decorums of union meet­ ings, sporting and hobby clubs, welfare groups, and so on; the others relate more strongly to the less disci-

References Anyon, Jean. 1983. Intersections of gender and class: Accommodation and resistance by working-class and affluent females to contradictory sex-role ideologies. In Gender, class and education, edited by Stephen Walker and Len Barton. Barcombe, Sussex: Falmer. Best, Raphaela. 1 983. We've allgot scars: Whatgirls and boys learn in elementary school. Bloomington: In­ diana University Press. Bowles, Samuel, and Herbert Gintis. 1 976. Schooling in capitalist America: Educational reform and the con­ tradictions of economic life. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Brophy, Jere E. 1985. Interactions of male and female students with male and female teachers. In Gender influences in classroom interaction, edited by L. C. Wilkinson and C. B. Marrett. New York: Academic Press. Burgess, R. G., ed. 1984. The research process in educa­ tional settings: Ten case studies. Lewes: Falmer. Chodorow, Nancy. 1978. The reproduction of mothering: Psychoanalysis and the sociology of gender. Berke­ ley: University of California Press. Clark, Margaret. 1989. Anastasia is a normal devel­ oper because she is unique. Oxford Review of Ed­ ucation 1 5 :243-255. . 1 990. The great divide: Gender in the primary school. Melbourne: Curriculum Corporation. Connell, R. W. 1 987. Gender andpower: Society, theper­ son and sexualpolitics. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. . 1989. Cool guys, swots and wimps: The in­ terplay of masculinity and education. Oxford Re­ view of Education 1 5 :291-303. ---

---

ARTICLE 5

Crosset, Todd. 1990. Masculinity, sexuality, and the development of early modern sport. In Sport, men and the gender order, edited by Michael E. Messner and Donald F. Sabo. Champaign, IL: Human Kinetics Books. D'Arcy, Sue. 1990. Towards a non-sexist primary classroom. In Dolls and dungarees: Gender issues in the primary school curriculum, edited by Eva Tutchell. Milton Keynes: Open University Press. Davies, Bronwyn. 1989. Frogs and snails and feminist tales: Preschool children and gender. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Dinnerstein, Myra. 1977. The mermaid and the mino­ taur: Sexual arrangements and human malaise. New York: Harper and Row. Duthie, J. H. 1980. Athletics: The ritual of a techno­ logical society? In Play and culture, edited by Helen B. Schwartzman. West Point, NY: Leisure. Eisenstein, Hester. 1984. Contemporaryfeminist thought. London: Unwin Paperbacks. Foucault, Michel. 1 977. Discipline andpunish: The birth of the prison. Translated by Alan Sheridan. New York: Pantheon. . 1 980. Body/power. In power/knowledge: Se­ lected interviews and other writings 1972-1977, edited by Colin Gordon. Brighton: Harvester. . 1984. Truth and power. In The Foucault reader, edited by P. Rabinow. New York: Pantheon. Genovese, Eugene E. 1972. Roll, Jordan, roll: The world the slaves made. New York: Pantheon. Giddens, Anthony. 1 984. The constitution of society: Outline of the theory of structuration. Berkeley: University of California Press. Goodenough, Ruth Gallagher. 1 987. Small group cul­ ture and the emergence of sexist behaviour: A ---

---

Warrior Narratives in the Kindergarten Classroom

51

comparative study of four children's groups. In Interpretive ethnography of education, edited by G. Spindler and L. Spindler. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. Hebdige, Dick. 1979. Subculture: The meaning of style. London: Methuen. Messner, Michael E. 1992. Power atplay: Sports and the problem of masculinity. Boston: Beacon. Metcalfe, Andrew. 1988. Forfreedom and dignity: His­ torical agency and class structure in the coalfields of NSW. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Paley, Vivian Gussin. 1984. Boys and girls: Superheroes in the doll corner. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Pateman, Carole. 1 988. The sexual contract. Oxford: Polity. . 1 989. The fraternal social contract. In The dis­ order of women. Cambridge: Polity. Thorne, Barrie. 1986. Girls and boys together . . . but mostly apart: Gender arrangements in elemen­ tary schools. In Relationships and development, edited by W W Hartup and Z. Rubin. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. ---. 1 993. Genderplay: Girls and boys in school. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Walker, J. C. 1988. Louts and legends: Male youth cul­ ture in an inner-city school. Sydney: Allen and Unwin. Walkerdine, Valerie. 1990. Schoolgirlfictions. London: Verso. Weber, Max. 1978. Selections in translation. Edited by W G. Runciman and translated by Eric Matthews. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Willis, Paul. 1977. Learning to labour: How working class kids get working class jobs. Farnborough: Saxon House. ---

A R T I C L E

6

Emily W. Kane

" No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Li ke That! " : Parents ' Responses to Children's Gender Nonconformity Parents begin gendering their children from their

work often involve personal endorsement of hege­

very first awareness of those children, whether in

monic masculinity. Heterosexual mothers and

pregnancy or while awaiting adoption. Children

gay parents, on the other hand, are more likely to

themselves become active participants in this gen­

report motivations that invoke accountability to

dering process by the time they are conscious of

others for crafting their sons' masculinity in ac­

the social relevance of gender, typically before the

cordance with hegemonic ideals.

age of two. I address one aspect of this process of

Three bodies of literature provide founda­

parents doing gender, both for and with their

tions for this argument. Along with the body of

children, by exploring how parents respond to

work documenting parental behaviors in relation

gender nonconformity among preschool-aged

to gendering children, I draw on interactionist ap­

children. As West and Zimmerman ( 1 987, 1 36)

proaches that view gender as a situated accom­

note, "to 'do' gender is not always to live up to

plishment and scholarship outlining the contours

normative conceptions of femininity or mas­

of normative conceptions of masculinity. These

culinity; it is to engage in behavior

latter two literatures offer a framework for un­

at the risk of

gender assessment. " I argue that many parents

derstanding the significance of the patterns evi­

make efforts to stray from and thus expand nor­

dent in my analysis of interview data.

mative c<;mceptions of gender. But for their sons in particular, they balance this effort with conscious attention to producing a masculin­ ity approximating hegemonic ideals. This bal­ ancing act is evident across many parents I interviewed regardless of gender, race/ ethnicity, social class, sexual orientation, and partnership status. But I also argue that within that broader pattern are notable variations. Heterosexual fa­ thers play a particularly central role in accom­ plishing their sons' masculinity and, in the process, reinforce their own as well. Their ex­ pressed motivations for that accomplishment

Parents and the Social Construction of Gender Scholars of gender and childhood are increasingly interested in the role of peers in the process of gendering children, viewing children themselves as active agents rather than passive recipients of adult influence. However, they also continue to recognize parents as important in the gendering of children (Coltrane and Adams 1 997; Maccoby 1 998). Lytton and Romney's ( 1 99 1 ) meta-analysis of the substantial quantitative and experimental literature on gender and parents' behavior toward

From Gender & Society 20(2): 149-176. Copyright © 2006 Sociologists for Women in Society. Repri nted by permission of Sage Publications, Inc.

52

their sons and daughters documents that parents do not always enforce gendered expectations for their children, nor do they consistently treat sons

ARTICLE 6

and daughters differently. Some researchers have highlighted subgroups of parents who actively seek to disrupt traditional gendered expectations

"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Like That!"

53

Doing Gender: Accomplishment and Accountability

for their children (Quoss, Ellis, and Stromberg

The interactionist approach to gender as accom­

1 987; Risman 1 998; Risman and Myers 1 997;

plishment (West and Fenstermaker 1 993, 1 995;

Stacey and Bib1iarz 200 1). But as a whole, the lit­

West and Zimmerman 1 987) provides a powerful

erature documents definite parental tendencies

framework for understanding what I heard about

toward gendered treatment of children. These

gender nonconformity in my interviews with par­

tendencies are evident beginning at birth and in

ents of young children. This approach allows us

the early childhood years. For example, the liter­

to view parents not simply as agents of gender so­

ature indicates differential treatment of sons and

cialization but rather as actors involved in a more

daughters in terms of parental selection of toys

complex process of accomplishing gender with

(Etaugh and Liss 1 992; Pomerleau et al. 1 990),

and for their children. Along with the notion of

clothing (Cahill 1 989), and decor for children's

gender as accomplished, equally central is the

rooms (Pomerleau et al. 1990), as well as parental

concept of accountability. Accountability is rele­

emphasis on emotions versus autonomy in fam­

vant not only when people are doing gender in ac­

ily stories (Fiese and Skillman 2000; Reese,

cordance with the expectations of others but also

Haden, and Fivush 1 996). Across this literature,

when they resist or stray from such expectations.

gender typing by parents is well documented, as

This claim, present in West and Zimmerman's

are two patterns within that gender typing. First,

( 1 987) earlier formulation, is one to which Fen­

fathers appear to engage in more differential treat­

stermaker and West (2002) return in defending

ment of sons and daughters and more enforce­

the approach against criticism that it does not

ment of gender boundaries than do mothers;

allow for resistance and social change. They note

second, for both mothers and fathers, such bound­

that their focus on the process by which gender is

ary maintenance appears to be more evident in

accomplished places activity, agency, and the pos­

the treatment of sons than daughters (Antill 1 987;

sibility of resistance in the foreground. But the

Coltrane and Adams 1 997; Maccoby 1 998).

accomplishment of such change takes place

The large literature on gender typing by par­

within the context of, and is constrained by, ac­

ents is p:r:edominantly quantitative and often

countability to gendered assessment. Fenster­

based on experiments, closed-ended surveys,

maker and West (2002, 2 1 2) have recently argued

and/ or

that accountability is "the most neglected aspect

counting the frequency

of

various

parental behaviors. This literature is valuable in

of our formulation . . . . Few of those who have

documenting the role that parents play in gen­

used our approach have recognized the essential

dering their children. However, it does less to ex­

contribution that accountability makes to it."

plore the nuances of how parents make meaning

While accomplishment and accountability

around gender, to document in detail what kinds

are key concepts framing my analysis of parents'

of attributes and behaviors are accepted and sanc­

responses to their children's gender nonconfor­

tioned by parents of young children, to reveal

mity, it is also crucial to note the importance of

what motivates parents as they participate in the

normative conceptions. Fenstermaker and West

social construction of their children's gender, or to

(2002) have extended their approach to address

illuminate how aware parents are of their role in

not only gender but other categories of difference.

these processes. Parents are clearly gendering

"In the accomplishment of difference [including

their children, but what are the subtleties of the

gender] , accountability is the driving motivator;

gendered outcomes they seek to construct, why

the specifics of the normative order provide the

do they seek to construct those, and how aware

content, with social interaction the medium"

are they of that construction process?

(Fenstermaker and West 2002, 2 1 3-14) . They

54

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

refer to the "content" provided by the normative order as normative conceptions and view these as historically and locally variable. Normative con­ ceptions of appropriate masculine conduct are particularly relevant to my analysis, and to ex­ plore that domain, I turn briefly to scholarship on the history of masculinity as a social construct.

Normative Conceptions of Masculinity: Hegemonic Masculinity Connell ( 1 995, 77) has argued persuasively that "at any given time, one form of masculinity rather than others is culturally exalted. " This hegemonic masculinity is cross-culturally and historically variable and offers a clear example of a locally specific normative conception of gender. It stands as a normative conception to which men are ac­ countable, a form of masculinity in relation to which subordinated masculinities, as well as fem­ ininities, are defined. Connell ( 1987, 1 87) argues that there is no need for a concept of hegemonic femininity, because the fundamental purpose of hegemonic masculinity is to legitimate male dom­ ination. The subordination of nonhegemonic masculinities is crucial as well, as it allows hege­ monic masculinity to legitimate not only male privilege but also race, class, and sexual orienta­ tion-based privileges as well. Several elements of Connell's theory are es­ pecially relevant to my analysis of how parents think about their preschool sons' gender noncon­ formity. He argues that among the features of hegemonic masculinity in this particular time and place are aggression, limited emotionality, and heterosexuality. In addition, he and other schol­ ars interested in the social construction of mas­ culinity emphasize its relational meaning: " 'masculinity' does not exist except in contrast with 'femininity' " (Conne11 1 995, 68). As Kim­ mel notes, the "notion of anti-femininity lies at the heart of contemporary and historical con­ structions of manhood, so that masculinity is de­ fined more by what one is not rather than who one is" (1 994, 1 1 9). Passivity and excessive emo­ tionality, as well as more material adornments of

femininity, are precisely what must be avoided in this hegemonic version of masculinity. Both Con­ nell and Kimmel view homophobia as central to this rejection of femininity. Connell (1 987, 1 86) states this bluntly when he notes that "the most important feature of contemporary hegemonic masculinity is that it is heterosexual. . . . Con­ tempt for homosexuality and homosexual men. . . . is part of the ideological package of hege­ monic masculinity. "

Data and Method Participants and I nterviewing The analyses presented here are based on data from 42 interviews with a diverse sample of par­ ents, each of whom has at least one preschool­ aged child (three to five years old). Interviews focused on parents' perceptions of their children's gendered attributes and behaviors. The preschool age range is emphasized because this is the period when most children begin to develop a clear un­ derstanding of the gender expectations around them, as evidenced in the development of gender identity and the tendency to engage in more gen­ der-typed patterns of behavior (Maccoby 1998; Weinraub et al. 1 984). Interviews were conducted primarily in southern and central Maine (with a small number conducted elsewhere in New England), over a pe­ riod ranging from the summer of 1 999 to the fall of 2002. Participants were recruited through post­ ings in local child care centers, parents' resource organizations, community colleges, local busi­ nesses, and public housing projects and through personal networks (though none of the partici­ pants were people I knew prior to the interviews). Recruiting materials included general reference to "parents' experiences raising sons and daugh­ ters" and did not emphasize gender conformity or nonconformity. Thus, recruitment was focused not on trying to find parents struggling with sig­ nificant gender-related issues but rather on find­ ing a cross-section of parents. None of those eventually participating reported seeking any pro-

ARTICLE 6

fessional intervention related to their children's gender identity or gendered behaviors. The process of participation began with a brief written questionnaire, which was followed by a semistructured interview. Particular empha­ sis was on a focal child between the ages of three and five, although questions were asked about any other children the respondents lived with as well. The majQr focus of the interview questions was on the current activities, toys, clothes, behaviors, and gender awareness of the focal child and the parents' perceptions of the origins of these out­ comes, as well as their feelings about their chil­ dren's behaviors and characteristics in relation to gendered expectations. Interviews ended with some general questions about the desirability and feasibility of gender neutrality in childhood. The interviews were taped and transcribed, although some minor smoothing of quotes used in the analyses presented below was conducted to in­ crease clarity. The length of interviews was gen­ erally from one to two hours. Most interviews were conducted in the interviewees' homes, but 7 of the 42 interviewees preferred their place of em­ ployment or some other neutral site such as a restaurant or my office. Even for those interviews conducted in the home, it is important to note that sometimes a child or children were present and other times not. Therefore, I had no consis­ tent opportunity to observe parents' behavior with their children. The project focuses on parents' per­ ceptions arrd self-reports, and I am not able to compare those to evidence on actual parental be­ havior. Interviews were conducted either by my­ self or by a research assistant. Participants were paid a modest honorarium ($25 to $35, depend­ ing on the year of the interview) for their time and participation, funded by a series of small in­ ternal research grants, and were ensured complete confidentiality. The 42 interviewees include 24 mothers and 1 8 fathers. Four of the fathers are married to women interviewed for the study as mothers. Al­ though geographically specific primarily to north­ ern New England, interviewees come from a relatively diverse range of family types (single-

"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Like That!"

55

parent and two-parent families, with some of the latter being blended families), class locations (ranging from those self-identifying as poor/low income to upper middle class), racial/ethnic groups (including white, Asian American, and African American interviewees), and sexual ori­ entations (including heterosexual and gay par­ ents). l These parents' children include biological children, adopted children, step-children, and fos­ ter children. Interviewees' educational back­ grounds range from having completed less than a high school education to holding a doctorate, with the average years of formal schooling falling between high school graduate and college gradu­ ate. Ages range from 23 to 49 years, with the av­ erage age at 35 years. All of the men interviewed work outside the home for pay; among those in heterosexual partnerships, their female partners were roughly equally split among full-time home­ makers, those employed part-time in the paid labor force, and those employed full-time. Among the mothers interviewed, about one in three are full-time homemakers, with the remainder em­ ployed part-time or full-time in the paid labor force. Interviewees average 2.5 children (with the mode being 2) and are split among those having only daughters ( 1 1), only sons ( 1 2), or at least one of each (23). The focal children on whom inter­ views focused include 22 sons and 20 daughters. Coding and Analysis I began with a general interest in how parents re­ sponded to gender nonconformity, but otherwise my reading and rereading of the transcripts was in­ ductive, coding for issues addressed by all inter­ viewees in response to the structure of the questions as well as for other themes that arose. For the particular focus of this analysis, parental responses to perceived gender nonconformity, I began by identifying all instances in which a par­ ent commented on items, activities, attributes, or behaviors-whether actual or hypothetical-of one of their children as more typical of a child of the other sex. Given that many of the interview questions specifically addressed whether the par­ ent considers their child(ren)'s toys, clothes,

56

PA RT TWO

Boyhood

activities, and attributes stereotypically gender

formity varied by gender of child and gender of

linked, much of the interview focused on the par­

parent. But they did not vary consistently by par­

ents' perception of gender typicality and atypical­

ents' racial! ethnic background or class location,

ity. As a result, for the coding relevant to this

perhaps indicating that geographic similarity out­

analysis, I did not identify particular activities or

weighs such variation in my particular sample.

attributes as stereotypically male or female. In­

Scholars of gender have clearly documented the

stead, I was able to focus only on instances in

inseparability of race, class, gender, and sexual

which the parent himself or herself explicitly

orientation, and I endeavor to consider each

noted something as more typical of the other sex,

within the context of my interview data. But it is

allowing me to document what parents themselves

also important to note that the size of my inter­

view as atypical. Most of these mentions involved

view sample limits my ability to fully consider

actual instances of perceived nonconformity, but

those intersections. While some variations by race

some involved hypothetical outcomes.

and class are evident within the broader interview

Among these mentions of gender atypicality

project from which this particular analysis is

or nonconformity, I then narrowed my focus to

drawn, such variations are generally absent in

just those quotes addressing a parental response.

terms of parental responses to gender nonconfor­

Such responses fell into two broad groups: feel­

mity. Therefore, although I indicate the race,

ings and actions related to gender nonconformity.

class, and sexual orientation of each parent

Parental feelings were defined as any reported

quoted, I analyze variations only by sexual ori­

emotional response and were further divided into

entation, and only when those are evident.

positive/neutral (e.g., "I love it," "I think it's great," "it's fine with me") versus negative (e.g., "I worry about . . . . ," "it bothers me when . . . . ").

Responses to Gender Nonconformity

Actions were defined as reports of actually doing

Mothers and fathers, across a variety of social 10-

something about gender nonconformity, acting in

cations, often celebrated what they perceived as

some way to either encourage or discourage it.

gender nonconformity on the part of their young

These too were coded as positive/neutral versus

daughters. They reported enjoying dressing their

negative. Examples of positive and neutral ac­

daughters in sports-themed clothing, as well as

tions include actively encouraging use of an atyp­

buying them toy cars, trucks, trains, and building

ical toy or just allowing something atypical

toys. Some described their efforts to encourage,

because the child really wanted it. Negative ac­ tions included a range of reported efforts to dis­

traditionally male activities such as t-ball, foot­

and pleased reactions to, what they considered

courage or even forbid gender-atypical choices.

ball, fishing, and learning to use tools. Several

Once I had coded all of the transcripts for these

noted that they make an effort to encourage their

categories, I coded each interviewee for whether

young daughters to aspire to traditionally male

his or her responses to perceived gender noncon­

occupations and commented favorably on their

formity were all positive/neutral, all negative, or

daughters as "tomboyish," "rough and tumble,"

a combination of both. This coding was done sep­

and "competitive athletically. " These positive re­

arately for sons and daughters because the pat­

sponses were combined with very little in the way

terns of positive/neutral and negative responses

of any negative response. The coding of each

varied markedly by the child's gender. On the

interviewee for the combination of positive/

basis of that coding, I decided to focus this arti­

neutral and negative responses summarizes this

cle primarily on parents ' responses regarding their

pattern clearly: Among parents commenting

sons.

about daughter(s), the typical combination was

Combinations of positive/neutral and nega­

to express only positive responses. For example, a

tive responses toward children's gender noncon-

white, middle-class, heterosexual mother noted

ARTICLE 6

approvingly that her five-year-old daughter "does a lot of things that a boy would do, and we en­ courage that," while a white, upper-middle-class, lesbian mother reported that she and her partner intentionally "do [a lot] of stuff that's not stereo­ typically female" with their daughter. Similarly, a white, upper-middle-class, heterosexual father in­ dicated with relief that his daughter is turning out to be somewhat "boyish": "I never wanted a girl who was a little princess, who was so fragile. . . . 1 want her to take on more masculine character­ istics. " An African American, working-dass, heterosexual father also noted this kind of pref­ erence: "I don't want her just to color and play with dolls, I want her to be athletic." A few parents combined these positive re­ sponses with vague and general negative re­ sponses. But these were rare and expressed with little sense of concern, as in the case of an African American, low-income, heterosexual mother who offered positive responses but also noted limits re­ garding her daughter: "I wouldn't want her to be too boyish, because she's a gir1. " In addition, no parents expressed only negative responses. These various patterns suggest that parents made little effort to accomplish their daughters' gender in ac­ cordance with any particular conception of fem­ ininity, nor did they express any notable sense of accountab.ility to such a conception. Instead, parental responses may suggest a different kind of gendered phenomenon closely linked to the pat­ tern evident in responses toward sons: a devalu­ ing of traditionally feminine pursuits and qualities. Although many parents of daughters reported positive responses to what they consider typical interests and behaviors for a girl, most also celebrated the addition of atypical pursuits to their daughters' lives, and very few noted any neg­ ative response to such additions. It is clear in the literature that there are sub­ stantial gendered constraints placed on young girls, and any devaluation of the feminine is po­ tentially such a constraint. But the particular con­ straint of negative responses by parents to perceived gender nonconformity was not evident in my interview results. It is possible that negative

"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Like That!"

57

response from parents to perceived departures from traditional femininity would be more no­ table as girls reach adolescence. Pipher ( 1 998, 286) argues that parents of young girls resist gen­ der stereotypes for their daughters but that "the time to really worry is early adolescence. That's when the gender roles get set in cement, and that's when girls need tremendous support in resisting cultural definitions of femininity." Thorne ( 1 994, 1 70) invokes a similar possibility, claiming that girls are given more gender leeway than boys in earlier childhood, "but the lee-way begins to tighten as girls approach adolescence and move into the heterosexualized gender system of teens and adults." The question of whether negative parental responses might be less gender differen­ tiated in adolescence cannot be addressed with my interview data and remains instead an in­ triguing question for future research. In stark contrast to the lack of negative re­ sponse for daughters, 23 of 3 1 parents of sons ex­ pressed at least some negative responses, and 6 of these offered only negative responses regarding what they perceived as gender nonconformity. Of 3 1 parents, 25 did indicate positive responses as well, but unlike references to their daughters, they tended to balance those positive feelings and ac­ tions about sons with negative ones as well.2 The most common combination was to indicate both positive and negative responses. Domestic Skills, Nurturance, and Empathy Parents accepted, and often even celebrated, their sons' acquisition of domestic abilities and an ori­ entation toward nurturance and empathy. Of the 25 parents of sons who offered positive/neutral responses, 2 1 did so in reference to domestic skills, nurturance, and/or empathy. For example, they reported allowing or encouraging tradition­ ally girl toys such as dolls, doll houses, kitchen centers, and tea sets, with that response often re­ volving around a desire to encourage domestic competence, nurturance, emotional openness, empathy, and nonviolence as attributes they con­ sidered nontraditional but positive for boys. These

58

PA RT TWO

Boyhood

parents were reporting actions and sentiments ori­ ented toward accomplishing gender in what they considered a less conventional manner. One white, low-income, heterosexual mother taught her son to cook, asserting that "I want my son to know how to do more than boil water, I want him to know how to take care of himself." Another mother, this one a white, working-class, hetero­ sexual parent, noted that she makes a point of talking to her sons about emotions: "I try to instill a sense of empathy in my sons and try to get them to see how other people would feel. " And a white, middle-class, heterosexual father emphasized do­ mestic competence when he noted that it does not bother him for his son to play with dolls at his cousin's house: "How then are they going to learn to take care of their children if they don't?" This positive response to domestic activities is consis­ tent with recent literature on parental coding of toys as masculine, feminine, or neutral, which in­ dicates that parents are increasingly coding kitchens and in some cases dolls as neutral rather than exclusively feminine (Wood, Desmarais, and Gugula 2002). In my study, mothers and fathers expressed these kinds of efforts to accomplish gender dif­ ferently for their sons with similar frequency, but mothers tended to express them with greater cer­ tainty, whiie fathers were less enthusiastic and more likely to include caveats. For example, this mother described her purchase of a variety of do­ mestic toys for her three-year-old son without am­ bivalence: "One of the first big toys [I got him] was the kitchen center. . . . We cook, he has an apron he wears. . . . He's got his dirt devil vacuum and he's got his baby [doll] . And he's got all the stuff to feed her and a highchair" (white, low­ income, heterosexual mother). Some mothers reported allowing domestic toys but with less enthusiasm, such as a white, low-income, heterosexual mother who said, re­ garding her three-year-old son, "He had been cu­ rious about dolls and I just said, you know, usually girls play with dolls, but it's okay for you to do it too." But this kind of caution or lack of enthusiasm, even in a response coded as positive

or neutral due to its allowance of gender-atypical behavior, was more evident among fathers, as the following quote illustrates: "Occasionally, if he's not doing something, I'll encourage him to maybe play with his tea cups, you know, occasionally. But I like playing with his blocks better anyway" (white, middle-class, heterosexual father). Thus, evident among both mothers and fa­ thers, but with greater conviction for mothers, was widespread support among parents for working to "undo" gender at the level of some of their sons' skills and values. However, this acceptance was tempered for many parents by negative responses to any interest in what I will refer to as iconic feminine items, attributes, or activities, as well as parental concern about homosexuality. Icons of Femininity A range of activities and attributes considered atypical for boys were met with negative re­ sponses, and for a few parents (3 of 3 1 parents of sons) this even included the kind of domestic toys and nurturance noted above. But more common were negative responses to items, activities, or at­ tributes that could be considered icons of femi­ ninity. This was strikingly consistent with Kimmel's ( 1 994, 1 1 9) previously noted claim that the "notion of anti-femininity lies at the heart of contemporary and historical constructions of manhood," and it bears highlighting that this was evident among parents of very young children. Parents of sons reported negative responses to their sons' wearing pink or frilly clothing; wearing skirts, dresses, or tights; and playing dress up in any kind of feminine attire. Nail polish elicited concern from a number of parents too, as they re­ ported young sons wanting to have their finger­ nails or toenails polished. Dance, especially ballet, and Barbie dolls were also among the tradition­ ally female activities often noted negatively by parents of sons. Of the 3 1 parents of sons, 23 mentioned negative reactions to at least one of these icons. In relation to objects such as clothing and toys, the following responses are typical of the many concerns raised and the many indications

ARTICLE 6

of actions parents had taken to accomplish gen­ der with and for their sons: He's asked about wearing girl clothes before, and I said no . . . . He likes pink, and I try not to encourage him to like pink just because, you know, he's not a girl. . . . There's not many toys I wouldn't get him, except Barbie, I would try not to encourage that. (white, low-income, het­ erosexual mother) If we go into a clothing store . . . . I try to shy my son away from the Power Puff Girls shirt or anything like that. . . . I would steer him away from a pink shirt as opposed to having him wear a blue shirt. (Asian American, middle­ class, heterosexual father) These quotes are typical of many instances in which parents not only specify the items that strike them as problematic but clearly indicate the actions they take in accomplishing gender. In the frrst quote, the mother indicates her actions in en­ couraging and discouraging various outcomes, while in the second, the father reports " shying away" and "steering" his young son. Playing with nail polish and makeup, al­ though tolerated by some parents, more often evoked negative responses like this one, from a white, upper-middle-class, gay father, speaking about his four-year-old son's use of nail polish: "He put nail polish on himself one time, and I said 'No, you can't do that, little girls put nail pol­ ish on, little. boys don't.'" Barbie dolls are an especially interesting example in that many parents reported positive responses to baby dolls, viewing these as encour­ aging nurturance and helping to prepare sons for fatherhood. Barbie, on the other hand, an icon of femininity, struck many parents of sons as more problematic. Barbie was often mentioned when parents were asked whether their child had ever re­ quested an item or activity more commonly asso­ ciated with the other gender. Four parents-three mothers and one father-indicated that they had purchased a Barbie at their son's request, but more often parents of sons noted that they would avoid letting their son have or play with Barbie dolls.

"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Like That!"

59

Sometimes this negative response was categorical, as in the quote above in which a mother of a three­ year-old son noted that "there's not many toys I wouldn't get him, except Barbie." A father offers a similar negative reaction to Barbie in relation to his two young sons: "If they asked for a Barbie doll, I would probably say no, you don't want [that] , girls play with [that] , boys play with trucks" (white, middle-class, heterosexual father). In other cases, parents reported that they would compromise in ways that strike me as de­ signed to minimize Barbie's iconic status. These instances are particularly pointed examples of carefully crafted parental accomplishment of gen­ der: "I would ask him 'What do you want for your birthday?'. . . . and he always kept saying Barbie. . . . So we compromised, we got him a NASCAR Barbie" (white, middle-class, hetero­ sexual mother). Another father reported that his five-year­ old son likes to play Barbies with his four-year-old sister and expressed relief that his son's interest is more in Ken than Barbie: "He's not interested in Barbie, he's interested in Ken. . . . He plays with Ken and does boy things with him, he has always made clear that he likes Ken . . . . If he was always playing with dolls and stuff like this then I would start to worry and try to do something to turn it around. But he plays with Ken and it doesn't go much further than that, so I'm fine" (white, upper-middle-class, heterosexual father). Notable throughout these comments is the sense that parents are carefully balancing an open­ ness to some crossing of gender boundaries but only within limits, as the father in the fmal quote indicated when he said that he would "do some­ thing to turn it around" if his son's interest were in Barbie rather than Ken. A similar balancing act in the accomplishment of masculinity is evi­ dent for a white, middle-class, heterosexual father who noted that if his son "really wanted to dance, I'd let him. . . . , but at the same time, I'd be doing other things to compensate for the fact that I signed him up for dance. " Along with material markers o f femininity, many parents expressed concern about excessive

60

PART TWO

Boyhood

emotionality (especially frequent crying) and pas­ sivity in their sons. For example, a white, upper­ middle-class, heterosexual father, concerned about public crying, said about his five-year-old son, "I don't want him to be a sissy. . . . I want to see him strong, proud, not crying like a sissy. " Another father expressed his frustration with his four-year-old son's crying over what the father views as minor injuries and indicated action to discourage those tears: " Sometimes I get so an­ noyed, you know, he comes [crying] , and I say, 'you're not hurt, you don't even know what hurt is yet,' and I'm like 'geez, sometimes you are such a little wean,' you know?" (white, middle-class, heterosexual father). Passivity was also raised as a concern, pri­ marily by fathers. For example, one white, middle­ class, heterosexual father of a five-year-old noted that he has told his son to "stop crying like a girl," and also reported encouraging that son to fight for what he wants: "You just go in the cor­ ner and cry like a baby. I don't want that. If you decide you want [some] thing, you are going to fight for it, not crying and acting like a baby and hoping that they're going to feel guilty and give it to you. " A mother who commented negatively about passivity even more directly connected her con­ cern to how her son might be treated: "I do have concerns . . . . He's passive, not aggressive . . . . He's not the rough and tumble kid, and I do worry about him being an easy target" (white, working-class, heterosexual mother). Taken together, these various examples indi­ cate clearly the work many parents are doing to accomplish gender with and for their sons in a manner that distances those sons from any asso­ ciation with femininity. This work was not evi­ dent among all parents of sons. But for most parents, across racial, class, and sexual orientation categories, it was indeed evident. Homosexuality Along with these icons of feminine gender per­ formance, and arguably directly linked to them, is the other clear theme evident among some par-

ents' negative responses to perceived gender non­ conformity on the part of their sons: fear that a son either would be or would be perceived as gay. Spontaneous connections of gender nonconfor­ mity and sexual orientation were not evident in parents' comments about daughters, nor among gay and lesbian parents, but arose for 7 of the 27 heterosexual parents who were discussing sons. The following two examples are typical of re­ sponses that invoked the possibility of a son's being gay, with explicit links to performance of femininity and to the parents' own role in ac­ complishing heterosexuality: If he was acting feminine, I would ask and get concerned on whether or not, you know, I would try to get involved and make sure he's not gay. (white, low-income, heterosexual mother) There are things that are meant for girls, but why would it be bad for him to have one of them? I don't know, maybe I have some deep, deep, deep buried fear that he would turn out, well, that his sexual orientation may get screwed up. (white, middle-class, heterosexual father) The first comment explicitly indicates that feminine behavior, even in a three-year-old boy, might be an indicator of an eventual nonhetero­ sexual orientation. The second comment raises another possibility: that playing with toys "that are meant for girls" might not indicate but rather shape the son's eventual sexual orientation. In both cases, though, the parent is reporting on ac­ tions, either actual or hypothetical, taken to dis­ courage homosexuality and accomplish heterosexuality. Another quote from a father raises a similar concern and further exemplifies parental responsibility for the accomplishment of masculinity as linked to heterosexuality. This fa­ ther had noted throughout the interview that his five-year-old son tends to show some attributes he considers feminine. At one point, he men­ tioned that he sometimes wondered if his son might be gay, and he explained his reaction to that possibility in the following terms: "If [he]

ARTICLE 6

were to be gay, it would not make me happy at all. I would probably see that as a failure as a dad. . . . , as a failure because I'm raising him to be a boy, a man" (white, upper-middle-class, hetero­ sexual father). This comment suggests that the parent does not view masculinity as something that naturally unfolds but rather as something he feels responsible for crafting, and he explicitly links heterosexual orientation to the successful accomplishment of masculinity. The fact that the connection between gender performance and sexual orientation was not raised for daughters, and that fear of homosexu­ ality was not spontaneously mentioned by par­ ents of daughters whether in connection to gender performance or not, suggests how closely gender conformity and heterosexuality are linked within hegemonic constructions of masculinity. Such connections might arise more by adolescence in relation to daughters, as I noted previously re­ garding other aspects of parental responses to gender nonconformity. But for sons, even among parents of very young children, heteronormativ­ ity appears to play a role in shaping parental re­ sponses to gender nonconformity, a connection that literature on older children and adults indi­ cates is made more for males than females (Antill 1 987; Hill 1 999; Kite and Deaux 1 987; Sand­ nabba and Ahlberg 1 999). Martin's (2005) recent analysis also documents the importance of het­ eronormativity in the advice offered to parents by experts. She' concludes that expert authors of child-rearing books and Web sites are increasingly supportive of gender-neutral child rearing. But es­ pecially for sons, that expert support is limited by implicit and even explicit invocations of homo­ sexuality as a risk to be managed. As McCreary ( 1994, 526) argues on the basis of experimental work on responses to older children and adults, "the asymmetry in people's responses to male and female gender role deviations is motivated, in part, by the implicit assumption that male trans­ gressions are symptomatic of a homosexual ori­ entation." This implicit assumption appears to motivate at least some parental gender perfor­ mance management among heterosexual parents,

"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Like That!"

61

even for children as young as preschool age. Given the connections between male heterosexu­ ality and the rejection of femininity noted previ­ ously as evident in theories of hegemonic masculinity, the tendency for parents to associate gender performance and sexual orientation for sons more than daughters may also reflect a more general devaluation of femininity. Mothers versus Fathers in the Accomplishment of Masculinity In documenting parental work to accomplish masculinity with and for young sons, I have fo­ cused on the encouragement of domestic skills, nurturance, and empathy; discouragement of icons of femininity; and heterosexual parents' concerns about homosexuality. Within all three of these arenas, variation by parental gender was ev­ ident. Although both mothers and fathers were equally likely to express a combination of positive and negative responses to their sons' perceived gender nonconformity, with domestic skills and empathy accepted and icons of femininity re­ jected, the acceptance was more pointed for mothers, and the rejection was more pointed for fathers. More fathers ( 1 1 of 14) than mothers (12 of 1 7) of sons indicated negative reactions to at least one of the icons discussed. Fathers also in­ dicated more categorically negative responses: 7 of the 14 fathers but only 2 of the 1 7 mothers re­ ported simply saying "no" to requests for things such as Barbie dolls, tea sets, nail polish, or ballet lessons, whether actual requests or hypothetical ones. Although fewer parents referred to excessive emotionality and passivity as concerns, the 6 par­ ents of sons who did so included 4 fathers and 2 mothers, and here too, the quotes indicate a more categorical rejection by fathers. Another indication of more careful policing of icons of femininity by fathers is evident in comments that placed age limitations on the ac­ ceptability of such icons. Four fathers (but no mothers) commented with acceptance on activi­ ties or interests that they consider atypical for boys but went on to note that these would bother them if they continued well past the preschool

62

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

age range. The following quote from a father is typical of these responses. After noting that his four-year-old son sometimes asks for toys he thinks of as "girl toys," he went on to say, "I don't think it will ruin his life at this age but . . . . if he was 1 2 and asking for it, you know, My Little Pony or Barbies, then I think I'd really worry" (white, middle-class, heterosexual father). While comments like this one were not coded as nega­ tive responses, since they involved acceptance, I mention them here as they are consistent with the tendency for fathers to express particular concern about their sons' involvement with icons of fem­ ininity. Three of 1 5 heterosexual mothers and 4 of 12 heterosexual fathers of sons responded nega­ tively to the possibility of their son's being, or being perceived as, gay. These numbers are too small to make conclusive claims comparing moth­ ers and fathers. But this pattern is suggestive of another arena in which fathers-especially het­ erosexual fathers-may stand out, especially taken together with another pattern. Implicit in the quotes offered above related to homosexual­ ity is a suggestion that heterosexual fathers may feel particularly responsible for crafting their sons' heterosexual orientation. In addition, in compar­ ison to mothers, their comments are less likely to refer to fears for how their son might be treated by others if he were gay and more likely to refer to the personal disappointment they anticipate in this hypothetical scenario. I return to considera­ tion of these patterns in my discussion of ac­ countability below.

Parental Motivations for the Accomplishment of Masculinity The analysis I have offered thus far documents that parents are aware of their role in accom­ plishing gender with and for their sons. Although some parents did speak of their sons as entirely "boyish" and "born that way," many reported ef­ forts to craft a hegemonic masculinity. Most par­ ents expressed a very conscious awareness of normative conceptions of masculinity (whether

explicitly or implicitly). Many, especially hetero­ sexual mothers and gay parents, expressed a sense that they felt accountable to others in terms of whether their sons live up to those conceptions. In numerous ways, these parents indicated their awareness that their sons' behavior was at risk of gender assessment, an awareness rarely noted with regard to daughters. Parents varied in terms of their expressed motivations for crafting their sons' masculinity, ranging from a sense of mea­ suring their sons against their own preferences for normative masculinity (more common among heterosexual fathers) to concerns about account­ ability to gender assessment by peers, other adults, and society in general (more common among het­ erosexual mothers and gay parents, whether mothers or fathers) . Heterosexual Fathers Some parents expressed negative feelings about a son's perceived gender nonconformity that were personal, invoking a sense of accountability not so much to other people as to their own moral or normative framework. Among fathers, twice as many expressed personal accountability than ac­ countability toward others (six versus three). Some references that were personal did arise among mothers, such as this response from a white, working-class, heterosexual mother talk­ ing about how she would feel if one of her sons asked for a toy more typically associated with girls: "I'd rather have my girls playing with bows and arrows and cowboys and Indians than the boys to play with dolls and dresses and stuff, you know? . . . . I don't think it's normal that boys play with dolls and Barbies and dress them, it's not in their gender." But, as noted, such references to a personal normative framework dominated the negative re­ sponses offered by fathers . Among fathers, this was the case for the two major themes docu­ mented previously as eliciting negative response: icons of feminine gender performance and ho­ mosexuality. For example, one white, middle­ class, heterosexual father referred to this general issue in two separate portions of the interview.

ARTICLE 6

"No Way My Boys Are GOing to Be Like That!"

63

These comments were in relation to his four-year­

their sons may be part of how they accomplish

old son's interest in what he considered "girly"

their own masculinity. Not just their sons but their

toys.

own execution of fatherhood in raising those sons are at risk of gender assessment if they do not ap­ FATHER: I don't want him to be a little

proximate the ideal of hegemonic masculinity.

my own insecurities more than anything. I guess it won't ruin his life. . . . It's probably

Heterosexual Mothers, Lesbian Mothers, and Gay Fathers

my own selfish feeling of like "no way, no

Heterosexual mothers, lesbian mothers, and gay

way my kids, my boys, are going to be like

fathers were involved in the same balancing act in

"quiffy" thing, you knOw. . . . It's probably

that. "

accomplishing gender with and for their sons, but

INTERVIEWER: Is i t a reflection on you a s a

their expressed motivations tended to invoke ac­

parent, do you think?

countability to others. Rather than expressing a

FATHER: As a male parent, yeah, I honestly

sense of commitment directly to the ideal of hege­

do.

monic masculinity, they were more likely to ex­

This comment suggests the interviewee's be­

others if they did not approximate that ideal. The

press fear for how their sons would be assessed by

lief that fathers are responsible for crafting ap­

focus was more often on the child and the others

propriately masculine sons. A similar sense of

to whom they assumed their son's gender perfor­

responsibility is evident in relation to homosexu­

mance would be accountable rather than on the

ality in a quote presented earlier, from the father

parent. Some heterosexual fathers did express

who indicated that he would see himself as a fail­

concern about accountability to others, but as

ure if his son were gay because "he is raising him

noted previously, such concerns were outnum­

to be a boy, a man." Sometimes this invocation of

bered two to one by their references to their own

a father's own sense of normative gender for his

normative framework. But for heterosexual moth­

son was offered more casually, as in the case of an

ers and gay and lesbian parents, explanations for

Asian American, middle-class, heterosexual fa­

concern more often invoked accountability in

ther who said regarding his four-year-old son, "I

terms of how others might react to breaches both

wouldn't encourage him to take ballet or some­

of the icons of femininity and of heteronorma­

thing like that, 'cause I guess in my own mind

tivity. It is also worth noting that very few of the

that's for a girl."

parents reported experiencing any specific prob­

Although not all heterosexual fathers made

lems for their young sons. Instead, they seemed to

these kinds of comments, they were more likely

view this preschool age as an important , founda­

than heterosexual mothers or gay and lesbian par­

tional moment in accomplishing their sons' gen­

ents to situate themselves as the reference point in

der, often

their concerns about gender nonconformity

expressed concern about the risk of gender

among their sons. Their motivation for accom­

assessment.

projecting

into the

future

as they

plishing hegemonic masculinity with and for their

Among both heterosexual and lesbian moth­

sons is more often expressed as personal, a pattern

ers, a substantial number ( 1 1 of 1 7 mothers of

consistent with the role both Connell and Kimmel

sons) expressed fear that their sons might be

argue heterosexual men play in maintaining hege­

treated negatively by adults and !or their peers if

monic masculinity. In some cases, these hetero­

they did not approximate hegemonic masculinity.

sexual fathers even explicitly judge their success as

One mother indicated that she would encourage

a father based on the degree to which they are

her three-year-old son to wear styles and colors of

raising adequately masculine sons. This suggests

clothing typically associated with boys, explaining

that passing along that normative conception to

her reasoning in terms of her fear for how her son

64

PART TWO

Boyhood

would feel if others treated him negatively: "This

wrong, and I was afraid. (white, upper-middle­

stupid world cares about what we look like, un­

class, heterosexual mother)

fortunately. . . . You know, it shouldn't, probably shouldn't matter. It's a piece of cloth, but that's

A sense of accountability regarding the re­

the way the world is and I wouldn't want him to

actions of others was expressed in relation to sex­

feel out of place" (white, low-income, heterosex­

ual orientation as well. When heterosexual

ual mother).

mothers raised the issue, they were more likely to

About half of such comments by mothers re­

invoke fear regarding the reactions of others. In

ferred in this way to society in general, or the

fact, all three mothers who were coded as offering

adult world, while the other half referred to peers.

a negative response to the possibility of a son's

Six mothers of sons referred to peers, whether

being gay or being perceived as gay included at

through explicit mention of other children or

least some reference to concern about the reac­

more implicitly through the use of language sug­

tions that her child might have to face from oth­

gestive of children's peer groups, while only two

ers, while all four fathers who were coded in this

fathers did so. The following quote is typical of

category included at least some reference to their

the various responses invoking the risk of gender

own personal negative reactions, as documented

assessment within a son's peer group: "I would

in the previous section.3 Typical of mothers' con­

worry if he had too many feminine characteris­

cerns is the following quote, which refers to a

tics, that would worry me. I just want him to be a

son's being perceived as gay if he does not con­

boy and play with the boys, not to like girl things.

form to masculine expectations (but others also

If he did that, the boys would think he's weird,

referred to fears for a son who actually does grow

and then he'd be lonely" (African American, low­

up to identify as gay) : "If he's a nurse or some­

income, heterosexual mother) .

thing he must be gay, you know, [people] label

Another mother offered a particularly dra­

you instantly that there must be something wrong

matic example of her sense of accountability to

with you if you're doing this 'cause men should

others, in this case with concern expressed both

be like construction workers and women should

for her son and herself, when describing an inci­

be nurses and things like that. Yeah, it's very dif­

dent that occurred about a year before the inter­

ficult in society. . . . I don't want people to think

view. Her son was two years old at the time and

something of me that I'm not. I don't want them

sustained an injury while playing dress up with

to think that on my children either, I don't want

his older sister. He was dressed in a pink princess

my children to be hurt by that in the future, you

costume, and once they arrived at the hospital, the

know?"

mother began to feel concerned about gender as­

mother). This comment, and others like it,

sessment:

(white,

low-income,

heterosexual

demonstrates that parents-especially mothers­ feel accountable to others in fulfilling heteronor­

People can be so uptight about things,

I was

worried they were going to think I was some kind of nut and next thing you know, send a so­ cial worker in . . . . You never know what peo­ ple will think, and in a hospital, someone has the power to go make a phone call to a social worker or someone, someone who doesn't re­ alize he's two years old and it doesn't mat­

mative expectations for their sons and expect that gender nonconformity and sexual orientation will be linked in the assessments those others make of their sons. Also notable among the comments express­ ing accountability to others were reports by gay and lesbian parents who felt under particular

ter. . . . It was totally obvious that it was a little

scrutiny in relation to their sons' (but not their

boy dressing up in silly clothing but there are

daughters') gender performance. Although my

people out there who would think that's really

sample is diverse in terms of parents' sexual ori-

ARTICLE 6

entation, all five of the gay and lesbian parents in­ terviewed are white, partnered, and identify as middle or upper middle class. In most ways, their responses to gender nonconformity paralleled those of heterosexual parents. But there are two particular ways in which heterosexual parents dif­ fered from gay and lesbian parents. As noted pre­ viously, only heterosexual parents raised fears or concerns about their sons' eventual sexual orien­ tation. In addition, four of the five gay and lesbian parents I interviewed had at least one son, and all four of those reported at least some concern that they were held accountable for their sons' gender conformity. One white, upper-middle-class, les­ bian mother of two sons noted that she feels "under more of a microscope" and that her sons "don't have as much fluidity" because she has "loaded the dice. . . . in terms of prejudice they will face because of who their parents are." Sim­ ilar sentiments are evident in the following quote from another interviewee: "I feel held up to the world to make sure that his masculinity is in check or something . . . . It's a big rap against les­ bian parents, how can you raise sons without a masculine role model in the house, and that's something I always feel up against" (white, upper­ middle-class, lesbian mother). Although stated in less detail, a similar con­ cern is invoked in the following quote from a gay father of a three-year-old son: "I mean I think we have to be a little bit conscious of going too far, you know, as gay men the last thing we want to do is put him in anything that's remotely girly" (white, middle-class, gay father). Some past research has emphasized the lack of any variation in gender typing by sexual ori­ entation of parents (Golombock and Tasker 1 994; Gottman 1990; Patterson 1 992). Stacey and Bib­ liarz (200 1 ) have more recently offered a com­ pelling case that gay and lesbian parents tend to allow their children more freedom in terms of gendered expectations. But the concern these par­ ents express indicates yet another social price they pay in a homophobic society, and it is one that seems to arise for sons more so than for daughters.

"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Like That!"

65

I cannot offer any conclusive claims about how gay and lesbian parents feel about gender confor­ mity based on only four interviews. However, the fact that all of the gay and lesbian parents with sons spontaneously mentioned this sense of ad­ ditional accountability regarding their sons' mas­ culinity offers strong suggestive evidence that gay and lesbian parents feel under particular scrutiny. Another intriguing pattern in terms of ac­ countability was evident among heterosexual mothers, and this pattern further indicates the unique role that heterosexual fathers play in ac­ complishing gender for their sons. No specific questions were asked about each interviewee's partner or ex-partner, but 12 of the 15 heterosex­ ual mothers of sons spontaneously mentioned ei­ ther actual or potential negative reactions to a boy's gender nonconformity on the part of their son's father (while only 2 mentioned any such pa­ ternal reactions to a daughter's nonconformity, and of those, one was a positive response by the father). The negative responses these mothers re­ ported are similar to those previously described in quotes from heterosexual fathers themselves. Sometimes these responses were hypothetical, as in the following example: "I love dance, and I would give him the opportunity and let him de­ cide. But I think my husband has a stereotype that boy dancers are more feminine. He definitely, you know, has said that. I don't think he would want his son in ballet" (white, upper-middIe-class, het­ erosexual mother). Other references to fathers' negative responses were reports of actual situa­ tions: "My son, when he gets upset, he will cry at any child, boy or girl, and my husband has made the comment about that being, you know, a girl thing, crying like a girl" (white, low-income, het­ erosexual mother) . One comment offered by a nonpartnered mother resonates with this theme and is interest­ ing in terms of what it suggests about partnership status for heterosexual women. She encourages her sons to play with a wide range of toys, both stereotypically male and stereotypically female ones. But she noted that many other people do

66

PART TWO

Boyhood

not do this and that it would be difficult to en­ courage most people to relax gender constraints on their sons for the following reason: "I tend to think that you have the most difficulty when you have fathers around, they're the ones . . . . I have the final say here, but when you've got a husband to deal with it's harder" (white, low-income, het­ erosexual mother). This notion is speculative, as it did not arise consistently among nonpartnered mothers. But taken together with the frequent mentions of male partners' reactions among heterosexually part­ nered mothers, it bolsters the contention that ac­ countability to fathers is felt strongly by heterosexual mothers as they assess their sons' gender performance. This may influence their ap­ proach to accomplishing gender. For example, one white, middle-class, heterosexual mother re­ counted defending her clothing purchases to her husband after having a stranger assume her then­ infant son was a girl: "I had a few people think the baby was a girl, which is kind of irritating, be­ cause I would think 'Oh my God, am I buying clothes that are too feminine looking?' The first time it happened I went right to [my husband] and said 'I bought this in the boys' department at Carter's, I'm telling you, I really did.' " Another heterosexual mother, this one a white, working-class parent, reported not just de­ fending her actions to her husband but changing a purchase decision based on what her husband might think'. When her five-year-old son asked for a Barbie suitcase at the store, she told him, "No, you can't have that, your father wouldn't like it. " This mother may b e steering her son in a direction that avoids the need for his father to become aware of, or react to, gender-atypical preferences in his son. Direct actions to accomplish mas­ culinity by fathers are certainly evident in my analyses, but accountability to fathers indicates an indirect path through which heterosexual men may further influence the accomplishment of their sons' gender.

Conclusion The interviews analyzed here, with New England parents of preschool-aged children from a diverse array of backgrounds, indicate a considerable en­ dorsement by parents of what they perceive as gender nonconformity among both their sons and their daughters. This pattern at first appears en­ couraging in terms of the prospects for a world less constrained by gendered expectations for chil­ dren. Many parents respond positively to the idea of their children's experiencing a greater range of opportunities, emotions, and interests than those narrowly defined by gendered stereotypes, with mothers especially likely to do so. However, for sons, this positive response is primarily limited to a few attributes and abilities, namely, domestic skills, nurturance, and empathy. And it is con­ strained by a clear recognition of normative con­ ceptions of masculinity (Connell 1 987, 1 995). Most parents made efforts to accomplish, and ei­ ther endorsed or felt accountable to, an ideal of masculinity that was defined by limited emotion­ ality, activity rather than passivity, and rejection of material markers of femininity. Work to ac­ complish this type of masculinity was reported especially often by heterosexual fathers; account­ ability to approximate hegemonic masculinity was reported especially often by heterosexual mothers, lesbian mothers, and gay fathers. Some hetero­ sexual parents also invoked sexual orientation as part of this conception of masculinity, comment­ ing with concern on the possibility that their son might be gay or might be perceived as such. No similar pattern of well-defined normative expec­ tations or accountability animated responses re­ garding daughters, although positive responses to pursuits parents viewed as more typically mascu­ line may well reflect the same underlying devalu­ ation of femininity evident in negative responses to gender nonconformity among sons. In the broader study from which this partic­ ular analysis was drawn, many parents invoked

ARTICLE 6

biology in explaining their children's gendered

"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Like That!"

67

Recognition that parents are sometimes con­

tendencies. Clearly, the role of biological expla­

sciously crafting their children's gender suggests

nations in parents' thinking about gender merits

the possibility that they could be encouraged to

additional investigation. But one of the things

shift that conscious effort in less gendered direc­

that was most striking to me in the analyses pre­

tions.

sented here is how frequently parents indicated

In addition to documenting this parental

that they took action to craft an appropriate gen­

awareness, I am also able to extend the literature

der performance with and for their preschool­

by documenting the content toward which par­

aged sons, viewing masculinity as something they

ents' accomplishment work is oriented. The ver­

needed to work on to accomplish. These ten­

sion of hegemonic masculinity I have argued

dencies are in contrast to what Messner (2000)

underlies parents ' responses is one that includes

summarizes eloquently in his essay on a gender­

both change and stability. Parental openness to

segregated preschool sports program. He ob­

domestic skills, nurturance, and empathy as de­

serves a highly gender-differentiated performance

sirable qualities in their sons likely represents so­

offered by the boys' and girls' teams during the

cial change, and the kind of agency in the

opening ceremony of the new soccer season, with

accomplishment of gender to which Fenster­

one of the girls' teams dubbing themselves the

maker and West (2002) refer. As Connell

Barbie Girls, while one of the boys' teams called

notes, hegemonic masculinity is historically vari­

themselves the Sea Monsters. He notes that par­

able in its specific content, and the evidence pre­

( 1 995)

ents tended to view the starkly different ap­

sented

proaches taken by the boys and girls as evidence

broadening of that content is occurring. But the

in

this

article

suggests

that

some

of natural gender differences. "The parents do not

clear limits evident within that broadening sug­

seem to read the children's performances of gen­

gest the stability and power of hegemonic con­

der as social constructions of gender. Instead,

ceptions of masculinity. The parental boundary

they interpret them as the inevitable unfolding of

maintenance work evident for sons represents a

natural, internal differences between the sexes"

crucial obstacle limiting boys' options, separating

(Messner 2000, 770).

boys from girls, devaluing activities marked as

I agree with Messner (2000) that this ten­

feminine for both boys and girls, and thus bol­

dency is evident among parents, and I heard it ar­

stering gender inequality and heteronormativity.

ticulated in some parts of the broader proj ect

Finally, along with documenting conscious

from which the present analysis is drawn. I began

awareness by parents and the content toward

this project expecting that parents accept with lit­

which their accomplishment work is oriented, my

tle question ideologies that naturalize gender dif­

analysis also contributes to the literature by illu­

ference. Instead, the results I have presented here

minating the process motivating parental gender

demonstrate that parents are often consciously

accomplishment. The heterosexual world in gen­

aware of gender as something that they must

eral, and heterosexual fathers in particular, play a

shape and construct, at least for their sons. This

central role

argument extends the literature on the routine ac­

direct endorsement of hegemonic masculinity

complishment of gender in childhood by intro­

many heterosexual fathers expressed and in the

ducing

evidence

of

conscious

effort

in that process. This is evident in the

and

accountability to others (presumably heterosex­

awareness by parents as part of that accomplish­

ual others) many heterosexual mothers, lesbian

ment. This awareness also has implications for ef­

mothers, and gay fathers expressed. Scholarly in­

forts to reduce gendered constraints on children.

vestigations of the routine production of gender

68

PART TWO

Boyhood

in childhood, therefore, need to pay careful at­ tention to the role of heterosexual fathers as en­ forcers of gender boundaries and to the role of accountability in the process of accomplishing gender. At the same time, practical efforts to loosen gendered constraints on young children by expanding their parents' normative conceptions of gender need to be aimed at parents in general and especially need to reach heterosexual fathers in particular. The concern and even fear many parents-especially heterosexual mothers, lesbian mothers, and gay fathers-expressed about how their young sons might be treated if they fail to live up to hegemonic conceptions of masculinity represent a motivation for the traditional accom­ plishment of gender. But those reactions could also serve as a motivation to broaden normative conceptions of masculinity and challenge the de­ valuation of femininity, an effort that will require participation by heterosexual fathers to succeed.

Notes 1 . Details regarding key social locations are as fol­ lows: 7 of the interviewees are people of color, and a total of 12 come from families who are of color or are multiracial (including white parents who have adopted children of color); 4 interviewees are poor /low income, 1 3 working class, 1 7 middle class, and 8 upper middle class; 5 interviewees are gay, in­ cluding 2 gay fathers and 3 lesbian mothers. 2 . One explanation for the paucity of negative re­ sponses could be that a broader range of actions, ob­ jects, and attributes are considered appropriate for girls than for boys. But this seems unlikely given that a similar number of parents offered positive or neutral comments about sons and daughters, indicating that they were equally likely to identify a range of actions, attributes, and objects as atypical for each gender. 3. This pattern is also consistent with the results of the literature on heterosexual men's and women's at­ titudes toward homosexuality, which documents that heterosexual men tend to hold more negative attitudes (Kane and Schippers 1 996) and that homophobic at­ titudes are especially notable toward gay men as com­ pared with lesbians (Herek 2002).

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"No Way My Boys Are Going to Be Like That!"

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Sex Roles

A R T i C L E

7

C. J. Pascoe

" Dude, You ' re a Fag" : Adolescent Masculinity and the Fag Discou rse "There's afaggot over there! There's afaggot over there! Come look!" yelled Brian, a senior at River High School, to a group of 10-year-old boys. Following Brian, the IO-year-olds dashed down a hallway. At the end of the hallway Brian'sfriend, Dan, pursed his lips and began sashaying towards the IO-year-olds. He minced towards them, swinging his hips exaggeratedly and wildly waving his arms. To the boys Brian yelled, "Look at thefaggot! Watch out! He 'll get you!" In response the IO-year-olds raced back down the hallway screaming in terror. (From author'sjieldnotes)

The relationship between adolescent masculinity and sexuality is embedded in the specter of the faggot. Faggots represent a penetrated masculin­ ity in which "to be penetrated is to abdicate power" (Bersani, 1 987: 2 1 2). Penetrated men symbolize a masculinity devoid of power, which, in its contradiction, threatens both psychic and social chaos. It is precisely this specter of pene­ trated masculinity that functions as a regulatory mechanism of gender for contemporary Ameri­ can adolescent boys. Feminist scholars of masculinity have docu­ mented the' centrality of homophobic insults to masculinity (Lehne, 1 998; Kimmel, 2001) espe­ cially in school settings (Wood, 1 984; Smith, 1 998; Burn, 2000; Plummer, 200 1 ; Kimmel, 2003). They argue that homophobic teasing often characterizes masculinity in adolescence and early adulthood, and that anti-gay slurs tend to primarily be directed at other gay boys. This article both expands on and challenges these accounts of relationships between homoFrom Sexualities. Copyright © 2005 Sage Publ ications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA, and New Del h i ) . Vol . 8(3):329-346.

70

phobia and masculinity. Homophobia is indeed a central mechanism in the making of contempo­ rary American adolescent masculinity. This arti­ cle both critiques and builds on this finding by ( 1 ) pointing t o the limits o f an argument that focuses centrally on homophobia, (2) demonstrating that the fag is not only an identity linked to homo­ sexual boys1 but an identity that can temporarily adhere to heterosexual boys as well and (3) high­ lighting the racialized nature of the fag as a dis­ ciplinary mechanism. "Homophobia" is too facile a term with which to describe the deployment of "fag" as an epithet. By calling the use of the word "fag" ho­ mophobia-and 1ettmg the argument stop with that point-previous research obscures the gen­ dered nature of sexualized insults (Plummer, 2001). Invoking homophobia to describe the ways in which boys aggressively tease each other over­ looks the powerful relationship between mas­ culinity and this sort of insult. Instead, it seems incidental in this conventional line of argument that girls do not harass each other and are not ha­ rassed in this same manner 2 This framing natu­ ralizes the relationship between masculinity and homophobia, thus obscuring the centrality of

A R TIC LE 7

such harassment in the formation of a gendered identity for boys in a way that it is not for girls. "Fag" is not necessarily a static identity at­ tached to a particular (homosexual) boy. Fag talk and fag imitations serve as a discourse with which boys discipline themselves and each other through joking relationships.3 Any boy can tem­ porarily become a fag in a given social space or in­ teraction_ This does not mean that those boys who identify as or are perceived to be homosex­ ual are not subject to intense harassment. But be­ coming a fag has as much to do with failing at the masculine tasks of competence, heterosexual prowess and strength or in any way revealing weakness or femininity, as it does with a sexual identity. This fluidity of the fag identity is what makes the specter of the fag such a powerful dis­ ciplinary mechanism. It is fluid enough that boys police most of their behaviors out of fear of hav­ ing the fag identity permanently adhere and de­ finitive enough so that boys recognize a fag behavior and strive to avoid it. The fag discourse is racialized. It is invoked differently by and in relation to white boys' bod­ ies than it is by and in relation to African­ American boys' bodies. While certain behaviors put all boys at risk for becoming temporarily a fag, some behaviors can be enacted by African­ American boys without putting them at risk of receiving the label. The racialized meanings of the fag discourse suggest that something more than simple homophobia is involved in these sorts of interactions. An analysis of boys' deployments of the specter of the fag should also extend to the ways in which gendered power works through racialized selves. It is not that this gendered ho­ mophobia does not exist in African-American communities. Indeed, making fun of "Negro fag­ gotry seems to be a rite of passage among con­ temporary black male rappers and filmmakers" (Riggs, 1 99 1 : 253). However, the fact that "white women and men, gay and straight, have more or less colonized cultural debates about sexual rep­ resentation" (Julien and Mercer, 1 99 1 : 167) ob­ scures varied systems of sexualized meanings

"Dude, You're a Fag"

71

among different racialized ethnic groups (Alma­ guer, 1 99 1 ; King, 2004).

Theoretical Framing The sociology of masculinity entails a "critical study of men, their behaviors, practices, values and perspectives" (Whitehead and Barrett, 200 1 : 14). Recent studies o f men emphasize the multi­ plicity of masculinity (Connell, 1995) detailing the ways in which different configurations of gen­ der practice are promoted, challenged or rein­ forced in given social situations. This research on how men do masculinities has explored gendered practices in a wide range of social institutions, such as families (Coltrane, 2001), schools (Skelton, 1 996; Parker, 1 996; Mac an Ghaill, 1996; Francis and Skelton, 2001), workplaces (Cooper, 2000), media (Craig, 1 992), and sports (Messner, 1 989; Edly and Wetherel, 1 997; Curry, 2004). Many of these studies have developed specific typologies of masculinities: gay, Black, Chicano, working class, middle class, Asian, gay Black, gay Chicano, white working class, militarized, transnational business, New Man, negotiated, versatile, healthy, toxic, counter, and cool masculinities, to name a few (Messner, 2004). In this sort of model the fag could be (and often has been) framed as a type of subordinated masculinity attached to homosexual adolescent boys' bodies. Heeding Timothy Carrigan's admonition that an "analysis of masculinity needs to be re­ lated as well to other currents in feminism" (Car­ rigan et al. , 1 987: 64), in this article I integrate queer theory's insights about the relationships be­ tween gender, sexuality, identities and power with the attention to men found in the literature on masculinities. Like the sociology of gender, queer theory destabilizes the assumed naturalness of the social order (Lemert, 1 996). Queer theory is a "conceptualization which sees sexual power as embedded in different levels of social life" and interrogates areas of the social world not usually seen as sexuality (Stein and Plummer, 1 994). In this sense queer theory calls for sexuality to be

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looked at not only as a discrete arena of sexual practices and identities, but also as a constitutive element of social life (Warner, 1 993; Epstein, 1 996). While the masculinities' literature rightly highlights very real inequalities between gay and straight men (see for instance Connell, 1 995), this emphasis on sexuality as inhered in static identi­ ties attached to male bodies, rather than major organizing principles of social life (Sedgwick, 1 990), limits scholars' ability to analyze the myr­ iad ways in which sexuality, in part, constitutes gender. This article does not seek to establish that there are homosexual boys and heterosexual boys and the homosexual ones are marginalized. Rather this article explores what happens to the­ ories of gender if we look at a discourse of sexual­ ized identities in addition to focusing on seemingly static identity categories inhabited by men. This is not to say that gender is reduced only to sexuality, indeed feminist scholars have demon­ strated that gender is embedded in and constitu­ tive of a multitude of social structures-the economy, places of work, families and schools. In the tradition of post-structural feminist theorists of race and gender who look at "border cases" that explode taken-for-granted binaries of race and gender (Smith, 1 994), queer theory is another tool which enables an integrated analysis of sex­ uality, gender and race. As scholars of gender have demonstrated, gender is accomplished through day-to-day inter­ actions (Fine, 1 987; Hochschild, 1 989; West and Zimmerman, 1 99 1 ; Thorne, 1 993). In this sense gender is the "activity of managing situated con­ duct in light of normative conceptions of attitudes and activities appropriate for one's sex category" (West and Zimmerman, 1 99 1 : 1 2 7) . Similarly, queer theorist Judith Butler argues that gender is accomplished interactionally through "a set of re­ peated acts within a highly rigid regulatory frame that congeal over time to produce the appearance of substance, of a natural sort of being" (Butler, 1 999: 43). Specifically she argues that gendered beings are created through processes of citation and repudiation of a "constitutive outside" (But-

ler, 1993: 3) in which is contained all that is cast out of a socially recognizable gender category. The "constitutive outside" is inhabited by abject iden­ tities, umecognizably and unacceptably gendered selves. The interactional accomplishment of gen­ der in a Butlerian model consists, in part, of the continual iteration and repudiation of this abject identity. Gender, in this sense, is "constituted through the force of exclusion and abjection, on which produces a constitutive outside to the sub­ ject, an abjected outside, which is, after all, 'in­ side' the subject as its own founding repudiation" (Butler, 1 993: 3) This repudiation creates and reaf­ firms a "threatening specter" (Butler, 1 993: 3) of failed, umecognizable gender, the existence of which must be continually repudiated through in­ teractional processes. I argue that the "fag" position is an "abject" position and, as such, is a "threatening specter" constituting contemporary American adolescent masculinity. The fag discourse is the interactional process through which boys name and repudiate this abjected identity. Rather than analyzing the fag as an identity for homosexual boys, I examine uses of the discourse that imply that any boy can become a fag, regardless of his actual desire or self-perceived sexual orientation. The threat of the abject position infuses the faggot with regula­ tory power. This article provides empirical data to illustrate Butler's approach to gender and indi­ cates that it might be a useful addition to the so­ ciological literature on masculinities through highlighting one of the ways in which a masculine gender identity is accomplished through interac­ tion.

Method Research Site I conducted fieldwork at a suburban high school in north-central California which I call River High.4 River High is a working class, suburban 50year-old high school located in a town called Riverton. With the exception of the median household income and racial diversity (both of which are elevated due to Riverton's location in

ARTICLE 7

California), the town mirrors national averages in the percentages of white collar workers, rates of college attendance and marriages, and age composition (according to the 2000 census). It is a politically moderate to conservative, religious community. Most of the students' parents com­ mute to surrounding cities for work. On average Riverton is a middle-class com­ munity. However, students at River are likely to refer to the town as two communities: " Old Riverton" and "New Riverton. " A busy highway and railroad tracks bisect the town into these two sections. River High is literally on the "wrong side of the tracks," in Old Riverton. Exiting the freeway, heading north to Old Riverton, one sees a mix of 1 950s-era ranch-style homes, some with neatly trimmed lawns and tidy gardens, others with yards strewn with various car parts, lawn chairs and appliances. Old Riverton is visually bounded by smoke-puffing factories. On the other side of the freeway New Riverton is char­ acterized by wide sidewalk-lined streets and new walled-in home developments. Instead of smoke­ stacks, a forested mountain, home to a state park, rises majestically in the background. The teens from these homes attend Hillside High, River's rival. River High is attended by 2000 students. River High's racial!ethnic breakdown roughly represents California at large: 50 percent white, 9 percent African-American, 28 percent Latino and 6 percent Asian (as compared to California's 46, 6, 32, and 1 1 percent respectively, according to census data and school records). The students at River High are primarily working class. Research I gathered data using the qualitative method of ethnographic research. I spent a year and a half conducting observations, formally interviewing 49 students at River High (36 boys and 1 3 girls), one male student from Hillside High, and con­ ducting countless informal interviews with stu­ dents, faculty and administrators. I concentrated on one school because I explore the richness rather than the breadth of data (for other exam-

"Dude, You're a Fag"

73

pIes of this method see Willis, 1 98 1 ; MacLeod, 1 987; Eder et aI., 1 995; Ferguson, 2000). I recruited students for interviews by con­ ducting presentations in a range of classes and hanging around at lunch, before school, after school and at various events talking to different groups of students about my research, which I presented as "writing a book about guys. " The in­ terviews usually took place at school, unless the student had a car, in which case he or she met me at one of the local fast food restaurants where I treated them to a meal. Interviews lasted any­ where from half an hour to two hours. The initial interviews I conducted helped me to map a gendered and sexualized geography of the school, from which I chose my observation sites. I observed a "neutral" site-a senior gov­ ernment classroom, where sexualized meanings were subdued. I observed three sites that students marked as "fag" sites-two drama classes and the Gay/Straight Alliance. I also observed two nor­ matively "masculine" sites-auto-shop and weightlifting.5 I took daily field notes focusing on how students, faculty and administrators negoti­ ated, regulated and resisted particular meanings of gender and sexuality. I attended major school rituals such as Winter Ball, school rallies, plays, dances and lunches. I would also occasionally "ride along" with Mr. Johnson (Mr J), the school's security guard, on his battery-powered golf cart to watch which, how and when students were disciplined. Observational data provided me with more insight to the interactional processes of masculinity than simple interviews yielded. If I had relied only on interview data I would have missed the interactional processes of masculinity which are central to the fag discourse. Given the importance of appearance in high school, I gave some thought as to how I would present myself, deciding to both blend in and set myself apart from the students. In order to blend in I wore my standard graduate student gear­ comfortable, baggy cargo pants, a black t-shirt or sweater and tennis shoes. To set myself apart I carried a messenger bag instead of a back-pack, didn't wear makeup, and spoke slightly differently

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than the students by using some slang, but re­ fraining from uttering the ubiquitous "hecka" and "hella." The boys were fascinated by the fact that a 3D-something white "girl" (their words) was in­ terested in studying them. While at first many would make sexualized comments asking me about my dating life or saying that they were going to "hit on" me, it seemed eventually they began to forget about me as a potential sexual/ ro­ mantic partner. Part of this, I think, was related to my knowledge about "guy" things. For in­ stance, I lift weights on a regular basis and as a re­ sult the weightlifting coach introduced me as a "weight-lifter from u.c. Berkeley" telling the stu­ dents they should ask me for weight-lifting ad­ vice. Additionally, my taste in movies and television shows often coincided with theirs. I am an avid fan of the movies Jackass and Fight Club, both of which contain high levels of violence and "bathroom" humor. Finally, I garnered a lot of points among boys because I live off a dangerous street in a nearby city famous for drug deals, gang fights and frequent gun shots.

What Is a Fag? "Since you were little boys you've been told, 'hey, don't be a little faggot,'" explained Darnell, an African-American football player, as we sat on a bench next to the athletic field. Indeed, both the boys and girls I interviewed told me that "fag" was the worst epithet one guy could direct at an­ other. Jeff, a slight white sophomore, explained to me that boys call each other fag because "gay peo­ ple aren't really liked over here and stuff." Jeremy, a Latino junior, told me that this insult literally re­ duced a boy to nothing, "To call someone gay or fag is like the lowest thing you can call someone. Because that's like saying that you're nothing. " Most guys explained their or others' dislike of fags by claiming that homophobia is just part of what it means to be a guy. For instance Keith, a white soccer-playing senior, explained, "I think guys are just homophobic." However, it is not just homophobia, it is a gendered homophobia. Sev-

eral students told me that these homophobic in­ sults only applied to boys and not girls. For ex­ ample, while Jake, a handsome white senior, told me that he didn't like gay people, he quickly added, "Lesbians, okay that's good. " Similarly Cathy, a popular white cheerleader, told me "Being a lesbian is accepted because guys think 'oh that's cool. ' " Darnell, after telling me that boys were told not to be faggots, said of lesbians, "They're [guys are] fine with girls. I think it's the guy part that they're like ewwww! " In this sense it is not strictly homophobia, but a gendered ho­ mophobia that constitutes adolescent masculinity in the culture of this school. However, it is clear, according to these comments, that lesbians are "good" because of their place in heterosexual male fantasy not necessarily because of some en­ lightened approach to same-sex relationships. It does however, indicate that using only the term homophobia to describe boys' repeated use of the word "fag" might be a bit simplistic and mis­ leading. Additionally, girls at River High rarely de­ ployed the word "fag" and were never called "fags." I recorded girls uttering "fag" only three times during my research. In one instance, An­ gela, a Latina cheerleader, teased Jeremy, a well­ liked white senior involved in student government, for not ditching school with her, "You wouldn't 'cause you're a faggot." However, girls did not use this word as part of their regular lexicon. The sort of gendered homophobia that constitutes adolescent masculinity does not con­ stitute adolescent femininity. Girls were not called dykes or lesbians in any sort of regular or sys­ tematic way. Students did tell me that "slut" was the worst thing a girl could be called. However, my field notes indicate that the word "slut" (or its synonym "ho") appears one time for every eight times the word "fag" appears. Even when it does occur, "slut" is rarely deployed as a direct insult against another girl. Highlighting the difference between the de­ ployment of "gay" and "fag" as insults brings the gendered nature of this homophobia into focus. For boys and girls at River High "gay" is a fairly

ARTICLE 7

common synonym for "stupid." While this word shares the sexual origins of "fag," it does not consistently have the skew of gender-loaded mean­ ing. Girls and boys often used "gay" as an adjec­ tive referring to inanimate objects and male or female people, whereas they used "fag" as a noun that denotes only un-masculine males. Students used "gay" to describe anything from someone's clothes to.a new school rule that the students did not like, as in the following encounter: In auto-shop Arnie pulled out a large older ver­ sion black laptop computer and placed it on his desk. Behind him Nick said "That's a gay lap­ top! It's five inches thick!" A laptop can be gay, a movie can be gay or a group of people can be gay. Boys used "gay" and "fag" interchangeably when they refer to other boys, but "fag" does not have the non-gendered attributes that "gay" sometimes invokes. While its meanings are not the same as "gay," "fag" does have multiple meanings which do not necessarily replace its connotations as a homophobic slur, but rather exist alongside. Some boys took pains to say that "fag" is not about sex­ uality. Darnell told me "It doesn't even have any­ thing to do with being gay." J.L . , a white sophomore at Hillside High (River High's cross­ town rival) asserted "Fag, seriously, it has nothing to do with sexual preference at all. You could just be calling somebody an idiot you know?" I asked Ben, a quiet, white sophomore who wore heavy metal t-shirts to auto-shop each day, "What kind of things do guys get called a fag for?" Ben an­ swered "Anything. . . . literally, anything. Like you were trying to turn a wrench the wrong way, 'dude, you're a fag. ' Even if a piece of meat drops out of your sandwich, 'you fag!' " Each time Ben said "you fag" his voice deepened as if he were imitating a more masculine boy. W hile Ben might rightly feel like a guy could be called a fag for "anything . . . literally, anything," there are actu­ ally specific behaviors which, when enacted by most boys, can render him more vulnerable to a fag epithet. In this instance Ben's comment high-

"Dude, You're a Fag"

75

lights the use of "fag" as a generic insult for in­ competence, which in the world of River High, is central to a masculine identity. A boy could get called a fag for exhibiting any sort of behavior defined as non-masculine (although not neces­ sarily behaviors aligned with femininity) in the world of River High: being stupid, incompetent, dancing, caring too much about clothing, being too emotional or expressing interest (sexual or platonic) in other guys. However, given the ex­ tent of its deployment and the laundry list of be­ haviors that could get a boy in trouble it is no wonder that Ben felt like a boy could be called "fag" for "anything." One-third ( 1 3) of the boys I interviewed told me that, while they may liberally insult each other with the term, they would not actually direct it at a homosexual peer. Jabes, a Filipino senior, told me I actually say it [fag] quite a lot, except for when I'm in the company of an actual homosexual person. Then I try not to say it at all. But when I'm just hanging out with my friends I'll be like, "shut up, I don't want you hear you any more, you stupid fag." Similarly J.L. compared homosexuality to a dis­ ability, saying there is "no way" he'd call an ac­ tually gay guy a fag because There's people who are the retarded people who nobody wants to associate with. I'll be so nice to those guys and I hate it when people make fun of them. It's like, "bra do you realize that they can't help that." And then there's gay people. They were born that way. According to this group of boys, gay is a le­ gitimate, if marginalized, social identity. If a man is gay, there may be a chance he could be consid­ ered masculine by other men (Connell, 1995). David, a handsome white senior dressed smartly in khaki pants and a white button-down shirt said, "Being gay is just a lifestyle. It's someone you choose to sleep with. You can still throw around a football and be gay." In other words there is a

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possibility, however slight, that a boy can be gay and masculine. To be a fag is, by definition, the opposite of masculine, whether or not the word is deployed with sexualized or non-sexualized meanings. In explaining this to me, Jamaa1, an African-American junior, cited the explanation of popular rap artist, Eminem, Alth�ugh I don't like Eminem, he had a good definition of it. It's like taking away your title. In an interview they were like, "you're always capping on gays, but then you sing with Elton John." He was like "I don't mean gay as in gay." This is what Riki Wilchins calls the "Eminem Exception. Eminem explains that he doesn't call people 'faggot' because of their sexual orientation but because they're weak and unmanly" (Wilchins, 2003). This is precisely the way in which this group of boys at River High uses the term "faggot." While it is not necessarily accept­ able to be gay, at least a man who is gay can do other things that render him acceptably mascu­ line. A fag, by the very definition of the word, in­ dicated by students' usages at River High, cannot be masculine. This distinction between "fag" as an unmasculine and problematic identity and "gay" as a possibly masculine, although marginalized, sexual identity is not limited to a teenage lexicon, but is reflected in both psychological discourses (Sedgwick, 1 995) and gay and lesbian activism.

Becoming a Fag "The ubiquity of the word faggot speaks to the reach of its discrediting capacity" (Corbett, 200 1 : 4). It is almost as if boys cannot help but shout it out on a regular basis-in the hallway, in class, across campus as a greeting, or as a joke. In my fieldwork I was amazed by the way in which the word seemed to pop uncontrollably out of boys' mouths in all kinds of situations. To quote just one of many instances from my fie1dnotes: Two boys walked out of the P.E. locker room and one yelled "fucking faggot!" at no one in particular.

This spontaneous yelling out of a variation of "fag" seemingly apropos of nothing happened re­ peatedly among boys throughout the school. The fag discourse is central to boys' joking re­ lationships. Joking cements relationships between boys (Kehily and Nayak, 1 997; Lyman, 1 998) and helps to manage anxiety and discomfort (Freud, 1 905). Boys invoked the specter of the fag in two ways: through humorous imitation and through lobbing the epithet at one another. Boys at River High imitated the fag by acting out an exagger­ ated " femininity," and/ or by pretending to sexu­ ally desire other boys. As indicated by the introductory vignette in which a predatory "fag" threatens the little boys, boys at River High link these performative scenarios with a fag identity. They lobbed the fag epithet at each other in a ver­ bal game of hot potato, each careful to deflect the insult quickly by hurling it toward someone else. These games and imitations make up a fag dis­ course which highlights the fag not as a static but rather as a fluid identity which boys constantly struggle to avoid. In imitative performances the fag discourse functions as a constant reiteration of the fag's ex­ istence, affirming that the fag is out there; at any moment a boy can become a fag. At the same time these performances demonstrate that the boy who is invoking the fag is not a fag. By invoking it so often, boys remind themselves and each other that at any point they can become fags if they are not sufficiently masculine. Mr McNally, disturbed by the noise outside of the classroom, turned to the open door saying "We'll shut this unless anyone really wants to watch sweaty boys playing basketball." Emir, a tall ski=y boy, lisped "I wanna watch the boys play!" The rest of the class cracked up at his im­ itation.

Through imitating a fag, boys assure others that they are not a fag by immediately becoming mas­ culine again after the performance. They mock their own performed femininity and/ or same-sex desire, assuring themselves and others that such an identity is one deserving of derisive laughter.

ARTICLE 7

The fag identity in this instance is fluid, detached

77

"Dude, You're a Fag"

hanging out together. In the second instance Brian

from Emir's body. He can move in and out of this

goes from being a fag to making Josh into a fag,

"abject domain" while simultaneously affirming

through the "cock game . " The "fag" is transfer­

his position as a subject.

able. Boys move in and out of it by discursively

Boys also consistently tried to put another in

creating another as a fag through joking interac­

the fag position by lobbing the fag epithet at one

tions. They, somewhat ironically, can move in and

another.

out of the fag position by transforming them­

Going through the junk-filled car in the auto­ shop parking lot, Jay poked his head out and asked "Where are Craig and BrianT' Neil, re­ sponded with "I think they're over there," point­

selves, temporarily, into a fag, but this has the ef­ fect of reaffirming their masculinity when they return to a heterosexual position after imitating the fag.

ing, then thrusting his hips and pulling his arms

These examples demonstrate boys invoking

back and forth to indicate that Craig and Brian

the trope of the fag in a discursive struggle in

might be having sex. The boys in auto-shop

which the boys indicate that they know what a fag

laughed.

is-and that they are not fags. This joking ce­

This sort of joke temporarily labels both

ments bonds between boys as they assure them­

Craig and Brian as faggots. Because the fag dis­ course is so familiar, the other boys immediately understand that Neil is indicating that Craig and

selves and each other of their masculinity through repeated repudiations of a non-masculine posi­ tion of the abject.

Brian are having sex. However these are not nec­ essarily identities that stick. Nobody actually thinks Craig and Brian are homosexuals. Rather the fag identity is a fluid one, certainly an iden­ tity that no boy wants, but one that a boy can es­ cape, usually by engaging in some sort of discursive contest to turn another boy into a fag. However, fag becomes a hot potato that no boy wants to be left holding. In the following exam­ ple, which occurred soon after the "sex" joke, Brian lobs the fag epithet at someone else, de­ flecting it from himself:

Racing the Fag The fag trope is not deployed consistently or iden­ tically across social groups at River High. Differ­ ences between white boys' and African-American boys' meaning making around clothes and danc­ ing reveal ways in which the fag as the abject po­ sition is racialized. Clean, oversized, carefully put together cloth­ ing is central to a hip-hop identity for African­ American

boys

who

identify

with

hip-hop

culture.6 Richard Majors calls this presentation

Brian initiated a round of a favorite game in

of self a "cool pose" consisting of "unique, ex­

auto-shop, the "cock game." Brian quietly, look­

pressive and conspicuous styles of demeanor,

ing at Josh, said, "Josh loves the cock," then slightly louder, "Josh loves the cock." He con­ tinued saying this until he was yelling " JOSH LOVES THE COCK!" The rest of the boys laughed hysterically as Josh slinked away say­ ing

"I have a bigger dick than all you mother

fuckers!" These two instances show how the fag can be

speech, gesture, clothing, hairstyle, walk, stance and handshake" developed by African-American men as a symbolic response to institutionalized racism (Majors, 200 1 : 2 1 1) . Pants are usually sev­ eral sizes too big, hanging low on a boy's waist, usually revealing a pair of boxers beneath. Shirts and sweaters are similarly oversized, often hang­ ing down to a boy's knees. Tags are frequently left

mapped, momentarily, on to one boy's body and

on baseball hats worn slightly askew and perched

how he, in turn, can attach it to another boy, thus

high on the head. Meticulously clean, unlaced

deflecting it from himself. In the first instance

athletic shoes with rolled up socks under the

Neil makes fun of Craig and Brian for simply

tongue complete a typical hip-hop outfit.

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Boyhood

This amount of attention and care given to

masculine meanings for African-American boys

clothing for white boys not identified with hip­

who participate in hip-hop culture. White boys

hop culture (that is, most of the white boys at

often associate dancing with "fags." J.L . told me

River High) would certainly cast them into an ab­

that guys think " 'nSync's gay" because they can

j ect, fag position. White boys are not supposed to

dance. 'nSync is an all white male singing group

appear to care about their clothes or appearance,

known for their dance moves. At dances white

because only fags care about how they look. Ben

boys frequently held their female dates tightly,

illustrates this: Ben walked in to the auto-shop classroom from the parking lot where he had been working on a particularly oily engine. Grease stains covered his jeans. He looked down at them, made a face and walked toward me with limp wrists, laugh­ ing and lisping in a in a high pitch sing-song voice "I got my good panths all dirty!" Ben draws on indicators of a fag identity, such as limp wrists, as do the boys in the introductory vi­ gnette to illustrate that a masculine person certainly would not care about having dirty clothes. In this

locking their hips together. The boys never danced with one another, unless engaged in a round of "hot potato." White boys often jokingly danced together in order to embarrass each other by mak­ ing someone else into a fag: Lindy danced behind her date, Chris. Chris's friend, Matt, walked up and nudged Lindy aside, imitating her dance moves behind Chris. As Matt rubbed his hands up and down Chris's back, Chris turned around and jumped back startled to see Matt there instead of Lindy. Matt cracked up as Chris turned red.

sense, masculinity, for white boys, becomes the

However dancing does not carry this sort of

carefully crafted appearance of not caring about

sexualized gender meaning for all boys at River

appearance, especially in terms of cleanliness. However, African-American boys involved

High.

For

African-American

boys

dancing

demonstrates membership in a cultural commu­

in hip-hop culture talk frequently about whether

nity (Best,

or not their clothes, specifically their shoes, are

quently danced together in single sex groups,

dirty:

teaching each other the latest dance moves, show­

In drama class both Darnell and Marc com­ pared their white Adidas basketball shoes. Dar­ nell mocked Marc because black scuff marks covered his shoes, asking incredulously "Yours are a week old and they're dirty�I've had mine for a month and they're not dirty! " Both laughed.

2000). African-American boys fre­

ing off a particularly difficult move or making each other laugh with humorous dance moves. Students recognized K.J. as the most talented dancer at the school. K.J. is a sophomore of African-American and Filipino descent who par­ ticipated in the hip-hop culture of River High. He continually wore the latest hip-hop fashions. K.J. was extremely popular. Girls hollered his name as

Monte, River High's star football player, echoed

they walked down the hall and thrust urgently

this concern about dirty shoes when looking at

written love notes folded in complicated designs

the fancy red shoes he had lent to his cousin the

into his hands as he sauntered to class. For the

week before, and told me he was frustrated be­

past two years K.J. won first place in the talent

cause after his cousin used them, the " shoes are

show for dancing. When he danced at assemblies

hella scuffed up. " Clothing, for these boys, does

the room reverberated with screamed chants of

not indicate a fag position, but rather defines

"Go KJ. ! Go KJ! Go K J. ! " Because dancing for

membership in a certain cultural and racial group

African-American boys places them within a tra­

(Perry,

2002).

Dancing is another arena that carries dis­ tinctly fag associated meanings for white boys and

dition of masculinity, they are not at risk of be­ coming a fag for this particular gendered practice. Nobody called

K.J. a fag. In fact in several of my

ARTICLE 7

interviews boys of multiple racial!ethnic back­ grounds spoke admiringly of K.J.'s dancing abil­ ities.

Implications These findings confirm previous studies of mas­ culinity and sexuality that position homophobia as central to contemporary definitions of adoles­ cent masculinity. These data extend previous re­ search by unpacking multilayered meanings that boys deploy through their uses of homophobic language and joking rituals. By attending to these meanings I reframe the discussion as one of a fag discourse, rather than simply labeling this sort of behavior as homophobia. The fag is an "abject" position, a position outside of masculinity that actually constitutes masculinity. Thus, masculin­ ity, in part, becomes the daily interactional work of repudiating the "threatening specter" of the fag. The fag extends beyond a static sexual iden­ tity attached to a gay boy. Few boys are perma­ nently identified as fags; most move in and out of fag positions. Looking at "fag" as a discourse rather than a static identity reveals that the term can be invested with different meanings in differ­ ent social spaces. "Fag" may be used as a weapon with which to temporarily assert one's masculin­ ity by denying it to others. Thus "fag" becomes a symbol around which contests of masculinity take place. . The fag epithet, when hurled at other boys, may or may not have explicit sexual meanings, but it always has gendered meanings. When a boy calls another boy a fag, it means he is not a man, not necessarily that he is a homosexual. The boys in this study know that they are not supposed to call homosexual boys "fags" because that is mean. This, then, has been the limited success of the mainstream gay rights movement. The mes­ sage absorbed by some of these teenage boys is that "gay men can be masculine, just like you." In­ stead of challenging gender inequality, this par­ ticular discourse of gay rights has reinscribed it. Thus we need to begin to think about how gay

"Dude, You're a Fag"

79

men may be in a unique position to challenge gen­ dered as well as sexual norms. This study indicates that researchers who look at the intersection of sexuality and mas­ culinity need to attend to the ways in which racial­ ized identities may affect how "fag" is deployed and what it means in various social situations. While researchers have addressed the ways in which masculine identities are racialized (Con­ nell, 1995; Ross, 1998; Bucholtz, 1 999; Davis, 1999; Price, 1 999; Ferguson, 2000; Majors, 200 1) they have not paid equal attention to the ways in which "fag" might be a racialized epithet. It is important to look at when, where and with what meaning "the fag" is deployed in order to get at how masculinity is defined, contested, and in­ vested in among adolescent boys. Research shows that sexualized teasing often leads to deadly results, as evidenced by the spate of school shootings in the 1 990s (Kimmel, 2003). Clearly the fag discourse affects not just homo­ sexual teens, but all boys, gay and straight. Fur­ ther research could investigate these processes in a variety of contexts: varied geographic locations, sexualized groups, classed groups, religious groups and age groups.

Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Natalie Boero, Leslie Bell, Meg Jay and Barrie Thorne for their comments on this article. This work was sup­ ported by the Center for the Study of Sexual Cul­ ture at University of California, Berkeley.

Notes 1.

While the term "homosexual" is laden with med­

icalized and normalizing meanings,

I use it instead of

"gay" because "gay" in the world of River High has multiple meanings apart from sexual practices or iden­ tities.

2.

Girls do insult one another based on sexualized

meanings. But in my own research

I found that girls

and boys did not harass girls in this manner with the same frequency that boys harassed each other through engaging in joking about the fag.

80

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

3. I use discourse in the Foucauldian sense, to de­ scribe truth producing practices, not just text or speech (Foucault,

1 978).

4. The names of places and respondents have been changed.

5 . Auto-shop was a class in which students learned how to build and repair cars. Many of the students in this course were looking into careers as mechanics.

6. While there are several white and Latino boys at

Corbett, Ken (2001) "Faggot

Loser," Studies in Gen­ der and Sexuality 2: 3-28. Craig, Steve ( 1 992) Men, Masculinity and the Media. =

Newbury Park: Sage. Curry, Timothy 1.

(2004) "Fraternal Bonding in the

Locker Room: A Profeminist Analysis of Talk about Competition and Women," in Michael Messner and Michael Kimmel (eds.) Men's Lives. Boston, MA: Pearson. Davis, James E .

( 1 999) "Forbidden Fruit, Black

River High who identify with hip-hop culture, hip-hop

Males' Constructions of Transgressive Sexuali­

is identified by the majority of students as an African­

ties in Middle School," in William 1. Letts IV

American cultural style.

Queering Elementary Ed­ ucation: Advancing the Dialogue about Sexualities and Schooling, pp. 49 ff. Lanham, MD: Rowan &

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A R T I C L E

8

Paul Kivel

The Act-Li ke-a-Man Box

How are boys trained in the United States? What

The columns on either side of the box show

is the predominant image of masculinity that

the expectations our society holds for men. The

boys must deal with while growing up?

abuse, pressure, and training boys receive to meet

From a very early age, boys are told to "Act

these expectations and stay in the box produce a

Like a Man." Even though they have all the nor­

lot of feelings, some of which are listed in the

mal human feelings of love, excitement, sadness,

middle of the box above. Yet they have to cover

confusion, anger, curiosity, pain, frustration, hu­

over those feelings and

miliation, shame, grief, resentment, loneliness,

cause one of the strictures of being a man is not

low self-worth, and self-doubt, they are taught to

to show your feelings.

try to

act like a man be­

hide the feelings and appear to be tough and in

Notice that many of the words we get called

control. They are told to be aggressive, not to back

refer to being gay or feminine. This feeds into two

down, not to make mistakes, and to take charge,

things we're taught to fear:

have lots of sex, make lots of money, and be re­

manly enough and (2) that we might be gay. Ho­

sponsible. Most of all, they are told not to cry.

(1) that we are not

mophobia, the fear of gays or of being taken for

My colleagues and I have come to call this

gay, is an incredibly strong fear we learn as boys

rigid set of expectations the "Act-Like-a-Man"

and carry with us throughout our lives. Much too

box because it feels like a box, a 24-hour-a-day,

often we try to relieve our fears of being gay or ef­

seven-day-a-week box that society tells boys they

feminate by attacking others.

must fit themselves into. One reason we know it's

There is other training that keeps us in the

a box is because every time a boy tries to step out

box. Besides getting into fights, we are ostracized

he's pushed back in with names like wimp, sissy,

and teased, and girls don't seem to like us when

mama's boy', girl, fag, nerd, punk, mark, bitch,

we step out of the box. Many adults keep push­

and others even more graphic. Behind those

ing us to be tough , and that process begins early.

names is the threat of violence. These words are little slaps, everyday re­

They seem convinced that if they " coddle" us, we will be weak and vulnerable. Somehow, with­

minders designed to keep us in the box. They are

drawal of affection is supposed to toughen us and

also fighting words. If someone calls a boy a

prepare us for the "real" world. Withdrawal of

"wimp" or a "fag," he is supposed to fight to

affection is emotional abuse. And that's bad

prove that he is not. Almost every adult man will

enough. But it often does not stop there. One out

admit that as a kid, he had to fight at least once

of every six of us is sexually abused as a child.

to prove he was in the box.

Often, the verbal, physical, and sexual abuse con­ tinues throughout our childhood. There are many cultural variations of this theme, but its prevalence in Western cultures is

Adapted from Men's Work and Boys Will Be Men by Paul Kivel, Copyright © 1984. www. paul kivel .com.

striking. All boys have different strategies for try­

ing to survive in the box. Some might even sneak

83

84

PART TWO

Boyhood

"Act-Like-a-Man" Box PHYSICAL ABUSE:

VERBAL ABUSE:

out of it at times, but the scars from living within

talk more guardedly, move more aggressively. Be­

the walls of the box are long-lasting and painful.

hind this bravura they are often confused, scared,

If we pay attention we can easily see the

angry, and wanting closeness with others. But

box's effects on boys. Just watch a group of them

being in the box precludes closeness and makes

together. They are constantly challenging each

intimacy unlikely.

other, putting each other down, hitting each other,

The key to staying in the box is control. Boys

testing to see who is in the box. They are never at

are taught to control their bodies, control their

ease, always on guard. At an early age they start

feelings, control their relationships-to protect

to hide their feelings, toughen up, and will make

themselves from being vulnerable. Although the

a huge emotional effort not to cry. They stop

box is a metaphor for the pressures all boys must

wearing colorful clothing or participating in ac­

respond to, the possibility that a boy will have

tivities that they think might make them vulnera­

control over the conditions of his life varies de­

ble to being labeled gay. They walk more stiffly,

pending on his race, class, and culture.

ARTI CLE 8

Being in control is not the same as being vi­ olent. In Western societies hitting people is frowned upon except in particular sports or mili­ tary settings. It is deemed much more refined to retain control by using verbal, emotional, or psy­ chological means rather than physical force. Fi­ nancial manipulation, coercion and intimidation, and sexual pressure are also condoned as long as no one is physically injured. Clearly, the more money, education, and connections a man has, the easier it is for him to buy or manipulate what he wants. Wealthy and upper- or middle-class white men are generally promoted and celebrated for being in control and getting what they want. Poor or working-class men and men of color are usually punished for these same behaviors, especially, but not only, if they use physical force. Why are boys trained to be in control? Most boys will end up with one of three roles in soci­ ety-to be workers, consumers, or enforcers. A small percentage of boys are trained to give or­ ders-to be bosses, managers, or officers. The box trains boys for the roles they will play, whether they will make decisions governing the lives of others or carry out the decisions made by those at the top. The box prepares boys to be police offi­ cers, security cops, deans, administrators, soldiers, heads of . families, probation officers, prison guards-the roles that men, primarily white men,

The Act-Like-a-Man Box

85

are being trained to fill. Men of color, along with women and young people, are the people more often being controlled. Many men are under the illusion that being in the box is like being in an exclusive club. No girls allowed. All men are equal. For working­ and middle-class white men and for those men of color who aspire to be accepted by them, the box creates a false feeling of solidarity with men in power and misleads many of them into thinking they have more in common with the corporate executives, political and religious leaders, gener­ als, and bosses than they have with women. Nobody is born in the Act-Like-a-Man box. It takes years and years of enforcement, name­ calling, fights, threats, abuse, and fear to turn us into men who live in this box. By adolescence we believe that there are only two choices-we can be a man or a boy, a winner or a loser, a bully or a wimp, a champ or a chump. Nobody wants to live in a box. It feels closed in; much of us is left out. It was a revelation to re­ alize how I had been forced into the box. It was a relief to understand how it had been accom­ plished and to know it didn't have to be that way. Today, it inspires me to see adult men choose to live outside the box. It is a choice each of us can, and must make-to step outside the box and back into our families and communities.

A R T I C L E

9

Ritch C. Savin-Williams

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

Recalling their childhood, gay/bisexual youths

fessionals must rely on retrospective data from

often report the pervasiveness of distinct, early

adolescents and young adults. Although these

memories of same-sex attractions. They remem­

later recollections may be distorted by an aware­

ber particular feelings or incidents from as young

ness of current sexual identity, they provide an in­

as four or five years of age that, in retrospect, re­

valuable source of information.

flect the first manifestations of sexual orientation.

Gay/bisexual youths often recall a vague

These memories often comprise some of the

but distinct sense of being different from other boys.

youths' earliest recollections of their lives, present

Indeed, characterizing most developmental mod­

in some rudimentary form for many years before

els of sexual identity is an introductory stage in

the ability to label sexual feelings and attractions

which an individual has an unequivocal cognitive

emerges, usually after pubertal onset. 1

and/ or emotional realization that he or she is

Indeed, over

80 percent of the interviewed

"different" from others.

An individual may feel

youths reported same-sex attractions prior to the

alienated from others with very little awareness

physical manifestations of puberty. By the com­

that homosexuality is the relevant issue.2 For ex­

pletion of puberty, all youths recalled attractions

ample, sociologist and sex educator Richard

that they later labeled as "homosexual. " Nearly

Troiden proposes a corning-out model that begins

half noted that their feelings for other males were

with an initial sense that one is marginalized in

some of their very first memories, present prior to

conjunction with perceptions of being different

beginning elementary school. Revelation for one

from peers.3 This undeniable feeling may be the

youth ca1!le through his kindergarten naps:

first internal, emotional revelation of sexual ori­

"Dreams of naked men and curious about them. Really wanting to look at them." Another youth

entation, although it is not likely to be perceived

initially as sexual but rather as a strongly experi­

was acting on his sexually charged feelings at age

enced sense of not fitting in or of not having the

four: "I particularly remember an incident with a

same interests as other boys/girls.

cousin in the bathroom and we both having hard­

The existence of these early feelings implies

ons and feeling a tingling sensation when we

that youths have both an awareness of a norma­

rubbed against each other. I wanted to repeat it,

tive standard of how boys are supposed to act,

and did!"

feel, and behave and a belief that they violate this

The origins of these feelings and their mean­ ings are difficult to discern because prepubertal children are seldom asked if they have sexual at­ tractions for other boys or girls. Thus, clinicians, educators, researchers, and other interested proFrom And Then I Became Gay by Ritch Savin-Williams. Copyright © 1997. Reproduced by permission of Taylor & Francis/Routledge, Inc. through the Copyright Clearance Center.

86

ideal. Troiden describes this conflation of feeling different and gender inappropriate: It is not surprising that "prehomosexuals" used

gender

metaphors,

rather

than

sexual

metaphors, to interpret and explain childhood feelings of difference .

.

.

_

Children do not ap­

pear to define their sexual experimentation in

heterosexual or homosexual terms. The socially created categories of homosexual, heterosex-

ARTICLE 9

ual, and bisexual hold little or no significance for them. (p. 52) Retrospectively, the gay/bisexual youths in­ terviewed for this book reported three somewhat overlapping sources as a basis for their initial awareness of differentness: •

•

•

a pervasive and emotional captivation with other boys that felt passionate, exotic, con­ suming, and mysterious; a strongly felt desire to engage in play activ­ ities and to possess traits usually characteris­ tic of girls; disinterest or, in more extreme cases, a re­ vulsion in typical boys' activities, especially team sports and rough-and-tumble physical play. 4

These three sources are not mutually exclusive­ many youths recalled instances of all three during their childhood. For example, one youth who felt apart and isolated during his childhood was ob­ sessed with wanting to be around adult men, fre­ quently developed crushes on male teachers, and spent considerable time with neighborhood girls, particularly enjoying their games of hopscotch and jump rope. He was called "sissy" and "girly" by other boys, and he detested team sports and all things athletic, especially locker rooms. The prevalence of these three is difficult to determine because few researchers have system­ atically ask,ed boys the relevant questions that probe these issues. It also bears noting that not all gay or bisexual individuals recall this sense of being different during childhood and adolescence and that these feelings and attractions are not solely the domain of sexual-minority youths. Heterosexual boys may also feel different, have same-sex attractions or desires, enjoy feminine activities, and avoid aggressive pursuits. Youths interviewed for this book easily and at times graphically remembered these same-sex attractions that emanated from their earliest child­ hood memories. Despite the dramatic signifi­ cance that these early homoerotic attractions would have, at the time they felt natural, om-

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

87

nipresent. Many recalled these attractions to other males by identifying concrete, distinct memories prior to first grade. Without great fanfare, with no clashing of cymbals, and with no abiding shock, later homoerotic attractions were felt to be contiguous with these early feelings.

Captivation with Masculinity Of the three sources for feeling different, the vast majority of the gay/bisexual youths interviewed for this book attributed to themselves an early sense that in some fundamental way they differed from other boys. This difference was an obsession of always wanting to be near other males. Most boys did not at the time believe that these attrac­ tions were sexually motivated; they were just over­ whelmed with an all-consuming desire to be with other males. Some became flushed or excited when they made contact, especially physical, with other boys or men; some arranged their lives so as to increase time spent with males, while others avoided males because they were frightened by the male aura. Above all else, their obsession with males was mysterious and pervasive. It was also present from an early age, from first memories. One youth's childhood was one massive memory of men. He decided that the death of his father ten years earlier was the reason that he would always need guys in his life. I can remember wanting the men who visited us to hug me when I was real little, maybe three or four. I've always wanted to touch and be touched by guys, and I was a lot. Guys loved to manhandle me. They would throw me up in the air and I'd touch the ceiling and I'd scream and would love it and would do anything to make it happen more and more. It never was enough and I'd tire them out or I'd go to some­ one else who would toss me. Sometimes I would be teased for the "little points" [erec­ tions1 in my pants, but no one, including myself, made much of it. I think I spent my childhood fantasizing about men, not sexually of course, but just being close to them and having them hold me or hug me.

88

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

I'd feel safe and warm. My dad gave me this

models in various stages of undress; especially

and my older brother Mitchell gave me this but

popular were underwear advertisements. The cap­

all of this was never enough. With the other

tivation with men had a familiar tone-a drive

men I'd feel flushed, almost hot. Maybe those were hot flashes like what women get! Those were good days.

for male contact or the male image from an early age with little understanding of what it meant­ and a common emotional quality-excitement,

Although he may have been an extreme case,

euphoria, mystery.

other youths also recalled distinct attractions to

These same-sex attractions were not limited

men that a decade or more later were still vivid,

to gay boys. Bisexual youths recalled similar early

emotional, and construed as significant. This ob­

homoerotic captivation with men.

session with males remained at the time nameless for the following three youths: I was seven at the time and Will, who was working for us doing yard work, was twenty­ one and a college student/ athlete. One night when my parents went to a hotel for their an­ niversary dinner and whatever, they asked Will to stay the night to watch over me. He was in a sleeping bag on the floor and I knew he was nude and he was next to my bed and I kept wondering what was in the sleeping bag. I just knew that I wanted to get in with him but I didn't know why or that I could because I didn't want to bother him. I didn't sleep the whole night.

in the paper about an all-male cast for a movie. This confused me but fascinated-intrigued­ me so I asked the librarian and she looked all flustered, even mortified, and mumbled that

I

ought to ask my parents.

cess and took, without him knowing it, dad's

Penthouse magazines. Such a big fuss, but actu­ ally in them and whatever else I could find, turned on by both the girls and the men. The men I recall most vividly. It was the hairless, feminine guys with big penises and made-up faces. I loved make-up on my guys, the eye­ lashes and the eyes, blue shadow, but mostly it was the look. Tight jeans, lean bodies. Homoerotic desires were often interpreted as

natural and hence characteristic of all boys. Many touch" was deeply embodied in their natural self. By this they implied that their attractions to boys were not a matter of choice or free will but were of early and perhaps, they speculated, genetic ori­ gins. For example, one youth never felt that he had a choice regarding his intense attractions to

It was v.ery clear to me around six years of age. There was a TV beer commercial which fea­ tured several soccer players without shirts on. I mentioned to my brother how much I liked this

TV show because the guys didn't have shirts on. I remember this but I'm sure I had thoughts be­ fore this.

adult males: My infatuation with my day camp counselor I didn't choose. Why him and not his girlfriend? I never chose my love objects but I was always attracted to guys. In all of my early dreams and fantasies I always centered on guys whether

Those who monopolized their attention were occasionally same-age boys, but were more often teenagers

matter. I just was into naked bodies. I had ac­

youths articulated that their desire for the "male

Maybe it was third grade and there was an ad

older

Technically it could be either male or female, no

and

adults-male

teachers,

they were sexual or not. What I wanted to do was to get close to them and I knew that in­ nately, perhaps even by the age of six or seven. I felt it was okay because God said it was okay.

coaches, cousins, or friends of the family. Public male figures were also sources of fantasies-Su­

Similarly, many other youths noted that their

perman, Scott Baio, Duran Duran, John Ritter,

homoerotic desires were never a matter of choice

Bobby Ewing, and Hulk Hogan. Others turned

but "just were." Most believed that they were gay

pages in magazines and catalogs to find male

or bisexual in large part because of genetic factors

ARTICLE 9

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

89

or the "way the cards were dealt-luck o f the

Another youth decided that he would simply

draw, like something in the neuro-structure or

"outgrow" his obsession with males. He was not,

hormonal."

however, going to let this future keep him from

I'd dream of my uncle and wake up all euphoric

enj oying this wonderful pleasure at the moment.

and sweaty and eroticized. Another dream that

As a child I knew I was attracted to males. I was

around in their underwear with these big cocks

tographs of men in her magazines and I heard

choose these things to dream about, to check

and so I thought and hoped I would. But until

I had at six was of my [boy] classmates playing sticking out. It just happened. How could I

out the cocks in my mom's

Playgirl,

and to cut

out pictures of guys from movie magazines? I

was very intrigued by all of this and knew somehow it related to me.

Maybe my child sex play taught me how to be

gay but then maybe it only reinforced what al­

ready was. I know that I've been gay for a long time, probably I was born with it. I assumed when I was young that all people had a pee pee.

It doesn't have to be genetic but then it could

happen during the first year of life. I think I was born being gay, leaning toward homosexuality,

and development just sort of pushed it further.

My brother is gay, my uncle is gay, my father acts like he is gay sometimes, and my mother is

hanging out with feminist support groups and

really butch-looking women. Did I really have a choice? !

I can't stand the smell of women. Who really

cares? 1 could have gone straight but it would have been torture. I am what I am, from birth.

Some y:ouths simply assumed, based on the egocentric principle that their thoughts and feel­ ings were shared by others, that all boys must feel as they do but were simply not talking about their desires. With age, however, they came to realize that perhaps they were more "into it. " I guess I was pretty touchable-and I still am

based on what guys I know or am with tell me.

I didn't understand why because I thought all

kids liked it. Others have told me that they liked it too but somehow I think I liked it more. I

craved and adored it and my day would not be

a good one unless I had this contact. Only later

did I find out why I liked being touched by

guys.

caught by my mother looking at nude pho­

my father say to her that, "He'll grow out of it,"

then I just settled back and enjoyed my keen curiosity to see male bodies.

You see, it did not feel threatening because (a)

it felt great, and (b) father said I would grow out of it, and he was always right. So why not enjoy

it until it went away?

Other youths, however, recognized that these undeniably homoerotic attractions were not typ­ ical of other boys. They knew they were extreme cases but they "could not help it." Even at eight I could tell that my interest in guys was way beyond normal. Like this time

that we were out with my friend Chad's big

brother catching fireflies and he took off his

shirt and I forgot about the fireflies and just stared at his chest. Chad got really irritated and

called out, "Hey homo give me the jar!" I'm

sure I blushed.

When we played truth-or-dare I always wanted

to be dared to kiss one of the guys. No one ever dared me to do that, probably because they

knew that I'd like it. And I would have! I knew it was strange of me and that they didn't want

to kiss boys. They all knew that too but I really didn't care.

Eventually, most youths understood that these undeniable attractions were the wrong ones to have. Despite the belief that they had no choice in m atters of their attractions, most inevitably came to appreciate that they should hide their at­ tractions. Snide remarks made by peers, prohibi­ tions taught by parents, and the silence imposed by religion and by teachers all contributed to this realization. Thus, although early obsessions with

90

PART TWO

Boyhood

males were experienced as instinctive, most of the

to be outgrown or that their feelings would make

gay Ibisexual youths acknowledged from an early

sense in some distant future.

age that their impulses were somehow "wrong" but not necessarily "bad." Despite the presence of an older gay brother,

The feared repercussions from family mem­ bers and peers if they were known to have gay traits served as a powerful reason for the boys to

one youth was vulnerable to society's negative

feel that their same-sex desires and acts were im­

messages about homosexuality. His concern cen­

proper and should not be shared with others. Act­

tered on being "strike two" for his mother.

ing on them was thought to be wrong because if caught, punishment would likely ensue. Balanc­

Well, I knew enough to hide Sean's Jock after I looked at it. It was not guilt-it was too much fun!-but fear that I felt. I was afraid if mother found out that she would feel bad that she had two failures and that Sean would kill me for getting into his stockpile. Very few youths made the connection during their childhood that these attractions that felt so

ing desire and fear became a significant dilemma. Eventually, many of the youths recognized that others rarely shared or understood their same-sex desires. This pact of secrecy with themselves was a major theme for many of the youths. It did not, however, always inhibit their sexual behavior; a significant number of the boys acted on their sex­ ual desires during childhood . . . .

natural and significant placed them in the stig­ matized category of "homosexual." Although most had a passing acquaintance with the concept and had seen "homosexuals" displayed in the media, relatively few would have situated them­ selves in this category at this point in their lives. One youth believed that "it" was something to be outgrown: "I thought maybe that it was just a stage that I was going through. But if it wasn't a stage then it was probably no problem for me to worry about now. " Other youths, however, were worried .

.

Something was different about me. I knew that.

I was afraid of what it meant, and I prayed to God that whatever it was that He would take it

Acting Like a Girl A second source of feeling different, not explicitly linked with same-sex attractions, involved cultural defmitions of gender-how a boy should

not act,

think, and feel. Characteristics deemed not ap­ propriate for boys included observable behaviors such as play with girl-typed toys, especially dolls; involvement in female activities and games; cross­ dressing; sex-role motor behavior including limp wrists, high-pitched voices, and dramatic gestures; and stated interests such as wishing to be a girl, imagining self as dancer or model, and preferring female friends and being around older women. These boys did not wonder, "Why am I gay?" but

away. It was a burden but I liked it, and so I felt

"Why do I act like a girl?"5 For example, one

guilty about liking it.

youth recalled his childhood in the following way:

It was not until many years later, with the onset of sexual maturations that these attractions would be fully linked with sexuality and perhaps a sexual identity. Homosensuality for these youths was not foreign but natural, a lifelong intrigue with men's bodies. However, as the societal wrongness of their intuitive obsession with mas­ culinity became increasingly apparent, many youths hoped that their attractions were a phase

I knew that a boy wasn't supposed to kiss other boys, although I did. I knew it was wrong, so this must be some indication that I knew. I also knew that I wasn't supposed to cross my legs at the knees, but I wouldn't like quickly uncross my legs whenever that was the case. So this is certainly at a young age that I noticed this.

I

think I knew that it was sort of a female thing,

sort of an odd thing, and I knew that boys weren't supposed to do that.

ARTIC LE 9

Many boys who fit the category of gender bending were at once erotically drawn to boys and men (the first source) but were repelled by their behavior, their standard of dress and cleanliness, and their barbarian nature. They felt ambivalent regarding their attractions to males; intrigued by male bodies and the masculinity mystique, these youths saw men as enigmatic and unapproach­ able. Psychotherapist Richard Isay characterizes this sense of gender atypicality in some pregay boys: "They saw themselves as more sensitive than other boys; they cried more easily, had their feelings more readily hurt, had more aesthetic in­ terests, enjoyed nature, art, and music, and were drawn to other 'sensitive' boys, girls, and adults" (p. 23).6 Indeed, research amply demonstrates that gender nonconformity is one of the best child­ hood predictors of adult homosexuality in men.7 Findings from prospective studies are fairly straightforward: The proportion of extremely fem­ inine boys who eventually profess a same-sex sex­ ual orientation approaches 100 percent. However, the fraction of these gender-nonconforming boys in the total population remains considerably below that of gay men. Thus, while the vast ma­ jority of extremely feminine boys eventually adopt a gay or bisexual identity in adulthood, so do an u�own number of boys who are not par­ ticularly feminine. Feeling more similar to girls than to boys, one youth described his experience "as if I was from a different planet than other boys." He was not alone; a substantial proportion of the gay/ bisexual youths recalled that this "girl-like syn­ drome" was the basis of how they differed from their male peers. Of all boys interviewed , over one-third described their self-image as being more similar to that of girls than boys, and nearly all of these boys reported that this sense of themselves permeated areas of their lives. One consequence of having more culturally defined feminine than masculine interests was that many boys with gender-atypical characteris­ tics felt most comfortable in the company of girls

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

91

and women or preferred spending time alone. Two youths described their gender nonconfor­ mity during their childhood years. I had mostly friends who were girls and I can re­ member playing jump rope, dolls, and hop­ scotch with them, and I can remember being very interested in hairstyling and practicing on dolls. I got into sewing and knitting. I played make-believe, read spy and adventure stories, house with my sisters. I had a purse and dolls that they gave me. We did everything together. I was never close with my brother and we never did anything together. I was always accepted by girls and few other boys were.

Thinking back I did play with girls in the neigh­ borhood a lot. I loved actually to kiss girls and I was always wanting to kiss girls and I thought this might be a little strange or weird because I liked girls so much at such a young age. I just felt very comfortable with them. I felt more self­ conscious around boys because I always won­ dered what they were thinking about. The extent to which such behavior could pro­ duce a gender-bender who is accepted by girls as one of them is illustrated by a third youth: I was even invited to slumber parties and I al­ ways went. They were so much fun! Just the five of us in our gowns, with lace and bows that my mom had made for my sister and I "bor­ rowed," laughing, sneaking cigarettes, and gos­ siping about other girls. Thus, almost without exception boys who displayed early gender-atypical behavior strongly preferred hanging out with girls rather than with boys. Girls were far less likely to reject the "fem­ inine" boys, a reaction that has been confirmed by research studies.8 If such youths had male friends it was usually one best friend, perhaps a neighbor who also disliked masculine activities. I have always been gay although I did not know

what that meant at the time. But I knew that I always felt queer, out of place in my home­ town. . . . Mostly I spent my time alone in the

92

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

house or with girls at school. We ate lunch to­

that he spent a lot of time " doing nothing, just

gether and talked in between classes. I always

being alone, playing the violin, planting flowers,

felt that girls received the short end of the stick.

I really did not have many friends because I lived in a rural area. I felt rejected and I feared being rejected.

might change every other year or so but who al­ ways was like me in hating sports. Like Tim who was one of my best friends because he lived across the street and was handy, someone so I would not be alone. We spent time together but I am not sure what else we ever did. Other­

I hung with girls.

est in gender-atypical pursuits fervently expressed strong preferences for solo activities such as read­ ing and make-believe games, or for artistic endeavors. But my major activity during childhood was

I was sort of known as "The

Artist," even as early as third and fourth grades. Today I can see some very gay themes in my drawings!

Whenever

anyone

in the class

wanted anything drawn then they asked me. No matter how much they had ridiculed me I agreed to do it. A second youth made up plays for the neigh­

borhood, role-played TV characters, and cartooned.

I took part in dance, ballet, singing, and had good manners. I liked Broadway musicals, Bar­ bra, Bette, Joan, Liz, Judy, and Greta . . . . I did drama, lots and lots of drama! Anything pre­ tend.

kind of art and I also composed on the piano." When asked about his childhood activities, a third youth was merely succinct: "Shopped. Home­ work. Masturbated. Read. " M o s t difficult for many gender-atypical gay/bisexual boys was the almost universal ha­ rassment they received from their peers. As a con­ sequence of associating with girls and not boys,

Not uncommonly, boys who displayed inter­

drawing and

"building and creating things like castles and bridges and rivers in the backyard. Maybe it was because I was an only child but I was into any

I have usually had one best male friend, who

wise

and arranging flowers." Another youth loved

I did lots of skits for the Mickey Mouse

Club, play writing, and office decorating.

spending considerable time alone, and appreciat­ ing female activities, they faced almost daily ha­ rassment from peers, usually boys but sometimes girls, teachers, parents, and siblings. Perhaps most insufferable to their male peers was the gay/bi­ sexual boys' feminine gross and fine motor be­ havior. Their hand gestures, standing and sitting posture, leg and hip movement, voice pitch and cadence, and head tilt conveyed to others that these boys were girllike and hence weak and de­ plorable. The reactions they received from peers went beyond mere teasing, which most youths re­ ceive during childhood and adolescence as a mechanism for social bonding, to outright verbal abuse that was harassing and sometimes ex­ tremely destructive to a sense of self. The abuse was occasionally physically expressed and always had emotional and self-image consequences. Below is a list of names that boys with gen­ der-atypical characteristics reported that they were called by age mates. Not all youths recalled or wanted to remember the exact names.

Unclear from these accounts is whether the

•

sissy

•

clumsy

•

bitchy

•

fag

decision to spend time alone was one freely cho­

•

queer

•

little girl

•

super fem

•

queer bait

gayson

fruit

•

gay

•

Janus

sen by the gay/bisexual youths or was a conse­

•

•

faggot

•

quence of exclusion dictated by others. That is,

- fruitcake

•

wimpy

- gaylord

were they loners by choice or by circumstance?

- schoolboy

- pansy

•

girl

- fag boy

Although most evidence supports the banishment

•

cocksucker

•

hypothesis, time alone may have been desired and

- girly

pursued for creative reasons; time alone may have enhanced their creative efforts. One youth found

lisp

- softy

•

- homo

- Avon Lady - Safety

- wimp

- gay guy

- mommy's

- Tinkerbell

•

fairy

flamer

boy

Girl

ARTICLE 9

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

93

One youth reported that in grammar school

In no story were girls the only ones who ver­

he was voted "The Person Most Likely to Own a

bally abused a youth for being gender noncon­

Gay Bar. "

forming. On many occasions, however, boys acted

The specific provocation that elicited these

alone. Perhaps the most usual pattern was for boys,

names during school, on the bus, and in the neigh­

or a subset of boys, to be the persistent ridiculers

borhood varied, but several patterns are dis­

with a few girls chiming in when present.

cernible. The abuse usually occurred because a boy was perceived as a misfit, as acting too much "like a girl . " Three youths provided testimonies from theIr lives: Because I was somewhat effeminate in my be­ havior and because I wore "girly" shoes. Some said that I was a little girl because I couldn't play baseball. I played the clarinet in school and this was defined as a female instrument so I got

Some of the jocks really bothered me but mostly it was these three guys every day mak­ ing my life miserable. Always done by males who really had this pecking order. Real bullies!

This was mostly males-this one guy seemed to have it out for me. But some of the girls who hung out with him also did it. The girls thought I was bitchy and called me "fag" and "homo."

some teasing for that. I thought I could control

Although reactions to being victimized by

my behavior but it got so bad that my family de­

peer ridicule were diverse, the most common re­

cided to pull me out of the public school to go

sponses, illustrated by three youths, were to ig­

to a private Catholic school where the teasing

nore, withdraw, or cry.

receded. Because I was weak and a cry baby. I was not in the "in" crowd. Also because of the way I dressed and that I got good grades. I was very thin and got every disease that came around. I had all sorts of allergies and was always using all sorts of drugs. I was told I looked like a girl. I played with Barbies and taught her how to sit

up and later how to fly. I just wasn't masculine enough I guess. People thought that perhaps I might be gay because they thought I was just way too nice and also because I was flamboyant. They really didn't think I was like homosexually gay. It was just a term they used for me because it seemed to fit my personality. People said I'm gay because of my mannerisms, also because I slur my s's and I'm so flamboyant. I think it's the way that I walked, the way I talked, the way I carried myself. I had a soft voice. Lots of boys blew me kisses. My voice is just not masculine. Also I tended to be very giggly and flighty and flaky and silly at times.

I took it without saying anything back. I'd pre­ tend that I didn't hear them or hide my feelings. I hated it but didn't say anything back. Guess I was benign to it. Just sat there and took it. I did that for protection. I was so much of a misfit that bullies did it to me. I offended them in some way. Just a horrible, wrenching experi­

ence. I became more withdrawn and thus more of an outcast. I 'd cower and keep my distance, keep­ ing it inside myself. I did nothing or remained silent or said "leave me alone. " Once I fought back and lost, which made me withdraw even more. I was very, very sensitive and would cry very easily. I had very little emotional control at the time. Cry, yell at them, cry some more. I would tell my mother and cry and she'd try to com­ fort me or she'd just dismiss it all. I would tell the guys that I had told my mother and they would make more fun of me. Not all boys reacted so passively to the

One youth believed that " most kids were just

verbal assault. Several developed innovative, self­

looking for a laugh" and that he was the easiest

enhancing ways to cope with peer harassment.

target, because of his femininity, they could find.

For example,

He was their " amusement for the day. "

situation:

one youth noted

an unusual

94

PART TWO

Boyhood

All my boyfriends, the jock types, always pro­

of my childhood so I can't give you much

tected me and punished those who teased me.

detail.

I would just turn away as if I never gave notice because I knew that I would be protected by all the guys, the jocks, that I was having sex with. I never did try to get back at them [the ha­ rassers J. Once they realized this then they kept quiet.

Another used his intelligence and experience as strategies for coping with peer harassment.

A real nightmare! I really felt like I had no friends. It really did lower my self-esteem and it made me focus on sort of my outer appearance and ignore the inner. It devastated me because I felt everything they said was true. I was quiet and kept it inside. Heightened my sense of being different. Caused me to withdraw and not feel good about myself. Cut off from people and became shy. Became

I think it was because I was so flamboyant and

introverted, guilty. I hated that time. Childhood

I was not so sports-oriented. If they said it to

was supposed to be happy times but it was not.

O r I would point out their stupidity. I consid­

suicide, and ran away from home.

my face then I would say "get out of my face ! "

ered them to be rather stupid, so immature. I'd

Later, I dropped out of school, thought about

been around the world and I knew I could say

Although none of the boys felt that the la­

things that would damage them because I was

beling made him gay, many believed that the

smarter than them and because I had so many

name-calling contributed to their negative image

female friends. I tried to ignore it because I

of homosexuality. Hence, the ridicule became a central factor in who they are. The abuse also kept

knew that I was better than them. I sort of got respect for not fighting back or sometimes I would say, "I like girls! What's your problem?"

It is difficult to ascertain the true impact on

them in the closet for a considerably longer period of time. These effects are apparent in the two nar­ ratives below:

a youth of this constant bombardment of negative peer review. Few of the boys thought it was any­

viewed being a fag as so negative that it hurt my

thing but negative. Most felt that the most signif­

self-image for them to call me that. I didn't like

icant effect of the verbal harassment was what it did to their personality: They became increasingly withdrawn from social interactions, despondent, and self-absorbed. The aftermath for the four youths below was a decrease in their self-image and self-worth. I felt very conscious about my voice and some­ what shameful that I wasn't masculine enough. I actually just sort of retreated more and be­ came more introverted. I felt rejected and it hurt my self-esteem. I took the ridicule to heart and I blamed myself. Because I knew that indeed I had the attrac­ tions to guys I knew that they were right and that I was a disgusting human being. I just spent a lot more time alone to avoid the pain. I just

It just sort of reinforced that men are scum. I

myself, so being gay is bad and what they're saying I knew it to be true because I am bad and being gay is bad and I'm gay. It's made me think of males only as sex obj ects because I wanted to be hated by men because I didn't like myself. I started back in elementary school to believe it was true. I had such a hostile view towards homosexual­ ity, so it was hard to come out as a result of this stigma because I had really low self-esteem. It affected

me by not having a positive attitude

about homosexuality in general. I needed at least a positive or even neutral point of view and that would have made my gay life so much easier. I continue to suppress things.

It was the rare youth for whom anything pos­ itive emerged from the verbal ridicule. One youth

sort of blocked it all internally because it hurt

noted that teasing sort of helped me to deal with

so much. I just sort of erased all my memories

my gay identity at a very early age because every-

"

ARTICLE 9

one was calling my attention to it." He was proud to be effeminate; he reported that the teasing made him stronger and was thus beneficial.

I wore stylish clothes and was my own individ­ ual self. My teachers appreciated this but not the slobs. Because of this a lot of them said that I was gay and so I thought I must be, although I did not know what this meant except that it meant I would not be shoveling cow shit! Unfortunately, few youths could recall such

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

95

or having a passing acquaintance with Barbie. In the absence of typical expressions of femininity, boys without masculine interests were usually loners or spent time with one or several best male friends. Compared with what is known about gender­ atypical boys, considerably less is known con­ cerning those who during childhood do not fit cultural images of how a boy should act, think, and feel. Characteristics labeled as unmasculine or as failure to conform to gender expectations in­

often, the consequences of being true to their na­

clude observable behaviors such as avoidance of rough-and-tumble play, typical boys' games, and

ture were that other boys viewed them as unde­

athletic activities; no imagining of oneself as a

sirable playmates and as "weird." Labeled sissy or effeminate, they were rejected by boys, and,

sports figure; and no desire to grow up to be like

equally important, they had little desire to frater­

positive aspects to their gender atypicality. More

one's father. These boys did not wonder, "Why

nize with their male peers. Because other boys

am I gay?" but "Why don't I act like a boy?"9 Childhood activities that constitute "unmas­

did not constitute an enjoyable or safe context for play or socializing, the youths often turned to girls

culine" all share the characteristic of being gender neutral by North American standards, suitable

for activities and consolation. They preferred to

for both boys and girls. Within this gender non­

dance rather than shovel shit, to sing rather than

partisanship, active and passive patterns were ev­

yell "hike," and to draw rather than bash heads.

ident in the interviews. Some boys were as active as masculine-inclined peers but in nonmasculine,

Thus, childhood was usually experienced as a traumatizing time by youths who did not con­

nonathletic-at least in a team sports sense­

form to cultural sex roles. The fortunate ones

activities.

sought and found girls for solace and support. Girls became their saviors, offering sources of emotional sustenance as the male world of child­ hood became increasingly distasteful. It was to these girls that many gay Ibisexual males subse­ quently dis<;losed their sexual affiliations during middle or late adolescence. . . .

Not Acting Like a Boy A third source of feeling different among the in­ terviewed youths originated from a disinterest or abhorrence of typical masculine activities, which may or may not have occurred in the presence of a captivation with masculinity (first source) or of high levels of femininity (second source). Thus,

friend and me made roads and gardens. I liked to sort of build cities and bridges outside and in the garden. Played in the woods, hiked in the woods, camped out, and hide and seek. Ted and I were almost inseparable for a couple of years. I also biked, swam a lot, jumped on the trampoline. Biking was my way of dealing with stress. I was into matchbox cars.

My

I enjoyed playing office, playing grow-up, walk­ ing around the city basically looking at other people. Mind games and chess with my broth­ ers. Creative imaginative play. Discovering and enjoying spending a lot of time on bike trips going to new places. Getting out of the house and being outside, just wandering off by myself. ,

a lack of masculinity did not necessarily imply that such youths were fond of female activities or

More common were boys who spent consid­ erable time alone pursuing passive activities. This

were drawn to or hung out with girls. Many re­

passivity should not be equated, however, with

ported never playing house, dressing up as a girl,

having a bad time or having a bad childhood.

96

PART TWO

Boyhood

Many recalled an enjoyable if unconventional life

I did not play basketball or wrestle and I was

during childhood.

not a farmer nor a slob nor did I shovel cow shit like my classmates. Girl, they would come in smelling like they looked and you can be sure it was not a number Chanel ever heard of! There was no way that I was going to let this be a part of what I wanted for my life.

At school I hung out with myself but on week­ ends it was primarily guys in the neighborhood and we would like watch TV and videos. They were like my best friends and we were not really into moving sports. We were more into passive activities like music and cards. I've always been in the-band. Hanging out at the mall. A couple of us guys would do this. Very quiet pursuits, stamps, cooking, which my mother liked. Guess I played verbal games, board games with the family, Risk and Candy­ land, and crossword puzzles. Did a lot with my family, like family vacations, visiting historical things. I read, played with Lincoln Logs, fanta­ sizing, spending time by myself, drawing, and swinging. I loved the freedom of the swing and I'd do it for hours. Oh yes, I loved croquet! I read a lot-like the encyclopedia, the phone book, science fiction, science, mystery, and gothic novels. I had a comic book collection and Star Wars cards. I spent most of my other time drawing maps. I was really into getting any information anywhere I could, even from the atlas or an almanac. I can remember actually setting out to read the dictionary, although I don't think I got very far. Almost every book in the public library later on. Most explicitly, unmasculine youths felt par­

ticularly ill at ease with archetypal male sports, es­ pecially loathing team sports such as baseball, basketball, and football. If they became involved in competitive, aggressive sports it was in response to family or peer pressure. Perhaps forced by a fa­

Well they [parents] wanted me to try at least one sport but I was always sort of the last cho­ sen. I knew I was effeminate and clumsy and my father ridiculed me for it. So I avoided sports and I did this by going home for lunch and visiting my female friends rather than play­ ing sports with the other guys during recess. For one youth, the appeal or even logic of sports baffled and befuddled him. I really did not care about most sports and I still do not. I liked more intellectual than physical things. I enjoyed more talking philosophy, writ­ ing poetry, and drawing than spending time throwing stupid balls away, then running after the stupid balls, trying to find the stupid balls, and then throwing the stupid balls back to the same person so that he could throw it away again and have somebody run after it, find it, and throw it back to him again. Sounds real intelli­ gent does it not?! Doing these stupid ball tricks made Bill [twin brother] real popular and me re­ ally unpopular. Where is the fairness in that?

I only played sports during recess when I had to. I hated little boy games such as basketball, kickball, football, baseball, or anything that had a ball or a peck order. It was very aggressive and used all of the wrong parts of my anatomy and my personality.

ther or coach to participate in sports as a right

The most aversive aspect of sports was its ag­

fielder, a defensive back, or a bench warmer, they

gressive, dominant, physical nature. One youth

deeply resented such coercion and their inevitable

remarked that in sports someone always has to

failure. Severely repulsed by many typical mas­

lose-"and it was usually me!" This reflected not

culine pursuits, this source of trauma was to be

only his own personal experience of losing but

avoided at all costs, even at the price of disap­

also an antipathy to his life philosophy of peace,

pointing parents. Unmasculine youths often

harmony, cooperation. Another youth astutely

shared with the following very gender-atypical

recognized another reason not to become in­

youth his rejection of masculine activities and

volved in sports-his true nature might emerge

hence of masculinity.

and become figuratively and physically visible.

ARTICLE 9

I was not on any team sport because I was so

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

97

degree that gender-nonconforming boys were.

self-conscious about being around other males.

They were often teased for non-gender-related

I was afraid of how I might be looked upon by

characteristics or for individualized perceived

them and what I might do or say ar look at if I was around them a lot. What would I do in the locker room? What would happen to "George," who has a mind of his own? Maybe my feelings might come out and then where would I be?

deficits in physical features ("fatty"), in normative masculine behavior ("wimp"), or in desirable kinds of intelligence ("nerd"). Some were also called names more typical of effeminate youths ("fag") without, they almost universally ac­

Othf!r youths reported that they wanted to

knowledged, the connotation of sexuality. One

participate in sports but could not because of

youth defended himself by asserting, "Being

physical problems. One noted, "I could never

called a fag really was not a sexual thing. It was

much be a sports person because I had a coordi­

more that it reflected on my low self-esteem and

nation problem because of my vision that caused

that I was so wimpy."

me to be physically awkward." Another compen­

The most common name callers were same­

sated by reading about sports: "Well, I read the

age, same-sex peers, although occasionally girls

sports pages and sports books! I hated gym be­

also participated. One youth had an unusual ex­

cause I was overweight. I could not do sports be­

perience. Called "nerd" by three girls who were

cause I felt so evil watching men strip naked in the

making his life miserable, "several b oys seemed to

locker room and I couldn't take it." A third youth

go out of their way to protect me and shield me

was on the swim team before getting pneumonia,

from this kind of teasing. Of course I was giving

forcing him to quit. His restitution was to remain

them answers on their exams!" Otherwise he sim­

active: "I hung out at the beach (yes, looking at

ply withdrew. Because ridicule was seemingly ran­

the guys!), played Atari, skateboarded, and played

dom and seldom daily, it was sometimes difficult

Pogo."

for unmasculine youths to understand what pro­

Those who became involved in sports almost preferred individual to team sports. These "jocks" included the two youths below. Some track, cross-country, swimming. I never liked the team sports. I had to do soccer in fourth grade because my best friends were into it but I disliked it immensely. Guess I was mid­ level in' ability and lower than that in interest but it gave me something to do and kept me

voked the name calling. One youth reported that he enjoyed his life as a loner and that others seemed more upset than he was that he was spending so much time alone. With his involvement in computers, the com­ plaints lessened, perhaps, he guessed, because others envied his knowledge and saw it as a means to earn a good living. He was subject, however, to the taunts of male peers. Occasionally he was

around guys. I lived in a very sex-segregated

ridiculed by several boys on the school bus and

rural area. I gave all of these up in junior high,

during recess for reasons that were beyond his

except swimming in the Scout pool.

control.

I was really into sports. Let's see. Gymnastics in

fourth to sixth grades; bowling in third; darts in third; ping pong whenever; dodge the ball in second to fourth; volleyball in sixth. Perhaps because of their paltry athleticism and low levels of masculine interests, these boys

At first I didn't understand why they were on my case, but since I didn't fit in in a lot of ways,

they had their way. It was just the usual thing.

Probably because I wasn't good at sports but I can't remember what I was called. In gym classes primarily by macho males. Nothing I didn't want to remember. I really can't remem­

were not immune to peer ridicule and teasing.

ber too much of it or certainly not the names.

They were not, however, ridiculed nearly to the

It just seemed like I was teased about as much

98

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

as anyone else was. Not every day, maybe once

I was shy and I got called Spack a lot because

a month, and I just sort of reacted passively.

of my eyes which were real dark. They thought

Never really a major thing or very threatening,

I was wearing eye shadow.

just sort of stupid kids' stuff. Just sort of let it go away. I didn't fit in because I was against the intellec­ tualism of the smart kids and I wasn't a j ock. Hence I was not respected. I have no real mem­

ories of the exact names but I think they weren't · happy ones because I was thin and, oh yes, my ears stuck out so I was called "monkey face."

The name-calling message might be that the boy was too feminine or not masculine enough, but more commonly it was because he was sim­

The most common response of the youths was to remain silent. One youth felt scared and frightened but "later it just got to be an annoy­ ance. My response was to remain rather stoic." Another hated gym because he was not "grace­ ful" and because of a particular nemesis. A classic case of one guy on my case which I usually ignored. But one day he threw me to the

gym floor but a guy came to my rescue. He was bigger than me so my reaction was basically to

ply different or had undesirable characteristics.

brave it, to try to show that it did not affect me

Very few felt that being gay was a cause of the ver­

by just walking away. I would usually not talk

bal abuse. The following youths recounted the

back and I would not cry.

reasons they believed they suffered at the hands of their peers. I was awkward and wore glasses. I had a speech

A second common response was to simply

avoid situations where one might be ridiculed. This was not always an easy task.

impediment and a birthmark. I was ostracized, sort of left out because I wasn't conforming and

Being not good at sports, I tried to avoid all

I was very shy. I was sort of known as an only

sporting situations if at all possible. I just felt

child and thus a spoiled brat with very little so­

like I was left out of everything. I sort of inter­

cial skills. I was never teased about being gay.

nalized it but I can't really remember how I re­

For being fat and overweight. Maybe I was teased more than average. It did hurt. I reacted by just crying because I really couldn't ignore it. ' It was a weight issue and not a sexual identity issue. Because I was quiet, shy, and geekish. For being physically awkward, being different, bookish. As a kid I was teased for having cow eyes be­ cause my eyes were large. For not going to church. Very low-class assholes, mostly males. Then I went to a school for gifted children and

acted. I dreaded going to the gym. I was afraid and felt that I was bullied. I was not verbally equipped to deal with this kind of teasing. I re­ ally didn't fight back until high school. A third response, somewhat less prevalent,

was to feel extremely hurt and cry, either publicly

or in private. One yo uth grew to hate and fear

school. "It was very painful and I was upset by it and I cried. In fact, so much so I didn't want to go to school." Another cried in private.

it stopped.

I was teased for being very heavy and for being

I was ridiculed about being a softy and brain

slow. I reacted by being very hurt; I couldn't ac­

box because I was so intellectual or consumed

cept it. I cried a lot, not in front of them but in

in the books. They said I got good grades be­

the bathroom or my room. My out was always,

cause I was kissing teachers' asses. I think I was

"Well, I'm smart."

just different from all of them and the teachers liked me because I liked learning. Perhaps it

Finally, several youths reported that they sur­

happened because I went to an all-male

prised their tormentors by behaving in a very mas­

Catholic school.

culine way, fighting back against the name-calling.

ARTICLE 9

I rode the bus. I felt singled out and ridiculed.

Initially what I did was simply relax and ignore it but then at one point I actually fought back, physically and verbally attacking sort of the main person who was ridiculing me the most. If I did fight back, which was the case occa­ sionally, I would usually win. Because it was a small school, the word got out and after that I had no problems. I gained in popularity and the teasing tapered off to almost nothing. There were rumors about me being gay. I got teasing when my friend told others that we had slept together. I confronted these people but it didn't help. I ended up going back at others or attacking them. I confronted them, "Why are you so interested in my sexuality?" After awhile they left me alone. I denied being gay but I knew I was. I wasn't ashamed but I wanted the ridiculing to stop. I was very wicked to others. The immediate effects of the ridicule are dif­ ficult to determine. However, based on their re­

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

99

three-quarters of the gayIbisexual youths inter­ viewed had few interests or characteristics usu­ ally attributed to men in North American culture. Being neither particularly masculine nor feminine resulted in youths occupying the middle rung of the peer-group status hierarchy. When not alone, they were usually with a best buddy or a small group of male friends with whom they spend con­ siderable time. Although they were seldom as fre­ quently ridiculed by peers as were youths who were gender atypical in their lifestyle, such youths still faced verbal abuse, usually from same-age boys. The personal characteristics that became targets of abuse were notably analogous to those that heterosexual boys also receive teasing about if they are "unconventional" : physical features, personality characteristics, and intelligence. Sim­ ilar to other gay Ibisexual youths, however, most recalled early, intense, natural attractions to other boys and men.

ports, consequences appear far less severe than they were for youths who enacted femininity, per­ haps because the ridicule was not as frequent and did not focus on a central aspect of their sexual­ ity. For example, one youth noted that the name­ calling had no repercussion on his sexuality because he did not interpret the ridicule as ema­ nating from his unconventional sexuality. He did not feel that the abuse made him gay or caused him to delay self-identifying as gay. He felt, how­ ever, that the ridicule contributed to this tendency to withdraw from social settings, causing him to be more introverted and self-effacing. It had no real implications for my sexual iden­ tification. Everybody in my school was teased; everyone was called faggot, so I really didn't feel like I was singled out. But it made me trust people less. Hurt my self-esteem. I still need to be liked by others and if not, it upsets me. Maybe why I spent so much time alone. People hurt you. On the good side, I developed good sarcastic skills and a dry wit.

Acting Like a Boy Not all of the gay Ibisexual boys felt different from peers, acted in gender-atypical ways, ex­ pressed effeminate gestures and postures, or dis­ liked team sports during their childhood. One in ten was masculine in appearance, behavior, and interests-nearly indistinguishable from their childhood masculine heterosexual peers. Al­ though these relatively rare boys recalled, in ret­ rospect, that they might have had "nonsexual" attractions to males during early childhood, they

had few memories of sexual attractions to girls,

boys, or anything else. Now, however, they be­ lieve that their same-sex attractions have always been a natural part of who they are. Many of these youths reminisced that as chil­ dren they chased girls, but this was more of a game that they j oined with other boys than a statement about their sexuality or their true sex­ ual interests. As adolescents they were simply dis­ interested in sexual relations with girls, in being

Including those who had many feminine

emotionally intimate with girls, or in developing

characteristics during childhood, as many as

romantic relationships with girls. Most never

100

PART TWO

Boyhood

fantasized about girls. The gay youths with mas­

oped a best friendship with another boy, usually

culine characteristics often had difficulty articu­

a teammate on a sports team. One swimmer

lating precisely what it was about sexuality that

noted that the time he spent "with Jared and the

excited them. Many failed to recall any prepu­

other guys on the swim team was the happiest

bertal sexual or erotic attractions; thus, in some

time of my life."

respects, they appeared to be asexual, especially

The sports acumen of these youths was equal

during the years preceding adolescence. One

or superior to many of their heterosexual peers.

youth reported "a vague sense that although I did

However, a distinct bias existed in terms of liking

not desire intimate relations with girls, I was not

and participating in individual rather than team

sure what I wanted." Unsure of how they "be­

sports. While many played competitive team

came gay," the youths characterized their life be­

sports, their participation appeared more obliga­

fore puberty as "sexless" and as deeply invested in

tory as an important aspect of male culture than

masculine activities, especially sports.

a real choice. Their true love was more apparent

One youth, who would later run track and

in individual sports, especially swimming, track,

play high-school baseball and football, remem­

tennis, and wrestling. Similar to other gay /bisex­

bered his childhood as his "glory years." Girls

ual youths, many disliked the aggressive, com­

were not an integral part of his life.

petitive nature of team sports.

As a child I used to run a lot, just everywhere I could, and play tag, swimming, kickball, and softball. Loved making forts. Building blocks, Legos, war games. Just like my best buddy, which changed from time to time, well at least every year I would develop a best buddy, and it was always the best looking guy in my class who was my best friend-always an athlete. I hung around totally guys. Maybe I just did not have time but I was not into sex. I would have to say that I was sexless because

I

For Dad I did baseball-and it wasn't that I was bad, because I made the team and started-but I just couldn't get into it. Like I refused to slide because I was afraid I'd hurt the other guy, and I was just not going to go crashing into fences to catch a ball! I didn't like being challenged at sports because I was afraid I wasn't good enough so I went into individual sports like ten­ nis, track, and swimming. Dad and I reached a compromise with my track, especially when I won the state 1000M.

cannot remember any sexual

As a child I really liked horseplay, tag, and

thoughts. I was not interested in girls even

wrestling. I have to admit that I hated the Lit­

though I had several girlfriends. In general I felt

tle League but as a kid I played Little League for

left out·of what my teammates said they were

five years, usually at second base. Later tennis,

going through.

two years of which were on varsity and I let­

When asked during the interview to elaborate any

tered. Also track and lifted weights. I was ac­ cepted by everyone, but the baseball guys who

aspect of his childhood sexuality, he drew a blank.

were so cutthroat; every game was the end of

He had many stories of athletic exploits but no

the universe for them!

sexual ones. Years after pubertal onset he discov­ ered his sexuality and expressed wonderment re­

As a result of their peer status, few of these

garding the location of his sexual desires during

boys were teased by others. When they were, it

childhood.

was usually within the context of normative male

Similar to this youth, others appeared in

bonding-teasing in good humor. Although rela­

most respects to be the traditional, heterosexual

tively few heard references to being gay, they

boy next door. This was especially evident in their

nonetheless dreaded such accusations. One youth

play activities and partners. They enjoyed their

feared that his friends would notice his head turn­

popUlarity with other boys, and they often devel-

ing when a good-looking guy passed by.

ARTICLE 9

In contrast to the gayIbisexual youths previ­ ously discussed, masculine youths by disposition looked and acted like other boys their age, partic­ ipated in typical masculine pursuits, and "fooled" peers into believing that they were heterosexual. They claimed no memories of homoerotic or even sexual attractions during childhood, per­ haps, one might speculate, because the realiza­ tion that the true objects of their sexual desires were boys would have caused them considerable grief and confusion. They were often perceived to be social butterflies and they actively engaged in male-male competitive sports, although their preference was individual sports. Their male friendships were critical to maintain; they wanted and needed to be members of the "male crowd." From all appearances they succeeded in creating a facade of heterosexuality, in being accepted as "one of the guys."

Reflections on the Childhood of Gay/Bisexual Youths From an early age, the vast majority of the gayI bi­ sexual youths believed that they were different from other boys their age and that regardless of the source of this feeling, it was a natural, instinctual, and omnipresent aspect of themselves. The pat­ tern that �ost characterized the youths' aware­ ness, interpretation, and affective responses to childhood qttractions consisted of an overwhelm­ ing desire to be in the company of men. They wanted to touch, smell, see, and hear masculinity. This awareness originated from earliest childhood memories; in this sense, they "always felt gay. " Most ultimately recognized, however, that these feelings were not typical of other boys and that it would be wrong or unwise to express them because of family and peer prohibitions. Others simply assumed that all boys felt as they did and could not understand why their friends were not as preoccupied as they were with homoerotic de­ sires. Although these attractions may have felt natural, the youths were told by parents, friends, religious leaders, teachers, and dogma that such

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

101

desires were evil and sinful. Many knew that their homosensuality was ill-advised, but they did not thus conclude that it made them sick or immoral. Beyond this common pattern, two other sources of "feeling different" characterized the vast majority of the gayIbisexual youths. Many were dominated by an overwhelming sense that their difference was attributed to their feminine appearance, behavior, and interests. In many re­ spects these characteristics typify the stereotype that many, gay and nongay alike, have of gay males. Youths so feminized felt natural and true to self, despite the fact that their gender noncom­ formity was frequently and severely punished with ostracism. Most of these youths detested cul­ tural definitions of masculinity and felt at odds with other boys because they did not share their peers' interest in team sports, competition, and aggressive pursuits. Being an outcast in the world of male peers was usually felt to be unfair and unnecessary, but also inevitable. To avoid be­ coming expatriated, these boys developed friend­ ships with girls, perhaps because of common interests such as attractions to boys and appreci­ ation of the arts, creativity, clothing, and man­ ners. They felt more comfortable and had greater comradery with girls than with boys. Few wanted to change either their genitalia or their behavior; they did not view themselves as women in dis­ guise-they were simply repulsed by the "gross­ ness" of masculinity and attracted to the sensitivities of femininity. Other youths failed to duplicate standard masculine characteristics without necessarily as­ suming feminine traits. In this they may well have resembled heterosexual peers who were also nei­ ther particularly masculine nor feminine in be­ havior. They differed, however, in the direction of their sexual attractions. Being disinterested in team sports and other typical aggressive and com­ petitive pursuits caused them to feel unmasculine, but they did not thus necessarily construe them­ selves as feminine. Relatively few spent time with girls or participated in girl games. Rather, their ac­ tivities can be characterized as "appropriate" for either girls or boys.

102

PART TWO

Boyhood

Many of these youths felt that they simply

that he ultimately chose his sexual orientation or

faded into the background when with peers.

sexual attractions. The incorporation of the vari­

Most were loners for a considerable period dur­

ous masculine and feminine behavioral patterns

ing their childhood; when they socialized with

was felt by youths to be less a matter of choice

peers they were usually with one or two male

than an experienced naturalness that was derived

friends. Although they were spared the vicious,

from their biological heritage and, less commonly,

pervasive verbal abuse that their effeminate coun­

from early socialization processes beyond their

terparts received during childhood, they were not

control. On his emerging sexuality, one youth re­

immune from harassment. Boys still ridiculed

flected, "It was like being visited by an old

them for their physical features, lack of ability in

friend." This awareness may have emerged early

athletic pursuits, and unconventional behavior or

or late, surfaced gradually or arrived instanta­

intelligence.

neously, felt normal or wrong, motivated sexual

In contrast to these gayIbisexual youths was

activity or abstinence-but it was one aspect of

a much smaller group of youths who were nearly

the self that was present without invitation. Fu­

indistinguishable from masculine heterosexual

ture development [ . . . J was simply an unfolding of

boys their age. Constituting at least one of every

that which was already present, with puberty

ten youths interviewed, their participation in typ­

playing a crucial turning point for many youths in

ical masculine pursuits, especially individual and

clarifying for them that their homosensuality had

team sports, blended them into the fabric of male

a sexual component . From this awareness often

culture. Many were socially active and one might

loomed first sexual encounters, which occurred

speculate that their male friendships were an en­

during the earliest years of childhood or waited

joyable sublimation of homoerotic attractions

until young adulthood. They too were interpreted

that they only later, often during adolescence or

by the youths in diverse ways, thus having a dif­

young adulthood, recognized. Their failure to rec­

ferential impact on the eventual incorporation of

ognize any sexual feelings during childhood could

a gay or bisexual identity.

be attributed to the direction their sexual at­ tractions might take if they were allowed into consciousness. In this respect, their psychic in­ vestment was to conceal this secret from them­ selves and others. Unknown is the etiology of these patterns and their long-term effects on other aspects of de­ velopment, including participation in sexual ac­ tivities, self-recognition of a sexual identity, disclosure of that identity to others, romantic re­ lationships with other males, and developing a positive sense of self. Although several of the interviewed youths experienced

same-sex

attractions

as

arising

abruptly and unexpectedly, for the vast majority these feelings emerged as gradual, inevitable, and not particularly surprising. In this sense, these findings are at odds with the theme of this book­ diversity in developmental patterns. Few if any youths believed that they could control the direc­ tion of their sexual feelings and no youth believed

Notes 1 . See early account in A. P. Bell, M. S. Weinberg, and S. K. Hammersmith ( 1 98 1), Sexual Preference: Its Development in Men and Women (Bloomington, IN: In­ diana University Press). For data on gay youths see G. Herdt and A. Boxer ( 1 993), Children of Horizons: How Gay and Lesbian Teens Are Leading a New Way Out of the Closet (Boston: Beacon) and R. C. Savin­ Williams ( 1 990), Gay and Lesbian Youth: Expressions of Identity (New York: Hemisphere). 2. 1. Sophie presents a synthesis of corning-out mod­ els in her 1985-1 986 article, "A Critical Examination of Stage Theories of Lesbian Identity Development," Journal of Homosexuality, 12, 3 9-5 l .

3 . Revised in his 1 989 article, R. R. Troiden, "The Formation of Homosexual Identities," Journal of Ho­ mosexuality, 17, 43-73. Additional empirical evidence is available in references in note I and B. S. Newman and P. G. Muzzonigro ( 1 993), "The Effects of Tradi-

ARTICLE 9

tional Family Values on the Coming Out Process of Gay Male Adolescents," Adolescence, 28, 2 13-226, and S. K. Tellijohann and 1. P. Price ( 1993), "A Qualitative Examination of Adolescent Homosexuals' Life Ex­ periences: Ramifications for Secondary School Per­ sonnel," Journal of Homosexuality, 26, 4 1-56. 4. For a comprehensive review of this literature, see

1. M. Bailey and K. J. Zucker ( 1 995), "Childhood Sex­

Typed Behavior and Sexual Orientation: A Concep­ tual Analysis and Quantitative Review," Developmental Psychology, 31, 43-55. 5. For a review of studies using these measures, see note 4 and 1. M. Bailey ( 1 996), "Gender Identity," in R. C. Savin-Williams and K. M. Cohen (Eds.), The Lives of Lesbians, Gays, and Bisexuals: Children to Adults, pp. 7 1 -93 (Fort Worth, TX: Harcourt Brace); R. Green ( 1 987), The "Sissy Boy Syndrome" and the Devel­ opment of Homosexuality (New Haven: Yale University

Memories of Same-Sex Attractions

103

Press); G. Phillips and R. Over ( 1 992), "Adult Sexual Orientation in Relation to Memories of Childhood Gender Conforming and Gender Nonconforming Be­ haviors," Archives of Sexual Behavior, 21, 543-558; and B. Zuger ( 1 984), "Early Effeminate Behavior in Boys: Outcome and Significance for Homosexuality," Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, 172, 90-97. 6. From R. A. Isay ( 1 989), Being Homosexual: Gay Men and Their Development (New York: Farrar Straus Grove). 7. See sources in notes 1 and 4.

8. Experimental evidence is supplied in K. 1. Zucker,

D. N. Wilson-Smith, J. A. Kurita, and A. Stern ( 1 995),

"Children's Appraisals for Sex-Typed Behavior in their Peers," Sex Roles, 33, 703-725. 9. See references in notes 4 and 5 .

A R T I C L E

1 0

Ann Ferguson

Making a N ame for Yourself: Transgressive Acts and Gender Performance Though girls as well as boys infringe the rules, the

ened

overwhelming majority of violations in every sin­

fashioning and making a name for oneself, the

and highly charged resource for self­

gle category, from misbehavior to obscenity, are

phenomenological approach developed by eth­

by males. In a disturbing tautology, transgressive

nomethodologists and by poststructuralist femi­

behavior is that which constitutes masculinity.

nist Judith Butler is the most productive one to

Consequently, African American males in the

build on. Here gender is conceptualized as some­

very act of identification, of signifying masculin­

thing we do in a performance that is both indi­

ity, are likely to be breaking rules.

vidually and socially meaningful. We signal our

I use the concept of sex/gender not to denote

gender identification through an ongoing perfor­

the existence of a stable, unitary category that re­

mance of normative acts that are ritually specific,

flects the presence of fundamental, natural bio­

drawing on well-worked-over, sociohistorical

logical difference, but as a socially constructed

scripts and easily recognizable scenarios. 2

category whose form and meaning [vary] cultur­

Butler's emphasis on the coerced and coer­

ally and historically. We come to know ourselves

cive nature of these performances is especially

and to recognize others as of a different sex

useful. Her work points out that the enactment of

through an overdetermined complex process in­

sex difference is neither voluntary nor arbitrary in

herent in every sphere of social life at the ideo­

form but is a compulsory requirement of social

logical

life. Gender acts follow sociohistorical scripts that

and

discursive

level,

through

social

structures and institutional arrangements, as well

are policed through the exercise of repression and

as through the micropolitics of social interac­

taboo. The consequences of an inadequate or bad

tions. I We take sex difference for granted, as a

performance are significant, ranging from os­

natural form of difference as we look for it, rec­

tracism and stigmatization to imprisonment and

ognize it, celebrate it; this very repetition of the

death. What I want to emphasize in the discus­

"fact" of difference produces and confirms its ex­

sion that follows are the rewards that attach to

istence. Indeed, assuming sex/gender difference

this playing out of roles; for males, the enactment

and identifying as one or the other gender is a

of masculinity is also a thoroughly embodied dis­

precursor of being culturally recognizable as

play of physical and social power.

"human. "

Identification as masculine through gender

While all these modes o f constituting gender

acts, within this framework, is not simply a mat­

as difference were palpable in the kids' world, in

ter of imitation or modeling, but is better under­

the following analysis of sex/gender as a height-

stood as a highly strategic attachment to a social category that has political effects. This attachment

From Bad Boys: Public Schools in the Making of Black Masculinity, by Ann Ferguson. Ann Arbor: University of M ichigan Press, 2000. © University of Michigan. Reprinted with permission.

104

involves narratives of the self and of Other, con­ structed within and through fantasy and imagina­ tion, as well as through repetitious, referential acts. The performance signals the individual as socially

ARTIC LE 10

connected, embedded in a collective membership that always references relations of power. African American boys at Rosa Parks School use three key constitutive strategies of masculin­ ity in the embrace of the masculine "we" as a mode of self-expression. These strategies speak to and about power. The first is that of heterosex­ ual power, always marked as male. Alain's graffiti become the centerpiece of this discussion. The second involves classroom performances that en­ gage and disrupt the normal direction of the flow of power. The third strategy involves practices of "fighting." All three invoke a "process of iterabil­ ity, a regularized and constrained repetition of norms," in doing gender, constitute masculinity as a natural, essential, corporeal style; and involve imaginary, fantasmatic identifications.3 These three strategies often lead to trouble, but by engaging them a boy can also make a name for himself as a real boy, the Good Bad Boy of a national fantasy. All three illustrate and under­ line the way that normative male practices take on a different, more sinister inflection when carried out by African American boys. Race makes a sig­ nificant difference both in the form of the perfor­ mance as well as its meaning for the audience of adult authority figures and children for whom it is played.

Making a Name for Yourself

105

Typically, personal violations involved phys­ ical touching of a heterosexual nature where males were the "perpetrators" and females the "victims." A few examples from the school files remind us of some of the "normal" displays of sexual interest at this age. •

Boy was cited with " chasing a girl down the ha1l" [punishment: two days

in the

Jail­

house] . •

Boy pulled a female classmate's pants down during recess [punishment: one and a half

days in the Jailhouse] . •

Boy got in trouble fo r, "touching girl on

pri­

vate parts. She did not like" [punishment : a day in the Jailhouse] .

•

Boy was cited for

"forcing girl's hand

be­

tween his legs" [punishment: two and a half

days in the JailhouseJ

•

In one highly revealing case, a male was cast as the "victim" when he was verbally assaulted by another boy who called him a girl. The teacher de­ scribed the "insult" and her response to it on the referral form in these words: During the lesson, Jonas calle d Ahmed a girl and said he wasn't staying after

school for de­

tention because "S" [another boy] had done the same thing. Since that didn't make it ok for any­

one to speak this way I am requesting an hour

Heterosexual Power: Alain's G raffiti One group.of transgressions specifically involves behavior that expresses sexual curiosity and attraction. These offenses are designated as "per­ sonal violations" and given more serious punish­ ment. Inscribed in these interactions are social meanings about relations of power between the sexes as well as assumptions about male and fe­ male difference at the level of the physical and bi­ ological as well as the representationaL It is assumed that females are sexually passive, un­ likely to be initiators of sexual passes, while males are naturally active sexual actors with strong sex­ ual drives. Another assumption is that the femi­ nine is a contaminated, stigmatizing category in the sex/gender hierarchy.

of

detention for Jonas.

I have no

knowledge of

"S" sayin g so in my presence.

This form of insult is not unusuaL When boys want to show supreme contemp t for another boy they call him a girl or liken his behavior to fe­ male behavior. What is more troubling is that adults capitulate in this stigmatization. The female teacher takes for granted that a comment in which a boy is called a girl is a symbolic attack, suffi­ ciently derogatory to merit punishment. All the participants in the classroom exchange witness the uncritical acknowledgment of adult authority to a gender order of female debasement. Of course, this is not news to them. Boys and girls understand the meaning of being male and being female in the field of power; the binary

106

PART TWO

Boyhood

opposition of malelfemale is always one that ex­

ical specter of domination over a female of any

presses a norm, maleness, and its constitutive out­

age. His assertion of this power mocks the au­

side, femaleness. In a conversation with a group

thority of the teacher to give him orders to write

of boys, one of them asserted and then was sup­

lines. His use of "baby" reverses the relations of

ported by others that "a boy can be a girl, but a

power, teacher to pupil, adult to child; Alain allies

girl can never be a boy." Boys can be teased, con­

himself through and with power as the school!

trolled, punished by being accused of being "a

teacher becomes "female," positioned as a sex ob­

girl . " A boy faces the degradation of "being sissi­

ject, as powerless, passive, infantilized. He posi­

fied," being unmanned, transferred to the de­

tions himself as powerful through identification

graded category of female. Girls can be teased

with and as the embodiment of male power as he

about being a tomboy. But this is not the same. To

disidentifies with school. At this moment, Alain

take on qualities of being male is the access to and

is not just a child, a young boy, but taking the po­

performance of power. So females must now fash­

sition of "male" as a strategic resource for enact­

ion themselves in terms of male qualities to par­

ing power, for being powerful. At the same time,

take of that power. Enactments of masculinity

this positioning draws the admiring, titillated at­

signal value, superiority, power.

tention of his peers.

Let us return to Alain, the l l -year-old boy

These moments of sex trouble exemplifY

who while cooling off and writing lines as a pun­

some of the aspects of the performance of sex/

ishment in the antechamber of the Punishing

gender difference that is naturalized through what

Room, writes on the table in front of him: "Write

is deemed punishable as well as punishment prac­

20

and

tices. JUdging from the discipline records, girls do

this five cent class. Fuck you. Ho! Ho! Yes Baby."

not commit sexual violations. It is as if by their

times. I will stop fucking

1 0 cent teachers

Alain's message can be read in a number of ways.

very nature they are incapable. To be female is to

The most obvious way is the one of the school.

be powerless, victimizable, chased down the hall­

A child has broken several rules in one fell

way, an object to be acted upon with force, whose

swoop and must be punished: he has written on

hand can be seized and placed between male legs.

school property (punishable); he has used an ob­

To be female is also to be sexually passive, coy, the

scenity (punishable); he has committed an espe­

"chaste" rather than the chaser, in relation to

cially defiant and disrespectful act because he is

male sexual aggressiveness. In reality, I observed

already in the Punishing Room and therefore

girls who chased boys and who interacted with

knows his message is likely to be read (punish­

them physically. Girls, in fact, did "pants" boys,

able). Alain·is sent home both as a signal to him

but these acts went unreported by the boys. For

and to the other witnesses as well as to the stu­

them to report and therefore risk appearing to b e

dents and adults who will hear it through the

victimized b y a girl publicly would be a humiliat­

school grapevine that he cannot get away with

ing outcome that would only undermine their

such flagrant misbehavior.

masculinity. In the production of natural differ­

An alternative reading looks at the content of

ence, boys' performances work as they confirm

the message itself and the form that Alain's anger

that they are active pursuers, highly sexualized

takes at being sent to the Punishing Room. Alain's

actors who must be punished to learn to keep

anger is being vented against his teacher and the

their burgeoning sexuality under control . There is

school itself, expressing his rejection, his disiden­

a reward for the behavior even if it may be pun­

tification with school that he devalues as mone­

ished as a violation. In the case of African Amer­

tarily virtually worthless. His message expresses

ican boys, sex trouble is treated as egregious

his anger through an assertion of sexual power­

conduct.

to fuck or not to fuck-one sure way that a male

African American males have historically been

can conjure up the fantasmatic as well as the phys-

constructed as hypersexualized within the national

A R TI C L E 10

Making a Name for Yourself

107

imagination. Compounding this is the process of

often a form of performance of the self: comedy,

the adultification of their behavior. Intimations of

drama, melodrama become moments for self­

sexuality on their part, especially when directed

expression and display. Disruption adds some lively

toward girls who are bused in-white girls from

spice to the school day; it injects laughter, drama,

middle-class families-are dealt with as grave trans­

excitement, a delicious unpredictability to the class­

gressions with serious consequences.

room routine through spontaneous, improvisa­ tional outbursts that add flavor to the bland events.

Power Reversals: Class Acts Performance is a routine part of classroom work. Students are called upon to perform in classes by

In spite of its improvisational appearance, most performance is highly ritualized with its own script, timing, and roles. Teachers as well as students engage in the ritual and play their parts.

teachers to show off their prowess or demonstrate

Some kids are regular star performers. Other kids

their ineptitude or lack of preparation. They are

are audience. However, when a substitute is in

required to read passages aloud, for example, be­

charge of the class and the risk of being marked

fore a highly critical audience of their peers. This

as a troublemaker is minimal, even the most timid

display is teacher initiated and reflects the official

kids " act up." These rituals circulate important ex­

curricula; they are command performances with

tracurricular knowledge about relations of power.

well-scripted roles, predictable in the outcome of

These dramatic moments are sites for the

who has and gets respect, who is in control, who

presentation of a potent masculine presence in

succeeds, who fails. Another kind of performance is the sponta­

the classroom. The Good Bad Boy of our expec­ tations engages power, takes risks, makes the class

neous outbreaks initiated by the pupils generally

laugh, and the teacher smile. Performances mark

defined under the category of "disruption" by the

boundaries of "essential difference"-risk taking,

school. These encompass a variety of actions that

brinkmanship. The open and public defiance of

punctuate and disrupt the order of the day. Dur­

the teacher in order to get a laugh, make things

ing the school year about two-thirds of these vio­

happen, take center stage, be admired, is a re­

lations were initiated by boys and a third by girls.

source for doing masculinity.

Here are some examples from the discipline files of girls being "disruptive ": •

Disruptive in class-laughing, provoking others to join her. Purposely writing wrong answers, being very sassy, demanding every­ one's attention.

•

Constantly talking; interrupting; crumpling paper after paper; loud.

Some examples of boys' disruption: •

Constant noise, indian whoops, face hiccups, rapping.

•

Chanting during quiet time-didn't clean up during art [punishment: detention] .

•

Joking, shouting out, uncooperative, disrup­ tive during lesson. From the perspective of kids, what the school

characterizes as "disruption" on the referral slips is

These acts are especially meaningful for those children who have already been marginal­ ized as outside of the community of "good," hard-working students. For the boys already la­ beled as troublemakers, taking control of the spot­ light and turning it on oneself so that one can shine, highlights, for a change, one's strengths and talents. Already caught in the limelight, these kids put on a stirring performance. Reggie, one of the Troublemakers, prides himself on being witty and sharp, a talented per­ former. He aspires to two careers: one is becoming a Supreme Court justice, the other an actor. He had recently played the role of Caliban

in the

school production of The Tempest that he described excitedly to me:

I always try to get the main characters in the

story 'cause I might turn out to be an actor

108

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

because I'm really good at acting and I've al­ ready did some acting. Shakespeare! See I got a good part. I was Caliban. I had to wear the black suit. Black pants and top. Caliban was a beast! In the little picture that we saw, he looks like the . . . the . . . [searching for image1 the beast of Notre Dame. The one that rings the bells like fing!fing!fing! Here is one official school activity where Reggie gets to show off something that he is "good at." He is also proud to point out that this is not just a role in any play, but one in a play by Shakespeare. Here his own reward, which is not just doing something that he is good at, but doing it publicly so that he can receive the attention and respect of adults and peers, coincides with the school's educational agenda of creating an inter­ est in Shakespeare among children. Reggie also plays for an audience in the class­ room, where he gets in trouble for disruption. He describes one of the moments for me embellished with a comic imitation of the teacher's female voice and his own swaggering demeanor as he tells the story: The teacher says [he mimics a high-pitched fussy voice1, "You not the teacher of this class." And then I say [adopts a sprightly cheeky tone1 , "Oh, yes I am." Then she say, "No, you're not, and if you got a problem, you can just leave." I say, " Okay" and leave. This performance, like others I witnessed, are strategies for positioning oneself in the center of the room in a face-off with the teacher, the most powerful person up to that moment. Fun­ damental to the performance is engagement with power; authority is teased, challenged , even oc­ casionally toppled from its secure heights for brief moments. Children-generated theatrics allow the teasing challenge of adult power that can expose its chinks and weaknesses. The staged moments heighten tension, test limits, vent emotions, per­ form acts of courage. For Reggie to have capitu­ lated to the teacher's ultimatum would have been to lose what he perceives as the edge in the strug-

gle. In addition, he has won his escape from the classroom. Horace describes his challenge to the teacher's authority in a summer school math class: Just before the end of the period he wrote some of our names on the board and said, "Whoever taught these students when they were young must have been dumb." So I said, "Oh, I didn't remember that was you teaching me in the first grade." Everyone in the room cracked up. I was laughing so hard, I was on the floor. He sent me to the office. Horace is engaging the teacher in a verbal exchange with a comeback to an insult rather than just passively taking it. In this riposte, Horace not only makes his peers laugh at the teacher, but he also defuses the insult through a quick reversal. The audience in the room, raised on TV sitcom repartee and canned laughter, is hard to impress, so the wisecrack, the rejoinder, must be swift and sharp. Not everyone can get a laugh at the teach­ ers' expense, and to be topped by the teacher would be humiliating, success brings acknowl­ edgment, confirmation, applause from one's peers. For Horace, this is a success story, a mo­ ment of gratification in a day that brings few his way. The tone of the engagement with power and the identity of the actor is highly consequential in terms of whether a performance is overlooked by the teacher or becomes the object of punishment. In a study of a Texas high school, Foley docu­ ments similar speech performances.4 He describes how both teacher and students collaborate to de­ vise classroom rituals and "games" to help pass the time given the context of routinized, alienat­ ing classroom work. He observes that upper­ middle-class male Anglo students derail boring lessons by manipulating teachers through subtle "making out" games without getting in trouble. In contrast, low-income male Hispanic students, who were more likely to challenge teachers openly in these games, were punished. Foley con­ cluded that one of the important lessons learned

ARTIC LE 10

by all participants in these ritual games was that the subtle manipulation of authority was a much more effective way of getting your way than openly confronting power. Style becomes a decisive factor in who gets in trouble. I am reminded of comments made by one of the student specialists at Rosa Parks who explained the high rate of black kids getting in trouble by remarking on their different style of rule breaking: "The white kids are sneaky, black kids are more open." So why are the black kids "more open" in their confrontations with power? Why not be re­ ally " smart" and adopt a style of masculinity that allows them to engage in these rituals that spice the school day and help pass time, but carry less risk of trouble because it is within certain mutu­ ally understood limits? These rituals are not merely a way to pass time, but are also a site for constituting a gen­ dered racial subjectivity. For African American boys, the performance of masculinity invokes cul­ tural conventions of speech performance that draw on a black repertoire. Verbal performance is an important medium for black males to establish a reputation, make a name for yourself, and achieve status.5 Smitherman points out that black talk in general is a functional dynamic that is simultaneously a mechanism for learning about life and the world and a vehicle for achieving group recog­ nition. Bven in what appears to be only casual conversation, whoever speaks is highly con­ scious of the fact that his personality is on ex­ hibit and his status at stake.6 Oral performance has a special significance in black culture for the expression of masculinity. Harper points out that verbal performance func­ tions as an identifying marker for masculinity only when it is delivered in the vernacular and that "a too-evident facility in white idiom can quickly identify one as a white-identified uncle Tom who must also be therefore weak, effemi­ nate, and probably a fag."7 Though the speech performances that I witnessed were not always

Making a Name for Yourself

109

delivered in the strict vernacular, the nonverbal, bodily component accompanying it was always delivered in a manner that was the flashy, boldly flamboyant popular style essential to a good per­ formance. The body language and spoken idiom openly engage power in a provocative competitive way. To be indirect, "sly," would not be perform­ ing masculinity. This nonstandard mode of selfrepresentation epitomizes the very form the school seeks to exclude and eradicate. It is a mas­ culine enactment of defiance played in a black key that is bound for punishment. Moreover, the process of adultification translates the encounter from a simple verbal clash with an impertinent child into one interpreted as an intimidating threat. Though few white girls in the school were referred to the office for disruptive behavior, a sig­ nificant number of African American girls staged performances, talked back to teachers, challenged authority, and were punished. But there was a dif­ ference with the cultural framing of their enact­ ments and those of the boys. The bottom line of Horace's story was that "everyone in the room cracked up." He engaged authority through a self­ produced public spectacle with an eye for an au­ dience that is at home with the cultural icon of the Good Bad Boy as well as the "real black man. " Boys expect to get attention. Girls vie for atten­ tion too, but it is perceived as illegitimate behav­ ior. As the teacher described it in the referral form, the girl is " demanding attention." The prevailing cultural framework denies her the rights for dra­ matic public display. Male and female classroom performance is different in another respect. Girls are not re­ warded with the same kind of applause or recog­ nition by peers or by teachers. Their performance is sidelined; it is not given center stage. Teachers are more likely to "turn a blind eye" to such a display rather than call attention to it, for girls are seen as individuals who operate in cliques at most and are unlikely to foment insurrection in the room. Neither the moral nor the pragmatic prin­ ciple prods teachers to take action. The behavior

110

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

is not taken seriously; it is rated as " sassy" rather

protection; they must attach themselves to adult

than symptomatic of a more dangerous disorder.

(or male) power to survive. This normative gender

In some classrooms, in fact, risk taking and "feisti­

distinction, in how to handle both problems of a

ness" on the part of girls is subtly encouraged

sexual nature and physical aggression, operates as

given the prevailing belief that what they need is

a "proof" of a physical and dispositional gender

to become more visible, more assertive in the

nature rather than behavior produced through dis­

classroom. The notion is that signs of self­

courses and practices that constitute sex differ­

assertion on their part should be encouraged

ence. Referrals of males to the Punishing Room,

rather than squelched. Disruptive acts have a complex, multifaceted

therefore, are cases where the unofficial mascu­

set of meanings for the male Troublemakers

line code for problem resolution has prevailed.

themselves. Performance as an expression of

Telling an adult is anathema to these youth. Ac­

black masculinity is a production of a powerful

cording to their own codes, the act of "telling" is

subjectivity to be reckoned with, to be applauded;

dangerous for a number of reasons. The most

respect and ovation are in a context where none

practical of these sets it as a statement to the

is forthcoming. The boys' anger and frustration as

"whole world" that you are unable to deal with a

well as fear motivate the challenge to authority.

situation on your own-to take care of yourself­

Troublemakers act and speak out as stigmatized

an admission that can have disastrous ramifica­ tions when adult authority is absent. This is

outsiders.

evident from the stance of a Troublemaker who

Ritual Performances of Masculinity: Fighting Each year a substantial number of kids at Rosa

questions the practical application of the official code by invoking knowledge of the proper male response when one is "attacked" that is shared with the male student specialist charged with en­

Parks get into trouble for fighting. It is the most

forcing the regulation: "I said, 'Mr. B, if some­

frequent offense for which they are referred to the

body came up and hit you, what would you do?'

Punishing Room. Significantly, the vast majority

'Well,' he says, 'We're not talking about me right

of the offenders are African American males.8

now, see. ' That's the kind of attitude they have.

The school has an official position on fight­

It's all like on you."

ing; it is the wrong way to handle any situation,

Another reason mentioned by boys for not

at any time, no matter what. Schools have good

relying on a teacher to take care of a fight situa­

reasons for banning fights: kids can get hurt and

tion is that adults are not seen as having any real

when fights happen they sully the atmosphere of

power to effectively change the relations among

order, making the school seem like a place of dan­

kids:

ger, of violence. The prescribed routine for schoolchildren to handle situations that might turn into a fight is to tell an adult who is then supposed to take care of the problem. This routine ignores the unofficial masculine code that if someone hits you, you should solve the problem yourself rather than showing weakness and calling an adult to inter­ vene. However, it is expected that girls with a

If someone keep messing with you, like if someone just keep on and you tell them to leave you alone, then you tell the teacher. The teacher can't do anything about it because, see, she can't hit you or nothing. Only thing she can do is tell them to stop. But then he keep on doing it. You have no choice but to hit 'em. You already told him once to stop.

problem will seek out an adult for assistance. Girls

This belief extends to a distrust of authority

are assumed to be physically weaker, less aggres­

figures by these young offenders. The assumption

sive,

that all the children see authority figures such as

more vulnerable,

more needy of self-

ARTI C LE 10

teachers, police, and psychologists as acting on

Making a Name for Yourself

111

in all its manifestations, is used in our society. We,

their behalf and trust they will act fairly may be

as good citizens, can distance ourselves from ag­

true of middle- and upper-class children brought

gressive and violent behavior. "Violence" as dis­

up to expect protection from authority figures in

course constructs " fighting" as pathological,

society. This is not the case with many of the chil­

symptomatic of asocial, dangerous tendencies,

dren at the school. Their mistrust of authority is

even though the practice of "fighting" and the

rooted in the historical and locally grounded

discourses that constitute this practice as "nor­

knowledge of power relations that come from liv­

mal," are in fact taken for granted as ritualized

ing in a largely black and impoverished neigh­

resources for " doing" masculinity in the contem­

borhood.

porary United States.

Fighting becomes, therefore, a powerful spec­

The wordfighting encompasses the "normal"

tacle through which to explore trouble as a site for

as well as the pathological. It allows the range of

the construction of manhood. The practice takes

meanings that the children, specifically the boys

place along a continuum that ranges from play­

whom I interviewed and observed, as well as

spontaneous

and

some of the girls, bring to the practice. One ex­

wrestling in fun, ritualistic play that shows off

perience that it is open to is the sensuous, highly

outbreaks

of

pummeling

"cool" moves seen on video games, on TV, or in

charged embodied experience before, during, and

movies-to serious, angry socking, punching, fist­

after fighting; the elating experience of "losing

fighting. A description of some of these activities

oneself" that I heard described in fight stories.

and an analysis of what they mean provides the opportunity for us to delve under the surface of the ritualized, discrete acts that make up a so­

War Stories

cially recognizable fight even into the psychic,

I began thinking about fights soon after I started

emotional, sensuous aspects of gender performa­

interviews with the Troublemakers and heard

tivity. The circular, interactive flow between fan­

"fight stories." Unlike the impoverished and re­

tasmatic images, internal psychological processes,

luctantly told accounts of the school day, these

and physical acts suggest the dynamics of attach­

stories were vivid, elaborate descriptions of bod­

ment of masculine identification.

ies, mental states, and turbulent emotional feel­

Fighting is one of the social practices that add tension, drama, and spice to the routine of

ings. They were stirring, memorable moments in the tedious school routine.

the school day. Pushing, grabbing, shoving, kick­

Horace described a fight with an older boy

ing, karate .chopping, wrestling, fistfighting en­

who had kept picking on him. He told me about

gage the body and the mind. Fighting is about

the incident as he was explaining how he had bro­

play and games, about anger and pain, about hurt

ken a finger one day when we were trading "bro­

feelings, about "messing around." To the specta­

ken bones" stories.

tor, a fight can look like serious combat, yet when the combatants are separated by an adult, they

When I broke this finger right here it really

claim, "We were only playing. " In fact, a single

hurted. I hit somebody in the face. It was

fight event can move along the continuum from play to serious blows in a matter of seconds. As one of the boys explained, "You get hurt and you lose your temper. " Fighting is typically treated as synonymous

Charles. I hit him in the face. You know the cafeteria and how you walk down to go to the cafeteria. Right there. That's where it hap­ pened. Charles picked me up and put me on the wall, slapped me on the wall, and dropped me. It hurt. It hurt bad. I got mad because he

with "aggression" or "violence," terms that al­

used to be messing with me for a long time so I

ready encode the moral, definitional frame that

just swung as hard as I could, closed my eyes,

obscures the contradictory ways that the practice,

and just pow, hit him in the face. But I did like

112

PA R T T W O

Boyhood

a roundhouse swing instead of doing it straight and it got the index finger of my right hand. So it was right there, started right here, and all around this part [he is showing me the back of his hand] it hurt. It was swollen. Oooh! It was like this! But Charles, he got hurt too. The next day I came to school I had a cast on my finger and he had a bandage on his ear. It was kinda funny, we just looked at each other and smiled. The thing that most surprised and intrigued me about Horace's story was that he specifically recalled seeing Charles the next day and that they had looked at each other and smiled. Was this a glance of recognition, of humor, of recollection of something pleasing, of all those things? The memory of the exchanged smile derailed my ini­ tial assumption that fighting was purely instru­ mental. This original formulation said that boys fight because they have to fight in order to protect themselves from getting beaten up on the play­ ground. Fighting from this instrumental perspec­ tive is a purely survival practice. Boys do fight to stave off the need to fight in the future, to stop the harassment from other boys on the playground and in the streets. However, this explains only a small group of boys who live in certain environ­ ments; it relegates fighting to the realm of the poor, the deviant, the delinquent, the pathologi­ cal. This position fails to address these physical clashes as the central normative practice in the preparation of bodies, of mental stances, of self­ reference for manhood and as the most effective form of conflict resolution in the realm of popu­ lar culture and international relations. I listened closely to the stories to try to make sense of behavior that was so outside of my own experience, yet so familiar a part of the landscape of physical fear and vulnerability that I as a fe­ male walked around with every day. I asked school adults about their own memories of school and fighting. I was not surprised to find that few women seemed to recall physical fights at school, though they had many stories of boys who teased them or girlfriends whom they were always "fight­ ing" with. This resonated with my own experi­ ence. I was struck, however, by the fact that all of

the men whom I talked to had had to position themselves in some way with regard to fighting. I was also struck that several of these men framed the memory of fighting in their past as a signifi­ cant learning experience. Male adults in school recall fighting them­ selves, but in the context both of school rules and of hindsight argue that they now know better. One of the student specialists admitted that he used to fight a lot. I found it significant that he saw "fighting" as the way he "learned" : I used to fight a lot. [Pause.] I used to fight a lot and I used to be real stubborn and silent. I wouldn't say anything to anybody. It would cause me a lot of problems, but that's just the way I learned. The after-school martial arts instructor also admitted to fighting a lot when he was younger: There were so many that I had as a kid that it's hard to remember all of them and how they worked out. But yes, I did have a lot of argu­ ments and fights. A lot of times I would lose my temper, which is what kids normally do, they lose their temper, and before they have a chance to work things out they begin punching and kicking each other. Right? Well I did a lot of those things so I know from experience those are not the best thing to do. As I explored the meaning of fighting I began to wonder how I, as female, had come to be shaped so fighting was not a part of my own cor­ poreal or mental repertoire. A conversation with my brother reminded me of a long forgotten self that could fight, physically, ruthlessly, inflict hurt, cause tears. "We were always fighting," he re­ called. "You used to beat me up." Memories of these encounters came back. I am standing with a tuft of my brother's hair in my hand, furious tears in my eyes. Full of hate for him. Kicking, scratching, socking, feeling no pain. Where had this physical power gone? I became "ladylike," repressing my anger, limiting my physical contact to shows of affection, fearful. I wondered about the meaning of being female in a society in which

A R T I C L E l. 0

to be female is to be always conscious of men's physical power and to consciously chart one's everyday routines to avoid becoming a victim of this power, but to never learn the bodily and men­ tal pleasure of fighting back.

Bodily Preparations: Pain and Pleasure Fighting is first and foremost a bodily practice. I think about fighting and physical closeness as I stand observing the playground at recess noticing a group of three boys, bodies entangled, arms and legs flailing. In another area, two boys are stand­ ing locked closely in a wrestling embrace. Chil­ dren seem to gravitate toward physical contact with each other. For boys, a close, enraptured body contact is only legitimate when they are po­ sitioned as in a fight. It is shocking that this bod­ ily closeness between boys would be frowned on, discouraged if it were read as affection. Even boys who never get in trouble for "fighting" can be seen engaging each other through the posturing and miming, the grappling of playfight encounters. This play can lead to "real" fights. The thin line between play and anger is crossed as bodies become vulnerable, hurt, and tempers are lost. One of the white boys in the school who was in trouble for fighting describes the progression this way: Well we were messing with each other and when it went too far, he started hitting me and then I hit him back and then it just got into a fight. It was sorta like a game between me, him and Thomas. How I would get on Thomas's back an-he's a big guy-and Stephen would try to hit me and I would wanta hit him back. So when Thomas left it sorta continued and I for­ got which one of us wanted to stop-but one of us wanted to stop and the other one wouldn't. Fighting is about testing and proving your bodily power over another person, both to your­ self and to others through the ability to "hurt" someone as well as to experience "hurt."

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113

HORACE:

You know Claude. He's a bad boy in the school. When I was in the fifth grade, he was in the fifth grade. I intercepted his pass and he threw the ball at my head and then I said, "You're mad," and I twisted the ball on the floor. I said, "Watch this," and y'know spiraled it on the floor, and he kicked it and it hit my leg, and I said, "Claude, if you hit me one more time with the ball or anything I'm going to hurt you. " He said. "What if you do?" I said, " Okay, you expect me not to do anything, right?" He said, "Nope. " Then I just pow, pow, pow, and I got him on the floor and then I got him on his back. I wanted to hurt him badly but I couldn't.

ANN:

Why couldn't you?

HORACE:

I didn't want to get in trouble. And if I did really hurt him it wouldn't prove any­ thing anyway. But it did. It proved that I could hurt him and he didn't mess with me anymore.

Pain is an integral part of fighting. Some­ times it is the reason for lashing out in anger. This description by Wendell also captures the loss of self-control experienced at the moment of the fight: Sometimes it starts by capping or by somebody slams you down or somebody throws a bullet at you. You know what a bullet is, don't you? [He chuckles delightedly because I think of a bullet from a gun.] The bullet I am talking about is a football! You throw it with all your might and it hits somebody. It just very fast and they call it bullets. You off-guard and they throw it at your head, and bullets they throw with all their might so it hurts. Then that sorta gets you all pissed off. Then what happens is, you kinda like, "Why you threw it?" " 'Cause I wanted to. Like, sol" "So you not going to do that to me." Then: "So you going to do something about it?" Real smart. "Yeah!" And then you tap the person on the shoulder and your mind goes black and then shweeeee [a noise and hand sig­ nal that demonstrates the evaporation of thought] you go at it. And you don't stop until the teacher comes and stops it.

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PART TWO

Boyhood

Fighting is a mechanism for preparing mas­

hood into question are allowed without danger

culinized bodies through the playful exercise of

of jeopardizing one's manliness. Even crying is a

bodily moves and postures and the routinized re­

permissible expression of "masculinity" under

hearsal of sequences and chains of stances of

these circumstances. One of the boys who told me

readiness, attack, and defense. Here it is crucial to

he never cried, corrected himself:

emphasize that while many boys in the school never ever engage in an actual physical fight with another boy or girl during school hours, the ma­

But if I be mad, I cry. Like if I get into a fight or something like that, I cry because I lose my temper and get so mad. But sometimes, I play

jority engage in some form of body enactments of

football and if I cry that mean I'm ready to tum­

fantasized "fight" scenarios. They have observed

ble-throw the ball to me because I'm going.

boys and men on TV, in the movies, in video games, on the street, in the playground adopting these stances. These drills simultaneously prepare and cul­ tivate the mental states in which corporeal styles are grounded. So for instance, boys are initiated into the protocol of enduring physical pain and mental anguish-"like a man"-through early and small infusions of the toxic substance itself in play fights. The practice of fighting is the site for a hot-wiring together of physical pain and plea­ sure, as components of masculinity as play and bodily hurt inevitably coincide. Consequently, it also engages powerful emo­ tions. Lindsey described the feelings he experi­ enced prior to getting into a fight:

Fighting in school is a space in which boys can feel free to do emotional work. 9 In a social prac­ tice that is so incontrovertibly coded as masculine, behaviors marked as feminine, such as crying, can be called upon as powerful wellsprings for action. One of the questions that I asked all the boys about fighting came out of my own ignorance. My query was posed in terms of identity work around the winning and losing of fights. Did you ever win a fight? Did you ever lose a fight? How did you feel when you lost? How did you feel when you won? I found the answers slippery, un­ expected, contradictory. I had anticipated that winning would be described in proud and boast­ ful ways, as success stories. But there seemed to be a surprising reluctance to embellish victory.

I

Sometimes it's play. And sometimes it's real.

learned that I was missing the point by posing the

But that's only sometimes, because they can just suddenly make you angry and then, it's like

losing. Trey enlightened me when he explained

they take control of your mind. Like they ma­ nipulate your mind if you angry. Little by little ' you just lose it and you get in a temper. One of the white boys in the school who had

question the way I had in terms of winning and that what was at stake was not winning or losing per se but in learning about the self: I won a lot of fights. You know you won when they start crying and stuff or when they stop

gotten in trouble for fighting described his

and leave. I lost fights. Then you feel a little

thoughts and feelings preceding a fight and the

okay. At least you lost. I mean like you ain't

moment of "just going black" in a loss of self: My mind would probably be going through how I would do this. If I would stop it now or

gain' win every fight. At least you fought back instead of just standing there and letting them hit you.

if I would follow through with it. But once the

Another boy expressed the function that

fight actually happens I sort of go black and

fighting played in establishing yourself as being a

just fight 'em.

particular kind of respectable person:

Fighting is a practice, like sports, that is so

It's probably like dumb, but if somebody wants

symbolically "masculine" that expressions of

to fight me, I mean, I don't care even if I know

emotion or behavior that might call one's man-

I can't beat 'em. I won't stop if they don't stop.

ARTICLE 10

Making a Name for Yourself

115

I mean I'm not scared to fight anybody. I'm not

In constructing the self through fight stories,

a coward. I don't let anybody punk me around.

it is not admirable to represent oneself as the ag­

If you let people punk you around, other peo­ ples want to punk you around.

gressor or initiator in a fight. All the boys whom I talked to about fighting presented themselves as

Proving yourself to others is like a game, a kind of competition:

responding to a physical attack that had to b e an­ swered in a decisive way. No one presented him­ self as a "bully, " though

Me and Leslie used to fight because we used to be the biggest boys, but now we don't care any­ more. We used to get friends and try and fight each other. I fought him at Baldwin school all

I knew that Horace had

that reputation. Yet he told me that "only fights I been in is if they hit me first. " There are, however, times when i t i s legiti­ mate to be the initiator. When verbal provocation

the time. We stopped about the fifth grade [the

is sufficient. This is when "family" has been in­

previous year] . Just got tired, I guess.

sulted . Talking about "your momma" is tanta­ mount to throwing down the gauntlet:

Standing and proving yourself today can be insurance against future harassment in the yard as you make a name for yourself through readiness to fight: "Like if somebody put their hands on you, then you have to, you have to hit them back. Because otherwise you going be beat up on for the rest of your life. "

grandfather because he's dead. And I loved my grandfather more than I love anybody and then he died. [Tears are in Jabari's eyes as we talk.] That's why I try to tell people before they get ready to say anything, I'm like, "Don't say any­ thing about my grandfather, 'cause if you say

Eddie, who has avoided fights because he does not want to get in trouble, is now seen as a target for anyone to beat up, according to one of his friends, who characterized Eddie's predica­ ment this way: "He can't fight.

Mostly I get in fights if somebody talk about my

He can't fight.

Every girl, every boy in the whole school fixing to beat him up. Badly. They could beat him up badly." Eddie explains his own perspective on how he has come to actually lose a reputation.

something about him, I'm gain' hit you. " The boys talked about how they learned to fight. How one learns to fight and what one learns about the meaning of fighting-why fight, to fight or not to fight-involved both racial identity and class positioning. Ricky and Duane, two of the Schoolboys, have been enrolled by their parents in martial arts classes. Fighting remains a necessary accoutrement of masculinity that is "schooled," not a "natural" acquisition of doing. As such, it

Yeah, I won a fight in preschool. Like some­

becomes a marker of higher class position. Fight­

body this tall [his gesture indicates a very tall

ing takes place in an institutionalized arena rather

someone] I had to go like this [reaches up to

than spontaneously in just any setting. The mind

demonstrate] so I could hit him. He was older

seems to control the body here, rather than vice

than me. He was the preschool bully. Till I mess

versa.

him up.

Horace, on the other hand, like the majority of boys with whom I talked, explained that he

But Eddie's parents came down hard on him for getting in trouble for fighting in elementary

had learned to fight through observation and practice:

school: I watched people. Like when I was younger, Yeah, I lost fights. See when I got to Rosa Parks

like I used to look up to people. I still do. I look

my parents told me not to fight unless I had

up to people and they knew how to fight so I

to-so I lost my face. 'Cause I was so used to

just watched them. I just like saw people fight

telling them to stop, don't fight, don't fight.

on TV, you knOw. Boxing and stuff.

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PA R T T W O

Boyhood

Another boy told me that he thought kids learned to fight "probably from theirselves. Like their mom probably say, if somebody hit you, hit them back." This advice about proper behavior is grounded in the socialization practices that are brought into school as ways of responding to con­ frontations.

Gender Practice and Identification Fighting acts reproduce notions of essentially dif­ ferent gendered natures and the forms in which this "difference" is grounded. Though class makes some difference in when, how, and under what conditions it takes place, fighting is the hegemonic representation of masculinity. Inscribed in the male body-whether individual males fight or not, abjure fighting or not-is the potential for this unleashing of physical power. By the same token, fighting for girls is considered an aberra­ tion, something to be explained. Girls do get in fights at school. Boys asserted that girls can fight, even that "sometimes they get in fights easier. Because they got more attitude." Indeed, girls do make a name for themselves this way. One of the girls at Rosa Parks was in trou­ ble several times during the school year for fight­ ing. Most of her scrapes were with the boys who liked to tease her because she was very tall for her age. This, however, was not assumed to be reflec­ tive of her "femaleness" but of her individuality. Mr. Sobers,. for example, when I asked him about her, made a point of this singularity rather than explaining her in terms of race, class, or gender: "Oh, Stephanie is just Stephanie. "

ments see R. W. Connell et al., Making the Difference: Schools, Families, and Social Division (London: George Allen and Unwin, 1 982); Mariarosa Dalla Costa, "Women and the Subversion of the Community," in The Power of Women and the Subversion of Community, ed. Mariarosa Dalla Costa and Selma James (Bristol, England: Falling Wall Press, 1 973); Catharine A. MacKinnon, Feminism Unmodified: Discourses on Life and Law (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987). For micropolitics see Arlie Russell Hochschild, The Second Shift: Working Parents and the Revolution at Home (New York: Viking, 1989); Donna Eder, Cather­ ine Colleen Evans, and Stephen Parker, School Talk: Gender and Adolescent Culture (New Brunswick, N.J. : Rutgers University Press, 1995); and Candace West and Don H. Zimmerman, "Doing Gender," Gender& Society 1 , no. 2 ( 1 987). 2. Judith Butler, "Performative Acts and Gender Constitution: An Essay in Phenomenology and Fem­ inist Theory," Theatre Journal 40, no. 4 (1988). 3. Judith Butler, Bodies That Matter: On the Discursive Limits of "Sex" (New York: Routledge, 1 993), 95. 4. Douglas E. Foley, Learning Capitalist Culture: Deep in the Heart of Tejas (Philadelphia: University of Penn­

sylvania, 1990). 5. Geneva Smitherman, Talkin and Testifyin: Language of Black America (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1977); Lawrence Levine, Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thoughtfrom Slavery to Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1 977); Philip Brian Harper, Are We Not Men? Masculine Anxi­ ety and the Problem of African-American Identity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996); Keith Gilyard, Voices of the Self A Study of Language Competence (De­ troit: Wayne State University Press, 1991). 6. Smitherman, Talkin and Testifyin, 80. 7. Harper, Are We Not Men? 1 1 .

Notes 1. Here are a very few examples of the enormous body of work concerned with the production of gen­ der differences in the last two decades. At the ideo­ logical and discursive level see Mullings, "Images, Ideology"; Teresa de Lauretis, Technologies of Gender: Essays on Theory, Film, and Fiction (Bloomington: In­ diana University Press, 1987); and Michele Barrett, Women's Oppression Today: Problems in Marxist Feminist Analysis (London: New Left Books, 1 980). For processes of social structure and institutional arrange-

8 . One-quarter of the 1 ,252 referrals to the Punish­ ing Room were for fighting; four-fifths of the incidents involved boys, nine out of ten of whom were African Americans. All except three of the girls who were in fights were black. 9. Arlie Russell Hochschild, The Managed Heart: Com­ mercialization of Human Feeling (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1 983). Hoch­ schild explores the feeling rules that guide and gov­ ern our own emotional displays as well as how we interpret the emotional expression of others.

H R E E

Collegiate M asculinities: Privilege and Peril

forces that influenced them, they heard about the i ncreasing i m portance of peer groups and the media-two arenas where adu lts had far less reach . I n recent years, researchers have begun to explore how homosocial peer groups affect men's l ives. The articles in Part Three focus on mascu l i n­ ities in college, a place M i chael Kimmel calls "Guy­ land , " where the a ll-male peer group is especially salient. How does collegiate life organize and re­ produce the defi n itions of masc u l i n ity that we learn as young boys? How do specific al l-male sub­

T he old social science orthodoxy about sex role

cultures develop within these i nstitutions, and

socialization, from the 1950s until today, held that

what roles do they play?

three i n stitutions-fami ly, church, and school­

Peter Lyman looks at fraternities and the spe­

formed the primary sites of socialization, and the

cial m ale-bonding that takes place there , while

impact of education, fam i ly values, and religious

Shaun R . Harper d iscusses the particular chal­

tra i n i ng was decis ive i n shaping people's l ives .

lenges that African American men face in college

This view tended to emphasize the central ity of

l ife. Rocco Capraro provides a fascinating gender

adults in boys' lives. Because adults themselves

analysis of male drinking culture in college. And

were constructing the models of social ization, this

Greg Bortn ichak describes how, while working as

conclusion seems u nderstandable. But as social

a barista in a local Starbucks , he decided to do

scientists began to ask boys and girls about the

something about what he saw.

117

Photo courtesy of Barbara Kruger.

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A R T I C L E

1 1

Michael Kimmel

G uyland : Gendering the Transition to Adulthood The period between childhood and adulthood has been expanding for centuries. "Our society has passed from a period which was ignorant of ado­ lescence to a period in which adolescence is the favorite age," wrote the French historian Philippe Aires ( 1 962: 30). "We now want to come to it early and linger in it as long as possible. " Recently a body of research has emerged that expands this stage of development beyond the boundaries of what had been considered ado­ lescence. Drawing on current empirical research on postadolescent development, a new group of social and behavioral scientists have identified what they call the "transition to adulthood. " Although this new body of research has mapped the broadest parameters of this stage of develop­ ment, the initial analytic forays have been aston­ ishingly lacking in any analysis of gender. This lacuna is Ip.ore striking because it is during the transition to adulthood that gender plays perhaps its most central role. To understand this new stage and to better map its gendered topography, it makes some sense to begin by remembering how deeply gendered was the initial study of adolescence.

The Invention of Adolescence In 1 904, G. Stanley Hall published his massive two-volume tome, Adolescence: Its Psychology and

From Guyland: The Perilous World Where Boys Become Men (HarperCollins, 2008). © 2008 by Michael Kimmel, reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education. Almost imme­ diately, the word adolescence entered the common vocabulary to describe a stage of development poised anxiously between childhood puerility and adult virility. Hall saw adolescence, roughly coin­ cident with the biological changes of puberty (ages 1 2- 1 5), as a time of transition-a time when boys and girls develop their adult identity, test themselves, and find out who they really are. No one could accuse Hall of failing to pay attention to gender. He was preoccupied with it. While he was generally eager to shield adoles­ cents from entering the adult world prematurely, his chief interest was in boys' development. Con­ cerned that boys were becoming feminized, in part by overprotective mothers and largely because of the increasingly coeducational envi­ ronment of school and church, Hall wanted to rescue boys-from both the feminizing tenden­ cies of girls and the enervating world of work, hoping that adolescent boys could be immersed in supportive, controlled, adult-monitored homoso­ cial environments. Hall opposed coeducation, which he believed turned boys gay as it "diluted the mystic attraction of the opposite sex," and proposed a host of masculinity-building activities like sports, vigorous exertion in the outdoors, and even fighting and bullying others. He championed the Boy Scouts (founded in 1 9 1 0) and the YMCA (founded in 1 844 and revamped in the early 1 900s) as vehicles to stem the tide of enervation. 1 Hall generalized to all adolescents from only a tiny fraction of America's youth. When his book was published, only 6% of American teenagers actually graduated from high school. 119

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By contrast, 1 8% of youth between 10 and 1 4 worked in factories or stores, and millions more were working on family farms. But Hall was on to something important. In the first decades of the twentieth century, the structural foundations of a prolonged adolescence were established, as an industrializing nation sought to stabilize its progress. Apprenticeships declined and child labor laws. pushed young people out of the labor force. Compulsory education laws gave them someplace else to go if they couldn't work. High school became the single defming expe­ rience for children of the middle and professional classes. While as late as 1 920, only 1 6% of 1 7year-old males had graduated from high school, by 1 936 the maj ority of American teenagers attended high school. A new high school opened every day for the first 30 years of the century.2 With the increased universality of high school, a new word, "teenager," entered the American vocabulary in 1 94 1 , on the eve of our entrance into World War II. Critics worried that this "sudden and dramatic prolongation of ado­ lescence" meant that over half of those who had "passed the terminal age of adolescence" were not acting as adults-physically, socially, eco­ nomically, as E. C. Cline, the high school princi­ pal in Richmond, Indiana, worried.3 And -Americans have been worrying about teenagers ever since. Some worried about teen sexuality, especially after the publication of the two volumes of Kinsey's studies of American sexual behavior. Some worried about "juvenile delinquency," another new term from the era­ lonely disaffected boys who sought the approval of their fellows by participating in increasingly dangerous stunts and petty crime. "Let's Face It" read the cover of Newsweek in 1 956, "Our Teenagers Are Out of Control." Many youths, the magazine reported, "got their fun" by "tor­ turing helpless old men and horsewhipping girls they waylaid in public parks. " B y the 1 950s, many cultural critics followed Hall's lead and blamed mothers-works by Philip Wylie and Edward Strecker identified "momism" as the cultural illness that resulted in emasculated

boys and henpecked husbands. Others blamed the absent or emasculated fathers, the men in the grey flannel suits, like Jim Backus in Rebel without a Cause; its author, Robert Lindner, argued that "almost every symptom that delineates the psy­ chopath clinically is to be found increasingly in the contemporary adolescent."4

Two Breakthroughs in Psychology and Sociology Into this cultural controversy stepped psychologist Erik H. Erikson and sociologist James Coleman. Taken together, their writings helped to normal­ ize adolescence, to neutralize and naturalize it. In his path-breaking book, Childhood and Society ( 1950) and later in Identity: Youth and Crisis ( 1 968), Erikson identified the seven life-stages of individ­ ual psychological development that became a mantra in Developmental Psychology classes for decades. By labeling adolescence as a "morato­ rium"-a sort of prolonged time-out between childhood and adulthood-Erikson tamed and sanitized Hall's fears that adolescence was a mael­ strom, a chaos of uncontrolled passions. To Erikson, the moratorium of adolescence was a time for regrouping, reassessing, and regen­ erating oneself before undertaking the final quest for adult identity, "a vital regenerator in the process of social evolution," as he put it. Rather than rushing headlong into work and family lives, as children did in earlier societies, adolescents slow down the process to accomplish certain identity tasks. The venerable institutions that structured a young person's socialization-fam­ ily, church, school-began to recede in their importance as the adolescent began to strike out on his or her own, plagued by doubts, taking ten­ tative steps towards autonomy, and faced with a set of adult responsibilities looming ominously ahead.s In his treatise, The Adolescent Society ( 1 96 1 ), sociologist James Coleman had a somewhat less sanguine view of the displacement of education, religion, and family as the primary institutions of socialization. He noticed in high schools that

ARTICLE 11

teachers and administrators had lost most of their credibility as agents of socialization-they were more like agents of repression, as far as the kids were concerned. Parental scrutiny waned, and the influence of religion dissipated. As a result, he argued, adolescents developed a distinct peer culture, toward which they oriented their activi­ ties and from which they derived their sense of identity. Anti-intellectualism abounded, sports reigned supreme, and everyone wanted to be pop­ ular! Hardly tremulous individualists, Coleman saw adolescents as frighteningly dependent on peer culture, and boys, especially, desperate to prove their masculinity in the eyes of other boys.6 By the 1960s and 1 970s, observers had a more optimistic view of late adolescence. While many shared Coleman's sense that peer groups had replaced parents as the primary source of socialization, they saw this simply as the attenu­ ation of socialization, not its resolution. Indeed, Yale psychoanalyst Kenneth Keniston warned in 1971 that if the "conformity to peer group norms merely replaces conformity to parental norms . . . adolescent development is foreclosed before real self-regulation and independence are achieved." Reliance on peers was just another late hurdle on the way to autonomy and adulthood. 7 As we will see, contemporary psychologists have tended to follow Erickson and Keniston. And, as we will see, Coleman was far more prescient.

Postwar Adolescence as Anomaly One problem with Erikson and others' theories of adolescence was that although they insisted that they described eternal-or at least reliably consistent historical-trajectories, they were writ­ ten during a period that is now understood to have been anomalous. The immediate postwar era was, in many ways, an era utterly unlike our own. It's the stuff of nostalgic longings, and the screen against which we often project our anxi­ eties about the contemporary era.8 For adolescents, the period was no less anomalous. It was the only time when all the developmental markers were in perfect alignment

Guyland: Gendering the Transition to Adulthood

121

with all the social and institutional frameworks in which development takes place. Those devel­ opmental psychological indicators-increased autonomy, the capacity for intimacy, a commit­ ment to a career and the development of a life plan-all coincided with the social and cultural markers that have typically denoted adulthood. How different that world seems now-and how different were the motivations of men and women who were in the 1 8-26 age group. For one thing, Americans had just emerged from a calamitous war, in which millions of young men had been killed or wounded. The generation of men that came of age in 1 950 had just experi­ enced the horrors of the beaches in Normandy or the South Pacific, the randomness of death and destruction as the guys next to them were gunned down. They couldn't wait to get married, settle down into stable adulthood, to forget the terrors of war, to silence their nightmares. They rushed into careers, married their high schools sweet­ hearts, moved to the suburbs, and started their families. The housing boom spurred by rapid sub­ urbanization was accompanied by an education boom and a baby boom. No wonder the "Great­ est Generation" almost instantly morphed into the bland conformity of the "man in the gray flannel suit."

Adolescence Starts Earlier and Ends Later Adolescence today stretches out in both directions; it starts earlier and ends later. Children are becom­ ing adolescents earlier and earlier, both biologically and socially. Typically we mark adolescence by the onset of puberty-which today occurs 4-5 years earlier than it did in the mid-nineteenth century. Improvements in nutrition, sanitation, and health care have lowered the average age of puberty about one year for every 25 years of development. Each generation enters puberty about a year earlier than its predecessor. In the years just before the Civil War, the average age for the onset of puberty was 16 for girls and 1 8 for boys; today it is about 12 for girls and 14 for boys.

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Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

Since the average age of marriage in the mid­ nineteenth century was about the same- 1 6 for girls and 1 8 for boys-there was really no "stage of development" during which time a youth was both single and sexually active. It wouldn't be far­ fetched to say that before the twentieth century, there were no "teenagers" in America. But just as adolescence reaches us earlier and earlier, it also seems to stretch longer and longer. Biologically, just as puberty is beginning at ear­ lier ages, full physiological maturation doesn't take place until well into our 20s. At 1 8 , neu­ ropsychological development is far from com­ plete; the brain continues to grow and develop into the early 20s. In a bit of stretch, one biologist suggests that this immature brain lacks the "wiring" for placing long-term benefits over shorter-term gains, which explains how we are "hard-wired" for high-risk behaviors like drug taking, smoking, and drinking.9 Young people today seem almost determined not to grow up too fast, to give the lie to George Bernard Shaw's famous dictum that "youth is wasted on the young." They may move directly from the "crisis" of adolescence to their "quar­ ter-life crisis" and right into a "mid-life crisis" without ever having settled into a stage of life that wasn't a crisis! Over-the past two years, I interviewed about 400 college students at more than 40 colleges and universities across the United States. While in no way a nationally representative sample, my inter­ views provide compelling empirical evidence of the transition to adulthood as a new and previously unnoticed stage of development poised between adolescence and adulthood, and the ways that it is deeply and determinatively gendered. "I feel like my whole life has been one long exercise in delayed gratification," says Matt, a graduate student in psychology at University of Wisconsin: I mean, in high school, I had to get good grades, study hard, and do a bunch of extracurricular things so I could get into a good college. OK, I did that. Went to Brown. Then, in college, I had to work really hard and get good grades so I

could get into a good graduate school. OK, I did that. I'm here at Wisconsin. Now, though, I have to work really hard, publish my research, so I can get a good tenure track job somewhere. And then, I'll have to work really hard for six years just to get tenure. I mean, by the time I can exhale and have a little fun, I'll be in my rnid30s-and that's too old to have fun anymore!

When do young people become adults? How do they know? What are the markers of adult­ hood now? Is it when you can legally drink? Get married? Drive a car? Rent a car? Vote? Serve in the military? Have an abortion without parental consent? Consider how disparate these ages are. More than 50,000 Americans get married each year before their 1 8th birthday-that is, they are legally allowed to have sex before they can legally watch it on a video. We can buy cars before we are legally allowed to drive them and long before we can rent them.

Markers of Adulthood Demographers today typically cite five life-stage events to mark the transition to adulthood: leav­ ing home, completing one's education, starting work, getting married, and becoming a parent. Just about all adolescents live at home, go to high school, experience puberty, and are unmarried. "Adults," by contrast, have completed their edu­ cations, live away from home, are married, and have children and stable careers. (Of course, not all adults would actually check off all those mark­ ers, but they represent a pattern, a collection of indicators.) In 1950, when Erikson and Coleman wrote, all those markers clicked at almost exactly the same time. Let's look at what happened to each of those markers of the transition from adolescence to adulthood. Let's begin with the narrative of one baby boomer: My parents married in 1 948, after my father re­ turned from the wartime Navy, and both he and my mother began their careers. At first, like so many of their generation, they lived in the bot­ tom floor of my grandparents' home, saving

A R T J C L E 1. 1.

their money to flee the city and buy a house in the New York suburbs-part of the great wave of suburban migration of the early to mid1950s. My mother, and her five closest lifelong friends, all had their first children within two years of their weddings, and their second child three years later-all within five years of grad­ uating from college. And all of their friends did the same. That baby boomer is me. And that pattern is a distant memory today. Baby boomers began to expand the timeframe of these markers of adult­ hood, attenuating education, prolonging single­ hood as a permanent life stage, and drifting toward settled careers. The U.S. census shows a steady and dramatic decline in the percentage of young adults, under 30, who have finished school, left home, gotten married, had a child, and entered the labor force sufficiently to develop financial independence of their parents. In 2000, 46% of women and 3 1 % of men had reached those markers by age 30. In 1 960, just forty years earlier, 77% of women and 65% of men had reached them. 10 Marriage and Family Life In 1950, the average age of marriage was 20.3 for women and 22.8 for men. Close to half of all women w�re married by age 20. Even by 1 975, the median age for marriage was 2 1 . 1 for women and 2 3 . 5 for men. The age of marriage has climbed steadily and today, the median age of marriage is 27. 1 for men and 25.3 for women. 1 1 And young people are having their first child four years later than they did in 1 970. In 1 970, the average age at which people had their first child was 2 1 .4 years. By 2000, it was 24.9. (Mass­ achusetts had the highest mean age for first birth; Mississippi had the 10west.)12 Today's young people live much less stable and settled family lives than their own parents did. They're far more likely to have been raised in a single-parent home. Their reticence is the result of high expectations for their own relation­ ships and fears that their love lives will resemble those of their parents. Afraid to commit and des-

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perate to do so, they make great cross-sex friends and casually hook up sexually. Their parents understand neither phenomenon. "Serial Jobogamy" They feel similarly about their careers. They know that their career is supposed to be more than a job, that it is supposed to be financially rewarding, be emotionally rich and satisfying, and offer them a sense of accomplishment and inner satisfaction. Work, for them, is an "identity quest." "Emerging adults want more out of work than a decent wage and a steady paycheck. They want their work to be an expression of them­ selves, to fit well their interests and abilities, to be something they find satisfying and enjoyable," writes Arnett. 13 And they expect that; they feel entitled to it. And why shouldn't they? They put up with four years of college, and maybe even some years of professional or graduate school, just to enhance their career prospects. Many have utterly unrealistic expectations about the range of jobs they might find satisfying. They all seem to want to write for television, become famous actors, or immediately become dot.com entre­ preneurs. One employment recruiter calls them "the Entitlement Generation" since they have such "shockingly high expectations for salary, job flexibility, and duties but little willingness to take on grunt work or remain loyal to a company. " 14 But in a way, their bloated expectations may be a response to the very different economic cli­ mate in which they're coming of age. For one thing, the secure economic foundation on which previous generations have come of age has eroded. Globalization, the decline in manufac­ turing jobs, the decline in union protections for workers, and the increase in the supply of service sector jobs has changed all that. They know that corporations are no longer loyal to their employ­ ees-just consider all those companies that picked up and moved out of towns they had helped to build, watching indifferently as entire communities unraveled. So why should they be loyal to the company?

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They're lucky to find a job at all. In 2000, 72.2% of Americans aged 20-24 were employed; four years later it was barely two-thirds (67.9%). "Younger workers have just been crushed," com­ mented Andrew Sum, the director of the Center for Labor Market Studies at Northeastern Uni­ versity. lS Unlike virtually every single previous generation of Americans, the income trajectory for the current generation of young people is downwards. Between 1 949 and 1 973, during that postwar economic boom, men's earnings doubled and the income gap narrowed. But since the early 1970s, annual earnings for men, aged 25-34 with full-time jobs has steadily declined, dropping 1 7% from 1 9 7 1 to 2002. Of male workers with only a high school diploma, the average wage decline from 1 975 to 2002 was 1 1 %. Only half of all Americans in their mid-20s earn enough to sup­ port a family. Two-thirds of this current genera­ tion " are not living up to their parents' standard of living," commented Professor Sum.16 And the gap between college-educated and non-college-educated has increased as well. In the late 1 970s, male college graduates earned about 33% more than high school graduates; by the end of the 1 980s, that gap had increased to 53%.17 Nor do they have much protection. Once they're 1 8 or 1 9 , young people are rarely covered as dependents on their parents' health and medical care plans. And many work at low-wage, tempo­ rary, low-benefit jobs, or remain dependent on their parents. As a result, in 1999, over half (53%) of all young adults (aged 1 8-2 1 ) had no health insurance at all-all the more striking when com­ pared with those 3 5-44 ( 1 6 . 5 % had no health care) and 45-54 ( 1 3.4% uninsured), according to the General Accounting Office. Another 12.9% are covered by Medicare or other public insur­ ance. Fewer than 1 0% (8.8%) were covered by their employer. This generation of young people is down­ wardly mobile. Gen Xers and Gen Yers will earn less than their parents did-at every single age marker. Of all age groups, the 1 8-25 year olds are the lowest ranked in earned income of all age groups. Their household income is the second

lowest (right above 65 and older). "On most socioeconomic measures, the young were the worst off age group in 1 997-and the gap has widened since," notes Tom Smith, the director of the General Social Survey. 18 The only economic sector in which jobs are being created is entry-level service and sales. In Generation X, author Douglas Coupland calls it "McJob"-"low paying, low-prestige, low­ dignity, no future job in the service sector. Fre­ quently considered a satisfying career choice by people who have never held one." 1 9 Young peo­ ple, along with immigrants, minorities, and the elderly, are the bulk of workers in the new service economy. Half of all workers in restaurants, gro­ cery stores, and department stores are under 24. As one journalist recently put it, "hundred of thousands of young people are spending hours making decaf lattes, folding jeans, grilling burgers or unpacking boxes of books and records for min­ imum wage." And their poverty rates are twice the national average.20 As a result, young people rarely commit to a career right out of college. They don't have their eyes on the prize; it's really more like their "eyes on the fries," as a recent documentary fIlm put it. The increased instability of their employment prospects coupled with their sense that jobs must be emotionally and financially fulfilling leads to a volatile career trajectory. Many experience the "two-month itch" and switch jobs as casually as they change romantic partners. They take "stop­ gap jobs," engaging in what I like to call " serial jobogamy. " Listen to Jon, a 1 992 Rutgers grad, who told a journalist about his career c1uelessness: I had absolutely no idea what I wanted to do right out of college. I was clueless and fell blindly into a couple of dead-end jobs, which were just there for me to make money and fig­ ure out what I wanted to do. When I had no idea what I wanted to do, I couldn't even pic­ ture myself doing anything because I was so clueless about what was out there. I had so lit­ tle direction. I was hanging on to these com­ pletely dead-end jobs thinking that maybe something would turn up. I was unhappy about

ARTICLE 11

the situation, and the only thing that made it better was that all of my friends out of college were in the same boat. We would all come home and complain about our jobs together. We were all still drunks back then.21 And remember, this is the kid who is moving back home after graduation! Education for What? In 1 900, only a small fraction of male teens attended secondary schools. About half were involved in agricultural labor and the rest were employed in resource, manufacturing, or the ser­ vice sector, making nearly a living wage. Many lived with their families, and when they did, they made considerable financial contributions to fam­ ily income. In fact, for many working-class fami­ lies, the family's most prosperous years were the years their children were living at home with them.22 A century later, in most western nations, the vast majority of teens attended secondary school. In 2000, over 88% of all people aged 25-29 had completed high schools and nearly 30% (29. 1 %) had a BA-up from 1 7% only thirty years ago. This is the most highly educated group of young people in history.23 But they're taking their time getting that edu­ cation. Four years after high school, 1 5% of the high school graduating class of 1 972 had obtained their degree. Ten years later, the percentage had been cut by more than half-less than 7% had obtained a degree. Today, it's closer to 4%. And also the least financially independent generation. Two-thirds of all college graduates owe more than $ 1 0,000 when they graduate; the average debt is nearly $20,000 and 5% owe more than $ 1 00,000. Recent college graduates owe 85% more in student loans alone than graduates a decade ago according to the Center for Economic and Policy research. Credit card debt for the age group 1 8-24 more than doubled between 1 992 and 200r .z5 The twentieth century has seen these kids move from being productive citizens to depen­ dents on their families, the educational system,

Guyland: Gendering the Transition to Adulthood

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and the state. Less than one-third of this age group are employed enough to make them poten­ tially financially independent. Those who live with their parents make virtually no contribution to family income. More than one-third of youth aged 18-34 receive cash from their parents, and nearly half (47%) receive time-help from their parents in any given year-averaging about $3,410 in cash and about 367 hours of help from their parents. At home, adolescents in many fam­ ilies are not treated as equal adults but as "indulged guests," writes psychologist Jeffrey Arnett. And away, young people who "swim" are able to do so "because families provide significant material and emotional support. "25 No wonder two-thirds of all young people 18 to 24 live with their parents or other relatives and one-fifth of all 25-year-old Americans still live at home. And no wonder that 40% of all col­ lege graduates return to live with their parents for at least some period of time in that age span. Only 25% of men aged 25 live independently; 38% of women do. Eighteen million Americans between 20 and 34 live with their parents. Forget the empty nest syndrome-for one in five Amer­ ican families, it's still a "full nest." And we're not the only country where this is happening. In Britain, for example, they're talk­ ing about nesters, boomerang children, co­ resident adults, or "kippers"-Kids In Pockets, Eroding Retirement Savings, which pretty much sums up what their parents think of the 50% of college graduates who have returned home. In Japan, 70% of women between age 30 and 35 live with their parents, and in Australia, only 1 4% of people in their early 20s are independent.26 The Upward Age Spiral These five classic demographic markers-educa­ tion, marriage, parenthood, career and residen­ tial independence-have not simply shifted over the past generation. They've exploded, scattered across a time span that now stretches to more than a decade for a large swath of American youth. And they feed back on each other, reinforcing their separation and pushing the boundaries even

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further. "Because people are delaying marriage, they're living with their parents longer," writes Farnsworth Riche, in an article in American Demo­ graphics. "They are delaying marriage longer because they are going to school. They're going to school because most well-paying jobs now require a college degree." The National Marriage Project found that 86% of 20-29 year olds agree that "it is extremely important to be economically set before you get married. " Surely, then, it makes little sense to speak of this entire period, from early teens to late 20s, as a single identifiable period called "adolescence." The developmental tasks of a 13 year old are just too different from those of a 23 year old�even if they both are single, unemployed, and live with their parents. We need to identify this new stage of development, between adolescence and adult­ hood, that both captures the developmental char­ acteristics of this life stage and locates it within important social and cultural shifts in American life, including the historical decrease in the num­ ber of males under 25 who are married or fathers; the increased number of young males who are extending their educations beyond college, to pro­ fessional or graduate school; and, the increased percentage of young males under 25 who are liv­ ing with their parents. We need to see the stage from 1 8-26 as a dis­ tinct stage of development, a unique period. We need to map its contours, explore its boundaries, and undetstand its meaning. "In another 10 or 20 years, we're not going to be talking about this as a delay," says Tom Smith, director of the General Social Survey. "We're going to be talking about this as a normal trajectory.'>27

Thirty Is the New Twenty Recently, some social scientists have begun to pay attention to this period between the end of ado­ lescence and the beginning of adulthood. In Sep­ tember, 2004, a front page story in USA Today noticed that something was happening; a few months later, Time made it their cover story, call-

ing them "twixters"�neither kids nor adults, but betwixt and between.2s The Time story, and the subsequent letters the magazine published offer a glimpse of our national confusion about this age. The twixters wrote eloquently about their situation. One moved back home after college because she couldn't find a job that paid enough to live on her own�only to find that "the majority of my high school class had done the same thing. " But, she insisted, "we are not lazy. We want to work and make our way in the world." Another pointed out that her generation is "overwhelmed by indeci­ sion. We have the necessary tools, but now have too many options and not enough options at the same time. We are stuck." Another painted a nearly inspirational picture. Given that half their "parents are divorced, have financial problems or are stuck in jobs they loathe," she wrote, the twix­ ters might instead be seen as "a generation that refuses to fall into the same archaic conventions that have led to so many dysfunctional families. " Adult letter writers were uniformly unsym­ pathetic. They blamed the kids themselves, as if somehow the disastrous economy, sky-high hous­ ing costs, and high aspirations with no ways to fulfill them were somehow the fault of job seek­ ers, not job suppliers�namely the adults them­ selves. "If only their parents had cut the golden apron strings and left them to their own devices, they would have learned to be more indepen­ dent," wrote one. "There's not a single thing wrong with the young adults who live off their parents that a stint in the U.S. Marine Corps couldn't fix," wrote another. "Why do we need to come up with a new label for kids who stay home with their parents while figuring out what to do?" asked another, before reminding us that "we've had a name for that for years: moocher. "29 Ironically, all of the twixter letters were from women, and all of the adult respondents were male. ( Time did not seem to notice this interesting gender difference.) But it's an important element in our conversation: it is fathers�far more than mothers�who deeply resent the return of their college graduate children. The empty nest is expe-

ARTICLE 11

rienced differently by fathers and mothers. Moth­ ers may, for a time, mourn the absence of their children, as if their world has suddenly lost its center of gravity and spins aimlessly off its axis. Fathers, by contrast, often celebrate their new freedom from child-care responsibilities-they buy new golf clubs, load up on Viagra, and talk about this being, finally, their "turn." Similarly, mothers may be ambivalent about the "full nest" syndrome, but their husbands seem to be univer­ sally unhappy about it. Developmental psychologists and sociolo­ gists have also tried to map this newly emerging stage of life. Sociologist James Cote calls the period "youthhood," while Terri Apter, a British social psychologist calls them "thresholders, " who suffer from the neglect and scorn from par­ ents who mistake their need for support and guid­ ance as irresponsibility and immaturity. Recently, the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foun­ dation convened an academic panel on the "Tran­ sition to Adulthood. " Perhaps the most ambitious effort t o map this postadolescent terra incognita has been Jef­ frey Arnett's studies of what he calls "emerging adulthood." Following Erickson, Arnett sees this developmental stage as a gradual unfolding of a life plan, a "time for serious self-reflection, for thinking about what kind of life you want to live and what your Plan should be for your life" (p. 1 8 1) . It's a period of increased independence­ including independence from the preordained roles that they inherited from their elders. So, "they are not constrained by gender roles that pre­ scribe strict rules for how they may meet and get to know each other" (p. 94). They are moving deliberately if unevenly toward intimate relation­ ships, a steady and stable career path, and family lives, and along the way they are developing closer friendships with their parents, since the old issues of adolescent rebellion have been resolved by time and experience. Yet Arnett's view of this stage of life is so sanguine, so sanitized, it's hardly recognizable. It's hard to square becoming better friends with your parents and an increasing sense of auton-

Guyland: Gendering the Transition to Adulthood

1.27

omy (and a decreasing reliance on peer groups for validation) with the fraternity initiations, binge drinking, athletic hazing, and date rape and other forms of sexual predation that often fill the exposes of campus life. It's also hard to square this gradual easing into adulthood with the observations of other cul­ tural critics. For example, Christopher Lasch observed more than twenty years ago that college students have a "certain protective shallowness, a fear of binding commitments, a willingness to pull up roots whenever the need arises, a dislike of depending on anyone, an incapacity for loyalty or gratitude."30 So, what do psychologists and sociologists know about this stage of development? For one thing, it's a stage of life characterized by indeter­ minacy. Many young adults feel they are just treading water, waiting to find the right job, the right person, the right situation, to reveal itself. "I'm just sitting around waiting for my life to begin, while it's alljust slippin' away," sings Bruce Springsteen on "Better Days." All the established markers of adulthood feel more ephemeral, more transient, and less reli­ able-both as events and as markers of adult­ hood. They're children of divorce, of family instability or dysfunction. They're unsure what to think about their parents. Some, mostly young women, describe their parents (mothers) as their best friend, others see their parents as exactly who they don't want to end up like. "I'm in no rush to get married, and even less in a rush to have a kid," says Jeff, a 22-year-old senior at Indiana University interviewed 2/23/05. "I watched my own parents divorce, and it became pretty clear that they got married and started hav­ ing kids-namely me-before they were ready. I'm not going to make that mistake." It's a time of perhaps the greatest mismatch between their ambitions and their accomplish­ ments. They graduate from college filled with ideas about changing the world, making their contribution, finding their place, and they enter a job market at the bottom, where work is utterly unfulfilling, boring, and badly paid. "It concerns

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me that of the many gifted people I went to

lottery. And they don't trust the government,

school with, so few of them are actually doing

which they believe is filled with people who are

what they really want to do," said one.31 They are

venal and self-aggrandizing, out of touch with the

among the most entitled and underappreciated

needs of their constituents.

people in America. This was a generation that

On the other hand, there is plenty of good

was told from the get-go that each of them was

news. For one thing, they're developing friend­

special, in which their self-esteem was so inflated

ships, especially across sex, the likes of which

they became light-headed, in which they were

their parents do not understand. Young people

rewarded for every normal developmental mile­

constantly told me of trying to explain their cross­

stone as if they were Mozart. They're extremely other-directed, taking

sex friendships to their parents. "My father just doesn't get it," said Kim, a 2 1 -year-old senior at

their cues from outside. They perform to please

Oakland University in suburban Detroit. "I keep

grown-ups-parents, teachers-but exhibit little

saying that they're my 'guy friends' and he's like,

capacity for self-reflection or internal motivation.

'Wait. He's a boy and he's your friend, but he's

They have high self-esteem, but little self­

not your boyfriend?' And I'm like 'Dad, chill .

awareness. Many suspect that their self-esteem,

He's a boy. He's my friend. He is not my boy­

so disconnected from actual achievement, is a bit

friend. ' And so he asks 'Does Jeff [her boyfriend]

of a fraud. Many lack a moral compass to help

know?' "

negotiate their way in the world.

Young adults go out in groups, hang out

It's unstable and uncertain. They drink more

together, maybe even hook up. But they are

than they thir!k they should, take more drugs, and

friends first. And this bodes well in two ways.

probably get involved in more hook ups and bad

First, friendships are based on mutuality and

relationships than they think they should. And

equality, which assumes, at least in part, a more

they also get more down on themselves, because

equal relationship between women and men than

at this stage they also think they should know bet­

is offered either by the sexual predatory conquest

ter. Their suicide rate is the highest for any age

model and its corollary, the passionate-swept-off­

group except men over 70.31

the-feet model, or even the chivalric code of gen­

As a result, they're more disconnected. They

tlemen and ladies. And second, gender equality in

are less likely to read a newspaper, attend church,

marriage-marriages based on models of friend­

belong to a religion or a union, vote for president,

ship and partnership-are far sturdier and more

or identify with a political party than any other

successful than those based on those other sexual

age group; according to the General Social Sur­

passion-attractiveness models, according to psy­

vey. They're more cynical or negative about other

chologist John Gottman.

people and less trusting. They are less likely to

For some, friends are the new family. Think,

believe that people are basically trustworthy, help­

actually, of the hit television sit-com

ful, fair, or that human beings are naturally

friends share their mutual befuddlement about

good.33

being grown-ups, relationships, careers, and life

Friends. Six

Nor do they have any particular confidence

in general until they suddenly realize that every­

in social, economic, or political institutions. They

thing they ever wanted in a life partner is right

don't trust corporations, the way their parents did,

there next to them. And they then spend the next

because they've seen how such loyalty is rewarded

two seasons sorting out which one goes with

with layoffs, downsizing, outsourcing, and mov­

whom. Or consider the HEO show,

ing overseas. They've watched as corporate exec­

Sex and the City, the story of a quartet of single, sexually

utives lined their pockets with the pension funds

active women on the loose in New York City,

of their own employees. They believe the only

each one hoping and struggling through relation­

way to get rich in this culture is not by working

ships with the opposite sex, all the while aware

hard, saving, and sacrificing, but by winning the

that their real "family" was each other.

ARTICLE 11

For others, our families become friends. Arnett suggests that some young adults become closer to their parents, and develop cross­ generational friendships that surprise both parent and child. Over half of all Americans aged 1 8-29 talk to their parents every day, according to a Jan­ uary, 2005, article in TIME. But it is also true that the half who do speak to their parents every day are daughters-and the parents they are speaking to are their mothers. There is more potentially good news. Stu­ dents of domestic violence have recently noted a significant downward trend-lower and lower rates of domestic violence seem to be popping up in the United States, Canada, and Britain. For a long time, social scientists worried that a host of factors-increasing attention to the problem, bet­ ter reporting of the crimes, better police and hos­ pital evaluations, more stringent arrest mandates -would actually drive the rates higher, creating the irony that the more we talked about it, the more it seemed to increase. But the decrease in domestic violence seems to come less from the increased constraints placed on men, or even the increased deterrence of stronger laws, better enforced with mandatory sentencing. It seems to stem, instead, from the increased age of women entering into marriage (younger women are bat­ tered more often than older women) and the host of dramatic changes in women's lives (work out­ side the home leads to increased economic resources to leave a dangerous situation; women feel entitled not to be battered; playing sports and working outside the home correlate with higher self-esteem, which leads them to put up with less, etc.). It may be that the older women are when they marry, the lower their chances of being bat­ tered when they do.

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129

hood?" Twenty-seven per cent said "yes," 1 0% said "no" and 63% said "in some respects yes, in some respects no." Interestingly, the students no longer used traditional markers to categorize themselves. Completing education, entering the labor force, marriage, and parenthood all got low ratings, from 14% for parenthood to 27% for entering the labor force. Marriage and complet­ ing education were only identified by 1 5%, having a child by 14% as indicators of adulthood. On the other hand, psychological criteria received much higher endorsements. "Accept responsibility for the consequences of your actions" led the list at 93%. Being able to "decide on personal beliefs and values independently of parents or other influences" was noted by 81 %, the same percentage that identified becoming "less self-oriented, develop greater consideration for others."34 They become adults when they feel like adults. They experience a "situational maturity." Sometimes they want to be treated like adults, sometimes they want to be treated like children. "You don't get lectures about what life is like after college," comments Brandon to journalist Alexandra Robbins. "You don't have a textbook that tells you what you need to do to find suc­ cess." "People have to invent their own road map," commented another.35 And they don't experience a calamitous break with their childhoods, since there is no one time when all five transitional indicators are achieved. By spreading them out, adulthood becomes a gradual process, a series of smaller decisions. One looks back suddenly and realizes one is actually an adult. The General Social Sur­ vey found that most people believe the transition to adulthood should be completed by age 26, a number that seems to rise every year.

Situational Maturity If the demographic markers of adulthood have scattered across a decade or more, young people today are turning to more attitudinal indicators of when they become adults. In a 1 994 study, Jef­ frey Arnett asked students at a large Midwestern university "Do you think you have reached adult-

The Missing Conversation: Gender Perhaps one reason Arnett and his colleagues are so sanguine about emerging adulthood is because there is nary a word about gender in their work. The word masculinity--or, for that matterfemininity -does not appear in his book's index; there's

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scant mention of gender gaps in attitudes. And that's about it. 36

as if one knows exactly where one is going. If

How can one possibly discuss the age group

when they get lost driving their cars, imagine

1 6-26 and not talk about gender? In fact, this is

what they'll do when they feel lost and adrift on

men have a difficult time asking for directions

perhaps the most gendered stage of a person's

the highway of life ! One acts as if one knows

development-for one simple reason: It is a time

where one is going, even if it isn't true. And it's

that is utterly unmapped. The older institutions

this posture, and the underlying sense that one is

of socialization exert far less influence, although

a fraud, that leaves young men most vulnerable to

same-Se.lL peers and media often pick up some of

manipulation by the media and by their peers. If

the slack. It is a time when there are no road

I just follow along and don't ask any questions,

maps, no blueprints, no primers that tell the

everyone will assume I have it all together-and

young person what to do, how to understand this

I won't be exposed.

period. That's why none of the terms given to this

Guyland thus becomes the terrain in which

stage of development-"emergent adulthood,"

young men so relentlessly seem to act out, seem

"transition to adulthood," "twixters," "thresh­

to take the greatest risks, and do the stupidest

olders," and the like-have any resonance what­

things. It's also the time when they need the

ever to the young men and women I speak to on

involvement of their parents-especially their

college campuses and in workplaces around the

fathers. Fathers often fade out of the picture,

country.

thinking their job of child-rearing and role­

Almost all of them call themselves-and call

modeling is over once their offspring graduate

each other-"guys." It's both a generic catch-all term that goes beyond this age group and a spe­

from high school. For many guys, their fathers are a "shadowy presence. "38 Their kids have survived,

cific term

so now, fathers seem to say, it's time for "us."

demarcating it from

"kids"

and

"grown-ups." While it's gender-specific, women

It's not entirely true that fathers are just self­

use it too. Watch a group of college women sit­

ish; they're also encouraged to think selfishly for

ting around wondering what to do that evening:

the first time in a long time, by an advertising

"What do you guys want to do?" "I don't know,

industry that has recently discovered empty

what do you guys want to do?" One hardly needs

nesters as an emerging market-they've finally

a man around to whom the term would refer.

shed all the financial responsibilities of child­

(This "generic" term is also gender-specific, and

rearing and college, giving them some disposable

we'll look at the ways that the term itself implies

income for the first time in decades. And they're

the gender inequality that characterizes this stage

ready to find something other than their children

of life. Girls live in Guyland-not the other way

to fulfUl them.

around.) In fact, this is a period of what sociologists

All the advice books about boys ' develop­ ment offer little guidance here. Although they

James Cote and Anton Allahar call "gender

may be useful when they discuss boys' develop­

intensification"-the assertion of " exaggerated

ment up until they turn 1 6 or so, they all end just

notions associated with the different roles that

at the cusp of "guyland. " It's pretty difficult to

still hold many men and women in separate spheres of endeavor. " 37 It's when the struggle to

talk to a 1 7- or 22-year-old guy about what the books say about being a man when the books top

prove manhood becomes even more intense-in

out at 16!

part because it is only peers who are watching­ and judging.

And so, directionless and clueless, we come to rely increasingly on our peers. And our peers

That the territory remains so unmapped

often have some interesting plans for what we

actually exacerbates the emphasis on gender. Part

have to endure to prove to them that we are real

of the definition of masculinity is, after all, to act

men. The "penalty for not living up to the norms

ARTICLE 11

of being tough, being 'cool' is severe," writes Marie Richmond-Abbott.39 Is it "rejection or sim­ ply being ignored. "

Beyond Guyland Guyland is both a social space and a stage of life. It's unlikely to disappear. If anything, the stage of life is likely to become more firmly entrenched. There are positive reasons for delaying marriage, exploring different career paths, playing the field, traveling, hanging out, exploring one's self and who one wants to be, and become, in this lifetime. But it must be time well spent. Most guys drift out of Guyland by their late 20s, as they commit to careers or girlfriends, and begin to enter the world of responsible adulthood. But still, they do so with few rules and fewer sign­ posts to help them on their journeys. Our task, as a society, is to disengage the stage of life with that social space-to enable young men to live through this stage more con­ sciously, more honorably, and with greater resilience-to inject into that anomic and anar­ chic space called Guyland a code of ethics, of emotional responsiveness, and of wholesome occasional irresponsibility. Some of Guyland's most celebrated inhabi­ tants seem. to be getting that message-and pass­ ing it on. In response to the death of Scott Krueger (a pledge at MIT) during a drinking and hazing ritual, the national office of Phi Gamma Delta has produced a well-conceived video about high-risk drinking that is required for all their chapters. The local chapter of another fraternity accepts openly gay men and then works to make other brothers' homophobia the problem to be addressed. Sigma Phi Epsilon has embraced a new "balanced man program," which the frater­ nity developed in the 1 990s to combat a culture of "boozing, drugging and hazing." They've simply and unilaterally done away with the pledge sys­ tem; new members have virtually all the rights and privileges of brothers. The brothers are presumed to be men when they begin; they don't have to prove their manhood to their peers. Scott

Guyland: Gendering the Transition to Adulthood

131

Thompson, the fraternity's national spokesman, told a journalist: New members don't pledge for a certain period of time, get hazed, get initiated, and then show up for parties until they graduate. In the Bal­ anced Man Program, men join, and they are de­ veloped from the time they join until the time they graduate. Part of that development focuses on building a sound mind and sound body, a simple philosophy that we took from the an­ cient Greeks 40

Here, in the words of a former frat guy, lies the hope of guys everywhere: that the culture of enti­ tlement can become a culture of integrity-in which guys know that each person's integrity is equal to his own. That guys can be valued for their integrity and encouraged to be good, whole human beings. That the culture of silence can become a culture of honor, in which each guy feels honor bound to speak up, to act ethically, and to defend his core beliefs with respect for the simple dignity of his friends. That the culture of protection can become a culture of love, in which each guy feels surrounded by support and care, knows that he is not alone, and that having left Guyland far behind, he has nothing left to prove.

Notes 1 . G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence: Its Psychology and Its Re­ lations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education (New York: Appleton, 1904). In an earlier essay, he explained that "the boy's bully­ ing is the soul-germ of the man's independence." He defended one boy who was "overbearing and cruel" to his sister, whom he had "perfectly terrorized." 2. See Steven Mintz, "Adolescence's Neglected An­ niversary" op-ed at Ascribe Newswire, January 10, 2005; archived at www.contemporaryfamilies.org/ media/news%2099.htm 3. E. C. Cline, "Social Implications of Modern Ado­ lescent Problems" in The School Review, September 1 94 1 , pp. 5 1 l-514. 4. Edward Strecker, Their Mothers' Sons: The Psychia­ trist Examines an American Problem (Philadelphia:

132

PART TH R EE

Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

Lippincott, 1946) and Philip Wylie, Generation of Vipers (New York: Rinehart, 1 942). 5. Erik Erikson, Childhood and Society (New York: W Norton, 1 950) and Identity: Youth and Crisis (New York: W W Norton, 1 968). W

6. James Coleman, The Adolescent Society (New York: The Free Press, 1 961). See also James Coleman, Adolescents and Schools (New York: Basic Books, 1965). 7. Kenneth Keniston, Young Radicals: Notes on a Com­ mitted Youth. (New York: Harcourt, 1 968). 8. See Stephanie Coontz, The Way We Never Were (New York: Basic, 1992). 9. See Caroline Stanley, "Why Teens Do Dumb Things" in www.healthykids.com. accessed October 23, 2004, describing the research of Dr. James Bjork. 10. Sharon Jayson, "It's Time to Grow Up-Later" in U.S.A. Today, September 30, 2004, p. 1D. 1 1 . U.S. Bureau of the Census, Table MS-2: "Estimated Median Age at First Marriage by Sex, 1890 to Present" released September 1 5, 2004. In the first part of the cen­ tury, the median age of first marriage fluctuated as the economy expanded and contracted; now, however, the median age creeps up steadily, seemingly disconnected from and uninfluenced by external factors.

of Adulthood: Theory, Research and Public Policy,

Richard Settersten, Jr., Frank F Furstenberg, Jr. , and Ruben G. Rumbaut, eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 1 82. 19. Douglas Coupland, Generation X: Talesfor an Ac­ celerated Culture. (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991).

20. Elana Berkowitz, "Eyes on the Fries: Young Peo­ ple are Coming of Age in the Era of the McJob," pub­ lished by CampusProgress.org on March 3 1 , 2005. 2 1 . Cited in Alexandra Robbins and Abby Wilner, Quarterlife Crisis (New York: Jeremy Tarcher, 2001), p. 1 1 3. 22. William Reese, The Origins of the American High School (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995).

23. Elizabeth Fussell and Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr., "The Transition to Adulthood during the Twentieth Century: Race, Nativity, and Gender" in On the Fron­ tier of Adulthood, p. 38. 24. Lou Dobbs, "The Generation Gap" in U. S. News and World Report, May 23, 2005, p. 58. 25. Schoeni and Ross, 402; Settersten, 2005, p. 535; Jeffrey Jensen Arnett, "Are College Students Adults? Their Conceptions of the Transition to Adulthood" in Journal of Adult Development 1, 1994, p. 162 .

12. T. J. Mathews, and Brady Hamilton, "Mean Age of Mother, 1970-2000" National Vital Statistics Reports, 5 1 (1), December, 2002.

26. Edi Smockum, "Done with College? Come back to the Fold" in The Financial Times, September 10, 2005, p. 23.

1 3 . Jeffrey Jensen Arnett, Emerging Adulthood: The

27. As cited in Tom Smith, "Generation Gaps in At­ titudes and Values from the 1970s to the 1990s" in On

Winding Road from the Late Teens through the Twenties

(New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), p. 162. 14. Martha Irvine, "Young Workers Want It All, Now" in Seattle-Post-Intelligencer, June 27, 2005; avail­ able at: http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/business/ 230177_entitlement27.html (accessed 6/28/05). 15. Bob Herbert, "The Young and the Jobless" in The New York Times, May 12, 2005.

16. Cited in Herbert, "The Young and the Jobless," ibid.

1 7 . Mary Corcoran and Jordan Matsudaira, "Is it Getting Harder to Get Ahead? Economic Attainment in Early Adulthood for Two Cohorts" in On the Fron­ tier of Adulthood: Theory, Research and Public Policy,

Richard Settersten, Jr., Frank F. Furstenberg, Jr. , and Ruben G. Rumbaut, eds. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 357. 18. Tom Smith, "Generation Gaps in Attitudes and Values from the 1970s to the 1990s" in On the Frontier

the Frontier of Adulthood: Theory, Research, and Public Policy, edited by Richard Settersten, Frank Fursten­

berg and Richard Rumbault (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 1 82. 28. Sharon Jayson, "It's Time to Grow Up - Later" in USA Today, September 30, 2004, p. ID; Lev Gross­ man, "Grow Up? Not So Fast" in Time, January 24, 2005, p. 42-54. 29. Letters, Time, February 14, 2005, p. 6. 30. Haven in a Heartless World, 1 979, no page given 3 1 . In Jeffrey Arnett, Emerging Adulthood, p. 4 1 . 32. James E. Cote and Anton L . Allahar, Generation on Hold: Coming of Age in the Late Twentieth Century

(New York: New York University Press, 1996), p. 59. 33. Tom Smith, "Generation Gaps in Attitudes and Values from the 1970s to the 1990s" in On the Frontier of Adulthood: Theory, Research, and Public Policy, edited

ARTICLE 11

Guyland: Gendering the Transition to Adulthood

133

by Richard Settersten, Frank Furstenberg and Richard Rumbault (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), p. 1 82 .

Hold, p. 84.

34. Jeffrey Jensen Arnett, "Are College Students Adults?"; see also Arnett, Emerging Adulthood p. 210.

39. Marie Richmond-Abbott, Masculine andFeminine: GenderRoles over the Life Cycle (2nd ed). McGraw-Hill,

35. Alexandra Robbins and Amy Willner, Quarterlife Crisis, p. 1 2 1 , 6.

1992, p. 1 2 l .

36. Neither of the two major works cited here-Ar­ nett's Emerging Adulthood and the MacArthur­ sponsored On the Frontier of Adulthood-has a single reference to "masculinity," " manhood," or even "men" in the index.

37. James Cote and Anton Allahar, Generation on 38. Larson and Richard, 1994, p. 164.

40. Benoit Denizet-Lewis, "Ban o f Brothers" in The New York Times Magazine, January 9, 2005, p. 74.

A R T I C L E

1 2

Shaun R. Harper

The Measu re of a Man: Conceptualizations of Masculinity among H igh-Ach ievi ng African American Male College Students Previous inquiry confirms that a healthy, conflict­ free masculine identity leads to a strong self­ concept and positive outcomes in a wide array of areas, including academics (Gilbert and Gilbert 1 998; Price 2000). Despite this, little attention has been given to exploring identity development and conceptualizations of masculinity among male students on college and university campuses. Re­ search regarding within-group variations among 1 8-24 year-old African American male collegians is virtually nonexistent, and the intersection be­ tween race and gender among this population re­ mains particularly understudied. The proverbial saying, "Boys will be boys," has not been ade­ quately disaggregated by race and ethnicity within various age groups in much of the main­ stream literature on masculinity. Theoretical per­ spectives on masculine identity development in schools have been largely based on data collected from White male students, thus offering limited applicability to men of color. Consequently, struc­ tured efforts to assist African American male stu­ dents in developing strong masculine identities that lead to academic, social, and long-term post­ undergraduate success have not been imple­ mented at most postsecondary educational institutions. Given that two-thirds of all African American men who start college never graduate (Mortenson 200 1 ), it is essential to explore the nexus between identity development, defmitions of self, and outcomes, including academic achievement and retention. Reprinted by permission of the author.

134

African American college students have received considerable attention in the social­ science literature over the past 30 years (Sedlacek 1 987). However, few studies focus exclusively on African American men, and even fewer examine the needs and experiences of high-achieving African American male undergraduates (Bonner 200 1 ; Fries-Britt 1 997, 1 998). As a result, current scholarship contains limited insight into the gen­ der politics and peer interactions of African American male college students. To help address the paucity of research on this population, this article explores definitions of masculinity among African American male college students, and per­ ceptions of those definitions by high-achievers within this group.

Literature Review Previous research on masculinity and its role in identity development has almost exclusively been based on data collected from young boys, adoles­ cents, and male adults who were not emolled in college during the time at which the studies were conducted. Therefore, the majority of the litera­ ture reviewed in this section is not specific to tra­ ditional-aged college students. Social Context and Masculine Identity Formation Many foundational studies on masculinity sug­ gest that identity development among boys is pri­ marily characterized by autonomy, achievement concerns, competence, mastery, supremacy, and

ARTICLE 12

The Measure of a Man

135

1 993). This body of lit­

63) contend that rule-based sports both afford boys

erature provides many of the generally accepted

the opportunity to rehearse their masculinities and

competitiveness (Gilligan

theories regarding masculine identity develop­

also factor into what it means to be deemed "cool"

ment, and consistently confirms that same-sex

by peers: " Unfortunately, this image of the cool

peers are largely influential in the development of

sociable sportsman is constantly set against the

masculine identities among young boys, which

picture of the boy whose interests might be to read

help shape long-lasting definitions of what it

a book, a practice most often associated with

1 962, 1 979; Chodorow 1 978; LaVoire 1 976; Stoller 1 964; Wainrib 1 992). Connell ( 1 993) suggests that men of all ages and

girls. " They posit that sports are chief among the

means to be a man (BIos

masculine endeavors that conflict with a commit­ ment to school achievement.

ethnicities are often forced to negotiate their mas­

Through the adolescence and young adult­

culinities with other males-meaning that their

hood periods, being good at sports becomes more

manhood must be approved and validated by

important than simple participation. Usually, the

( 1 985) asser­

"coolest guys" on campus are those who are

tions fully capture and describe what most of the

standouts on the athletic field or court (Askew &

their peers. Morrison and Eardley'S

published literature reports about the impact of

Ross

peers on identity development in young boys:

rarely, if ever, is the class president or smartest

Boys grow up to be wary of each other. We are taught to compete with one another at school, and to struggle to prove ourselves outside it, on the street, the playground and the sports field. Later we fight for status over sexual prowess, or money, or physical strength or technical know­ how . . . the pressure is on to act tough. We fear humiliation or exclusion, or ultimately the vio­ lence of other boys if we fail to conform

(19).

1988; Gilbert & Gilbert 1 998). By contrast,

student in the class considered the most "manly" by his peers-unless of course he also participates in sports. Furthermore, those who can overpower opponents in athletic competition are also usu­ ally more sought after for romantic relationships by young women than male students who demonstrate leadership in other areas on campus and make good grades. Kunjufu

( 1 988) asserts

that African American boys must make a choice between school achievement and peer accep­

These claims are supported by Gilligan

( 1 993)

and Head, ( 1 999), who also suggest that men are

tance. The title of his book,

Smart: The Black Peer Group,

To Be Popular or

captures the essence

more competitive, less apt to collaborate with one

of this struggle. To this end, young men generally

another, and far more rule- and authority-bound

prefer to identify themselves as standout athletes

than women. Accordingly, male peer group inter­

instead of academic achievers or campus leaders.

actions typically result in some sort of contest to

This fascination with sports, accumulating

see who can outpace, outrun, and overpower the

points, beating out opponents, and demonstrat­

others.

ing masculinity and superiority through compet­

For boys at almost all levels of schooling,

itive exercises has an enduring effect on the male

peer promotion of sports and athleticism play an

identity, which extends into the college years. For

influential role in the shaping of their masculine

example, the accumulation of points to surpass

1 985). Quite often,

others in childhood games usually turns into a

interests beyond football and active outdoor play

motivation to accumulate wealth, power, and

for young boys are seen as abnormal and unac­

monetary status during adulthood (Wainrib

identities (Morrison & Eardley

1 995). Alternative

1 992). Likewise, most boys who strive for auton­

expressions of manliness, such as doing well in

omy and superiority during the childhood years

ceptable by peers (Harris

school or participating in non-sports related

develop identities characterized by a desire to

school activities, must be approved by other male

compete with and outperform others through the

( 1 998:

mastery of non-collaborative tasks. The peer

peer group members. Gilbert and Gilbert

136

PART TH R EE

Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

influences discussed herein are largely shaped by perceivably rigid societal standards regarding male-appropriate behaviors (Askew & Ross 1 988; Gilbert & Gilbert 1 998; Harris 1 995; Head 1 999; Martino & Meyenn 2001). Westwood ( 1 990: 58) argues that society has provided "the insistence of 'the male role' against which all men must be measured." Society has historically suggested that boys should play sports, suppress outward displays of emotion, and compete rigorously against each other. Par­ ents have also been influenced by these societal indices of masculinity, as many communicate messages of power, toughness, and competitive­ ness to their young sons. No father wants his son to grow up being a "pussy," " sissy," "punk," or "softy"-terms commonly associated with boys and men who fail to live up to the traditional stan­ dards of masculinity in America. Masculine iden­ tity is largely impacted by societal messages that say men should be the breadwinners for and pro­ tectors of their families; should be legends in col­ lege and professional sports; and should be leaders and executives in the organizations by which they are employed . Expressions o f Masculinity among African American Males Harris ( 1 995) argues that the traditional pathway to masculine identity development is limited in its applicapility to African American men, and offers the following: Pressures to meet European American stan­ dards of manhood as provider, protector, and disciplinarian are representative of such a dilemma for African American men . . . In­ equities in earning potential and employment and limited access to educational opportunities prevent the expression of these behaviors . . . To compensate for feelings of powerlessness, guilt, and shame that result from the inability to enact traditional masculine roles, some African American male youth have redefined mas­ culinity to emphasize sexual promiscuity, toughness, thrill seeking, and the use of vio­ lence in interpersonal interactions (279-280).

Harris suggests that traditionally White mascu­ line ideals are often unattainable for African American men due to the material constraints of race, and that expectations for African American men to assume these seemingly unachievable masculine roles exacerbate identity conflicts. In turn, these perceptions and experiences force them to find alternative ways to prove their man­ liness. Instead of the mainstream definitions of masculinity-accumulation of wealth, status, and power-Oliver ( 1 988, 1 989) asserts that mas­ culinity for African American men is often char­ acterized by two primary orientations: "tough guy" and "player of women." Tough guys are those who are good at fight­ ing, are not afraid to defend themselves, and incite fear in others. Although most boys attempt to exude toughness and are generally "naughty by nature," displays of hyperactivity and rough­ ness among African American males of all ages are perceived as dangerous and disproportion­ ately lead to a harsher set of penalties in schools and society (Ferguson 2000). In a national study of more than 25 million public school students, Gregory ( 1 997) found that African American males were more likely to be punished at school, suspended, or expelled than any other racial/eth­ nic group. In fact, they were 1 6 times more likely than their White female counterparts to experi­ ence disciplinary actions or school expulsion. Davis and Jordan ( 1 994) found a nexus between school discipline, suspensions, grade retention, and academic failure. Despite these negative out­ comes, African American males often set the standards for popularity, hip-hop culture, and ath­ leticism at school (Davis 2003). Those who are perceived as tough, rough, and athletically tal­ ented enjoy peer admiration and respect, but usu­ ally garner negative reactions from teachers and school administrators. The "player of women" concept is usually more prevalent in the teenage and young adult­ hood years, and is often linked to the "tough guy" orientation. Having multiple girlfriends and sex­ ual partners typifies the "player." Those who are unsuccessful at these aims are generally made fun

A R T I C L E 1. 2

137

The Measure of a Man

of, have their heterosexuality questioned, or are

who assume roles other than the cool posing

considered less masculine than their peers. Again,

tough guys, players of women, and athletes. As

this characteristic also applies to men of different

previously

mentioned,

masculine

insight

negotiations

into

races and ethnicities, but it is extremely common

within-group

among

among African Americans. Media and commer­

African American men in college is scarce, as

cial images overwhelmingly depict, popularize,

most research has been conducted either with

and celebrate certain types of African American

young African American boys or with White

men-namely pimps, rappers, and athletes, who

male students. How do those who choose to excel

are surrounded by attractive women (usually more

in postsecondary education resolve the conflicts

than one at a time) and appear to be financially

noted above? How do African American men on

prosperous. In turn, young African American

college and university campuses define masculin­

boys are socialized to believe that these behaviors

ity? Do high-achieving African American male

are in fact indicative of Black masculinity and suc­

undergraduates ignore societal and peer messages

cess. Those who are glorified usually share a cer­

regarding what is masculine, or are their identities

tain communication and self-presentation style

in conflict? The paucity of research regarding

and approach to interacting with women. Majors

masculine variability among this population

( 1 992) introduced the term "cool

makes the investigation of these questions espe­

pose," which is displayed by many African Amer­

cially interesting and important. The present

ican men of all ages. Trendy and baggy clothing

study seeks to fill this void. Exploring and under­

(usually urban wear), an overall relaxed look and

standing the ways in which masculine identities

informal presence, and a "pimp-style" strut are

are

characteristic of this pose.

African American male undergraduates could

and Billson

The African American male middle school students in Davis'

(200 1) study had developed a

conceptualized

and

negotiated

among

offer practical implications that lead to more pos­ itive academic and psychosocial outcomes.

strict masculine code of conduct in their school that was characterized by various elements of the aforementioned "player of women" and "cool

Methodology

pose" concepts. He offers the following analysis:

This article is based on a larger qualitative data

Boys �ho do not adhere to the prescribed rigid

African American undergraduate men. The phe­

masculine orthodoxy are victimized . . . Black boys who dare to verbalize alternative views on masculinity and any aspect of the code in effect violate the masculine code. These actions con­ flict with the notions of what is appropriately male, and thus he is usually expelled from the confines and benefits of boy networks at the school (177-178).

set regarding the experiences of high-achieving nomenological study sought to understand what it is like to be a high-achieving African American male college student at a large, predominantly White university, and included questions regard­ ing the ways in which the participants deemed themselves different from other African Ameri­ can male undergraduates on their campuses. The phenomenology tradition in qualitative research

These findings are consistent with Connell's

focuses on understanding and describing the

( 1 993: 1 93) assertion that masculinity "must be

"lived experiences" of the participants involved

seen as an active process of construction, occur­

in the study (Moustakas

ring in a field of power relations that is often tense

itative study usually provides full,

and contradictory, and often involving negotia­

descriptions of the phenomenon under study

tion of alternative ways of being masculine. "

(Denzin & Lincoln

1 994). This type of qual­ detailed

Connell calls for more inquiry that examines the

2000; Miles & Huberman 1 994). The aim of the present study was to

masculine identities of African American men

capture, in the students' words, what they had

138

PART TH REE

Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

experienced and observed within their same-race male peer groups at their respective institutions. Sites This study was conducted at six large, public research universities in the Midwest-Indiana University, Michigan State University, Purdue University, The Ohio State University, the Uni­ versity of Illinois, and the University of Michi­ gan. These six institutions are similar in terms of size, age, reputation, and selectivity; they are also in close geographic proximity to each other and are affIliated with the same athletic conference. On average, 6 . 3 percent of the students at the institutions were African American during the time at which the data were collected, with African American undergraduate enrollments ranging from 3 . 1 percent to 8 . 8 percent. Approx­ imately 34 percent of the African American stu­ dents at these universities were male. Sample Key administrators on the six campuses (i.e., deans, vice presidents, and directors of campus programs) were asked to identifY African Ameri­ can male students who had made the most of their college experience. This was defIned as earn­ ing cumulative grade point averages above 3.0; establishi.ng lengthy records of leadership and involvement in multiple campus organizations; earning the admiration of their peers (as deter­ mined by· peer elections to campus leadership positions); developing quality relationships with faculty and high-ranking campus administrators; participating in enriching educational experiences (e.g., study abroad programs, internships, and summer research programs); and earning numer­ ous collegiate awards and honors. Using these cri­ teria, 32 high-achieving African American undergraduate men were identified and selected for participation in this study. The sample included four sophomores, 1 2 juniors, and 1 6 seniors, representing a wide variety of academic majors. The mean GPA for the sam­ ple was 3 . 32. All of the participants were between the ages of 1 8-22 years old and single with no

dependents. Twelve participants grew up in sin­ gle-parent homes and the remaining 20 were from homes with two parents. Collectively, they had been awarded more than $489,000 in merit-based scholarship awards. The participants expressed high educational and career aspirations, with 72 percent indicating the intent to someday earn a doctoral degree (including the J.D.). The remain­ ing 28 percent planned to pursue master's degrees, usually in business. None of the high-achievers were student athletes. All but two identifIed them­ selves as heterosexual-one was openly gay and the other was privately bisexual. Data Collection Procedures Each of the 32 African American men was asked to participate in a 2-3 hour face-to-face interview, and at least two follow-up interviews via tele­ phone. I visited each campus at least once to con­ duct the first-round individual interviews; four campuses were visited twice. A semi-structured interview technique was used in the face-to-face interview sessions, which enabled me to gather information without making the dialogue ex­ change inflexible and restrictive (Holstein & Gubrium 1 995). Although specifIc questions and interview protocol were used in this study, the discussions often became conversational, thus allowing the participants to reflect upon the expe­ riences, perceptions, and observations they deemed most important. Transcripts from all ses­ sions were sent to each participant for confIrma­ tion within eight weeks following his interviews. Data Analysis Several techniques prescribed by Moustakas ( 1 994) were used to analyze the data collected from interviews with the 32 participants. I first bracketed out my thoughts and assumptions as I read each line of the participants' transcripts. The margins of the transcripts were marked with reflective comments regarding my own presump­ tions and experiences. After bracketing, the tran­ scripts were sorted and key phases were linearly arranged under tentative headings in NVivo®. This process resulted in the identifIcation of 36

ARTIC LE 12

invariant constituents, which were sub-themes that did not vary more than 84.7 percent of the time (Moustakas, 1 994). The invariant con­ stituents were helpful for understanding the par­ ticipants' experiences, and were later clustered into thematic categories. I identified seven the­ matic categories that captured the essence of the participants' shared experiences.

Findings Participants on the six campuses consistently noted that their African American male peers used a limited number of variables to describe masculinity-dating and pursuing romantic (oftentimes sexual) relationships with women; any type of athletic activity (organized sports, individual exercise and bodybuilding, etc.); com­ petition, namely through sports and video games; and the accumulation and showing off of mater­ ial possessions. Some participants added frater­ nity membership to the list based on the observation that fraternity members seemed to attract and date more women. The participants were convinced that activities in which they were engaged-such as, holding multiple leadership positions; achieving top academic honors in the classroom; and maintaining a high-profile status on campl!s-would not have made it into the African American undergraduate male portfolio of masculinity. One University of Illinois student commented: Playing basketball in the rec. center, lifting weights, shooting hoops, partying, and showing off . . . they think those are masculine activi­ ties. I can be blunt, right? How many girls they can screw and who they've slept with. Those are the activities that most brothas' on this cam­ pus would use to define masculinity. You'll fmd them talking about these things in a boastful way all the time. I don't believe that holding a leadership position in student government has quite found its way onto the list of masculinity. Participants from the other five campuses consis­ tently reported similar ways of thinking among their fellow African American male peers.

The Measure of a Man

139

Lenny, a senior at Purdue, was dumb­ founded when asked if other African American male students would perceive leadership and out­ of-class involvement as masculine. Instead of speculating, he posed the following question in return: "He's slept with 30 girls or he's the Vice President in an organization on campus . . . which would you think the majority of 1 8-2 1 year-old Black males would consider more mas­ culine?" The participants believed their peers were seeking validation from other African Amer­ ican males, and had something to prove by attempting to date and have sex with as many women as possible. Reportedly, competition to see who could sleep with the most female stu­ dents on campus was commonplace-extra points were awarded for interracial sexual encounters. Males who successfully conquered the most women were considered "the big men on campus." Because of their active pursuit of dating opportunities and attention from the opposite sex, many of their male peers spent a significant amount of time in the gym working out and enhancing their physiques. Michael, a student at Michigan State, believed women somehow occu­ pied most African American male students' time on campus. "Women probably take a good 80 percent of that time because when they aren't actually spending time with women, they're working out to look good for the ladies." One Indiana University student noted that one of his closest male friends spent more time lifting weights and playing basketball in the campus fit­ ness center than the combined hours he spent attending class and doing homework. " Sure, his body is on point, but his grades and resume are not," the participant added. Second to women, competition influenced many of their peers' perceptions of masculinity. Specifically, defeating opponents at video games and on the basketball court were two key ways in which "real men" could flaunt their manhood. Marshawn, another Indiana University student, observed that competition among African Amer­ ican males, while quite prevalent on campus, was

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Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

not "cutthroat." That is, his peers derived tremen­

campus. The participants considered their peers

dous satisfaction from outpacing each other in

to be quite materialistic and disproportionately focused on showing off to impress women and

intramural and recreational sports and outs cor­ ing each other on video games. Thus, they did not seek to bring about harm, injury, or widespread

other male students. By contrast, the participants in this study

insult to other African American males. Instead,

offered different definitions of masculinity.

Marshawn noticed that competition on his cam­

Though they too enjoyed playing recreational

pus had more to do with building masculine rep­ utations .and earning respect. An Ohio State

sports and pursuing romantic relationships (time permitting), the high-achievers did not consider

student remembered an excerpt from a speech

those activities paradigmatic examples of mas­

given by a visiting lecturer who was directly

culinity. Instead, their shared definition over­

addressing the African American males in the

whelmingly included "taking care of business."

audience:

For example, many participants talked about the

He was like, when you're on the basketball court and you're about to take someone to the hole, you're talking trash and grabbing your [genitalsJ like, 'bring it on' ! Now, why is it when brothas' are in the classroom, they act like 'lit­ tle punks?' You can be hard out there, but then you get in here and you're a 'little punk' ! The participants also thought other African American male students on their campuses defmed masculinity and achievement through the accumulation and exhibition of material posses­ sions. Anyone who appeared to have a pocket full of money earned the respect of other African American males on campus. Nice cars with flashy ri�s were at the top of the list. One stu­ dent shared the following story: I've sat down with different brothas' and asked them why they were here. This one African American guy told me something that really shocked me. He said he was here in college so he could get a good enough job to buy a Ford Excursion [sports utility vehicleJ . This really shocked me. His idea of achievement was to have this truck with some rims on it. That was his sale reason for attending college.

importance of working hard to secure their futures, and handling the business that would pro­ tect them from dropping out or failing out of school. Failing to do well and having to return home to their mothers did not strike them as being very masculine, especially for men who called themselves adults. They also strongly believed that leadership and community advancement had been histori­ cally associated with men. Bryant, a senior at the University of Michigan commented: "Real men assume responsibility and take the lead on making improvements; they don't leave problems for oth­ ers to solve. College is the place where you learn to be a leader." The participants also acknowl­ edged that most of the historical icons and cele­ brated figures in the African American community were male leaders. "Look at Dr. Mar­ tin Luther King, Malcolm X, Jesse Jackson, Louis Farrakhan . . . they're masculine; they weren't ath­ letes, but they were out in the streets fighting for the rights of Black folks. To me, that's masculine." Reportedly, the participants' African Amer­ ican male peers (though uninvolved themselves) supported, appreciated, and applaUded the par­ ticipants' display of leadership on the six cam­

In addition to cars, the participants' African

puses. In fact, both their African American male

American male peers also relied on expensive

and female peers elected them to serve in a vari­

clothing and shoes to show they were excelling

ety of important leadership capacities in minority

and doing well, the participants claimed. Those who sported the "fIyest gear" were often dubbed coolest among the African American students on

and mainstream student organizations. Keely, a junior at the University of Illinois, commented, "They don't really know what the organization

ARTI C LE 12

does, but because they feel this camaraderie with another African American student who's running for a particular leadership position, they're going to vote for that student because he or she is Black." The participants felt a special sense of support from other African American males on campus and believed their peers would not have elected them to major leadership positions if they deemed such activities inappropriately "un­ masculine." "When I ran for student body presi­ dent, brothas' turned out in record numbers to cast their ballots in my favor; they wouldn't have done that if they didn't at least respect me as an African American male peer who could be their leader," a Purdue student added. The participants believed their previous track records for contributing to the advancement of the minority and African American student commu­ nities on campus helped them win favor with their fellow African American male peers. Though they were involved in an array of clubs and student organizations on their campuses, the high­ achievers primarily held leadership positions in African American and minority student organi­ zations. Their involvement enabled them to pro­ grammatically address issues and communicate the concerns of the African American community to university administrators. The participants often like,ned their roles to leading a family. In essence, their fellow African American peers com­ prised a "family" that these student leaders were providing for and protecting from social isolation racism, and discrimination on their predomi nantly White campuses. Regarding masculinity, the participants strongly believed that being a man had a lot to do with preparing to take care of a family. They often asked what good would a man who wasted his time in college and consequently ended up in dead-end jobs for the rest of his life be to his fam­ ily and community. Or how useful was a man who did not stand up for his family and attempt to make their lives better. Robert's remarks pro­ vided an excellent synopsis of the high-achievers' shared opinion:

�

The Measure of a Man

141

First of all, a real man honors God. Secondly, a real man takes care of his family and the peo­ ple he is directly or indirectly responsible for . . . to me, anything outside of that is not very masculine. If you're not a person who's honoring God, you're not a man. If you're not doing things right now to take care of the fam­ ily you're going to have in the future because you're so bent on self-gratification, you're not a man. Real men know that most decisions they make today will affect the family they're going to have in the future. The participants believed they would be better off in the long-term by striving to become like older African American male leaders from their com­ munities, instead of validating their manhood through their fellow African American college peers who would presumably achieve limited suc­ cess later in life. Although their definitions of masculinity were relatively unconventional and the activities in which they were most engaged were not part of the traditional African American male portfolio of manliness, the participants indicated that their masculinities were never questioned or chal­ lenged by their African American male peers or anyone else. This even held true for the gay and bisexual men in the sample. They had never been the victims of ridicule because they chose to spend their out-of-class time differently. The high­ achievers received an incredible amount of sup­ port and praise from other African American male students on their campuses, including the uninvolved. "Though the things that I'm involved in wouldn't be in their criteria for being a man, they wouldn't look at me and say, 'Cullen isn't masculine.' " The high-achievers had a different perspective on the perceived nexus between masculinity, mate­ rialism, and achievement. For instance, one par­ ticipant from the University of Michigan noted: Being "the man" isn't about the money, the clothes, and the cars that you have right now. You're "the man" when you're at a company and you're in a position to hire other African

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Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

Americans; when you're in a position to give

ing responsibility for bringing about changes that

dollars back to the Black community; when you

would improve the quality of life for minority stu­

have time to go be a mentor to young African

dents were the primary ways by which the high­

American boys in your city, that's mascu­ line . . . to me, being an executive someday who's able to reach back and help other African Americans is the measure of a man.

achievers were able to negotiate with their uninvolved male peers who would ultimately ben­ efit from the improved campus conditions. Unlike Kunjufu's

( 1 988) characterization,

the participants did not have to choose between being popular or smart-they were accepted as

Discussion

both. That they were elected to multiple campus

32 high-achieving African American men's

leadership positions suggests the participants

conceptualizations of masculinity, in comparison

were popular and highly-regarded by their peers.

to their fellow African American male peers, offer

Gilligan ( 1 993) and Head ( 1 999) found that most

several intriguing contrasts to previous inquiries

men were competitive and generally disinterested

on this topic. The participants were comfortable

in collaboration. In the present study, competi­

with themselves and had apparently developed

tiveness manifested itself vis-a.-vis the partici­

The

conflict-free masculine identities, despite their

pants' reports of vying for multiple leadership

unconventional views and the ways in which their

positions on campus. However, collaboration is a

out-of-class time was spent. Morrison and Eard­

necessary attribute of a successful undergraduate

ley ( 1 985) contend that boys who fail to live up to

student leader. In fact, this was one of the key

traditional standards of masculinity usually expe­

skills the participants deemed important for

rience ridicule and sometimes become victims of

future success.

violent acts committed by their male peers. The

The high-achievers devoted a sizeable por­

32 high-achievers contra­

tion of their out-of-class time to purposeful activ­

experiences of these

dicted that claim. Instead they felt extremely sup­

ities-participating in clubs and organizations,

ported by other African American male students

leading various student groups on campus, study­

on their campuses, and were not ridiculed or

ing and preparing for class, interacting with uni­

deemed heterosexually-suspect because of the

versity administrators, and so on. In contrast,

decisions . they made regarding the allocation of

most of their African American male peers spent

their out-of-class time. This held true for the

their time in residence hall rooms doing nothing,

openly gay student in the sample. He believed his

pursuing romantic (oftentimes sexual) relation­

African American male peers fully supported and

ships with women, exercising in the campus

treated him with an enormous amount of respect.

recreation facility, and playing video games and

The sexual orientation of the one bisexual par­

intramural sports. This finding is consistent with

ticipant remained private and undisclosed among

previous reports of traditionally African Ameri­

his African American male peers, and he too

can masculine activities (Askew & Ross

experienced no ridicule from other men on his

Head

1 988;

1 999; Martino & Meyenn 2001).

campus. Reportedly, this was largely due in part

I t does appear, however, that the high­

to their previous track records of service, leader­

achievers held certain beliefs and aspired to roles

ship, and contributions to the African American

that are consistent with traditional, mainstream

communities at their universities.

White definitions of masculinity (i.e. provider,

These reports of peer approval coincide with

family man, and executive). At the same time,

( 1 993) claim that masculinities must be

their motives were strikingly different. They were

Connell's

negotiated within male peer groups. It appears

involved in leadership roles for selfless reasons

that committing one's time to the advancement

and believed their work as student leaders was

of the African American community and assum-

central to the advancement of the African Amer-

ARTICLE 12

The Measure of a Man

143

ican community on their campuses. Even in dis­

findings also indicate that African American men

cussing their aspirations of becoming top execu­

had the lowest retention rates among both sexes

tives and leaders in their future professions, the

and all racial! ethnic groups in higher education

participants consistently emphasized the impor­

in

tance of being in a position to help, hire, and pro­

extensive and complex (Tinto

2000. While the causes of student attrition are 1 993), identity con­

vide opportunities to other African Americans.

flict-confusion about who one is, challenges

There was no mention of solely personal gain or

with fitting into a community within the college

competing for the sake of simply being on top.

environment, and unresolved psychosocial inse­

This social commitment is inconsistent with the

curities-is largely responsible for a significant

self-serving, ultra-competitive depiction of White

number of student departures from the college

men who subscribe to traditional definitions of

campus (Evans, Forney, & Guido-DiBrito

masculinity. Moreover, the high-achievers' views

In fact, Gilbert and Gilbert

1998). ( 1 998) and Price

of masculinity were clearly alternative and incon­

(2000) suggest that a healthy, conflict-free mas­

sistent with those of fellow African American

culine identity positively affects a variety of stu­

male peers.

dent outcomes, including academic achievement.

1 989) found that many African

If colleges and universities are to improve reten­

American men take on the "tough guy" or "play­

tion and graduation rates for African American

Oliver ( 1 988,

ers of women" identities to compensate for their

male undergraduates, faculty and administrators

inability to meet traditional White standards of

must implement effective programs that will assist

masculinity. While there was no mention of

these students in resolving identity conflicts and

"tough guys" or violent peers, many African

developing masculinities with which they are

American men on the six campuses reportedly

comfortable.

devoted tremendous time and energy to romantic

Highly-involved African American male stu­

and sexual conquests with female students (often­

dent leaders, such as the participants in the pre­

times multiple women simultaneously). Although

sent study, should be used as a resource in efforts

30 participants identified themselves as hetero­

to broaden or redefine within-group conceptual­

sexual and admittedly engaged in romantic and

izations of masculinities. Programs and struc­

sexual endeavors with women, they did not deem

tured dialogues in which students candidly share

the high r.riority and disproportionate emphasis

their perspectives on manhood may broaden the

that their peers placed on opposite-sex relation­

scope of masculine attitudes and behaviors that

ships healthy or productive. Moreover, instead of

are deemed acceptable by and garner respect

relying on indicators such as money, cars, and the

from peers.

exhibition of material possessions to define mas­ culinity,

the participants'

conceptualizations

Organizations specifically designed for African American male students are also important, as they

community

typically attract many men who would otherwise

improvement, and the indemnity of long-term

remain completely uninvolved. Programs that focus

included

campus

involvement,

career success beyond the undergraduate years.

on masculine identity issues and diversified con­ ceptualizations of what it means to be a man would

Implications and Recommendations

naturally complement the mission of this type of student organization. These initiatives must be stu­

(2001), 67.6

dent-led with some faculty and administrative guid­

percent of all African American men who started

ance, as undergraduates are more likely to listen to

college in

1 996 withdrew before completing their 2000, compared to 56 per­ cent of African American women and 5 8 . 1 per­

peers who challenge them to see issues in a differ­

cent of White male undergraduates. Mortenson's

on the six campuses, it would be advantageous for

According to data from Mortenson

bachelor's degrees in

ent light. Given that fraternity membership was occasionally deemed highly masculine among men

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Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

advisors and administrators to encourage the African American fraternities to sponsor semi­ structured programs that focus on explorations of masculinity. It is also important to connect African Amer­ ican male undergraduates to African American mentors who can expose them to alternative def­ initions of what it means to be a man. These mentors Gould include male faculty, staff, admin­ istrators, and graduate students, as well as alumni who serve in important positions in their profes­ sions and are actively involved in their communi­ ties. These mentors could share their personal success stories, encourage mentees to spend their out-of-class time more meaningfully, deconstruct longstanding myths about masculinity and help undergraduates understand how the choices they make today will affect future success and employ­ ability. These mentoring relationships are espe­ cially critical for African American male students who come from single-parent homes or commu­ nities where they were not exposed to African American male professionals and leaders. Campus counseling centers should also con­ sider approaches that focus on masculinity for African American men. Private, individualized sessions and small group therapy may help these students unpack their identity issues and come to terms with their alternative conceptualizations of masculinity. Given the sexual promiscuity that the study participants described among their peers, campus health centers should expand their safe-sex campaigns to include information about masculinity. Programs and materials that empha­ size to male students (African American and oth­ erwise) that being a man is not all about sex would likely inspire some students to rethink their priorities. A "men's only" session at new student orientation would be an appropriate venue for spreading this message. African American male student leaders could also participate in these ori­ entation sessions and suggest to newcomers that they balance their romantic and sexual pursuits with out-of-class activities that will yield mean­ ingful post-college outcomes. Gender-specific ori­ entation sessions would also give advanced male

student leaders the opportunity to share with new students their definitions of what it means to be a man and provide recommendations for how to survive in college despite peer pressure to live up to traditional standards of masculinity. These ses­ sions would also confirm that it is possible to maintain intact masculine reputations without participating in sports, showing off material pos­ sessions, and constantly pursuing women. Similar to women's centers that exist on hun­ dreds of college and university campuses across the country, administrators should also consider devoting financial and staff resources to the estab­ lishment of men's centers. These centers could provide activities, resources, and support for male students. In addition to regularly sponsoring struc­ tured dialogues regarding identity and definitions of masculinity, the centers could also offer infor­ mation and programs on rape prevention, aggres­ sion, health and wellness, sexuality, and male/ female relationships, and facilitate opportunities for the cultivation of friendships and male bond­ ing. If resources are not available to start this type of center, perhaps multicultural affairs offices could expand their scope to include programming on gender, particularly men's issues. These and other initiatives designed to address identity issues and definitions of masculinity among undergrad­ uate men in general and African American male students specifically, would help students feel bet­ ter about their definitions of self. The resolution of identity issues is necessary for retention and suc­ cess in college, and is especially critical for African American male undergraduates. Limitations The most glaring limitation of this study is the reliance on self-reported data of peer perceptions. Interviews were only conducted with the 32 high­ achieving African American undergraduate men, not their peers. Although the participants believed their African American male peers held certain views regarding masculinity or disproportionately devoted their out-of-class time to traditionally masculine activities, their peers may have reported something different. Also, the participants believed

ARTICLE 12

their peers perceived them to be masculine and never questioned their heterosexuality; no data were collected to confirm these speculations.

References Askew, S., and Ross, C. 1988. Boys don't cry: Boys and sexism in education. Philadelphia, PA: Open Uni­ versity Press. BIos, P. 1 962. On adolescence. New York: Free Press. ---. 1 979. The adolescence passage. New York: In­ ternational Universities Press. Bonner II, F.A 200 1 . Gifted African American male col­ lege students: A phenomenological study. Storrs, CT: The National Research Center on the Gifted and Talented. Chodorow, N. 1 978. The reproduction of mothering. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Connell, RW 1 993. "Disruptions: Improper mas­ culinities." In Beyond silenced voices. Edited by L. Weis and M. Fine, 1 91-208. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Davis, J.E. 200 1 . "Black boys at school: Negotiating masculinities and race." In Educating ourBlack chil­ dren: New directions and radical approaches. Edited by R Majors, 169-182. New York: RoutledgeFalmer. ---. 2003. Early schooling and academic achieve­ ment of African American males. Urban Educa­ tion, 38(5) : 5 1 5-533. Davis, J.E . , and Jordan, W.J. 1 994. The effects of school context, structure, and experience on African American males in middle and high school. Journal of Negro Education, 63: 570-587. Denzin, N. ;and Lincoln, Y. 2000. Introduction: The discipline and practice of qualitative research. In Handbook of qualitative research 2nd ed., Edited by N. Denzin & Y. Lincoln, 1-28. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Evans, N.J. , Forney, D.S., and Guido-DiBrito, F. 1 998. Student development in college: Theory, re­ search, and practice. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Fries-Britt, S. 1997. Identifying and supporting gifted African American men. In Helping African Amer­ ican men succeed in college. New Directions for Stu­ dent Services, No. 80. Edited by M.J. Cuyjet, 65-78. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. --- . 1 998. Moving beyond Black achiever isola­

tion: Experiences of gifted Black collegians. Journal of Higher Education, 69(5 ) : 556--5 76.

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Ferguson, A.A 2000. Bad boys: Public schools in the making of black male masculinity. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. Gilbert, R, and Gilbert, P. 1 998. Masculinity goes to school. New York: Routledge. Gilligan, C. 1 993. In a different voice: Psychological the­ ory and women's development. Cambridge, MA : Harvard University Press. Gregory, J.F. 1997. Three strikes and they're out: African American boys and American schools' responses to misbehavior. International Journal of Adolescence and Youth, 7(1), 25-34.

Harris, S.M. 1995 . Psychosocial development and Black male masculinity: Implications for coun­ seling economically disadvantaged African American male adolescents. Journal of Counsel­ ing and Development, 73, 279-287.

Head, J. 1 999. Understanding the boys: Issues of behav­ iour and achievement. London: Falmer Press. Holstein, J.A, and Gubrium, J.F. 1995. The active in­ terview. Qualitative research method series, No. 37.

Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Kunjufu, J. 1 988. To be popular or smart: The Black peer group. Chicago: African American Images. LaVoire, J. 1 986. Ego identity formation in middle adolescence. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 5: 37 1-385.

Majors, R., and Billson, J.M. 1992 . Cool pose: The dilemmas of Black manhood in America. New York: Lexington Press. Martino, W., and Meyenn, B. , eds. 200 1 . What about the boys? Issues of masculinity in schools. Philadel­ phia, PA: Open University Press. Miles, M.B., and Huberman, A M. 1 994. Qualitative data analysis: An expanded sourcebook, 2nd ed.

Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Morrison, P., and Eardley, T. 1 985. About men. Phila­ delphia, PA: Open University Press. Mortenson Research Seminar on Public Policy Analy­ sis of Opportunity for Postsecondary Education. 2001 , July. College participation by gender age 1 8 to 24, 1967 to 2000. Postsecondary Education Opportunity, 109: 1-16.

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Price, IN. 2000. Against the odds: The meaning of school and relationships in the lives of six young African­ American men. Stamford, CT: Ablex.

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A R T I C L E

1 3

Peter Lyman

The Fraternal Bond as a Joking Relationship: A Case Study of the Role of Sexist Jokes i n Male G roup Bonding One evening during dinner, 45 fraternity men suddenly broke into the dining room of a nearby campus sorority, surrounded the 30 women resi­ dents, and forced them to watch while one pledge gave a speech on Freud's theory of penis envy as another demonstrated various techniques of mas­ turbation with a rubber penis. The women sat silently, staring downward at their plates, and lis­ tened for about 1 0 minutes, until a woman law student who was the graduate resident in charge of the house walked in, surveyed the scene and demanded, "Please leave immediately! " As she later described that moment, "There was a mock­ ing roar from the men, 'It's tradition.' I said, 'That's no reason to do something like this, please leave! ' And they left. I was surprised. Then the women i� the house started to get angry. And the guy who made the penis-envy speech came back and said to us, 'That was funny to me. If that's not funny tJJ you I don't know what kind of sense of humor you have, but I'm sorry. ' " That night the women sat around the stair­ well of their house discussing the event, some angry and others simply wanting to forget the whole thing. They finally decided to ask the uni­ versity to require that the men return to discuss the event. When university officials threatened to take action, the men agreed to the meeting. I had served as a faculty resident in student housing for

From Changing Men, Michael Kimmel (ed.). Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 198 7 . Repri nted by per­ mission.

two years and had given several talks in the dorm about humor and gender, and was asked by both the men and the women involved to attend the discussion as a facilitator, and was given permis­ sion to take notes and interview the participants later, provided I concealed their identities. The penis-envy ritual had been considered a successful joke in previous years by both "the guys and the girls," but this year it failed, causing great tension between two groups that historically had enjoyed a friendly joking relationship. In the women's view, the joke had not failed because of its subject; they considered sexual jokes to be a normal part of the erotic joking relationship between men and women. They thought it had failed because of its emotional structure, the mix­ ture of sexuality with aggression and the atmos­ phere of physical intimidation in the room that signified that the women were the object of a jok­ ing relationship between the men. A few women argued that the failed joke exposed the latent dom­ ination in men's relation to women, but this view was labeled "feminist" because it endangered the possibility of reconstituting the erotic joking rela­ tionship with the men. Although many of the men individually regretted the damage to their rela­ tionship with women friends in the group, they argued that the special male bond created by sex­ ist humor is a unique form of intimacy that justi­ fied the inconvenience caused the women. In reinterpreting these stories as social constructions of gender, I will focus upon the way the joke form and joking relationships reveal the emotional cur­ rents underlying gender in this situation.

147

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The Sociology of Jokes Although we conventionally think of jokes as a meaningless part of the dramaturgy of everyday life, this convention is part of the way that the social function of jokes is concealed and is nec­ essary if jokes are to "work." It is when jokes fail that the social conflicts that the joke was to reconstruct or "negotiate" are uncovered, and the tensions and emotions that underlie the con­ ventional order of everyday social relations are revealed. Joking is a special kind of social relationship that suspends the rules of everyday life in order to preserve them. Jokes indirectly express the emo­ tions and tensions that may disrupt everyday life by "negotiating" them (Emerson 1 969, 1 970), reconstituting group solidarity by shared aggres­ sion and cathartic laughter. The ordinary conse­ quences of forbidden words are suspended by meta-linguistic gestures (tones of voice, facial expressions, catch phrases) that send the message "this is a joke," and emotions that would ordi­ narily endanger a social relationship can be spo­ ken safely within the micro-world created by the "the joke form" (Bateson 1 972). Yet jokes are not just stories, they are a the­ ater of domination in everyday life, and the suc­ cess or failure of a joke marks the boundary within which power and aggression may be used in a relationship. Nearly all jokes have an aggres­ sive content, indeed shared aggression toward an outsider is one of the primary ways by which a group may overcome internal tension and assert its solidarity (Freud 1 960, p. 1 02). Jokes both require and renew social bonds; thus Radcliffe­ Brown pointed out that "joking relationships" between mothers-in-law and their sons-in-law provide a release for tension for people struc­ turally bound to each other but at the same time feeling structural conflict with each other (Rad­ cliffe-Brown 1 959). Joking relationships in medi­ cine, for example, are a medium for the indirect expression of latent emotions or taboo topics that if directly expressed would challenge the physi­ cian's authority or disrupt the need to treat life

and death situations as ordinary work (see Coser 1959; Emerson 1 969, 1970). In each of the studies cited above, the pri­ mary focus of the analysis was upon the social function of the joke, not gender, yet in each case the joke either functioned through a joking rela­ tionship between men and women, such as in Freud's or Radcliffe-Brown's analysis of mother­ in-law jokes, or through the joking relationship among men. For example, Coser describes the role of nurses as a safe target of jokes: as a surro­ gate for the male doctor in patient jokes chal­ lenging medical authority; or as a surrogate for the patient in the jokes with which doctors expressed anxiety. Sexist jokes, therefore, should be analyzed not only in general terms of the func­ tion of jokes as a means of defending social order, but in specific terms as the mechanism by which the order of gender domination is sustained in everyday life. From this perspective, jokes reveal the way social organizations are gendered, namely, built around the emotional rules of male bonding. In this case study, gender is not only the primary content of men's jokes, but the emotional structures of the male bond is built upon a joking relationship that "negotiates" the tension men feel about their relationship with each other, and with women. Male bonding in everyday life frequently takes the form of a group joking relationship by which men create a serial kind of intimacy to "negotiate" the latent tension and aggression they feel toward each other. The humor of male bond­ ing relationships generally is sexual and aggres­ sive, and frequently consists of sexist or racist jokes. As Freud ( 1 960, p. 99) observed, the jokes that individual men direct toward women are generally erotic, tend to clever forms (like the dou­ ble entendre), and have a seductive purpose. The jokes that men tell about women in the presence of other men are sexual and aggressive rather than erotic and use hostile rather than clever ver­ bal forms; and, this paper will argue, have the cre­ ation of male group bonding as their purpose. While Freud analyzed jokes in order to reveal the unconscious, in this article, relationships will be

ARTI C lE 13

analyzed to uncover the emotional dynamics of male friendships. The failed penis-envy joke reveals two kinds of joking relationships between college men and women. First, the attempted joke was part of an ongoing joking relationship between "the guys and the girls," as they called each other. The guys used the joking relationship to negotiate the ten­ sion they felt between sexual interest in the girls and fear of commitment to them. The guys con­ trasted their sense of independence and play in male friendships to the sense of dependence they felt in their relationships with women, and used hostile joking to negotiate their fear of the "loss of control" implied by intimacy. Second, the failure of the joke uncovered the use of sexist jokes in creating bonds between men; through their own joking relationships (which they called friend­ ship), the guys negotiated the tension between their need for intimacy with other men and their fear of losing their autonomy as men to the authority of the work world.

The Girls' Story The women frequently had been the target of fra­ ternity initiation rites in the past, and generally enjoyed this joking relationship with the men, if with a certain ambivalence. "There was a naked Christmas Carol event, they were singing 'We wish you a Merry Christmas,' and 'Bring on the hasty pudding' was the big line they liked to yell out. And we had five or six pledges who had to strip in front of the house and do naked jumping jacks on the lawn, after all the women in the house were lined up on the steps to watch. " The women did not think these events were hostile because they had been invited to watch, and the men stood with them watching, suggesting that the pledges, not the women, were the targets of the joke. This made the joke sexual, not sexist, and part of the normal erotic joking relationship between the guys and girls. Still, these jokes were ritual events, not real social relationships; one woman said, "We were just supposed to watch, and the guys were watching us watch. The men

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set up the stage and the women are brought along to observe. They were the controlling force, then they jump into the car and take off." At the meeting with the men, two of the women spoke for the group while 1 1 others sat silently in the center, surrounded by about 30 men. Each tried to explain to the men why the joke had not been funny. The first began, "I'm a feminist, but I'm not going to blame anyone for anything. I just want to talk about my feelings." When she said, "these guys pile in, I mean these huge guys," the men exploded in loud cathartic laughter, and the women joined in, releasing some of the tension of the meeting. She contin­ ued, "Your humor was pretty funny as long as it was sexual, but when it went beyond sexual to sexist, then it became painful. You were saying 'I'm better than you.' When you started using sex as a way of proving your superiority it hurt me and made me angry." The second woman speaker criticized the imposition of the joke form itself, saying that the men's raid had the tone of a symbolic rape. "I admit we knew you were coming over, and we were whispering about it. But it went too far, and I felt afraid to say anything. Why do men always think about women in terms of violating them, in sexual imagery? You have to understand that the combination of a sexual topic with the phys­ ical threat of all of you standing around terrified me. I couldn't move. You have to realize that when men combine sexuality and force it's terri­ fying to women. " This woman alluded to having been sexually assaulted in the past, but spoke in a nonthreatening tone that made the men listen silently. The women spoke about feeling angry about the invasion of their space, about the coercion of being forced to listen to the speeches, and about being used as the object of a joke. But they reported their anger as a psychological fact, a statement about a past feeling, not an accusation. Many began by saying, "I'm not a feminist, but . . . ," to reassure the men that although they felt angry, they were not challenging traditional gender relations. The women were caught in a

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double-bind; if they spoke angrily to the men they would violate the taboo against the expression of anger by women (Miller 1 976, p. 1 02). If they said nothing, they would internalize their anger, and traditional feminine culture would encour­ age them to feel guilty about feeling angry at all (Bernardez 1 978; Lerner 1 980). In part they resolved the issue by accepting the men's con­ struction of the event as a joke, although a failed joke; accepting the joke form absolved the men of responsibility, and transformed a debate about gender into a debate about good and bad jokes. To be accepted as a joke, a cue must be sent to establish a "frame" [for] the latent hostility of the joke content in a safe context; the men sent such a cue when they stood next to the women during the naked jumping jacks. If the cue "this is a joke" is ambiguous, or is not accepted, the aggressive con­ tent of the joke is revealed and generally is responded to with anger or aggression, endanger­ ing the relationship. In part the women were point­ ing out to the men that the cue "this is a joke" had not been given in this case, and the aggressive con­ tent of the joke hurt them. If the cue is given prop­ erly and accepted, the everyday rules of social order are suspended and the rule "this is fun" is imposed on the expression of hostility. Verbal aggression mediated by the joke form generally will be [accepted] without later conse­ quences in the everyday world, and will be judged in terms of the formal intention of jokes, shared play marked by laughter in the interest of social order. By complaining to the university, the women had suspended the rules of joke culture, and attempted to renegotiate them by bringing in an observer; even this turned out to be too aggres­ sive, and the women retreated to traditional gen­ der relationships. The men had formally accepted this shift of rules in order to avoid punishment from the university, however their defense of the joke form was tacitly a defense of traditional gen­ der rules that would define male sexist jokes toward women as erotic, not hostile. In accepting the construction of the event as "just a joke" the women absolved the men of responsibility for their actions by calling them

"little boys." One woman said, "It's not wrong, they're just boys playing a prank. They're little boys, they don't know what they're doing. It was unpleasant, but we shouldn't make a big deal out of it." In appealing to the rules of the joke form the men were willing to sacrifice their relation­ ship to the women to protect the rules. In calling the men "little boys" the women were bending the rules trying to preserve the relationship through a patient nurturing role (see Gilligan 1 982, p. 44). In calling the guys "little boys," the girls had also created a kind of linguistic symmetry between "the boys and the girls." With the excep­ tion of the law student, who called the girls "women," the students called the men "guys" and the women "girls." Earlier in the year the law student had started a discussion about this nam­ ing practice. The term "women" had sexual con­ notations that made "the girls" feel vulnerable, and "gals," the parallel to "guys," connoted "older women" to them. While the term "girls" refers to children, it was adopted because it avoided sexual connotations. Thus the women had no term like "the guys," which is a bonding term that refers to a group of friends as equals; the women often used the term "the guys" to refer to themselves in a group. As the men's speeches were to make clear, the term "guys" refers to a bond that is exclusively male, which is founded upon the emotional structure of the joke form, and which justifies it.

The Guys' Story Aside from the roar of laughter when a woman referred to their intimidating size, the men inter­ rupted the women only once. When a woman began to say that the men obviously intended to intimidate them, the men loudly protested that the women couldn't possibly judge their inten­ tions, that they intended the whole event only as a joke, and the intention of a joke is, by defini­ tion, just fun. At this point the two black men in the frater­ nity intervened to explain the rules of male joke

ARTI CLE 13

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151

culture to the women. The black men said that in

was a kind of "signifYing" or "dozens," a ritual

a sense they understood what the women meant,

exchange of insults that functioned to create group

fact, they said, the collective talk of the fraternity

the emphasis on being able to take a lot of ridicule,

it is painful being the object of aggressive jokes. In

solidarity. "If there's one theme that goes on, it's

at meals and group events was made up of noth­

of shit, and not getting upset about it. Most of the

ing but jokes, including many racist jokes. One

interaction we have is verbally abusing each other,

said, "I know what you mean. I've had to listen to

making disgusting references to your mother's sex­

things in the house that I'd have hit someone for

uality, or the women you were seen with, or your

saying if I'd heard them outside." There was

sex organ, the size of your sex organ. And you

again cathartic laughter among the guys, for the

aren't cool unless you can take it without trying to

male group bond consisted almost entirely of

get back . " Being cool is an important male value

aggressive words that were barely contained by

in other settings as well, such as sports or work;

the responsibility absolving rule of the j oke form.

the joke form is a kind of male pedagogy in that,

A woman responded, "Maybe people should be

in one guy's words, it teaches "how to keep in con­

hit for saying those things, maybe that's the right

trol of your emotions. "

thing to do." But the black speaker was trying to

But the guys themselves would not have

explain the rules of male joke culture to the

described their group as a joking relationship or

women, "if you'd just ignored us, it wouldn't have

even as a male bond; they called it friendship.

been any fun. " To ignore a joke, even though it

One man said he had found perhaps a dozen guys

makes you feel hurt or angry, is to show strength

in the house who were special friends, "guys I

or coolness, the two primary masculine ideals of

could cry in front of." Yet in interviews, no one

the group.

could recall any of the guys actually crying in

Another man tried to explain the failure of

front of each other. One said, "I think the guys

the joke in terms of the difference between the

are very close, they would do nearly anything for

degree of " crudeness" appropriate among the

each other, drive each other places, give each

guys and between "guys and girls." He said, "As

other money. I think when they have problems

I was listening at the edge of the room, near the

about school, their car, or something like that,

door, and when I looked at the guys I was laugh­

they can talk to each other. I'm not sure they can

ing but ""hen I looked at the girls I was embar­

talk to each other about problems with women

rassed. I could see both sides at the same time. It

though. " The image of crying in front of the

was too crude for your sense of propriety. We

other guys was a moving symbol of intimacy to

have a sense of crudeness you don't have. That's

the guys, but in fact crying would be an admis­

a cultural aspect of the difference between girls

sion of vulnerability, which would violate the

and guys."

ideals of "strength" and "being cool."

The other men laughed as he mentioned

Although the fraternal bond was idealized as

"how crude we are at the house," and one of the

a unique kind of intimacy upon which genuine

black men added, "you wouldn't believe how

friendship was built, the content of the j oking

crude it gets. " Many of the men said privately

relationship was focused upon women, including

that while they individually found the jokes about

much " signifYing"

women vulgar, the jokes were justified because

women interpreted the sexist jokes as a sign of

talk about mothers. The

they were necessary for the formation of the fra­

vulnerability. "The thing that struck me the most

ternal bond. These men thought the mistake had

about our meeting together," one said, "was when

been to reveal their crudeness to the women, this

the men said they were afraid of trusting women,

was "in bad taste."

afraid of being seen as jerks." According to her,

In its content, the fraternal bond was almost

this had been the women's main reaction to the

entirely a joking relationship. In part, the joking

meeting by the other women, "How do you tell

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men that they don't have to be afraid, and what do you do with women who abuse that kind of trust?" One of the men on the boundary of the group remarked that the most hostile misogynist jokes came from the men with the fewest intimate relationships with women. "I think down deep all these guys would love to have satisfYing relation­ ships with women. I think they're scared of fail­ ing, of having to break away from the group they've become comfortable with. I think being in a fraternity, having close friendships with men is a replacement for having close relationships with women. It'd be painful for them because they'd probably fail." Joking mobilized the commitment of the men to the group by policing the individual men's commitments to women and minimized the pos­ sibility of dyadic withdrawal from the group (see Slater 1963). "One of the guys just acquired a girl­ friend a few weeks ago. He's someone I don't think has had a woman to be friends with, maybe ever, at least in a long time. Everybody has been ribbing him intensely the last few weeks. It's good natured in tone. Sitting at dinner they've invented a little song they sing to him. People yell ques­ tions about his girlfriend, the size of her vagina, does she have big breasts. " Since both the jokes and the descriptions of the parties have strong homoerotic overtones, including the exchange of women as sexual part­ ners, jokes were also targeted at homosexuality, to draw an emotional line between the homosocial male bond and homosexual relationships. Being called "queer," however, did not require a sexual relationship with another man, but only visible signs of vulnerability or nurturing behavior.

Male Bonding as a Joking Relationship Fraternal bonding is an intimate kind of male group friendship that suspends the ordinary rules and responsibilities of everyday life through jok­ ing relationships. To the guys, dyadic friendship with a woman implied "loss of control," namely, responsibility for work and family. In dealing with

women, the group separated intimacy from sex, defining the male bond as intimate but not sexual (homosocial), and relationships with women as sexual but not intimate (heterosexual). The inti­ macy of group friendship was built upon shared spontaneous action, "having fun," rather than the self-disclosure that marks women's friendships (see Rubin 1 983, p. 1 3). One of the men had been inexpressive as he listened to the discussion, but spoke about fun in a voice filled with emotion, "The penis-envy speech was a hilarious idea, great college fun. That's what I joined the frater­ nity for, a good time. College is a stage in my life to do crazy and humorous things. In 1 0 years when I'm in the business world I won't be able to carry on like this [again cathartic laughter from the men] . The initiation was intended to be humorous. We didn't think through how sensitive you women were going to be." This speech gives the fraternal bond a spe­ cific place in the life cycle. The joking relation­ ship is a ritual bond that creates a male group bond in the transition between boyhood and man­ hood, after the separation from the family, where the authority of mothers limits fun, but before becoming subject to the authority of work. One man later commented on the transitional nature of the male bond, "I think a lot of us are really scared of losing total control over our own lives. Having to sacrifice our individuality. I think we're scared of work in the same way we're scared of women." In this sense individuality is associated with what the guys called "strength," both the emotional strength suggested by being cool, and the physical strength suggested by facing the risks of sports and the paramilitary games they liked to play. The emotional structure of the joking rela­ tionship is built upon the guys' latent anger about the discipline that middle-class male roles im­ posed upon them, both marriage rules and work rules. The general relationship between organi­ zation of men's work and men's domination of women was noted by Max Weber ( 1 958, pp. 345-346), who described "the vocational special­ ist" as a man mastered by the rules of organiza-

A R T I C l E l. 3

tion that create an impersonal kind of depen­ dence, and who therefore seeks to create a feel­ ing of independence through the sexual conquest of women. In each of the epochs of Western his­ tory, Weber argues, the subordination of men at work has given rise to a male concept of freedom based upon the violation of women. Although Weber tied dependence upon rules to men's need for sexual conquest through seduction, this may also be a clue to the meaning of sexist jokes and joking relationships among men at work. Sexist jokes may not be simply a matter of recreation or a means of negotiating role stress, they may be a reflection of the emotional foundations of orga­ nizational life for men. In everyday work life, sex­ ist jokes may function as a ritual suspension of the rules of responsibility for men, a withdrawal into a microworld in which their anger about dependence upon work and women may be safely expressed. In analyzing the contradictions and vulnera­ bilities the guys felt about relationships with women and the responsibilities of work, I will focus upon three dimensions of the joking rela­ tionship: ( 1 ) the emotional content of the jokes; (2) the erotics of rule breaking created by the rules of the joke form; and (3) the image of strength and "being cool" they pitted against the depen­ dence reI?resented by both women and work. The Emotional Dynamic of Sexist Jokes When copfronted by the women, the men defended the joke by asserting the formal rule that the purpose of jokes is play, then by justifying the jokes as necessary in order to create a special male bond. The defense that jokes are play defines aggressive behavior as play. This defense was far more persuasive to the men than to the women, since many forms of male bonding play are rule-governed aggression, as in sports and games. The second defense, asserting the relation between sexist jokes and male bonds, points out the social function of sexist jokes among the guys, to control the threat that individual men might form intimate emotional bonds with women and withdraw from the group. Each defense poses a

The Fraternal Bond as a Joking Relationship

153

puzzle about the emotional dynamics of male group friendship, for in each case male group friendship seems more like a defense against vul­ nerability than a positive ideal. In each defense, intimacy is split from sexu­ ality in order to eroticize the male bond, thereby creating an instrumental sexuality directed at women. The separation of intimacy from sexual­ ity transforms women into "sexual objects," which both justifies aggression at women by sus­ pending their relationships to the men and deval­ ues sexuality itself, creating a disgust at women as the sexual "object" unworthy of intimate atten­ tion. What is the origin of this conjunction between the devaluation of sexuality and the appropriation of intimacy for the male bond? Chodorow (1 978, p. 1 82) argues that the sense of masculine identity is constructed by an early repression of the son's erotic bond with his mother; with this repression the son's capacity for intimacy and commitment is devalued as femi­ nine behavior. Henceforth men feel ambivalent about intimate relationships with women, seek­ ing to replicate the fusion of intimacy and sexu­ ality that they had experienced in their primal relationships to their mothers, but at the same time fearing engulfment by women in heterosex­ ual relationships, like the engulfment of their infant selves by their mothers (Chodorow 1 976). Certainly the content of the group's joke suggests this repression of the attachment to the mother, as well as hostility to her authority in the family. One man reported, "There're an awful lot of jokes about people's mothers. If any topic of con­ versation dominates the conversation it's 'heard your mother was with Ray [one of the guys] last night.' The guys will say incredibly vulgar things about their mothers, or they'll talk about the anatomy of a guy's girlfriends, or women they'd like to sleep with." While the guys' signifying mother jokes suggest the repression Chodorow describes, the men realized that their view of women made it unlikely that marriage would be a positive experience. One said, "I think a lot of us expect to marry someone pretty enough that other men will think we got a good catch, someone who

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is at least marginally interesting to chat with, but not someone we'd view as a friend. But at the same time, a woman who will make sufficient demands that we won't be able to have any friends. So we'll be stuck for the rest of our lives without friends." While the emotional dynamic of men's "het­ erosexual knots" may well begin in this primor­ dial separation of infant sons from mothers, its structure is replicated in the guys' ambivalence about their fathers, and their anger about the dependence upon rules in the work world. Yet the guys themselves described the fraternal bond as a way of creating "strength" and overcoming dependence, which suggests a positive ideal of male identity. In order to explore the guys' sense of the value of the male bond, their conception of strength and its consequences for the way they related to each other and to women has to be taken seriously.

Strength Ultimately the guys justified the penis-envy joke because it created a special kind of male intimacy, but while the male group is able to appropriate its members' needs for intimacy and commitment, it is not clear that it is able to satisfy those needs, because strength has been defined as the opposite of intimacy. "Strength" is a value that represents solidarity rather than intimacy, the solidarity of a shared risk i:n rule-governed aggressive competi­ tion; its value is suggested by the cathartic laugh­ ter when the first woman speaker said, "These guys poured in, these huge guys." The eros detached from sexuality is attached to rules, not to male friends; the male bond consists of an erotic toward rules, and yet the penis-envy joke expresses most of all the guys' ambivalence about rules. Like "the lads," the male gangs who roam the English countryside, "getting in trouble" by enforcing social mores in unsocial ways (Peters 1 972), "the guys" break the rules in rule-governed ways. The joke form itself suggests this ambivalence about rules and acts as a kind of pedagogy about the relationship

between rules and aggression in male work cul­ ture. The joke form expresses emotions and ten­ sions that might endanger the order of the organization, but that must be spoken lest they damage social order. Jokes can create group soli­ darity only if they allow dangerous things to be said; allow a physical catharsis of tension through laughter; or create the solidarity of an "in group" through shared aggression against an "out group. " In each case there is an erotic in joke forms: an erotic of shared aggression, of shared sexual feeling, or an erotic of rule breaking itself. It has been suggested that male groups expe­ rience a high level of excitement and sexual arousal in public acts of rule breaking (Thorne & Luria 1 986). The penis-envy speech is precisely such an act, a breaking of conventional moral rules in the interest of group arousal. In each of the versions of the joking relationship in this group there is such an erotic quality: in the sexual content of the j okes, in the need for women to witness dirty talk or naked pledges, in the eros of aggression of the raid and jokes themselves. The penis-envy speech, a required event for all mem­ bers of the group, is such a collective violation of the rules, and so is the content of their talk, a col­ lective dirty talking that violates moral rules. The cathartic laughter that greeted the words, "You wouldn't believe what we say at the house," testi­ fies to the emotional charge invested in dirty talk. Because the intimacy of the guys' bond is built around an erotic of rule breaking, it has the serial structure of shared risk rather than the social structure of shared intimacy. In writing about the shared experience of suffering and dan­ ger of men at war, J. Glenn Gray ( 1 959, pp. 89-90) distinguishes two kinds of male bonding, comradeship and friendship. Comradeship is based upon an erotic of shared danger, but is based upon the loss of an individual sense of self to a group identity, while friendship is based upon an individual's intellectual and emotional affin­ ity to another individual. In the eros of friendship one's sense of self is heightened; in the eros of comradeship a sense of self is replaced by a sense of group membership. In this sense the guys were

ARTIC LE 13

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155

seeking comradeship, not friendship, hence the

of order is procedural rather than substantive

group constructed its bond through an erotic of

because the male bond is formal (rule governed),

shared activities with an element of risk, shared

rather than personal (based upon intimacy and

danger, or rule breaking: in sports, in paramili­

commitment). Male groups in this sense are

tary games, in wild parties, in j oking relations.

shame cultures, not guilt cultures, because the

The guys called the performance of these activi­

male bond is a group identity that subordinates

ties "strength," being willing to take risks as a

the individual to the rules, and because social

group and remaining cool.

control is imposed through collective judgments

Thus the behavior that the women defined

about self-control, such as "strength" and "cool. "

as aggressive was seen by the men as a contest of

The sense of order within such male groups is

strength governed by the rules of the joke form, to

based upon the belief that all members are equally

which the proper response would have been to

dependent upon the rules and that no personal

remain "cool . " To the guys, the masculine virtue

dependence is created within the group. This is

of " strength" has a positive side, to discover one­

not true of the family

self and to discover a sense of the other person

both of which are intimate, and, from the guys'

through a contest of strength that is governed by

point of view, are " out of control" because they

rules. To the guys, " strength" is not the same as

are governed by emotion.

power or aggression because it is governed by rules, not anger; it is anger that is "uncool. "

or

of relations with women,

The guys face contradictory demands from work culture about the use of aggressive behavior. Aggressive conduct is highly valued in a compet­ itive society when it serves the interests of the

" Being Cool"

organization, but men also face a strong taboo

I t is striking that the breaking o f rules was not

against the expression of anger at work when it is

spontaneous, but controlled by the rules of the

not rule governed. "Competition" imposes cer­

joke form: that aggressive talk replaces action;

tain rules upon aggressive group processes:

that talk is framed by a social form that requires

Aggression must be calculated, not angry; it must

the consent of others; that talk should not be

be consistent with the power hierarchy of the

taken seriously. This was the lesson that the black

organization, serving authority and not challeng­

men trieq to teach the women in the group ses­

ing it; if expressed, it must be indirect, as in jokes;

sion: In the male world, aggression is not defined

it must serve the needs of group solidarity, not of

as violent if it is rule governed rather than anger

individual autonomy. Masculine culture separates

governed. The fraternal bond was built upon this

anger from aggression when it combines the value

emotional structure, for the life of the group cen­

"strength" with the value "being cool." While

tered upon the mobilization of aggressive ener­

masculine cultures often define the expression of

gies in rule-governed activities (in sports, games,

jokes, parties). In each arena aggression was highly

valued (strength) only when it was rule governed

anger as "violent" or "loss of control," anger, properly defined, is speech, not action; angry speech is the way we can defend our sense of

(cool). Getting angry was called "losing control"

integrity and assert our sense of justice. Thus it is

and the guys thought they were most likely to lose

anger that challenges the authority of the rules,

control when they experienced themselves as per­

not aggressive behavior in itself, because anger

sonally dependent, as in relationships with women

defends the self, not the organization. The guys' joking relationship taught them a

and at work. Rule-governed aggression is a conduct that

pedagogy for the controlled use of aggression in

is very useful to organizations, in that it mobilizes

the work world, to be able to compete aggres­

aggressive energies but binds them to order by

sively without feeling angry. The guys recognized

rules (see Benjamin

the relationship between their male bond and the

1 980, p. 1 54). The male sense

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work world by claiming that "high officials of the university know about the way we act and they understand what we are doing. " While this might be taken as evidence that the guys were internal­ izing their fathers' norms and thus inheriting the mantle of patriarchy, the guys described their fathers as slaves to work and women, not as patri­ archs. The guys also asserted themselves against the authority of their fathers by acting out against the authority of rules in the performance of "strength. " The guys clearly benefited from the male authority that gave them the power to impose the penis-envy joke upon the women with essentially no consequences. Men are allowed to direct anger and aggression toward women because social norms governing the expression of anger or humor generally replicate the power order of the group. It is striking, however, that the guys would not accept the notion that men have more power than women do; to them it is not men who rule, but rules that govern men. These men had so internalized the governing of male emotions by rules that their anger itself could emerge only indirectly through rule-governed forms, such as jokes and joking relationships. In these forms their anger could serve only order, not their sense of self or justice.

Referenoes Bateson, G. (1 972). A theory of play and fantasy. In Steps toward an ecology of mind (pp. 1 77-193). New York: Ballantine. Benjamin, J. (1 978). Authority and the family revis­ ited, or, A world without fathers. New German Critique, 4(3), 13, 35-57. Benjamin, J. (1 980). The bonds of love: Rational vio­ lence and erotic domination. Feminist Studies, 6(1), 144-174.

Berndardez, T. ( 1978). Women and anger. Journal of the American Medical Women's Association, 33(5), 2 1 5-219. BIy, R. ( 1 982). What men really want: An interview with Keith Thompson. NewAge, pp. 30-37, 50-51. Chodorow, N. (1976). Oedipal asymmetries, hetero­ sexual knots. Social Problems, 23, 454-468. Chodorow, N. ( 1978). The reproduction of mothering. Berkeley: University of California Press. Coser, R. (1959). Some social functions of laughter: A study of humor in a hospital setting. Human Re­ lations, 12, 1 7 1-1 82. Emerson, J. (1969) . Negotiating the serious import of humor. Sociometry, 32, 1 69-1 8 1 . Emerson, J. (1970). Behavior in private places. I n H . P. Dreitzel (Ed.), Recent sociology: Vol. 2 . Patterns in communicative behavior. New York: Macmillan. Freud, S. (1 960). Jokes and their relation to the uncon­ scious. New York: Norton. Gilligan, C. ( 1 982). In a different voice. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Gray, G. J. (1959). The warriors: Reflections on men in battle. New York: Harper & Row. Lerner, H. E . ( 1980). Internal prohibitions against fe­ male anger. American Journal of Psychoanalysis, 40, 1 37-148. Miller, J. B. (1 976). Toward a newpsychology of women. Boston: Beacon. Peters, E. L. ( 1972). Aspects of the control of moral ambiguities. In M. Gluckman (Ed.), The alloca­ tion of responsibility (pp. 109-162). Manchester: Manchester University Press. Radcliffe-Brown, A. (1 959). Structure and fimction in primitive society. Glencoe, IL: Free Press. Rubin, L. ( 1 983). Intimate strangers. New York: Harper & Row. Slater, P. (1963). On social regression. American Soci­ ological Review, 28, 339-364. Thorne, B., & Luria, Z. ( 1986). Sexuality and gender in children's daily worlds. Social Problems, 33(3), 1 76-190. Weber, M. (1958). Religions of the world and their di­ rections. In H. Gerth & c. W Mills (Eds.), From Max Weber. New York: Oxford University Press.

A R T I C L E

1 4

Rocco L. Capraro

Why College Men Drink: Alcohol , Adventure, and the Paradox of Mascu linity

Andyou drink this burning liquor like your life Your life which you drink like an eau-de-vie. Apollinaire1

Though terror speaks to life and death and distress makes of the world a vale of tears, yet shame strikes deepest into the heart of man. Tomkins2

Given the magnitude of the negative conse­

of health, injury, morbidity, and mortality in the

quences of some college men's drinking-for

context of masculinity.6,7 I also suggest an answer

themselves and for those around them-on cam­

to the companion question that immediately pre­

puses across the nation,3 college health profes­

sents itself to us: "What can we do about it?"

sionals and alcohol prevention educators might well wonder: " Why

Part one of this article discusses the con­

college men drink?" Be­

nections between alcohol, men, and masculinity

cause most college men drink in unproblematic

generally; part two, the cultural and developmen­

ways and only to be sociable,4 those men who

tal aspects of men in a college setting; and part

do

drink in a way that is likely to be harmful to them­

three, conceptual and programmatic responses to

selves or others are actually the central focus of

the men's problem drinking.

this article-that is, those men "for whom drink­

In general, I conclude that when college men

ing has become a central activity in their way of life. "S(P100)

drink, they are simply being men in college: that is the best context for understanding why they

Writing from a men's health studies perspec­

drink. I further conclude, in what is perhaps my

tive, I articulate what is necessarily only a tentative

central insight in this article, that college men's

answer to the question of men's problem drinking

drinking appears to be profoundly paradoxical in

by offering a model for conceptualizing the com­

a way that seems to replicate a larger paradox of

plex connections between college men and alco­

masculinity itself: that men's alcohol use is related

hol. Men's health studies, a subfield of men's

to both men's power and men's powerlessness.

studies, describes and analyzes men's experience

Stated most succinctly, my interpretation of a variety of evidence suggests that many college

From Journal of American College Health 48: 307-315. Copyright © 2000. Repri nted with permission of the Helen Dwight Reid Foundation. Published by Heldref Pub­ lication, Washington, DC.

men may be drinking not only to enact male priv­ ilege

but

also

to

help

them negotiate

the

emotional hazards of being a man in the con­ temporary American college.

157

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Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

with alcohol involvement. In addition to the

Alcohol and Masculinity

personality traits of instrumentality and expres­

Drinking as a Male Domain

siveness, they explore the traits of traditional

If we want to understand why college men drink,

male-role attitudes and masculine gender-role

then we might embed drinking and college in

stress. For their research, traditional male-role

masculinity and ask in what ways each might be

attitudes represent a "series of beliefs and assump­

seen as a specific male experience.6 When we

tions that men should be in high-status positions

look for connections between drinking, men, and

in society, act in physically and emotionally

masculinity, we observe that the most prominent

toughened ways, and avoid anything stereotypi­

feature on the social landscape of drinking is that

cally feminine. "

drinking is a "male domain. "3(p6) By male domain,

term used to "describe the stress resulting from a

I suggest that drinking is male dominated, male

man's belief that he is unable to meet society's

identified, and male centered. 8

demands of what is expected from men or the

Men outnumber women in virtually every category of drinking behavior used in research for comparison-prevalence,

consumption,

Masculine gender-role stress is a

fre­

male role or from having to respond to a situa­ tion in a feminine-typed manner. " 1O(pp l l 1� 1 1 2) McCreary et al. 1O identify traditional male­

quency of drinking and intoxication, incidence of

role attitudes as the

heavy and problem drinking, alcohol abuse and

role they studied that predicts alcohol

one aspect of the male gender use among

dependence, and alcoholism.4,9� 12 Although most

men. Alcohol use itself correlates with alcohol

college men and women say they drink to be

problems. However, masculine gender-role stress,

sociable, men are more likely than women to say ) they drink for escapism or to get drunk.4(p 1 25

while statistically unrelated to alcohol predict alcohol

use, does problems for men (p. 1 2 1 ) . In

These findings hold true for the categories of

short, this study suggests that, from the point of

age, ethnicity, geographic region, religion, educa­

view of masculinity or culture of manhood as a

tion, income, and marital status.9 Although there

factor among many others, men

has been some speculation that changing gender

arrive at alcohol problems by two routes: one

qua men might

roles may be narrowing the gap between women

route starts at traditional male-role attitudes,

and men vis-a.-vis alcohol, discussed by scholars

passes through alcohol use, and ends in alcohol

as the

problems; another route starts at masculine

convergence hypothesis, research tends to

reject that proposition.3 In a classic and often-cited article, Lemle and

gender-role stress and ends directly in alcohol problems.

Miskind9 asked, "Why should it be that males drink and abuse alcohol in such magnitude and in such marked contrast to females?" Citing empir­ ical research that placed men mostly in the com­ pany of other men in the life course of their

Variations on a Theme: Conflict and Strain, Shame and Fear, Depression, and the Paradox of Masculinity

drinking, they suggested that drinking was a sym­

The Paradox of Masculinity

bol of masculinity and speculated that men may drink to be manly. 9(P21 5) They found little or no

role attitudes and masculine gender-role stress are

empirical evidence to support many of the theo­

are correlated. 10,13 Their correlation reveals the

Traditional male­

actually not very far apart; in some aspects, they

retical possibilities they discussed, particularly for

contradictory nature of masculinity. 14 Reflecting

any theories concerned with men's abusive drink­

upon the contradictory nature of the male role,

ing, yet they remained intrigued with the idea that

researchers in the field of men's studies have ar­

men were affirming their manliness by drinking.

ticulated the paradox of masculinity, or the para­

More recently, McCreary et al. 10 ask what

specific aspects of the male gender role correlate

dox of men's power, as follows:

and powerless. 15�18

men are poweifitl

ARTI C LE 14

What is the resolution of the apparent con­ tradiction that constitutes the paradox? How can men be both powerful and powerless? Men's stud­ ies observe two aspects of men's lives. First, in objective social analysis, men as a group have power over women as a group: but, in their subjective expe­ rience of the world, men as individuals do notfeel powe1fU1. In fact, they feel powerless. As at first articulated, and then later resolved by men's stud­ ies, the concept of a paradox of men's power offers an important insight into men's lives, one that seems to capture and to explain many of the contradictory claims made by and about men. Ironically, it is men themselves who make the "rules of manhood" by which men as indi­ viduals are "disempowered. " 1 7(p138) Kaufman16 aptly concludes that men's power is actually the cause of men's pain: "men's social power is the source of individual power and privilege . . . it is also the source of the individual experience of pain and alienation. " 16(pp 142-143) The paradoxical nature of masculinity is fur­ ther illuminated in other men's studies research on at least three critical psychosocial aspects of masculinity: gender-role conflict and strain, shame and fear, and depression. Interestingly, those same aspects of masculinity are themselves important possible connections between men and alcohol. �onsequently, the concept of the para­ dox of men's power draws us to an important conceptual understanding of some men's con­ nections to alcohol. O'Neip9 provides a useful series of interlocking definitions that locate gen­ der-role conflict and strain in relation to the gen­ der role itself. Gender roles are "behaviors, expectations, and values defined by society as masculine or feminine," or "as appropriate be­ havior for men and women." Gender-role con­ flict is "a psychological state in which gender roles have negative consequences on the individ­ ual or others" through the restriction, devalua­ tion, or violation of oneself or others. Gender-role strain is "physical or psychological tension experienced as an outcome of gender-role Conflict and Strain

Why College Men Drink

159

conflict. " At the bottom of gender-role strain is a "discrepancy between the real self and the gen­ der role" (pp. 24, 25). Strain can follow from both conformity and nonconformity to the male role. In his writings on strain, Pleck14,2o provides additional insight into the relation between the masculine gender role and conflict or strain. Pleck maintains that the masculine gender role itself is "dysfunctional, " 14(p147) fraught with contradic­ tions and negative consequences. Even when men live up to the role, they suffer well-documented adverse consequences. But, very often, men do not live up to the role. In fact, conflict and strain are inherent in the role, and they are actually the best rubrics under which to understand most men's identity and experience. In Pleck's14 role-strain paradigm, social ap­ proval and situational adaptation replace innate psychological need as the social and psychologi­ cal mechanisms by which men achieve manhood. Violating gender roles (norms and stereotypes) results in social condemnation, a negative conse­ quence experienced as sex-role strain and anxi­ ety, a negative psychological consequence (pp. 145, 1 46). At least one study has connected role conflict and alcohol use. Blazina and Watkins21 found that masculine gender-role conflict, in par­ ticular the factor cluster of "success, power, and competition," were significantly related to college men's reported use of alcohol. Shame and Fear Krugman,22 reflecting on Pleck's foundational work on gender-role strain, characterizes male-role strain, with its grounding in feelings of inadequacy and inferiority, as a shame-based experience. " Role strain generates shame affect as males fail to live up to the cultural and peer group standards they have internal­ ized."22(p95) The essence of shame for Krugman is "painful self-awareness " or "a judgment against the self" (p. 99). He advises that shame is active in both male gender-role strain and normal male socialization. Recent research suggests that normative male socialization employs shame to shape boys' and men's behaviors and attitudes. 22,23 In

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common and nonpathological forms, shame becomes integrated into the self and transformed into a cue that tells us when to modify our behav­ iors and feelings in response to shame's messages about their appropriateness. But although shame may be the powerful leverage to enforce boys' and men's conformity to the male role, men are less likely than women to transform shame because they find -shame to be repugnant to their mas­ culinity. Consequently, for Krugman,22 boys and men internalize male gender roles to avoid shame; but they also learn that dependency needs, for example, are shameful, especially under the gaze of their peer group. Shame is related to fear.2 Shame can mag­ nify fear by linking similar episodes of fear into what Tomkins refers to as a family of episodes, creating a behavioral template in which fear can be anticipated and become more pervasive. In adversarial cultures, and I would include our own society generally in that category, fear and shame are conjoined, resulting in the mutually reinforc­ ing "fear of shame" and "shame of fear."2(p53 8) KimmeI1 7 places fear and shame at the very center of the social construction of men's iden­ tity. For him, men "fear that other men will unmask us, emasculate us, reveal to us and the world that we do not measure up, that we are not real men. Fear makes us ashamed" (p. 1 3 1). To avoid shame, Kimmel writes, men distance them­ selves from the feminine and all associations with it, including mothers, the world of feelings, nur­ turing, intimacy, and vulnerability. Without the transformation of shame, men learn to manage shame in other ways. Alcohol is one of the significant ways men manage shame: drinking is a "maladaptive male solution to the pressure of undischarged shame."22(p120) Speaking metaphorically, Krugman observes that alcohol "dissolves acute shame" (p. 94). Referring to Lan­ sky's study of shame in families, Krugman reports that alcohol, as a disinhibitor, is used by some men "to handle vulnerable and exposed states that generate shameful feelings." Krugman, citing M. Horowitz, advises that alcohol "softens ego criticism" and "facilitates interpersonal con-

nections and self-disclosures" (p. 1 20). Drinking may also reduce fear.2 It seems to me that shame may also be the mechanism that leads men directly to alcohol, which is used to instill con­ formity to the dictates of traditional masculinity that encourage men to drink. Depression In addition to anxiety and shame, male gender-role strain and conflict make them­ selves known in the lives of men in depression. Depression is significantly related to all four as­ pects of gender-role conflict: (a) success, power, and competition; (b) restrictive emotionality; (c) restrictive affectionate behavior between men; and (d) conflicts between work and family rela­ tions. 13,24 Traditional masculinity insidiously puts men at risk for depression and also masks the de­ pression, should it actually develop.25,26 Whereas Kaufman 16 uses a discourse of power to explain men's unacknowledged emo­ tions, Lynch and Kilmartin25 offer an alternative approach to the pitfalls of masculinity drawn from the point of view of social relations. Men's socialization encourages them to disconnect, or dissociate, from their feelings. An emotionally restrictive masculinity permits men to show their feelings only "in disguised form," and so they become "mostly unrecognized, unexpressed, and misunderstood by self and others" (p. 45). Men, instead, express their feelings in indirect ways, often through behavior that is destructive to them­ selves or others. Dissociation from feelings and destructive behavior are the two major character­ istics of what Lynch and Kilmartin refer to as "masculine depression . "25(Pp9, 1 O) Heavy drinking, or binge drinking, is one of the ways some depressed men may act out, or manifest, their depression.4 Lynch and Kil­ martin25 cite research indicating that depression is a strong risk factor for substance abuse problems. Krugman22 notes a study showing strong correla­ tions between alcohol abuse and major depres­ sion, especially among men. Although they do not cite empirical evidence for it, Blazina and Watkins2! speculate that traditional men may " self-medicate their pain and depression with

ARTICLE 14

alcohol" (p. 461). Although research findings sug­ gest only a possible correlation between alcohol use or abuse and depression, perhaps alcohol use or abuse may actually precede depression. Alco­ hol and depression are certainly connected in the lives of some men.

Alcohol and the Paradox of Men's Power Men in Qur society are supposed to be powerful. 27 According to the empirical findings of McClel­ land et al.,28 when men are not powerful, they may often compensate for their lack of power or seek an "alternative to obtaining social power" with alcohol. Stated most dramatically by McClelland, drinking is "part of a cluster of actions which is a principal manifestation of the need for power" (p. 1 1 9). For this research, feeling powerful means "feeling that one is vigorous and can [have] an impact on others" (p. 84). But men's power motivation can be personalized (i.e., for "the greater glory or influence of the individual") or socialized for "the good of others" (p. 1 3 7). According to McClelland,28 a few drinks will stimulate socialized power thoughts for most men, and that is one of the reasons they like to drink. Higher levels of drinking tend to decrease inhibitions and stimulate personalized power thoughts. Heavy drinking in men is uniquely associateq with personalized power, McClelland says. Heavy drinking makes men feel strong and assertive and, I would argue, the way they are supposed to feel. Drinking may be related to men's power in a more profound and paradoxical way. In the aggregate, the connection between some men and heavy or problem drinking appears to be of two sorts: (a) that which follows from simple, appar­ ently uncomplicated, conformity to traditional masculinity-drinking simply because men are supposed to drink; and (b) that which is informed by complex, perceived inadequacy as men, either from men's own point of view, or from that of society. If they do not feel inadequate, then at least they experience a kind of doubt, or a sense of falling short of the cultural ideal of man­ hood-drinking because of gender-role conflicts.

Why College Men Drink

161

This distinction may be, after all, only a con­ ceptual, or theoretical, distinction; in practice, the two sorts of connection co-occur. I wonder if tra­ ditional masculinity does not contain within it, socially constructed over time in the course of men's history, the use of alcohol to accommodate gender-role conflict. Given the way traditional masculinity has been constructed, is not gender­ role conflict of the sort described by Pleckl4 and O'Neil19 and documented in the lives of the men studied by Tomkins,2 Krugman,21 Lynch and Kil­ martin,25 Real,26 and Kimmel17 inherent in most men's lives? Have not men as historical agents, therefore, made provision for taking care of their own? If so, traditional masculine drinking would encompass conflicted drinking; certainly, in the culture of manhood, it does. If heavy and problem drinking is associated with conformity, overconformity, or conflicted or strained resistance to the imperatives of tradi­ tional masculinity, why should this be the case? It would appear that drinking is a kind of fatally flawed defense mechanism, or compensatory behavior. It protects men's objective power as a group, even as it reveals men's subjective power­ lessness as individuals and results in a diminution of men's power, particularly through the loss of control of emotions, health, and a variety of other negative consequences. If this is the case, then drinking would have much in common with other documented psy­ chological defense mechanisms that correlate with male gender-role conflict. And gender-role conflict, following from either conformity or non­ conformity, might itself be seen as a defense mechanism that "protects a man's sense of well­ being."29(p253) Like men's silence,30 men's drinking turns out to be in the interest of men's power, even as it disempowers individual men. And alco­ hol, in my view, is the paradoxical drug that is a part of the larger whole, a trope, of a paradoxical masculinity. As I ponder this material, then, it seems to me that a significant part of men's drinking, like male gender-role stress and strain, men's shame, and masculine depression themselves, is a reflection of

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both men's power and men's powerlessness about men's privilege and men's pain. Heavy and prob­ lem drinking join other aspects of masculinity as they, too, come to be seen as manifestations of the paradox of masculinity. Drinking thus falls into a line of masculine icons, including body building, sexual assault, and pornography, that reveal the paradoxical nature of masculinity itself.31-34 As I review those icons, it strikes me that at those times men appear most powerful socially, they feel most powerless personally.

College and Masculinity College Drinking What happens when we look at college men? Col­ lege students, mostly men, are among the heavy drinkers in Rorabaugh's 3 5 history of drinking in early American society. Contemporary college men drink more than they did in high school and more heavily than their noncollege counterparts, and the gap is widening.3.36--38 Men have been the primary public purveyors of alcohol to the col­ lege campus. All of the differences in drinking behavior for men and women generally hold true for college men and women.3.4 Given today's college students' preference for alcohol, one could not really imagine most colleges void of alcohol. 39 However, given the great variety of colleges and universities, the diversity of today's student populations, and the sweeping nature of the concerns I express in this article, most of what follows must necessarily speak primarily to an ideal type, represented for me by the relatively small, residential liberal arts college, occupied by a mostly traditionally aged student population.4o In the following pages, I shall discuss critical aspects of college that seem to define college men's experience and help explain much of the presence of alcohol on col­ lege campuses: adventure, adult development, and permissiveness. College as Adventure Green41 conceptualizes adventure as a domain of transgression. For Green, adventure takes shape

around the themes of "eros" and "potestas"­ love and power. Following Bataille, Green asks us to think about civil society "as based on the purposes and values of work, which means the denial of all activities hostile to work, such as both the ecstasies of eroticism and those of vio­ lence. " Adventure lies in the conceptual space where heroes, "men acting with power, " break free of ordinary restraints and "sample the repressed pleasures of sex and violence."42(p 1 7) Although Green41 makes no reference to drinking in his essays on adventure, we can easily recognize that the terrain of adventure is the same terrain as that of alcohol: "a boy's first drink, first prolonged drinking experience, and first intoxi­ cation tend to occur with other boys away from home."9(p214) Sports and the military are contexts for both adventure and drinking. Drinking games "are an important factor in the socialization of new students into heavy use," particularly for men.42(p 105) Drinking, in general, can be an adven­ ture, insofar as it takes men through a "breach" of the social contract and into the realms of vio­ lence, sex, and other adventure motifs. In what way might college be conceptualized as an adventure? College is not literally, or pre­ dominantly, a scene of eros and potestas. It is, however, a time and place of an imaginative asser­ tion of manhood outside of civil society, away from home and family, where a kind of heroism is possible. By analogy, we can observe that student life in 1 9th-century American colleges developed outside of the civil society represented by the fac­ ulty and administration in what I would regard as the realm of adventure. Horowitz43 argues that what we think of as student life was actually "born in revolt" (p. 23) against the faculty and adminis­ tration. It is a "world made by the undergradu­ ates," she says (p. 3). Levine and Cureton39 find that colleges today are occupied by a transitional generation that reflects the changing demographics of con­ temporary American society. Horowitz's history, however, employs a simple tripartite typology of college students that is sti11 largely applicable as a model for understanding students on many cam-

ARTIC LE 14

puses in more recent times. That typology deeply

Why College Men Drink

163

Rotund045 observes that in the 1 9th century,

resonates with my own many years of experience

"male youth culture" made its appearance in

in student affairs: (a) college men-affluent men

men's development as the vehicle for the transi­

in revolt against the faculty and administration

tion from boyhood to manhood. Boys' principal

who created campus life as "the culture of the

developmental task was disengagement from

college man" (p.

home, which created conflict between the imper­

32); (b) outsiders-hardworking

men who identify with the faculty (p. 14); and (c)

atives of wordly ambition young men's psycho­

rebels-creative, modernist, and expressive men

logical needs for attachment. Young men of

who conform neither to campus life nor to the

Rotundo's period gathered in business districts

faculty (p. 1 5) . Horowitz43 observes that these

and colleges. Wherever they gathered, a "special

three student types were distinctly male when they

culture" developed to support them in a time of

first made their appearance, but their female

need (pp.

counterparts eventually found their place along­ side the men.

56-62).

Lyman46 carries us forward from Rotundo's45 historical analysis to the present. In his essay on

NuwerM argues that there are historical links

male bonding in fraternities, he locates college as

between traditional male undergraduate life and

a developmental time and place between the

danger, a key adventure motif. Social interactions

authority of home and family (in the high school

initiating students into various campus commu­

years), and that of work and family (after gradua­

nities have continuously subjected college men to

tion). He identifies college men's anger, their

high risk. Acceptance by their peers is granted in

"latent anger about the discipline that middle-class

exchange for successfully undertaking the risk

male roles impose upon them, both marriage rules

involved. A variety of college rituals and tradi­

and work rules" (p. 1 5 7). Their great fear is loss of

tions often mix danger and alcohol. 44 Alcohol,

control and powerlessness. Lyman concludes that

itself, is associated with risk in men's lives.9 Seen

joking relationships (banter, sexual humor, etc.)

this way, college and campus life become an

among men allow a needed connection without

adventure-scape, where young men (college men)

being self-disclosive or emotionally intimate, that

imagine their manhood in a developmental

is, with little vulnerability. Recent research on first­

moment that is socially dominated by alcohol.

year college men has characterized their transition

Green41 identifies a number of arenas or

to college as often involving separation anxiety

institutions of adventure: manhood before mar­

and loss, followed by grieving . Among the signif­

riage, hunting, battle, travel, sports, and politics,

icant responses that may manifest some college

to name a few. Although there may be feminine

men's grief, we find self-destructive behaviors,

variants, Green links adventure to masculinity

including alcohol useY

because society gives men the freedom to "apply

Shame theory advises that to avoid shame,

forces to the world to assert power and identity. "

boys need to distance themselves from their

Adventure is an act of assertion by which men

mothers because of the " considerable discomfort

"imagine themselves" in "a breach of the social

with dependency needs at the level of the peer

contract" (p. 1 9).

group . " 22(pl07) College men in groups, such as

College as a Male Developmental Moment

and

Beyond seeing the sociology of college and stu­

women to be a threat to their homo social world.

Lyman's fraternity men, perceive homosexuality intimate

emotional

relationships

with

dent life organized as adventure, we must also

Thus, men are encouraged to treat women as sex­

consider the role of individual developmental

ual objects, which confirms their heterosexuality,

psychology in the college environment. Paradox­

but prevents true intimacy with women.

ically, just at the moment the great adventure

Alcohol plays a role in men's emotional

begins, college men feel the most vulnerable.

management under these conditions. Drinking

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remains a "socially acceptable way for men to sat­ isfy their dependency needs while they maintain a social image of independence,"48(P 1 87) even as it masks those needs. For example, recent research on drinking games suggests they are actually an environmental context for drinking where a vari­ ety of students' social and psychological needs come into play.49 When men (and women) give reasons for playing drinking games, they are likely to be "tapping into more general motives for drinking" (p. 286). Alcohol may be an effective way to cope in the short term, but it is ultimately "self-destructive. "48(p 19 1) For Nuwer,44 as was true for Horowitz,43 fra­ ternities are the quintessential emblems of tradi­ tional college life. They provide a "feeling of belonging" for students who "crave relationships and acceptance" in their college years (p. 38). They are also the riskiest environments for heavy and problem drinking.4 Nationally, just over 80 percent of fraternity residents binge drink, whereas just over 40 percent of all college stu­ dents binge. 50 Drinking in fraternities is perhaps best understood as an extreme on a continuum of college men's drinking, dramatizing what may be going on to a lesser extent in traditional student life among a range of men. From the point of view of men's needs assessments, we have much to learn from the psychology of brotherhood. Permissiveness-Real and I magined ' Alcohol is " one of the oldest traditions in the American college," and alcohol-related problems have also been a benchmark of campus life. Until very recently, though, college administrations have been permissive about alcohol, voicing "offi­ cial condemnation tempered by tacit tolera­ tion."51(pp81-83) Myers52 provides a model for "institutional (organizational) denial" of the pres­ ence (or extent) of alcohol abuse that could eas­ ily apply to college campuses nationally (p. 43). In 1 995, Wechslerl l was explicit about the wide­ spread denial about alcohol on college campuses. With the increase in the drinking age from 1 8 to 2 1 years and increased awareness of the dangers of alcohol abuse, colleges now "typically

have policies which promote responsible drink­ ing" and attempt the "management of student drinking and its consequences. "51(pp84-88) My own informal observations are that liability case law, awareness of the negative impact of alcohol on the achievement of educational mission, and enrollment management concerns for retention have also encouraged colleges to be more vigilant about the role of alcohol in campus cultures. But among students, permissiveness persists, both in drinking behavior and in attitudes toward drinking. Permissiveness itself is, in part, the result of students' own misperceptions of cam­ pus norms for alcohol behavior and attitudes. 53,54 With reference to the consumption of alcohol and the acceptability of intoxication, students gener­ ally perceive themselves to be in a permissive environment. In reality, the environment is not as permissive as they think. Misperceiving the norm leads students who are inclined to drink to con­ sume more alcohol than they otherwise would drink were they to perceive the norm correctly. 55 This social norms research indicates that correct­ ing the misperception through public information campaigns can reduce both problem drinking and binge drinking on college campuses. 56,57 How well do social norms approaches work with college men who are heavy drinkers? How are masculinity, permissive attitudes about drink­ ing, and misperceptions of the norm related? How accurately do college men perceive their campus norms? For social norms theory and research, the heaviest drinking results from the interaction of the most permissive personal atti­ tudes toward alcohol and the greatest mispercep­ tion of the norm as more permissive than it actually is. Men as a group are the heaviest drinkers on campus. We might conclude that the heaviest drinking men have the most permissive attitudes about drinking and that they misper­ ceive the norm at the greatest rates. But, theoret­ ically, they should also be most susceptible to the benefits of social norms approaches. However, in one study, the heaviest drinking college men proved to be the least susceptible to social norms interventions. From 1 995 to 1 998

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Western Washington University implemented a campus-wide social norms approach. Although most students on the campus changed their pat­ terns of drinking in positive ways, the " students reporting they had seven or more drinks on peak occasions [the most consumed at one time in the past month] remained virtually unchanged [at about 3 5 percent] . " The most recalcitrant stu­ dents at Western Washington were underage men: "nearly two thirds of the underage men still reported having seven or more drinks on a peak occasion. Only one third of the underage women reporting the same"56(P3) level of consumption. In view of the significance of personal atti­ tudes toward alcohol, 55 permissive personal atti­ tudes about alcohol in the group of recalcitrant underage men might have been so robust that they simply overwhelmed any other perceptions of the environment. Prentice and Miller58 found that men and women in their study did respond differently to corrections of misperceptions. Per­ haps, in the case of at least some college men, per­ sonal attitudes about drinking and misperception of the campus norm are so inextricably linked that research and prevention work that addresses the one (personal attitudes) must necessarily be done in conjunction with the same kind of work on the other (misperception of the norm). PerIqns once characterized "the perceived male stereotype of heavy use as a misperception to which males do not need to conform. " 3(p6) Some college men's misperceptions of their cam­ pus alcohol norms may be "contained" in their personal attitudes about drinking. Baer found that differences in the perception of campus drinking norms among students in different housing situa­ tions on one campus " already existedprior to college enrollment"42(p98) [emphasis mine] . Certainly, if "the impact of public behavior and conversation" on campus can generate misperceptions of the norm,54(p17) a lifetime of powerful messages about the connection between alcohol and manhood would produce great distortions of its own. Social norms theory, research, and strategies would be enhanced by a closer look at gender in the creation of drinking attitudes and behaviors,

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in possible differences in the misperception of norms, and in the social mechanisms that lie behind the actual norms. Social norms research surveys should include measures of traditional masculine role strain and should look for corre­ lations between attitudes and perceptions of the norm and actual drinking behavior. In addition, surveys should replace the generic "college student" with "male student" or "female student" when asking college students about how much students are drinking and asking about their attitudes toward drinking. So, for example, we should ask, " How many drinks does a male [orftmale] student typically have at a party on this campus? " instead of "do students typically have" or "Is it acceptable for men [or women] to drink with occasional intoxication as long as it does not interfere with other responsi­ bilities?"54(P 1 5) The results would have implications for norms­ based prevention programs. It would make sense if, in fact, masculinity were found to predispose men to misperceive the norm because assumptions and attitudes about drinking and how drinking relates to manhood are built into masculinity. It would also make sense that the actual and perceived social norms be gender specific.

What Is to Be Done? Concrete Responses Men, alcohol, and college are connected by the paradoxical nature of men's power. What can we do about college men's frequent, heavy, and prob­ lem drinking? Following from the model that has been developed in this essay, nothing short of rad­ ical reconstruction of masculinity and a reimag­ ining of the college experience are likely to bring about significant change in college men's drink­ ing. The same paradox that characterizes college men's drinking also provides a pedagogy for change. This is because, while the paradox acknowledges men's pain and powerlessness, it also discourages men from seeing themselves sim­ ply as victims, and it insists that men take respon­ sibility for their actions.

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Colleges, in collaboration with high schools and community agencies, should integrate gen­ der awareness into alcohol education, prevention, and risk-reduction programs. For men, I recom­ mend a comprehensive educational program that addresses four central themes in men's lives: friendship, health, life/work/family, and sexual ethics (see also, Good and Mintz24(p20)). As in the case of effective rape prevention education workshops for men, the pedagogy should be workshops that are all male, small group, interactive, and peer facilitated. Such pro­ grams have been shown to change some men's attitudes and values that are associated with the perpetration of rape. 59 It may be that the rape pre­ vention workshops are changing attitudes because they correct men's misperceived norm of other men's attitudes about women, or vice versa.60 Attitudes and values associated with prob­ lem drinking could be similarly changed. Devel­ oping what Lynch and Kilmartin25 refer to as "healthy masculinity" that connects men in healthy relationships with other men, family, and intimate partners would be a succinct statement of the goal of such programming (pp. 46, 47). The transition to college is a critical juncture in the consumption of alcoho1.4 Programming should therefore begin early in the first year and continue well beyond orientation week. Broad­ based, fully integrated, social norms educational programs, interventions, and public information initiatives should be implemented. 55 I would add that such programs should be gender-informed along the lines I have suggested in this article. College men should understand how the para­ doxical masculinity I have discussed may orient them to alcohol use and abuse. College students should be strongly encour­ aged to get involved in clubs and organizations on campus, to run for office, and to be involved in sports as ways of meeting power orientation needs in socially responsible ways. 23 Those activities themselves must have alcohol education compo­ nents; otherwise, involvement could have the

ironic consequence of promoting heavier drink­ ing.3 Associations between men and beer in cam­ pus media should be discouraged.61 ,62 Given their powerful influence over men's drinking in the first year,43 the hazards of drinking games should be especially discussed in educational programming. In general, college as adventure is a theme that should be discouraged. A "boys will be boys" permissiveness should be rejected. Recognizing and affirming that alcohol does harm, colleges must assert themselves as "moral communities" and move from permissive to restrictive stances on alcohol by first articulating what the harm is, then establishing policies to prevent college com­ munity members from harming themselves or others.51(ppI35.1S0--159) Wechsler and associates63 rec­ ommend a comprehensive approach to alcohol use on college campuses, including scrutiny of alcohol marketing, more alcohol-free events and activities, and more restrictive policies that con­ trol the flow of alcohol on campus. Their recom­ mendation would benefit from more deeply gendered approaches to the problem because the problem, itself, is deeply gendered. In addition to promoting social norms approaches, preventive education, and risk­ reduction education, college administrators should require that frequent violators of alcohol policy seek treatment or seek their education elsewhere. Although critics of treatment may say it addresses the symptoms and not the real problem, which is the campus culture itself, colleges must offer treat­ ment as part of a comprehensive program for renewed campus life. Treatment should searnlessly integrate men's health studies approaches.66,67 Un­ fortunately, some college men will be untouched and untouchable by education or treatment, and they must lose the privilege of attending their cho­ sen college and be asked to leave. Conceptual Responses Speaking most globally about solving the prob­ lem of college men's drinking and solving the problem of the connections between alcohol and masculinity, I would paraphrase what I have pre-

ARTIC L E 14

viously written about the problem of rape: Our understanding of the specific act of drinking should be embedded in our understanding of masculinity. Drinking is not an isolated behavior; it is a behavior linked to larger systems of atti­ tudes, values, and modalities of conduct in men's lives that constitute masculinity and men's social position relative to women. In this model, alcohol prevention work with men begins with them as men, and with men's questioning of prevailing assumptions about masculinity and what it means to be a man. I am extremely skeptical of any alcohol prevention work that proposes solu­ tions to the problem of drinking that leave mas­ culinity, as we know it, largely intact.68(p22) The educational challenge, which is really the psychological and political resistance to this solution, lies in the fact that alcohol benefits men as a group, even as it injures men as individuals. Men are likely to resist this global approach because we fear losing the benefits of masculinity conferred upon the group. The path to a recon­ structed masculinity or alternatives to the domi­ nant masculinity that includes more variety of men's identities and experiences may look some­ thing like Helms's69 stage-development model for a positive racial-cultural identity for minority groups. It will not be easy getting there. In th� meantime, in our work with college men who drink, we must look to the bottom of their glasses and find the men inside. For when college meR drink, they are simply being men at college, or what they perceive men at college to be. By this I mean that the most useful way to interpret their behavior is not so much in its content, but in its context-first, the imperatives of manhood, then the psychosocial particulars of college life, both of which put men at risk for drinking. Basically, at the bottom of heavy and problematic drinking among college men are the paradoxical nature of masculinity and the corre­ sponding paradoxical nature of alcohol in men's lives. Once we know college men as men, we will know more about why they drink and what we can do about it.

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Acknowledgment This article is dedicated to Alan D. Berkowitz , longtime friend and colleague. I would also like to thank others for their extremely helpful and sup­ portive readings of its various drafts: John Lynch, H. Wesley Perkins, Jan E. Regan, David A . Diana, and David DeVries.

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25. Lynch J., Kilmartin C . The Pain Behind the Mask: Overcoming Masculine Depression. New York: Haworth, 1 999. 26. Real T. I Don't Want to Talk About It. New York: Simon & Schuster, 1 997. 27. David D. S., Brannon R , eds. The Forty-Nine Per­ cent Majority: The Male Sex Role. New York: Random House, 1 976. 28. McClelland D. c., David W N., Kalin R., Wa=er E . The Drinking Man. New York: The Free Press, 1 972. 29. Mahalik J. R. , Cournoyer R. J. , DeFran W. , Cherry M., Napolitano J. M. Men's gender role con­ flict in relation to their use of psychological defenses. Journal of Counseling Psychology. 1 998, 45(3):247-255. 30. Sattel J. W. Men, inexpressiveness, and power. In: Thorne K. H. Language, Gender and Society. Newbury House, 1 983. 3 1 . Fussell W. S. Muscle: Confessions of an Unlikely Body-builder. N ew York: Avon Books, 1 99 1 . 32. Berkowitz A . D., Burkhart B . R , Bourg S . E . Research on College Research and Prevention Education in Higher Education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1 994. 33. Brod H. Pornography and the alienation of male sexuality. In: Hearn J., Morgan D., eds. Men, Masculin­ ities and Social Theory. London: Unwin Hyman, 1990. 34. Kimmel M. S. Men Confront Pornography. New York: Crown, 1 990. 35. Rorabaugh W J. TheAlcoholic Republic: An American Tradition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1 98 1 . 36. Maddox G. L . , ed. The Domesticated Drug: Drink­ ing Among Collegians. New Haven: College and Uni­ versity Press, 1970. 37. Bacon S. D., Strauss R Drinking in College. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1 953. 38. Johnston L., Bachman J. G., O'Malley P. M. Monitoring the Future. Health and Human Services Dept., US Public Health Service, National Institutes of Health, National Institute of Drug Abuse, 1 996. 39. Levine A., Cureton J. S. When Hope and Fear Col­ lide: A Portrait of Today's College Student. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1 998. 40. Daedalus. Distinctively American: The residential liberal arts colleges. Winter 1 999.

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4 1 . Green M. The Adventurous Male: Chapters in the History of the White Male Mind. University Park, PA: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1 993. 42. Adams C. E., Nagoshi C. T. Changes over one se­ mester in drinking game playing and alcohol use and problems in a college sample. Subst Abuse. 1 999, 20(2):97-106. 43. Horowitz H. L. Campus Life: Undergraduate Cul­ turesfrom the End of the Eighteenth Century to the Present. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1 987. 44. Nuwer H. Wrongs of Passage: Fraternities, Sororities, Hazing, andBinge Drinking. Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1 999. 45. Rotundo E. A. American Manhood: Traniformations in Masculinity from the Revolution to the Modern Era. New York: HarperCollins, 1 993. 46. Lyman P. The fraternal bond as a joking rela­ tionship. In: Kimmel M. S., ed. Changing Men: New Directions in Research on Men and Masculinity. Newbury Park, CA: Sage, 1 987. 47. Gold J., Neururer J. , Miller M. Disenfranchised grief among first-semester male university students: Implications for systemic and individual interven­ tions. Journal of the First Year Experience. 2000, 12(1): 7-27. 48. Burda P. c . , Tushup R. J., Hackman P. S. Mas­ culinity and social support in alcoholic men. Journal of Men's Studies. 1 992, 1 (2): 1 87- 1 93 . 49. Johnson T. J., Hamilton S., Sheets V. L . College students' self-reported reasons for playing drinking games. Addict Behav. 1 999, 24(2):279-286. 50. Wechsl�r H., Dowdall G. w., Maener G. , Gled­ hill-Hoyt J., Lee H. Changes in binge drinking and re­ lated problems among American college students between 1 993 and 1 997. J Am Coll Health. 1 998, 47:57-68. 5 1 . Hoekema D. A. Campus Rules and Moral Commu­ nity: In Place of In Loco Parentis. Lanham, MD: Row­ man & Littlefield, 1 994. 52. Myers P. L. Sources and configurations of insti­ tutional denial. Employee Assistance Quarterly. 1 990, 5(3):43-53. 53. Berkowitz, A. D. From reactive to proactive pre­ vention: Promoting an ecology of health on campus. In: Rivers P. c., Shore E. R., eds. Substance Abuse on

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Campus: A Handbook for College and University Person­ nel. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1997. 54. Perkins H. W. Confronting misperceptions of peer drug use norms among college students: An al­ ternative approach for alcohol and other drug educa­ tion programs. In: The Higher Education Leaders/Peer Network Peer Prevention Resource Manual. US Dept. of Education, FIPSE Drug Prevention Program, 199 1 .

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58. Prentice D. A., Miller D. T. Pluralistic ignorance and alcohol use on campus: Some consequences of misperceiving the social norms. J Pers Soc Psycho!. 1 993, 65:243-256.

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distortions. Professional Psychology: Research and Prac­ tice. 1 999, 30(4):333-340. 68. Capraro R. L. Disconnected lives: Men, mas­ culinity, and rape prevention. In: Berkowitz A. D. , ed. Men and Rape: Theory, Research, and Prevention Programs in Higher Education. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1 994.

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A R T I C L E

1 5

Greg Bortnichak

The Sta rbucks I ntervention

I'm the kind o f twenty-something guy you would

anyone who feels constrained by the music videos

expect to work in a coffee shop. I play guitar and

on MTV because they see both women and men

cello in an experimental punk band and have

reduced to sexual commodities. But the question

some cool downloads on MySpace. I'm tall and

remains, how do

lean, with an explosive mess of dark hair that

important, how am I a male feminist?

I do my feminism? And, more

makes me look like the love child of Edward

It's tricky. And the truth is that a lot of the

Scissorhands and Blacula. Most people correctly

time I feel friction between being a man and being

guess that I'm artistic and a bit to the political left.

a feminist. Problems come up when I want more

What they may not realize is that I am a self­

than anything to take feminist action-to act in

defined male feminist. Being a feminist is mighty

defense of someone who is being victimized by

powerful stuff because staying true to ideals about

patriarchal power-but my aid is unwelcome or

equality and justice involves consciously altering

inappropriate or potentially does more political

the way I behave. The bottom line is that I try to

harm than good.

reject personal acts of subjugation, and I do my

Allow me to illustrate : I work at Starbucks. I

best to combat the systems that enable others to

spend roughly 20 hours each week serving coffee

be oppressive. As the saying goes, the personal is

to strangers, sometimes as many as several hun­

political.

dred each day. And you better believe

My brand of feminism is all about not

I see it all.

Customers reveal all kinds of personal details. So

imposing patriarchal power on the women in my

do my coworkers.

life, and hoping to set an example for the boys

sexist and racist jokes, routine descriptions of

and men I meet. From the time I was seven and

masculinist sexploitation, flat-out ridicule for my

too short tQ play ball with big kids, to the time

I

feminist views. And at the end of the day when

1 3 and too sensitive to party with the cool

my feet fee1 1ike they're ready to fall off and my

kids, to now when I struggle with masculinist ide­

entire body reeks of espresso grinds, I think back

ology, I have always felt that the dominant cul­

and try to make sense of it.

was

I put up with a lot from them:

ture only truly benefits a select few. So I do my

One day a customer comes in and begins

best to reject it. I do it for me. I do it for my part­

telling us about this scheme he has to buy a wife.

ner, and for every man who feels alienated by the

What he really wants to do is hire a housekeeper,

expectations that culture places on guys who do

but he thinks it's funnier if he tells us that he's

not quite fit the "man's man" mold. I do it for

"wife shopping" today. He complains about doing housework, saying he'd pay a cute, young girl 20 bucks an hour to do his chores for him rather than

From Men Speak Out: Views on Gender, Sex, and Power, edited by Shira Tarrant (Routledge, 2008). Used by per­ mission of the publisher through Copyright Clearance Center and the author.

do them himself, or worse, get remarried to have yet another woman sit at home all day, take his money, and bitch at him when gets home from work. He keeps saying there is nothing worse than

171

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Collegiate Masculinities: Privilege and Peril

married life, to which the guys I'm working with chuckle in agreement. The only girl working at the time, Joy, is offended. She tells the customer that marriage won't be bad at all for her husband-she will do all the housework and more (wink, wink). For free. Joy wants to be a housewife, and she gives me a hard time for being feminist. The cus­ tomer tells Joy that she's sweet but that she won't be sweet forever. He's expecting his purchased "wife" to be totally obedient and pleasant every hour of every day. Then, as an afterthought, he mentions that he has no problem getting his "non­ domestic" (wink, wink) needs met elsewhere for not much more than it's going to cost him to buy this wife of his. Later, my girlfriend, Ana, decides to come by and do some homework, keeping me company as I work. She is sitting alone in a far corner, com­ pletely engrossed in her studies. A man with slicked-back silver hair, white guy, probably in his fifties, and appearing to be quite wealthy (gold jewelry, designer golf shirt, the works) steps into line and begins staring at Ana. He makes no effort to hide this, and gets out of line to walk around behind her and get a better look. Then he gets back into line and cranes his neck to see down her shirt and up her dress. I see all of this, and I'm simultaneously disgusted and pissed off. He's such trash. I would love to call him out, or lay him out right then and there, but I risk losing my job if I'm rude to the customers. So I bite my tongue. It gets to be his turn in line and he still won't stop staring at her, not even to place his order. He's holding up the line, people behind him are starting to get flustered, and I lose it. "What's so interesting over there, sir? You seem to be looking very intently at something," I ask as innocently as I possibly can. "That girl in the corner," he says like he's ready to eat her. He doesn't take his eyes off Ana once. "Oh yeah, what do you think?" I'm trying now to sound as sleazy as I possibly can in an attempt to lead him to believe that I'm going along with the shameless objectification of Ana. "I think she's a real pretty girl in that little dress of hers." He licks his ugly thin lips and makes a face that screams "pervert. "

I've caught him red-handed at his patriarchal bull­ shit, and at this point, I'm done: "Well, I think she's a friend of mine, and I think she'd feel vio­ lated if she knew you were staring at her like that." I say it low and threateningly beneath my breath so as not to cause a scene. "I think she should get used to it," he replies. There is no hint of apology in his tone. It's like I'm wrong for telling him not to lech at a girl who could be his fucking granddaughter! I glare at him like I want to burn a hole in his face with my eyes and growl, "I think you need to learn a little respect." He leaves. I'm shaking. I go to Ana and ask her if she saw what just transpired. She says no, that she was completely unaware. When I tell her what happened she is visibly upset. She thanks me for sticking up for her and waits for me to finish my shift without return­ ing to her homework. The woman in line behind the silver-haired man approaches me before leav­ ing and wishes me goodnight, smiling at me in a way that I could only interpret as solidarity. That night I had nightmares about the silver­ haired man. He was so ruthless in how he visually dismembered Ana that he put me in touch with a very distinct fear. No one had ever made me so mad, or provoked such a reaction from me. But was it even my place to step in on Ana's behalf? Was I being overprotective? Despite Ana's appreciation for my fast action, I still could not get this encounter out of my mind. The silver-haired man obviously saw nothing wrong with what he did. I even had a coworker poke fun at me for bothering that "poor old man." The woman in line behind the silver­ haired man was my best assurance-as iffy as it was-that speaking up was the right thing to do. Yet I could not help but feel unsettled about how I chose to respond. After all, I don't doubt that if Ana looked up at the right time, she would have reacted more strongly and defended herself far better than I . And if Ana had been the one to ter­ minate the encounter, perhaps she would have a stronger feeling of closure or justice. I had to wonder what it meant that I defended Ana instead of simply bringing her attention to what

A R T I C L E 1. 5

was happening. Did my chivalrous feminism reflect some duty I feel to protect her? And if so, does that mean that on some level I think she is incapable of protecting herself? Even worse, what if my actions actually revealed a sense of posses­ sion or ownership over Ana? And what about that burst of anger I felt? How stereotypically mascu­ line to feel angry in light of something another man did to my girlfriend. This encounter with the silver-haired man raises so many difficult questions for me about whether profeminist men ought to step in to help women or instead focus our efforts on enabling women to protect themselves. On the night of the scuffle in Starbucks, Ana happened to be wearing a gorgeous dress that was short, with a very low neckline. She has gotten upset in the past over men leering at her when she wears this dress. Sometimes I think about gently suggesting to Ana that she shelve the dress, but I don't think it's my place to say so. I do not want Ana to continue feeling violated by these tactless creeps but, at the same time, I do not want her to compromise her own sense of beauty, self-expression, and sexual­ ity. I also don't want to be perceived as controlling or paternalistic. It is not Ana's fault that some men feel it's their right to stare crudely at young women. But still, it upsets Ana, and it happens less when she does not wear this particular dress. It is clear who is at fault. It's the voyeurs like that silver-haired man at Starbucks. But if men like that deny responsibility, and if women have the right to wear whatever they damn well please, and

The Starbucks Intervention

173

if I happen to see what's going on, then shouldn't I step in and speak my mind? I've run into a dilemma: It's true that men can deflect unwanted attention, but in doing so we risk offending or patronizing women who are capable of protecting themselves, or insulting women who like this sort of thing. I know that some women rely on the male gaze to feel attrac­ tive and some may dress in ways to get attention on purpose. Women have the right to express themselves through their clothes and demeanor in any way they see fit. But I risk sounding sexist if I advise a woman not to go to certain parts of the city looking a certain way, and I risk feeling guilty knowing someone could get hurt if I don't speak up. The problem lies in knowing when it's okay to intervene; in knowing when to act on my per­ sonal feminist beliefs, and knowing when to hold back. Mastering this discretion is something I grapple with each day. Sometimes I get to think­ ing that I'm setting myself up for an unconquer­ able task by trying to live the life of an active male feminist. Sometimes it feels so daunting that I consider giving up. But then I remember what got me here in the first place, and it gives me hope. Feminism is something I embrace because it helps me think more clearly about who I am and how I behave as a man in this society. When I keep this in mind, I understand that I'm not about to defeat the patriarchy overnight, but that I can feel a lit­ tle better knowing I'm not letting it defeat me little by little, each and every day.

o

R

spheres of social life. As women were i ncreasingly relegated to working in the home, men were i n­

Men and Work

creasingly absent from the home, and the male " breadwinner role" was born. The sexual division of labor, this gendered s p l it between home and workplace, has led to a variety of problems and conflicts for women and for men. Women ' s con­ tinued movement into the paid labor force, h igher

I n what ways is work tied t o m a l e identity? D o

levels of unemployment, and the rise of a more service-oriented economy have led to dramatic

m e n gain a sense o f fulfi llment from their work, o r

sh ifts in the quality and the quantity of men's ex­

d o they view i t a s necessary drudgery? How might

periences in their work.

the organization of workplaces play on, reinforce,

Articles by Christine Wi lliams and Kevin Hen­

or sometimes threaten the types of m asculinity

son and Jackie Krasas Rogers explore how men

that males have a l ready learned as youngsters?

who do women's work also "do" gender by ensur­

How does the experience of work (or of not having

ing that their mascul i n ity is also val idated. Kristin

work) d iff�r for men of d ifferent soci a l classes ,

Schi lt finds that gendered world of work is never

ethn icities, and sexual preference groups? And

more apparent when people change their gender.

how do recent structural changes in SOCiety affect

The work world has also become an arena of

the masculi� ity-work relationship? The articles in

the battle between the sexes, as the continuing de­

th is section address these issues and more.

bates over sexual harassment make clear. The ar­

The rise of u rban industrial capital i s m saw

ticle by 8eth Quinn examines sexual harassment i n

the creation of separate " public" and "domestic"

that most commonplace behavior-girl watching.

175

A R T I C L E

1 6

Christine L. Williams

The G lass Escalator: H idden Advantages for Men in the " Female" Professions

The sex segregation of the U.S. labor force is one of the most perplexing and tenacious problems in our society. Even though the proportion of men and women in the labor force is approaching parity (particularly for younger cohorts of work­ ers) (U.S. Department of Labor 1 99 1 : 1 8), men and women are still generally confined to pre­ dominantly single-sex occupations. Forty percent of men or women would have to change major occupational categories to achieve equal repre­ sentation of men and women in all jobs (Reskin and Roos 1 990:6), but even this figure underesti­ mates the true degree of sex segregation. It is ex­ tremely rare to find specific jobs where equal numbers of men and women are engaged in the same activities in the same industries (Bielby and Baron 1 984). · Most studies of sex segregation in the work force have focused on women's experiences in male-domir;tated occupations. Both researchers and advocates for social change have focused on the barriers faced by women who try to integrate predominantly male fields. Few have looked at the "flip-side" of occupational sex segregation: the exclusion of men from predominantly female occupations (exceptions include Schreiber 1 979; Zimmer 1 988; Williams 1989). But the fact is that men are less likely to enter female sex-typed occu­ pations than women are to enter male-dominated jobs (Jacobs 1 989). Reskin and Roos, for examFrom Social Problems 39(3): 253-267. Copyright © 1992 by the Society for the Study of Social Problems. Reprinted by permission through the Copyright Clearance Center and the author.

pIe, were able to identify 33 occupations in which female representation increased by more than nine percentage points between 1 970 and 1 980, but only three occupations in which the propor­ tion of men increased as radically ( 1 990:20-2 1 ) . I n this paper, I examine men's under­ representation in four predominantly female occupations-nursing, librarianship, elementary school teaching, and social work. Throughout the twentieth century, these occupations have been identified with "women's work"-even though prior to the Civil War, men were more likely to be employed in these areas. These four occupations, often called the female "semi-professions" (Hod­ son and Sullivan 1 990), today range from 5 . 5 per­ cent male (in nursing) to 32 percent male (in social work). (See Table 1 6 . 1 .) These percentages have not changed substantially in decades. In fact, as Table 1 6 . 1 indicates, two of these profes­ sions-librarianship and social work-have expe­ rienced declines in the proportions of men since 1 975. Nursing is the only one of the four experi­ encing noticeable changes in sex composition, with the proportion of men increasing 80 percent between 1975 and 1990. Even so, men continue to be a tiny minority of all nurses. Although there are many possible reasons for the continuing preponderance of women in these fields, the focus of this paper is discrimina­ tion. Researchers examining the integration of women into "male fields" have identified dis­ crimination as a major barrier to women (Reskin and Hartmann 1986; Reskin 1 988; Jacobs 1 989). This discrimination has taken the form of laws or 177

178

•

PART F0 U R

TA B L E

Men and Work

16.1

Percent Male in Selected Occupations, Selected Years Profession

1990

1980

1975

Nurses Elementary teachers Librarians Social workers

5.5 14.8 16.7 3 1 .8

3.5 16.3 14.8 35.0

3.0 14.6 1 8.9 39.2

Source: u.s. Department of Labor.

Bureau of Labor

Statistics. Employment and Earnings 3 8 : 1 (January 1 99 1 ), Table 22 (Employed civilians by detailed occupation), 185; 28: 1 (January 1981), Table 23 (Employed persons by detailed occupation), 1 80; 22: 7 (January 1 976), Table 2 (Employed persons by detailed occupation),

II.

institutionalized rules prohibiting the hiring or promotion of women into certain job specialties. Discrimination can also be "informal," as when women encounter sexual harassment, sabotage, or other forms of hostility from their male co­ workers resulting in a poisoned work environ­ ment (Reskin and Hartmann 1 986) . Women in nontraditional occupations also report feeling stigmatized by clients when their work puts them in contact with the public. In particular, women in engineering and blue-collar occupations encounter gender-based stereotypes about their competel}ce which undermine their work perfor­ mance (Martin 1 980; Epstein 1 988). Each of these forms of discrimination-legal, informal, and cultural-contributes to women's underrep­ resentation in predominantly male occupations. The assumption in much of this literature is that any member of a token group in a work set­ ting will probably experience similar discrimina­ tory treatment. Kanter ( 1 977), who is best known for articulating this perspective in her theory of tokenism, argues that when any group represents less than 1 5 percent of an organization, its mem­ bers will be subject to predictable forms of dis­ crimination. Likewise, Jacobs argues that "in some ways, men in female-dominated occupa­ tions experience the same difficulties that women in male-dominated occupations face" ( 1 989: 1 67), and Reskin contends that any dominant group in

an occupation will use their power to maintain a privileged position ( 1 988:62). However, the few studies that have con­ sidered men's experience in gender-atypical occupations suggest that men may not face dis­ crimination or prejudice when they integrate pre­ dominantly female occupations. Zimmer ( 1 988) and Martin ( 1 988) both contend that the effects of sexism can outweigh the effects of tokenism when men enter nontraditional occupations. This study is the first to systematically explore this question using data from four occupations. I examine the barriers to men's entry into these pro­ fessions; the support men receive from their supervisors, colleagues, and clients; and the reac­ tions they encounter from the public (those out­ side their professions).

Methods I conducted in-depth interviews with 76 men and 23 women in four occupations from 1 985-1 99 1 . Interviews were conducted in four metropolitan areas: San Francisco/Oakland, California; Austin, Texas; Boston, Massachusetts; and Phoenix, Ari­ zona. These four areas were selected because they show considerable variation in the proportions of men in the four professions. For example, Austin has one of the highest percentages of men in nursing (7. 7 percent), whereas Phoenix's per­ centage is one of the lowest (2 .7 percent) (US. Bureau of the Census 1 980). The sample was gen­ erated using "snowballing" techniques. Women were included in the sample to gauge their feel­ ings and responses to men who enter "their" professions. Like the people employed in these profes­ sions generally, those in my sample were pre­ dominantly white (90 percent). l Their ages ranged from 20 to 66 and the average age was 38. The interview questionnaire consisted of several open-ended questions on four broad topics: moti­ vation to enter the profession; experiences in training; career progression; and general views about men's status and prospects within these occupations. I conducted all the interviews,

ARTIC LE 16

The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the "Female" Professions

which generally lasted between one and two hours. Interviews took place in restaurants, my home or office, or the respondent's home or office. Interviews were tape-recorded and tran­ scribed for the analysis. Data analysis followed the coding techniques described by Strauss (1 987). Each transcript was read several times and analyzed into emergent conceptual categories. Likewise, Strauss's princi­ ple of theoretical sampling was used. Individual respondents were purposively selected to capture the array of men's experiences in these occupa­ tions. Thus, I interviewed practitioners in every specialty, oversampling those employed in the most gender atypical areas (e.g., male kindegarten teachers). I also selected respondents from throughout their occupational hierarchies-from students to administrators to retirees. Although the data do not permit within-group comparisons, I am reasonably certain that the sample does capture a wide range of experiences common to men in these female-dominated professions. How­ ever, like all findings based on qualitative data, it is uncertain whether the findings generalize to the larger population of men in nontraditional occupations. In this paper, I review individuals' responses to questions about discrimination in hiring prac­ tices, on-the-job rapport with supervisors and co­ workers, and prejudice from clients and others outside their profession.

Discrimination in Hiring Contrary to the experience of many women in the male-dominated professions, many of the men and women I spoke to indicated that there is a preference for hiring men in these four occupa­ tions. A Texas librarian at a junior high school said that his school district "would hire a male over a female. " I:

Why do you think that is?

Because there are so few, and the . . . ones that they do have, the library directors

R:

179

seem to really . . . think they're doing great jobs. I don't know, maybe they just feel they're being progressive or something, [but] I have had a real sense that they really appre­ ciate having a male, particularly at the junior high . . . . As I said, when seven of us lost our jobs from the high schools and were redistributed, there were only four positions at the junior high, and I got one of them. Three of the librarians, some who had been here longer than I had with the school dis­ trict, were put down in elementary school as librarians. And I definitely think that being male made a difference in my being moved to the junior high rather than an elementary school. Many of the men perceived their token status as males in predominantly female occupations as an advantage in hiring and promotions. I asked an Arizona teacher whether his specialty (elemen­ tary special education) was an unusual area for men compared to other areas within education. He said, Much more so. I am extremely marketable in special education. That's not why I got into the field. But I am extremely marketable because I am a

man.

In several cases, the more female-dominated the specialty, the greater the apparent preference for men. For example, when asked if he encountered any problem getting a job in pediatrics, a Massa­ chusetts nurse said, No, no, none. . . . I've heard this from man­ agers and supervisory-type people with men in pediatrics: "It's nice to have a man because it's such

a female-dominated profession."

However, there were some exceptions to this preference for men in the most female-dominated specialties. In some cases, formal policies actu­ ally barred men from certain jobs. This was the case in some rural Texas school districts, which refused to hire men in the youngest grades (K-3). Some nurses also reported being excluded from

180

PAR T F O U R

Men and Work

positions in obstetrics and gynecology wards, a

strained by invisible barriers to promotion in their

policy encountered more frequently in private

careers, caused mainly by sexist attitudes of men in the highest positions (Freeman

Catholic hospitals.

1990).2 In con­

But often the pressures keeping men out of

trast to the "glass ceiling," many of the men I

certain specialties were more subtle than this.

interviewed seem to encounter a "glass escala­

Some men described being "tracked" into prac­

tor." Often, despite their intentions, they face

tice areas within their professions which were

invisible pressures to move up in their professions.

considered more legitimate for men. For exam­

As if on a moving escalator, they must work to

ple, one Texas man described how he was pushed

stay in place.

into administration and planning in social work,

A public librarian specializing in children's

even though "I'm not interested in writing policy;

collections (a heavily female-dominated concen­

I'm much more interested in research and clinical

tration) described an encounter with this "escala­

stuff." A nurse who is interested in pursuing grad­

tor" in his very first job out of library school. In

uate study in family and child health in Boston

his first six-months' evaluation, his supervisors

said he was dissuaded from entering the program

commended him for his good work in storytelling

specialty in favor of a concentration in "adult

and related activities, but they criticized him for

nursing. " A kindergarten teacher described the

"not shooting high enough."

difficulty of finding a job in his specialty after graduation: "I was recruited immediately to start getting into a track to become an administrator. And it was men who recruited me. It was men that ran the system at that time, especially in Los Angeles." This tracking may bar men from the most female-identified specialties within these profes­ sions. But men are effectively being "kicked

Seriously. That's literally what they were telling me. They assumed that because I was a male­ and they told me this-and that I was being hired right out of graduate school, that some­ how I wasn't doing the kind of management­ oriented work that they thought I should be doing. And as a result, really they had a lot of bad marks, as it were, against me on my evalu­ ation. And I said I couldn't believe this!

upstairs" in the process. Those specialties con­ sidered more legitimate practice areas for men

Throughout his ten-year career, he has had to

also tend·to be the most prestigious, better paying

struggle to remain in children's collections.

ones. A distinguished kindergarten teacher, who

The glass escalator does not operate at all

had been voted city-wide "Teacher of the Year,"

levels. In particular, men in academia reported

told me iliat even though people were pleased to

some gender-based discrimination in the highest

see him in the classroom, "there's been some

positions due to their universities' commitment

encouragement to think about administration,

to affirmative action. Two nursing professors

and there's been some encouragement to think

reported that they felt their own chances of pro­

about teaching at the university level or some­

motion to deanships were nil because their uni­

thing like that, or supervisory-type position."

versities viewed the position of nursing dean as a

That is, despite his aptitude and interest in staying

guaranteed female appointment in an otherwise

in the classroom, he felt pushed in the direction of

heavily male-dominated administration. One Cal­

administration.

ifornia social work professor reported his univer­

of

The effect of this "tracking" is the opposite

sity canceled its search for a dean because no

that

experienced

dominated

by

occupations.

in

male­

minority male or female candidates had been

Researchers

have

placed on their short list. It was rumored that

women

reported that many women encounter a "glass

other schools on campus were permitted to go

ceiling" in their efforts to scale organizational and

forward with their searches-even though they

professional hierarchies. That is, they are con-

also failed to put forward names of minority

ARTIC LE 16

The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the "Female" Professions

candidates-because the higher administration perceived it to be "easier" to fulfill affirmative action goals in the social work school. The in­ terviews provide greater evidence of the "glass escalator" at work in the lower levels of these professions. Of course, men's motivations also play a role in their advancement to higher professional posi­ tions. I do not mean to suggest that the men I talked to all resented the informal tracking they experienced. For many men, leaving the most female-identified areas of their professions helped them resolve internal conflicts involving their masculinity. One man left his j ob as a school social worker to work in a methadone drug treat­ ment program not because he was encouraged to leave by his colleagues, but because "I think there was some macho shit there, to tell you the truth, because I remember feeling a little uncomfortable there . . . ; it didn't feel right to me." Another social worker, employed in the mental health ser­ vices department of a large urban area in Cali­ fornia, reflected on his move into administration: The more I think about it, through our discus­ sion, I'm sure that's a large part of why I wound up in administration. It's okay for a man to do the administration. In fact, I don't know if I fully answered a question that you asked a lit­ tle while ago about how did being male con­ tribute to my advancing in the field. I was saying it wasn't because I got any special fa­ voritism as a man, but . . . I think . . . because I'm a man, I felt a need to get into this kind of position. I may have worked harder toward it, may have competed harder for it, than most women would do, even women who think about doing administrative work.

Elsewhere I have speculated on the origins of men's tendency to define masculinity through sin­ gle-sex work environments (Williams 1 989). Clearly, personal ambition does play a role in accounting for men's movement into more "male­ defined" arenas within these professions. But these occupations also structure opportunities for males independent of their individual desires or motives.

181

The interviews suggest that men's underrep­ resentation in these professions cannot be attrib­ uted to discrimination in hiring or promotions. Many of the men indicated that they received preferential treatment because they were men. Although men mentioned gender discrimination in the hiring process, for the most part they were channelled into the more " masculine" specialties within these professions, which ironically meant being "tracked" into better paying and more pres­ tigious specialties.

Supervisors and Colleagues: The Working Environment Researchers claim that subtle forms of work­ place discrimination push women out of male­ dominated occupations (Reskin and Hartmann 1 986; Jacobs 1 989). In particular, women report feeling excluded from informal leadership and decision-making networks, and they sense hos­ tility from their male co-workers, which makes them feel uncomfortable and unwanted (Car­ others and Crull 1 984). Respondents in this study were asked about their relationships with super­ visors and female colleagues to ascertain whether men also experienced "poisoned" work envi­ ronments when entering gender atypical occupations. A major difference in the experience of men and women in nontraditional occupations is that men in these situations are far more likely to be supervised by a member of their own sex. In each of the four professions I studied, men are over­ represented in administrative and managerial capacities, or, as in the case of nursing, their posi­ tions in the organizational hierarchy are governed by men (Grimm and Sterm 1 974; Phenix 1 987; Schmuck 1 987; York, Henley, and Gamble 1 987; Williams 1 989). Thus, unlike women who enter "male fields," the men in these professions often work under the direct supervision of other men. Many of the men interviewed reported that they had good rapport with their male supervi­ sors. Even in professional school, some men

182

PAR T F0 U R

Men and Work

reported extremely close relationships with their male professors. For example, a Texas librarian described an unusually intimate association with two male professors in graduate school: I can remember a lot of times in the classroom there would be discussions about a particular topic or issue, and the conversation would spill over into their office hours, after the class was over. And even though there were . . . a couple of the other women that had been in on the dis­ cussion, they weren't there. And I don't know if that was preferential or not . . . it certainly car­ ried over into personal life as well. Not just at the school and that sort of thing. I mean, we would get together for dinner . . . These professors explicitly encouraged him because he was male: Did they ever offer you explicit words of encouragement about being in the profession by virtue of the fact that you were male? . . . I:

Definitely. On several occasions. Yeah. Both of these guys, for sure, including the Dean who was male also. And it's an inter­ esting point that you bring up because it was, oftentimes, kind of in a sign, you know. It wasn't in the classroom, and it wasn't in front of the group, or if we were in the student lounge or something like that. It was . . . if it was just myself or maybe another one of the guys, you know, and just talking in the office. It's lilie . . . you know, kind of an opening-up and saying, "You know, you are really lucky that you're in the profession because you'll really go to the top real quick, and you'll be able to make real definite improvements and changes. And you'll have a real influence," and all this sort of thing. I mean, really, I can remember several times. R:

Other men reported similar closeness with their professors. A Texas psychotherapist recalled his relationships with his male professors in social work school: I made it a point to make a golfing buddy with one of the guys that was in administration. He

and I played golf a lot. He was the guy who kind of ran the research training, the research part of the master's program. Then there was a sociologist who ran the other part of the re­ search program. He and I developed a good friendship. This close mentoring by male professors contrasts with the reported experience of women in non­ traditional occupations. Others have noted a lack of solidarity among women in nontraditional occupations. Writing about military academies, for example, Yoder describes the failure of token women to mentor succeeding generations of female cadets. She argues that women attempt to play down their gender difference from men because it is the source of scorn and derision. Because women felt unaccepted by their male colleagues, one of the last things they wanted to do was to emphasize their gender. Some women thought that, if they kept company with other women, this would highlight their gender and would further isolate them from male cadets. These women desperately wanted to be accepted as cadets, not as women cadets. Therefore, they did everything from not wear­ ing skirts as an option with their uniforms to avoiding being a part of a group of women. (Yoder 1989:532) Men in nontraditional occupations face a differ­ ent scenario-their gender is construed as a positive difference. Therefore, they have an incen­ tive to bond together and emphasize their dis­ tinctiveness from the female majority. Close, personal ties with male supervisors were also described by men once they were estab­ lished in their professional careers. It was not uncommon in education, for example, for the male principal to informally socialize with the male staff, as a Texas special education teacher describes: Occasionally I've had a principal who would re­ gard me as "the other man on the campus" and "it's us against them," you know? I mean, noth­ ing really that extreme, except that some male

ARTI C LE 16

The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the "Female" Professions

principals feel like there's nobody there to talk to except the other man. So I've been in that po­ sition. These personal ties can have important conse­ quences for men's careers. For example, one Cal­ ifornia nurse, whose performance was judged marginal by his nursing supervisors, was trans­ ferred to the emergency room staff (a prestigious promotion) due to his personal friendship with the physician in charge. A Massachusetts teacher acknowledged that his principal's personal inter­ est in him landed him his current job. I: You had mentioned that your principal had sort of spotted you at your previous job and had wanted to bring you here [to this school]. Do you think that has anything to do with the fact that you're a man, aside from your skills as a teacher? R: Yes, I would say in that particular case, that was part of it . . . . We have certain things in common, certain interests that really lined up. I:

Vis-a.-vis teaching?

Well, more extraneous things-running specifically, and music. And we just seemed to get along real well right off the bat. It is just 19nd of a guy thing; we just liked each other . . . R:

Interviewees did not report many instances of male supervisors discriminating against them, or refusing to accept them because they were male. Indeed, these men were much more likely to report that their male bosses discriminated against the females in their professions. When asked if he thought physicians treated male and female nurses differently, a Texas nurse said: I think yeah, some of them do. I think the women seem like they have a lot more trouble with the physicians treating them in a deroga­ tory manner. Or, if not derogatory, then in a very paternalistic way than the men [are treated] . Usually if a physician is mad at a male nurse, he just kind of yells at him. Kind of like

183

an employee. And if they're mad at a female nurse, rather than treat them on an equal basis, in terms of just letting their anger out at them as an employee, they're more paternalistic or there's some sexual harassment component to it. A Texas teacher perceived a similar situation where he worked: I've never felt unjustly treated by a principal be­ cause I'm a male. The principals that I've seen that I felt are doing things that are kind of ar­ bitrary or not well thought out are doing it to everybody. In fact, they're probably doing it to the females worse than they are to me. Openly gay men may encounter less favor­ able treatment at the hands of their supervisors. For example, a nurse in Texas stated that one of the physicians he worked with preferred to staff the operating room with male nurses exclu­ sively-as long as they weren't gay. Stigma asso­ ciated with homosexuality leads some men to enhance, or even exaggerate their "masculine" qualities, and may be another factor pushing men into more "acceptable" specialties for men. Not all men who work in these occupations are supervised by men. Many of the men inter­ viewed who had female bosses also reported high levels of acceptance-although levels of intimacy with women seemed lower than with other men. In some cases, however, men reported feeling shut-out from decision making when the higher administration was constituted entirely by women. I asked an Arizona librarian whether men in the library profession were discriminated against in hiring because of their sex: Professionally speaking, people go to consider­ able lengths to keep that kind of thing out of their [hiring] deliberations. Personally, is an­ other matter. It's pretty common around here to talk about the "old girl network." This is one of the few libraries that I've had any intimate knowledge of which is actually controlled by women. . . . Most of the department heads and upper level administrators are women. And

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Men and Work

there's an "old girl network" that works just like the "old boy network," except that the impor­ tant conferences take place in the women's room rather than on the golf course. But the po­ litical mechanism is the same, the exclusion of the other sex from decision making is the same. The reasons are the same. It's somewhat dis­ couraging . . .

Although I did not interview many supervi­ sors, I did include 23 women in my sample to ascertain their perspectives about the presence of men in their professions. All of the women I interviewed claimed to be supportive of their male colleagues, but some conveyed ambivalence. For example, a social work professor said she would like to see more men enter the social work profession, particularly in the clinical specialty (where they are underrepresented). Indeed, she favored affirmative action hiring guidelines for men in the profession. Yet, she resented the fact that her department hired " another white male" during a recent search. I questioned her about this ambivalence: I find it very interesting that, on the one hand, you sort of perceive this preference and perhaps even sexism with regard to how men are evaluated and how they achieve higher positions within the profession, yet, on the other hand, you would be encourag­ ing of more men to enter the field. Is that contnidictory to you, or . . . ? I:

R:

Yeah, it's contradictory.

It appears that women are generally eager to see men enter "their" occupations. Indeed, sev­ eral men noted that their female colleagues had facilitated their careers in various ways (includ­ ing mentorship in college). However, at the same time, women often resent the apparent ease with which men advance within these professions, sensing that men at the higher levels receive pref­ erential treatment which closes off advancement opportunities for women. But this ambivalence does not seem to trans­ late into the "poisoned" work environment

described by many women who work in male­ dominated occupations. Among the male inter­ viewees, there were no accounts of sexual harassment. However, women do treat their male colleagues differently on occasion. It is not uncommon in nursing, for example, for men to be called upon to help catheterize male patients, or to lift especially heavy patients. Some librarians also said that women asked them to lift and move heavy boxes of books because they were men. Teachers sometimes confront differential treat­ ment as well, as described by this Texas teacher: As a man, you're teaching with all women, and that can be hard sometimes. Just because of the stereotypes, you know. I'm real into comput­ ers . . . and all the time people are calling me to

fix their computer. Or if somebody gets a flat tire, they come and get me. I mean, there are

just a lot of stereotypes. Not that I mind doing any of those things, but it's . . . you know, it just kind of bugs me that it is a stereotype, "A man should do that." Or if their kids have a lot of discipline problems, that kiddo's in your room. Or if there are kids that don't have a fa­ ther in their home, that kid's in your room. Hell, nowadays that'd be half the school in my room (laughs). But you know, all the time I hear from the principal or from other teachers, "Well, this child really needs a man . . . a male role model" (laughs). So there are a lot of stereo­ types that . . . men kind of get stuck with.

This special treatment bothered some respon­ dents. Getting assigned all the " discipline prob­ lems" can make for difficult working conditions, for example. But many men claimed this differ­ ential treatment did not cause distress. In fact, several said they liked being appreciated for the special traits and abilities (such as strength) they could contribute to their professions. Furthermore, women's special treatment sometimes enhanced-rather than poisoned-the men's work environments. One Texas librarian said he felt "more comfortable working with women than men" because "I think it has some­ thing to do with control. Maybe it's that women will let me take control more than men will . "

ARTIC LE 16

The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the "Female" Professions

Several men reported that their female colleagues often cast them into leadership roles. Although not all savored this distinction, it did enhance their authority and control in the workplace. In subtle (and not-too-subtle) ways, then, differen­ tial treatment contributes to the "glass escalator" men experience in nontraditional professions. Even outside work, most of the men inter­ viewed said they felt fully accepted by their female colleagues. They were usually included in informal socializing occasions with the women­ even though this frequently meant attending baby showers or Tupperware parties. Many said that they declined offers to attend these events because they were not interested in "women's things," although several others claimed to attend every­ thing: The minority men I interviewed seemed to feel the least comfortable in these informal con­ texts. One social worker in Arizona was asked about socializing with his female colleagues: So in general, for example, if all the em­ ployees were going to get together to have a party, or celebrate a bridal shower or what­ ever, would you be invited along with the rest of the group? I:

R: They would invite me, I would say, some­ what reluctantly. Being a black male, work­ ing with all white females, it did cause some outside problems. So I didn't go to a lot of functions with them . . .

You ,felt that there was some tension there on the level of your acceptance . . . ?

I:

Yeah. It was OK working, but on the out­ side, personally, there was some tension there. It never came out, that they said, "Because of who you are we can't invite you" (laughs), and I wouldn't have done anything anyway. I would have probably respected them more for saying what was on their minds. But I never felt completely in with the group. R:

Some single men also said they felt uncomfort­ able socializing with married female colleagues because it gave the "wrong impression." But in general, the men said that they felt very comfort-

185

able around their colleagues and described their workplaces as very congenial for men. It appears unlikely, therefore, that men's underrepresenta­ tion in these professions is due to hostility towards men on the part of supervisors or women workers.

Discrimination from "Outsiders" The most compelling evidence of discrimination against men in these professions is related to their dealings with the public. Men often encounter negative stereotypes when they come into contact with clients or "outsiders"-people they meet outside of work. For instance, it is popularly assumed that male nurses are gay. Librarians encounter images of themselves as "wimpy" and asexual. Male social workers describe being type­ cast as "feminine" and "passive." Elementary school teachers are often confronted by suspi­ cions that they are pedophiles. One kindergarten teacher described an experience that occurred early in his career which was related to him years afterwards by his principal: He indicated to me that parents had come to him and indicated to him that they had a prob­ lem with the fact that I was a male. . . . I recall almost exactly what he said. There were three specific concerns that the parents had: One par­ ent said, "How can he love my child; he's a man." The second thing that I recall, he said the parent said, "He has a beard." And the third thing was, "Aren't you concerned about homo­ sexuality?" Such suspicions often cause men in all four pro­ fessions to alter their work behavior to guard against sexual abuse charges, particularly in those specialties requiring intimate contact with women and children. Men are very distressed by these negative stereotypes, which tend to undermine their self­ esteem and to cause them to second-guess their motivations for entering these fields. A Califor­ nia teacher said, If I tell men that I don't know, that I'm meeting for the first time, that that's what I do, . . .

186

PART

F0 U R

Men and Work

sometimes there's a look on their faces that, you

prior to entering library school, many librarians

know, "Oh, couldn't get a real job?"

held part-time jobs in university libraries, where there are proportionally more men than in the

When asked if his wife, who is also an elemen­

profession generally. Nurses and elementary

tary school teacher, encounters the same kind of

school teachers were more aware that mostly

prejudice, he said,

women worked in these jobs, and this was often a matter of some concern to them. However, their

I

choices were ultimately legitimized by mentors,

think people would see that as a . . . step up,

or by encouraging friends or family members who

No, it's accepted because she's a woman . . . .

you know. "Oh, you're not a housewife, you've got a career. That's great . . . that you're out there working. And you have a daughter, but you're still out there working. You decided not to stay home, and you went out there and got a job." Whereas for me, it's more like I'm sup­ posed to be out working anyway, even though I'd rather be home with [my daughter] . Unlike women who enter traditionally male pro­ fessions, men's movement into these jobs is per­ ceived by the "outside world" as a step down in status. This particular form of discrimination may be most significant in explaining why men are underrepresented in these professions. Men who otherwise might show interest in and apti­ tudes for such careers are probably discouraged from pursuing them because of the negative pop­ ular stereotypes associated with the men who

implicitly reassured them that entering these occupations would not typecast them as feminine. In some cases, men were told by recruiters there were special advancement opportunities for men in these fields, and they entered them expecting rapid promotion to administrative positions. I: Did it ever concern you when you were making the decision to enter nursing school, the fact that it is a female-dominated profes­ sion? R: Not really. I never saw myself working on the floor. I saw myself pretty much going into administration, just getting the back­ ground and then getting a job someplace as a supervisor and then working, getting up into administration. Because of the unique circumstances of their

work in them. This is a crucial difference from

recruitment, many of the respondents did not

the expel'ience of women in nontraditional pro­

view their occupational choices as inconsistent

fessions: "My daughter, the physician," resonates

with a male gender role, and they generally

far more favorably in most people's ears than

avoided the negative stereotypes directed against

"My son, the nurse."

men in these fields.

Many of the men in my sample identified the

Indeed, many of the men I interviewed

stigma of working in a female-identified occupa­

claimed that they did not encounter negative pro­

tion as the major barrier to more men entering

fessional stereotypes until they had worked in

their professions. However, for the most part, they

these fields for several years. Popular prejudices

claimed that these negative stereotypes were not

can be damaging to self-esteem and probably

a factor in their own decisions to join these occu­

push some men out of these professions alto­

pations. Most respondents didn't consider enter­

gether. Yet, ironically, they sometimes contribute

ing these fields until well into adulthood, after

to the "glass escalator" effect I have been describ­

working in some related occupation. Several

ing. Men seem to encounter the most vitupera­

social workers and librarians even claimed they

tive criticism from the public when they are in the

were not aware that men were a minority in their

most female-identified specialties. Public con­

chosen professions. Either they had no well­

cerns sometimes result in their being shunted into

defined image or stereotype, or their contacts and

more "legitimate" positions for men. A librarian

mentors were predominantly men. For example,

formerly in charge of a branch library's children's

ARTICLE 16

The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the "Female" Professions

collection, who now works in the reference department of the city's main library, describes his experience: R: Some of the people [who frequented the branch library] complained that they didn't want to have a man doing the storytelling scenario. And I got transferred here to the central library in an equivalent job . . . I thought that I did a goodjob. And I had been told by my supervisor that I was doing a good job.

Have you ever considered fIling some sort of lawsuit to get that other job back?

I:

R: Well, actually, the job I've gotten now . . . well, it's a reference librarian; it's what I wanted in the ftrst place. I've got a whole lot more authority here. I'm also in charge of the circulation desk. And I've recently been promoted because of my new stature, so . . . no, I'm not considering trying to get that other job back.

The negative stereotypes about men who do "women's work" can push men out of speciftc jobs. However, to the extent that they channel men into more "legitimate" practice areas, their effects can actually be positive. Instead of being a source of discrimination, these prejudices can add to the " glass escalator effect" by pressuring men to move out of the most female-identifted areas, and up to those regarded as more legitimate and prestigious for men.

Conclusion: Discrimination Against Men Both men and women who work in nontradi­ tional occupations encounter discrimination, but the forms and consequences of this discrimina­ tion are very different. The interviews suggest that unlike "nontraditional" women workers, most of the discrimination and prejudice facing men in the "female professions" emanates from outside those professions. The men and women inter­ viewed for the most part believed that men are

187

given fair-if not preferential-treatment in hir­ ing and promotion decisions, are accepted by supervisors and colleagues, and are well­ integrated into the workplace subculture. Indeed, subtle mechanisms seem to enhance men's posi­ tion in these professions-a phenomenon I refer to as the "glass escalator effect." The data lend strong support for Zimmer's ( 1 988) critique of "gender neutral theory" (such as Kanter's [ 1 977] theory of tokenism) in the study of occupational segregation. Zimmer argues that women's occupational inequality is more a consequence of sexist beliefs and practices embed­ ded in the labor force than the effect of numerical underrepresentation per se. This study suggests that token status itself does not diminish men's occupational success. Men take their gender priv­ ilege with them when they enter predominantly female occupations: this translates into an advan­ tage in spite of their numerical rarity. This study indicates that the experience of tokenism is very different for men and women. Future research should examine how the experi­ ence of tokenism varies for members of different races and classes as well. For example, it is likely that informal workplace mechanisms similar to the ones identified here promote the careers of token whites in predominantly black occupations. The crucial factor is the social status of the token's group-not their numerical rarity-that determines whether the token encounters a "glass ceiling" or a "glass escalator." However, this study also found that many men encounter negative stereotypes from persons not directly involved in their professions. Men who enter these professions are often considered "failures" or sexual deviants. These stereotypes may be a major impediment to men who other­ wise might consider careers in these occupations. Indeed, they are likely to be important factors whenever a member of a relatively high status group crosses over into a lower status occupation. However, to the extent that these stereotypes con­ tribute to the "glass escalator effect" by channel­ ing men into more "legitimate" (and higher paying) occupations, they are not discriminatory.

188

PA R T F0 U R

Men and Work

Women entering traditionally "male" pro­

character who

hates children! Yet even this nega­

fessions also face negative stereotypes suggesting

tive portrayal is exceptional. When a prime-time

they are not "real women" (Epstein 1 98 1 ; Lorber

hospital drama series ("St. Elsewhere") depicted

1 984; Spencer and Podmore 1 987). However,

a male orderly striving for upward mobility, the

these stereotypes do not seem to deter women to

show's writers made him a "physician's assis­

the same degree that they deter men from pursu­

tant," not a nurse or nurse practitioner-the much

ing nontraditional professions. There is ample

more likely "real life" possibilities.

historical evidence that women flock to male­

Presenting positive images of men in non­

identified. occupations once opportunities are

traditional careers can produce limited effects. A

available (Cohn 1 985; Epstein 1 988). Not so with

few social workers, for example, were first

men. Examples of occupations changing from

inspired to pursue their careers by George C.

predominantly female to predominantly male are

Scott, who played a social worker in the televi­

very rare in our history. The few existing cases­

sion drama series, "Eastside/Westside. " But as a

such as medicine-suggest that redefinition of the

policy strategy to break down occupational seg­

occupations as appropriately "masculine" is nec­

regation, changing media images of men is no

essary before men will consider j oining them

panacea. The stereotypes that differentiate mas­

(Ehrenreich and English 1 978).

culinity and femininity, and degrade that which is

Because different mechanisms maintain seg­

defined as feminine, are deeply entrenched in cul­

regation in male- and female-dominated occupa­

ture, social structure, and personality (Williams

tions, different approaches are needed to promote

1 989). Nothing short of a revolution in cultural

their integration. Policies intended to alter the sex

definitions of masculinity will effect the broad

composition of male-dominated occupations­

scale social transformation needed to achieve the

such as affirmative action-make little sense

complete occupational integration of men and

when applied to the " female professions." For

women.

men, the major barriers to integration have little

Of course, there are additional factors besides

to do with their treatment once they decide to

societal prejudice contributing to men's under­

enter these fields. Rather, we need to address the

representation in female-dominated professions.

social and cultural sanctions applied to men who

Most notably, those men I interviewed mentioned

do "women's work" which keep men from even

as a deterrent the fact that these professions are all

considering these occupations.

underpaid relative to comparable "male" occu­

One area where these cultural barriers are

pations, and several suggested that instituting a

clearly evident is in the media's representation of

"comparable worth" policy might attract more

men's occupations. Women working in tradition­

men. However, I am not convinced that improved

ally male professions have achieved an unprece­

salaries will substantially alter the sex composi­

dented acceptance on popular television shows.

tion of these professions unless the cultural

Women are portrayed as doctors ( " St. Else­

stigma faced by men in these occupations dimin­

where"), lawyers ("The Cosby Show," "L.A.

ishes. Occupational sex segregation is remarkably

Law"), architects ("Family Ties"), and police offi­

resilient, even in the face of devastating economic

cers ("Cagney and Lacey"). But where are the

hardship. During the Great Depression of the

male nurses, teachers, and secretaries? Television

1 930s, for example, "women's jobs" failed to

rarely portrays men in nontraditional work roles,

attract sizable numbers of men (Blum 1 99 1 : 1 54).

and when it does, that anomaly is made the cen­

In her study of American Telephone and Tele­

tral focus-and joke-of the program. A comedy

graph (AT&T) workers, Epstein ( 1 989) found that

series ( 1 99 1 - 1 992) about a male elementary

some men would rather suffer unemployment

school teacher ( "Drexell's Class") stars a lead

than accept relatively high paying "women's jobs"

ARTICLE 16

The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the "Female" Professions

because of the damage to their identities this would cause. She quotes one unemployed man who refused to apply for a female-identified tele­ phone operator job: I think if they offered me $ 1 000 a week tax free, I wouldn't take that job. When I . . . see those

guys sitting in there [in the telephone operating room] , I wonder what's wrong with them. Are they pansies or what? (Epstein 1 989: 577)

This is not to say that raising salaries would not affect the sex composition of these jobs. Rather, I am suggesting that wages are not the only-or perhaps even the major-impediment to men's entry into these jobs. Further research is needed to explore the ideological significance of the "woman's wage" for maintaining occupational stratification.3 At any rate, integrating men and women in the labor force requires more than dismantling barriers to women in male-dominated fields. Sex segregation is a two-way street. We must also confront and dismantle the barriers men face in predominantly female occupations. Men's expe­ riences in these nontraditional occupations reveal just how culturally embedded the barriers are, and how far we have to travel before men and women attain true occupational and economic equality. Author's Note: This research was funded i n part by a faculty grant from the University of Texas at Austin. I also acknowledge the support of the sociology departments of the University of California, Berkeley; H arvard U niversity; and Arizona State U niversity. I would like to thank Judy Auerbach, Martin Button , Robert Nye, Teresa S u l l ivan , Debra U mberson, Mary Waters , and the reviewers at Social Problems for their comments on earlier versions of this paper.

Notes 1 . According to the US. Census, black men and women comprise 7 percent of all nurses and librari­ ans, 1 1 percent of all elementary school teachers, and 1 9 percent of all social workers (calculated from US. Census 1 980: Table 278, 1-197). The proportion of

189

blacks in social work may be exaggerated by these sta­ tistics. The occupational definition of "social worker" used by the Census Bureau includes welfare workers and pardon and parole officers, who are not consid­ ered "professional" social workers by the National Association of Social Workers. A study of degreed professionals found that 89 percent of practitioners were white (Hardcastle 1 987).

2. In April 1991, the Labor Department created a "Glass Ceiling Commission" to "conduct a thorough study of the underrepresentation of women and mi­ norities in executive, management, and senior deci­ sion-making positions in business" (US. House of Representatives 1 99 1 :20). 3. Alice Kessler-Harris argues that the lower pay of traditionally female occupations is symbolic of a pa­ triarchal order that assumes female dependence on a male breadwinner. She writes that pay equity is fun­ damentally threatening to the "male worker'S sense of self, pride, and masculinity" because it upsets his in­ dividual standing in the hierarchical ordering of the sexes ( 1 990: 1 25). Thus, men's reluctance to enter these occupations may have less to do with the actual dollar amount recorded in their paychecks, and more to do with the damage that earning "a woman's wage" would wreak on their self-esteem in a society that priv­ ileges men. This conclusion is supported by the inter­ view data.

References Bielby, William T., and James N. Baron 1 984. "A woman's place is with other women: Sex segregation within organizations." In Sex Segre­ gation in the Workplace: Trends, Explanations, Reme­ dies, ed. Barbara Reskin, 27-55. Washington, D.C.: National Academy Press. Blum, Linda M. 199 1 . Between Feminism and Labor: The Significance of the Comparable Worth Movement. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Carothers, Suzanne c., and Peggy Crull 1 984. " Contrasting sexual harassment in female­ dominated and male-dominated occupations." In My Troubles Are Going to have Trouble with Me: Everyday Trials and Triumphs of Women Workers, ed. Karen B. Sacks and Dorothy Remy, 220-227. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press.

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Cohn, Samuel 1 985. The Process of Occupational Sex- Typing. Philadel­ phia: Temple University Press. Ehremeich, Barbara, and Deirdre English 1 978. For Her Own Good: 100 Years of Expert Advice to Women. Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor Press. Epstein, Cynthia Fuchs 1 98 1 . Women in Law. New York: Basic Books. 1 988. Deceptive Distinctions: Sex, Gender and the Social Order New Haven: Yale University Press. 1 989. "Workplace boundaries: Conceptions and cre­ ations." Social Research 56: 57 1-590. Freeman, Sue J. M. 1 990. Managing Lives: Corporate Women and Social Change. Amherst, Mass.: University of Massa­ chusetts Press. Grimm, James W, and Robert N. Stern 1 974. "Sex roles and internal labor market structures: The female semi-professions." Social Problems 2 1 : 690-705. Hardcastle, D. A. 1 987. "The social work labor force." Austin, Tex.: School of Social Work, University of Texas. Hodson, Randy, and Teresa Sullivan 1 990. The Social Organization of Work. Belmont, Calif. : Wadsworth Publishing Co. Jacobs, Jerry 1 989. Revolving Doors: Sex Segregation and Women's Ca­ reers. Stanford, Calif. : Stanford University Press. Kanter, Rosabeth Moss 1 977. Men and Women of the Corporation. New York: Basic. Books. Kessler-Harris, Alice 1 990. A Woman's Wage: Historical Meanings and Social Consequences. Lexington, Ky.: Kentucky Univer­ sity Press. Lorber, Judith 1 984. Women Physicians: Careers, Status, and Power. New York: Tavistock. Martin, Susan E. 1 980. Breaking and Entering: Police Women on Patrol. Berkeley, Calif. : University of California Press. 1 988. "Think like a man, work like a dog, and act like a lady: Occupational dilemmas of police­ women." In The Worth of Women's Work: A Qual­ itative Synthesis, ed. Anne Statham, Eleanor M. Miller, and Hans O. Mauksch, 205-223. Albany, N.Y. : State University of New York Press. ..

Phenix, Katharine 1 987. "The status of women librarians." Frontiers 9: 36-40. Reskin, Barbara 1988. "Bringing the men back in: Sex differentiation and the devaluation of women's work." Gender & Society 2: 58-8 1 . Reskin, Barbara, and Heidi Hartmann 1986. Women's Work, Men's Work: Sex Segregation on the Job. Washington, D.C . : National Academy Press. Reskin, Barbara, and Patricia Roos 1 990. Job Queues, Gender Queues: Explaining Women's Inroads into Male Occupations. Philadelphia: Tem­ ple University Press. Schmuck, Patricia A. 1 987. "Women school employees in the United States." In Women Educators: Employees of Schools in Western Countries, ed. Patricia A. Schmuck, 75-97. Albany, N.Y. : State University of New York Press. Schreiber, Carol 1 979. Men and Women in Transitional Occupations. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Spencer, Anne, and David Podmore 1 987. In a Man's World: Essays on Women in Male­ Dominated Professions. London: Tavistock. Strauss, Anselm L. 1 987. Qualitative Analysis for Social Scientists. Cam­ bridge, England: Cambridge University Press. US. Bureau of the Census 1 980. Detailed Population Characteristics, Vol. 1, Ch. D. Washington, D. C. : Government Printing Office. U S. Congress. House 1 99 1 . Civil Rights and Women's Equity in Employment Act of 1991. Report. (Report 1 02-40, Part 1.) Washington, D. e.: Government Printing Office. U S. Department of Labor. Bureau of Labor Statis­ tics 199 1 . Employment and Earnings. January. Washington, D. c.: Government Printing Office. Williams, Christine L. 1 989. Gender Differences at Work: Women and Men in Nontraditional Occupations. Berkeley, Calif. : Uni­ versity of California Press. Yoder, Janice D. 1 989. "Women at West Point: Lessons for token women in male-dominated occupations." In

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The Glass Escalator: Hidden Advantages for Men in the "Female" Professions

Women: A Feminist Perspective, ed. Jo Freeman, 523-537. Mountain View, Calif. : Mayfield Pub­ lishing Company. York, Reginald 0. , H. Carl Henley, and Dorothy N. Gamble

191

1 987. "Sexual discrimination in social work: Is it salary or advancement?" Social Work 32: 336-340. Zimmer, Lynn 1 988. "Tokenism and women in the workplace." Social Problems 35: 64-77.

A R T I C L E

1 7

Kevin D. Henson Jackie Krasas Rogers

"Why Marcia You 've Changed ! " : Male Clerical Tem porary Workers Doi ng Mascu linity in a Feminized Occupation To say that organizations are gendered has many meanings, from gender segregation at work to the part organizations play in the cultural reproduc­ tion of gender inequality (Acker 1990; Britton 2000). We know that "advantage and disadvan­ tage, exploitation and control, action and emotion, meaning and identity are patterned through and in terms of a distinction between male and female, masculine and feminine" (Acker 1 990, 1 46). In­ teraction and identity are but two means through which gender is constituted and reproduced in the workplace. Men and women "do gender" (West and Fenstermaker 1 995; West and Zimmerman 1 987) at work in organizations that are themselves gendered, and organizational imperatives shape in­ teraction .that "naturalizes" and essentializes cul­ tural constructions of masculinity and femininity for men and women. This study provides a look at men doing. gender in the highly feminized context of temporary clerical employment. Doing gender "appropriately" in the work­ place has consequences, including material ones, for both women and men. A significant portion of the existing sociological literature explores how women are required to do gender at work, includ­ ing emotiona1 1abor, which often reinforces vul­ nerability and inequality (Hochschi1d 1 983; Leidner 1 993; Pierce 1 995; Williams 1 989, 1 995; Rogers and Henson 1 997). Yet, men are also From Gender & SOCiety 15(2): 218-238. Copyright © 2001 Sociologists for Women in Society.

192

required to do gender on the job, and although less well documented, men do perform emotional labor, albeit subject to a different set of constraints, expectations, and outcomes than women's emo­ tional 1abor (Pierce 1 995; Cheng 1 996). Indeed, emotional work is implicated in the micro­ processes of doing gender that reinforce, uphold, and even naturalize male dominance and hege­ monic masculinity (Collinson and Hearn 1 996). 1 In contrast with Kanter's ( 1977) position that any token, male or female, is subject to a distinct set of negative experiences, a recent avenue of inquiry has demonstrated how some men "bene­ fit" from their token status in "women's work"­ riding the "glass escalator" to more prestigious, better-paid positions within women's professions (Pierce 1 995; Williams 1 995; Maume 1 999). Although men who cross over into women's work are often seen as less manly, this disadvantage has paled in comparison to the material benefits avail­ able to (white) male tokens, who self-segregate (or are pushed) into higher pay and higher status specialties or administrative positions in fema1e­ dominated professions (see Williams 1 989, 1995). What happens, however, when men find themselves in a female-dominated occupation with limited opportunities to ride the glass escalator? Temporary clerical work is such an occupation . As externalized employment that institutionalizes limited access to interna1 1abor markets, there is no glass escalator to ride in tem­ porary clerical work. Temporary clerical work

ARTICLE 17

does not provide the opportunities for men (or women) to elevate their status through additional credentialing, specialization, or promotions. Indeed, upward mobility into permanent employment-hailed as a major benefit by the temporary industry-is extremely elusive (Smith 1 998; Rogers 2000).2 Therefore, male tokens in female-dominated temporary clerical work pre­ sent an interesting case concerning the gendered nature of work. How does men's gender privilege operate in the absence of opportunities for upward mobility? Does men's presence in a dead­ end, female-dominated occupation disrupt the gender order and challenge hegemonic mas­ culinity? In this article, we argue that although men's presence in temporary clerical work has the potential to challenge the "naturalness" of the gendered organization of work, in everyday prac­ tice it is assumed to say more about the essential nature of the individual men. Male clerical tem­ poraries, as with other men who cross over into women's work, fall increasingly short of the ideals of hegemonic masculinity on at least two fronts. First, they face gender assessment through their lack of a "real" job (i.e., a full-time career in "men's work"). Second, their location in a femi­ nized occupation that requires the performance of emphasized femininity, including deference and caretaking behaviors, calls into question their presumed heterosexuality. The resulting gender strategies (Hochschild 1989) these men adopt reveal how male clerical temporary workers "do masculinity" to reassert the feminine identifica­ tion of the job while rejecting its application to them. In particular, we argue that men in clerical temporary work do masculinity through renam­ ing and reframing the work, distancing them­ selves from the work with a cover story, and resisting the demands to perform deference. Para­ doxically, rather than disrupting the gender order, the gender strategies adopted help reproduce and naturalize the gendered organization of work and reinvigorate hegemonic masculinity and its dom­ ination over women and subaltern men.

"Why Marcia You've Changed!"

193

The Gendered Character of Temporary Clerical Employment While temporary employment has increased dra­ matically in the past 1 5 years in response to employers' demands (Golden and Appelbaum 1 992), researchers have only recently begun to systematically document the effects of this trend for workers and workplace relations. The rapid expansion of temporary employment is pro­ foundly changing the experience, meaning, and conditions of work for temporaries who, like other contingent workers, fall through the cracks of existing workplace protections and provision of benefits (Parker 1 994; Henson 1 996; Rogers and Henson 1 997; Rogers 2000). The clerical sector of temporary employ­ ment, like the permanent clerical sector, is pre­ dominantly composed of women (Bureau of Labor Statistics 1 995). Historically, this associa­ tion of temporary work with women's work was reflected in the common inclusion of the infan­ tilizing term girl in the names of the earliest tem­ porary agencies (e.g. , Kelly Girl). While temporary agencies have formally modernized their names (i.e. , Kelly Girl became Kelly Ser­ vices) , the continued popular usage of the out­ dated names accurately reflects the gendered composition of the temporary clerical workforce. Indeed, a survey by the National Association of Temporary Services ( 1 992) estimated that 80 per­ cent of member agency temporaries were women. A recent government survey concluded that "workers employed by temporary help agen­ cies in February 1 997 were more likely than other workers to be young, female, Black or Hispanic" (Cohany 1 998, 13). Contemporary clerical temporary employ­ ment, like permanent clerical work, is so com­ pletely identified as women's work that until recently, it was considered inappropriate employ­ ment for a man, even by the temporary industry. Until the 1 960s, in fact, it was common policy within the industry not to accept male applicants for clerical temporary work (Moore 1 963, 35).

194

PART F0 U R

Men and Work

Men, it was asserted, should be seeking a perma­ nent, full-time career-type job--a "real job" -that would allow them to work hard, be financially successful, and take on the idealized (male) breadwinner role (Connell 1 987, 1 995; Cheng 1 996). Recently, however, men have come to consti­ tute a greater proportion of temporary agency workers, although they are still more likely to be working as industrial than clerical temporaries (see Parker 1994). In fact, the continued numerical predominance of women in both the permanent and temporary clerical workforce often leads to the assumption that clerical temporary workers are women. Indeed, the job of clerical temporary worker is gendered-more specifically femi­ nized-as women's work. Consequently, tempo­ rary work, clerical work, and especially temporary clerical work are perceived as women's work. Given temporaries' low status and vulnera­ bility to work deprivation, the expectations of temporary agencies and clients become de facto job requirements that shape temporary workers' interactions in such a way that one's gender and sexuality are prominently featured as aspects of the work (see Rogers and Henson 1 997). For example, the demands of temporary agencies and client companies for particular (gendered or sexy) physical p'resentations, and the embedded expec­ tations for deference and caretaking behaviors, highlight the gendered (feminized) and sexualized nature of t€mporary clerical work (Henson 1 996; Rogers and Henson 1 997). Indeed, the common association of temporary work with promiscuity, or "occupational sleeping around," highlights the ways in which clerical work and temporary work intersect to create a highly feminized job (see Rogers 2000 for a discussion of the gendering of temporary versus clerical work). In other words, temporary clerical work is a gendered (as well as raced, classed, aged, and heterosexualized) occu­ pation that requires workers to do gender (and race, class, and so forth) in certain forms, recre­ ating them and making them appear natural (see West and Zimmerman 1 987; Acker 1 990, West

and Fenstermaker 1 995). The type of gender one must " do" in clerical temporary work is primarily white, middle-class, heterosexual femininity. Con­ sequently, while certain exceptions are made, it is nearly impossible to do this brand of femininity appropriately if you are a man or a woman of color. After describing our research methodology, we examine the gendered (feminized) context of clerical temporary employment, the institution­ alized challenges to masculinity such employ­ ment poses for token men, and the gender strategies token men adopt to buttress their sense of masculinity. Finally, we discuss how these gen­ der strategies reproduce rather than challenge the gender order.

Method This research is based on in-depth interviews and extensive participant observation from two broader studies on temporary clerical work we conducted in Chicago in 1 990- 1 991 (Henson 1 996) and Los Angeles in 1 993-1 994 (Rogers 2000). During the participant observation com­ ponent of our studies, each of us worked as a cler­ ical temporary worker for more than one year on a variety of assignments in many different types of organizations. We entered our temporary employment with many common characteristics such as relatively high educational attainment, whiteness, and youthfulness (Kevin was 26; Jackie was 28), yet our different respective gen­ ders affected our temporary work experiences in many dissimilar and revealing ways. In addition to our participant-observation work, each of us conducted open-ended, semi­ structured interviews with temporaries and agency personnel, yielding 68 interviews in all (35 in Chicago and 33 in Los Angeles). Our interview participants included 1 0 temporary agency per­ sonnel and one client company representative, but the majority (57) were temporary clerical workers. We located participants of this highly fluid and difficult-to-access workforce through a variety of methods-personal contacts made on

A R T I C L E :I. 7

assignment, responses to fliers placed at tempo­ rary agency offices, and personal referrals. We pursued a grounded theory approach in our research, including an emphasis on theoretical sampling (Glaser and Strauss 1 965, 1 967). Con­ sequently, we sought out participants who maxi­ mized the range of temporary work experiences we studied rather than pursuing a strictly repre­ sentative sample of the temporary workforce. In the end;· our sample of temporary clerical work­ ers included a relatively diverse group of partici­ pants, including 20 men and 37 women ranging in age from 20 to 60 (see Table 1 7. 1).3 Indeed, our sample approximates the age and race distribu­ tion of the general temporary workforce. How­ ever, our sample differs in at least one important way from the general clerical temporary work­ force. We deliberately oversampled for men in this female-dominated occupation. Collectively, our interview participants had worked through more than 40 temporary agencies with individual tenure in temporary employment ranging from a few months to more than 10 years. We followed flexible open-ended interview schedules, addressing themes that we had identi­ fied as salient during our participant-observation work and pursued new themes as they emerged. We both interviewed women and men in our respective locales, and although evidence of par­ ticipants' negotiation of the "gendered context of the [interview] interaction" emerged (e.g., men talked directly about feeling "less manly" to " Jackie but talked more abstractly about feeling

•

"Why Marcia You've Changed!"

like "failures" to Kevin), there was a remarkable overlap and consistency in the substance of par­ ticipants' responses (see Williams and Heikes 1 993). We tape-recorded, transcribed, and ana­ lyzed all of the interviews. Although at first we pursued an open coding process focusing on general concepts such as stigmatization and cop­ ing strategies, eventually our analysis revealed consistent gendered patterns in our data. All names indicated in the body of the article are pseudonyms.

What's He Doing Here? Male temporary clerical workers initially disrupt the gendered landscape of an organization since both the permanent and temporary clerical work­ forces are female dominated. This is reflected in the consistency with which token male clerical temporaries were met with surprise on the job. Indeed, the reaction to token men highlights the almost complete feminization of the work and the associated expectation that temporary work­ ers will be women. The male temporaries we interviewed, for example, universally commented on their experiences as token men in women's work: There are areas where I felt that I did not fit in properly because I was

17.1

a man on a temp as­

signment. (Michael Glenn, 26-year-old Asian American man) People are looking at me like, "What are you doing here?"

TA B L E

195

Like they're thinking, "Gee,

what's the deal? Shouldn't you be,

I don't know, I mean it's like it's sort of fine if you're just out of school. They kind

RacejEthnicity and Gender of Tem porary Clerical Workers

doing something else?"

of expect well, you're doing this until you get a Race/Ethnicity

White African American Asian Latino/Latina Other Total

Men

Women

13

28

3

7 2

1

0

2

0

20

37

regular job. (Harold Koenig, 29-year-old white man)

Similarly, Henson was conscious on more than one of his assignments of steady streams of chuckling female workers conspicuously moving past his workstation, (apparently) to see the male receptionist. While there might be socially

196

PAR T F0 U R

Men and Work

acceptable reasons for a young man's location in temporary work (e.g. , "just out of school" or "until you get a regular job"), for men, it is gen­ erally employment requiring an explanation.4 In fact, the disruption of the taken-for­ granted naturalness of workplace gender segre­ gation by the presence of male temporaries was often a source of humor for permanent workers. For example, Henson repeatedly encountered variants of ajoke that played on themes of gender and mistaken identity. Permanent workers, espe­ cially men, upon seeing him for the first time at a (female) permanent worker's desk, would declare with mock seriousness, "Why (Marcia, Faye, Lucy) you've changed!" The humor of this joke, apparently, derived from the mismatch between the expected gender of the worker and Henson's gender. Another widespread joke, playing on sim­ ilar themes, was to knowingly misattribute own­ ership of a permanent female employee's personal (and feminine) belongings to a male temporary through a mock compliment such as, "Nice pumps." Jackie, however, experienced nei­ ther the need to explain her employment nor the jokes. The feminized nature of the work was fur­ ther highlighted when others failed to recognize a male temporary as the secretary, mistaking him for someone with higher organizational status. Jon Carter, for example, described the confusion callers experienced when they heard his mascu­ line voice at the receptionist's desk: "I get a lot of people, yo� know, that are confused as to who I am because it's a male voice" (23-year-old gay white man). Henson also experienced being mis­ taken for a permanent (higher status) new hire. One coworker, realizing his error after warmly welcoming Kevin and introducing himself, quickly pulled back his extended hand and retreated in embarrassment. Finally, the feminized nature of temporary work was revealed by the extent to which "male" continues to be the verbally marked category. Note, for example, Linda Schmidt's verbal mark­ ing of both "male secretaries" and "male temps" :

Roger Piderat. He was a male secretary. H e was very good. And then we had a male temp come in. And he was English. He was a nice guy. And he did reception for a while. And he worked at Anne's desk for a while. But he was a very pleasant person too. So we've had male secre­ taries before. (Linda Schmidt, 38-year-old white woman)

As with women in nontraditional occupations (e.g. , female doctors or female lawyers), men in nontraditional (secretarial and clerical) work are the marked category. The expectation, indeed assumption, that (requested) temporary workers will be women sometimes is expressed as an overt preference for women-or aversion to men-in these positions. Although temporary agencies are legally required to operate under equal opportunity employer leg­ islation (i.e. , to hire workers without regard to race, sex, or age), temporaries are nevertheless often placed for non-skill-specific characteristics including their race, gender, age, and physical attractiveness (Henson 1 996; Rogers and Henson 1 997; Rogers 2000). Cindy Beitz, a temporary counselor, described how client companies some­ times explicitly, and quite illegally, requested female temporaries: You can call them and say, "We have a young gentleman who will be coming in there tomor­ row for you . " And sometimes they will say . . . they'll come out and say, "Well, I don't want him. I told you I wanted a woman." (Cindy Beitz, 33-year-old white woman)

Without prompting, approximately half of the agency representatives mentioned similar illegal requests. Similarly, temporary workers like Irene Pedersen, who were privy to client company­ agency interactions, reported overhearing illegal requests: I worked on a temp assignment somewhere in the Personnel Department at this company, and the client wanted a temp receptionist. And he would come in and beat on the personnel man-

ARTICLE 17

ager, he didn't want a man. He didn't want any­ body who was Black, he didn't want anybody who was this. (Irene Pedersen, 25-year-old white woman) Temporary workers were often aware, or at least suspected, that personal characteristics such as gender determined their access to jobs. Arnold Finch, for example, hypothesized that he had lost a job because of his gender: I was working

a temp job and I left there. I did really good work. They wouldn't call me back. The only reason why, I was a male. They only wanted females to work that job. . . . It's just that I guess companies that . . . when somebody comes in the door, they want a pretty, happy, smiling female face behind the counter. (Arnold Finch, 23-year-old white man) In addition, Henson lost at least one clerical assignment admittedly on the basis of his gender: "The client isn't sure if they want a male tempo­ rary or not. Whoever placed the order is going to check and see if it's okay" (Henson's field notes, 1 990). Although Kevin had cross-trained in preparation at the agency's office on a specific word processing program (without pay), the assignment was withdrawn. Neither Rogers nor any of the women we interviewed experienced a negative gender screening similar to Henson's­ they were the right gender.5 Not only is clerical temporary work femi­ nized, it is 'also heterosexualized, especially for women. Clients, for example, often included demands for particular feminized (even sexy) physical presentations when placing an order for temporary help: When we get a position like that in where they say, "She should wear this outfit" or "She should look like this." Whatever. We'll still rec­ ommend . . . we can still call men in too, but . . . (Cindy Beitz, 33-year-old white woman) They'll ask for blond and blue eyes and stuff like that. Always for the front office. We tell them that we'll send the best qualified. If we

"Why Marcia You've Changed!"

197

send a qualified person and they send 'em back because they're not blond, we obviously wouldn't be able to fill that order. They'll go to another agency that will. (Regina Mason, 44year-old Latina agency manager) Indeed, female temporary secretaries, like women serving higher status men in other traditional women's work (MacKinnon 1 979; Hall 1 993), were often expected to make an offering of their gender, including their sexual attractiveness, as part of the job. Since the agencies' interests are in pleasing clients, even some of the more egregious requests for female temporary workers as sex objects (e.g. , for a young, blond woman with great legs) are often honored (Henson 1 996; Rogers and Henson 1 997; Rogers 2000), Because temporary agencies depend on client companies for revenue, they are under considerable pressure to comply with these client requests, Agencies that assiduously follow the law risk losing their clients, However, it would be inaccurate to describe the preference for women in temporary secretarial work as simply the desire to employ women as sex­ ual objects. The employers' preference for women is partially explained by employers' essentialized understandings of gender as it relates to workers' capabilities. In other words, client companies and agencies often use a "gender logic" when matching workers with assignments (Hossfeld 1 990). Women, in this logic, are often assumed to be innately superior at work calling for certain emo­ tional and relational skills (Hochschild 1 983; Lei­ dner 1 993; Pierce 1 995). In fact, temporary secretaries, as part of the job, are expected to per­ form emotional labor-to be deferential and nur­ turing toward managers, coworkers, clients, and agency personnel (Henson 1 996; Rogers and Hen­ son 1 997). As Pierce ( 1 995, 89) has argued about another feminized occupation (paralegals), "The feminization of this occupation . . . is created not only by employer preference for women, but by the fact that the occupation itself-formally or not­ calls for women to cater to men's emotional needs."

198

PA R T F O U R

Men and Work

men should be striving to get real jobs. In other

Challenges to Masculinity Men who cross over to work in highly feminized occupations face institutionalized challenges to their sense of masculinity, that is, the extent to which they measure up to the dictates of hege­

words, temporary jobs are unsatisfactory jobs that no real man (i.e., white, heterosexual, and mid­ dle-class) would or should accept:

I was surprised by how many older men were

monic masculinity (Pringle 1 993; Pierce 1 995;

working as temporaries. I guess I expected to

Williams 1 989, 1 995). Male clerical temporary

just see women. But I asked one of these guys

workers, for example, face gender assessment­

if he was looking for full-time work. And he

highlighting their failure to live up to the ideals of hegemonic masculinity-on at least two fronts. First, they are working temporary rather than per­ manent, higher paying, full-time j obs ("He should have a real job"), which limits their ability to assume the male breadwinner role. Second, they are doing clerical work (i. e . , women's work), including demands for deference and caretaking, which challenges their presumed heterosexuality ("He could be gay"). Yet, unlike the situation of male

nurses

or

elementary

schoolteachers

(Williams 1 989, 1995), clerical temporary work is not a semiprofession with institutionalized room for upward mobility via the glass escalator.

said he was just hoping that one of his temp jobs was going to turn into a full-time job. I thought you've got to have more spunk than that to get a job. (Henson's field notes, 1991) Likewise, Regina Mason, a temporary agency manager, struggling to explain the anomalous presence of men in temporary work, tapped into gendered industry rhetoric portraying the work as good for women-a "flexible, secondary wage earning job"-but inadequate for men, except on a truly temporary basis (Henson 1 996):

I think that's the trend that men have never thought of working temporary. I mean that's a new thing to men to go work temp. It's the old attitude that men are breadwinners you know

He Should Have a Real Job Male temporary clerical workers' individual fail­ ings,

when

faced

with

gender

assessment,

included questions about their drive, motivation,

so they gotta have stability, permanency, a real job. But we still have a few men working. I think a lot of housewives don't want anything per­ manent. So they prefer to come in and just do

and comp�tence for male career success (i.e. , "Why doesn't he have a real job?"). Indeed, per­

temping so that they can take off when they

manent work providing a sufficient financial base

agency manager)

want to. (Regina Mason, 44-year-old Latina

to assume the male breadwinner role is a core component of hegemonic masculine identity

Ironically, while men in temporary employment

(Connell 1 987, 1 995; Kimmel 1994; Cheng 1 996) .

are curiosities to be pitied, the low-pay, imper­

Consequently, men who have jobs that do not

manence, and dead-end nature of these jobs is

allow them to assume the breadwinner role­

seen as natural or unproblematic for women.

such as those in part-time or temporary work­

Consequently, an agency manager can bemoan

are perceived as "less manly" (Epstein et al. 1 999;

the difficulties she has telling men, but not

Rogers

women, "they'd only be getting maybe $8 an hour

2000).

Indeed, the assumption that men, but not women,

should hold

or

desire

permanent

and not necessarily steady work" (Rogers's field notes, 1 994).

employment was widely shared by temporary

The irregularity, uncertainty, and poor remu­

workers, temporary agency staff, and client com­

neration of clerical temporary work challenged

pany supervisors. For example, Dorothy Brooke,

male temporaries' abilities to live up to the bread­

a temporary worker, expressed the idea that tem­

winner, and self-sufficiency, ideals contained in

porary work was acceptable for women but that

hegemonic masculinity.

Without prompting,

ARTICLE 17

most men in the study detailed the challenges

"Why Marcia You've Changed!"

199

Accordingly, male temporary workers sometimes

temping presented to their sense of masculinity.

experienced feelings of inferiority and inade­

Kirk

felt guilty and

quacy when recognized (and judged) as tempo­

Stevens,

for example,

ashamed about his inability to take on the ideal­

rary secretaries by others. Denny Lincoln, for

ized (male) breadwinner role. An inadequate sup­

example, articulated feelings of inferiority when

ply of assignments left Kirk financially dependent

others assessed him on the basis of his low-wage,

on his girlfriend:

low-status temporary employment:

So far, this summer, Natalie, my girlfriend, has been supporting us both. I really can't stand it. She leaves at eight thirty and gets home at five thirty or six and she's totally exhausted. She

Why are all these people taking $6.50 and $7.00 an hour jobs? Why? Why can't they go out and

get a real job? An d

I think that's what goes

through people's minds. Like you have a college

can't stay up past eleven at night. And I feel re­

degree! What the hell's going on here? There

ally guilty 'cause she wouldn't have to be work­

must be something wrong with this guy. He

ing quite so crazy if

I were getting any money

can't hold a job, he's working for 7 bucks an

in at all. But it's difficult for both of us. (Kirk

hour stuffing envelopes. (Denny Lincoln, 39-

Stevens, 27-year-old white man)

year-old white man)

While financial dependence is seen as an unprob­

Similarly, Bob Johnson described the embarrass­

lematic aspect of low-wage temporary employ­

ment he felt when recognized on a temporary

ment for women (i.e., the income is assumed to

assignment by old college classmates:

be secondary), this same dependence among men often challenges male temporary workers ' sense

Where I work there's a l ot of people who I

of masculinity. In other words, not only is the

graduated [from college] with on staff. And

male temporary worker unable to provide for oth­ ers but he also finds himself in the painful posi­ tion of dependence. The lack of respect accorded to men who fail to live up to the career orientation ideals embod­ ied in hegemonic masculinity was not lost on male temporary workers. Albert Baxter, for exam­ ple, described his belief that male temporary workers received less respect than female tempo­ raries:

when they see me, you know, they go, "What are you doing? Why are you working as a sec­

retary?" And you have to explain yourself.

Well, I'm trying to find the ideal job. Maybe

it's all in my mind because I feel sort of inferior

to that because they're kind of established. I feel really inadequate. (Bob Johnson, 23-year­ old gay white man)

Bob's reaction reveals his embarrassment about both the impermanence of his employment

I think men get a little less respect if they're temping. There's that expectation that they

("they're kind of established") and its feminiza­ tion ("Why are you working as a secretary?").

should be like career oriented and like moving up in the world and being a businessman and moving himself forward in business. Where women can do that but it's not an expectation. And so

I think that, I think that's where that

Kelly Girl image, that temporaries are women is. I have noticed that there is a certain amount, looking down upon. I think that's true of temps

He Could Be Gay

Male temporary workers' failing , when faced with gender assessment, does not stop with ques­

tioning their drive, motivation, and competence for male career success. Their location in a

female-dominated occupation that requires and

in general. They're somewhat looked down

produces emphasi ze d femininity, including def­

upon. I think the men maybe more. (Albert

erential and nurturing behaviors, also calls into

Baxter, 3 1 -year-old white man)

question their presumed heterosexuality, a core

200

PART F0U R

Men and Work

component of hegemonic masculinity. When men do deference and caretaking, they are popu­ larly defined as feminine-like women-and therefore gay. As Donaldson ( 1 993, 648) has noted, any type of powerlessness quickly becomes conflated with the popular stereotype of homo­ sexuality. Male clerical temporaries, as with male secretaries (Pringle 1 993), nurses (Williams 1 989), elementary schoolteachers (Williams 1 995), and paralegals (Pierce 1 995), are regularly stereotyped as gay. Patsy Goodrich, for example, accepted the construction of male temporary cler­ ical workers, but not male temporary industrial workers, as gay: But, yeah, I think most of the people [in tem­ porary work] that I know have either been gay men or women. Or lesbian women. I don't re­ ally know. I can't think of a straight man that I know that's done it. Except for my brother. But he did the kind where it's like the industrial side. (Patsy Goodrich, 27-year-old white lesbian woman) Similarly, in searching for an explanation for the presence of some men in temporary clerical work, Connie Young described the male tempo­ rary workers in her office as unmasculine or effeminate in appearance: We've had male temporaries come in to answer the phones and do whatever typing jobs. And, for some reason, all the male temps we've got­ ten didn't have any masculine features. They're very longhaired, ponytailed, very artsy look. And the men in business suits would look at them and kind of not take them seriously actu­ ally. You know like, "Oh, he has an earring." (Connie Young, 25-year-old Asian American woman) In addition, male temporary workers are feminized as they enter and interact in an organi­ zational environment that requires the perfor­ mance of emphasized femininity, including deference. Male temporaries' discomfort with the demands for deference, although more limited than the deferential demands made of female

temporaries, revealed both the gendered nature of the work and its implicit threat to their sense of masculinity: It's a manly thing to be in charge. And men should want to be, supposedly in charge and delegating things. If you're a man and you're being delegated to, it somehow makes you less manly. You know what I'm saying? Whereas it seems to be okay for the person delegating to women. And the women, maybe they're just projecting that to get by. It seems that they're more okay with that than men are. I guess I'm saying that it makes me feel less of the manly kind of qualities, like I'm in charge, you knOw. And men should be like takin' meetings and barking orders instead of just being subservient. (Harold Koenig, 29-year-old heterosexual white man) Several male temporary workers remarked that they were surprised by the deferential demands of temporary work-as men with male privilege, they had rarely experienced the require­ ment to enact deference. Similarly, Kirk Stevens was outraged when he was asked to perform the subservient work of cleaning bathrooms: I got a phone call saying there was this com­ pany that needed me to go out and change the light bulbs And I met the guy and he gives me, you know, the obligatory tour. . . . And then he gives me a bucket and a mop, some rubber gloves, and he says, "Now what I'd really like you to do, just to start off, is clean, if you could, the bathrooms need cleaning. Could you clean this bathroom?" And it didn't even . . . I just . . . I just can't believe that I didn't just say. "Go to hell. I'm not going to clean your god­ damn bathrooms." (Kirk Stevens, 27-year-old heterosexual white man) While someone has to clean bathrooms (often work relegated to poor women of color), Kirk Stevens believed he was not the type of person (e.g., white, educated, and male) who should be asked to do so. The negative reactions to defer­ ential demands were strongest (but not exclusive)

ARTICLE 17

among white, heterosexual, college-educated men who would fall closest to the cultural ideal of hegemonic masculinity (see Connell 1987, 1 995). Male temporary workers, heterosexual and gay, were aware of the construction of the male temporary as gay. A noted exception, Michael Glenn, positively rather than negatively framed and accepted an essentialized construction of temporary workers as gay: But temps usually are women or homosexual men. Urn, it's not to say that some heterosexual men don't make good temps, but I think it's harder to fmd. And then you get into the whole psychology of heterosexual men I suppose. Men are from Mars and all of that. But heterosexual men are not as great at being people-peo­ ple. . . . you have to be flexible. And there's more of a rigidity to a heterosexual male. And then again in the gradations, I would say there's more rigidity for a homosexual male than for a woman. And I'm not even gonna try to place homosexual women. (Michael Glenn, 26-year­ old Asian American gay man) Note how Michael's assertion that gay men excel over heterosexual men at the emotional and rela­ tional demands of the job (being flexible and being "people-people") leads him to the conclu­ sion that gay men are more suited to temporary clerical work. Ironically, while gay men come closer than straight men to naturally making good temps in his account, they still do not measure up to (real, i. e. , heterosexual) women, leaving the natural gender order intact.

Gender Strategies/Hegemonic Bargains The male temporaries we interviewed, faced with gender assessment, adopted three primary gender strategies-renaming and reframing the work, distancing themselves from the work with a cover story, as well as the more risky strategy of resist­ ing demands for deference-to do masculinity in a feminized occupation. Ironically, rather than disrupting the gender order, each of these strate-

"Why Marcia You've Changed!"

201

gies "enables men to maintain a sense of them­ selves as different from and better than women­ thus contributing to the gender system that divides men from women in a way that privileges men" (Williams 1 995, 1 23). Indeed, each of these gender strategies represents what Chen ( 1 999, 600), modifying Kandiyoti's ( 1 988) "patriarchal bargain" concept, has described as a "hegemonic bargain"-a situation in which a man's "gender strategy involves trading on (or benefiting from) the advantages conferred by his race, gender, sex­ uality, class, accent, and!or generational status to achieve "unblushing" manhood."

Doing Masculinity-Renaming and Reframing One of the primary gender strategies male tem­ poraries use to maintain their sense of masculin­ ity is to distance themselves from the feminized aspects of the occupation by renaming or refram­ ing the work. Male temporary secretaries, similar to men in other feminized occupations (Pierce 1 995; Pringle 1 993; Williams 1 989, 1 995), de­ scribed their work in terms perceived to be more masculine, or at the very least, gender-neutral (e.g. , word processor, administrative assistant, proofreader, bookkeeper). Steve Woodhead, a 3 5-year-old white gay man, for example, charac­ terized his temporary work assignment as book­ keeping. Steven did not mention the temporary nature of his j ob, framing it more as an inde­ pendent contracting arrangement. Indeed, male temporaries displayed an almost pathological avoidance of the term secretarial. In contrast, most of the female temporaries we interviewed described their work without hesitation as secretarial. Occasionally, agency personnel and clients also participated in this project of renaming the work in more masculine terms. For example, on one of Henson's temporary assignments, the supervisor wondered aloud how to refer to the position in a more masculine or gender-neutral way: "Word processor? What should we call you? We're not going to call you secretary" (Henson's field notes, 1 990). Whether this renaming was

202

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simply a courtesy to individual male temporary workers or a way of reconciling clients' discom­ fort in seeing men crossing over into women's work is unclear.6 In addition, some male temporary workers attempted to reframe the work as masculine by focusing on the technical competencies required on their temporary assignments. Indeed, to be technically. competent is to be masculine (Cock­ burn 1 985; Messerschmidt 1 996; Wright 1 996). Bob Johnson, for example, described his work in terms of the computer environment of software he was required to use on his (secretarial) work assignments:

I work for six managers . . . in the change man­ agement services division. Companies hire them to do consulting work and they sort of do a lot of work with organizations that are going through organizational change. Implementing new systems. Both in the workforce and in terms of like information technology. Sort of reeducating them and reorganizing them around different responsibilities and different organizational hierarchies. And the other divi­ sion I work for is integration services. And they're really technical experts. In terms of dif­ ferent [computer] hardware and software con­ figuration systems. (Bob Johnson, 23-year-old gay white man)

That was mostly work with IBM. You know, cause IBM is incredibly popular. So I used my WordPerfect a lot. And then when they didn't have any WordPerfect, they sent me out on proofreading assignments. To proofread these books that no one would ever, ever read. Basi­ cally, it's been a lot of word processing. (Bob Johnson, 23-year-old gay white man)

Only in follow-up questions did he detail his more mundane day-to-day secretarial tasks: "I do sup­ port work. It's a lot of typing up correspondence between clients and interoffice correspondence. A lot of filing. A lot of typing. Answering phones a lot. Most of the time."

This focus on the technological aspects (com­ puter) of the work, however, is not just a refusal to name the work. As Cynthia Cockburn ( 1 985, 12) has noted, "Femininity is incompatible with technological competence; to feel technically competent'is to feel manly." Therefore, focusing on the technological aspects of the work is part of a gender strategy that bolsters one's sense of power at the same time it reinforces segregation between men's and women's work. Another reframing technique male tempo­ raries use to maintain their masculinitiy is to bor­ row the prestige of the employing organization (Pierce 1 995; Williams 1 995) when describing their work to outsiders, especially other men. A male paralegal in Pierce's ( 1 995) study of gender in law firms described how he used the name of the law firm rather than his job title to impress outsiders. Similarly, Bob Johnson described the unit he was assigned to at a consulting firm in elaborate detail rather than his specific work tasks when asked about his temporary job:

Doing Masculinity-Telling the Cover Story Male temporaries, almost universally, invoked the "cover story" as a gender strategy to buttress their challenged sense of masculinity. The cover story, told to both self and others, invokes an alternative identity and defines one as truly temporary or occupationally transient (Henson 1 996). Male clerical temporaries, through telling the cover story both on and off the job, provide an expla­ nation for their apparent lack of drive or compe­ tence in obtaining a real (male) job. Steve Woodhead, for example, described how he strate­ gically used his cover story on new assignments: "Oh, I always told them I was an actor. Immedi­ ately. Immediately. And they were, like, 'Great! This is wonderful.' So maybe that's what cut the ice, you know. They knew I wasn't just waiting to get a realjob. 'Why doesn't this guy have a realjob yet?'" (35-year-old gay white man). Likewise, Harold Koenig said, "I always wanna tell people that I'm just doing this because I'm a writer and I'm really here because of that. But they really

ARTICLE 17

"Why Marcia You've Changed! "

203

don't want to know that. It's like to save your

of any sort. On the few occasions when this hap­

ego" (29-year-old white man) . The cover story,

pened, the question was precipitated by the tem­

then, explains why a man in clerical temporary

porary worker's efforts or exceptional work

employment does not have a real job and asserts

performance. During her fieldwork, for example,

a more valuable (masculine) social identity.

Rogers's presence in temporary clerical work was

While permanent workers might also define

questioned only once when she was found to pos­

themselves as occupationally transient (Williams

sess unusually detailed knowledge about insur­

1 989; Garson 1 994; Pierce 1 995), the organiza­

ance benefits.

tion of temporary work provided workers with the ready-made temporary label. For example, quently asserted their occupational transience

Doing Masculinity-Refusing to Do Deference

despite their permanent, full-time status ("I'm

Finally, men in clerical temporary work often

Pierce ( 1 995 , 1 70) noted that male paralegals fre­

planning to go to law school after working as a

adopted the risky gender strategy of resisting

legal assistant for a few years"). The organization

demands for deference in an effort to do mas­

of their work as permanent, however, required

culinity. Deference, however, is part of being a

that these workers simultaneously demonstrate

"good" temporary worker for both male and

commitment and noncommitment to their work.

female temporaries (Rogers 1 995; Henson 1996;

The organization of temporary work, how­

Rogers and Henson 1 997). Temporaries must

ever, presupposes that male temporary workers

enact subservience and deference, for example, to

are uncommitted and facilitates the assumption

continue

that there is an underlying reason to be revealed.

researchers

getting

assignments.

(Hochschild

1 98 3 ;

While

other

Pierce

1 995;

Note, for example, Henson's failed use of his

Williams 1 995) have argued that men in women's

cover story, in response to direct questioning, in

work are not required to do deference (or at least

this field note excerpt: Someone asked me if I just temped all the time or what I did. And I said, "Well no. I'm a grad­ uate student in Sociology at Northwestern."

in the same way), we believe that there are occu­ pations in which men are required to do defer­ ence, including clerical temporary work. While the demands for deference may be different for

She asked what I was studying and I said,

women and men (and different within genders

"Clerical temporary work." Which she thought

along dimensions of race, age, and sexual orien­

was really funny. I saw her in the elevator today

tation), men were still expected to provide defer­

and she asked, "How's your little study going?"

ential services as clerical temporary workers.

Like, " Sure. That's just your little story. " And it is. Because I'm [also] doing it for money. So it is just my little story. But I felt really belittled be­ cause she just wasn't taking me seriously. (Hen­ son's field notes, 1991)

While none of the men reported ever being asked to get coffee, a request many women reported with great irritation, they were still expected to provide deferential services-smiling, waiting, taking orders, and tolerating the bad

Coworkers commonly elicited cover stories from

moods of their supervisors. In other words,

men, but seldom from women. While some

women were asked to provide more of the nur­

women did offer cover stories, their use appeared

turing and caretaking components of deference

to be motivated by class rather than gender anxi­

than men, especially when working for older and

eties (i.e., "What am I doing here with a college

more established men.

degree?").7 In fact, since women's presence in

reported receiving (and resisting) a particularly

Helen, for example,

clerical temporary employment is naturalized,

egregious request for caretaking behavior on one

coworkers rarely pressed them for explanations

of her assignments:

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They had this glass candy jar this big. And like, "You're supposed to keep that filled with chocolate. " Like, "Where do I get the chocolate from?" "Well, you know, just pick something up. Something cheap." Yeah. Like I'm sup­ posed to go and buy a bag of Hershey's Kisses so that the executives can add to their waist­ lines. I'm like no. And it's been empty ever since I've been there. [Laughs] . (Helen Weinberg, 24year-old white woman) Helen, unlike many of the women we inter­ viewed, resisted the most demeaning caretaking requests through a passive " forgetfulness" strat­ egy. Although both female and male temporaries are generally passive in their resistance (Rogers 2000), the significance of deference in temporary employment for masculinity is heightened when we realize that most opportunities for resistance are passive ones. The refusal to do deference, as doing mas­ culinity, may be so important that male tempo­ rary workers risk losing the job rather than feel demeaned. Contrast Helen's forgetfulness strat­ egy above with Bob's overt refusal to do deferen­ tial tasks, notably for a female superior: At my long-term assignment, this one perma­ nent secretary was out sick. I had my own desk and I had things that had to be done. And this woman comes up to me and she hands me a stack of photocopying to do. And I said, "Ex­ cuse m�." And she said, "Well this is for you to do." And I said, "Well, thank you, but I have my own work to do. This work has to be done by 5." And she goes, "Well, you are just a temp and blah, blah, blah, blah, blah." I said, "Wait a minute. I am a temporary worker, but I do have a desk and assigned work that has to be done." And she threw this little fit. And throughout the day she was really terse and re­ ally just a real bitch to me. . . . She was just awful. You know that whole mentality of "just a temp, just a temp." (Bob Johnson, 23-year­ old gay white man)

erence and appropriately "manage his own anger" with an ill-behaved male attorney. He con­ fronted the attorney on his abusive behavior, was removed from the case, and eventually pushed to a peripheral position within the firm. Similarly, Henson discovered the risks in resisting demands for deference when he failed to adopt a submissive demeanor and was removed from an assignment. Near the end of his first week on a (scheduled) long-term assignment at a small medical college, Henson arrived to find a typed message from Shirley, his work-site super­ visor, on his chair. The note clearly asserted the hierarchy of power and demanded deference and subrnission-especially since Shirley worked only a few feet from Henson's desk and could have eas­ ily communicated her request verbally: "Kevin. RE: Lunch today (1 2/5). My plans are to be out of the office from about 1 1 :45 AM to 1 :00 PM. (If you get hungry early, I suggest you have a snack before I leave at 1 1 :45 AM). Thanks. Shirl. " This annoys me: patronizing and hostile-at least that's the way I take it. So, I very casually and fully aware of the politics, walk to Shirley's door with the note in hand and say, "Oh, about lunch . . . . That's great! That works out fine with my plans too. No problem. " I'm upbeat and polite, but I'm framing it as giving permis­ sion or at least as an interaction between equals. (Henson's field notes, 1990) At the end of the day, Henson said good night to Shirley and left with every intention of returning in the morning. That evening, however, he received a call from his agency counselor: "Hi

Kevin. This is Wendy. I don't know how to tell you this, but the college called us today and they said they just didn't think things were working out. They don't want you to come back tomor­ row." While Henson had completed the formal work adequately, he had consciously resisted adopting the appropriate submissive demeanor. By refusing to perform deference and doing mas­ culinity instead, he had lost the assignment.

Similarly, Pierce ( 1 995, 92) reports a story of a

Demands for deference seemed to be the

male paralegal who did not successfully do def-

breaking point for the male temporaries in this

ARTICLE 17

study. They were no longer able to reframe their way out of their feminized position. Male privi­ lege no longer protected these men from the requirements of the job, including the perfor­ mance of feminine styles of emotional labor and deference. While men do perform emotional labor and even deference on the job (Hochschild 1 983; Pierce 1 995), they typically do so in ways that are compatible with hegemonic notions of masculinIty. In contrast, male temporaries were required to enact feminine modes of deference. Thus, men's refusals to do deference in temporary clerical work come to serve as proof that men are not suited for temporary clerical work.

Conclusion Male clerical temporaries, as with other men who cross over into women's work, fail to conform to the dictates of hegemonic masculinity on at least two fronts. First, they are working temporary rather than permanent, higher paying, full-time jobs (i.e., a real job), which limits their ability to assume the male breadwinner role. Second, they are doing clerical work (i.e. , women's work), in­ cluding demands for deference and caretaking, which challenges their presumed heterosexuality. At first glance, men's presence in a female­ dominate� job such as temporary clerical work might appear to disrupt the gendered landscape of the workplace. Unlike men in women's semipro­ fessions, however, these men cannot exercise their male privilege by riding the glass escalator to higher paying, more prestigious work. Work that is female dominated and very low status does not provide the credential system and internal labor market necessary for the operation of the glass escalator. Here, occupational specificity makes all the difference in understanding men's interactions in female-dominated work. The experience of male temporary clerical workers neither con­ forms wholly to Kanter's ( 1 977) theory of to­ kenism nor to Williams's (1 992) glass escalator theory. Rather, these men experience a gendered set of token-related problems that center on main­ taining the ideals of hegemonic masculinity.

"Why Marcia You've Changed'"

205

With little organizational opportunity for up­ ward mobility, men do gender in such a way that they reassert the feminine identification of the job while rejecting its application to them. Through renaming and reframing their individual duties, men distance themselves from the most feminized aspects of the job. Through telling their cover story, men construct their presence in temporary work as truly transient while naturalizing women's numerical dominance in the job. While men's refusal to do female-typed deference places them at risk of job loss individually, the meanings attributed to those actions once again reproduce the gender order as men are confirmed as un­ suited for temporary clerical work. Through their gender strategies, male temporary clerical work­ ers strike a hegemonic bargain, retracing the lines of occupational segregation and reinvigorating hegemonic masculinity and its domination over women and subaltern men. Author's Note: An e a rlier version of this article was

presented at the 1999 meeting of the American Sociological Association in Chicago , I l l inois. We would like to thank Marjorie L. DeVault, Ron nie J . Steinberg, Judith Wittner, Anne Figert, Christine Bose, and the reviewers of Gender & Society for their comments on earlier drafts of this article.

Notes 1 . Connell (1987, 1995) argues that hegemonic mas­ culinity is not a static and homogeneous trait or role but is the ascendant (dominant) definition of mas­ culinity at any one time to which other men are mea­ sured and, almost invariably, found wanting. Although the specific dictates of hegemonic mas­ culinity vary over time, it is "chiefly, though not ex­ clusively, associated with men located in the uppermost reaches of a society's ascriptive hierar­ chies" (Chen 1 999, 587). The power of hegemonic masculinity lies not so much in the extent to which men actually conform to its (impossible) expectations but rather in the practice of masculinity and the pa­ triarchal dividend they collect (Connell 1987, 1 995).

2. Nevertheless, men may have different rates of exit from temporary work into permanent employment gained from sources other than temporary agencies.

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3. Although we did not systematically collect data on the sexual orientation of respondents, two women and 10 men in our sample self-identified as lesbian and gay. While we make no claims regarding gener­ alizability on this front, we have marked sexual ori­ entation of the interviewee where it is directly relevant as indicated by the respondents. 4. We would specify white men here, if our sample permitted, since race is theoretically an important part of the construction of the socially acceptable male temporary clerical worker. 5. Women did report negative screenings on the basis of race, age, and perceived attractiveness. 6. We documented no systematic pay differences for jobs that were renamed in more masculine terms. In fact, pay increases were seldom reported and difficult to negotiate (Rogers 2000). 7. Class anxiety is apparent in the men's comments as well. While class is an important component of hege­ monic masculinity, it is difficult to unravel gender and class at this intersection.

References Acker, Joan. 1 990. Hierarchies, jobs, bodies: A the­ ory of gendered organizations. Gender & Society 4 : 1 39-158. Britton, Dana M. 2000. The epistemology of the gen­ dered organization. Gender & Society 14: 4 1 8-434. Bureau of Labor Statistics. 1995. Handbook of labor statistics. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office. . Chen, Anthony S. 1999. Lives at the center of the pe­ riphery, lives at the periphery of the center: Chi­ nese American masculinities and bargaining with hegemony. Gender & Society 13:584-607 . Cheng, Cliff. 1 996. Masculinities in organizations. Thou­ sand Oaks, CA: Sage. Cockburn, Cynthia. 1 985. Machinery of dominance: Women, men, and technical know-how. Boston: Northeastern University Press. Cohany, Sharon R. 1 998. Workers in alternative em­ ployment arrangements: A second look. Monthly Labor Review 1 2 1 :3-2 1 . Collinson, David L . , and Jeff Hearn. 1 996. Men as managers, managers as men: Criticalperspectives on

men, masculinities and managements. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Connell, R. W 1987. Gender andpower. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. . 1 995. Masculinities. Berkeley: University of California Press. Donaldson, Mike. 1 993. What is hegemonic mas­ culinity? Theory and Society 22:643-657 . Epstein, C. F. , C . Seron, B . Oglensky, and R . Saute. 1 999. The part-time paradox: Time norms, profts­ sional lije, family and gender. New York: Rout­ ledge. Garson, Barbara. 1994. All the livelong day: The mean­ ing and demeaning of routine work. Rev. 2d ed. New York: Penguin. Glaser, Barney G., and Anselm L. Strauss. 1 965. Awareness of dying. Chicago: Aldine. ---. 1967. The discovery of grounded theory: Strate­ giesfor qualitative research. Chicago: Aldine. Golden, Lonnie, and Eileen Appelbaum. 1 992. What was driving the 1 982-88 boom in temporary em­ ployment: Preferences of workers or decisions and power of employers? Journal of Economics and Society 5 1 :473-494. Hall, Elaine, J. 1993. Smiling, deferring, and flirting: Doing gender by giving "good service." Work & Occupations 20:452-471 . Henson, Kevin, D. 1 996. Just a temp. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Hochschild, Arlie R. 1 983. The managed heart: Com­ mercialization of humanfteling. Berkeley: Univer­ sity of California Press. . 1 989. The second shift. New York: Avon. Hossfeld, Karen. 1990. Their logic against them: Con­ tradictions in sex, race, and class in Silicon Val­ ley. In Women workers and global restructuring, edited by K. Ward, Ithaca, NY: ILR Press. Kandiyoti, Deniz. 1 988. Bargaining with patriarchy. Gender & Society 2:274-290. Kanter, Rosabeth M. 1977. Men and women of the cor­ poration. New York: Basic Books. Kimmel, Michael S. 1994. Masculinity as homopho­ bia: Fear, shame, and silence in the construction of gender identity. In Theorizing masculinities, edited by Harry Brod and Michael Kaufman. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Leidner, Robin. 1993. Fastfood, fast talk: Service work and the routinization of everyday life. Berkeley: Uni­ versity of California Press.

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MacKinnon, Catharine A. 1 979. Sexual harassment of working women: A case of sex discrimination. New Haven and London: Yale University Press. Maume, David J. Jr. 1999. Glass ceilings and glass es­ calators: Occupational segregation and race and sex differences in managerial promotions. Work & Occupations 26:483-509. Messerschmidt, James W. 1 996. Managing to kill: Masculinities and the space shuttle Challenger expklsion. In Masculinities in organizations, edited by C. Cheng. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Moore, Mack. A. 1 963. The role of temporary help­ services in the clerica1 1abor market. Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison. National Association of Temporary Services. 1 992. Report on the temporary help services industry. Alexandria, VA: DRI/McGraw-Hili. Parker, Robert E. 1 994. Flesh peddlers and warm bodies: The temporary help industry and its workers. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Pierce, Jennifer. 1995. Gender trials: Emotional lives in contemporary law firms. Berkeley: University of California Press. Pringle, Rosemary. 1 993. Male secretaries. In Doing "women's work": Men in nontraditional occupations, edited by C. L. Williams. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Rogers, Jackie K. 1 995. Just a temp: Experience and structure of alienation in temporary clerical em­ ployment. Work and Occupations 22: l 3 7-166. . 2000. Temps: The many faces of the changing workplace. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. ---

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Rogers, Jackie K. , and Kevin D. Henson. 1 997. "Hey, why don't you wear a shorter skirt?" Structural vulnerability and the organization of sexual ha­ rassment in temporary clerical employment. Gender & Society 1 1 : 2 1 5-237. Smith, Vicki. 1998. The fractured world of the tem­ porary worker: Power, participation, and frag­ mentation in the contemporary workplace. Social Problems 45:41 1-430. West, Candace, and Sarah Fenstermaker. 1995. Doing difference. Gender & Society 1 : 8-37. West, Candace, and Don H. Zimmerman. 1987. Doing gender. Gender & Society 1: 125-1 5 1 . Williams, Christine L . 1 989. Gender differences at work: Women and men in nontraditional occupations. Berkeley: University of California Press. . 1 992. The glass escalator: Hidden advantages for men in the "female" professions. Social Prob­ lems 39:253-267. ---. 1 995. Still a man's world: Men who do women's work. Berkeley: University of California Press. Williams, Christine L . , and Joel E. Heikes, 1993. The importance of researcher's gender in the in-depth interview: Evidence from two case studies of male nurses. Gender & Society 7:280-291 . Wright, Rosemary. 1 996. The occupational mas­ culinity of computing. In Masculinities in organi­ zations, edited by C. Cheng. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. ---

A R T I C L E

1 8

Beth A. Quinn

Sexual Harassment and Mascu linity: The Power and Meaning of " G i rl Watch i ng" Confronted with complaints about sexual harass­

out," boasts of sexual prowess, or explicit com­

ment or accounts in the media, some men claim

ments about a woman's body or imagined sexual

that women are too sensitive or that they too

acts. The target may be an individual woman or

often misinterpret men's intentions (Buckwald

group of women or simply a photograph or other

1 99 3 ; Bernstein 1 994) . In contrast, some women

representation. The woman may be a stranger,

note with frustration that men just "don't get it"

coworker, supervisor, employee, or client. For the

and lament the seeming inadequacy of sexual ha­

present analysis, girl watching within the work­

rassment policies (Conley 1 99 1 ; Guccione 1 992).

place is [the focus].

Indeed, this ambiguity in defining acts of sexual

The analysis is grounded in the work of

harassment might be, as Cleveland and Kerst

masculinity scholars such as Connell ( 1 987, 1 995)

( 1 993) suggested, the most robust fmding in sex­

in that it attempts to explain the subject positions

ual harassment research.

of the interviewed men-not the abstract and

Using in-depth interviews with 43 employed

genderless subjects of patriarchy but the gendered

men and women, this article examines a particu­

and privileged subjects embedded in this system.

lar social practice-"girl watching"-as a means

Since I am attempting to delineate the gendered

to understanding one way that these gender dif­

worldviews of the interviewed men, I employ the

ferences are produced. This analysis does not

term "girl watching," a phrase that reflects their

address the size or prevalence of these differences,

language ("they watch girls ").

nor does it present a direct comparison of men

I have chosen to center the analysis on girl

and women; this information is essential but well

watching within the workplace for two reasons.

covered in the literature. 1 Instead, I follow Cleve­

First, it appears to be fairly prevalent. For exam­

land and Kerst's ( 1 993) and Wood's ( 1 998) sug­

ple, a survey of federal civil employees (U. S.

gestion that the question may best be unraveled

Merit Systems Protection Board 1 988) found that

by exploring how the "subject(ivities) of perpe­

in the previous 24 months, 28 percent of the

trators, victims, and resistors of sexual harass­

women surveyed had experienced "unwanted

ment" are "discursively produced, reproduced,

sexual looks or gestures," and 35 percent had

and altered" (Wood 1 998, 28).

experienced "unwanted sexual teasing, jokes,

This article focuses on the subjectivities of

remarks, or questions." Second, girl watching is

the perpetrators of a disputable form of sexual

still often normalized and trivialized as only play,

harassment, "girl watching. " The term refers to

or "boys will be boys." A man watching girls­

the act of men's sexually evaluating women, often

even in his workplace-is frequently accepted as

in the company of other men. It may take the

a natural and commonplace activity, especially if

form of a verbal or gestural message of "check it

he is in the presence of other men.2 Indeed, it

From Gender & Society 16(3): 386-402. Copyright © 2002 Sociologists for Women in Society.

208

may be required (Hearn 1 985). Thus, girl watch­ ing sits on the blurry edge between fun and harm, joking and harassment. An understanding of the

ARTI C LE 18

process of identifying behavior as sexual harass­ ment, or of rejecting this label, may be built on this ambiguity. Girl watching has various forms and func­ tions, depending on the context and the men involved. For example, it may be used by men as a directed act of power against a particular woman or women. In this, girl watching-at least in the workplace-is most clearly identified as harassing by both men and women. I am most interested, however, in the form where it is char­ acterized as only play. This type is more obliquely motivated and, as I will argue, functions as a game men play to build shared masculine identi­ ties and social relations. Multiple and contradictory subject positions are also evidenced in girl watching, most notably that between the gazing man and the woman he watches. Drawing on Michael Schwalbe's (1 992) analysis of empathy and the formation of mas­ culine identities, I argue that girl watching is premised on the obfuscation of this multiplicity through the objectification of the woman watched and a suppression of empathy for her. In conclu­ sion, the ways these elements operate to produce gender differences in interpreting sexual harass­ ment and the implications for developing effec­ tive policies are discussed.

Previous Research The questi�n of how behavior is or is not labeled as sexual harassment has been studied primarily through experimental vignettes and surveys.3 In both methods, participants evaluate either hypo­ thetical scenarios or lists of behaviors, consider­ ing whether, for example, the behavior constitutes sexual harassment, which party is most at fault, and what consequences the act might engender. Researchers manipulate factors such as the level of "welcomeness" the target exhibits, and the relationship of the actors (supervisor-employee, coworker-coworker). Both methods consistently show that women are willing to define more acts as sexual harass­ ment (Gutek, Morasch, and Cohen 1 983; Padgitt

Sexual Harassment and Masculinity

209

and Padgitt 1 986; Powell 1 986; York 1 989; but see Stockdale and Vaux 1 993) and are more likely to see situations as coercive (Garcia, Milano, and Quijano 1 989). When asked who is more to blame in a particular scenario, men are more likely to blame, and less likely to empathize with, the victim (Jensen and Gutek 1 982; Kenig and Ryan 1 986). In terms of actual behaviors like girl watching, the U. S. Merit Systems Protection Board ( 1 988) survey found that 8 1 percent of the women surveyed considered "uninvited sexually suggestive looks or gestures" from a supervisor to be sexual harassment. While the majority of men (68 percent) also defined it as such, significantly more men were willing to dismiss such behavior. Similarly, while 40 percent of the men would not consider the same behavior from a coworker to be harassing, more than three-quarters of the women would. The most common explanation offered for these differences is gender role socialization. This conclusion is supported by the consistent finding that the more men and women adhere to tradi­ tional gender roles, the more likely they are to deny the harm in sexual harassment and to con­ sider the behavior acceptable or at least normal (Pryor 1 987; Malovich and Stake 1 990; Popovich et al. 1 992; Gutek and Koss 1 993; Murrell and Dietz-Uhler 1 993; Tagri and Hayes 1 997). Men who hold predatory ideas about sexuality, who are more likely to believe rape myths, and who are more likely to self-report that they would rape under certain circumstances are less likely to see behaviors as harassing (Pryor 1 987; Reilly et al. 1 992; Murrell and Dietz-Uhler 1 993). These findings do not, however, adequately address the between-group differences. The more one is socialized into traditional notions of sex roles, the more likely it is for both men and women to view the behaviors as acceptable or at least unchangeable. The processes by which gen­ der roles operate to produce these differences remain underexamined. Some theorists argue that men are more likely to discount the harassing aspects of their behavior because of a culturally conditional

210

PA R T F 0 U R

Men and Work

tendency to misperceive women's intentions. For

electronic design and manufacturing company.

example, Stockdale ( 1 993, 96) argued that "patri­

An additional 1 8 individuals were recruited from

archal norms create a sexually aggressive belief

an evening class at a community college and a

system in some people more than others, and this

university summer school class, both in Southern

belief system can lead to the propensity to mis­

California. These participants referred three more

perceive." Gender differences in interpreting sex­

individuals. In addition to the interviews, I con­

ual harassment, then, may be the outcome of the

ducted participant observation for approximately

acceptance of normative ideas about women's

one month while on site at Acme. This involved

inscrutability and indirectness and men's role as

observations of the public and common spaces of

sexual aggressors. Men see harmless flirtation or

the company.

sexual interest rather than harassment because they misperceive women's intent and responses.

At Acme, a human resources administrator drew four independent samples (salaried and

Stockdale's ( 1 993) theory is promising but

hourly women and men) from the company's

limited. First, while it may apply to actions such

approximately 300 employees. Letters of invitation

as repeatedly asking for dates and quid pro quo

were sent to 40 individuals, and from this group, 1 3

harassment,4 it does not effectively explain moti­

women and 1 2 men agreed to be interviewed.s

vations for more indirect actions, such as dis­

The strength of organizationally grounded

playing pornography and girl watching. Second,

sampling is that it allows us to provide context for

it does not explain why some men are more likely

individual accounts. However, in smaller organi­

to operate from these discourses of sexual aggres­

zations and where participants occupy unique

sion contributing to a propensity to misperceive.

positions, this method can compromise partici­

Theoretical explanations that take into

pant anonymity when published versions of the

account the complexity and diversity of sexual

research are accessed by participants. Since this is

harassing behaviors and their potentially multi­

the case with Acme, and since organizational

faceted social etiologies are needed. An account

context is not particularly salient for this analy­

of the processes by which these behaviors are pro­

sis, the identity of the participant's organization is

duced and the active construction of their social

sometimes intentionally obscured.

meanings is necessary to unravel both between­

The strength of the second method of

and with�n-gender variations in behavior and

recruitment is that it provides access to individu­

interpretation. A fruitful framework from which

als employed in diverse organizations (from self­

to begin is an examination of masculine identi­

employment to multinational corporations) and

ties and th(l role of sexually harassing behaviors

in a range of occupations (e.g., nanny, house

as a means to their production.

painter, accounting manager). Not surprisingly, drawing from college courses resulted in a group

Method

with similar educational backgrounds; all partic­ ipants from this sample had some college, with

I conducted 43 semistructured interviews with

22 percent holding college degrees. Student sam­

currently employed men and women between

ples and snowball sampling are not particularly

June 1 994 and March 1 995. Demographic char­

robust in terms of generalizability. They are,

acteristics of the participants are reported in

nonetheless, regularly employed in qualitative

Table 1 8. 1 . The interviews ranged in length from

studies (Connell 1995; Chen 1 999) when the goal

one to three hours. With one exception, inter­

is theory development-as is the case here­

views were audiotaped and transcribed in full.

rather than theory testing.

Participants were contacted in two primary

The interviews began with general questions

ways. Twenty-five participants were recruited

about friendships and work relationships and pro­

from "Acme Electronics," a Southern California

gressed to specific questions about gender rela-

ARTICLE 18

•

TA B L E

211

Sexual Harassment and Masculinity

18.1

Participant Demographic Measures Women

Men Variable

Student participants and referrals Racial! ethnic minority Mean age Married Nontraditional job Supervisor Some college Acme participants Racial! ethnic minority Mean age Married Nontraditional job Supervisor Some college All participants Racial!ethnic minority Mean age Married Nontraditional job Supervisor Some college

tions, sexual harassment, and the policies that seek to ad�ress it.6 Since the main aim of the pro­ ject was to explore how workplace events are framed as sexual harassment (and as legally bounded or not), the term "sexual harassment" was not introduced by the interviewer until late in the interview. While the question of the relationship between masculinity and sexual harassment was central, I did not come to the research looking expressly for girl watching. Rather, it surfaced as a theme across several men's interviews in the context of a gender reversal question: It's the end of an average day. You get ready for bed and fall to sleep. In what seems only a mo­ ment, the alarm goes off. As you awake, you find your body to be oddly out of sorts . . . . To your surprise, you find that you have been trans­ formed into the "opposite sex." Even stranger,

%

Total

n

%

n

%

33 33

12 2

67 17

18 4

42 22

3

50

3

25

6

33

1

17

4

33

5

28

n

6 2

35

27.2

32.5

0

0

6

50

6

33

6

100

12

100

18

100

12

48

13

52

25

58

2

17

3

23

5

20

9

75

7

54

16

0

0

4

31

4

16

3

25

2

15

5

20

38.6

34.6

42 . 3

64

9

75

9

69

18

72

18

42

25

58

43

100

22

5

20

9

4

34.9

37.8

21 36.2

12

67

10

40

22

51

1

6

8

32

9

21

3

17

8

32

11

26

15

82

21

84

36

84

no one in your life seems to remember that you were ever any different. Participants were asked to consider what it would be like to conduct their everyday work life in this transformed state. I was particularly inter­ ested in their estimation of the impact it would have on their interactions with coworkers and supervisors. Imagining themselves as the oppo­ site sex, participants were forced to make explicit the operation of gender in their workplace, some­ thing they did not do in their initial discussions of a typical workday. Interestingly, no man discussed girl watch­ ing in initial accounts of his workplace. I suspect that they did not consider it to be relevant to a discussion of their average work day, even though it became apparent that it was an integral daily activity for some groups of men. It emerged only when men were forced to consider themselves as

212

PART F0 U R

Men and Work

explicitly gendered workers through the hypo­

In its most serious form, girl watching operates

thetical question, something they were able ini­

as a targeted tactic of power. The men seem to

tially to elide'?

want everyone-the targeted woman as well as

Taking guidance from Glaser and Strauss's

coworkers, clients, and superiors-to know they

(1 967) grounded theory and the methodological insights of Dorothy Smith (1990), transcripts were

are looking. The gaze demonstrates their right, as men, to sexually evaluate women. Through the

analyzed iteratively and inductively, with the goal

gaze, the targeted woman is reduced to a sexual

of identifYing the ideological tropes the speaker

object, contradicting her other identities, such as

used to understand his or her identities, behaviors,

that of competent worker or leader. This employ­

and relationships. Theoretical concepts drawn

ment of the discourse of asymmetrical hetero­

from previous work on the etiology of sexual

sexuality (i.e., the double standard) may trump a

harassment (Bowman

woman's formal organizational power, claims to

1 993; Cleveland and Kerst 1 993), the construction of masculine identities (Connell 1 995, 1 987), and sociolegal theories of disputing and legal consciousness (Bumiller 1 988; Conley and O'Barr 1 998) guided the analysis.

professionalism, and organizational discourses of rationality (Collinson and Collinson

1 989; Yount 1 99 1 ; Gardner 1 995).8 As research on rape has demonstrated (Estrich 1 987), calling attention to

Several related themes emerged and are dis­

a woman's gendered sexuality can function to

cussed in the subsequent analysis. First, girl

exclude recognition of her competence, rational­

watching appears to function as a form of gen­

ity, trustworthiness, and even humanity. In con­

dered play among men. This play is productive of

trast,

masculine identities and premised on a studied

(hetero)sexuality is normally compatible with

the

overt

recognition

of

a

man's

lack of empathy with the feminine other. Second,

other aspects of his identity; indeed, it is often

men understand the targeted woman to be an

required (Hearn

object rather than a player in the game, and she is

power of sexuality is asymmetrical, in part,

most often not the intended audience. This obfus­

because being seen as sexual has different conse­

cation of a woman's subjectivity, and men's

quences for women and men.

1 985; Connell 1 995). Thus, the

refusal to consider the effects of their behavior,

But when they ogle, gawk, whistle and point,

means men are likely to be confused when a

are men always so directly motivated to disem­

woman complains. Thus, the production of mas­

power their women colleagues? Is the target of

culinity though girl watching, and its compulsory

the gaze also the intended audience? Consider,

disempathy, may be one factor in gender differ­

for example, this account told by Ed, a white, 29-

ences in the labeling of harassment.

year-old instrument technician. When a group of guys goes to a bar or a night­ club and they try to be manly. . . . A few of us

Findings: Girl Watching as "Hommo-Sexuality"

always found [it] funny [when] a woman would walk by and a guy would be like, "I can have

[They] had a button on the computer that you pushed if there was a girl who came to the front counter. . . .

It was a code

her." [pause] "Yeah, OK, we want to see it! " [laugh]

and it said

In his account-a fairly common one in

"BAFC"-Babe at Front Counter. . . . If the

men's discussions-the passing woman is simply

guy in the back looked up and saw a cute girl come in the station, he would hit this button for the other dispatcher to [come] see the cute girl. -Paula, police officer

a visual cue for their play. It seems clear that it is a game played by men for men; the woman's par­ ticipation and awareness of her role seem fairly unimportant.

ARTIC LE 18

Sexual Harassment and Masculinity

213

( 1 993) reminded us, we should

ingly formal and hesitant language. The aspect of

not be too quick to dismiss games as "only play. "

play, however, came through clearly when I

In her study of gender relations in elementary

pushed him to describe what generating a com­

schools, Thorne found play to be a powerful form

motion looked like: " 'Oh! There goes so-and-so.

of gendered social action. One of its "clusters of

Come and take a look! She's wearing this great

meaning" most relevant here is that of "dramatic

outfrt today ! ' Just like a schoolboy. They'll rush

performance . " In this, play functions as both a

out of their offrces and [cranes his neck] and

As Thorne

source of fun and a mechanism by which gen­

check things out." That this is as a form of play

dered identities, group boundaries, and power

was evident in Karl's boisterous tone and in his

relations are (re)produced.

reference to schoolboys. This is not a case of an

The metaphor of play was strong in Karl's

aggressive

sexual

appraising

of

a

woman

comments. Karl, a white man in his early thirties

coworker but a commotion created for the bene­

who worked in a technical support role in the

fit of other men.

Acme engineering department, hoped to earn a

At Acme, several spatial factors facilitated

degree in engineering. His frustration with his

this form of girl watching. First, the engineering

slow progress-which he attributed to the bur­

department is designed as an open-plan offrce

dens of marriage and fatherhood-was evident

with partitions at shoulder height, offering a

throughout the interview. Karl saw himself as an

maze-like geography that encourages group play.

undeserved outsider in his department and he

As Karl explained, the partitions offer both the

seemed to delight in telling on the engineers.

opportunity for sight and cover from being seen.

Girl watching came up as Karl considered

Although its signifrcance escaped me at the time,

the gender reversal question. Like many of the

I was directly introduced to the spatial aspects of

men I interviewed, his frrst reaction was to muse

the engineers' game of girl watching during my

about premenstrual syndrome and clothes. When

frrst day on site at Acme. That day, John, the cur­

I inquired about the potential social effects of the

rent human resources director, gave me a tour of

transformation (by asking him, Would it "be eas­

the facilities, walking me through the depart­

ier dealing with the engineers or would it be

ments and offering informal introductions. As we

harder?") he haltingly introduced the engineers'

entered the design engineering section, a rhythm

"game." . Karl: Some of the engineers here are very

[pause] they're not very, how shall we say? [pause] What's the way I want to put this? They're not very, uh [pause] what's the word?

Urn. It escapes me. Researcher: Give me a hint? Karl: They watch women but they're not very

careful about getting caught. Researcher: Oh! Like they ogle? Karl: Ogle or gaze or [pause] stare even, or

[pause] generate a commotion of an unusual nature. His initial discomfort in discussing the issue (with me, I presume) is evident in his excruciat-

of heads emerged from its landscape of parti­ tions, and movement started in our direction. I was defrnitely aware of being on display as several men gave me obvious once-overs. Second, Acme's building features a grand stairway that connects the second floor-where the engineering department is located-with the lobby. The stairway is enclosed by glass walls, offering a bird's eye view to the main lobby and the movements of visitors and the receptionists (all women). Robert, a senior design engineer, specifically noted the importance of the glass walls in his discussion of the engineers' girl watching.

There's glass walls around the upstairs right here by the lobby. So when there's an attractive

214

PA R T F0 U R

Men and Work

young female . . . someone will see the girl in the area and they will go back and inform all the men in the area. "Go check it out." [laugh] So we'll walk over to the glass window; you know, and we'll see who's down there. One day near the end of my stay at Acme, I was reminded of his story as I ventured into the first-floor reception area. Looking up, I saw Robert and another man standing at the top of the stairs watching and commenting on the women gathered around the receptionist's desk. When he saw me, Robert gave me a sheepish grin and disappeared from sight. Producing Masculinity I suggest that girl watching in this form functions simultaneously as a form of play and as a poten­ tially powerful site of gendered social action. Its social significance lies in its power to form iden­ tities and relationships based on these common practices for, as Cockburn ( 1 983, 123) has noted, "patriarchy is as much about relations between man and man as it is about relations between men and women. " Girl watching works similarly to the sexual joking that Johnson (1 988) suggested is a common way for heterosexual men to establish intimacy among themselves. In particular, girl watching works as a dra­ matic performance played to other men, a means by which a certain type of masculinity is pro­ duced and heterosexual desire displayed. It is a means by which men assert a masculine identity to other men, in an ironic "hommo-sexual" prac­ tice of heterosexuality (Butler 1 990).9 As Connell (1 995) and others (West and Zimmerman 1 987; Butler 1 990) have aptly noted, masculinity is not a static identity but rather one that must constantly be reclaimed. The content of any per­ formance-and there are multiple forms-is influenced by a hegemonic notion of masculin­ ity. When asked what "being a man" entailed, many of the men and women I interviewed tri­ angulated toward notions of strength (if not in muscle, then in character and job performance),

dominance, and a marked sexuality, overflowing and uncontrollable to some degree and natural to the male "species. " Heterosexuality is required, for just as the label "girl" questions a man's claim to masculine power, so does the label "fag" (Hop­ kins 1 992; Pronger 1 992). I asked Karl, for exam­ ple, if he would consider his sons "good men" if they were gay. His response was laced with ambivalence; he noted only that the question was "a tough one." The practice of girl watching is just that-a practice-one rehearsed and performed in every­ day settings. This aspect of rehearsal was evident in my interview with Mike, a self-employed house painter who used to work construction. In locat­ ing himself as a born-again Christian, Mike recounted the girl watching of his fellow con­ struction workers with contempt. Mike was par­ ticularly disturbed by a man who brought his young son to the job site one day. The boy was explicitly taught to catcall, a practice that included identifying the proper targets: women and effeminate men. Girl watching, however, can be somewhat tenuous as a masculine practice. In their acknowl­ edgment (to other men) of their supposed desire lies the possibility that in being too interested in women the players will be seen as mere school­ boys giggling in the playground. Taken too far, the practice undermines rather than supports a masculine performance. In Karl's discussion of girl watching, for example, he continually came back to the problem of men not being careful about getting caught. He referred to a particular group of men who, though "their wives are [pause] very attractive-very much so," still "gawk like schoolboys." Likewise, Stephan explained that men who are obvious, who "undress [women] with their eyes" probably do so "because they don't get enough women in their lives. Supposedly." A man must be interested in women, but not too interested; they must show their (hetero) sexual interest, but not overly so, for this would be to admit that women have power over them.

ARTIC LE 18

ered the topic of compliments. He initially

As a performance of heterosexuality among men, the targeted woman is primarily an object onto which men's homosocial sexuality is projected. The presence of a woman in any form-embod­ ied, pictorial, or as an image conjured from words-is required, but her subjectivity and active participation is not. To be sure, given the ways the discourse of asymmetrical sexuality works, men's actions may result in similarly negative effects on the targeted woman as that of a more direct form of sexualization. The crucial difference is that the men's understanding of their actions differs. This difference is one key to understanding the ambi­ guity around interpreting harassing behavior. When asked about the engineers' practice of neck craning, Robert grinned, saying nothing at first. After some initial discussion, I started to ask him if he thought women were aware of their game ("Do you think that the women who are

. . . 7").

215

ing. For Jose, the issue came up when he consid­

The Role of Objectification and ( O is) Empathy

walking by

Sexual Harassment and Masculinity

He interrupted, misreading

my question. What resulted was a telling descrip­ tion of the core of the game:

claimed that women enjoy compliments more than men do. In reconsidering, he remembered girl watching and the importance of intent. There is [pause] a point where [pause] a woman can be admired by [pause] a pair of eyes, but we're talking about "that look." Where, you know, you're admiring her because she's dressed nice, she's got a nice figure, she's got nice legs. But then you also have the other side. You have an animal who just seems to undress you with his eyes and he's just [pause] , there's those kind of people out there too. What is most interesting about this statement is that in making the distinction between merely admiring and an animal look that ravages, Jose switched subject position. He spoke in the second person when describing both forms of looking, but his consistency in grammar belies a switch in subjectivity: you (as a man) admire, and you (as a woman) are undressed with his eyes. When considering an appropriate, complimentary gaze, Jose described it from a man's point of view; the subject who experiences the inappropriate, vio­

It depends. No. I don't know if they enjoy it.

lating look, however, is a woman. Thus, as in

When I do it, if I do it, I'm not saying that I do.

Robert's account, Jose acknowledged that there

[big laugh] . . . If they do enjoy it, they don't say it. If they don't enjoy it-wait a minute, that didn't come out right. I don't know if they enjoy it or not [pause] ; that's not the purpose of us popping our heads out.

are potentially different meanings in the act for men and women. In particular, to be admired in a certain way is potentially demeaning for a woman through its objectification. The switch in subject position was also evi­

Robert did not want to admit that women

dent in Karl's remarks. Karl mentioned girl

might not enjoy it ("that didn't come out right")

watching while imagining himself as a woman in

but acknowledged that their feelings were irrele­

the gender reversal question. As he took the sub­

vant. Only subjects, not objects, take pleasure or

ject position of the woman watched rather than

are annoyed. If a women did complain, Robert

the man watching, his understanding of the act

thought " the guys wouldn't know what to say. "

as a harmless game was destabilized. Rather than

In her analysis of street harassment, Gardner

taking pleasure in being the object of such atten­

( 1 995, 1 87) found a similar absence, in that

tion, Karl would take pains to avoid it.

" men's

interpretations

seldom

mentioned

a

woman's reaction, either guessed at or observed." The centrality of objectification was also

So with these guys [if I were a woman] , I would probably have to be very concerned about my attire in the lab. Because in a lot of cases, I'm

apparent in comments made by Jose, a Hispanic

working at a bench and I'm hunched over, in

man in his late 40s who worked in manufactur-

which case your shirt, for example, would open

216

PART F0 U R

Men and Work

at the neckline, and I would just have to be con­ cerned about that. Thus, because the engineers girl watch, Karl feels that he would have to regulate his appear­ ance if he were a woman, keeping the men from using him in their game of girl watching. When he considered the act from the point of view of a man, girl watching was simply a harmless antic and an act of appreciation. When he was forced to consider the subject position of a woman, how­ ever, girl watching was something to be avoided or at least carefully managed. When asked to envision himself as a woman in his workplace, like many of the individuals I interviewed, Karl believed that he did not "know how to be a woman." Nonetheless, he produced an account that mirrored the stories of some of the women I interviewed. He knew the experience of girl watching could be quite different-in fact, threatening and potentially disempowering-for the woman who is its object. As such, the game was something to be avoided. In imagining them­ selves as women, the men remembered the prac­ tice of girl watching. None, however, were able to comfortably describe the game of girl watching from the perspective of a woman and maintain its (masculine) meaning as play. In attempting to take up the subject position of a woman, these men are necessarily drawing on knowledge they already hold. If men simply " don't get it"-truly failing to see the harm in girl watching or other more serious acts of sexual harassment-then they should not be able to see this harm when envisioning themselves as women. What the interviews reveal is that many men­ most of whom failed to see the harm of many acts that would constitute the hostile work envi­ ronment form of sexual harassment-did in fact understand the harm of these acts when forced to consider the position of the targeted woman. I suggest that the gender reversal scenario produced, in some men at least, a moment of empathy. Empathy, Schwalbe ( 1 992) argued, requires two things. First, one must have some knowledge of the other's situation and feelings.

Second, one must be motivated to take the posi­ tion of the other. What the present research sug­ gests is that gender differences in interpreting sexual harassment stem not so much from men's not getting it (a failure of the first element) but from a studied, often compulsory, lack of moti­ vation to identifY with women's experiences. In his analysis of masculinity and empathy, Schwalbe (1 992) argued that the requirements of masculinity necessitate a "narrowing of the moral self." Men learn that to effectively perform masculinity and to protect a masculine identity, they must, in many instances, ignore a woman's pain and obscure her viewpoint. Men fail to exhibit empathy with women because masculin­ ity precludes them from taking the position of the feminine other, and men's moral stance vis-a-vis women is attenuated by this lack of empathy. As a case study, Schwalbe ( 1 992) considered the Thomas-Hill hearings, concluding that the examining senators maintained a masculinist stance that precluded them from giving serious consideration to Professor Hill's claims. A conse­ quence of this masculine moral narrowing is that "charges of sexual harassment . . . are often seen as exaggerated or as fabricated out of misunder­ standing or spite" (Schwalbe 1 992, 46). Thus, gender differences in interpreting sexually harass­ ing behaviors may stem more from acts of ignor­ ing than states of ignorance. The Problem with Getting Caught But are women really the untroubled objects that girl watching-viewed through the eyes of men­ suggests? Obviously not; the game may be premised on a denial of a woman's subjectivity, but an actual erasure is beyond men's power! It is in this multiplicity of subjectivities, as Butler (1 990, ix) noted, where "trouble" lurks, provoked by "the unanticipated agency of a female 'object' who inexplicably returns the glance, reverses the gaze, and contests the place and authority of the masculine position. " To face a returned gaze is to get caught, an act that has the power to under­ mine the logic of girl watching as simply a game among men. Karl, for example, noted that when

ARTI C LE 18

Sexual Harassment and Masculinity

217

caught, men are often flustered, a reaction sug­

"OK, would you consider this sexual harass­

gesting that the boundaries of usual play have

ment?" "Would you . . . " this, this, this? "What

been disturbed. 10

When a woman looks back, when she asks, "What are you looking at?" she speaks as a sub­ ject, and her status as mere object is disturbed. When the game is played as a form of hommo­ sexuality, the confronted man may be baffled by her response. When she catches them looking, when she complains, the targeted woman speaks as a subject. The men, however, understand her primarily as an object, and objects do not object. The radical potential of sexual harassment law is that it centers women's subjectivity, an aspect prompting Catharine MacKinnon's ( 1 979) unusual hope for the law's potential as a remedy. For men engaged in girl watching, however, this subj ectivity may be inconceivable. From their viewpoint, acts such as girl watching are simply games played with objects: women's bodies. Sim­ ilar to Schwalbe's ( 1 992) insight into the senators'

level?" Da-da-da. So, urn, they just gave us some real numbers as to lawsuits and cases. Just that "you guys better be careful" type of a thing. From Cindy'S description, this training is fairly typical in that it focuses on teaching partic­ ipants definitions of sexual harassment and the legal ramifications of accusations. The trainer used the common strategy of presenting videos of potentially harassing situations and asking the participants how they would judge them. Cindy's description of the men's responses to these videos reveals the limitation of this approach. We were watching [the TV] and it was [like] a studio audience. And [men] were getting up in the studio audience making comments like "Oh well, look at her! I wouldn't want to do that to her either!" "Well, you're darn straight, look at her! "

reaction to Professor Hill, the harm of sexual

Interestingly, the men successfully used the

harassment may seem more the result of a

training session videos as an opportunity for girl

woman's complaint (and law's "illegitimate"

watching through their public sexual evaluations

encroachment into the everyday work world)

of the women depicted. In this, the intent of the

than men's acts of objectification. For example,

training session was doubly subverted. The men

in reflecting on the impact of sexual harassment

interpreted scenarios that Cindy found plainly

policies in the workplace, Jose lamented that

harassing into mere instances of girl watching

"back in tlJ.e '70s, [it was1 all peace and love then.

and sexual (dis)interest. The antiharassment

Now as things turn around, men can't get away

video was ironically transformed into a forum for

with as much as what they used to." Just whose

girl watching, effecting male bonding and the

peace and love are we talking about?

assertion of masculine identities to the exclusion of women coworkers. Also, by judging the com­

Reactions to Anti-Sexual Harassment Training Programs The role that objectification and dis empathy play in men's girl watching has important implications for sexual harassment training. Consider the fol­ lowing account of a sexual harassment training session given in Cindy's workplace. Cindy, an Italian American woman in her early 20s, worked as a recruiter for a small telemarketing company in Southern California.

plaining women to be inferior as women, the men sent the message that women who complain are those who fail at femininity. Cindy conceded that relations between men and women in her workplace were considerably strained after the training ("That day, you defi­ nitely saw the men bond, you definitely saw the women bond, and there was a definite separa­ tion"). The effect of the training session, rather than curtailing the rampant sexual harassment in Cindy'S workplace, operated as a site of mascu­

[The trainer] just really laid down the ground

line performance, evoking manly camaraderie

rules, urn, she had some scenarios. Saying,

and reestablishing gender boundaries.

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PART F0 U R

Men and Work

To be effective, sexual harassment training

inition. As I have argued, the source of this con­

programs must be grounded in a complex under­

tradiction lies not so much in ignorance but in

standing of the ways acts such as girl watching

acts of ignoring. Traditional sexual harassment

operate in the workplace and the seeming nec­

training programs address the former rather than

essity of a culled empathy to some forms of

the latter. As such, their effectiveness against

masculinity. Sexually harassing behaviors are pro­

sexually harassing behaviors born out of social

duced from more than a lack of knowledge, sim­

practices of masculinity like girl watching is

ple sexist attitudes, or misplaced sexual desire.

questionable.

Some forms of sexually harassing behaviors­

Ultimately, the project of challenging sexual

such as girl watching-are mechanisms through

harassment will be frustrated and our under­

which gendered boundaries are patrolled and

standing distorted unless we interrogate hege­

evoked and by which deeply held identities are

monic, patriarchal forms of masculinity and the

established. This complexity requires complex

practices by which they are (re)produced. We

interventions and leads to difficult questions

must continue to research the processes by which

about the possible efficacy of any workplace

sexual harassment is produced and the gendered

training program mandated in part by legal

identities and subjectivities on which it poaches

requirements.

(Wood

1 998). My study provides a first step to­

ward a more process-oriented understanding of

Conclusions

sexual harassment, the ways the social meanings of harassment are constructed, and ultimately,

In this analysis, I have sought to umavel the social

the potential success of antiharassment training

logic of girl watching and its relationship to the

programs.

question of gender differences in the interpreta­ tion of sexual harassment. In the form analyzed here, girl watching functions simultaneously as only play and as a potent site where power is played. Through the objectification on which it is premised and in the nonempathetic masculinity it supports, . this form of girl watching simultane­ ously produces both the harassment and the bar­ riers to men's acknowledgment of its potential

Author's Note: I would l i ke to thank the members of my faculty writing group-Lisa Aldred, Susan Kol l i n , and Colleen Mack-Canty-who prove again and again that cross-disci plinary femin ist dialogue is not only possi­ ble but a powerful reality, even in the wilds of Montana. I n addition, thanks to Lisa Jones for her thoughtful reading at a crucial time and to the anonymous reo viewers who offered both productive critiques and encou ragement.

harm. The implications these findings have for anti-sexual harassment training are profound. If we understand harassment to be the result of a simple lack of knowledge (of ignorance), then straightforward informational sexual harassment training may be effective. The present analysis suggests, however, that the etiology of some ha­ rassment lies elsewhere. While they might have quarreled with it, most of the men I interviewed had fairly good abstract understandings of the behaviors their companies' sexual harassment policies prohibited. At the same time, in relating stories of social relations in their workplaces, most failed to identify specific behaviors as sexual harassment when they matched the abstract def-

Notes 1 . See Welsh ( 1 999) for a review of this literature. 2. For example, Maria, an administrative assistant I interviewed, simultaneously echoed and critiqued this understanding when she complained about her boss's girl watching in her presence: "If he wants to do that in front of other men . . . you know, that's what men do." 3. Recently, more researchers have turned to qualita­ tive studies as a means to understand the process of la­ beling behavior as harassment. Of note are Collinson and Collinson (1996), Giuffre and Williams (1 994), Quinn (2000), and Rogers and Henson ( 1 997). 4. Quid pro quo ("this for that") sexual harassment occurs when a person with organizational power at-

ARTICLE 18

tempts to coerce an individual into sexual behavior by threatening adverse job actions.

5. This sample was not fully representative of the company's employees; male managers (mostly white) and minority manufacturing employees were under­ represented. Thus, the data presented here best repre­ sent the attitudes and workplace tactics of white men working in white-collar, technical positions and white and minority men in blue-collar jobs. 6. Acme employees were interviewed at work in an office off the main lobby. Students and referred par­ ticipants were interviewed at sites convenient to them (e.g., an office, the library).

7. Not all the interviewed men discussed girl watch­ ing. When asked directly, they tended to grin know­ ingly, refusing to elaborate. This silence in the face of direct questioning-by a female researcher-is also perhaps an instance of getting caught. 8. I prefer the term "asymmetrical heterosexuality" over "double standard" because it directly references the dominance of heterosexuality and more accurately re­ flects the interconnected but different forms of accept­ able sexuality for men and women. As Estrich (1987) argued, it is not simply that we hold men and women to different standards of sexuality but that these standards are (re)productive of women's disempowerment. 9. "Hommo" is a play on the French word for man, homme. 10. Men are not always concerned with getting caught, as. the behavior of catcalling construction workers amply illustrates; that a woman hears is part of the thrill (Gardner 1995). The difference between the workplace and the street is the level of anonymity the men have vis-a-vis the woman and the complexity of social rules and the diversity of power sources an individual has at his or her disposal.

References Bernstein, R. 1994. Guilty if charged. New York Re­ view of Books, 1 3 January. Bowman, C. G. 1993. Street harassment and the in­ formal ghettoization of women. Harvard Law Re­ view 106: 5 1 7-580. Buckwald, A. 1993. Compliment a woman, go to court. Los Angeles Times, 28 October. Bumiller, K. 1988. The civil rights society: The social con­ struction of victims. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

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Butler, 1. 1990. Gender trouble: Feminism and the subver­ sion of identity. New York: Routledge. Chen, A. S. 1999. Lives at the center of the periph­ ery, lives at the periphery of the center: Chinese American masculinities and bargaining with hegemony. Gender & Society 13:584-607. Cleveland, 1. N. , and M. E . Kerst. 1 993. Sexual ha­ rassment and perceptions of power: An under­ articulated relationship. Journal of Vocational Behavior 42 (1): 49--67. Cockburn, C. 1983. Brothers: Male dominance and tech­ nological change. London: Pluto Press. Collinson, D. L., and M. Collinson. 1989. Sexuality in the workplace: The domination of men's sexual­ ity. In The sexuality of organizations, edited by 1. Hearn and D. L. Sheppard. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. . 1996. "It's only Dick": The sexual harass­ ment of women managers in insurance sales. Work, Employment & Society 10 (1): 29-56. Conley, F. K. 1 99 1 . Why I'm leaving Stanford: I wanted my dignity back. Los Angeles Times, 9 June. Conley, 1., and W O'Barr. 1998. Just words. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Connell, R. W 1987. Genderandpower. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. --- . 1 995. Masculinities. Berkeley: University of California Press. Estrich, S. 1987. Real rape. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Garcia, L., L. Milano, and A. Quijano. 1989. Percep­ tions of coercive sexual behavior by males and females. Sex Roles 21 (9/ 1 0): 569-577. Gardner, C. B. 1 995 . Passing by: Gender andpublic ha­ rassment. Berkeley: University of California Press. Giuffre, P., and C. Williams. 1994. Boundary lines: Labeling sexual harassment in restaurants. Gender & Society 8:378-40 1 . Glaser, B., and A . L . Strauss. 1967. The discovery of grounded theory: Strategies for qualitative research. Chicago : Aldine. Guccione, 1. 1992. Women judges still fighting ha­ rassment. Daily Journal, 13 October, 1 . Gutek, B. A., and M . P. Koss. 1993. Changed women and changed organizations: Consequences of and coping with sexual harassment. Journal of Vocational Behavior 42 (1): 28-48. Gutek, B. A., B. Morasch, and A. G. Cohen. 1983. Interpreting social-sexual behavior in a work set­ ting. Journal of Vocational Behavior 22 (1): 30-48.

---

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Hearn, J. 1985. Men's sexuality at work. In The sexu­ ality of men, edited by A. Metcalf and M. Humphries. London: Pluto Press. Hopkins, P. 1 992. Gender treachery: Homophobia, masGulinity, and threatened identities. In Rethinking masculinity: Philosophical explorations in light offeminism, edited by L. May and R. Strik­ werda. Lanham, MD: Littlefield, Adams. Jensen, I. W, and B. A. Gutek. 1982. Attributions and assigrtment of responsibility in sexual harass­ ment. Journal of Social Issues 38 (4): 1 2 1 - 1 36. Johnson, M. 1988. Strong mothers, weak wives. Berke­ ley: University of California Press. Kenig, S., and J. Ryan. 1 986. Sex differences in levels of tolerance and attribution of blame for sexual harassment on a university campus. Sex Roles 1 5 (9/ 1 0): 535-549.

MacKinnon, C. A. 1979. The sexual harassment of work­ ing women. New Haven: Yale University Press. Malovich, N. J. , and J. E. Stake. 1990. Sexual harass­ ment on campus: Individual differences in atti­ tudes and beliefs. Psychology of Women Quarterly 1 4 (1): 63-8 l .

Murrell, A. J., and B . L. Dietz-Uhler. 1993. Gender identity and adversarial sexual beliefs as predic­ tors of attitudes toward sexual harassment. Psychology of Women Quarterly 1 7 (2): 169- 1 75 . Padgitt, S. c., and J. S. Padgitt. 1 9 8 6 . Cognitive struc­ ture of sexual harassment: Implications for uni­ versity policy. Journal of College Students Personnel 27:34-39.

Popovich, P. M., D. N. Gehlauf, J. A. Jo1ton, J. M. Somers, and R. M. Godinho. 1992. Perceptions of sexual harassment as a function of sex of rater and in�ident form and consequent. Sex Roles 27 ( 1 1 1 1 2): 609-625 .

Powell, G. N. 1986. Effects of sex-role identity and sex on definitions of sexual harassment. Sex Roles 14:9-19.

Pronger, B. 1 992 . Gay jocks: A phenomenology of gay men in athletics. In Rethinking masculinity: Philosophical explorations in light of feminism, edited by L. May and R. Strikwerda. Lanham, MD: Littlefield Adams. Pryor, J. B. 1 987. Sexual harassment proclivities in men. Sex Roles 1 7 (5/6): 269-290. Quinn, B. A. 2000. The paradox of complaining: Law, humor, and harassment in the everyday work world. Law and Social Inquiry 25 (4): 1 1 5 1-1 1 8 3 .

Reilly, M. E., B. Lott, D. Caldwell, and L. DeLuca. 1992. Tolerance for sexual harassment related to self-reported sexual victimization. Gender & Soci­ ety 6: 1 22-1 3 8 . Rogers, J. K., and K. D. Henson, 1 9 9 7 . "Hey, why don't you wear a shorter skirt?" Structural vul­ nerability and the organization of sexual harass­ ment in temporary clerical employment. Gender & Society 1 1 :2 1 5-238. Schwalbe, M. 1 992. Male supremacy and the nar­ rowing of the moral self. Berkeley Journal of Soci­ ology 3 7:29-54. Smith, D. 1 990. The conceptualpractices ofpower: Afem­ inist sociology of knowledge. Boston: Northeastern University Press. Stockdale, M. S. 1993. The role of sexual mispercep­ tions of women's friendliness in an emerging the­ ory of sexual harassment. Journal of Vocational Behavior 42 (1): 84-10 l . Stockdale, M . S., and A . Vaux. 1993. What sexual ha­ rassment experiences lead respondents to ac­ knowledge being sexually harassed? A secondary analysis of a university survey. Journal of Voca­ tional Behavior 43 (2) : 221-234. Tagri, S., and S. M. Hayes. 1997. Theories of sexual harassment. In Sexual harassment: Theory, research and treatment, edited by W o 'Donohue. New York: Allyn and Bacon. Thorne, B. 1993. Genderplay: Girls and boys in school. Buckingham, UK: Open University Press. U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board, 1 988. Sexual ha­ rassment in thefederal government: An update. Wash­ ington, DC: Government Printing Office. Welsh, S. 1999. Gender and sexual harassment. Annual Review of Sociology 1999: 1 69-190. West, C., and D. H. Zimmerman, 1987. Doing gen­ der. Gender & Society I : 125- 1 5 1 . Wood, J. T. 1998 . Saying makes it so: The discursive construction of sexual harassment. In Conceptualizing sexual harassment as discursiveprac­ tice, edited by S. G. Bingham. Westport, CT: Praeger. York, K. M. 1 989. Defining sexual harassment in workplaces: A policy-capturing approach. Academy of Management Journal 32:830-850. Yount, K. R. 1 99 1 . Ladies, flirts, tomboys: Strategies for managing sexual harassment in an under­ ground coal mine. Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 1 9 : 3 96-422.

A R T I C L E

1 9

Kristen Schilt

Just One of the G uys? : How Transmen Make Gender Visible at Work Theories of gendered organizations argue that cul­

they had as women; however, how this "human

tural beliefs about gender difference embedded in

capital" is perceived often varies drastically once

workplace structures and interactions create and

they become men at work. This shift in gender

reproduce workplace disparities that disadvantage

attribution gives them the potential to develop an

women and advantage men (Acker 1 990; Martin

" outsider-within" perspective (Collins 1 986) on

2003; Williams 1 995). As Martin (2003) argues,

men's advantages in the workplace. FTMs can

however, the practices that reproduce gender dif­

find themselves benefiting from the "patriarchal

ference and gender inequality at work are hard to

dividend" (Connell 1 995, 79)-the advantages

observe. As these gendered practices are citations

men in general gain from the subordination of

of established gender norms, men and women in

women-after they transition. However, not being

the workplace repeatedly and unreflectively engage

"born into it" gives them the potential to be cog­

in "doing gender" and therefore "doing inequal­

nizant of being awarded respect, authority, and

ity" (Martin

2003; West and Zimmerman 1 987).

prestige they did not have working as women. In

This repetition of well-worn gender ideologies nat­

addition, the experiences of transmen who fall

uralizes workplace gender inequality, making gen­

outside of the hegemonic construction of mas­

dered disparities in achievements appear to be

culinity, such as FTMs of color, short FTMs, and

offshoots of "natural" differences between men

young FTMs, illuminate how the interplay of gen­

and women, rather than the products of dynamic

der, race, age, and bodily characteristics can con­

gendering and gendered practices (Martin

strain access to gendered workplace advantages

2003).

As the active reproduction of gendered workplace disparities is rendered invisible, gender inequality at work becomes difficult to document empirically

for some men (Connell 1 995). In this article,

I document the workplace expe­

riences of two groups of FTMs, those who openly

and therefore remains resistant to change (Acker

transition and remain in the same jobs (open

1990; Martin 2003; Williams 1995).

FTMs) and those who find new jobs posttransition

The workplace experiences of female-to-male

as "just men" (stealth FTMs). 2 I argue that the pos­

transsexuals (FTMs), or transmen, offer an oppor­

itive and negative changes they experience when

tunity to examine these disparities between men

they become men can illuminate how gender dis­

and women at work from a new perspective.

crimination and gender advantage are created and

Many FTMs enter the workforce as women and,

maintained through workplace interactions. These

after transition, begin working as men.! As men,

experiences also illustrate that masculinity is not a

they have the same skills, education, and abilities

fixed character type that automatically commands privilege but rather that the relationships between

From Gender & Society 26(4): 465-490. Copyright © 2006 Sociologists for Women in SOCiety. Reprinted by perm ission.

competing hegemonic and marginalized mas­ culinities give men differing abilities to access gen­ dered workplace advantages (Connell 1995).

221

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PA R T F0 U R

Men and Work

Theories of Workplace Gender Discrimination

degrees and work experience still end up in differ­ ent places, with women trailing behind men in advancement (Valian 1 999; Williams 1995).

Sociological research on the workplace reveals a

A second theory, gender socialization theory,

complex relationship between the gender of an

looks at the process by which individuals come

employee and that employee's opportunities for

to learn, through the family, peers, schools, and

advancement in both authority and pay. While

the media, what behavior is appropriate and inap­

white-collar men and women with equal qualifica­

propriate for their gender. From this standpoint,

tions can begin their careers in similar positions in

women seek out jobs that reinforce "feminine"

the workplace, men tend to advance faster, creating

traits such as caring and nurturing. This would

a gendered promotion gap (Padavic and Reskin

explain the predominance of women in helping

2002; Valian 1 999). When women are able to

professions such as nursing and teaching. As

advance, they often find themselves barred from

women are socialized to put family obligations

attaining access to the highest echelons of the com­

first, women workers would also be expected to

pany by the invisible barrier of the "glass ceiling"

be concentrated in part-time jobs that allow more

(Valian 1999). Even in the so-called women's pro­

flexibility for family schedules but bring in less

fessions, such as nursing and teaching, men out­

money. Men, on the other hand, would be

pace women in advancement to positions of

expected to seek higher-paying jobs with more

authority (Williams 1 995). Similar patterns exist

authority to reinforce their sense of masculinity.

among blue-collar professions, as women often are

While gender socialization theory may explain

denied sufficient training for advancement in man­

some aspects of gender segregation at work, how­

ual trades, passed over for promotion, or subjected

ever, it leaves out important structural aspects of

to extreme forms of sexual, racial, and gender

the workplace that support segregation, such as

harassment that result in women's attrition (Byrd

the lack of workplace child care services, as well

1999; Miller 1997; Yoder and Aniakudo 1997).

as employers' own gendered stereotypes about

These studies are part of the large body of scholarly

which workers are best suited for which types of

research on gender and work finding that white­

jobs (Padavic and Reskin

and blue-collar workplaces are characterized by

Williams 1 995).

2002; Valian 1999;

gender segregation, with women concentrated in

A third theory, gendered organization the­

lower-paying jobs with little room for advancement.

ory, argues that what is missing from both human

Among the theories proposed to account for

capital theory and gender socialization theory is

these workplace disparities between men and

the way in which men's advantages in the work­

women are human capital theory and gender role

place are maintained and reproduced in gender

socialization. Human capital theory posits that

expectations that are embedded in organizations

labor markets are neutral environments that

and in interactions between employers, employ­

reward workers for their skills, experience, and

ees, and coworkers (Acker 1 990; Martin

productivity. As women workers are more likely to

Williams 1995). However, it i s difficult t o study

take time off from work for child rearing and fam­

this process of reproduction empirically for sev­

2003;

ily obligations, they end up with less education

eral reasons. First, while men and women with

and work experience than men. Following this

similar education and workplace backgrounds

logic, gender segregation in the workplace stems

can be compared to demonstrate the disparities

from these discrepancies in skills and experience

in where they end up in their careers, it could be

between men and women, not from gender dis­

argued that differences in achievement between

crimination. However, while these differences can

them can be attributed to personal characteristics

explain some of the disparities in salaries and rank

of the workers rather than to systematic gender

between women and men, they fail to explain why

discrimination. Second, gendered expectations

women and men with comparable prestigious

about which types of jobs women and men are

ARTIC LE 19

suited for are strengthened by existing occupa­ tional segregation; the fact that there are more women nurses and more men doctors comes to be seen as proof that women are better suited for helping professions and men for rational profes­ sions. The normalization of these disparities as natural differences obscures the actual operation of men's advantages and therefore makes it hard to document them empirically. Finally, men's advantages in the workplace are not a function of simply one process but rather a complex interplay between many factors, such as gender differences in workplace performance evaluation, gendered beliefs about men's and women's skills and abili­ ties, and differences between family and child care obligations of men and women workers. The cultural reproduction of these interac­ tional practices that create and maintain gendered workplace disparities often can be rendered more visible, and therefore more able to be challenged, when examined through the perspective of mar­ ginalized others (Collins 1 986; Martin 1 994, 2003; Yoder and Aniakudo 1997). As Yoder and Aniakudo note, "marginalized others offer a unique perspective on the events occurring within a setting because they perceive activities from the vantages of both nearness (being within) and detachment (being outsiders)" ( 1 997, 325-26). This importance of drawing on the experiences of marginalized others derives from Patricia Hill Collins's theoretical development of the "out­ sider-within" ( 1 986, 1 990). Looking historically at the experience of Black women, Collins ( 1 986) argues that they often have become insiders to white society by virtue of being forced, first by slavery and later by racially bounded labor mar­ kets, into domestic work for white families. The insider status that results from being immersed in the daily lives of white families carries the ability to demystify power relations by making evident how white society relies on racism and sexism, rather than superior ability or intellect, to gain advantage; however, Black women are not able to become total insiders due to being visibly marked as different. Being a marginalized insider creates a unique perspective, what Collins calls "the out­ sider-within," that allows them to see "the con-

Just One of the Guys?

223

tradictions between the dominant group's actions and ideologies" (Collins 1 990, 12), thus giving a new angle on how the processes of oppression operate. Applying this perspective to the work­ place, scholars have documented the production and reproduction of gendered and racialized workplace disparities through the " outsider­ within" perspective of Black women police offi­ cers (Martin 1 994) and Black women firefighters (Yoder and Aniakudo 1 997). In this article, I posit that FTMs' change in gender attribution, from women to men, can pro­ vide them with an outsider-within perspective on gendered workplace disparities. Unlike the Black women discussed by Collins, FTMs usually are not visibly marked by their outsider status, as con­ tinued use of testosterone typically allows for the development of a masculine social identity indis­ tinguishable from "bio men. "3 However, while both stealth and open FTMs can become social insiders at work, their experience working as women prior to transition means they maintain an internalized sense of being outsiders to the gender schemas that advantage men. This inter­ nalized insider/outsider position allows some transmen to see clearly the advantages associated with being men at work while still maintaining a critical view to how this advantage operates and is reproduced and how it disadvantages women. I demonstrate that many of the respondents find themselves receiving more authority, respect, and reward when they gain social identities as men, even though their human capital does not change. This shift in treatment suggests that gender inequality in the workplace is not continually reproduced only because women make different education and workplace choices than men but rather because coworkers and employers often rely on gender stereotypes to evaluate men's and women's achievements and skills.

Method I conducted in-depth interviews with 29 FTMs in

the Southern California area from 2003 to 2005 . My criteria for selection were that respondents were assigned female at birth and were currently

224

PART F0 U R

Men and Work

living and working as men or open transmen. These selection criteria did exclude female-bod­ ied individuals who identified as men but had had not publicly come out as men at work and FTMs who had not held any jobs as men since their transition, as they would not be able to comment about changes in their social interactions that were specific to the workplace. My sample is made up uf 18 open FTMs and 1 1 stealth FTMs. At the onset of my research, I was unaware of how I would be received as a non-transgender person doing research on transgender workplace experiences, as well as a woman interviewing men. I went into the study being extremely open about my research agenda and my political affili­ ations with feminist and transgender politics. I carried my openness about my intentions into my interviews, making clear at the beginning that I was happy to answer questions about my research intentions, the ultimate goal of my research, and personal questions about myself. Through this openness, and the acknowledgment that I was there to learn rather than to be an academic "expert," I feel that I gained a rapport with my respondents that bridged the " outsider/insider" divide (Merton 1 972). Generating a random sample of FTMs is not possible as there is not an even dispersal of FTMs throughout S outhern California, nor are there transgender-specific neighborhoods from which to sample. I recruited interviewees from trans­ gender activist groups, transgender listservers, and FTM support groups. In addition, I partici­ pated for two years in Southern California trans­ gender community events, such as conferences and support group meetings. Attending these community events gave me an opportunity not only to demonstrate long-term political commit­ ment to the transgender community but also to recruit respondents who might not be affiliated with FTM activist groups. All the interviews were conducted in the respondents' offices, in their homes, or at a local cafe or restaurant. The inter­ views ranged from one and a half to four hours. All interviews were audio recorded, transcribed, and coded.

Drawing on sociological research that reports long-standing gender differences between men and women in the workplace (Reskin and Hartmann 1 986; Reskin and Roos 1 990; Valian 1 999; Williams 1 995), I constructed my interview schedule to focus on possible differences between working as women and working as men. I first gathered a general employment history and then explored the decision to openly transition or to go stealth. At the end of the interviews, I posed the question, "Do you see any differences between working as a woman and working as a man?" All but a few of the respondents immedi­ ately answered yes and began to provide exam­ ples of both positive and negative differences. About half of the respondents also, at this time, introduced the idea of male privilege, addressing whether they felt they received a gender advan­ tage from transitioning. If the concept of gender advantage was not brought up by respondents, I later introduced the concept of male privilege and then posed the question, saying, "Do you feel that you have received any male privilege at work?" The resulting answers from these two questions are the framework for this article. In reporting the demographics of my respon­ dents, I have opted to use pseudonyms and gen­ eral categories of industry to avoid identifying my respondents. Respondents ranged in age from 20 to 48. Rather than attempting to identify when they began their gender transition, a start date often hard to pinpoint as many FTMs feel they have been personally transitioning since child­ hood or adolescence, I recorded how many years they had been working as men (meaning they were either hired as men or had openly transi­ tioned from female to male and remained in the same job). The average time of working as a man was seven years. Regarding race and ethnicity, the sample was predominantly white ( 1 7) , with 3 Asians, 1 African American, 3 Latinos, 3 mixed­ race individuals, 1 Armenian American, and 1 Italian American. Responses about sexual iden­ tity fell into four main categories, heterosexual (9), bisexual (8), queer (6), and gay (3). The remaining 3 respondents identified their sexual

ARTICLE 19

identity as celibate/asexual, "dating women," and pansexual. Finally, in terms of region, the sample included a mixture of FTMs living in urban and suburban areas. (See Table 1 9 . 1 for sample characteristics.) The experience of my respondents represents a part of the Southern California FTM commu­ nity from 2003 to 2005 . As Rubin (2003) has demonstrated, however, FTM communities vary greatly from city to city, meaning these findings may not be representative of the experiences of transmen in Austin, San Francisco, or Atlanta. In addition, California passed statewide gender identity protection for employees in 2003, mean­ ing that the men in my study live in an environ­ ment in which they cannot legally be fired for being transgender (although most of my respon­ dents said they would not wish to be a test case for this new law). This legal protection means that California transmen might have very different workplace experiences than men in states with­ out gender identity protection. Finally, anecdotal evidence suggests that there are a large number of transgender individuals who transition and then sever all ties with the transgender community, something known as being " deep stealth. " This lack of connection to the transgender community means they are excluded from research on trans­ men but t�at their experiences with the workplace may be very different than those of men who are still connected, even slightly, to the FTM com­ munity.

Transmen as Outsiders Within at Work In undergoing a physical gender transition, trans­ men move from being socially gendered as women to being socially gendered as men (Dozier 2005). This shift in gender attribution gives them the potential to develop an " outsider-within" per­ spective (Collins 1 986) on the sources of men's advantages in the workplace. In other words, while they may find themselves, as men, benefit­ ing from the "patriarchal dividend" (Connell 1 995, 79), not being "born into it" can make vis-

Just One of the Guys?

225

ible how gendered workplace disparities are cre­ ated and maintained through interactions. Many of the respondents note that they can see clearly, once they become "just one of the guys, " that men succeed in the workplace at higher rates than women because of gender stereotypes that privi­ lege masculinity, not because they have greater skill or ability. For transmen who do see how these cultural beliefs about gender create gen­ dered workplace disparities, there is an accompa­ nying sense that these experiences are visible to them only because of the unique perspective they gain from undergoing a change in gender attribu­ tion. Exemplifying this, Preston reports about his views on gender differences at work posttransi­ tion: "I swear they let the guys get away with so much stuff! Lazy ass bastards get away with so much stuff and the women who are working hard, they just get ignored. . . . I am really aware of it. And that is one of the reasons that I feel like I have become much more of a feminist since transition. I am just so aware of the difference that my experience has shown me." Carl makes a similar point, discussing his awareness of blatant gender discrimination at a hardware/home con­ struction store where he worked immediately after his transition: "Girls couldn't get their fork­ lift license or it would take them forever. They wouldn't make as much money. It was so pathetic. I would have never seen it if I was a reg­ ular guy. I would have just not seen it. . . . I can see things differently because of my perspective. So in some ways I am a lot like a guy because I transitioned younger but still, you can't take away how I was raised for 1 8 years. " These comments illustrate how the outsider-within perspective of many FTMs can translate into a critical perspec­ tive on men's advantages at work. The idea that a "regular guy," here meaning a bio man, would not be able to see how women were passed over in favor of men makes clear that for some FTMs, there is an ability to see how gender stereotypes can advantage men at work. However, just as being a Black woman does not guarantee the development of a Black femi­ nist perspective (Collins 1 986), having this critical

I'll I'll en

•

TA B L E

19.1

Sample Characteristics

Pseudonym

Age

Race/Ethnicity

Sexual Identity

Aaron Brian Carl Christopher Colin Crispin David Douglas Elliott Henry Jack Jake Jason Keith Kelly Ken Paul Peter Preston Riley Robert Roger Sam Simon Stephen Thomas Trevor Wayne Winston

28 42 34 25 31 42 30 38 20 32 30 45 48 42 24 26 44 24 39 37 23 45 33 42 35 42 35 44 40

Black/White White White Asian White White White White White White Latino White White/Italian Black White Asian/White White White/Armenian White White Asian White Latino White White Latino White White/Latino White

Queer Bisexual Heterosexual Pansexual Queer Heterosexual Bisexual Gay Bisexual Gay Queer Queer Celibate Heterosexual Bisexual Queer Heterosexual Heterosexual Bisexual Dates women Heterosexual Bisexual Heterosexual Bisexual Heterosexual Queer Gay/Queer Bisexual Heterosexual

Approximate Number of Years Working as Male 5 14 16 3 1 2 2 5 I

5 I

9 20 1 2 6 months 2

4 2 2 22 15 2 13 6 22 14

Industry

Status at Work

Semi-Professional Semi-Professional Higher Professional Semi-Professional Lower Professional Blue-Collar Higher Professional Semi-Professional Retail! Customer Service Lower Professional Semi-Professional Higher Professional Retail! Customer Service Blue-Collar Semi-Professional Semi-Professional Semi-Professional Lower Professional Blue-Collar Lower Professional Retail! Customer Service Lower Professional Blue-Collar Semi-Professional Retail! Customer Service Higher Professional Semi-Professional Higher Professional Higher Professional

Open Stealth Stealth Open Open Stealth Open Open Open Open Open Open Stealth Open Open Open Open Stealth Open Open Stealth Stealth Stealth Open Stealth Open Open Stealth Stealth

ARTICLE 19

perspective on gender discrimination in the work­ place is not inherent to the FTM experience. Respondents who had held no jobs prior to tran­ sition, who were highly gender ambiguous prior to transition, or who worked in short-term, high­ turnover retail jobs, such as food service, found it harder to identify gender differences at work. FTMs who transitioned in their late teens often felt that they did not have enough experience working as women to comment on any possible differences between men and women at work. For example, Sam and Robert felt they could not comment on gender differences in the workplace because they had begun living as men at the age of 1 5 and, therefore, never had been employed as women. In addition, FTMs who reported being very " in-between" in their gender appearance, such as Wayne and Peter, found it hard to com­ ment on gender differences at work, as even when they were hired as women, they were not always sure how customers and coworkers perceived them. They felt unable to speak about the experi­ ence of working as a woman because they were perceived either as androgynous or as men. The kinds of occupations FTMs held prior to transition also play a role in whether they develop this outsider-within perspective at work. Transmen working in blue-collar jobs-jobs that are predoplinantly staffed by men-felt their experiences working in these jobs as females var­ ied greatly from their experiences working as men. This held true even for those transmen who worked as females in blue-collar jobs in their early teens, showing that age of transition does not always determine the ability to see gender dis­ crimination at work. FTMs working in the "women's professions" also saw a great shift in their treatment once they began working as men. FTMs who transitioned in their late teens and worked in marginal "teenage" jobs, such as fast food, however, often reported little sense of change posttransition, as they felt that most employees were doing the same jobs regardless of gender. As a gendered division of labor often does exist in fast food jobs (Leidner 1 993), it may be that these respondents worked in atypical settings,

Just One of the Guys?

227

or that they were assigned "men's jobs" because of their masculine appearance. Transmen in higher professional jobs, too, reported less change in their experiences post­ transition, as many of them felt that their work­ places guarded against gender-biased treatment as part of an ethic of professionalism. The expe­ rience of these professional respondents obvi­ ously runs counter to the large body of scholarly research that documents gender inequality in fields such as academia (Valian 1999), law firms (Pierce 1 995), and corporations (Martin 1 992). Not having an outsider-within perspective, then, may be unique to these particular transmen, not the result of working in a professional occupation. Thus, transitioning from female to male can provide individuals with an outsider-within per­ spective on gender discrimination in the work­ place. However, this perspective can be limited by the age of transition, appearance, and type of occupation. In addition, as I will discuss at the end of this article, even when the advantages of the patriarchal dividend are seen clearly, many transmen do not benefit from them. In the next section, I will explore in what ways FTMs who expressed having this outsider-within perspective saw their skills and abilities perceived more posi­ tively as men. Then, I will explore why not all of my respondents received a gender advantage from transitioning.

Transition and Workplace Gender Advantages4 A large body of evidence shows that the perfor­ mance of workers is evaluated differently depend­ ing on gender. Men, particularly white men, are viewed as more competent than women workers (Olian, Schwab, and Haberfeld 1 988; Valian 1999). When men succeed, their success is seen as stemming from their abilities while women's suc­ cess often is attributed to luck (Valian 1 999). Men are rewarded more than women for offering ideas and opinions and for taking on leadership roles in group settings (Butler and Geis 1 990; Valian

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1 999). Based on these findings, it would be expected that stealth transmen would see a posi­ tive difference in their workplace experience once they have made the transition from female to male, as they enter new jobs as just one of the guys. Open FTMs, on the other hand, might find themselves denied access to these privileges, as they remain in the same jobs in which they were hired as women. Challenging these expectations, two-thirds of my respondents, both open and stealth, report receiving some type of posttransi­ tion advantage at work. These advantages fell into four main categories: gaining competency and authority, gaining respect and recognition for hard work, gaining "body privilege," and gaining economic opportunities and status.

Authority and Competency Illustrating the authority gap that exists between men and women workers (Elliott and Smith 2004; Padavic and Reskin 2002), several of my interviewees reported receiving more respect for their thoughts and opinions posttransition. For example, Henry, who is stealth in a professional workplace, says of his experiences, "I'm right a lot more now. . . . Even with folks I am out to [as a trans-sexual] , there is a sense that I know what I am talking about." Roger, who openly transi­ tioned in a retail environment in the 1 980s, dis­ cussed customers' assumptions that as a man, he knew more than his boss, who was a woman: "People would come in and they would go straight to me. They would pass her and go straight to me because obviously, as a male, I knew [sarcasm] . And so we would play mind games with them. . . . They would come up and ask me a question, and then I would go over to her and ask her the same question, she would tell me the answer, and I would go back to the cus­ tomer and tell the customer the answer." Reveal­ ing how entrenched these stereotypes about masculinity and authority are, Roger added that none of the customers ever recognized the sar­ casm behind his actions. Demonstrating how white men's opinions are seen to carry more

authority, Trevor discusses how, posttransition, his ideas are now taken more seriously in group situations-often to the detriment of his women coworkers: "In a professional workshop or a con­ ference kind of setting, a woman would make a comment or an observation and be overlooked and be dissed essentially. I would raise my hand and make the same point in a way that I am try­ ing to reinforce her and it would be like [directed at me] , 'That's an excellent point!' I saw this shit in undergrad. So it is not like this was a surprise to me. But it was disconcerting to have happen to me." These last two quotes exemplify the out­ sider-within experience: Both men are aware of having more authority simply because of being men, an authority that happens at the expense of women coworkers. Looking at the issue of authority in the women's professions, Paul, who openly transi­ tioned in the field of secondary education, reports a sense of having increased authority as one of the few men in his work environment: I did notice [at] some of the meetings I'm re­ quired to attend, like school district or parent involvement [meetings] , you have lots of women there. And now I feel like there are [many times], mysteriously enough, when I'm picked [to speak] . . . . I think, well, why me, when nobody else has to go to the microphone and talk about their stuff? That I did notice and that [had] never happened before. I mean there was this meeting . . . a little while ago about domestic violence where I appeared to be the only male person between these 30, 40 women and, of course, then everybody wants to hear from me. Rather than being alienated by his gender tokenism, as women often are in predominantly male workplaces (Byrd 1 999), he is asked to express his opinions and is valued for being the "male" voice at the meetings, a common situa­ tion for men in "women's professions" (Williams 1 995). The lack of interest paid to him as a woman in the same job demonstrates how women in predominantly female workspaces can encourage their coworkers who are men to take

A R T I C L E 1. 9

more authority and space in these careers, a situ­ ation that can lead to the promotion of men in women's professions (Williams 1 995). Transmen also report a positive change in the evaluation of their abilities and competencies after transition. Thomas, an attorney, relates an episode in which an attorney who worked for an associated law firm commended his boss for firing Susan, here a pseudonym for his female name, because she was incompetent-adding that the "new guy" [i.e., Thomas] was "just delightful. " The attorney did not realize that Susan and "the new guy" were the same person with the same abilities, education, and experience. This anec­ dote is a glaring example of how men are evalu­ ated as more competent than women even when they do the same job in careers that are stereo­ typed requiring "masculine" skills such as ratio­ nality (Pierce 1995; Valian 1 999). Stephen, who is stealth in a predominantly male customer-service job, reports, "For some reason just because [the men I work with] assume I have a dick, [they assume] I am going to get the job done right, where, you know, they have to second guess that when you're a woman. They look at [women] like well, you can't handle this because you know, you don't have the same mentality that we [men] do, so there's this sense of panic . . . and if you are a guy, it's ju.st like, oh, you can handle it." Keith, who openly transitioned in a male-dominated blue-collar job, reports no longer having to " cud­ dle after sex," meaning that he has been able to drop the emotional labor of niceness women often have to employ to when giving orders at work. Showing how perceptions of behavior can change with transition, Trevor reports, "I think my ideas are taken more seriously [as a man] . I had good leadership skills leaving college and urn . . . I think that those work well for me now. . . . Because I'm male, they work better for me. I was 'assertive' before. Now I'm 'take charge.' " Again, while his behavior has not changed, his shift in gender attribution translates into a different kind of evaluation. As a man, being assertive is consistent with gendered expec­ tations for men, meaning his same leadership

Just One of the Guys?

229

skills have more worth in the workplace because of his transition. His experience underscores how women who take on leadership roles are evalu­ ated negatively, particularly if their leadership style is perceived as assertive, while men are rewarded for being aggressive leaders (Butler and Geis 1 990; Valian 1 999).5 This change in authority is noticeable only because FTMs often have experienced the reverse: being thought, on the basis of gender alone, to be less competent workers who receive less authority from employers and coworkers. This sense of a shift in authority and perceived competence was particularly marked for FTMs who had worked in blue-collar occupations as women. These transmen report that the stereo­ type of women's incompetence often translated into difficulty in finding and maintaining employ­ ment. For example, Crispin, who had worked as a female construction worker, reports being writ­ ten up by supervisors for every small infraction, a practice Yoder and Aniakudo ( 1 997, 330) refer to as "pencil whipping. " Crispin recounts, "One time I had a field supervisor confront me about simple things, like not dotting i's and using the wrong color ink. . . . Anything he could do, he was just constantly on me. . . . I ended up just leaving. " Paul, who was a female truck driver, recounts, " Like they would tell [me], 'Well we never had a female driver. I don't know if this works out.' Blatantly telling you this. And then [I had] to go, 'Well let's see. Let's give it a chance, give it a try. I'll do this three days for free and you see and if it's not working out, well then that's fine and if it works out, maybe you want to recon­ sider [not hiring me] . ' " To prove her competency, she ended up working for free, hoping that she would eventually be hired. Stephen, who was a female forklift operator, described the resistance women operators faced from men when it came to safety precautions for loading pallets: [The men] would spot each other, which meant that they would have two guys that would close down the aisle . . . so that no one could go on

230

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Men and Work

that aisle while you know you were up there [with your forklift and load] . . . and they wouldn't spot you if you were a female. If you were a guy . . . they got the red vests and the safety cones out and it's like you know-the only thing they didn't have were those little flashlights for the jets. It would be like God or somebody responding. I would actually have to go around and gather all the dykes from re­ ceiving to come out and help and spot me. And I can't tell you how many times I nearly ran over a kid. It was maddening and it was always because [of] gender. Thus, respondents described situations of being ignored, passed over, purposefully put in harm's way, and assumed to be incompetent when they were working as women. However, these same individuals, as men, find themselves with more authority and with their ideas, abili­ ties, and attributes evaluated more positively in the workforce. Respect and Recognition Related to authority and competency is the issue of how much reward workers get for their work­ place contributions. According to the transmen I interviewed, an increase in recognition for hard work was one of the positive changes associated with working as a man. Looking at these stories of gaining reward and respect, Preston, who tran­ sitioned openly and remained at his blue-collar job, reports that as a female crew supervisor, she was frequently short staffed and unable to access necessary resources yet expected to still carry out the job competently. However, after his transition, he suddenly found himself receiving all the sup­ port and materials he required: I was not asked to do anything different [after transition] . But the work I did do was made easier for me. [Before transition] there [were] periods of time when I would be told, "Well, I don't have anyone to send over there with you." We were one or two people short of a crew or the trucks weren't available. Or they would send me people who weren't trained. And it got to the point where it was like, why do I have to fight about this? If you don't want your freight,

you don't get your freight. And, I swear it was like from one day to the next of me transition­ ing [to male] , I need this, this is what I want and [snaps his fmgers] . I have not had to fight about anything. He adds about his experience, "The last three [performance] reviews that I have had have been the absolute highest that I have ever had. New management team. Me not doing anything dif­ ferent than I ever had. I even went part-time." This comment shows that even though he openly transitioned and remained in the same j ob, he ultimately fmds himself rewarded for doing less work and having to fight less for getting what he needs to effectively do his job. In addition, as a man, he received more positive reviews for his work, demonstrating how men and women can be evaluated differently when doing the same work. As with authority and competence, this sense of gaining recognition for hard work was partic­ ularly noticeable for transmen who had worked as women in blue-collar occupations in which they were the gender minority. This finding is not unexpected, as women are also more likely to be judged negatively when they are in the minority in the workplace, as their statistical minority sta­ tus seems to suggest that women are unsuited for the job (Valian 1999). For example, Preston, who had spent time in the ROTC as a female cadet, reported feeling that no matter how hard she worked, her achievements were passed over by her men superiors: "On everything that I did, I was the highest. I was the highest-ranking female during the time I was there. . . . I was the most decorated person in ROTC. I had more ribbons, I had more medals, in ROTC and in school. I did­ n't get anything for that. There was an award every year called Superior Cadet, and guys got it during the time I was there who didn't do nearly what I did. It was those kinds of things [that got to me] . " She entered a blue-collar occupation after ROTC and also felt that her workplace con­ tributions, like designing training programs for the staff, were invisible and went unrewarded. Talking about gender discrimination he faced as a female construction worker, Crispin reports,

ARTICLE 19

Just One of the Guys?

231

I worked really hard. . . . I had to find myself not sitting ever and taking breaks or lunches be­ cause I felt like I had to work more to show my worth. And though I did do that and I produced typically more than three males put together­ and that is really a statistic-what it would come down to a lot of times was, "You're sin­ gle. You don't have a family." That is what they told me. "I've got guys here who have fami­ lies." . . . And even though my production qual­ ity [was high] , and the customer was extremely happy with my work . . . I was passed over lots of times. They said it was because I was single and I didn't have a family and they felt bad be­ cause they didn't want Joe Blow to lose his job because he had three kids at home. And be­ cause I was intelligent and my qualities were very vast, they said, "You can just go get a job anywhere." Which wasn't always the case. A lot of people were-it was still a boy's world and some people were just like, uh-uh, there aren't going to be any women on my job site. And it would be months . . . before I would find gainful employment again.

reported being constantly harassed by men bosses for sexual favors in the past. He added, "When I transitioned . . . it was like a relief! [laughs] . . I swear to God! I am not saying I was beautiful or sexy but I was always attracting something." He felt that becoming a man meant more personal space and less sexual harassment. Finally, Stephen and Henry reported being "obvious dykes," here meaning visibly masculine women, and added that in blue-collar jobs, they encoun­ tered sexualized comments, as well as invasive personal questions about sexuality, from men uncomfortable with their gender presentation, experiences they no longer face posttransition. Transitioning for stealth FTMs can bring with it physical autonomy and respect, as men workers, in general, encounter less touching, groping, and sexualized comments at work than women. Open FTMs, however, are not as able to access this type of privilege, as coworkers often ask invasive ques­ tions about their genitals and sexual practices.

While she reports eventually winning over many men who did not want women on the worksite, being female excluded her from work­ place social interactions, such as camping trips, designed to strengthen male bonding. These quotes illustrate the hardships that women working in blue-collar jobs often face at work: being passed over for hiring and promo­ tions in fav�)I of less productive male coworkers, having their hard work go unrecognized, and not being completely accepted.6 Having this experi­ ence of being women in an occupation or indus­ try composed mostly of men can create, then, a heightened appreciation of gaining reward and recognition for job performance as men. Another form of reward that some transmen report receiving posttransition is a type of bodily respect in the form of being freed from unwanted sexual advances or inquiries about sexuality. As Brian recounts about his experience of working as a waitress, that customer service involved "hav­ ing my boobs grabbed, being called 'honey' and 'babe. ' " He noted that as a man, he no longer has to worry about these types of experiences. Jason

As the last two sections have shown, FTMs can find themselves gaining in authority, respect, and reward in the workplace posttransition. Several FTMs who are stealth also reported a sense that transition had brought with it economic opportu­ nities that would not have been available to them as women, particularly as masculine women. Carl, who owns his own company, asserts that he could not have followed the same career trajectory if he had not transitioned:

.

Economic Gains

I have this company that I built, and I have peo­ ple following me; they trust me, they believe in me, they respect me. There is no way I could have done that as a woman. And I will tell you that as just a fact. That when it comes to busi­ ness and work, higher levels of management, it is different being a man. I have been on both sides [as a man and a woman] , younger obvi­ ously, but I will tell you, man, I could have never done what I did [as a female] . You can take the same personality and it wouldn't have happened. I would have never made it. While he acknowledges that women can be and are business entrepreneurs, he has a sense

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that his business partners would not have taken

a restaurant in his early teens, he had the follow­

his business venture idea seriously if he were a

ing experience:

woman or that he might not have had access to the type of social networks that made his busi­ ness venture possible. Henry feels that he would not have reached the same level in his profes­ sional job if he were a woman because he had a nonnormative gender appearance: If 1 Was a gender normative woman, probably.

But no, as an obvious dyke, I don't think so . . . which is weird to say but I think it's true. It is interesting because I am really aware of having this job that I would not have had if I hadn't transitioned. And [gender expression] was al­ ways an issue for me. I wanted to go to law school but I couldn't do it. I couldn't wear the skirts and things females have to wear to prac­ tice law. I wouldn't dress in that drag. And so it

The woman who hired me said, "I will hire you only on the condition that you don't ever come in the front because you make the people un­ comfortable." 'Cause we had to wear like these uniforms or something and when I would put the uniform on, she would say, "That makes you look like a guy." But she knew I was not a guy because of my name that she had on the ap­ plication. She said, "You make the customers uncomfortable." And a couple of times it got re­ ally busy, and I would have to come in the front or whatever, and I remember one time she found out about it and she said, "I don't care how busy it gets, you don't get to come up front. " She said I'd make people lose their ap­ petite.

was very clear that there was a limit to where I

Once he began hormones and gained a social

was going to go professionally because I was

identity as a man, he found that his work and

not willing to dress that part. Now I can dress the part and it's not an issue. It's not putting on drag; it's not an issue. I don't love putting on a tie, but I can do it. So this world is open to me that would not have been before just because of clothes. But very little has changed in some ways. I look very different but I still have all the same skills and all the same general thought processes. That is intense for me to consider.

school experiences became much more positive. He went on to earn a doctoral degree and become a successful professional, an economic opportu­ nity he did not think would be available had he remained highly gender ambiguous. In my sample, the trans men who openly transitioned faced a different situation in terms of economic gains. While there is an "urban legend" that FTMs immediately are awarded some kind

As tliis response shows, Henry is aware that

of "male privilege" post-transition (Dozier 2005),

as an " obvious dyke," meaning here a masculine­

I did not find that in my interviews. Reflecting

appearing ';Yoman, he would have the same skills

this common belief, however, Trevor and Jake

and education level he currently has, but those

both recount that women colleagues told them,

skills would be devalued due to his nonnormative

when learning of their transition plans, that they

appearance. Thus, he avoided professional careers

would probably be promoted because they were

that would require a traditionally feminine

becoming white men.

appearance. As a man, however, he is able to

counted these comments, both were promoted

wear clothes similar to those he wore as an "obvi­

relatively soon after their transitions. Rather than

While both men dis­

ous dyke," but they are now considered gender

seeing this as evidence of male privilege, both

appropriate. Thus, through transitioning, he gains

respondents felt that their promotions were

the right to wear men's clothes, which helps him

related to their job performance, which, to make

in accessing a professional job.

clear, is not a point I am questioning. Yet these

Wayne also recounts negative workplace

promotions show that while these two men are

experiences in the years prior to his transition due

not benefiting undeservedly from transition, they

to being extremely ambiguous or "gender blend­

also are not disadvantaged.7 Thus, among the

ing" (Devor

men

1 987) in his appearance. Working at

I interviewed, it is common for both stealth

ARTICLE 19

and open FTMs to find their abilities and skills

233

Just One of the Guys?

effect, as higher education results in greater

more valued posttransition, showing that human

advantages for men than for women. In addition,

capital can be valued differently depending on the

gender advantage alone also is apparent in these

gender of the employee.

experiences of increased authority, as transmen report seeing an increase in others' perceptions of

Is It Privilege or Something Else?

their competency outside of the workplace where

While these reported increases in competency

their education level is unknown. For example,

and authority make visible the "gender schemas"

Henry, who found he was "right a lot more" at

(Va1ian L999) that often underlie the evaluation

work, also notes that in daily, nonworkp1ace inter­

of workers, it is possible that the increases in

actions, he is assumed, as a man, to know what

authority might have a spurious connection to

he is talking about and does not have to provide

gender transitions. Some transmen enter a differ­

evidence to support his opinions. D emonstrating

ent work field after transition, so the observed

a similar experience, Crispin, who had many

change might be in the type of occupation they

years of experience working in construction as a

enter rather than a gender-based change. In addi­

woman, relates the following story:

tion, many transmen seek graduate or postgradu­ ate degrees posttransition, and higher education degrees afford more authority in the workplace.

I used to jump into [situations as a woman] . Like at Home Depot, I would hear . . . [men] be so confused, and I would just step over there

As Table 1 9 . 2 shows, of the transmen I inter­

and say, "Sir, I work in construction and if you

viewed, many had higher degrees working as men

don't mind me helping you." And they would

than they did when they worked as women. For

be like, "Yeah, yeah, yeah" [i.e., dismissive] .

some, this is due to transitioning while in college

But now I go [as a man] and I've got men and

and thus attaining their bachelor's degrees as men. For others, gender transitions seem to be accompanied by a desire to return to school for a higher degree, as evidenced by the increase in master's degrees in the table.

women asking me things and saying, "Thank you so much," like now I have a brain in my head! And I like that a lot because it was just kind of like, "Yeah, whatever. " It's really nice. His experience at Home Depot shows that

A change in educational attainment does

as a man, he is rewarded for displaying the same

contribute to getting better jobs with increased

knowledge about construction-knowledge gen­

authority, as men benefit more from increased

dered as masculine-that he was sanctioned for

human capital in the form of educational attain­

offering when he was perceived as a woman.

ment (Va1ian 1 999). But again, this is an additive

As a further example of this increased authority

•

TA B L E

19.2

H ighest Level of Education Attained Stealth FTMs Highest Degree Level

High school/QED Associate's degree Bachelor's degree Master's degree Ph.D. J.D. Other Total Note: FTMs

=

fernale-to-rnale transsexuals.

As Female

Open FTMs

As Male

7

2

2 2 o o o o 11

3 4

1 1 o o 11

As FemaIe

As Male

3 3 7 2 1 1 1 18

2

3 4 4

2 2 1 18

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PART F0 U R

Men and Work

outside of the workplace, several FTMs report a

hormone therapy and the development of peach

difference in their treatment at the auto shop, as

fuzz that marks the beginning of facial hair

they are not assumed to be easy targets for unnec­

growth. Reflecting on how this youthful appear­

essary services (though this comes with an added

ance, which can last several years depending on

expectation that they will know a great deal about

the effects of hormone therapy, affected his work

cars). While some transmen report that their

experience immediately after transition, Thomas

"feminine knowledge," such as how to size baby

reports, "I went from looking

clothes in stores, is discounted when they gain

People thought I was a new lawyer so I would get

social identities as men, this new recognition of

treated like

"masculine knowledge" seems to command more

Other FTMs recount being asked if they were

30 to looking 1 3 .

I didn't know what was going on."

social authority than prior feminine knowledge in

interns, or if they were visiting a parent at their

many cases. These stories show that some trans­

workplace, all comments that underscore a lack

men gain authority both in and out of the work­

of authority. This lack of authority associated

place. These

lend credence to the

with looking youthful, however, is a time­

argument that men can gain a gender advantage,

bounded effect, as most FTMs on hormones

in the form of authority, reward, and respect.

eventually "age into " their male appearance, sug­

findings

gesting that many of these transmen may have

Barriers to Workplace Gender Advantages Having examined the accounts of transmen who

the ability to access some gender advantages at some point in their careers. Body structure was another characteristic some FTMs felt limited their access to increased

feel that they received increased authority,

authority and prestige at work. While testos­

reward, and recognition from becoming men at

terone creates an appearance indistinguishable

I will now discuss some of the limitations

from bio men for many transmen, it does not

work,

to accessing workplace gender advantages. About one-third of my sample felt that they did not receive any gender advantage from transition.

increase height. Being more than 6 feet tall is part of the cultural construction for successful, hege­ monic masculinity. However, several men I inter­

5' 1 " and 5' 5", something

FTMs who had only recently begun transition or

viewed were between

who had · transitioned without using hormones

they felt put them at a disadvantage in relation to

("no ho") all reported seeing little change in their workplace treatment. This group of respondents

other men in their workplaces. Winston, who managed a professional work staff who knew him

felt that they were still seen as women by most of

only as a man, felt that his authority was harder

their coworkers, evidenced by continual slippage

to establish at work because he was short. Being

into feminine pronouns, and thus were not

smaller than all of his male employees meant that

treated in accordance with other men in the work­

he was always being looked down on, even when

place. Other transmen in this group felt they

giving orders. Kelly, who worked in special edu­

lacked authority because they were young or

cation, felt his height affected the jobs he was

looked extremely young after transition. This

assigned: "Some of the boys, especially if they

youthful appearance often is an effect of the

are really aggressive, they do much better with

beginning stages of transition. FTMs usually

males that are bigger than they are. So

begin to pass as men before they start taking testosterone.

Successful passing is done via

with the little kids because I am short.

I work I don't get

as good of results if I work with [older kidsl ; a

I am." Being a

appearance cues, such as hairstyles, clothes, and

lot of times they are taller than

mannerisms. However, without facial hair or vis­

short man, he felt it was harder to establish

ible stubble, FTMs often are taken to be young boys, a mistake that intensifies with the onset of

authority with older boys. These experiences demonstrate the importance of bringing the body

ARTIC LE 19

back into discussions of masculinity and gender advantage, as being short can constrain men's benefits from the "patriarchal dividend" (Connell 1 995). In addition to height, race/ ethnicity can neg­ atively affect FTMs' workplace experience post­ transition. My data suggest that the experiences of FTMs of color is markedly different than that of their white counterparts, as they are becoming not just men but Black men, Latino men, or Asian men, categories that carry their own stereo­ types. Christopher felt that he was denied any gender advantage at work not only because he was shorter than all of his men colleagues but also because he was viewed as passive, a stereo­ type of Asian men (Espiritu 1997). "To the wide world of America, I look like a passive Asian guy. That is what they think when they see me. Oh Asian? Oh passive. . . . People have this impres­ sion that Asian guys aren't macho and therefore they aren't really male. Or they are not as male as [a white guy] . " Keith articulated how his social interactions changed with his change in gender attribution in this way: "I went from being an obnoxious Black woman to a scary Black man." He felt that he has to be careful expressing anger and frustration at work (and outside of work) because now that he is a Black man, his anger is viewed as .more threatening by whites. Reflecting stereotypes that conflate African Americans with criminals, he also notes that in his law enforce­ ment classes, he was continually asked to play the suspect in training exercises. Aaron, one of the only racial minorities at his workplace, also felt that looking like a Black man negatively affected his workplace interactions. He told stories about supervisors repeatedly telling him he was threat­ ening. When he expressed frustration during a staff meeting about a new policy, he was written up for rolling his eyes in an " aggressive" manner. The choice of words such as "threatening" and "aggressive," words often used to describe Black men (Ferguson 2000), suggests that racial iden­ tity and stereotypes about Black men were play­ ing a role in his workplace treatment. Examining how race/ ethnicity and appearance intersect with

Just One of the Guys?

235

gender, then, illustrates that masculinity is not a fixed construct that automatically generated priv­ ilege (Connell 1 995), but that white, tall men often see greater returns from the patriarchal div­ idend than short men, young men and men of color.

Conclusion Sociological studies have documented that the workplace is not a gender-neutral site that equi­ tably rewards workers based on their individual merits (Acker 1 990; Martin 2003; Valian 1 999; Williams 1 995); rather "it is a central site for the creation and reproduction of gender differences and gender inequality" (Williams 1 995, 1 5). Men receive greater workplace advantages than women because of cultural b eliefs that associate mas­ culinity with authority, prestige, and instrumen­ tality (Martin 2003 ; Padavic and Reskin 2002; Rhode 1997; Williams 1 995)-characteristics often used to describe ideal "leaders" and "man­ agers" (Valian 1 999). Stereotypes about feminin­ ity as expressive and emotional, on the other hand, disadvantage women, as they are assumed to be less capable and less likely to succeed than men with equal (or often lesser) qualifications (Valian 1999). These cultural beliefs about gender difference are embedded in workplace structures and interactions, as workers and employers bring gender stereotypes with them to the workplace and, in turn, use these stereotypes to make deci­ sions about hiring, promotions, and rewards (Acker 1990; Martin 2003; Williams 1 995). This cultural reproduction of gendered workplace dis­ parities is difficult to disrupt, however, as it oper­ ates on the level of ideology and thus is rendered invisible (Martin 2003 ; Valian 1 999; Williams 1995). In this article, I have suggested that the "out­ sider-within" (Collins 1986) perspective of many FTMs can offer a more complex understanding of these invisible interactional processes that help maintain gendered workplace disparities. Trans­ men are in the unique position of having been so­ cially gendered as both women and men (Dozier

236

PAR T F0 U R

Men and Work

2005). Their workplace experiences, then, can make the underpinnings of gender discrimination visible, as well as illuminate the sources of men's workplace advantages. When FTMs undergo a change in gender attribution, their workplace treatment often varies greatly-even when they continue to interact with coworkers who knew them previously as women. Some posttransition FTMs, both stealth and open, find that their coworkers, employers, and customers attribute more authority, respect, and prestige to them. Their experiences make glaringly visible the process through which gender inequality is ac­ tively created in informal workplace interactions. These informal workplace interactions, in turn, produce and reproduce structural disadvantages for women, such as the glass ceiling (Valian 1 999), and structural advantages for men, such as the glass escalator (Williams 1 995). However, as I have suggested, not all of my respondents gain authority and prestige with tran­ sition. FTMs who are white and tall received far more benefits posttransition than short FTMs or FTMs of color. This demonstrates that while hegemonic masculinity is defined against femi­ ninity, it is also measured against subordinated forms of masculinity (Connell 1 995; Messner 1 997). These findings demonstrate the need for using an intersectional approach that takes into consideration the ways in which there are cross­ cutting relations of power (Calasanti and Slevin 200 1 ; Collins 1 990; Crenshaw 1989), as advan­ tage in the workplace is not equally accessible for all men. Further research on FTMs of color can help develop a clearer understanding of the role race plays in the distribution of gendered work­ place rewards and advantages.s The experiences of this small group of trans­ men offer a challenge to rationalizations of workplace inequality. The study provides counterevidence for human capital theories: FTMs who find themselves receiving the bene­ fits associated with being men at work have the same skills and abilities they had as women workers. These skills and abilities, however, are suddenly viewed more positively due to this

change in gender attribution. FTMs who may have been labeled "bossy" as women become "go-getting" men who seem more qualified for managerial positions. While FTMs may not ben­ efit at equal levels to bio men, many of them do find themselves receiving an advantage to women in the workplace they did not have prior to transition. This study also challenges gender socialization theories that account for inequality in the workplace. Although all of my respon­ dents were subjected to gender socialization as girls, this background did not impede their suc­ cess as men. Instead, by undergoing a change in gender attribution, transmen can find that the same behavior, attitudes, or abilities they had as females bring them more reward as men. This shift in treatment suggests that gender inequality in the workplace is not continually reproduced only because women make different education and workplace choices than men but rather be­ cause coworkers and employers often rely on gender stereotypes to evaluate men and women's achievements and skills. It could be argued that because FTMs must overcome so many barriers and obstacles to fi­ nally gain a male social identity, they might be likely to overreport positive experiences as a way to shore up their right to be a man. However, I have reasons to doubt that my respondents exag­ gerated the benefits of being men. Transmen who did find themselves receiving a workplace advan­ tage posttransition were aware that this new con­ ceptualization of their skills and abilities was an arbitrary result of a shift in their gender attribu­ tion. This knowledge often undermined their sense of themselves as good workers, making them continually second-guess the motivations behind any rewards they receive. In addition, many transmen I interviewed expressed anger and resentment that their increases in authority, respect, and recognition came at the expense of women colleagues. It is important to keep in mind, then, that while many FTMs can identify privileges associated with being men, they often retain a critical eye to how changes in their treat­ ment as men can disadvantage women.

ART I C LE 19

This critical eye, or "outsider-within" (Collins 1 986) perspective, has implications for social change in the workplace. For gender equity at work to be achieved, men must take an active role in challenging the subordination of women (Acker 1 990; Martin 2003; Rhode 1 997; Valian 1 999; Williams 1 995). However, bio men often cannot see how women are disadvantaged due to their structural privilege (Rhode 1 997; Valian 1 999). Even when they are aware that men as a group benefit from assumptions about masculin­ ity, men typically still "credit their successes to their competence" (Valian 1 999, 284) rather than to gender stereotypes. For many transmen, see­ ing how they stand to benefit at work to the detri­ ment of women workers creates a sense of increased responsibility to challenge the gender discrimination they can see so clearly. This chal­ lenge can take many different forms. For some, it is speaking out when men make derogatory com­ ments about women. For others, it means speak­ ing out about gender discrimination at work or challenging supervisors to promote women who are equally qualified as men. These challenges demonstrate that some transmen are able, at times, to translate their position as social insiders into an educational role, thus working to give women more reward and recognition at these spe­ cific work sites. The success of these strategies il­ lustrates ihat men have the power to challenge workplace gender discrimination and suggests that bio m�n can learn gender equity strategies from the outsider-within at work.

Notes 1 . Throughout this article, I endeavor to use the terms "women" and "men" rather than "male" and "fe­ male" to avoid reifying biological categories. It is im­ portant to note, though, that while my respondents were all born with female bodies, many of them never identified as women but rather thought of themselves as always men, or as "not women." During their time as female workers, however, they did have social iden­ tities as women, as coworkers and employers often were unaware of their personal gender identities. It is this social identity that I am referencing when I refer

Just One of the Guys?

237

to them as "working as women," as I am discussing their social interactions in the workplace. In referring to their specific work experiences, however, I use "fe­ male" to demonstrate their understanding of their work history. I also do continue to use "female to male" when describing the physical transition process, as this is the most common term employed in the transgender community. 2 . I use "stealth," a transgender community term, if the respondent's previous life as female was not known at work. It is important to note that this term is not analogous with "being in the closet," because stealth female-to-male transsexuals (FTMs) do not have "secret" lives as women outside of working as men. It is used to describe two different workplace choices, not offer a value judgment about these choices. 3 . "Bio" man is a term used by my respondents to mean individuals who are biologically male and live socially as men throughout their lives. It is juxtaposed with "transman" or "FTM." 4. A note on pronoun usage: This article draws from my respondents' experiences working as both women and men. While they now live as men, I use feminine pronouns to refer to their female work histories. 5 . This change in how behavior is evaluated can also be negative. Some transmen felt that assertive com­ munication styles they actively fostered to empower themselves as lesbians and feminists had to be un­ learned after transition. Because they were suddenly given more space to speak as men, they felt they had to censor themselves or they would be seen as "bossy white men" who talked over women and people of color. These findings are similar to those reported by Dozier (2005). 6. It is important to note that not all FTMs who worked blue-collar jobs as women had this type of ex­ perience. One respondent felt that he was able to fit in, as a butch, as "just one of the guys." However, he also did not feel he had an outsider-within perspective be­ cause of this experience. 7. Open transitions are not without problems, how­ ever. Crispin, a construction worker, found his contract mysteriously not renewed after his an­ nouncement. However, he acknowledged that he had many problems with his employers prior to his an­ nouncement and had also recently filed a discrimina­ tion suit. Aaron, who announced his transition at a

238

PAR T F0 U R

Men and Work

small, medical site, left after a few months as he felt that his employer was trying to force him out. He found another job in which he was out as a transman. Crispin unsuccessfully attempted to find work in con­ struction as an out transman. He was later hired, stealth, at a construction job.

Elliott, James R . , and Ryan A. Smith. 2004. Race, gender, and workplace power. American

Sociolog­ ical Review 69: 365-86. Espiritu, Yen. 1 997. Asian American women and men. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Ferguson, Ann Arnett. 2000.

8. Sexual identity also is an important aspect of an intersectional analysis. In my study, however, queer and gay transmen worked either in lesbian, gay, bi­ sexual, transgender work sites, or were not out at work. Therefore, it was not possible to examine how being gay or queer affected their workplace experi­ ences.

Bad boys: Public schools in the making of Black masculinity. Ann Arbor:

University of Michigan Press. Leidner, Robin. 1993 .

Fast food, Jast talk: Service work and the routinization of everyday life. Berkeley: Uni­

versity of California Press. Martin, Patricia Yancy. 1 992. Gender, interaction, and inequality in organizations. In

Gender, inter­ action, and inequality, edited by Cecelia L. Ridge­

way. New York: Springer-Verlag. ��-.

References

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doing" : Gendering practices, practicing gender

Acker, Joan. 1 990. Hierarchies, jobs, bodies: A the­ ory of gendered organizations.

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4: 1 39-58.

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Gender & Society 1 7 : 342-66.

Martin, Susan. 1 994. "Outsiders-within" the station house: The impact of race and gender on Black

Butler, D. , and F. L. Geis. 1 990. Nonverbal affect re­ sponses to male and female leaders: Implications for leadership evaluation.

Journal of Personality and Social Psychology 58 :48-59.

Byrd, Barbara. 1 999. Women in carpentry appren­ ticeship: A case study.

Labor Studies Journal 24

(3): 3-22.

Calasanti, Toni M . , and Kathleen F. Slevin. 200 l .

women

police

officers.

Social Problems 4 1 :

383-400. Merton, Robert. 1 972. Insiders and outsiders: A chap­ ter in the sociology of knowledge. American Jour­

nal of Sociology 78 (1): 9-47 The politics of masculinities: Men in movements. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Messner, Michael. 1 997.

Miller, Laura. 1 997. Not just weapons of the weak:

Gender, social inequalities, and aging. Walnut

Gender harassment as a form of protest for army

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Social Psychology Quarterly 60 (1): 32-5 l .

Collins, Patricia Hill. 1 986. Learning from the out­

Olian, J. D. , D. P. Schwab, and Y. Haberfeld. 1988.

sider .within: The sociological significance of

The impact of applicant gender compared to

Black feminist thought.

Social Problems 33 (6):

S l 4-S3 1 . ��- .

1 990.

Blackjeminist thought. New York: Rout­

ledge. Connell, Robert. 1 995.

Masculinities. Berkeley: Uni­

versity of California Press. Crenshaw, Kimberle. 1 989. Demarginalizing the in­ tersection of race and sex: A Black feminist cri­ tique of antidiscrimination doctrine, feminist theory, and antiracist politics.

University of

Chicago Legal Forum 1989: 1 3 9--67. Devor,

qualifications on hiring recommendations: A meta-analysis

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Gender blending

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Gender trials: Emotional lives in contemporary law firms. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Women's work, men's work: Sex segregation on thejob. Wash­

ington, DC: National Academic Press. Reskin, Barbara, and Patricia Roos. 1 990.

Dozier, Raine. 2005. Beards, breasts, and bodies: 1 9 : 297-3 1 6 .

experimental

Reskin, Barbara, and Heidi Hartmann. 1986.

Women and sometimes men. American Behavioral

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Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes 4 1 : 1 80-95. Padavic, Irene, and Barbara Reskin. 2002. Women and men at work. 2d ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine

Gender & Society

Job queues, gender queues. Philadelphia: Temple University Press.

Rhode, Deborah L. 1 997.

Speaking of sex: The denial of

ARTI CLE 19

gender inequality. Cambridge, MA: Harvard Uni­ versity Press. Rubin, Henry. 2003. Self-made men: Identity and em­ bodiment among transsexual men. Nashville, TN: Vanderbilt University Press. Valian, Virginia. 1999. Why so slow? The advancement of women. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. West, Candace, and Don Zimmerman. 1987. Doing gender. Gender & Society 1 : 1 3-37.

Just One of the Guys?

239

Williams, Christine. 1 995. Still a man's world: Men who do "women's " work. Berkeley: University of Cal­ ifornia Press. Yoder, Janice, and Patricia Aniakudo. 1997. Outsider within the firehouse: Subordination and differ­ ence in the social interactions of African Amer­ ican women firefighters. Gender & Society 1 1 : 324-4 1 .

I

F I V E

The articles in thi s section examine the "em­ bodiment" of masculinity, the ways i n which men ' s

Men and Hea lth

mental health a n d physical health expresses and reproduces the defi nitions of masculinity we have ingested in our society. Don Sabo offers a com­ passionate account of how men will invariably con­ front traditional stereotypes as they look for more nurturing roles. G loria Steinem pokes holes in the

W hy d i d the gap between male and female l ife

traditional definitions of mascu linity, especially the putative biological basis for gender expression.

expectancy increase from two years i n 1900 to

Kathleen Slevin and Thomas Linneman ex­

nearly eight years today? Why do men s uffer heart

amine the specifically gendered experiences of gay

attacks and u lcers at such a consistently h igher

men as they age. Monica Casper and Lisa Jean

rate than women do? Why are auto i nsu rance

Moore look at the ways that gender identity and

rates so much h igher for young males than for fe­

health are all wrapped together in our images of

males of the same age? Are mentally and emo­

sports heroes. And the article by Meika Loe ex­

tionally " h.ealthy" males those who conform more

plores the i ncreased pressure on men to stay

closely to the dominant cultural prescriptions for

healthy, vital and sexual ly potent as they age-and

mascul i n ity, or those who resist those dominant

how modern medicine has jumped in to cure prob­

ideals?

lems that are of recent invention.

241

A R T I C L E

2 0

Don Sabo

Mascul i n ities and Men 's Hea lth: Moving toward Post-Superman Era Prevention1 My grandfather used to smile and say, "Find out where you're going to die and stay the hell away from there." Grandpa had never studied epi­ demiology (i.e., the study of variations in health and illness in society) but he understood that cer­ tain behaviors, attitudes, and cultural practices can put individuals at risk for accidents, illness, or death. This chapter presents an overview of men's health that proceeds from the basic as­ sumption that aspects of traditional masculinity can be dangerous for men's health (Sabo & Gor­ don, 1 995; Harrison, Chin, & Ficarrotto, 1992). First, I identify some gender differences in rela­ tion to morbidity (i.e., sickness) and mortality (i. e. , death). Next, I examine how the risk for ill­ ness varies from one male group to another. I then discuss an array of men's health issues and a preventive strategy for enhancing men's health.

Gender Differences in Health and Illness When British sociologist, Ashley Montagu, put forth the thesis in 1 953 that women were biolog­ ically superior to men, he shook up the prevail­ ing chauvinistic beliefs that men were stronger, smarter, and better than women. His argument was partly based on epidemiological data that show males are more vulnerable to mortality than females from before birth and throughout the life span.

Mortality and Life Expectancy From the time of conception, men are more likely to succumb to prenatal and neonatal death than females. Men's chances of dying during the pre­ natal stage of development and also the neonatal (newborn) stage are greater than those of females. A number of neonatal disorders are common to males but not females, such as bacterial infec­ tions, respiratory illness, digestive diseases, and some circulatory disorders of the aorta and pul­ monary artery. Table 20. 1 illustrates the dispari­ ties between male and female infant mortality rates (i.e., death during the fIrst year of life) across a 50-year span of the 20th century (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention [CD q , 1 992). Men's greater mortality rates persist through the " age 85" subgroup and, as Table 20.2 shows, male death rates are higher than female rates for

•

TA B L E

20.1

Gender and I nfant M ortality Rates for the United States , 1940-1989 Year

Both Sexes

Males

Females

1 940

47.0

52.5

41.3

1 950

29.2

32.8

25.5

1 960

26.0

29.3

22.6

1 970

20.0

22.4

1 7.5

1 980

12.6

13.9

1 1 .2

1 989

9.8

10.8

8.8

Source: Adapted from Centers for Disease Control and Pre­ vention, Monthly Vital Statistics Report, 40(8, Suppl. 2), p.

Original to this volume. © 2008 by Don Sabo. Used by permission. All rights reserved.

Note: Rates are for infant (under live births

for all races.

1

41.

year) deaths per 1 ,000

243

244

•

PA R T F I V E

TA B L E

Men and Health

20.2

Ratio of Male to Female Age-Adjusted Death R ates, for the 15 Leading Causes of Death for the Total U . S . Popu l ation in 2002 Male to

Number of Total

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

Female

Deaths

Percentage

Ratio

Diseases of heart

710,760

29.6

1 .4

Malignant neoplasms Cerebrovascular diseases Chronic lower respiratory diseases Accidents (unintentional injuries) Diabetes Influenza and pneumonia Alzheimer's disease Nephritis, nephritic syndrome, nephrosis Septicemia Intentional harm (suicide) Chronic liver disease and cirrhosis Essential hypertension and hypertensive renal disease Assault (homicide) Pneumonitis due to solids and liquids

553,091 167,661 122,009 97,900 69,301 65,313 49,558 3 7,251 3 1 ,224 29,350 26,552 l S,073 1 6,765 1 6 ,636

23.0 7.0 5.1 4.1 2.9 2.7 2.1 1.5 1 .3 1 .2 1.1 O.S 0.7 0.7

1.5 1 .0 1 .4 2.2 1 .2 1.3 0.8 1 .4 1 .2 4.5 2.2 1 .0 3.3 1 .S

Rank C ause of Death

Source: Adapted from National Center for Health Statistics, National Vital Statistics Report, 50(15), September 16, 2002, Table C.

12 of the 1 5 leading causes of death in the United States (National Center for Health Statistics, 2002). Females have greater life expectancy than males in the United States, Canada, and post­ industrial societies (Payne, 2006). ' These facts suggest a female biological advan­ tage, but a closer analysis of changing trends in the gap betweell women's and men's life expectancy indicates that social and cultural factors related to lifestyle, gender identity, and behavior are operat­ ing as well. Life expectancy among American females in 2004 was about SO.4 but 75.2 for males (National Center for Health Statistics, 2006). While life expectancy for U.S. citizens is now the highest in history, it has shifted a lot during the 20th century. Women's relative advantage in life expectancy over men was rather small at the begin­ ning of the 20th century (Waldron, 1995). During the mid-20th century, female mortality declined more rapidly than male mortality, thereby increas­ ing the gender gap in life expectancy. Whereas women benefited from the decreased maternal

mortality, the mid-century trend toward elevating men's life expectancy was slowed by increasing mortality from coronary heart disease and lung cancer that were, in turn, mainly due to higher rates of cigarette smoking among males. The recent trends show that differences between U.S. women's and men's mortality have decreased. Female life expectancy was 7.9 years greater than males in 1 979, 6 . 9 years in 1 989 (National Center for Health Statistics, 1 992), and 5 . 2 years in 2004. Some changes in behavior between the sexes, such as increased smoking among women, have narrowed the gap between men's formerly higher mortality rates from lung cancer, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, and ischemic heart disease (Waldron, 1 995). Figures 20. 1 and 20.2 illustrate shifting patterns of life expectancy by race and gender across the past four decades (Kung, Hoyert, Xu, & Murphy, 200S). In summary, both biological and sociocul­ tural processes help to shape patterns of men's and women's mortality.

ARTICLE 20

Masculinities and Men's Health

245

8.0

Female-male life expectancy

7.5

"2

:c

>­ u c

rg

u OJ 0X OJ

� c

OJ u

7.0 6.5 6.0 5.5

White-black life expectancy

�

5.0

o

0

•

FIGURE

�

lL��� �� 2005 1985 1975

1990

1980

19 9 5

2000

20.1

Difference i n Life Expectancy between M ales and Females , and between Black and W hite: U n ited States, 1975-2005

Morbidity While females generally outlive males, females report higher morbidity (or sickness) rates even after controlling for maternity. U. S. national health surveys show that females experience acute illnesses, such as respiratory conditions,

infective and parasitic conditions, and digestive system disorders, at higher rates than males do, with the exception of injuries (Cypress, 1 98 1 ; Dawson & Adams, 1 987). Men's higher injury rates are partly owed to gender differences in socialization and lifestyle; for example, learning

85 .

White female

80 75 V'>

13 >-

70

.:":.:":::_-1'::':: ':: : :: :: :: ::' Black fe "!� I� � :- :: _ �

, , - - ,

, � - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

- ,

:: ::: : : : :: ... '"" '"

_ - - - - - - - - - -

- - - - -

- - - - - - � - - -

White male

65

Black male 60 o

•

1�� ,

� � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � � �

1970

FIGURE

1975

1980

1985

1990

20.2

Life Expectancy by Race and Sex: U nited States , 1970-2005

1995

2000

2005

246

PART FIVE

Men and Health

to prove manhood through recklessness, involve­ ment in contact sports, working in risky blue-col­ lar occupations. Women are generally more likely than males to experience chronic conditions such as anemia, chronic enteritis and colitis, migraine headaches, arthritis, diabetes, and thyroid disease. However, males are more prone to develop chronic illnesses such as coronary heart disease, emphysema, and gout. While chronic conditions do not ordinarily cause death, they often limit activity or cause disability. Finally, a lot of phar­ maceutical advertising aims to convince people that they are sick or need to see a doctor when, in fact, they are not clinically ill (Brownlee, 2007). Much of this type of "direct to consumer" adver­ tising has been geared to women, but greater mar­ keting efforts are now geared to men. Men's rate of "morbidity" may be increasing as a result. Biology

+

Society

+

Culture

=

Complexity

In addition to gender, a highly complex set of global, social, cultural, psychological, racial, and ethnic factors influence variations in men's and women's health (Payne, 2006). Understanding the disparate mortality and morbidity rates between men and women is further complicated by the emphasis on gender differences itself, which, ironically, has been part of traditional patriarchal beliefs and. much Second Wave feminist thought (Sabo, 2005). Whereas patriarchal culture exag­ gerated differences between men and women, and masculinity and femininity, Second Wave feminists theorized a "presumed oppositionality" between men and women, and masculinity and femininity (Digby, 1 998). Epidemiologically, however, the emphasis on differences can some­ times hide similarities. For example, MacIntyre, Hunt, and Sweeting ( 1996) questioned the con­ ventional wisdom that in industrialized countries men die earlier than women, and that women get sick more often than men. They studied health data sets from both Scotland and the United Kingdom and found that, after controlling for age, statistically significant differences between many of men's and women's self-reported psy­ chological and physical symptoms disappeared.

They concluded that both differences and similar­ ities in men's and women's health exist and, fur­ thermore, that changes in gender relations during recent decades "may produce changes in men's and women's experiences of health and illness" (p. 623). In summary, although some gender differ­ ences in mortality and morbidity are associated with biological or genetic processes, or with reproductive biology (e.g., testicular or prostate cancer), it is increasingly evident that the largest variations in men's and women's health are related to shifting social, economic, cultural, and behavioral factors (Courtenay, McCreary, & Merighi, 2002; Kandrack, Grant, & Segall, 1 991). For this reason, Schofield et al. (2000) critiqued the prevailing "men's health discourse," which too often equates "men's health" to the delivery of biomedical services to men, or to private sector marketing services or products designed to enhance "men's health." They reject lumping "all men" into statistical comparisons between men's and women's health outcomes because, mainly, it is disadvantaged men (e.g. , poor men, men of color, uninsured men, gay men) who dispropor­ tionately contribute to men's collective higher mortality and morbidity rates in comparison to women. As Keeling (2000) writes, "So it is that there is no single, unitary men's health-instead, sexual orientation, race, socioeconomic status, and culture all intervene to affect the overall health status of each man and of men of various classes or groups" (p. 1 0 1 ) .

Masculinities and Men's Health There is no such thing as masculinity; there are only masculinities (Sabo & Gordon, 1 995). A limitation of early gender theory was its treat­ ment of " all men" as a single, large category in relation to "all women" (Connell, 2000). The fact is, however, that all men are not alike, nor do all male groups share the same stakes in the gender order. At any given historical moment, there are competing masculinities-some dominant, some marginalized, and some stigmatized-each with

ARTICLE 20

their respective structural, psychosocial, and cul­ tural moorings. There are substantial differences between the health options of homeless men, working-class men, underclass men, gay men, men with AIDS, prison inmates, men of color, and their comparatively advantaged middle- and upper-class, Caucasian, professional male coun­ terparts. Similarly, there exists a wide range of individual differences between the ways that men and women act out "femininity" and "masculin­ ity" in their everyday lives. A health profile o f several male groups i s discussed below. Adolescent Males Pleck, Sonenstein, and Ku ( 1992) applied critical feminist perspectives to their research on problem behaviors and health among adolescent males. A national sample of adolescent males, never-mar­ ried males aged 1 5-19 were interviewed in 1 980 and 1 988. They tested whether the extent that young men identified with traditionally mascu­ line attitudes increased their risk for an array of problem behaviors. The findings showed a signif­ icant, independent association with seven of ten problem behaviors. Specifically, traditionally mas­ culine attitudes were associated with being sus­ pended from school, drinking and use of street drugs, frequency of being picked up by the police, being sexllally active, the number of heterosexual partners in the last year, and tricking or forcing someone to have sex. These kinds of behaviors, which are in part expressions of the pursuit of tra­ ditional masculinity, elevate boys' risk for sexu­ ally transmitted diseases, HIV transmission, and early death by accident or homicide. At the same time, however, these same behaviors can also encourage victimization of women through men's violence, sexual assault, unwanted teenage pregnancy, and sexually transmitted diseases. Today not as many young men may buy into traditional "macho" identities. But traditional masculinities remain plentiful in media, school subcultures, locker rooms, advertising, gangs, the military, and other institutions. We can only spec­ ulate about the links between traditional mas­ culinities and the health risk behaviors of 1 0-24

Masculinities and Men's Health

247

year-old males in the United States, for whom four main causes are responsible for 72% of their deaths: homicide, motor-vehicle accidents, sui­ cide, and unintentional injuries (Eaton et aI. , 2006). Finally, adolescence is a phase of accelerated physiological development and, contrary to many people's beliefs, more boys than girls are classi­ fied as "obese." Obesity puts adults at risk for a variety of diseases such as coronary heart disease, diabetes mellitus, j oint disease, and certain can­ cers. Obese adolescents often become obese adults, thus elevating long-term risk for illness. Obesity among both boys and girls has been increasing; for example, the percentage of over­ weight children aged 1 2-19 moved from 5% in 1970 to 14% in 1999 (National Health and Nutri­ tion Examination Survey [NHANES] , 2003). Between 1 988 and 1 994, about 1 1 .3% of all boys in this age group were overweight compared with 9.7% of all girls. Adolescents from racial! ethnic minorities were especially likely to be overweight. Among non-Hispanic blacks, 10.7% of boys and 16.3% of girls were overweight, and among Mex­ ican Americans, the corresponding proportions were 1 4 . 1 % for boys and 1 3 .5% for girls (NHANES, 2003). In 2007, 1 6.3% of high school males were obese compared with 9.6% of females (Eaton et aI. , 2006).

Men of Color Patterns of health and illness among men of color can be partly understood against the histor­ ical and social context of economic inequality. Generally, because African Americans, Hispan­ ics, and Native Americans are disproportionately poor, they are more apt to work in low-paying and dangerous occupations, live in polluted envi­ ronments, be exposed to toxic substances, experi­ ence the threat and reality of crime, and worry about meeting basic needs. Cultural barriers can also complicate their access to available health care. Poverty is correlated with lower educational attainment which, in turn, works against adop­ tion of preventive health behaviors.

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PART FIVE

Men and Health

Compared with Caucasians, African Amer­

social marginalization such as school drop-out,

icans experience twice as much infant mortality,

sense of hopelessness, experience of prejudice,

are twice as likely to die from diabetes-related

poor nutrition, and lack of regular health care.

80% more strokes, have 20-40% higher rates of cancer, and have 5-7

Hispanic males also show more signs of ill health

complications, have

than their Caucasian counterparts. One explana­

years less life expectancy (Burrus, Liburd, & Bur­

tion is that the growing numbers of both docu­

1 998; Chin, Zhang, & Merrell, 1 998; Straub, 1 994; Wingo et al. , 1 996). The age­ adjusted death rate is greater for men in all racial! ethnic groups: 1 . 7 times greater among African Americans, 1 . 8 times greater among Asians, and 1 . 5 times greater among Latinos /Hispanics (Collins, Hall, & Neuhaus, 1 999; Courtenay, McCreary & Merighi, 2002).

mented and undocumented Hispanic males in the

The neglect of the public health in the

play between gender, race/ ethnicity, cultural dif­

United States is particularly pronounced in rela­

ferences, and economic conditions when working

roughs,

tion to African Americans (Polych & Sabo,

2001).

U.S. work force in recent decades, particularly in blue-collar jobs (e.g. , construction, agriculture, warehousing) , contributed to high rates of work­ related injuries and deaths between (Mortality [MMWR] ,

and

Morbidity

1 992-2006

Weekly

Report

2008). Those who care about men's

health, therefore, need to be attuned to the inter­

with diverse populations.

Even though African American men have higher rates of alcoholism, infectious diseases, and drug­ related conditions, for example, they are less apt

Gay and Bisexual Men

to receive health care and, when they do, they are

Gay and bisexual men are estimated to be any­

more apt to receive inferior care (Bullard,

1 992).

where from

5 to 1 0 percent of the male popula­

The statistics below document the woeful state of

tion. In the past, gay men have been viewed as

African-American men's health.

evil, sinful, sick, emotionally immature, and

•

The leading cause of death among

1 8-34

year-old African American males is homi­ cide (National Vital Statistics Reports, 2006). •

Whil� 2 1 % of nonelderly Asian men and 1 6% of non-Hispanic Caucasian men had no health insurance in

2005, 25% of African

American men had no coverage (CDC, April

2, 2006). •

When it comes to HIV/AIDS, heart disease, prostate cancer, colon cancer, and lung can­ cer, African American males have higher death rates than men from other racial groups (Kaiser Family Foundation,

2007).

The health profile of many other men of color is also poor. Compared to the " all race"

socially undesirable. Many health professionals and the wider public have harbored mixed feel­ ings and homophobic attitudes toward gay and bisexual men. Gay men's identity, their lifestyles, and the social responses to homosexuality can impact the health of gay and bisexual men. Stigmatization and marginalization, for example, may lead to emotional confusion and suicide among gay male adolescents. For gay and bisex­ ual men who are "in the closet," anxiety and stress can tax emotional and physical health. When seeking medical services, gay and bisexual men must often cope with the homophobia of health care workers or deal with the threat of los­ ing health care insurance if their sexual orienta­ tion is made known.

population, for example, Native American youth

Whether they are straight or gay, men tend to

exhibit more serious problems in the areas of

have more sexual contacts than women do, which

depression, suicide, anxiety, alcohol and sub­

heightens men's risk for STD's. Men's sexual atti­

stance use, and general health status (Blum et al. ,

tudes and behaviors are closely tied to the way

1 992). The health problems facing American and

masculinity has been socially constructed. For

Canadian natives are correlates of poverty and

example, "real" men are taught to suppress their

ARTIC LE 20

emotions, which can lead to a separation of sex from feeling. Traditionally, men are also encour­ aged to be daring, which can lead to risky sexual decisions. In addition, contrary to common myths about gay male effeminacy, masculinity also plays a powerful role in shaping gay and bisexual men's identity and behavior. To the extent that traditional masculinity informs sexual activity _of men, masculinity can be a barrier to safer sexual behavior among men. Although rates of sexually transmitted dis­ ease declined in the 1 980s among American men who had sex with men (MSM), data gathered in some cities indicate a resurgent trend toward increased prevalence rates since 1 993 (Fox et al. , 200 1 ) . These latter data may mean that more MSM are engaging in sexual behaviors that ele­ vate risk for contagion, such as unprotected anal and oral sex. Other researchers suggest that some risky sexual behaviors among MSM are related to polysubstance abuse. One American Medical Association council report (1 996) estimated the prevalence of substance abuse among gay men and lesbians at 28-35%, compared with a 1 0-21 % rate for heterosexuals. Some studies of gay communities have found higher rates of sub­ stance use (e.g. , heavy drinking, amphetamines, heroin, and Ecstasy) than among heterosexual males (CJ:osby, Stall, Paul, & Barrett, 1 998; Klitz­ man, Pope, & Hudson, 2000). In the United States and Canada, MSM remain a large risk group for HIV transmission (especially among Caucasian men). For gay and bisexual men who are infected by the HIV virus, the personal burden of living with an AIDS diag­ nosis is made heavier by the stigma associated with homosexuality. The cultural meanings asso­ ciated with AIDS can also filter into gender and sexual identities. Tewksbury's ( 1 995) interviews with 45 HIV + gay men showed how masculinity, sexuality, stigmatization, and interpersonal com­ mitment mesh in the decision making around risky sexual behavior. Most of the men practice d celibacy in order t o prevent others from contract­ ing the disease, others practiced safe sex, and a few went on having unprotected sex.

Masculinities and Men's Health

249

Prison Inmates In 2006 there were 2,258,983 prisoners in federal or state prisons or in local jails (D. S. Department of Justice, 2006). The United States has the high­ est rate of incarceration of any nation in the world, and racial and ethnic minorities are over­ represented among those behind bars. In many states, black and Hispanic males comprise the majority of prisoners (Mauer, 1 999). Among African American males born between 1 965 and 1 969, for example, 20% spent time in prison in their teens or twenties (Treadwell & Nottingham, 2005). The prison system acts as a pocket of risk, within which men already at greater risk of a pre­ existing Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) infection, are, because of prison condi­ tions, yet again exposed to heightened risk of con­ tracting Human Immunodeficiency Virus (HIV) or other infections such as tuberculosis (TB) or hepatitis (Polych & Sabo, 200 1). The corrections system is part of an institutional chain that facil­ itates transmission of HIV and other infections in certain North American populations, parti­ cularly among poor, inner-city, men of color. Prisoners are burdened not only by social disad­ vantage but also by high rates of physical illness, mental disorder, and substance use that jeopar­ dize their health. HIVI AIDS prevalence is markedly higher among state and federal inmates than in the gen­ eral U. S. population (Maruschak, 2003; McQuil­ lan, Kottiri, & Kruszon-Moran, 2007). Many men already have AIDS at the time of admission (Mumola, 2007). Inside prisons, the HIV virus is primarily transmitted between adults by unpro­ tected penetrative sex, or needle sharing without bleaching, with an infected partner. Sexual con­ tacts between prisoners occur mainly through consensual unions and secondarily through sex­ ual assault and rape (Kupers, 200 1 ) . The amount of IV drug use behind prison walls is unknown, although it is known to be prevalent, and that the scarcity of needles often leads to needle and sharps sharing.

250

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The failure to provide comprehensive health education and treatment interventions in prisons is not only putting more inmates at risk for HIV infections, but also the public at large. Prisons are not hermetically sealed enclaves set apart from the community, but an integral part of society. Prisoners regularly move in and out of the prison system, and this means that they often return to their communities after having served their sen­ tences. Indeed, several hundred thousand prison­ ers are released each year, while hundreds of thousands return to the prison system. The extent to which the drug-related social practices and sex­ ual activities of released and/ or paroled inmates who are HIV positive is putting others at risk upon return to their communities is umesearched and unknown (Polych & Sabo, 200 1 ) . Many prison sentences became longer dur­ ing the past few decades. One consequence is that more prisoners are now age 50 or older. The "graying" of the prison population is placing more demands on the system to attend to both the physical and mental health needs of men behind bars (Day, 2003). Heart disease, cancer, and liver diseases are likely to top the list of ail­ ments for this aging population (Mumola, 2007). Many older men will also be among the more than half of U.S. prison and j ail prisoners who are dealing with a mental illness (James & Glaze, 2006). Male Athletes Injury is everywhere in sport. It is evident in the lives and bodies of athletes who regularly experi­ ence bruises, torn ligaments, broken bones, aches, lacerations, muscle tears, and so forth. There were an estimated 1 ,442,533 injuries to U.S. high school athletes in nine popular sports during the 2005-06 school year (MMWR, Sept. 29, 2006a). Football players and wrestlers had the highest injury rates. Critics of violent contact sports claim that athletes are paying too high a physical price for their participation. George D. Lundberg (1 994), former editor of the Journal of the Ameri­ can Medical Association, called for a ban on boxing in the Olympics and in the United States military.

His editorial entreaty, while based on clinical evi­ dence for neurological harm from boxing, was also couched in a wider critique of the exploita­ tive economics of the sport. Injuries are basically unavoidable in sports but, in traditional men's sports, there has been a tendency to glorify pain and injury, to inflict injury on others, and to sacrifice one's body in order to "win at all costs. " Some men's sport sub­ cultures such as football, hockey, and rodeo raise risk-taking to the level of male heroism (Frey, Pre­ ston & Bernhard, 2004). The "no pain, no gain" philosophy, which is rooted in traditional cultural equations between masculinity and sports, can jeopardize the health of athletes who conform to its ethos (Sabo, 2004). It is often difficult for injured athletes to figure out when to push them­ selves to compete or to back off and heal. For example, Tiger Woods played in pain and won the 2008 U. S. Open only weeks after knee surgery. Right after the event, he admitted that doctors had told him it might not be a good idea to play. When asked why he played in spite of the pain and risks for complication, he explained, "You just keep playing. Like one of my buddies, we always used to joke 'How many reps you got?' And we used to say 'Four? No, it's forever' . " (Golf Channel & Yahoo. com videoclip, June 1 7, 2008). Hopefully, his decision will not contribute to serious future medical complications. But for some young athletes the mind-over-matter and macho-over-medicine credo of "hang tough" leads to permanent damage and a sad end to their dreams. The connections between sport, masculinity, and health risks are also evident in Klein's ( 1 993) study of how bodybuilders use anabolic steroids, overtrain, and engage in extreme dietary prac­ tices. He spent years as an ethnographic researcher in the muscled world of the body­ building subculture, where masculinity is equated to maximum muscularity and men's striving for bigness and physical strength hide emotional insecurity and low self-esteem. Klein lays bare a tragic irony in American culture; that is, that the powerful male athlete, a symbol of strength and

A RT I C LE 20

health, has often sacrificed his health in pursuit of ideal masculinity (Messner & Sabo, 1 994). An early nationwide survey of American male high school seniors found that 6.6% used or had used anabolic steroids. About two-thirds of the steroid users were athletes (Buckley et aI. , 1 988). Since that time extensive use o f anabolic steroids has been uncovered in professional base­ ball and football, Olympic weight lifting, and international cycling. Anabolic steroid use is now also happening among boys (and girls) involved with youth and recreational sports (Bahrke et aI. , 2000). Anabolic steroid use has been linked to physical health risks such as liver disease, kidney problems, atrophy of the testicles, elevated risk for injury, and premature skeletal maturation. The use of anabolic steroid by young males makes it more likely that they engage in other health risk behaviors such as fighting, driving without a seatbelt, drug and alcohol use, and sui­ cide (Miller et aI. , 2002). Finally, high school athletic participation is associated with a variety of health benefits for boys. Male high school athletes are less likely than nonathletes to use marijuana, cocaine, crack cocaine, and inhalants (Miller et aI. , 2001). Fewer athletes than nonathletes start smoking cigarettes (Melnick et aI. , 2001). High school athletes also have higher odds of using seatbelts than their nonathletIc counterparts (Melnick et aI., 2005). A key question for men's health is whether youth­ ful involve;ment with sport gets translated into greater physical activity in older men's lives. Phys­ ical activity helps adult males (and females) reduce their overall risk for heart disease and cer­ tain cancers. Regretfully, however, little is known about the extent that youthful involvement with sports contributes to a physically active lifestyle among adults. Infertile Men Millions of American couples experience diffi­ culty conceiving a pregnancy. Although factors related to infertility can be found in both sexes, the bulk of extant research focuses on the psy­ chosocial aspects of women's experiences with

Masculinities and Men's Health

251

involuntary childlessness and in vitro fertilization (Daniluk, 1 997; Nachtigall, Becker, & Wozny, 1 992). In one of the few studies of men's experi­ ences, Webb and Daniluk ( 1 999) interviewed men who had never biologically fathered a child and were the sole cause of the infertility in their mar­ riages. They found that men experienced a "tremendous blow to their masculine identities" (p. 2 1 ) , profound grief and loss, loss of control, personal inadequacy, isolation, a sense of fore­ boding, and a desire to overcome and survive. They recommend that both "infertile men and women receive compassionate support when faced with negotiating this challenging life tran­ sition" (p. 23).

Men's Health Issues Advocates for men's health have identified a vari­ ety of issues that impact directly on men's lives. Some of these issues may concern you or men you care about. Testicular Cancer Though relatively rare in the general population ( 1 % of all cancers in men), it is the most common cancer among 1 5-34 year-old males (American Cancer Society, 2005). The incidence of testicular cancer is increasing, doubling during the past 40 years, and accounting for about 8,000 new cases and 390 deaths per year (Ibid.). If detected early, the cure rate is high, while delayed diagnosis can be life-threatening. Regular testicular self-exami­ nation (TSE), therefore, is a potentially effective preventive means for insuring early detection and successful treatment. Regretfully, however, most physicians do not teach TSE techniques. Although testicular cancer rates are increas­ ing in many countries, mortality rates have declined in the European Union, Eastern Europe, Japan, the United States, and Canada (Levi, LaVecchia, Boyle, Lucchini, & Negri, 200 1 ) . Declining mortality i s likely due t o advances in medical diagnosis and treatment, early detection, TSE, and greater educational awareness among males. Finally, survivors of testicular cancer

252

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Men and Health

generally go on to have physically and emotion­ ally healthy lives (Rudberg, Nilsson, & Wikblad, 2000). Denial may influence men's perceptions of testicular cancer and TSE (Blesch, 1 986). Studies show that most males are not aware of testicular cancer and, even among those who are aware, many are reluctant to examine their testicles as a preventive measure. Even when symptoms are recognized, men sometimes postpone seeking treatment. Moreover, men who are taught TSE are often initially receptive, but the practice of TSE decreases over time. Men's resistance to TSE has been linked to awkwardness about touching themselves, associating touching genitals with homosexuality or masturbation, or the idea that TSE is not a manly behavior. And finally, men's individual reluctance to discuss testicular cancer partly derives from the widespread cultural silences that envelope it. The penis is a cultural symbol of male power, authority, and sexual domination. Its symbolic efficacy in traditional, male-dominated gender relations, therefore, would be eroded or neutralized by the realities of testicular cancer. Diseases of the Prostate Middle-aged and elderly men are likely to develop medical problems with the prostate gland. The older men get, the more likely it is that they will develop prostate cancer. Some men may experi­ ence benign prostatic hyperplasia, an enlarge­ ment of the prostate gland that is associated with symptoms such as dribbling after urination, fre­ quent urination, or incontinence. Others may develop infections (prostatitis) or malignant prostatic hyperplasia (prostate cancer). Prostate cancer is diagnosed more frequently in Canada and the United States than any other cancer (McDavid, Lee, Fulton, Tonita, & Thompson, 2004). One in six men develop this cancer during their lifetime, with African American males showing a higher prevalence rate than their Cau­ casian counterparts (American Cancer Society, 2007; Jones et al., 2007). While the incidence of prostate cancer has been increasing in recent

decades, earlier diagnosis and treatment have reduced mortality. Treatments for prostate problems depend on the specific diagnosis and may range from med­ ication to radiation and surgery. As is the case with testicular cancer, survival from prostate can­ cer is enhanced by early detection. Raising men's awareness about the health risks associated with the prostate gland, therefore, may prevent unnec­ essary morbidity and mortality. Finally, more invasive surgical treatments for prostate cancer can produce incontinence and impotence, so men should diligently explore their medical options. Men are also beginning to talk about their physi­ cal, emotional, and sexual experiences following treatment for prostate cancer (Gray, 2005). Alcohol Use While social and medical problems stemming from alcohol abuse involve both sexes, males comprise the largest segment of alcohol abusers. Some researchers have begun exploring the con­ nections between traditional masculinity and alcohol abuse. Mass media often sensationalize links between booze and male bravado. For decades male stereotypes have been used in beer commercials to promote beer drinking as a reward for a job well done or to glorify daring, male friendship, or romantic success with women (Postman, Nystrom, Strate, & Weingartner, 1 987). The combination of beer and liquor ads with sports imagery is a common advertising ploy to entice males to consume alcohol products (Messner & Montez de Oca, 2005). Alcohol use is now highly prevalent among U. S. teenagers. More than half (55%) of youth in 2007 reported they had gotten drunk "at least once" in their lives by 1 2th grade, compared to about 1 in 5 ( 1 8%) of 8th graders (Johnston, O 'Malley, Bachman, & Schulenberg, 2008). While boys typically have showed higher rates of heavy drinking in the past, 8th and 1 0th grade girls now match boys' rates (Ibid). Findings from a 1 999 Harvard School of Public Health nationwide survey of U.S. college students found that 44% engaged in "binge drink-

ARTICLE 20

ing," defined as drinking five drinks in rapid suc­ cession for males and four drinks for females (Wechsler, 2005). Males were more apt to report binge drinking during the past two weeks than females; 5 1 % and 40% respectively. Males who were frequent binge-drinkers were more likely than non-binge-drinking males to report driving after drinking, missing class, engaging in unplanned sexual behavior, falling behind in school work, being hurt or injured and having trouble with campus police. Between 1 999 and 2005, about twice as many men as women died from alcohol-induced causes (National Vital Statistics Reports, 2006). Alcohol-related automobile accidents are the top cause of death among 1 6-24 year-olds. The num­ ber of automobile fatalities among male adoles­ cents that result from a mixture of alcohol abuse and masculine daring is unknown. Alcohol use is frequently involved with the four leading causes of death among youth and young adults-motor vehicle accidents, unintentional injuries, homi­ cide, and suicide (Eaton et aI., 2006). However, readers can assess the links between alcohol use and men's greater risks for accidents in this con­ text. Even though heart disease is the leading health risk for US. men across all age groups, from childhood through age 44 it is unintentional injuries that are the greatest threats to men's lives (Mayo Clinic, 2008). Men and H IVjAIDS Human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) infection became a major cause of death among U.S. males in the 1980s. By 1 990, among men aged 25-44, HIV infection was the second leading cause of death, compared to the sixth leading cause of death among same-age women (MMWR, 1 993a). It is now estimated that about one mil­ lion persons in the United States live with HIY. Among reported cases of acquired immunodefi­ ciency syndrome (AIDS) for adolescent and adult men at the end of 2006, 59% were men who had sex with other men, 20% percent were injecting drug users, 1 1 % percent were exposed through heterosexual sexual contact, 8% percent were

Masculinities and Men's Health

253

men who had sex with men and injected drugs (Noble, 2008). Among U S. adolescent and adult women living with AIDS in 2006, 65% were exposed through heterosexual contact, 33% were injecting drug users, and 3% had other or unknown risks (MMWR, 2006b). Because most AIDS cases have been among men who have sex with other men, perceptions of the epidemic and its victims have been tinc­ tured by sexual attitudes. In North American cul­ tures, the stigma associated with AIDS is fused with stigma complicated by homophobia. Thoughts and feelings about men with AIDS are also influenced by attitudes toward race, ethnicity, drug abuse, and social marginality. CDC data show, for example, that African Americans, who are about 14% of the total U S. population, com­ prised 49% of both new HIV cases and new AIDS diagnoses in 2006 (Noble, 2008). African Americans (not Hispanic) were 38.2% of all the estimated adult and adolescent males living with AIDS between 1 98 1 and 2006 (MMWR, 2006b). (The corresponding estimate for African Ameri­ can (not Hispanic) females is 62%.) Courtenay (2008) reports that one in four males who die from HIV infection is African American, and among college-age African American men, the HIV infection rate is three times greater than the rate of their Caucasian American counterparts. The high rate of AIDS among racial and ethnic minorities can kindle racial prejudices in some minds, and AIDS is sometimes seen as a "minor­ ity disease. " While African American or Hispanic males may be at greater risk of contracting HIV IAIDS, just as yellow fingers do not cause lung disease, it is not their race or ethnicity that confers risk, but the behaviors they engage in and the social circumstances of their lives (Polych & Sabo, 200 1 ) . Perceptions o f HIVIAIDS can also b e influ­ enced by attitudes toward poverty and poor peo­ ple (Zieler & Krieger, 1 997). HIV infection is linked to economic problems that include com­ munity disintegration, unemployment, home­ lessness, eroding urban tax bases, mental illness, substance use, and criminalization (Wallace,

254

PART FIVE

Men and Health

1991). For example, males comprise the majority of homeless persons and runaway children. Poverty and adult homelessness and running away from home among children overlap with drug addiction and sexual victimization which, in turn, are linked to HIV infection. Suicide

Centers for Disease Control data show that males are more likely than females to commit suicide (Suicide.org, 2008). In 200 1 an estimated 1 .3% of all deaths were due to suicide, with one 1 5-24 year-old dying by suicide every 97 minutes. Sui­ cide is the eleventh leading cause of death among Americans, and the second leading cause of death for college students. For each one female to die by suicide, there are four males who do so. Among racial and ethnic groups, it is Caucasian males have are most likely to commit suicide, especially if they are elderly, accounting for 73% of all suicide deaths during 200 1 . During 2004 elderly males (65+) in the United States commit­ ted suicide more than seven times more often than elderly females (respectively, 29 suicides per 1 00,000 versus 3 . 8 per 1 00 ,000) (Suicide.org, 2008). Compared to females, males typically deploy more violent means of attempting suicide (e.g., guns or hanging versus pills) and are more likely to complete the act. Men's selection of more violent methods to kill themselves is con­ sistent with traditionally masculine behavior Canetfo ( 1 995) interviewed male survivors of suicide attempts in order to better understand sex differences in suicidal behavior. While she recognizes that men's psychosocial reactions and adjustments to nonfatal suicide vary by race/ eth­ nicity, socioeconomic status, and age, she also finds that gender identity is an important factor in men's experiences. Suicide data show that men attempt suicide less often than women but are more likely to die than women. Carretto indicates that men's comparative "success" rate points toward a tragic irony in that, consistent with gen­ der stereotypes, men's failure even at suicide undercuts the cultural mandate that men are sup­ posed to succeed at everything. A lack of embroil­ ment in traditionally masculine expectations, she

suggests, may actually increase the likelihood of surviving a suicide attempt for some men. Erectile Dysfunction

Erectile Dysfunction is basically a partial or com­ plete inability to get and maintain an erection. Men often joke about their penises or tease one another about penis size and erectile potency (i.e., "not getting it up"). In contrast, they rarely dis­ cuss their concerns about erectile dysfunction (ED) in a serious way. Men's silences about ED are regrettable in that many men, both young and old, experience recurrent or periodic difficulties getting or maintaining an erection. ED usually has physical causes, happens mostly to older men, and is frequently treatable. Estimates of the num­ ber of American men with erectile disorders range from 10 million to 30 million (Minnesota Men's Health Center, 2008). Some main risk fac­ tors for ED are diabetes, smoking, and aging. During the 1960s and 1 970s, erectile disor­ ders were largely thought to stem from psycho­ logical problems such as depression, financial worries, or work-related stress. Masculine stereo­ types about male sexual prowess, phallic power, or being in charge of lovemaking were also said to put too much pressure on some males to perform. Today, however, physiological explanations of ED and medical treatments have been increas­ ingly emphasized. Finally, the marketing and availability of drugs like Viagra to treat ED have inadvertently spawned a wave of recreational drug use (Brown­ lee, 2007) . Younger men may mix Viagra with other club drugs at rave parties or for all-night sex. Some evidence shows that Viagra use is greater among MSMs and heterosexuals who use other kinds of drugs during sex which, in turn, can lead to other forms of sexual risk taking (Fisher et aI., 2006). Men's Violence

Men's violence is a major public health problem. The traditional masculine ideal calls on males to be aggressive and tough. Anger is a by-product of aggression and toughness and, ultimately, part of the inner terrain of traditional masculinity.

ARTIC LE 20

Images of angry young men are compelling vehi­ cles used by some males to separate themselves from women and to measure their status in respect to other males. Men's anger and violence derive, in part, from sex inequality. Men use the threat andlor application of violence to maintain their political and economic advantage over women and lower-status men. Male socialization reflects and reinforces these larger patterns of domination. The homicide rate is highest among U. S. 1 5- 1 9 year-old males ( 1 3 1 1 00,000 standard population) followed by 25-34 year-olds ( 1 1 1 8 1 00,000) (Kung, Hoyert, Xu, & Murphy, 2008). In 2005 males were almost four times more likely than females to die from homicide (9.8/100,000 and 2 . 5 1 1 00,000, respectively). The convergence of race, ethnicity, and economic inequalities also shapes risk for death from homicide, with death rates among African American males at 39.71 1 00,000, Caucasian males at 5.41 100,000, and Hispanic males at 1 3 .61 1 00,000. Finally, 65.3% of men's homicide victims in 2005 were other men (U.S. Department of Justice, 2008). Women are especially victimized by men's anger and violence in the form of rape, date rape, wife beating, assault, sexual harassment on the job, and verbal harassment (Katz, 2006). That the reality al1d potential of men's violence impacts women's mental and physical health is safely assumed. However, men's violence also exacts a toll on men themselves in the forms of fighting, gang clashes, hazing, gay-bashing, intentional infliction of injury, homicide, suicide, and orga­ nized warfare.2 War, a form of institutionalized violence, has always been a predominantly male activity (Mal­ szecki & Carver, 2001) that exacted high rates of morbidity and mortality among its participants. Warriors were taught to conform to a type of tra­ ditional masculinity that embodies violence­ proneness, toughness, and obedience to male authority. The negative health consequences of war for both sexes are painfully evident. Many boys and men, who are disproportionately enlisted to fight in wars, are killed or physically and psy­ chologically maimed, whereas elite male groups

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255

may profit or solidify political power through warfare. Men's violence on the patriarchal battle­ fields also often spills over into civilian popula­ tions, where women and children are victimized (Brownmiller, 1975; Chang, 1 997). As Sen (1 997) observed, "Historically, wars between nations, classes, castes, races, have been fought on the bat­ tlefield on the bodies of men, and off the battle­ field on the bodies of women" (p. 12). Recent expressions of the militarization of men's vio­ lence, partly inspired and fueled by traditional masculinities, can be found in the Taliban of Afghanistan, the Darfur region of Sudan, terror­ ist movements, and the war in Iraq.

Male Victims of Sexual Assault

Sexual violence typically involves a male perpe­ trator and female victim. Whereas researchers and public health advocates began to recognize the sexual victimization of women in Western countries during the late 1 960s, it was not until the latter 1990s that the sexual abuse of males began to receive systematic scrutiny from human service professionals and gender researchers (O'Leary, 200 1). Recognition of the issue in Canada was spurred by media coverage of the sexual abuse of youth hockey players by their coaches (Robinson, 1998). Prison reformers have recently decried man-on-man rape in North American prisons (see www.stopprisonerrape. org). The alleged cover-ups by Catholic bishops in the United States, in relation to some priests' pedophilic exploitation of boys, and the activism and litigation of victims have expanded public awareness of the problem. Despite growing pub­ lic recognition, research in this area is rare, and little is know about the prevalence of sexual abuse of boys and its psychosocial effects (Dhaliwal, Gauzas, Antonowicz, & Ross, 1 996). Some stud­ ies show that males who suffer sexual victimiza­ tion as children experience lasting self-blame, feelings of powerlessness and stigmatization, sus­ picion of others, and confusion about sexual identity, and some eventually repeat the cycle by victimizing others as adolescents and adults (Messerschmidt, 2000; O'Leary, 200 1).

256

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Men and Health

Summary Traditional images of muscled, invulnerable, dar­ ing, unemotional, and risk-taking masculinity are still a big part of the culture. Each summer Hol­ lywood pumps old patriarchal blood into the newest cinemagraphic renderings of superheroes like the Hulk, Iron Man, Spiderman, the X-Men, and Fantastic Four. It is ironic, however, that two of the best known actors who portrayed Super­ man met with real-life disaster. George Reeves, who starred in the original black-and-white tele­ vision show, committed suicide, and Christopher Reeves, who portrayed the "man of steel" in re­ cent film versions, was paralyzed by an accident during a high-risk equestrian event. Perhaps one lesson to be learned here is that, behind the cul­ tural facade of mythic masculinity, men are vul­ nerable. Indeed, as we have seen in this chapter, some of the cultural messages sewn into the cloak of masculinity can put men at risk for illness and early death. A sensible preventive health strategy for men today is to critically evaluate the Super­ man legacy, that is, to challenge the negative as­ pects of traditional masculinity that endanger their health, while hanging on to the positive as­ pects of masculinity and men's lifestyles that heighten men's physical vitality. Hey guys, enjoy the movies, play with the myths, but don't buy into messages about masculinity that put your well-being at risk. The promotion of men's health requires a sharper recognition that the sources of men's risks for many diseases do not strictly reside in men's psyches, gender identities, or the activities that they enact in daily life. Men's activities, routines, and relations with others are ftxed in the histori­ cal and structural relations that constitute the larger gender order. As we have seen, not all men or male groups share the same access to social re­ sources, educational attainment, and opportunity that, in turn, can influence their health options. Yes, men need to pursue personal change in order to enhance their health, but without changing the political, economic, and ideological structures of the gender order, the subjective gains and insights

forged within individuals can easily erode and fade away. If men are going to pursue self-heal­ ing, therefore, they need to create an overall pre­ ventive strategy that at once seeks to change potentially harmful aspects of traditional mas­ culinity as well as meeting the health needs of lower-status men.

Notes 1. This overview of men's health issues and concerns was updated during summer of 2008. Special thanks to Jill Church at D'YouviIIe College for her library re­ search expertise.

2. For a list of ten ways to stop men's violence go to http://www.jacksonkatz.comitopten.htmI

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Kathleen F. Slevin Thomas J. Linneman

Old Gay Men's Bodies and Masculin ities

I ntroduction There is a relative lack of literature regarding old1 gay men. One reason is that this important pop­ ulation is not easily accessible to researchers. Another factor is the invisibility of these men­ not only in society in general but also within gay communities themselves. Consequently, this paper addresses a much-needed topic for discussion­ not only in the social science literature but also in the masculinities literature. Within the growing literature on masculini­ ties, several claims deserve note. First, given the focus of this paper, it is important to register that notions of masculinity are embodied: the body plays a critical role in how men understand and practice what it means to be a man (Connell 2002). Second, multiple forms of masculinity exist: there are many ways to be a man, based on the various intersections of race/ ethnicity, age, class, and sexuality. Given this plurality of mas­ culinities, it is also the case that some forms of manhood are more honored than others. Hence, hegemonic·masculinity which, while not assumed to be statistically representative among popula­ tions of men, presents exalted ideals or exemplars of masculinity, of the ideal man (e.g., the profes­ sional sports star in contemporary U.S.). Yet, as Connell and Messerschmidt remind us in their recent historical review of the concept of hege­ monic masculinity, scholars need to "eliminate any usage of hegemonic masculinity as a fixed, transhistorical model" (Connell and Messer­ schmidt 2005, 838). Accordingly, understanding Paper presented at the annual meetings of the American Sociological Association, New York, August 2008. Reprint­ ed by permission of Kathleen Slevin and Tom Linneman.

masculinities requires that we acknowledge the complex ways that notions of manhood are dynamic. As well as being shaped by social loca­ tions, they are also influenced by local, regional, and global practices (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005). Thus, in any particular historical moment, men and boys construct, produce, negotiate, and re-negotiate what it means to be a man. Age rela­ tions are centrally important for at least two reasons: first, because hegemonic masculinity honors what is youthful and, second, notions of manhood are not only influenced by age but also are likely to change over an individual's life course. In addition, gender plays a powerful role in how men construct their notions of manhood; masculinity is invariably defined relationally, against the feminine (Hennen 2005). Also wor­ thy of note is the recent documentation of sub­ ordinate or subaltern masculinities that are considered to be inferior variants of the mascu­ line ideal: non-white masculinities, working-class masculinities, older masculinities, and gay mas­ culinities (Chen 1999, Connell 1995, Nardi 2000). Often, researchers analyze each of these mas­ culinities separately, examining how old men are demasculinized (Meadows and Davidson 2006), or how gay men are feminized (Linneman 2008). Increasingly, however, scholars are focusing on the intersections of these subaltern forms (Barrett 2000, Han 2000). It is to this latter development that this paper contributes by studying the masculinities of old, white, privileged gay men. The use of an inter­ sectionality perspective allows us to explore the complexities of how the intersections of various locations such as race, class, gender, sexuality and age shape the ways the men interviewed for this

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study experience what it means to be old men who are both advantaged and disadvantaged by these interlocking systems of power and oppres­ sion. Our attention to age relations and sexuality adds a new perspective to the traditional domi­ nant statuses of race, class, and gender that typi­ cally represent intersectional analyses (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1 991). Indeed, age inequalities are widely ignored, even in feminist literatures (Calasanti and Slevin 2006). Through narrative analysis, this paper explores how ten old gay men talk about their masculinities, and specifically the masculinities of their aging bodies. This qualitative approach, often missing in extant literature, allows these old gay men to tell us how they understand them­ selves as men. It also allows us to make explicit the connections between men's bodies and mas­ culinity (Connell 1995).Thus, we draw attention to old men and their aging bodies-topics largely ignored by scholars (Katz 2005; Calasanti and King 2005; Faircloth 2003; Calasanti and Slevin 200 1 ) . Through a focus on this largely ignored group, we explore how the intersections of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation intersect with age to influence notions of masculinity and aging. We also uncover how old gay men talk about their self-identities as men who are both old and gay, ·as men with at least two negatively "marked identities" (Brekhus 2003: 1 1) . Thus, through them we gain insights into how their notions of embodied masculinity are constructed within a cultural context that stigmatizes both being old and being gay while glorifying youth­ ful and heterosexual notions of masculinity. Nar­ rative analysis provides us a window through which we can glimpse "the contradictory and shifting nature of hegemonic discourse" (Chase 2005). Such analysis allows us to see how these men both create meaning and make sense of what it means to grow old and to be old gay men. It provides us a mechanism to explore the con­ tradictions and messiness of lived experiences, uncovering how "hegemonic masculinity may not be the lived form of masculinity at all" despite the fact that it is a powerful, even dominant script,

against which men judge themselves and others (Thompson and Whearty 2004: 6). As well, these men's narratives allow us to illustrate the compli­ cated nature of how old gay men who are privi­ leged by class and race experience their aging bodies; through their voices we understand better how they work to create and sustain biographical continuity as they sort through and integrate the forces that shape and re-shape their lives. Finally, their stories reveal common threads among the men but they also highlight their diverse and unique experiences. Old Masculinities

In our culture growing old and being old is nowa­ days constructed as a problem-albeit one that we are told is increasingly solvable (Cruikshank 2003). Nowadays consumer society targets the body as central to age-resisting practices and strategies; fighting aging, resisting growing old or looking old is big business (Slevin 2006; Calas­ anti and Slevin, 200 1 ; Gilleard and Higgs 2000). As well, the body is central to ageist notions and practices (Slevin 2006); and, as Laws ( 1 995) reminds us, ageism is an embodied form of oppression. Yet, despite all attempts to fight aging, bodies are more than social constructions, they are subject to biological and physiological constraints and they decline (Turner 1 996). The male body at the height of its productive capaci­ ties is held up as an ideal form of masculinity. This production occurs at a number of sites: eco­ nomic, athletic, and sexual, to name a few. As men enter old age, their productivity within these sites decreases markedly. As Calasanti and Slevin point out: "old age does in fact confer a loss of power, even for those advantaged by other social locations" (Calasanti and Slevin 200 1 , 1 9 1). A common cultural belief holds that men gain power and become men when they achieve the status of economic producers (Emslie et al. 2004). But, as men enter old age and face a new set of socially constructed gender norms, they find themselves increasingly moving from sites of eco­ nomic production such as the workplace to the feminized sphere of the home (Meadows and

ARTICLE 21

Davidson 2006). Their contributions to the econ­ omy occur primarily through consumption and not through production (Calasanti and King 2005). The sporting arena is another institution typ­ ically associated with masculinity (Messner 1 992). The finely tuned male body is idealized both on the playing field and in advertisements. Though the aging male body indeed may suc­ cessfully maintain some presence within certain sporting activities, men must take greater care as their bodies begin their inevitable physical decline (Calasanti 2004). As with economic production, their participation on the sporting field moves to the sidelines and towards consumption. Further­ more, approaches to inevitable physical decline are complicated by gender because seeking health care (a common need in old age) is inconsistent with hegemonic masculinity (McVittie and Willock 2006). Just as male bodily performance decreases on the playing field, many men experience a sim­ ilar decline in the bedroom. Sexual performance among old men certainly has entered the public consciousness through the development of Via­ gra and similar drugs that aim to re-sex the aging male body (Marshall 2006; Loe 2003). A multi­ billion dollar industry has grown around the new expectatiqn that aging men are expected now to "keep it up" as long as possible, and to age more "successfully" than previous generations of old men (Calasanti and King 2005). Recent survey data does show that the old have sex more fre­ quently than previously believed (Lindau et al. 2007). However, loss of ability to perform sexu­ ally, and loss of interest in sex, remain key indi­ cators of old age (Marshall and Katz 2002). As a consequence of these losses and declines the abil­ ity of old men to correspond to the widespread ideals of ideal manhood are both compromised and jeopardized. At every turn, then, the aging male body faces the likelihood of demasculinization. Yet, as Spector-Mercel argues, scholars of masculinity, while focusing on the varied influences of, for example, race, class, culture and sexual orienta-

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tion, have largely disregarded the critical role played by age and life course (Spector-Mersel 2006). She reminds us that the scripts for mas­ culinity in old age are ambiguous and ill-formed; old men not only constitute an ambiguous social category, but also they "live in a hybrid-state" (Spector-Mercel 2006, 68). Thompson further concludes: "To many people, aging is a negation of masculinity, and thus older men become effeminate over time" (Thompson 1 994, 1 3). But, given the dearth of empirical literature on the lived bodily experiences of old people in general what all of this means for their subjective experi­ ences of aging and aging bodies is quite unex­ plored (Slevin 2006). Indeed, we must be wary of assuming that dominant social values, such as those that characterize the aging body as nega­ tive, are synonymous with what old men and women actually experience (Oberg 2003). Gay Masculinities

The hegemonic form of masculinity is youthful and heterosexual. Consequently, homosexuality is routinely associated with gender inversion (Rosenfeld 2003). When a man reveals his homo­ sexuality, regardless of his gender performance, many question his masculinity because of his sex­ ual desires (Kimmel 1 996). Accordingly, much of the demasculinization associated with gay men takes the form of feminization. There is a long history of gay men's feminization. Indeed, the arbiters of this feminizing are often gay men themselves. In the introduction to his important volume on gay masculinities, Nardi titles his introduction "Anything for a Sis, Mary," quoting from the classic gay play "The Boys in the Band." Feminizing camp has a long tradition in gay male culture (Dyer 2002). Even today, the feminization of gay men remains prevalent. For example, the popular pro-gay show "Will & Grace" consis­ tently engaged in feminizing its gay characters hundreds of times, often in moments of conflict where the goal was castigation of the gay men (Linneman 2008). It is important to maintain the distinction between feminization and demas­ culinization, for even if a gay man is not femi-

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nized, he still is often not considered able to live up to the true standards of masculinity. Indeed, openly gay men are virtually shut out of bastions of hegemonic masculinity, such as corporate boardrooms, professional sports teams, and the military. There are communities of gay men, such as the radical faeries and the bears, who actively disrupt the connections between homosexuality and femininity (Hennen 2008), but given that these groups are doubly marginalized (by hetero­ sexuals and by gay cultures), the effect of such efforts is minor. As attention to gay masculinities has grown, researchers have begun to study various forms of gay masculinities. Nardi's volume contains pieces on the masculinities of working-class gay men (Barrett 2000), Latino gay men (Cantu 2000), and Asian American gay men (Han 2000). However, the masculinities of old gay men make no appear­ ance. In fact, as Jones and Pugh point out, the oldest respondent in any of the studies in Nardi's volume was 56 (Jones and Pugh 2005). The Masculinities of Old Gay Men

Reinforcing the need for studies such as our own, we note the limited research available on the mas­ culinities of old gay men. Brekhus's seminal work on gay suburban men, while not focusing on old men, does suggest that the intersection of these identities creates complicated identity work that requires various strategies and struggles to accom­ plish some sense of authenticity (Brekhus 2003). Yet, while acknowledging the role of stigma in old gay men's lives, it is equally important to note that cultural domination is never complete; those who are stigmatized-either by age or sexual ori­ entation-may elect in various ways to resist ageist or homophobic messages and to create alternative notions of manhood. Managing mul­ tiple identities (positive and negative) requires much work and in exposing this on-going iden­ tity work, we begin to uncover how the old gay men in this study work hard to counteract and resist stigmatized identities. The fact that they are privileged by race and class provides them resources that most likely would be unavailable

to men of color or those who are in lower social classes. Another common theme in the literature on older gay men is that of "accelerated aging" (Wahler and Gabbay 1997). Indeed, some schol­ ars argue that gay men become arbiters of their own oppression (Chen 1 999). Gay male culture, in many of its commodified forms, holds up as its masculine ideal the young, muscular man, even more so than in heterosexual male culture. Because of this, gay men are considered old much sooner than in non-gay culture: Because of the gay community's emphasis on youth, homosexual men are considered mid­ dle-aged and elderly by other homosexual men at an earlier age than heterosexual men in the general community. Since these age-status norms occur earlier in the gay sub-culture, the homosexual man thinks of himself as middle­ aged and old before his heterosexual counter­ part does. (Bennett and Thompson 199 1 , 66) A cursory look at gay culture corroborates this: glossy gay newsmagazines consistently fea­ ture young men on their covers, and gay pornog­ raphy treats older men as a marginalized fetish. However, empirical data regarding how real gay men experience this phenomenon are scarce and contradictory (Jones and Pugh 2005). Also inconsistent are findings regarding the effects of involvement in gay communities. Quam and Whitford (1992) found that many of the older gay men they studied were both involved in gay communities and experienced high levels of life satisfaction. In contrast, one of the more provocative findings of Hostetler's empirical research is that a high level of involvement in a gay community was associated with increased concern over aging (Hostetler 2004). However, the nature of the relationship is uncertain, and the causal argument may go both ways. It could be that old gay men, through their involvement in the gay community, may experience ageism as they interact with younger members of the com­ munity (Heaphy 2007). Alternatively, concern over aging could prompt some gay men to seek

ARTIC LE 21

involvement in their community. Further compli­ cating the matter, it is necessary to keep in mind the multiplicity of gay communities and the wide variation among such communities with regard to the extent to which they stigmatize old age. A prominent argument that highlights some positive consequences of being gay reminds us that at various points in their lives gay men learn to cope with stigma because they are denied the privileges that accompany normative notions of masculinity. Yet, of course, some gay men also benefit to a degree from the privileges of being white men who are relatively affluent. Indeed, gay men often can pass for heterosexual and thus insure that they are still beneficiaries of the priv­ ileges associated with being heteronormative men. That said, if they live their lives out of the closet, a loss of privilege is a distinct possibility. Thus, having learned to live with one marked identity (being gay), they are potentially posi­ tioned to adapt better to a second stigmatized or marked identity (being old). If this is the case, and their narratives lend some credence to this propo­ sition, they might be less likely to miss these priv­ ileges when they are denied them in old age. Thus, by the time they reach their 60s and 70s, gay men have had decades of experience dealing with demasculinization and stigma, and therefore have a bat;tery of coping skills at the ready: The gay man who has successfully navigated the c01;ning-out process arrives at the knowl­ edge that how he constructs his reality need most importantly be acceptable to himself, ac­ cording to the dictates of his own needs. Gay men frequently report a greater sense of free­ dom from cultural norms. This may mean a highly adaptive flexibility in terms of which roles and role expectations are "acceptable." This translates into more flexibility in meeting the challenges of aging, and leads to individu­ als who may be better equipped to construct an interpersonal reality that meets their needs not just as gay people but as old people. (Wahler and Gabbay 1997, 14) In contrast, aging heterosexual men experi­ ence demasculinization for perhaps the first time

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in their lives (Meadows and Davidson 2006). Thus, old gay men may indeed be ahead of their heterosexual peers in some ways as they face the daily challenges of inhabiting older bodies. In sum, exploring how being gay shapes men's embodied experiences of masculinity, and trying to understand how these notions are shaped by other intersecting social relations such as race, class, and age, is likely to reveal a complicated picture that differs for each man and reveals mul­ tiple, varying factors that shape their notions of what it means to be a man, to be gay, to be old, and to be an old gay man.

Methods Based on intensive interviews with ten gay men aged 60 to 85, this study explores the narrative accounts of how they conceive of embodied mas­ culinity in old age. The study is part of a larger study in which the lead author, between 2002 and 2004, conducted intensive interviews with 26 men (16 heterosexual; 1 0 homosexual) and 3 1 women (22 heterosexual; 9 lesbian) in their 60s, 70s and 80s about how they experienced their bodies in old age. The researcher used a snowball sampling method to obtain interviewees from different backgrounds. Such a sampling method is very appropriate for locating this invisible popu­ lation (Carpenter 2002). The intensive, explora­ tory interviews addressed a variety of topics related to aging and the body. Questions were broad and there were lots of invited opportuni­ ties to "think out loud" about the topics that were the focus of the interviews. This sort of narrative inquiry made sense for a number of reasons. First, because so little is known empirically about the topics under investigation, such inquiry is most likely to capture "retrospective meaning making-the shaping or ordering of past experi­ ence" (Chase 2005). Second, it allows the re­ searcher to explore very broadly the lived experiences of individuals who are willing to talk about their own biographical particulars, and it allows for "the uniqueness of each human action and event rather than their common properties"

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(Chase 2005). As well, narrative inquiry provides

men. Two were living with partners at the time

us the opportunity to seek similarities and differ­

of the interviews. All of the interviewees were

ences across narratives on topics that are difficult

white and very well educated: all had bachelor's

to explore. It is especially suited not only to the

degrees and the majority, seven, also had earned

subject matter but also to recruitment of mem­

graduate degrees. While one man had spent his

bers of "hard to find" populations, especially

working life as a religious pastor, the majority, six,

those who are reluctant to reveal their sexual

were employed in various fields of education: two

only accessible through

were teachers, four held administrative positions.

person-t6�person recruitment. Thus, the word-of­

The remaining three interviewees were executives

identities and, are often

mouth support for this research (which was criti­

in various organizations. Eight of the men were

cal, given the snowball nature of the sample) was

formally retired from the workforce, one was

enhanced by the fact that future participants learned from those already interviewed that they

employed full-time, and one was working part­

time. All of the men were financially secure and

would have an opportunity to "tell their story" to

their lifetimes in professional jobs provide them

a sympathetic listener. Finally, narrative inquiry is

with financial and health benefits that ensured

particularly well suited for exploring and deepen­

secure retirements.

ing our understanding of various oppressions but especially ageism, which (unlike racism, sexism, and homophobia) is "more often invoked than analyzed" (Cruikshank

2003, 1 35).

Findings The narratives of these ten gay men provided

Topics addressed concerns about aging in

numerous insights about how they experience

general and specifically about looking and feeling

and make sense of their bodies as they age and

old, preventing the aging process, body image

as they relate to their masculinities, to their iden­

issues, sexuality / ageism/ attractiveness issues,

tities, and to the gay communities in which they

masculinity / femininity issues, and the media and

interact. Below, we recount several themes that

aging. In the case of these old gay men, they were

emerged from the interviews. All of these themes

asked at various times throughout the interviews

point to the complexities inherent in the relation­

to reflect upon how being gay shaped their

ships among masculinities and the intersections

responses to various issues. All interviews took

of race, class, gender, age, and sexualities.

place in the homes of the respondents and lasted between one and a half to two and a half hours. The interVIews were taped and later transcribed.

Aging and Acceptance of Self/Body While one interviewee, Bart (67)2, claims that

Interviews and transcripts were read and re-read

over the decades of his life there has been consis­

to identify themes within the interviews.

tency in his sense of himself as masculine, the

All of the old gay interviewees lived in a

rest of the respondents talked about how they had

mid-Atlantic state and the majority, seven, lived

changed over the years. Most talked about how

in mid-sized cities. The remaining three lived in

they have, over time, become more accepting of

1 922 and

who they are, both as men and as gay men.

1 947 and all came of age when to be homosexual

Taken-for-granted and totally unnoted in conver­

small towns. All were born between

was to experience stigma and fear of reprisal on

sations, however, are the race and class privileges

multiple fronts. Consequently, they were part of a

that provide them useful resources-social, edu­

cohort that grew up in especially stigmatized con­

cational, and financial-to address many of the

ditions. Two were previously married to hetero­

disadvantages stemming from their sexual orien­

sexual women and one had children during this

tation and from growing old. For instance, these

marriage; both divorced and came out in their for­

men have the time and financial resources to avail

ties. The eight remaining men were " lifetime" gay

of therapy, and they are, by and large, surrounded

A RT I C L E 2 1

by friends and others who value a therapeutic cul­ ture of self-reflection as well as individual ther­ apy. Consequently, it is not surprising that most of the interviewees are very explicit about how they have worked hard to recognize, accept, and be comfortable with themselves as they are, not as others might have them be. In general, the inter­ viewees appear to have reflected long and hard on who they are. In old age they have arrived, for the most part, at a notable level of comfort with themselves. Analysis of conversations about mas­ culinity and changes over time, as well as about general life changes, reveals an interesting and complicated picture. In part, their conversations suggest that aging itself has contributed to a growing comfort level. Glen (85) captures this notion when he comments that "Most mature men have become more thoughtful." Raymond (67) reinforces this notion when he comments: "I'm so much wiser now . . . I like being where I am." Yet, the comments of Glen and Raymond, positive as they are, also illuminate an embedded ageism that manifests itself in notions of "sageism"-the idea that old people are wiser than young people simply because they are older. Given their race and class privileges-and the fact that they are very well educated-it is hardly surprising that most of these men con­ sciously (lxplored these issues through therapy and through a growing political awareness or engagement in gay issues, and are cognizant of the fact that mainstream society has become sig­ nificantly less anti-gay throughout their lives (Lof­ tus 2001). In these ways class and race privilege intertwine with sexual orientation in shaping how these old men approach their identities and, for the most part, ensures that they are both thought­ ful and articulate about who they are and about the identity shifts that have accompanied various life transitions and societal changes. Still, an inter­ sectionality lens also requires that we account for disadvantages and that we recognize how struc­ tural inequalities create multiple (dis)advantages. Consequently, while our interviewees grew up as white, upper-middle-class men who were advan­ taged by those societal positions, it is also the case

Old Gay Men's Bodies and Masculinities

267

that they are disadvantaged by their sexual orien­ tation. They grew up and lived many decades of their lives in a cultural milieu where being gay was both denigrated and dangerous. Their com­ ments convey some of what they faced as they tried to make sense of their multiple identities and their narratives remind us of the complicated nature of identity construction. Aging, and espe­ cially retirement from a labor force where most had to hide their s exual identities, provides for different perspectives and allows us to glimpse how identities shift over the life course. For instance, Glen (85) captures some of this identity struggle with these words, " Getting older has made me more real . . . I am freer now to say 'Hey, I am not a gay, just a gay. That does not fit me. I'm a man before I'm a gay man . . . " Glen's words provide us a window into the tenuous and elastic interplay between identities; they hint at a blurring of boundaries, a blending of identities. His words remind us of the need to recognize how identities are nuanced and ambivalent. Indeed, they serve as a caution not to jump easily into classifying certain identities as fixed master statuses. Finally, his comments shed light on the tensions between his masculine and gay identities and they allow us to appreciate that old age has allowed him to find some authenticity in an accommodation of both identities. Raymond (67) also alludes to a journey toward greater self-acceptance. His story under­ scores how identity work is an on-going and fluid process that reflects a larger cultural narrative that includes a growing emphasis on self-reflection, as well as shifting messages about masculinity and homosexuality. Thus, he spoke of how, in his early 40s, he shifted from Western to Eastern philosophies of life and how the shift had helped him become more self-accepting. He goes on to explain how his sense of masculinity changed as he grew older. For Raymond, the journey described is of a gay man keenly aware of his body's role in shaping masculine identity. His story is also one that highlights his aim to approx­ imate the ideal images of masculinity that he grew up with. Here is how he talks about his 40s

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and how at that time he came closer to approxi­ mating ideal standards of masculine strength: "I filled out and so I was no longer emaciated look­ ing. I began to look like all those men I guess I had seen [in] those movies and so, because I did, I no longer felt so bad about myself. I felt like a male." Raymond talks at considerable length about how, over the years, he grew to be much more accepting of himself. He is emphatic that he needs to see himself as masculine. Indeed, being masculine is critical to his overall well­ being. Thus, it is hardly surprising that he claims to have "worked very hard over the years to make myself feel masculine." His journey ultimately has led to a more positive self-image of himself as a man: "My sense of masculinity now is very strong." Interestingly, coming to accept that he is gay was, in his own mind, critical to reaching a more positive image of himself as a man: "When I realized I was gay, I began to feel much better about myself as a male." While on its face it may appear paradoxical that Raymond achieves a greater sense of himself as masculine once he accepts that he is gay, it is critical to consider Raymond's analysis of the shifts in his masculine identity over his life. Ray­ mond's narrative reveals the struggles he has undergone over decades and it allows us to hear how he works to repair his identity. His is a story that also highlights the need to understand both how notions of masculinity shift with age as well as how gay men develop coping skills that help them manage the stigma of their sexual identity. Thus, with age and time he has negotiated the tensions between his notions of masculinity as heteronormative and his own sexual identity. Like Glen, getting older has also allowed him to develop notions of manhood that incorporate his masculine and gay identities. Indeed, he hints at this when he says "I felt so un-male for so many years growing up because my maleness was mea­ sured by all those things I could not achieve." Nowadays, Raymond has adopted a biological minimum for being a man: "If you have a penis and testicles, you're male." Such a biologically reductionist argument flattens the hierarchies of

masculinities: Raymond is gay and old, but his male body speaks for itself. While this equation may seem at first overly simplistic, taking into account Raymond's long-standing work on his masculinity gives this statement a power that it otherwise might not have. Constructing/Managing Identities

For several of the men interviewed, the secret to greater self-acceptance appears to lie in their abil­ ities to negotiate what it means to be a man. Social class privileges provide them not only the material means to explore their identities (through therapy, supportive others, leisure time to think about these sorts of issues, etc.) but also provide them a language to communicate their identity work to others. Through their voices we glimpse the dynamics of how they construct notions of self; we learn how they reject exagger­ ated masculinity in favor of a more authentic masculinity or what Connell and Messerschmidt (200S, 848) refer to as "nonhegemonic patterns of masculinity." For instance, four of the inter­ viewees are very explicit about the fact that they recognize that they combine both masculine and feminine traits. For example, Eric (60), talks about the need to recognize and accept the "ying­ yang or balance" between masculinity and femi­ ninity in himself. Peter (62), who at various points in the interview refers to himself as "queenish," uses similar language to Eric and argues that mas­ culine and feminine traits co-exist for him: "I know I have female points of view . . . I've always been a combination of the two. It won't shift. Well, it never has." Unlike Peter, Eric's acceptance of his masculine and feminine sides has come in mid-life. A level of comfort has developed over time, he claims. He goes on to reg­ ister that he has "always been aware that I was not masculine-now [I am] more comfortable with it." Richard (69), who is very religious, talks about how he works with his spiritual director in order to "accept the feminine side of myself." Asked how he feels about his masculinity, he responds: " [I am] probably not the most mascu­ line out there. [I] accept my femininity. [I am] OK

ARTICLE 21

with the blending-whatever that looks like I have no idea yet." Still, Richard's next observa­ tion illuminates how notions of masculinity are defined relationally: "When I am creative, I'm feminine. [I am] masculine when I do butch things at the gym." Richard ends his comments on the topic by suggesting that the very terms masculine and feminine become less important as one grows old. In keeping with his deep religios­ ity, he concludes that growing old makes one "more prepared for the next life, where being masculine and feminine don't matter." Gary (64) has a slightly different angle on this issue and his comments reinforce ageist notions of old men and women as sexless. He ascribes to the view that "men and women, as they get older, become . . . less feminine [and] . . . less mascu­ line. They just become old people." Thus, Gary would have us believe that growing old makes gender matter less. But even those who resisted rigid notions of what it means to be a man spoke of managing their public persona in order to avoid being per­ ceived as what Freitas and others (1997: 329) refer to as "visual caricatures." Conversations about public presentations of self sensitize us to "the complicated work of appearance management and identity border construction" (Freitas et al. , 1997: 325}. Yet, we caution that this drive t o dis­ tance themselves from "a perceived stereotypical aesthetic" (Freitas et al., 1 997:329) does not rep­ resent a desire to distance themselves from gay culture. Similarly, this disassociation from stereo­ typical effeminacy does not signal that these men embraced heterosexuality. When asked whether they presented themselves differently when spending time with gay men and lesbians versus heterosexuals, many told stories that illustrate that they manage their presentations of self very carefully. By contrast, all spoke in one way or another of being "more free," "more comfort­ able," "more open" around other gay people: free to dress as they wished, free to physically express themselves as they desired. Bart (67) captures a common sentiment when he claims that he has a "great sense of relaxation with other gays." Some

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talked of monitoring their physical presentations of self in public spaces, of being careful with their "non-verbal cues. " For instance, Eric (60), who has a deep, male voice and who strikes the inter­ viewer as "typically male" in his embodiment, illuminates how critical the body is to "reading" sexual orientation, specifically homosexuality. He spoke of being very aware that others look at body movement to assess masculinity and, by extension, to ascribe sexual orientation. Thus, he pays particular attention to not being seen to "flit around the grocery store." Similarly, he avoids public gestures that are seen as stereotypically feminine such as resting his hands on his hips. Yet, as Hennen (2005) reminds us, such attention to not being seen as effeminate signals more than concerns about the complex negotiations of gen­ dered and sexed spaces; it also signals a rejection and devaluation of the feminine and demon­ strates a gendered hierarchy that remains central to the logic of hegemonic masculinity. Achieving Masculinity

Gary (64) in some ways mirrors Raymond's life­ time battle to achieve a greater sense of himself as masculine. Both have struggled with heteronor­ mative ideals and both have tried in some funda­ mental ways to aspire to those ideals while also accepting that being gay may compromise these ideals, if only in the eyes of others. Thus, Gary, like Raymond, talks at some length about the "long fight" to live up to dominant notions of manhood and to achieve some sense of norma­ tive masculinity. Both highlight how, in negotiat­ ing notions of effeminacy, they reject what is feminine and they shape their own masculine ideals by calling on the standards of hegemonic masculinity. For instance, Gary emphatically claims that he is "very much into masculinity and not being limp-wristed." Another interesting angle on issues of masculinity and sexual orien­ tation is revealed in a story told by James (64). His partner of 22 years recently died and James, at one point in the discussion about masculinity, comments that the absence of his partner in his life has led to his feeling more masculine. Upon

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further discussion, James explains that his part­ ner was more masculine than he was because: "He could fIx more things." Consequently, James's partner's death has caused him to be "more self­ sufficient, to mow the lawn, to fIx things." As this explanation suggests, James's notions of man­ hood are intimately tied to normative notions of the man as doer and fIxer and his comments imply that his personal loss now allows him to embrace an identity that is more masculine. The oldest interviewee, Glen (S5), calls on classic notions of masculinity when he talks about what sorts of things make him feel mascu­ line. He has already established that his best friend is a heterosexual man who loves to work on cars and his answer implies that heterosexual men defIne conventional masculinity. Indeed, he talks about how just being around heterosexual men shores up his own sense of masculinity-the very act of associating with a heterosexual man reinforces a sense of manhood that might other­ wise be lacking. Thus, feeling masculine for Glen is about " football, phoning my best friend . . . [and] I feel most masculine when I watch him repair cars, when I have my car oiled and greased and I realize I'm with these [heterosexual] guys. " A s Glen's comments suggest, the essence of mas­ culinity is embodied in his friend and his mascu­ line activities; his friend is a sort of talisman for masculine ideals. As Connell and Messerschmidt remind us: "hegemony works in part through the production' of exemplars of masculinity, symbols that have authority despite the fact that most men and boys do not fully live up to them" (2005, S46). Disapproval/Distancing Despite the fact that several of the men inter­ viewed expressed a range of openness and accep­ tance for themselves when it came to androgynous or feminine traits and characteristics, it is espe­ cially interesting to explore what some of the interviewees have to say about masculinity and its perceived presence or absence in other men. This sort of analysis allows us to highlight the complicated ways that ambivalence manifests

itself in the lives of most of these old gay men. In many ways, the uncovered ambivalence allows us to glimpse how these men use strategies of sepa­ ration in order to establish who they are not. As Freitas and others ( 1 997:324) remind us, such attention also "fosters an awareness of actions and transaction that enables individuals to vie for preferred identities in the face of stigmatizing or discrediting social labels." Additionally, our analysis illuminates the insidiousness of hege­ monic masculinity; it underscores how old gay men may contribute to their own oppression through their rejection of men who do not adhere to hegemonic ways of being male. Finally, we are reminded again of the importance of gender rela­ tions and how masculinity is defIned relationally, against what is feminine. Despite, or perhaps because of his own acknowledged struggles with masculinity, Gary (64) is among the most vocal in his disapproval of men who do not measure up to heteronorma­ tive ideals of masculinity. He is clear that he likes masculine-looking men: those, as he says, who demonstrate a "lack of physical feminine charac­ teristics." Gary also highlights another compo­ nent of ideal masculinity when he identifIes sexual activity and sexual attractiveness as impor­ tant. Indeed, when asked what makes a man mas­ culine, he responds by exclaiming that for him the epitome of masculinity is a "hot guy." He further elaborates in a way that highlights how notions of embodied masculinity shift when we consider sexual orientation. Thus, when asked to elaborate on his notion that "a guy who is hot is mascu­ line," Gary obliges with this analysis wherein he objectifIes and sexualizes the male body in ways similar to how heterosexual men often objectify female bodies: "It has to do with the way he moves, to a certain extent with the way he dresses." Gary seems to be criticizing here what Hennen describes as "kinesthetic effeminacy, wherein a man is judged by prevailing standards as either moving or using his voice 'like a woman' " (Hen­ nen 200S). To be considered "hot" by Gary one must sufficiently discipline the body to comport to hegemonic standards of masculinity.

ARTICLE 21

On the other hand, not all of the men inter­ viewed were disapproving of gay men who did not uphold ideal notions of masculinity or who sometimes exhibited what some would describe as feminine characteristics. The story here is com­ plicated, however. On one hand, the narratives underscore that these old men are not monolithic and also that we must consider context as impor­ tant. Thus, some of the men interviewed spoke of responding one way in a particular context and another way when circumstances were different. For instance, Bart (67) responded to the question about whether masculinity was important to him with a loud "Oh, Yes," and even went on to exclaim that " [I] like my men to look like men." This claim describes Bart's personal desires about ideal partners and, as such, differs from his will­ ingness to be accepting of more feminine men in contexts beyond those of personal desire. Conse­ quently, he reinforces this distinction when he later talks openly and warmly about the gay world he inhabits where gay drag queens and "gay pea­ cocks" are acceptable and welcome. Jake (78) also is very open about his own presentation of self, especially around other gays. He exclaims at one point: "I'm an effeminate person and more so with gays." At other times as we talk, he refers comfortably to himself as "an old queen." On the other hand, some men take a different approach and their comments illuminate the tensions and conflicts in how they negotiate their own notions of authentic masculinity. Victor (71) exemplifies this tension when he says that masculinity is not important to him and yet he is also clear that he dislikes "effeminacy" in men. Indeed, not only does he associate such characteristics with drag queens but his words suggest a negative associa­ tion with things feminine. Thus, he claims that he has "never been comfortable with 'nelly queens. ' [I] don't enjoy drag." At another point in the interview, Victor is more explicit in his negative connection of effeminacy in gay men with lower­ class women. He talks about not liking gay men who are "slutty [and who wear] ridiculously tight pants. " Conversations such as those with Victor, increase our awareness of how distancing strate-

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gies work. Accordingly, we see how some gay men protect their own identities by choosing to disidentify with gay men who represent "visual caricatures" (Freitas et a1. 1 997). Nonetheless, as we have argued already, Victor and others who use distancing tactics are not engaged in whole­ sale rejection of homosexuals or homosexuality. Rather, such responses illustrate the complicated work of stigma management. Such work brings to mind Goffman's seminal work on stigma and his insight about ambivalence toward similar oth­ ers: "he can neither embrace his group nor let it go" (Goffman 1 963: 1 09). Ageism in Gay Communities

A predominant theme that interviewees cited repeatedly was the youth obsession of gay culture and of its consequences for themselves and oth­ ers. Glen (85), for instance, talked at length when we first met about these issues and, as a political activist for gay issues, it is clear that he thinks a lot about these concerns. He is extremely well-net­ worked and well-known in the gay communities of his city and well beyond. Asked to respond to what he sees as the level of ageism among gays, Glen puts into words a sentiment that the others share: "gays are much more ageist than straights." Eric (60) sees this ageism as having to do with how gay culture "really accentuates youth and body and physical conditions." Guy goes on to talk about gay social life and the dominance of "the bar scene" in urban areas, and he makes the point that "in many a bar, a man over 40 would not be looked at because he is too old." At least in part because they face ageism in this social set­ ting he argues that, in his experience many gay ' men become increasingly socially isolated. Here is how he responds to a question about what hap­ pens to gay men in their 60s, 70s, and 80s: "Well, such men stop going to bars, [they] become iso­ lated, [they] become introverted, [they] become loners, [they] become peculiar people. From being in their 30s where they had a number of friends, as each decade comes they have fewer friends and go out less." Nevertheless, unmen­ tioned in this narrative is the role that cohort

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plays in how these particular old gay men experi­ ence growing old. As well, what Glen is not ex­ plicit about at this point in the interview­ although he later raises this issue-is the impor­ tance of having a partner and how this can miti­ gate the loneliness of being old and gay. Others raise this issue and underscore the varying strate­ gies adopted by these old gay men to ensure a viable social or sexual life in the face of the ageism they see in the gay communities around them. For instance, Victor (71) talks about his cur­ rent situation with his life partner of 22 years (who is 24 years younger than he is): "Well, if I had to go out and compete for sexual partners like I did years ago, that would be a definite concern. But I've got what I want and he accepts me as I am." As well as having partners, some of the men interviewed are also involved with a group called "Prime Timers" which several describe as a social group for "older gay men and their [younger] admirers. " The extent to which this organization is joined by men who are white, middle class and beyond is not known to us but comments made by the interviewees suggest that the chapters attended by these men predominantly meet these class and race profiles. On the international group's website, Prime Timers are described as "Older gay or bisexual men (and younger men who admire mature men)" (www.primetimer­ sww.orgl about.htm). Glen, who is heavily involved with this national organization (which has numerous local chapters), tells us that these younger admirers are not ageist because they like men older than themselves. Yet, and several inter­ viewees make this point, Prime Timers is an orga­ nization that in many ways highlights the ageism of gay culture by reinforcing hegemonic ideals of what constitutes an attractive man. Consequently, even if inadvertently, this organization repro­ duces the notion that youth and youthful attrac­ tiveness and sexual vitality are the coins of the realm. Here is what Victor (7 1) tells us in these regards: I think, like most aging or older gay men, I find younger men attractive. I think that's why a lot

of Prime Timers don't get together with each other. The majority of them would say that they would love to have a partner and most of them don't . . . they want somebody younger and that's the way it is . . . I can walk into a room of 100 Prime Timers and I might be very fond of most of them but I don't want to go to bed with any of them . . . I think they are all very aware of that. Gary (64) also tells a story that not only rein­ forces the ageism suggested above but also hints at his attempts to cover up his real age, to use the strategy of passing as younger than his chrono­ logical age. When asked if he is comfortable telling his age, he responds: "It depends on the people . . . if I am trying to chat up some man I have to figure out: 'Now, if I tell you the truth' is he going to find out that I'm too old. " Thus, Gary illustrates his own internalization of ageist notions and his narrative also portrays the stigma older gay men experience when they seek to find partners-especially younger men-for sexual pleasure. Victor and Gary's comments also underscore the importance of sex in the gay world, even among old men. These comments allow us to glimpse how they construct gayness. Indeed, Eric (60) is explicit in this regard: "Gays [are] defmed in terms of sex. It's what defines us." Richard (69), who has taken a vow of celibacy, is not as accepting as Victor and others of the ageist self-denigration within Prime Timers. He has recently decided not to attend their functions because "when an admirer [a young man] walks in [to the room] and every­ body flocks around him, I can't stand this. " Eric (60) also resists what he sees as the youth obses­ sion of exclusively gay groups and allows: "I don't socialize just with gays. " He has recently experienced a break up with his younger partner and learned from close friends that the partner saw Eric's being older as a negative. Yet, illus­ trating how pervasive is the social value placed on youthful attractiveness and how insidious ageism is, Eric admits that he does not date men over 50. He tells of how he has had several argu­ ments with close lesbian friends who accuse him

A R T I C L E 2 :1.

of being ageist in his choice of partners. He acknowledges his own ageism but still observes that he was recently "flattered to hell and back when a 27-year-old model wanted to see me." Negotiating Old Bodies: Resisting Old Age

What can we learn from these gay men's mas­ culinity and about how their various social loca­ tions shape how they inhabit and negotiate old bodies? How do they make sense of what it means to be physically old, and to look old, in a world that denigrates old age? How does being white and relatively affluent influence their expe­ riences with old bodies? How do they negotiate and respond to masculinity scripts that glorify young bodies, especially in gay culture? The pic­ ture is far from being a straightforward one. The narratives of these men uncover the complica­ tions and ambivalences of managing stigmatized identities. What we learn is that in coping with the stigmas of being old gay men there is no one script that all follow. In some ways, as gay men who spend time in gay communities, they have had the experience of being defined as old for many more years than would be the case if they were heterosexual; they have learned to deal with this marked identity in a variety of ways. High, levels of education and other life privileges that accompany being white and eco­ nomically secure provide these men with the wherewithal to resist aging and to be more posi­ tive about some aspects of being old. Coping with the stigmas of being gay has also taught them some valuable life lessons about oppression, how to manage it and, ideally, how to resist it. Never­ theless, there are commonalities among these men that illustrate the oppressive nature of age relations. Their accounts reveal strategies they employ to manage the ageism that shapes their responses to their own bodies and the bodies of others. At age 64 Gary is a large, bearded man who lives alone but also within what he calls a "gay world, not community. " Gary talks frequently throughout our interview about sex and his

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desire to have frequent sex. He is keenly aware that his age is a distinct disadvantage in the gay world he moves in, especially when seeking sex partners. For instance, when asked whether he is comfortable telling his age, he is the only man interviewed who suggests that he sometimes hides his age or, at the very least, avoids talking about it. Gary's motivation to avoid telling his age is intimately connected to his desire to find a sex partner and the fact that he feels it necessary to hide his real age underscores the ageism that exists within the gay world. Gary's strategy of passing or covering also illustrates how he works to minimize the impact of his stigimatized sta­ tus as an old man. As Gary's narrative demonstrates, ageism gets reinforced and reproduced through ideas that to be old is bad and to be seen as more youthful than one's chronological age is good. Covering or passively "passing" as younger than one's real age is a strategy sometimes used by our interviewees and they provide us evidence that they use this strategy specifically to accommodate the ageism they encounter in their daily lives. Thus, while in one voice they tell us that they are comfortable with where they are in their lives, that being old brings a measure of contentment, they also echo this sentiment of Peter (62): "I do not feel old, so when I hear the word 'old' I can't relate to it." Put another way, Bart (67) says: "I don't like the term 'old.' . . . I hate [the term] 'senior citizens' . " Gary (64) illustrates another form of denial: "I do not admit that my body has slowed down." Victor (71) also refuses to see himself as "old" and all of the negative things that that implies. Indeed, he exhibits a level of denial and ambiva­ lence that is typical of almost all of the men inter­ viewed. Unwilling to use the word "old" in reference to himself, he claims: "I do not see myself as an older person. I do not feel like an older person. I don't feel much different than I can remember feeling 40 to 50 years ago. I am thrilled with that. I'm so glad that is the case." At least for Victor, but we suspect for others too, acceptance of being gay comes more easily than acceptance of being old.

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Illuminating the complex ways that gay cul­ ture reinforces youthful and hegemonic mas­ culinity and how old gay men, even if unwittingly, adhere to such notions, several talk about how gay men age better than heterosexual men because they pay more attention to keeping youthful bodies through exercise and disciplining their bodies. Responses vary as to why this might be the ca�. For instance, Eric (60) makes a gen­ eral claim that "appearance is more of a concern with gay men. " Gary (64) who is, by his own assessment, 75 pounds overweight, supports this same notion by laughingly explaining that "straight men age quicker than gay men do. I think gay men take better care of themselves." This notion of paying attention to one's appear­ ance, doing the work necessary to "look good" (meaning youthful) is also captured in this com­ ment of Bart's (67): "Many, many heterosexual friends, some younger than I, look twice as old as I am because they have given up." Raymond is quite explicit about the ageism that underscores this obligatory dictate of keeping up appearances: "old gay men feel compelled to do everything they can to hide the ravages of their body. They dye their hair, they have facelifts, they wear cloth­ ing that they think makes them look younger . . . they do a lot of exercise." However, Raymond and others do not reflect upon how their social class (and race) privileges provide them with the means to consume more youthful lifestyles, to exercise, and to look younger for more years than their less affluent peers. Peter (62) also claims that gay men age better than heterosexual men: "if you were to compare heterosexual men my age to homosexual men my age, the homosexual men are much more inter­ ested in what they look like. They have not gone to pot, to seed. They are snappy dressers . . . they are conscious of their physical appearance." Peter's comparison of older gay and heterosexual men's appearances highlights his ageist and class­ specific notions of how gay men are more con­ cerned than heterosexual men with embracing youthful bodies and youthful fashion as ways to avoid being seen as old. Yet, underscoring the

often contradictory and ambivalent nature of such responses, Peter also claims that gay men do not chase youthful bodies as they age. Indeed, he decries such stereotypes-at least in his own cir­ cle of friends: "The gay men I know are not like that. They do not work out and wear youthful clothes. They are not in the 'silly old fool syn­ drome.' The gay people I know are content with their ages." In keeping with the story above, others also told stories that left no doubt that they were ambivalent about growing old and especially about looking old. Their stories provide us a pic­ ture of the ambivalences and contradictions that are ongoing in the management of stigmatized identities. For instance, Raymond (67), who is generally very positive about being old, tells us of another strategy for coping with old age, one that highlights how old age is "contagious" and thus, must be avoided. Consequently, Raymond tells how he avoids others who are old: "All of the friends I have from the time that I was 40 are much younger than I am." Perhaps by associating with younger people, one can stave off the inevitable, because Raymond is also quite sure that getting older makes a man less masculine: "I think most men think that. Because most men tie masculinity to their physical prowess. And once they sit in a wheelchair and can't feed themselves anymore, I think they feel very . . . emascu­ lated." Raymond's sentiment about embodied old age and the resulting diminution of masculinity is shared by James (64) who also sees masculinity and independence as inevitably compromised by old age. In response to the question about whether of not being old makes men less mascu­ line, he claims: "Yea, I think it does in that they become dependent. When you lose that element of dignity, I think of the product called 'Depends' . " For affluent consumers, especially those who are white, cosmetic surgery offers a way to regain or sustain a more youthful appearance, to cover signs of aging and to pass as younger than one's chronological age. Such surgery illuminates the strategies of ongoing appearance management

ARTIC LE 21

that can be called upon in the face of "stigmatiz­

Old Gay Men's Bodies and Masculinities

275

ries such as Bart's shed some light on the shifting

ing or discrediting social labels" (Freitas et aI.,

and fluid nature of how some old gay men nego­

1997:324). This analysis allows us to glimpse how

tiate multiple stigmatized identities.

some of these men actively work to acquire a pre­

Even among this small number of old gay

ferred embodied identity of being not old-or at

men, the reactions to the aging process are

least not looking as old as they are. Seeking to

impressively wide-ranging: it is clear that there is

maintain a youthful appearance through cosmetic

no one way for gay men to grow old. In fact,

surgery was something that four of these inter­

given their widely varying life histories, the mul­

viewees were willing to consider. For instance,

tiple forms of masculinity at play, and the variety

(64) claimed that "If I had lots of money,

of involvement in gay communities, it is quite

I guess I would. I'd have a body makeover. " Eric

possible that old gay men's experiences with aging

(60) was similarly inclined and he admitted that

may be even more diverse than those of their het­

he had been "seriously considering it for a year

erosexual peers.

James

or two." He told how he had gone so far as to get the name of a local cosmetic surgeon; he was interested in both a facelift and liposuction

Conclusions

around the abdominal area. Victor talked about

This study gives voice to the experiences of a

how he had considered cosmetic eye surgery to

group of men who rarely have been heard. We

reduce the bags under his eyes ten or fifteen years

trust that their voices will help illuminate the

ago but had never gotten around to doing it. Cost

experiences of other old gay men like them, and

was a disincentive but also "discomfort," plus the

provoke further discussion on the ways such men

fact that "I don't trust it. I don't know that it's

grapple with their sexuality, with aging, with mas­

safe." Gary

(64) had this to say about cosmetic

culinities, and with how their bodies are critical to

surgery: "you've got to deal with what you've

their sense-making of all of these. Through the

got . . . next time I go to Brazil, I'm going to have

use of an intersectionality perspective that high­

some face work done." "I have no interest in plas­

lights not only race, class, and gender but also age

tic surgery and tightening up and getting rid of

and sexuality, we uncover how privileges and dis­

wrinkles, " he claimed. Instead, Gary wanted to

advantages are negotiated ; we begin to under­

remove some other signs of aging: "The liver

stand how gender, race, and class privileges help

spots I'll get removed and some of the moles."

mitigate forms of oppression stemming from sex­

Using makeup provides a cheaper and less intru­

uality and old age.

sive way to' hide certain signs of aging, such as

As well, the narrative analysis used in this

the liver or age spots referred to by Gary. Bart

paper allows us to explore in some depth how a

(67), for instance, talked openly about how "a

small, privileged group of old, white, relatively

good five years ago I tried to cover up some aging

affluent gay men

marks" by using makeup. He was especially

aspects of growing old in a culture that glorifies

proud of the fact that he was so adept at using it

hegemonic masculinity and its key components

that "you'd never know I had it on." Yet, under­

of youthfulness and heterosexuality. Again, we

experience key corporeal

scoring how complex and sometimes paradoxical

come to understand how they have forms of cap­

are approaches to aging, Bart told of how he had

ital (through class, race, and gender privileges)

stopped using makeup to hide his aging because

that allow them to resist aging and, sometimes,

"I am pretty much trying to be honest with myself

to pass as younger than their chronological ages.

and to others." By revealing his true physiological

Our focus on this marginalized population brings

self, and accepting the embodied stigma(ta) of old

attention that is much needed in studies of mas­

age, Bart also moves himself away from engag­

culinities. We learn firsthand how many struggle

ing in feminine behavior (wearing makeup). Sto-

to live up to hegemonic ideals of what it means to

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be a man and to look like one. In addition, we also come to appreciate the diversity of their approaches to manhood as they strive to accom­ plish some sense of authenticity. Additionally, we appreciate the complicated and contradictory nature of their approaches to being men who are old and gay. Narrative analy­ sis proves particularly salient as a method that exposes the ways that the body is central to notions of masculinity; the voices of the inter­ viewees allow us to glimpse the contradictions and messiness of how they grapple with embod­ ied masculinity throughout the life course. As well, the narratives attest to a long-standing assumption about gay culture: ageism is promi­ nent, and much of this ageism is related to the body. Indeed, their words lend credence to Laws's ( 1 995) claim that ageism is an embodied form of oppression. This should come as no surprise, given that gay male culture puts a very specific body on a pedestal, and this body is in no way old. Regardless of their many successes in other areas of their lives, many of these men have expe­ rienced the stigmatization of their aging bodies. We gain, too, a greater understanding of how age relations render the body a site of strug­ gle and ambivalence. These struggles and ambiva­ lences demonstrate themselves in myriad ways. For instance, we hear over and over again how, despite a declared comfort with themselves, that comfort has more to do with being gay than with being old; most subscribe to negative notions of being old and looking old. That they frequently enact these negative notions when they interact with other old gay men reinforces Chen's (1 999) claim that gay men become arbiters of their own oppression. As relatively affluent retirees, most feel fairly keenly the continuous obligation to con­ sume products and lifestyles (exercising, dieting, youthful clothes, etc.) that reinforce ageist notions of old bodies as undesirable bodies. Even though the men sometimes positively framed contrasts to heterosexual men, who they see as having "given up" on stopping their bodily declines, there is a subtext to the narratives, one that sees old age as something to avoid or resist. Indeed, they confirm

what Cruikshank (2003) reminds us of: old age is increasingly pathologized in our culture. We suggest that the interviewees, as white professional men, have much in common with similarly situated heterosexual men, especially when they discuss their aging bodies (Slevin, forthcoming). As we argued in the introduction, in addition to the socially constructed nature of aging in all its permutations, a fact glares: the physical body ages and at some point begins to break down. An aching joint and a non-respon­ sive penis know no sexual orientation. Nowadays, consumer society encourages all men to chase youthful ideals-whether they are 30 or 80. Class and race privileges allow some men to postpone the inevitabilities of aging bodies and to adhere to hegemonic masculine ideals for longer than less affluent men. Yet, there are some differences in the way gay men react to the bodily changes that accompany aging. For example, few heterosexual men would dare to use makeup, as Bart (67) admitted to doing. Though these men face little discrimination due to their sexual orientation, they do face significant discrimination as old men in gay communities. And in the bitterest of ironies, some of this discrimination is carried out by other old gay men as they continually attempt to construct positive identities through strategies that distance themselves from other old men. We see fruitful possibilities for researchers interested in the lives of old gay men. The first and most promising avenue for research leads directly to the group Prime Timers. As noted, some of the interview respondents in this study had heated views of this organization, and ques­ tioned the role that it plays within the older gay male community. While some see the group as an oasis from invisibility, there are signs that Prime Timers chapters (or at least some of the men involved in them) perpetuate and reinforce the very ageism that they seek to address. A large­ scale, multi-site study of Prime Timers and its membership could make great strides in advanc­ ing our understanding of the complexities we identified above. Studying the membership expe­ riences of men at a variety of stages of old age

ARTICLE 21

could help us to understand the various points at which these men develop problematic relation­ ships with the organization. Do younger Prime Timers have more positive experiences than those who are at a more advanced stage of old age? What steps does the organization, or specific chapters within the organization, take to address these issues among its constituencies? Those who "admire" old gay men (as some of the interviewees put it, and as the organization explicitly states) are also worthy of study. For example, we recounted a story from Ed (60), who had a 27-year-old admirer, and a male model at that. Who is this young man, and how does he conceive of his admiration for older men? If the goal is to decrease the ageism that old gay men face in gay communities, in-depth analyses of such young men certainly would be a place to start. In addition to delineating what they find attractive about older men, another topic of inter­ est would be the stigma such men might them­ selves face from others in the gay community. The common, immediate assumption that such a man simply must be a gold-digger is yet another win­ dow into the ageism of the gay community. In addition to Prime Timers, one might explore other options for old gay men to be involved in gay communities. Of course old gay men may Cand do) become involved in all aspects of gay communities, but their presence in two subcultures is particularly striking: the bears and the sadomasochism communities. The bear com­ munity rejects the strict body norms (washboard abs, hairless torsos) that the broader gay commu­ nity tends to value. Therefore, it should be no sur­ prise that some old gay men find the bears a welcome respite, as their aging bodies will be treated with a greater level of admiration than elsewhere in the gay community. Some old gay men find a place in the SM community, serving in the role of a "daddy" to submissive (and usually younger) participants. This community actually may allow old gay men to turn their aging into a distinct advantage. A comparative study of these three communities (Prime Timers, bears, and SM), and why various men seek out each of these

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277

communities would offer some understanding of the way old gay men see themselves and their places within gay culture. Hennen's ground­ breaking study of communities of faeries, bears, and leathermen (2008) is replete with insights about gay masculinities, but he does not deal with age in any in-depth fashion. Thus, these groups are worthy of much more attention. A final possibility for continuing this line of research involves an expansion of the study to middle-aged gay men. Are these men indeed con­ sidered old within their gay communities, and do they in some ways buy into this perception? The rising generation of middle-aged gay men offers unique research opportunities, as these men are among the first to come of age in a culture with markedly less stigma attached to gay identities, as well as less imminent concern over AIDS. Their aging may look quite different from the aging of their gay brothers a generation before them. We should not pass up the opportunity to study this process as it occurs.

Notes 1 . Because "old" carries a unique stigma in our cul­ ture we want to reclaim its positive connotations, to naturalize and neutralize it. Thus, we use it through­ out this article (rather than "older") in an activist manner. See Calasanti and Slevin 2001 (pp.

9-10) for

a more detailed discussion.

2.

Throughout the paper, we use pseudonyms to pro­

tect the identities of the respondents.

References Barrett, D.

2000.

Masculinity among working-class

gay males. In

Gay masculinities, edited by P. 1 76-205. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. K.c., and N. L. Thompson. 1991. Acceler­

Nardi, Bennett,

ated aging and male homosexuality: Australian evidence in a continuing debate. Journal of Ho­ mosexuality 20: 65-75. Brekhus, W 2003. Peacocks, chameleons, centaurs: Gay suburbia and the grammar of social identity. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

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Calasanti, T. M. 2004. Feminist gerontology and old men. Journal of Gerontology 59B: 305-3 14. Calasanti, T. M. and N. King. 2005. Firming the floppy penis: Age, class, and gender relations in the lives of old men. Men and Masculinities 8 : 3-23.

Calasanti, T. M., and K. F. Slevin. 2006. Introduction: Age matters. In Age matters: Realigning feminist thinking, edited by T. M. Calasanti and K. F. Slevin, 1-17. New York, Routledge. Calasanti, T. M., and K. F. Slevin. 200 1 . Gender, social inequalities, and aging. Walnut Creek, CA: Al­ taMira Press. Cantu, L. 2000. Entre hombres/between men: Latino masculinities and homosexualities. In Gay mas­ culinities, edited by P. Nardi, 224-246. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Carpenter, L. M. 2002. Gender and the social con­ struction of virginity loss in the contemporary United States. Gender & Society 16: 345-365. Chase, S. E. 2005. Narrative inquiry: Multiple lenses, approaches, voices. In Qualitative research, 3rd ed., edited by N. K. Denzin and Y. Lincoln, 65 1--679. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Chen, A S. 1999. Lives at the center of the periph­ ery, lives at the periphery of the center: Chinese American masculinity and bargaining with hege­ mony. Gender & Society 1 3 : 584--60 7. Collins, P. H. 2000. Black feminist thought: Knowledge, consciousness, and the politics of empowerment. New York: Routledge. Connell, R. W 1 995 . Masculinities. Berkeley: Univer­ sity of California Press. Connell, R. W and J. W. Messerschmidt. 2005. Hege­ monic' masculinity: Rethinking the concept. Gender & Society 1 9 : 829-859. Crenshaw; K. 1 991 . Mapping the margins: Intersec­ tionality, identity politics, and violence against women of color. Stanford Law Review 46: 1241-99.

Cruikshank, M. 2003. Learning to be old: Gender, cul­ ture, and aging. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Lit­ tlefield. Dyer, R. 2002. The culture of queers. New York: Rout­ ledge. Emslie, C., K. Hunt, and R. O'Brien. 2004. Mas­ culinities in older men: A qualitative study in the west of Scotland. The Journal of Men's Studies 1 2 : 207-226.

Faircloth, C. A . , ed. 2003 . Aging bodies: Images and everyday experience. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. Freitas, A , S. Kaiser, D. J. Chandler, D. C. Hall, J. Kim, and T. Hammidi. 1 997. Appearance manage­ ment as border construction: Least favorite clothing, group distancing, and identity not! Sociological Inquiry 67: 323-33 5 . Gilleard, c., and P. Higgs. 2000. Cultures of ageing: Self, citizen and the body. Harlow, England: Prentice Hall. Goffinan, E. 1 963. Stigma: Notes on the management of spoiled identity. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice­ Hall. Han, S. 2000. Asian American gay men's (dis)claim on masculinity. In Gay masculinities, edited by P. Nardi, 206-22 3 . Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Heaphy, B. 2007. Sexualities, gender and ageing. Current Sociology 55: 1 93-2 1 0 . Hennen, P. 2008. Faeries, bears, and leathermen: Men in community queering the masculine. Chicago: Uni­ versity of Chicago Press. Hennen, P. 2005. Bear bodies, bear masculinity: Re­ cuperation, resistance, or retreat? Gender & Soci­ ety 1 9 : 25-43. Hostetler, A J. 2004. Old, gay, and alone? The ecol­ ogy of well-being among middle-aged and older single gay men, in Gay and lesbian aging: Research and fUture directions. Edited by G. Herdt and B. De Vries. New York: Springer. Jones, J. and S. Pugh. 2005. Ageing gay men. Men and Masculinities 7: 248-260. Katz, S. 2005. Cultural aging: Life course, lifestyle, and senior worlds. Ontario, Canada: Broadview Press. Kimmel, M. 1 996. Manhood in America: A cultural his­ tory. New York: The Free Press. Laws, G. 199 5 . Understanding ageism: Lessons from feminism and postmodernism. The Gerontologist 35(1): 1 1 2-18.

Lindau, S. T., L. P. Schumm, E . O. Laumann, W. Levinson, C. A O'Muircheartaigh, and L. J. Waite. 2007. A study of sexuality and health among older adults in the United States. New England Journal of Medicine 375: 762-774. Linneman, T. 2008. How do you solve a problem like Will Truman? The feminization of gay men on Will & Grace. Men and Masculinities 1 0 : 583--603

ARTICLE 21

Loe, M. 2003. The rise of Viagra: How the little blue pill changed sex in America. New York: New York University Press. Loftus, J. 200 1 . America's liberalization in attitudes toward homosexuality, 1 973 to 1998. American Sociological Review 66:762-782. Marshall, B. L. 2006. The new virility: Viagra, male aging and sexual function. Sexualities 9: 345-362. Marshall, B. L., and S. Katz. 2002. Forever functional: Sexual fitness and the ageing male body. Body & Society 8: 43-70. McVittie, c . , and J. Willock 2006. 'You can't fight windmills': How older men do health, ill health, and masculinities. Qualitative Health Research 16: 788-801 . Meadows, R . and K . Davidson 2006. Maintaining manliness in later life: Hegemonic masculinities and emphasized femininities. In Age matters: Re­ aligningfeminist thinking, edited by T. M. Calas­ anti and K. F. Slevin, 295-3 12. New York: Routledge. Messner, M. A. 1992. Power atplay: Sports and theprob­ lem of masculinity. Boston: Beacon Press. Nardi, P. 2000. 'Anything for a sis, Mary' : An intro­ duction to gay masculinities. In Gay masculinities, edited by P. Nardi, 1-1 1 . Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Oberg, P. 2003. Images vs. experiences of the aging body. In Aging bodies: Images and everyday experi­ ence. Edited by C. A. Faircloth, 1 03-39. Walnut Creek;, CA: AltaMira Press.

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Prime Timers World Wide. 2008. Prime Timers World Wide. http://www.primetimersww:org/about.htm (accessed January 1 3, 2008). Quam, J. K., and Whitford, G. S. 1 992. Adaptation and age-related expectations of older gay and les­ bian adults. The Gerontologist 32: 367-374. Rosenfeld, D. 2003. The homosexual body in lesbian and gay elders' narratives. In Aging bodies: Images and everyday experience, edited by C. A. Faircloth, 1 71-203. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press. Slevin, K. F. in-progress. Disciplining bodies: The aging experiences of old heterosexual and gay men. Generations. Slevin, K. F. 2006. The embodied experiences of old lesbians. In Age matters: Realigningfeminist think­ ing, edited by T. M. Calasanti and K. F. Slevin, 247-268. New York, Routledge. Spector-Mersel, G. 2006. Never-aging stories: West­ ern hegemonic masculinity scripts. Journal of Gender Studies 15: 67-82. Thompson, E . H., Jr. , and Whearty, P. M. 2004. Older men's social participation: The importance of masculinity ideology. The Journal of Men 's Studies 1 3 : 5-24. Thompson, E . H. 1 994. Older men as invisible men in contemporary society. In Older men's lives, edited by E. H. Thompson, 1-2 1 . London: Sage. Turner, B. S. 1 996. The body and society. 2nd ed. Lon­ don: Sage. Wahler, J., and S. G. Gabbay. 1997. Gay male aging: A review of the literature. Journal of Gay & Les­ bian Social Services 6: 1-20.

A R T I C L E

2 2

Gloria Steinem

If Men Could Menstruate

A white minority of the world has spent centuries

a-dope Pads, Joe Namath Jock Shields-"For

conning us into thinking that a white skin makes

Those Light Bachelor Days," and Robert "Baretta"

people superior---even though the only thing it re­

Blake Maxi-Pads.)

ally does is make them more subject to ultraviolet

Military men, right-wing politicians, and

rays and to wrinkles. Male human beings have

religious fundamentalists would cite menstrua­

built whole cultures around the idea that penis­

tion (" men-struation") as proof that only men

envy is "natural" to women-though having such

could serve in the Army ("you have to give blood

an unprotected organ might be said to make men

to take blood"), occupy political office ("can

vulnerable, and the power to give birth makes

women be aggressive without that steadfast cycle

womb-envy at least as logical.

governed by the planet Mars?"), be priests and

In short, the characteristics of the powerful,

ministers ( " how could a woman give her blood

whatever they may be, are thought to be better

for our sins?"), or rabbis ("without the monthly

than the characteristics of the powerless-and

loss of impurities, women remain unclean").

logic has nothing to do with it.

Male radicals, left-wing politicians, and mys­

What would happen, for instance, if sud­

tics, however, would insist that women are equal,

denly, magically, men could menstruate and

just different; and that any woman could enter

women could not?

their ranks if only she were willing to self-inflict

The answer is clear-menstruation would

a major wound every month ("you

must give

become a,n enviable, boastworthy, masculine

blood for the revolution"), recognize the preemi­

event:

nence of menstrual issues, or subordinate her self­

Men would brag about how long and how much. Boys would mark the onset of menses, that

ness to all men in their Cycle of Enlightenment. Street guys would brag (''I'm a three-pad man") or answer praise from a buddy ("Man, you "

) by giving fives and saying,

longed-for proof of manhood, with religious rit­

lookin' good!

uals and stag parties.

man, I'm on the rag!"

"Yeah,

Congress would fund a National Institute of

TV shows would treat the subject at length.

Dysmenorrhea to help stamp out monthly dis­

("Happy D ays " : Richie and Potsie try to con­

comforts.

vince Fonzie that he is still "The Fonz ," though

Sanitary supplies would be federally funded

he has missed two periods in a row.) So would

and free. (Of course, some men would still pay

newspapers. (SHARK SCARE THREATENS

for the prestige of commercial brands such as

MENSTRUATING

John Wayne Tampons, Muhammad Ali's Rope-

MONTHLY

MEN.

STRE S S

IN

JUDGE

CITES

PARDONING

RAPIST.) And movies. (Newman and Redford in From Outrageous Acts and Everyday Rebellions by Gloria Steinem , Holt, Rinehart and Winston. Copyright © 1983 by Gloria Steinem.

280

" Blood Brothers"!) Men would convince women that inter­ course was

more pleasurable at "that time of the

ARTICLE 22

month." Lesbians would be said to fear blood and therefore life itself-though probably only because they needed a good menstruating man. Of course, male intellectuals would offer the most moral and logical arguments. How could a woman master any discipline that demanded a sense of time, space, mathematics, or measure­ ment, for instance, without that in-built gift for measuring the cycles of the moon and planets­ and thus for measuring anything at all? In the rar­ efied fields of philosophy and religion, could women compensate for missing the rhythm of the universe? Or for their lack of symbolic death-and­ resurrection every month? Liberal males in every field would try to be kind: the fact that "these people" have no gift for measuring life or connecting to the universe, the liberals would explain, should be punishment enough. And how would women be trained to react? One can imagine traditional women agreeing to all these arguments with a staunch and smiling

If Men Could Menstruate

281

masochism. ("The ERA would force housewives to wound themselves every month" : Phyllis Schlafly. " Your husband's blood is as sacred as that of Jesus-and so sexy, too!": Marabel Mor­ gan.) Reformers and Queen Bees would try to imitate men, and pretend to have a monthly cycle. All feminists would explain endlessly that men, too, needed to be liberated from the false idea of Martian aggressiveness, just as women needed to escape the bonds of menses-envy. Radical feminists would add that the oppression of the nonmenstrual was the pattern for all other oppressions. ("Vampires were our first freedom fighters!") Cultural feminists would develop a bloodless imagery in art and literature. Socialist feminists would insist that only under capitalism would men be able to monopolize menstrual blood. . . . In fact, if men could menstruate, the power justifications could probably go on forever. If we let them.

A R T I C L E

2 3

Meika Loe

Fixing Broken Masculinity: Viagra as a Technology for the Production of Gender and Sexuality This essay centers on the turn of the century het­ erosexual male body as a new site for medical­ ization, technological enhancement, and cultural and personal crisis. Using ethnographic data, I explore the ways in which masculinity and het­ erosexuality are constructed and problematized in light of the Viagra phenomenon. I expose the ways in which consumers and practitioners ac­ tively make sense of Viagra in terms of "trouble" and "repair." And I argue that Viagra is both a cultural and material tool used in the production and achievement of gender and sexuality. For the first time in American history, biotechnology is being used to "fix" or enhance heterosexual male confidence and power and thus avert masculinity "in crisis." In this article I draw from fifty-one inter­ views (twenty-five male consumers and twenty­ six medical professionals) conducted between 1 999-200 1 , All names have been changed to insure confidentiality. The male consumers I spoke with are a self-selected group who responded to my requests for interviews through internet po stings, newspaper advertisements, practitioner referrals, senior citizens organiza­ tions, personal contacts, and prostate cancer sup­ port group meetings. They represent a diverse sample in terms of ethnicity, sexual orientation, and age (seventeen to eighty-six years old. The majority are middle class. Semi-structured conFrom Sexuality & Culture 5(3) Summer 2001. Reprinted with kind permission from Springer Science and Busi­ ness Media.

282

versational consumer interviews were primarily conducted over the phone or the internet (for anonymity and confidentiality reasons) with the in-person interview as the exception. In addition, I interviewed twenty-six medical professionals from Boston, Massachusetts, and Beverly Hills, California, two medically sophisticated urban areas with extremely different medical scenes. The majority of these interviews were in-person, semi-structured conversations, with phone con­ versations as the exception. All interviews were transcribed, and then coded and analyzed using qualitative data analysis software.

Turn of the Century Troubled Masculinity Problematic Package

In the age of Viagra, most practitioners and con­ sumers agree that loss of erectile function appears to be synonymous with loss of manhood. Early on, some urologists learned that they couldn't treat the penis in isolation from the man. To treat the penis on its own, one prominent psychiatrist commented, was not to see masculinity as a whole package. Certainly [the discovery of a chemical injection that could produce an erection] started a new era in understanding sexual response. This re­ ally excited urologists who thought they could isolate the erection from the man. Now they have learned they can't detach the man from his penis. [Baker, psychiatrist]

ARTICLE 23

It quickly became clear to many practitioners that masculinity was intimately tied to erectile functioning. A growing field of scholarship on male sexual bodies suggests that sexuality is a proving ground for masculinity (Bordo 1 999; Connell 1 995; Fasteau 1 975; Kimmel 1996; Potts 2000). Thus, for males, gender and sexuality may be difficult to separate out. Masculinity requires sexuality and vice versa. This conversation between a doctor, his patient, and myself exposes the close relationship between masculinity and erectile function. You see, sexual dysfunction in males is peculiar. I'm sure if someone is a para­ plegic and can't walk, he would feel psycho­ logically deprived. But beyond the great obvious lack-people who don't see or hear as well, they don't feel like they have lost their manhood, you see. I must tell you, and I'm not a psychiatrist, but I think it is far more prevalent in males than it would be in females. The fact that if women don't have sexual gratification, or don't have it [sex?] , it isn't that they don't miss it, but they don't have the psychological burden that males seem to have. Maybe it's a throwback to the time when the caveman went and dragged a woman out on his shoulder. [Bending, in­ ternist]

Doctor:

Me:

So sexuality is integral to male identity?

Absolutely! [My wife and I] talked about it for a long time-well a couple of weeks before the [prostate] operation itself. We talked about its possible we may not be able to have sex because the apparatuses they had out didn't necessarily work. So you could go for the rest of your life without hav­ ing sex. And [the doctor] is so right. You feel part of your manhood is gone. [Gray, consumer]

Patient:

Above, a practitioner and his patient agree that the "trouble" associated with erectile dys­ function is a psychological burden and loss of manhood. Most of my interview subjects were in

Fixing Broken Masculinity

283

agreement on this point; that if the penis is in trouble, so is the man. You probably wouldn't understand it-it's a big part of manhood. Ever since you're a little boy growing up that's a part of your masculinity. And whether its right or wrong, and however you deal with it that's well, I'm dealing with it and I seem to be okay. If a man gets an erec­ tion or the boys in the shower compare each other, that's your masculinity. A lot of men don't like to admit it. [Phil, consumer] -

,

,

In this way sexuality, or "erectile health," is compulsory for men; integral to achieving man­ hood. "Every man must pump up for phalloc­ racy" (Potts 2000, 98). While many men may not discuss their mas­ culinity problems openly with a doctor, the doc­ tor-patient dialogue above and Viagra's recent blockbuster success are representative of a new global concern for the "broken," or impotent male. If gender is "accomplished" in daily life (West and Fenstermaker 1 995), then the accom­ plishment of masculinity is situated, to some extent, in erectile achievement. Fixing the male machine and ensuring erectile functioning, for the patients quoted above and countless others, is to ensure masculinity. Viagra is a technology, or a tool, used to fix the broken machine.

The Poorly Functioning Male Machine

Donna Haraway argues that the postmodern sub­ ject is a cyborg, a hybrid creature composed of both organism and machine who populates a world ambiguously natural and crafted ( 1 99 1 , 1 49). Medical language about the body reflects the overlap between humans and machines as consumers and practitioners describe bodies using mechanical terminology such as "function­ ing" and "maintenance. " The metaphor of the body as a smoothly functioning machine is cen­ tral to Viagra constructions. In her research into 20th century understandings of health and the body, Emily Martin ( 1 994) found that the human body is commonly compared to a disciplined

284

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Men and Health

machine. Like a machine, the body is made up of

on a continuum from complete inability to

parts that can break down. Illness, then, refers to

achieve erection, to consistent ability to achieve

a broken body part. To fix this part ensures the

an erection. Many patients who are currently

functioning of the machine. Drawing on inter­

looking for treatment for erectile dysfunction

views with consumers and practitioners, I argue

inhabit the gray area (in terms of performance

in this section that the popularity of Viagra has

rankings from 1 to 1 0) , and appear to be con­

exposed and created a masculinity crisis of sorts.

cerned with restoring their "machine" to a "nor­

In this section, consumers and practitioners

mal,"

employ industrial and technological metaphors

Optimal performance, or the ability to penetrate

or near-perfect level

of

functioning.

to make sense of body and gender trouble, or

one's partner and sustain an erection, is desired,

masculinity

as reflected in the above quotes.

in crisis.

In this section, customers and practitioners make sense of "trouble" by attempting to locate

Trouble with Normal

problems in the male body or machine. Such

While rigidity is the goal, part of optimal penile

industrial metaphors are regularly used by Dr.

performance is to appear malleable. In a twenti­

Irwin Goldstein, a media-friendly urologist and

eth century postmodern world, flexibility is a trait

Pfizer consultant, known for describing erectile

cherished and cultivated in all fields, including

functioning as "all hydraulics" and suggesting

health (Martin 1 994). Thus, the healthiest bodies

that dysfunction requires "rebuilding the male

are disciplined machines which also exhibit cur­

machine. " Following this metaphor, common

rent cultural ideals such as reliability, fitness, and

treatment protocols for "erectile dysfunction"

elasticity (Martin 1 994). Viagra is constructed as

center on treating the penis (broken part) sepa­

a tool used to achieve the ideal flexible body-a

rately from the body (machine). Physicians are

body that is always "on cal1."

encouraged (by Pfizer representatives) to center

In some cases, Viagra is used by consumers

their doctor/patient dialogue around the patient's

who feel that normal penile functioning is not

erectile "performance "-asking the patient to rate

good enough. While these consumers claim they

their erections in terms of penetrability, hardness,

do not "need" Viagra, they are more satisfied

maintenance, and satisfaction levels. This con­

with their performance when they do use it. In

struction Gf the penis as dysfunctional and fixable

the quotes below, Bill and Stan imply that the pre­

is exemplified in the following quotes.

Viagra penis is slow, unpredictable, and uncer­

What I do is say [to patients complaining of erectile dysfunction] , "Tell me about the erec­ tions. When you were 20 years old let's say they were a 1 0, rock hard. Where would they be now on a scale from 1-107" So I give them some ob­ jectible evidence that they can give me. They'll say, oh, now it's a 2. A lot of guys say its now a

7 or

8 . I say "Can you still perform with a

7

or 8?" They say, "Yeah, but its not as good as it was." [Curt, urologist] The medical professionals I spoke with were clear that if a patient experiences " deficiency" or complete lack of erectile function, Viagra might be of help. But " dysfunction" may not be as black

tain, and thus, problematic. I noticed that if I get titillated, [after using Via­

gra] then the penis springs to attention. Not atypically. But more facile. It's easier. It's more convincing. It's not like maybe I'll get hard and maybe I won't. It's like "Okay, here I am! " [Stanford, consumer] For these consumers, the Viagra-body may be preferable to the natural body, because it is consistent and predictable. The "on-call" Viagra penis will consistently respond when it is needed, whereas the "natural" body is constructed as too unpredictable.

and white. As Pfizer Inc. and its promotional

Erections are a lot more temperamental than

information suggests, "erectile dysfunction" lies

people are willing to admit. But we have this

ARTICLE 23

image of masculinity and expectations of male sexuality as being virile and always ready to go and being the conqueror. And I think that this pill allows people to finally live out that myth (laughs). [Stu, consumer] As Stu points out, Viagra exposes the flawed "natural" body and enables a man to achieve mythic masculinity. In this way, the Viagra story is one that slips between artificial and natural, and even beyond to super-natural levels. For many, the promise of Viagra is the fact that it can deliver "optimal" results, pushing the consumer beyond his own conceptions of "normal" TIlllC­ tioning. In this way, practitioners and customers construct Viagra as a miracle cure because it not only "fixes" the problem, but makes things "bet­ ter." Below, Viagra is constructed as an enhance­ ment drug. With Viagra we say it's for a medical condition, not for just anyone. However I know a fellow who was fine who took a Viagra to get himself extra-normal. [Bastine, psychiatrist] Practitioners and consumers collaborate in constructing Viagra as a magic bullet that can "extend" the realm of "normal," and push people to the next level: extra-normality, or superhu­ manness. By pushing the boundaries of erectile function, performance, and sexuality, Viagra sets new standards and constructs countless male bod­ ies in need of repair. Consumers and practitioners use technqlogical metaphors to construct the ways in which Viagra can be used to repair the broken male machine.

Repairing the Broken Male There is no doubt that at the turn of the century, males may be feeling emasculated, powerless, and lifeless for any number of reasons. For those who are feeling this way, Viagra comes to the rescue, with the potential to avert or repair personal and/or cultural troubles. Acknowledging that cul­ ture, the media, or relationships can be a source of trouble is not part of the medical model and appears too complicated to fix. However, when

Fixing Broken Masculinity

285

the problem is located solely in the body (as in medical discourse), individualized, and treated as a physiological dysfunction, it can be easier to repair. Even clinical psychologists, who acknowl­ edge that the trouble can be psychological, social, or relational, may join medical practitioners in seeing Viagra as a tool for regaining body func­ tion and repairing confidence, and masculinity. In the face of troubled masculinity, Viagra is commonly constructed by consumers and prac­ titioners as a pill for masculinity-repair or instruc­ tion, to be used either in extreme erectile dysfunction cases where manhood appears to be "lost," to more common "mild E.D." situations where manhood needs a "jump-start" or an extra boost. In this way, Viagra itself is a technology for the production of gender and sexuality. Viagra can be understood as a tool for the repair and/ or production of hegemonic masculinity and sexu­ ality. Some consumers take Viagra hoping not only to restore or supplement "natural" physio­ logical function, but also "normal" masculinity and heterosexuality. Others choose not to use Via­ gra, claiming that Viagra is more "trouble" than solution by producing an artificial and "uncon­ trollable " body. This idea of trouble will be devel­ oped further in a later section. Tec hno-Fix and the Viagra "Tool" With the embrace of Viagra as a biotechnological "wonder," Viagra is invested with myriad tech­ nological metaphors. As we have seen, Viagra can be understood as a tool for fixing the broken male machine. The term "jump-start" is used by many practitioners and consumers to understand Via­ gra's effect on the body, and to symbolize an ener­ getic positive step forward, with biotechnology backing-up and assuring performance. Viagra can jump-start the body and the mind to produce a self-assured masculinity. Even the ones with psychological problems, they still try the Viagra to help convince them that everything works okay. I'll give it to them. You need this to jump-start your system. See how it works. If it gives you the confidence that

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Men and Health

you can get an erection, it can work. Then you can taper off of it. [Curt, urologist] Viagra is employed by practitioners as a tool, similar to jumper cables, to "jump-start " the male machine-to get the patient performing again. In the first quote above, the urologist renders the whole body affected by erectile dysfunction as lifeless, like a dead battery. The urologist and con­ sumers quoted after him use the same metaphor (although they don't know one another) and advocate a rapid return to normal erections, nor­ mal performance, and thus, normal masculinity. Below, a consumer uses the same terminology as practitioners to reveal how Viagra works in the body. Viagra is a miracle product for men with per­

Viagra's promise is one of corporeal techno­ logical enhancement-in the form of a snap-on, an accessory, and a ready-made erection. By mak­ ing such comparisons (car, steel, weapon), con­ sumers attribute masculine characteristics such as power, resilience, hardness, and strength to the Viagra penis, essentially constructing Viagra as a tool for producing masculinity, and enforcing social meanings. In this way, myth and tool mutu­ ally constitute each other (Haraway

Repair

=

1 99 1 , 1 64).

Trouble

Not all consumers buy into the techno-fix model. Some consumers commented that although Via­ gra may promise bodily repair it can actually cause more trouble than its worth. In this section, Viagra constructs problems, not solutions. Below,

formance problems. And partners love it too.

Viagra is constructed as techno-trouble, con­

I've found that it reallyjump-starts things, phys­

structing the male body as increasingly out of

iologically. I've talked to many people who say this. But where I'm at right now, with my diet

control.

and tantra work, Viagra just doesn't suit me

I don't ever want to try [Viagra] again. The

anymore. But I think for some people it might

thing about it is, the side-effects could be very

be great to take once in a while to jump-start

dangerous for someone a little older than I am.

things. [Bradley, consumer]

Because you do end up with palpitation. Your

Technology-based metaphors pervade prac­ titioner and consumer explanations of Viagra's

body is just not your body. So if [your func­ tioning is] not normal, I think its better to just let it go at that. Or make pills that are much

relationship to the male body. Many medical pro­

much weaker. But I wouldn't recommend it for

fessionals choose to use machine or automobile­

anybody. [Joel, consumer]

related metaphors to construct the type of treatment now available with Viagra . Here, Via­ gra does optional repair work (on the male machine) and erections are seen as enhancements or "attachments" to the basic body. Viagra has a snap-on component to it. People want it now. It is a metaphor for our culture. [Redding, psychotherapist] Consumers use similar industrial metaphors to describe how penises are repaired , trans­ formed, and enhanced after using Viagra. [My friend] Jack, on the other hand, claimed victory that night and said the little blue confi­

As we saw earlier, some men see Viagra as a tool to create the ideal flexible body. For other consumers, Viagra may produce a body that is overly rigid and inflexible. At this point, the Via­ gra-effect becomes "unnatural" and uncontrol­ lable, and consequently undesirable. Well, I also didn't like it because it was unnat­ ural. Like you were hard and you stayed hard. And I also didn't like the fact that it guaranteed things would be sexual until you weren't hard. [Dusty, consumer] Rather than lose control of their bodies or experience trouble through repair, these con­

dence pill helped him achieve "pink steel,"

sumers construct alternatives to the pharmaceu­

which impressed his occasional girlfriend, at

tical fix model, accepting their bodies as they are

least that night. [Lue, consumer]

or just "leaving it alone." Despite overwhelming

ARTIC LE 23

evidence that Viagra is associated with the pro­ duction of normal and/or mythic masculinity, these men work hard at reconstructing mas­ culinity as separate from " erectile health. " They insist that masculinity can be achieved without the help of Viagra, or consideration of erectile potential. I've talked to a lot of different men about this. Sonie cannot live without sex. They feel their sex makes them the man that they are. And I'm not sure how important that is to me. I'm a man anyways. It's about self-esteem. What do you think about yourself to begin with? [Ollie, con­ sumer] For many, Viagra fits perfectly in a society that is known for pushing the limits of normal. Consumers may be critical of American culture and Viagra's role in perpetuating the endless pur­ suit of the quick-fix. Consumers warn of a hedo­ nistic, money-driven, artificial world, where there is a pill for everything. Viagra exists in this world as a crutch or band-aid solution to larger social problems. I think there is a gross overuse of drugs for "happiness and well-being." Feeling depressed, get a script for a mood enhancer . . . feeling tired, get a pill for energy . . . want to have bet­ ter se.x, get some blue magic. What about the age-proven solution of removing or reducing the problems or stress factors affecting your life and th�n seeing if pharmacological agents are still needed? [Miles, consumer] Here, consumers construct society as phar­ macologically-infused, producing individuals who are dependent upon pills for health and hap­ piness. Consumers are critical of capitalist and biotechnological attempts at constructing needs, desires, and easy markets for products. I just see that society is just driving us crazy, making us jump through hoops and do things we really don't need to do. So-a drug for everything. Even if you don't want to do it, you are driven if you pay attention to what's going on. I'm not that kind of person. I just don't be­ lieve in it. [Ollie, consumer]

Fixing Broken Masculinity

287

In many ways, consumers are critical of Via­ gra's potential to enforce social and gendered meanings and realities. Savvy consumers refuse to "buy into" mythic masculinity, and see through problematic discourses of medical progress and widespread public health crises. In this way con­ sumers resist and reframe masculinity, biotech­ nology, and medicalization in ways that make sense to them. Rather than construct their bodies and masculinities as troubled, with Viagra as a techno-fix or magical solution, these consumers construct Viagra as problematic, contributing to larger social troubles.

Masculinity, Technology, and Resistance As my interview data reveals, Viagra can and is being used by consumers and practitioners to enforce and perpetuate such ideal and corporeal masculinities. In this way consumers collaborate with medical professionals and pharmaceutical companies in an attempt to understand and fix "broken" bodies. Perhaps of more interest, my data also reveals consumers and practitioners struggling with the necessity of the Viagra­ enhanced body, and what that represents. As they negotiate their relationship to this product, main­ stream ideas about sexuality, masculinity, and health are both reinforced and redefined in impor­ tant ways. For example, some insist that "doing" masculinity does not require sexual performance. Others are critical of a society that increasingly promotes and depends upon biotechnology for achieving health and happiness. This paper reveals men constructing their own ideas about manhood, medicalization, and biotechnology, and creating "various and competing masculini­ ties " in Viagra's midst (Messner 1 997).

References Basalmo, Anne. ( 1 996). Technologies of the Gendered Body: Reading Cyborg Women. Duke University Press.

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Bordo, Susan. (1999). The Male Body: A New Look At Men in Public and Private. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. Bullough, Vern. ( 1 987). Technology for the preven­ tion of "les maladies produites par la masturba­ tion." Technology and Culture, 28(4): 828-32. Connell, R. W ( 1 995). Masculinities. Berkeley: Uni­ versity of California Press. Comad, Peter & Joseph Schneider. ( 1 980). Deviance and Medicalization: From Badness to Sickness. Lon­ don: Mosby. Davis, Angela. ( 1 98 1 ) . Women, Race & Class. New York: Vintage. DeLauretis, Teresa. ( 1 987). Technologies of Gender. In­ diana: Indiana University Press. D'Emilio, John & Estelle Freedman. [1 988] 1 997. Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Ehremeich, Barbara & Dierdre English. ( 1973). Complaints and Disorders. The Sexual Politics of Sickness. New York: The Feminist Press. . (1979). For Her Own Good: 150 Years of the Ex­ pert's Advice to Women. New York: Anchor. Faludi, Susan. (1999). Stiffed: The Betrayal of the Amer­ ican Man. New York: Morrow and Co. Fasteau, Marc Feigen. (1975). The Male Machine. New York: Dell. Foucault, Michel. (1973). The Birth of the Clinic, an Ar­ chaeology of Medical Perception. New York: Vintage. . ( 1 977). Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Pantheon Books. ' . ( 1 9 78). The History of Sexuality, an Introduc­ tion. New York: Random House. Franklin, Sarah & Helena Ragone. (1 998). Introduc­ tion. In Reproducing Reproduction: Kinship, Power, and Technological Innovation. Eds. Sarah Franklin and Helena Ragone. Philadelphia: University of Pe=sylvania Press. Groneman, Carol. (1994). Nymphomania: The his­ torical construction of female sexuality. Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society, 19:2. Hausman, Bernice. ( 1 995). Changing Sex: Transsexu­ ailsm, Technology, and the Idea of Gender. London: Duke University Press. Haraway, Do=a Jeanne. (1991). Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature. New York: Routledge. . ( 1 999). The virtual speculum in the new world order. In Revisioning Women, Health, and --

---

---

---

Healing: Feminist, Cultural, and Technoscience Per­ spectives, Eds. Adele E . Clarke and Virginia L. Olesen. New York: Routledge. Irvine, Janice. ( 1990). Disorders of Desire: Sex and Gen­ der in Modern American Sexology. Temple Univer­ sity Press. Jacobson, Nora. (2000). Cleavage: Technology, Contro­ versy and the Ironies of the Man-Made Breast. New Jersey: Rutgers University Press. Kimmel, Michael. ( 1 996). Manhood in America: A Cul­ tural History. New York: Free Press. . & Michael Messner. [1989] 1995. Men's Lives. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. Maines, Rachel. ( 1 999). The Technology of Orgasm: ''Hysteria, " the Vibrator, and Women's Sexual Satis­ faction. Johns Hopkins. Messner, Michael. ( 1 997). The Politics of Masculinities: Men in Movements. Thousand Oaks: Sage Publi­ cations. Martin, Emily. (1994). Flexible Bodies. Boston: Beacon Press. Mumford, Kevin. ( 1992). Lost manhood found: Male sexual impotence and Victorian culture in the United States. Journal of the History of Sexuality, 3(1 ) . Potts, A=ie. (2000). The essence of the hard on. Men and Masculinities, 3(1): 85-103. Raymond, Janice. ( 1994). The Transsexual Empire: The Making of the She-Male. New York: Athene. Reissman, Catherine Kohler. ( 1983). Women and medicalization: A new perspective. Social Policy, 14( 1 ) . Sawicki, Jana. ( 1 991). Disciplinary Foucault: Feminism, Power, and the Body. New York: Routledge. Terry, Je=ifer. (1995). The seductive power of science in the making of deviant SUbjectivity. In Post­ human Bodies, eds. Judith Ha1berstam and Ira Livingston, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Tiefer, Leonore. ( 1998). Doing the Viagra tango. Radical Philosophy, 92. ---. ( 1 994). The medicalization of impotence: Normalizing phallocentrism. Gender & Society, 8(3). Watkins, Elizabeth. ( 1 998). On the Pill: A Social His­ tory of Oral Contraceptions, 1950-1970. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. West, Candace & Sarah Fenstermaker. ( 1 995). Doing difference. Gender & Society, 9( 1): 8-38. ---

A R T I C L E

2

Monica Casper Lisa Jean Moore

It Takes Balls: Lance Armstrong and the Tri u m ph of American Masculi nity "What's the deal with that name, anyway? Lance Armstrong. Is that a comic-book hero or a bendable action figure? Once somebody gives you a name like that, how hard can life be? Lance Armstrong. Wasn't he the star of those 1950s boys' sports books? Lance Armstrong, All-American Hero!" Rick Reilly, Sports Illustrated, 2002

What Lies Between Human bodies are fragmented, divided into spe­ cific parts for unique purposes. In allopathic med­ icine, for example, we rarely have our entire bodies x-rayed or examined; rather, body parts are isolated as part of the doctrine of specific eti­ ology, considered apart from the organism as a whole. We suffer headaches, stomachaches, and backaches, the pain displaying corporeal region­ alism. When we exercise at the gym, we work particular muscles, one day our biceps and the next our quads. We know how, thanks to fitness magazine�, exercise shows, and the ever-present instructors and trainers. In pornography, we see only body parts shown in exquisite detail, the full body often. not making the frame. The camera lens zooms in on penises, vaginas, and breasts, writhing, heaving, spread open for visual con­ sumption. Our body parts, the pieces that com­ prise the human machine, each have a history. Some, such as breasts and faces, are highly visible, while others are hidden, tucked away in our cel­ lular folds and blood-rich cavities. All body parts are laden with significance. The story of our own breasts, for example, could be framed as a narra­ tive about girlhood, puberty, sexual florescence, From Missing Bodies by Monica J. Casper and Lisa Jean Moore. Copyright © 2009. Published by New York Uni· versity Press. Reprinted by permission of the publisher.

pleasure and anxiety, body image, infant feeding, aging, and health. In this chapter, we are especially interested in meanings of male anatomy. The human scro­ tum, for example, is not an everyday topic of con­ versation. Outside of sex, pornography, and the omnipresent television image of professional ath­ letes adjusting their cups on the playing field, tes­ ticles-the spherical glands dangling inside the scrotum-are invisible. Sometimes packaged cre­ atively to enhance size and appearance . . . men's balls are nonetheless routinely hidden inside clothing and absent as body parts from public dis­ course. Pornography, when it does focus on male genitalia, tends to emphasize the phallus in all its rigid glory and not the "family jewels" gilding the sword. Diseases of men's bodies (e.g. , prostate and testicular cancers) are not nearly as well known or oft discussed as those affecting women's bodies. Indeed, testicles are more popu­ lar as a metaphor denoting masculinity: having balls means being a man. Correspondingly, hav­ ing no balls, like Jessica Lynch, means that one is feminized, a so-called "pussy". Lance Armstrong, the subject of our inquiry here, has legendary balls. This is entirely appro­ priate given that his name conjures up images of spears, javelins, and, dare we say it, another thrusting object: the phallus. Few professional athletes have achieved the mega-superstardom and instant name recognition of the seven-time

289

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Tour de France champion. While his achieve­ ments on a racing bike are unparalleled and the stuff of sporting legend, his identity as a testicu­ lar cancer survivor has further propelled Arm­ strong into the public eye. Indeed, he remarks often in media interviews that he would prefer to be known first as a survivor and second as a Tour champion. Certainly many athletes have donated their names to various causes, but no athlete has achieved the kind of commingled integration of sport, charity, and celebrity embodied-liter­ ally-by Armstrong. And few athletes have been more entrepreneurial: Lance Armstrong™ is an icon relentlessly self-fashioned-physically, men­ tally, and culturally. Commenting in 2003 on an Annie Leibovitz photograph of the famous cyclist . . . , journalist Rachel Koper writes, "When I look at Lance Armstrong's thighs I get weak in the knees. The sinuous calf, the knee straining like a neck . . . then those thighs. Naked, with tan lines, head down in the rain on the bike . . . Since the pic­ ture was actually shot indoors and not at an actual race, the lighting is fairly even and bright, and Lance becomes a breathing emblem of toughness-an avatar of endurance. It's easy to ignore the tan lines from those goofy spandex tights and the fake rain because those thighs don't lie." The Austin, Texas, reporter is not the only person obsessed with Armstrong's ripped thighs. Sports lllustrated's Rick Reilly describes a black-tie event in Las Vegas at which golfer Tiger Woods, himself no slouch in the fame and fortune depart­ ment, asked Armstrong if he could feel his legs. "And Tiger took his hands and put them on Arm­ strong's concrete thighs. 'Man ! ' he said, squeez­ ing. 'I mean, man! ' " As alluring as Armstrong's thighs may be­ and we admit to a certain regret that we have never fondled them in the name of science-we are equally interested in what lies between the man's awesome quads. The story of Lance Arm­ strong, tiber-cyclist, cannot be told outside of the story of Lance Armstrong, testicular cancer sur­ vivor. And in media accounts, autobiographies, biographies, and Lance Armstrong Foundation materials, this is exactly how the legend is nar-

rated. Both these battles-to overcome advanced cancer and to become a champion athlete-have intertwined to make Armstrong into a mythic (and lucrative) figure. ! In some ways, it's a famil­ iar trope: an ordinary young man in his prime is struck down by cancer, undergoes aggressive treatment, recovers miraculously, and is a changed man, better than he ever was as a person and an athlete. As the cyclist himself writes, "The truth is that cancer was the best thing that ever happened to me." But Lance Armstrong's illness narrative, just like Jessica Lynch's rescue tale, is no simple fable: it is complicated and fueled by his celebrity, which begins and ends with that legendary, much-photographed physique. Whether vulnera­ ble in disease or triumphant in victory, his body and its extraordinary visibility in popular culture have contributed to the making of the man and the myth. Journalist Martin Dugard describes "chasing Lance": following Armstrong and the other cyclists around France, with the man in yel­ low typically pedaling furiously at the front of the peloton. It seems to us that everyone has been chasing Lance Armstrong: rival athletes, photog­ raphers, attractive women and men, curious and awestruck children, sponsors, journalists, cancer survivors, scientists, and a couple of sociologists. What can one famous body and its highly visible machinations tell us about masculinity, illness, sport, philanthropy, and the redemption of Amer­ ican national identity in wartime?

Testicular Cancer and the Politics of Men's Health Testicular cancer is the most common type of cancer in young American men ages 15 to 34. It is highly treatable, compared to many other cancers, if diagnosed early. The disease is char­ acterized by development of a malignancy (or malignancies) in the testicles, which are located inside the scrota underneath the penis. The testes produce sex hormones and sperm cells for repro­ duction. Causes of testicular cancer are unknown, although there is some evidence that it may be linked to environmental toxins (Daniels 2006).

ARTICLE 24

It Takes Balls: Lance Armstrong and the Triumph of American Masculinity

For example, the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) suggests a connection between pregnant women's use of diethylstilbes­ terol (DES) and development of testicular cancer in male offspring.2 The age-adjusted incidence rate in the U.S. from 2000-2004 was 5 . 3 per 1 00,000, and the median age at death for testicu­ lar cancer was 40 years of age. Unlike many other diseases where incidence and mortality are higher in African Americans (as with infant mortality rates), for testicular cancer the incidence among white men is significantly higher, at 6.3 per 100,000 for whites as compared to 1 .4 per 1 00,000 for African Americans. 3 Men's health issues, especially those con­ cerning the genitals, historically have been invisi­ ble, and only recently has a men's health movement emerged to rival the women's health movement (Clatterbaugh 2000; White 2002). As sociologists Dana Rosenfeld and Christopher Faircloth suggest, studying medicalization, men's bodies, and men's health can enhance our under­ standing of masculinity and gender relations. For example, in Sperm Counts, Lisa chronicled prac­ tices involving sperm in medicine and culture, including interpretations of semen and male gen­ italia, noting a clear connection between sperm and constructions of masculinity. All too often, serious discussions of male anatomy (despite visualization in pornography, for example) are shrouded in secrecy, denial, and shame. Men do not often talk about their health, seek care on their own, or undertake preventive practices such as testicular self-exam (TSE). For example, our classroom suggestions to male students that they should be practicing such exams have been rou­ tinely met with discomfort and embarrassment. This general neglect of men's health "generates considerable pain and suffering, along with size­ able and avoidable health care costs" (Meyer 2003). The consequences of testicular cancer may be significant, even when the disease is not fatal. In a qualitative study of men's most humiliating experiences, the rankings were, from the most to the least: not maintaining an erection during sex, losing a testicle to cancer, being teased about penis size, having a rectal exam, being diagnosed as

291

sterile, being left by an intimate partner, and being seen naked by male friends (emphasis added). Canadian psychologist Maria Gurevich and her colleagues assert "testicular cancers occur at a point in a man's life when the impact on sexu­ ality, identity and fertility may be significant. " Drawing o n earlier studies suggesting important links between "testicular integrity" and "the coherence of male (sexual) identity," the authors interviewed forty men diagnosed with testicular cancer. They found that the loss of a testicle was interpreted as a challenge to masculinity; the anatomical structure served as an important marker of identity. In their words, "the routes to readings of masculinity inevitably pass through anatomy . . . [and] anatomically intact bodies are designated as anatomically and socio-culturally ' correct' bodies" (Gurevich et al. 2003: 1 604). In a comparative analysis of breast, testicu­ lar, and prostate cancer, medical sociologist Juanne Clarke (2003: 549) found in media por­ trayals "the threat of the disease seems to be less a threat to life itself than a threat to the proper, i. e. , gendered enactment of life." Coverage of tes­ ticular cancer, in particular, emphasized early detection and aggressive treatment while also couching genital terminology in colloquialisms such as "nuts," "balls," and "family jewels. " Tes­ ticles were frequently associated with manhood and masculinity, and the disease and its treatment often discussed in militarized metaphors (Clarke 2003). Reference is made in this article to Arm­ strong's autobiography, in which he describes "the war on cancer" and the disease as "just like a big race" . Moreover, in Clarke's study, testicu­ lar cancer was found to be associated with sexu­ ality, fertility, and relationships with women. This type of media coverage causes Clarke to ask, "Why are breast, testicular, and prostate cancers portrayed as threats to masculinity, femininity and sexuality rather than as mechanical and organic failures that could have life-threatening consequences?" Journalist Arthur Allen (1999) reports " advances in chemotherapy and other treatment nearly assure survival for most of the patients diag­ nosed with testicular cancer nowadays, a fact

292

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PART FIVE

obscured by Armstrong-and most of the press­

Armstrong describes his illness as "humbling

when they proclaimed his accomplishment as

and starkly revealing" , forcing him to consider

downright miraculous." According to oncologist

aspects of his life with "an unforgiving eye"

Bruce Roth, however, "it is absolutely not a mira­

(2000:4). Indeed, the narrative of It's Not About the Bike follows Armstrong's cancer experience

cle" (quoted in Allen

1 999).

Testicular cancer is

quite survivable, even when it is advanced. But "this

from shocking diagnosis to incredible recovery,

is not to say that [it] is a walk in the park," writes

with a brief sojourn through his personal history

Orchiectomy, or amputation of the

including his strong bond with his mother, Linda,

testicle(s), is one common treatment for testicular

who raised him on her own. The subtext of the

cancer, and potentially the one with the most last­

book, co-written with prolific sports journalist

ing emotional consequences. Chemotherapy and

Sally Jenkins, is about how a champion is forged

Allen

(1999).

radiation are also key weapons and may reconfig­

from adversity, both on and off the bike. In Arm­

ure the body while destroying malignancies. The

strong's case, that adversity comes in the form of

overall message of testicular cancer is that it is often

a personal and public war against testicular

silent, rarely deadly, but can have enormous impli­

cancer. The story is suffused with elements of mas­

cations for a man's sense of masculinity.

culinity, from Armstrong's characteristically male

"Two Lance Armstrongs": The Making of a Champion and a Cause

denial of his illness, to his relationship with his now ex-wife ("Don't be a skirt" , he tells her when she drives too cautiously), to his abundant and

25 years old, his

renowned cycling achievements. The take-home

strong, young body betrayed him by developing

message is that "there are two Lance Armstrongs,

cancer. He did not pay attention when his right

pre-cancer and post"; both are men, but only one

In

1 996,

when Armstrong was

testicle swelled and became painful. In fact, he

can become a superhero. Ironically, Armstrong

assumed it was a bike-related injury and, like

had to lose a testicle to gain the kind of symbolic

It's

balls that turned an ordinary, if highly successful,

should

athlete into a mega-star. Dugard (2005: 8 1 ) puts it

many men, ignored it. In his autobiography,

Not About the Bike,

he writes, "Of

course I

have known that something was wrong with me.

this way: "The cancer had reshaped Armstrong's

But athlete �, especially cyclists, are in the business

body, stripping away all that upper body muscu­

of denial. You deny all the aches and pains

lature. In its place was the stick-thin torso the

because you have to in order to finish the race"

world has come to know so well. His heart, by

2000:5). He continued

contrast, was bigger-not physically, but meta­

to compete, winning the Fleche-Wallonne (the

physically. Lance Armstrong had faced death and

(Armstrong. and Jenkins

first American to do so) and the Tour Du Pont.

miraculously returned to life. He knew what it

He was frequently exhausted, but told himself to

was to race against time."

" suck it up." That year, he dropped out of the

In Armstrong's own story, cancer is deeply

2,

Tour de France after just five days, too tired and

transformative : "I left my house on October

sore to be a viable contender. In September, he

1 996,

experienced a "brain-crushing" headache, and

was a world-class athlete with a mansion on a

one day soon after he began to cough up blood.

riverbank, keys to a Porsche, and a self-made for­

as one person and came home another. I

He thought perhaps his sinuses were acting up. It

tune in the bank. I was one of the top riders in

was not until his right testicle had expanded to

the world and my career was moving along a per­

the size of an orange that he sought medical care

fect arc of success. I returned a different person,

(testicles are typically about the size of a plum).

literally. In a way, the old me did die, and I was

The diagnosis: stage

3

testicular cancer, which

given a second life" (Armstrong and Jenkins

had already metastasized to his lungs, abdomen,

2000:4). One of the most striking aspects of Arm­

and brain.

strong's account is the fear and self-doubt that

ARTICLE 24

It Takes Balls: Lance Armstrong and the Triumph of American Masculinity

consumed him after he received his cancer diag­ nosis. Before cancer, he believed himself to be "an indestructible 25-year-old, bulletproof" (Armstrong and Jenkins 2000: 14). He worried not only that cancer might take his career and his life, but also that it would change his very defini­ tion of self. He writes, "There were gallons of sweat all over every trophy and dollar I had ever earned, and now what would I do? Who would I be if I wasn't Lance Armstrong, world-class cyclist?" Immediately post-diagnosis, he was reduced to a frighteningly monolithic identity: "sick person" (Armstrong and Jenkins 2000: 14). Armstrong sought and received aggressive treatment for his advanced cancer, from October through December 1 996 at Indiana University Medical Center. He underwent two surgeries, one to remove his affected testicle and the other to remove cancerous tissue from his brain. In his autobiography, Armstrong writes: "I spent the first weekend on the couch recovering from the surgery. The anesthesia made me woozy, and the incision was excruciating. I rested and watched football while my mother cooked for me, and we both read up on cancer, exhaustively" (2000:84). He experienced two rounds of chemotherapy, and later was hailed by pharmaceutical manufac­ turers as a poster child for their products.4 These chemical cocktails also came to have a starring role in the doping scandals and allegations by the French media of Armstrong's use of performance enhancing .supplements. "I had no life other than chemo," Armstrong recalls (2000: 1 32). "My oId forms of keeping dates and time fell by the way­ side, substituted by treatment regimens." An important part of Armstrong's cancer narrative is confronting his low sperm count and future reproductive capacity. He eventually banked his sperm, and post-treatment, he fathered three children with whom he is frequently pho­ tographed. Only after he retired from competitive cycling did he divorce their mother and begin a succession of relationships with celebrity women. A significant portion of It's Not About the Bike and its sequel, Every Second Counts, is devoted to Arm­ strong's quest for his lost masculinity. This process began with his successful efforts, with

293

then-wife Kik, to produce children through in vitrofertilization but it certainly did not end there. Armstrong's life, as detailed in these books, is devoted to hard bodily work, pain and suffering through sport, the annihilation of his opponents in the Tour, and a series of risky practices includ­ ing diving headfirst off a 50-foot bluff into Dead Man's Hole near his home in Texas, just to remind himself that he's still alive. His is an epic quest, framed in the language of conquest. Or, as journalist Daniel Coyle (2006) terms it, Lance Armstrong's War: One Man's Battle Against Fate, Fame, Love, Death, Scandal, and a Few Other Rivals on the Road to the Tour de France. Lance Armstrong was not the first celebrity to struggle against testicular cancer and probably he will not be the last. In 1 970, the Chicago Bears' Brian Piccolo died at age 26 from the dis­ ease, inspiring a book and made-for-TV movie, Brian's Song. As sportscaster Bob Costas has pointed out, viewing Brian's Song is practically a male rite of passage with requisite emotional catharsis: "There's no question that Brian Pic­ colo's story was amplified by the movie. And now generations later, you don't know how many guys who ordinarily would be loath to admit that they shed a tear, will tell you at the drop of a hat, I still cry every time I see Brian's Song."5 Emotional dis­ plays aside, the movie does not mention testicular cancer or make any overt reference to the type of cancer that Piccolo died from. In 2000, comedian Tom Green turned his testicular cancer into television entertainment, offering real-time coverage of his surgery and filming several public service announcements. And Olympic figure skater Scott Hamilton under­ went treatment in 2003 for advanced testicular cancer, accompanied by significant media expo­ sure. Yet "it wasn't until Lance Armstrong . . . won the Tour de France [in 1999] that the disease again received mass attention" (Vastag 1 999) . This time around, it was an unprecedented amount, fueled by our collective fascination with sport and disease, and by increasing public atten­ tion to men's health (White 2002). Health edu­ cator Samantha King (2006:xvii) argues that Armstrong's "very public battle with testicular

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Men and Health

cancer has helped strengthen the profile of men's cancers in general." Or, as Allen ( 1 999) puts it, "Skater Scott Hamilton, subway shooter Bernard Goetz, Alexander Solzhenitsyn and the panda Hsing-Hsing all survived testicular cancer, but none stepped forward as role models. Armstrong has gripped the role with gusto." Like the family and friends of football player Piccolo, who established the Brian Piccolo Foun­ dation for testicular cancer research, Armstrong set up his own organization, the Lance Arm­ strong Foundation (LAF). He did so during his treatment for the disease and before he knew if he would recover. Consider the self-promotional language used on the LAF website: "this marked the beginning of Lance's life as an advocate for people living with cancer and a world represen­ tative for the cancer community. "6 The LAF sup­ ports research on testicular cancer, particularly the after-effects of treatment, and it has helped to solidify Armstrong's role as an authority in the war on cancer. In 2005, it awarded 27 grants to 2 1 institutions across the U.S., totaling more than $5 million. It also provides resources for support and care of cancer sufferers; for example, the afflicted (and their families) can download or order mate­ rials to help them guide and organize their treat­ ment. In 2005, more than 28,000 survivorship notebooks :were distributed. 7 Clearly, Armstrong's "balls" have been incred­ ibly productive. He is not just a survivor and a win­ ner, but is a champion for people with cancer. He transformed his illness experience-and his con­ siderable earnings-into an effective, financially sound advocacy organization. How effective can be measured, in part, by the unexpected success of the yellow silicon LiveStrong bracelets worn by cancer survivors, athletes, youth, gymrats, cycling fans, soccer moms, presidential candidates, and health care professionals around the country. The bracelets hit the market in 2004 at various outlets (Niketown, Foot Locker, etc.), selling for $1 each. With corporate sponsorship from Nike, 1 00% of the proceeds of the first five million bracelets went directly to the LAF The bracelets sold out before that summer's Tour de France had ended-illus­ trating an emergent and profitable alliance between

corporations and philanthropies.8 Why so suc­ cessful? New York Times consumer journalist Rob Walker suggests "there's nothing even vaguely con­ troversial or political or even provocative about a visible declaration of concern about cancer. Per­ haps more crucial, the item is associated not just with a cause, but also with a heroic athlete at the peak of his popularity." Celebrity cases draw attention to disease, and they may help to spawn social movements and change. But as physician and author Barron Lerner (2006) points out, the ways in which ill­ nesses affect celebrities may be quite different than for ordinary people. For example, while Armstrong may fit the demographic for testicu­ lar cancer incidence, he is quite unusual in other respects. For one, he survived a rare form of advanced cancer that might have killed a "lesser" human, somebody not wealthy, privileged, and extremely fit. Anthropologist and bioethicist Barbara Koenig (200 1 ) argues, "Armstrong's dra­ matic recovery is atypical . . . Over 1 , 500 Amer­ icans die each day from cancer. No commercials trumpet their needs or remind us that once 'saved' from cancer we will necessarily die of something else . . . It's the miracles that sell, repeating the heroic narratives of success we are so fond of." In Armstrong's epic recovery, our insatiable desire for evidence of medicine's achievements collides seamlessly with our need for everyday miracles and invincible heroes. But what makes Armstrong so special, aside from his considerable fame and fortune? How is it possible that he actu­ ally survived advance d cancer? Is he, indeed, superhuman? How was he able to redeem his masculinity despite amputation of one of his tes­ ticles? In addressing these questions, we turn next to bodily obsessions, or the ongoing cultural examination of what makes Lance tick.

"The Lance Armstrong Effect" : Scrutinizing the Unbeatable Body In It's Not About the Bike, peppered among descrip­ tions of grueling cancer treatment and the chal­ lenges of recovery, Armstrong details the surprisingly positive changes wrought upon his

ARTICLE 24

It Takes Balls: Lance Armstrong and the Triumph of American Masculinity

body by the disease. He writes, "There was one unforeseen benefit of cancer: it had completely reshaped my body. I now had a much sparer build. In old pictures, I looked like a football player with my thick neck and big upper body . . . Now I was almost gaunt, and the result was a lightness I'd never felt on the bike before. I was leaner in body and more balanced in spirit" (2000:224). Ironically, testicular cancer and its physical aftermath transformed Armstrong from a decent athlete into a superstar, in part by chem­ ically resculpting his body, paring it down to per­ fectly meet the demands of competitive cycling. Media coverage routinely notes the cancer as a signal moment in which Armstrong shifted from merely racing to becoming a champion, marking corporeal changes as part of the legend. Dugard (2005: 207) declares, " Before the cancer, Lance had been just another bike racer." Reilly (2002) asserts, "Among professional athletes Armstrong is mythic. " Opinion seems mixed as to whether Armstrong's success is due to one of three factors: enhancement, genetics, or sheer will. Science writer Gina Kolata (2005) argues in the New York Times, "The urban legends about Lance Armstrong have been circulating for years: He's superhuman, a genetic freak, the one person on the planet so perfectly made to ride the Tour de .France that competitors don't have a chance." Others have described the cyclist as Her­ culean, evoking mythical strength. Yet we are not invested here in resolving these disagreements; we do not particularly care what makes the Lance machine run like the Energizer Bunny® or whether he in fact used performance enhancing drugs. Rather, we want to focus on what public discussions about Armstrong's famous physique can tell us about sport, embodiment, and mas­ culinity. We have detected a certain obsession with the cyclist's body on the part of sports writ­ ers, scientists, cyclists, and the media. They all want to know one thing: how a man who sur­ vived stage 3 cancer became one of the greatest athletes of all time. Few athletes are as frequently measured and evaluated as Armstrong. Indeed, the detailed analysis of Armstrong's body represents a whole

295

new order of fragmentation. Journalist Michael Specter (2002) writes, "Every ounce of fat, bone, and muscle on Armstrong's body is regularly inventoried, analyzed, and accounted for. I asked him if he felt it was necessary to endure the daily prodding and poking required to provide all this information, and to adhere so rigidly to his train­ ing schedules. 'Depends on whether you want to win,' he replied. 'I do.' '' This scrutiny is most evi­ dent in the doping controversy surrounding Arm­ strong. Coyle (2005: 1 84) observes, "As the world's premier cyclist, he was treated with unparalleled levels of suspicion. Armstrong was tested thirty, forty times a year, both in competi­ tion and out . . . In 2001 -02 the Postal team had been the subject of a twenty-one-month French judicial inquiry that was eventually dropped for lack of evidence." Tested randomly in the U. S . , France, and elsewhere over a period of many years, the cyclist has always turned up clean. Moreover, he has repeatedly and publicly denied drug use. In a clever television ad for Nike produced in 2000, he stated "Everybody wants to know what I'm on. What am I on? I'm on my bike, busting my ass six hours a day. What are you on?" (Specter 2002). In Every Second Counts, Armstrong avowed, "I wanted all the tests, because I knew they would come back pure. They were my only means of vindication" (2003:80). But the accusations con­ tinue to fly, especially from the French who he perpetually beat (seven times) on their own turf (Dugard 2005; CBS News 2006). Surely, no "ordinary" human being could accomplish what Armstrong did without enhancement, according to this camp. Other commentators, outraged by allega­ tions of doping, believe that Armstrong is a sin­ gularly phenomenal natural athlete endowed with superior qualities. In How Lance Does It, for exam­ ple, his longtime friend Brad Kearns blends self­ help and hagiography to position Armstrong as " genetically superior." Specter (2002) describes Armstrong's body as "specially constructed for cycling," noting that, "his thigh bones are unusu­ ally long . . . which permits him to apply just the right amount of torque to the pedals. " He also

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Men and Health

points out that "Armstrong's heart is almost a

success, kinesiologist Ed Coyle reports: "As it

third larger than that of an average man . " (And

turns out, it wasn't drugs or any other artificial

here we assume he means physically, not meta­

enhancement-it was just a simple matter of

one interview, "He's the proof that Darwinism

training ethic that 99 percent of us don't come

works." Here, evolutionary theory is marshaled

anywhere close to having."

physically.) Coyle remarked about Armstrong in

determination, natural-born physical gifts and a

All of these perspectives on "how Lance

in the service of celebrity. A group of scientists were so impressed by

does it" share two important features: they agree

the cyclist's stunning ability to recover from

that the champ was (and perhaps still is) relent­

metastatic testicular cancer that they coined the

lessly unbeatable, and they focus on the cyclist's

term "the Lance Armstrong Effect" to describe

legendary body. We are not suggesting here that

such "astounding therapeutic success" (Coffey et

Armstrong is the only American athlete ever to

al. 2006). The subtext of the article, which exam­

be so dissected by press and pundits. Others, such

ines cellular and molecular factors related to

as Michael Jordan and Barry Bonds, have had

Armstrong's survival, is : If Lance can do it, so

their share of the media spotlight, including

perhaps can other patients diagnosed with testic­

emphasis on extraordinary physical capabilities.

ular cancer (assuming they have s ome of the

However, Armstrong's body represents a unique

same physical attributes as Armstrong). This is a

conglomeration of factors. His experiences with

theme repeated often in LAF materials designed

testicular cancer and his identity as a survivor are

to inspire other cancer survivors. But as Arm­

layered inextricably with his unprecedented suc­

strong himself notes, "Basically, I can endure

cess as a seven-time Tour de France champion

more physical stress than most people can, and I

and his celebrity. His body, and his testicles specif­

don't get as tired while I'm doing it. So I figure

ically, represent male vulnerability at the same

maybe that helped me live. I was lucky-I was

time that they embody the superhuman. He is

born with an above-average capacity for breath­

one of us, but crucially not. Not only is his body

ing" (Armstrong and Jenkins 2000: 4).

perceived to be superior to the bodies of most ath­

A third category of Lance-chasers eschews

letes (much less vis-it-vis ordinary people), but so

genetic explanations while also dismissing alle­

too is his drive to win and succeed. Regardless of

gations of Gloping. This camp believes there is an

which perspective one adopts regarding what

obvious explanation for Armstrong's success: he

makes Lance tick, all are focused on the same

works harder and "trains more than his competi­

goal: explaining his post-cancer success and artic­

tors" (Specter 2002). Reilly says, "It's not Arm­

ulating a unified theory about his extraordinary

strong's body that wins Tours. It's his will."

physical capabilities.

Armstrong has described his bike as his office:

Consider Discovery Education's lesson plans

"It's my job . . . I love it, and I wouldn't ride if I

for grades 9-1 2 , "The Science of Lance Arm­

didn't. But it's incredibly hard work, full of sacri­

strong. " (The cyclist was initially sponsored by

fices. And you have to be able to go out there

the U.S. Postal Service, and later by the Discovery

every single day" (quoted in Specter 2002). The

Channel.) Objectives of the lesson plans include:

cyclist is known for his fixation on every detail

learning that science is essential in athletic train­

about diet (including how much each morsel

ing; researching examples of sports science;

weighs), watts burned while riding, his weight,

explaining how new technologies have changed

speed, aerodynamics, his heart rate at rest and in

sports; and discovering careers in sports science.

motion, lactic acid levels, aerobic and anaerobic

Modules of the plan focus on physiology, equip­

abilities, and other performance-related minutiae.

ment, psychology, and training/strategy. Arm­

His workouts are legendary and have been fea­

strong's body is the material used to illustrate

tured in books for the masses (e.g.,

The Lance Arm­

each module. For example, under physiology the

strong Performance Program). On Armstrong's

plan reads : "Heart can pump more blood per

A R T I C LE 24

It Takes Balls: Lance Armstrong and the Triumph of American Masculinity

minute and beat more times than the average heart"; "He was 20 pounds lighter after cancer but with the same strength"; and "Has very high lung efficiency and aerobic capacity. "9 So while the lesson plan is geared toward explaining vari­ ous aspects of training and strategy, contained within it are assumptions about Armstrong's cor­ poreal uniqueness and superiority. He becomes that anomaly which sports science must explain. High school students can learn about drafting, drag, and lactic acid, but they will also learn that Lance Armstrong is special. There is nobody quite like him. Armstrong's body, then, is both literally and figuratively taken apart and displayed by educa­ tors, medical professionals, the media, the LAF, high school students, and his supporters and rivals. The physical vulnerability showcased by his testicular cancer is reframed, over and over again, as an opportunity. In the end, Armstrong still has only one ball (his friend, the comedian Robin Williams, jokingly calls him the Uni­ Baller),10 but he has balls, and thus his masculin­ ity is redeemed. The reality of Armstrong's body as "deformed" (i.e., missing a testicle) is erased; the most gendered physical consequence of tes­ ticular cancer-amputation of the balls-is hid­ den from view. We suspect that a woman athlete who und<;rgoes mastectomy would not be able to overcome public scrutiny and be seen as whole, nor would she forever be identified positively (much les5 humorously) as the one-breasted champion. Yet we see Lance Armstrong's body as whole, and then some. He is not reduced to a missing testicle, but becomes even more than the sum of his parts-magnificent thighs, giant heart, outsized lungs, and imposing will. These dynamics are not only gendered, but they are also thoroughly racialized. Consider the figure of Barry Bonds, the bad boy of baseball. Unlike Armstrong, who has deflected allegations of steroid use like so much Teflon while lesser men (and women) have fallen, Bonds has been unable to dodge accusations of chemical en­ hancement. And where Armstrong embodies the straight, white, male American hero that every­ one (except the French) admires, Bonds is

297

unavoidably Black. He is routinely portrayed in the media as a liar and a criminal, and much is made of his arrogance and lack of polish. As author and critic John Ridley points out, Bonds is just not that "likeable" ; little wonder that a biog­ raphy of the famous hitter is called Love Me, Hate Me: Barry Bonds and the Making of an Antihero. Bloggers have picked up on the distinctions between the cyclist and the baseball giant, noting that Armstrong is often portrayed as the "anti­ Barry Bonds." Not only is Bonds already cultur­ ally suspect by virtue of his race, he did not overcome a near-fatal disease nor has he been seen bicycling among the wildflowers with Dubya. His philanthropy, the Bonds Family Foundation, helps underprivileged youth (read Black) in the San Francisco Bay Area, not cancer survivors. And the lived realities of poor kids' lives cannot compare to the glamour of celebrity diseases and charities. Lance Armstrong is, to borrow Rick Reilly's words, a bendable action figure. He is a superman for our times. And if "it's not about the bike " , then i t really must b e about the balls, o r rather the structural arrangements of gender that are rou­ tinely advantageous to men, particularly white men, and disadvantageous to women and men of color. As Christi Anderson of Eurosport tells Dugard (2005: 1 73) in Chasing Lance: "It's all about having a big set . . . The upper ten percent of the riders all have a big set of balls. Lance only has one, but it's a very big one. " And in our enduring national quest for heroes, bigger really is better.

Holding Out for a (National) Hero In 2006, the U.S. Navy announced that its elite SEAL (sea, air, and land) unit would begin recruiting from within the ranks of accomplished athletes including snow boarders, surfers, ice climbers, and water polo players (Hsu 2007). Due to conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq, in which the SEALs are heavily involved, there is an ongoing need for new recruits who can successfully com­ plete the rigorous training. The SEALs are known as one of the toughest and fittest military units in

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the country; "the Navy Special Warfare Com­ mand figures that ultra-athletes have the physical and mental toughness to get through SEAL train­ ing's legendary Hell Week and thrive in the secre­ tive, intensely demanding world of special ops" (Liewer 2006). Because less than 25 percent of each class of trainees graduates, the Navy has become more creative in how it seeks and retains recruits. This means targeting men who "are already living an athletic lifestyle" (Liewer 2006), men just like Lance Armstrong who would make the perfect Navy SEAL (he was once a competi­ tive swimmer)-except that he is now several years past the cutoff age (28 years old) for new recruits. Armstrong's physique and its visibility evoke a dream of the perfect soldier: a lean, mean fighting machine, capable of withstanding extra­ ordinary challenges. Armstrong is a kind of weaponized cyborg, ready to be deployed down (or up) a mountain-his memoirs are full of mil­ itary metaphors involving conquests and battles. His body has been (re)crafted from a potent mix of chemicals, exercise, training, strategy, supple­ ments, measurements of all kinds, food, and a perfect melding of his muscular frame to the tech­ nology of a super light bicycle. No surprise that "he was the first cyclist in the Tour to use aero­ dynamically tapered handlebars for the final time trial" (Specter 2002). Indeed, according to Specter, one of the things the French do not like much about Armstrong is that he embodies a "technological renaissance" that troubles many traditionalists who believe the Tour should be won by sweat alone. Armstrong the cyborg is more like the soldier of the future, genetically and technically enhanced, than he is like the Tour de France riders of old (see Thompson 2006). A bionic man for the 2 1 st century, Arm­ strong first won the Tour in 1999, after recovering from testicular cancer; his seventh and final vic­ tory came in 2005. In March 2003, President Bush launched an invasion of Iraq, and just a few short weeks later, Pfc. Jessica Lynch was "res­ cued" by U.S. troops. Later that month, in April 2003, Secretary of State Colin Powell warned France that there would be consequences of its

refusal to support military action against Iraq. According to BBC News, "the idea would be to send a signal to the French that relations are in the freezer. President Chirac should not expect an invitation to the White House" (BBC News 2003). French goods and services-including wine, cheese, and hotels-faced a backlash from Amer­ ican consumers who supported the invasion (Bhatnagar 2003). Foods such as French fries were temporarily renamed Freedom Fries, a move that the U.S. Congress supported. In such tense times, it was terribly satisfying for many Americans when Armstrong beat France on its own geopolitical terrain. As sportswriter Andrew Hood (2003) reported, "What could be more galling to the Gauls on July 27 than to see Lance Armstrong­ whose record, cocksure manner and red-white­ and-blue, government-sponsored U.S. Postal Service team screams American domination­ atop the podium on the Champs-Elysees for a his­ toric fifth straight time? After all, Armstrong has not just dominated their Tour the last four years, he has changed its character by introducing pri­ vate jets, bodyguards, and retractable barriers to a sport whose charm was once rooted in the acces­ sibility of its champions. " It mattered little that Armstrong publicly stated his opposition to the invasion of Iraq, especially after he was pho­ tographed bicycling with his friend George W. Bush on his Texas ranch. Like Jessica Lynch, who left the war with sig­ nificant injuries requiring technical intervention, Armstrong, too, has become a pop culture cyber­ netic organism. Feminist historian of science Donna Haraway's cyborg was meant to be gen­ der-free, a kind of explosion of binary categories such as male and female and an opportunity for hopefulness about the dismantling of gender through technological integration and innovation. Yet we want to argue here that cyborgs are pro­ foundly gendered; they may deepen gender differ­ ences and cleavages rather than erase them. Jessica Lynch and Lance Armstrong both are cyborgs, to be sure, but they are very different kinds of cyborgs: One a girl soldier, configured as a fragile, injured princess to be rescued, the

ARTI C LE 24

It Takes Balls: Lance Armstrong and the Triumph of American Masculinity

embodiment of "messy hardware" , and the other a superhero for our times, a soldier of the future (and of fortune), remade stronger than ever before. In closing, we want to talk about what hap­ pens when visually privileged superheroes become human again. In 2006, Armstrong took on a different challenge: he ran the New York City Marathon, a grueling 26.2-mile race through Manhattan. By his own admission, he had not really prepared, other than engaging in his usual post-retirement workouts, and he stumbled across the finish line exhausted, sweaty, and obviously in pain. He finished the race in the middle of the pack, with a time of two hours, 59 minutes and 36 seconds-"good stockbroker or schoolteacher time", as he put it. Signaled out among 37,000 runners by his celebrity, a "Lance Cam" captured his efforts for a live webcast. One marathoner said, "I don't know how Lance's race went, but I almost hope it was pretty tough on him, because that gives us more credibility" . There was grumbling among serious racers about the marathon being "hijacked" by celebrities; one remarked, "There were two American Olympic medalists in this race and you hardly knew it. If Madonna wants to run next year, what are you going to do?" Armstrong himself remarked upon finishing, "The two-hour guys in front. I don't know how they do it". But even with his now "imperfect" body clad in baggy shorts and his less-than-championship finish, Armstrong is redeemed as a genuine hero. Perhaps not as strong as he was in his Tour days, to at least one commentator, he is still a winner: "So when he crossed the finish line yesterday on a perfect Technicolor fall day . . . it was not only a victory for a first-time marathon runner, but for thousands of cancer patients like me and sur­ vivors everywhere . . . I applaud him every day for what he has done for the thousands of cancer patients and survivors worldwide who look to him for daily inspiration. The fact is, people with cancer run a marathon every day, whether it's going to work or walking a block to the subway or doing laps around the hospital ward after a gru­ eling surgery. So if he inspires us to get out and walk or move or live, he deserves a lot of credit" (Terrazzano 2006).

299

In victory or defeat, with just one actual tes­ ticle but a collectively recognized set of symbolic cojones, Lance Armstrong is a mythical hero for our time, in ways that Jessica Lynch, with her delicate femininity and failure as a soldier, could never be. Okay, so the iiber-jock did not win the New York City Marathon, nor is he likely to be recruited by the SEALs for Operation Iraqi Free­ dom. But his elevation to national superstardom, both in the cycling world and in the war on can­ cer, is predicated on his technically enhanced, exuberantly displayed, visually choreographed masculinity. He is a "man's man," a frequent sub­ ject in magazines catering to men's interests and the very picture of the valiant warrior from chil­ dren's fairy tales. After beating cancer, Arm­ strong wrote, "I want to die at a hundred years old with an American flag on my back and the star of Texas on my helmet, after screaming down an Alpine descent on a bicycle at 75 miles per hour" (Armstrong and Jenkins 2000: 1). This sure sounds to us like the embodiment of glori­ ous, red-blooded, American masculinity, repro­ duced and celebrated in the name of national allegiance.

Notes 1 . Forbes estimates Armstrong's annual earnings be­ tween June 2004 and June 2005 as $28 million; see www.forbes.com. 2. See www.cdc.gov. 3.

See www.cancer.gov.

4. The first was a combination of Bleomycin, Etopo­ side, and Platinol, and the second a combination of Ifosfamide, Etoposide, and Platino!. 5 . ESPN Classic's SportsCentury series. 6. See www.livestrong.org. 7. For financial data on the Foundation, see Annual Report 2005, available at www.1ivestrong.org. 8. The bracelets were so popular that they spawned numerous copycats in a rainbow of colors demon­ strating myriad diseases and causes and have also be­ come fashion accessories. 9. See www.DiscoveryEducation.com 10. See Reilly.

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References Abt, Samuel. 2005. "News Analysis: Who Do You Believe, Lance or France?" International Herald Tribune, September 5 . Allen, Arthur. 1999. "Triumph of the Cure." Salon, July 29, www. salon.com. Armstrong, Lance and Sally Jenkins. 2000. It's Not About the Bike: My Journey Back to Life. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons. Armstrong, Lance and Sally Jenkins. 2003. Every Sec­ ond Counts. New York: Broadway Books. Bhatnagar, Parija. 2003. "French Goods Face U.S. Backlash." CNNMoney.com, March 17. Clarke, Juanne Nancarrow. 2004. "A Comparison of Breast, Testicular and Prostate Cancer in Mass Print Media ( 1996-200 1)." Social Science and Medicine 59:541-55 1 . C1atterbaugh, Kenneth. 2000. Contemporary Perspec­ tives on Masculinity: Men, Women, and Politics in Modern Society. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Coffey, Donald S., Robert H. Getzenberg, and Theodore L. De Weese. 2006. "Hyperthermic Biology and Cancer Therapies: A Hypothesis for the 'Lance Armstrong Effect' . " Journal of the American Medical Association 296(4):445-448. Coyle, Daniel. 2006. Lance Armstrong's War: One Man's Battle Against Fate, Fame, Love, Death, Scandal, and a Few Other Rivals on the Road to the Tour de France. New York: Harper. Daniels, Cynthia R. 2006. Exposing Men: The Science and Potitics of Male Reproduction. New York: Ox­ ford University Press. Dugard, Martin. 2005. Chasing Lance: The 2005 Tour de France and Lance Armstrong's Ride of a Lifetime. New York: Little, Brown and Company. Gurevich, Maria, Scott Bishop, Jo Bower, Monika Malka, and Joyce Nyhof-Young. 2004. "(Dis)Em­ bodying Gender and Sexuality in Testicular Can­ cer." Social Science and Medicine 58: 1 597-1607. Hood, Andrew. 2003. " Lance de France." Time, June 29. Hsu, Andrea. 2007. "Navy SEALs Seek to Build Up Their Ranks." National Public Radio, October 16. Kearns, Brad. 2007. How Lance Does It: Put the Success Formula of a Champion into Everything You Do. New York: McGraw Hill.

King, Samantha. 2006. Pink Ribbons, Inc.: Breast Can­ cer and the Politics of Philanthropy. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Koenig, Barbara. 200 1 . "When the Miracles Run Out in America, Care for Dying Patients Fails to Measure Up." San Jose Mercury News, August 7. Kolata, Gina. 2005. "Super, Sure, But Not More Than Human." New York Times, July 24. Koper, Rachel. 2003. "Piece of Work: Lance Arm­ strong by Annie Leibovitz." Austin Chronicle, No­ vember 7. Lerner, Barron. 2006. "Famous Patients and the Lessons They Teach." New York Times, Novem­ ber 14. Liewer, Steve. 2006. "SEALs Looking for Ultra-Ath­ letes." San Diego Union-Tribune, July 29. Meyer, Jack A. 2003. "Improving Men's Health: De­ veloping a Long-Term Strategy." American Jour­ nal of Public Health 93(5):709-71 1 . Moore, Lisa Jean. 2007. Sperm Counts: Overcome by Man 's Most Precious Fluid. New York: New York University Press. Reaves, Jessica. 200 1 . "Tour de France: Vive Le Lance!" Time, July 27. Reilly, Rick. 2002. "Sportsman of the Year: Lance Armstrong." Sports Illustrated, December 1 6 , 97(24):52-59. Ridley, John. 2007. "The Unforgivable Blackness of B arry Bonds." National Public Radio, July 23. Rosenfeld, Dana and Christopher A. Faircloth, eds. 2006. MedicalizedMasculinities. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. Specter, Michael. 2002. "The Long Ride." The New Yorker, July 1 5 . Terrazzano, Lauren. 2006. "Armstrong a n Inspira­ tion to All with Cancer." Newsday, November 6, D9. Thompson, Christopher S. 2006. The Tourde France: A Cultural History. Berkeley: University of Califor­ nia Press. Vastag, Brian. 1999. "High-Profile Cancer Cases Prompt Awareness Efforts." Journal of the Na­ tional Cancer Institute 9 1 (2 1 ) : 1802. White, Rob. 2002. "Social and Political Aspects of Men's Health. " Health 6(3):267-285.

S I X

mophobia, and violence enter into men ' s relation­ ships with each other? For example, a student re­

M en i n

cently commented that when he goes to the

Relationsh i ps

a seat between them , where they put their coats,

movies with another male friend, they always leave because they don't want anyone to think they are there "together. " But what are the costs of this emotional and physical distance? And what are the costs of main­ tai n ing emotionally i m poverished relationsh i ps with other men? How is this emotional d i stance

W hy do many men have problems establishing and

m a i ntaining

i ntimate

relationshi ps

with

connected to men's intimate relationships with women? Is it related to Bi l ly Crystal ' s l i ne in When Harry Met Sally

that women and men can never

women? What d ifferent forms do male-female re­

be friends because "the sex thing a lways gets i n

lational problems take withi n different socioeco­

the way"?

nomic gr9uPS? How do men's problems with

Karen Walker and Peter Nard i explore the gen­

intimacy and emotional expressivity relate to

der of friendships, whether comparing women and

power inequities between the sexes? Are rape and

men o r gay men and heterosexual men. David

domestic vi.olence best conceptualized as isolated

Grazian exposes the elaborate pregame rituals

deviant acts by "sick" individuals , or are they the

that precede the "spontaneous" hooking u p and

i llogical consequences of male socialization? Thi s

bar-dating scenes where men search for romantic

complex w e b o f male-female relationsh i ps , inti­

and sexual partners. Finally, Peggy Giordano and

macy, and power is the topic of this section. And what is the n ature of men's relation ships

her col leagues describe how adolescent boys are far more romantic than we often give them credit

with other men? Do men have close friendships

for being, although th is romanticism often leads

with men, or do they simply " bond " around shared

to a certain " learned helplessness" when it comes

activities and interests? How do com petition , ho-

to actua l ly working on a relationship.

301

"Vfe've been wandering in the desertforforty years. But he's a man-would he ever ask directions?"

Copyright © 1999. Peter Steiner, The New Yorker Col lection. All Rights Reserved.

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2 5

Karen Walker

" I ' m Not Friends the Way She's Friends " : Ideological and Behavioral Constructions of Mascul i n ity i n Men 's Friendships Contemporary ideologies about men's friendships suggest that men's capacity for intimacy is sharply restricted. In this view, men have trouble express­ ing their feelings with friends. Whether due to the development of the masculine psyche or cultural prescriptions, men are viewed as highly competi­ tive with friends. Because of their competition, they are unlikely to talk about intimate matters such as feelings and relationships. The literature on gender differences in friendship suggests that the ideologies reflect actual behavior. Researchers have found that men limit verbal self-disclosure with friends, especially when compared to women (Caldwell & Peplau 1 982; Rubin 1 985; Sherrod 1 987; Aukett, Ritchie, & Mill 1 988; Swain 1 989; Reid & Fine 1 992). Men share ac­ tivities with friends (Rubin 1 985; Swain 1 987). On the other hand, there are also suggestions that the degree of self-disclosure among men may be underestimated (Hacker 1 98 1 ; Wright 1 982; Rawlins 1 992), particularly among men from par­ ticular groups (Franklin 1 992). My research on friendship shows that men and women share the stereotypes about gender differences in friendship, but in specific friendships, men discuss their rela­ tionships and report relying on men friends for emotional support and intimacy (Walker 1 994). In addition, many activities of friendship-see­ ing friends for dinner, sharing ritual events, and visiting-are things both men and women do.

From Masculinities 2(2): 38-55. Copyright © 1994 by Men ' s Studies Association. Reprinted with permission.

Barry Wellman (1 992) argues that there has been a widespread " domestication" of male friendship, with men seeing friends in their home in much the same way women do. In much of the literature on gender dif­ ferences in friendship, ideology has been mistaken for behavior. In part, researchers seem to have made this mistake because they have asked general, instead of specific, questions about friendship. 1 As a result, they have elicited good representations of what respondents believe their behavior is-beliefs that are shaped by the respondents' own ideolo­ gies. What they have sometimes failed to elicit is information about specific friendships in which variations from the ideologies may be substantial. Because researchers report what respondents tell them, it is easy to understand why researchers make this mistake. What becomes more difficult to understand is how the confusion between the ideology of friendship and friendship behavior comes to be constructed in everyday life. Why do men maintain their belief that men are less open than women in the face of considerable evidence that they do discuss their feelings with their friends? This is even more crucial because the stereotype of intimate friendship that men believe characterizes women's friendship is currently highly valued. Feminist scholars and writers have successfully revalued women's intimate relation­ ships to the detriment of earlier ideals that privi­ leged male bonding. While not all respondents in this study positively evaluated the stereotype of women's openness with friends, many did, as evi­ denced by one professional man who said:

303

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I mean, we [men] talk about sports and politics sometimes, any kind of safe [topic] , if you will. Not that any [every] kind of interaction needs to be intimate or this and that, but it's much different when you talk to women. Women catch on. I remember once seeing Robert Bly, and he said something that is really so in my ex­ perience, that women get to the heart of things and that they get there so quickly that it makes you; ilh, it can put men into a rage because women are able to articulate these kinds of things that men can't.

Given the belief that being intimate and "getting to the heart of things" is good, and given the evi­ dence that men are more intimate in practice than the ideology suggests, why don't men challenge the ideology? There seem to be several answers to this question. First, when men do not conform to the masculine ideals about how they should act with their friends, they are occasionally censured . In the practice of masculine friendship, the positive evaluation of feminine intimacy disappears. Because of their friends' reactions, men come to see their behavior as anomalous and bad, and they do not reevaluate the extent to which the ide­ ology of masculine friendship accurately reflects behavior. . Second, social class influences men's capac­ ities for conforming to gender ideologies. Profes­ sional men are somewhat more likely than working-class men to conform to gendered norms with respect to intimate behavior (Franklin 1 992; Walker 1 994). Also, professional men's s ocial class makes them-with other middle-class men­ the primary groups on which cultural stereotypes are based. Literature written specifically about men's friendships often relies on research of mid­ dle-class men, particularly college-aged men (Caldwell and Peplau 1 982; Rubin 1 985; Swain 1989; Rawlins 1 992; Reid and Fine 1 992). Very recently, some researchers have noted that men who are other than middle-class or white may have different types of friendships from the ide­ ology (Franklin 1 992; Hansen 1 992), but the knowledge of the existence of other forms of mas-

culine friendship among working-class African American and white men has not influenced the ideology of friendship. Third, there are gender differences in behav­ ior, and these differences reinforce stereotypes about gendered forms of friendship, even if the differences differ substantively from the substance of the ideology. For instance, male respondents in this study used the telephone somewhat differ­ ently from the ways women used it. Through their use of the telephone men constructed their masculinity, and in so doing they reinforced their notions that men are not open. As I will show, men claimed they called their friends for explicitly instrumental reasons-to make plans, get specific information, and so on-but not to find out how friends were, which they connected to women's telephone use. These practices generally sup­ ported the idea that women were better at main­ taining friendships and talking to friends about feelings even though men's telephone conversa­ tions often included talk about personal matters. But a desire to talk to friends about personal mat­ ters was rarely the motive for phone calls. In this article I examine the ways gender ide­ ology about friendships is maintained through four behaviors and men's interpretations of those behaviors: telephone use, jokes, the use of public space, and how men talk about women. It is only when we understand how men behaviorally con­ struct gender within friendship that we can begin to understand how men use these behavioral con­ structions to support ideological constructions of masculine friendship practices.

Method of Study This paper relies on research from a study of men's and women's same-gender and cross-gen­ der friendships. I interviewed 9 working-class and 1 0 professional men (as well 1 8 working- class and 1 5 middle-class women). Within each class I individually interviewed some men who were friends with other respondents in the study. Inter­ viewing friends allowed me to gather information on group interaction that would have been un-

ARTICLE 25

available had

I interviewed isolated individuals.

"I'm Not Friends the Way She's Friends"

305

behavior that contradicted gender ideology. Soci­

In addition, I was able to explore issues that were

ologists studying gender and friendship have con­

most salient to groups of friends. Finally, by inter­

sistently argued that men do not engage in

viewing friends I could examine the extent to

self-disclosure with other men (Caldwell &

which friends agree on what their interactions

Peplau 1 982; Reid & Fine 1 992). Other research

were like. This was particularly important when

shows that men are likely to be more self-disclos­

there was a discrepancy between behavior and

ing with women than with men (Rubin 1 98 5 ;

ideology: Some men did not report on behavior

O'Meara 1 989) . While my research shows that

that contradicted the masculine ideology of

men engaged in self-disclosure more frequently

friendship either because they were unwilling to

with friends than the literature suggests, they did

disclose that their behavior did not match the cul­

so with men they considered close friends. Fre­

tural ideal or because such behavior was some­

quently close friends were people they knew for a

what meaningless to them, and they forgot it.

long time or people with whom they spent much

Respondents ranged in age from 27 to 48.

time. Wright ( 1 982) notes that long-time men

Class location was determined by both lifestyle

friends engage in self-disclosure. I suspected that

and individuals' work. Thus, working-class re­

certain kinds of disclosures that men made dur­

spondents tended to have high school educations

ing the interviews might have been more difficult

or less, although one self-employed carpenter had

to make to an unknown man instead of to me, an

a four-year degree in accounting. Working-class

unknown woman.

men were in construction and some service occu­

On the other hand, respondents suggested

pations. Most working-class men lived in densely

that they more heavily edited their responses to

populated urban neighborhoods in row houses or

questions about how they discussed women with

twins in Philadelphia. Professional respondents

their men friends than they did other questions.

had graduate degrees, and they worked as acade­

They frequently sprinkled their responses with

mics, administrators, lawyers, and therapists. Pro­

comments recognizing my gender, " You don't

fessionals lived in the suburbs of Philadelphia or

have a gun in there, do you? (laugh) " or "I don't

in urban apartments.

mean to be sexist here. " I suspected that responses

Interviews were semistructured, and respon­

were much more benign than they would have

dents answered both global questions about their

been if I were a man. Thus, when I discuss men's

friendshi

patterns as well as questions about

talk about women below I believe that my data

activities and topics of conversations in which

underestimate the extent to which men's talk

they engag�d with each friend they named. The

about women constructs gender tensions.

p

use of in-depth interviews that included both global and specific questions allowed me to gather data indicating the frequent discrepancies between cultural ideologies of masculine friend­ ships and actual behaviors. In addition, in-depth

Behavioral Construction of Masculinity

interviews allowed me to compare working-class

In recent years sociologists of gender have come

and professional respondents' experiences.

to emphasize the active construction of gender.

Recently, Christine Williams and Joel Heikes

Gender is seen as an ongoing activity fundamen­

( 1 993) have observed that male nurses shaped

tal to all aspects of social life rather than a static

responses to interview questions in ways that took

category in which we place men or women (Con­

into account the gender of the interviewer. In this

nell 1 987; West & Zimmerman 1 987; Leidner

study, my status as a woman interviewer appeared

1 99 1) . One advantage of a social constructionist

to have both positive and negative implications

perspective is that it allows researchers to explore

for data collection. On the one hand, being a

both the ideological as well as the behavioral

woman made it more likely that men admitted

construction of gender. Gender is constructed

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Men in Relationships

ideologically when men and women believe that certain qualities, such as intimacy, characterize one gender rather than another. The way men and women interpret life and its meaning for them is deeply influenced by their ideological beliefs. Gender is constructed behaviorally in the activities men and women do and the way they do them. Sometimes ideology and behavior match­ such as when men talk about gender differences in telephone use and report behavior that differs from women's behavior. Sometimes ideology and behavior do not match. When there is a mis­ match, the interesting problem of how ideology is sustained when behavior contradicts it emerges. I argue that, in the specific case of friendship, spe­ cific behaviors supported men's gendered ideolo­ gies. Men discounted or ignored altogether evidence that discredited a distinctly masculine model of friendship. This occurred because gen­ der is a category culturally defined by multiple qualities. When men included themselves in the masculine gender category based on some behav­ ior, they tended unreflectively to accept as given the cultural boundaries of the entire category even if other of their behaviors contradicted those boundaries. Among respondents there were several ways masculinity was constructed in the activities of friendship, First, where men met, particularly working-class men, became a mark of masculin­ ity. Second, the way men used the telephone dis­ tinguished masculine from feminine behavior. Third, men used jokes in particular ways to estab­ lish masculinity and also to manage tensions between actual behavior and gender ideologies. Finally, men friends talked about women in ways that emphasized the differences and tensions between men and women. There are class differences in the behaviors that form particular patterns of masculinity. Dif­ ferential financial constraints, the social expecta­ tions of particular kinds of work, and lifestyle differences played roles in shaping particular forms of masculinity. The use of jokes was some­ what more elaborated among working-class men than among professional men, but reports of

jokes and joking behavior emerged in both groups. Professional men talked about wives and the strains of work and family differently from working-class men; as I will discuss, this resulted from different work experiences. Besides class differences, which I will address throughout the article, there were indi­ vidual differences. All men did not engage in all the behaviors that I argue contribute to the con­ struction of masculinity. One professional man said that while he talked "about what specific women are like," he did not talk about women in general and men who talked about what women are generally like "would not be my friends. " Other men did not report the use of jokes andjok­ ing behavior in their friendships. Sociology fre­ quently avoids discussion about individuals who do not participate in the behaviors that the soci­ ologist argues shows the existence of meaningful social patterns. Unfortunately, doing so often rei­ fies behavioral differences. This is a particular problem in the discussion of gender because there is currently (and happily for the existence of a lively, informed debate) a very close link between the results of social research on gender and broad social and political debates about men's and women's differences. I wish, therefore, to give the reader a general indication of the individual variability in the gen­ dered behaviors in which men engaged. In all the behaviors discussed below at least half, and fre­ quently more, of the men participated in the behaviors whereas few women did. There were, however, individual exceptions to these behaviors, and those exceptions point to a flexibility in gen­ dered behavior that, while not as expansive as many would wish, is broader than we frequently recognize. Current social theory about gender emphasizes the agentic nature of the construction of gender. It is a practice in which men and women have a considerable range of actions from which to choose. At given historical points, cer­ tain actions may be dictated more than others, and therefore individual men and women may frequently act in ways that conform to current ideology. But even when cultural ideology

ARTIC LE 25

"I'm Not Friends the Way She's Friends"

307

demands close adherence to particular practices,

socializing infrequently in public spaces. But it

the practical nature of gender means that some

was not evident among the working-class respon­

individuals will not conform. Further, the multi­

dents in this study. All but one of the working­

plicity of practices that create gender enables indi­

class respondents had been brought up in the

viduals to maintain their positions within gender

same communities in which they lived when I

categories without much difficulty.

interviewed them. Among these men there were

Men's Use of Public Space

izing. While Wellman's point is important, the

long-time, continuous patterns of public social­ The use of public space for informal and appar­

domestication of male friendship seems to be

ently unplanned socializing is much more com­

influenced by circumstances in men's lives and is

mon among men than among women, and it

probably occurring unevenly. Further, barring

marks the gender boundaries between men and

significant structural changes in working-class

women. The frequent use of public space by

men's formal and informal work lives, the

working-class men for informal socializing emerges

domestication of male friendships is unlikely to

in ethnographies of men's groups (Liebow

be complete.

1 967; Kornblum 1 974; Anderson 1 976; Whyte 1981). Working-class men i n this study met i n public

Men's Telephone Use

spaces such as local bars and playgrounds. There

Discussions of men's telephone use as a con­

they talked about work and family, and they

struction of gender make the most sense when

made informal connections with other men.

contrasted with women's telephone use. Many

Sometimes they picked up side work, sometimes

men noted that their wives used the telephone

they hung out. At the time of our interview, one

very differently from them. A few, primarily

working-class man said that he spent some of his

working-class men, stated that they disliked talk­

time at a local bar selling advertisements in a

ing on the telephone, and they used it only for

book to raise money for a large retirement dinner

instrumental reasons (e.g., to make appointments

for a long-time coach of a community football

or get specific information). Other men, both pro­

team. He also spent time there drinking and talk­

fessional and working class, said their wives

ing to friends.

called friends just to see how they were doing and

WorJpng-class men also met in semipublic

then talked for a long time, whereas men did not

spaces such as gyms or clubs. While membership

do so. Thus men ideologically constructed gen­

in these spaces was frequently restricted, the

der through their understandings of telephone

spaces themselves functioned in similar ways to

practices. In addition, both men and women con­

public spaces. Men met regularly and informally

structed gender behaviorally through using the

in public and semipublic spaces one or more

telephone in different ways.

times a week. Unlike women who made definite

Telephone use differed slightly by class and

plans to meet friends occasionally in bars, the

work experiences, but even accounting for the

men assumed because of past practice that on

effects of class and work, there were substantial

particular nights of the week they would meet

gender differences. Men frequently reported that

friends. Wellman

the purpose of their most recent telephone calls

( 1 992) suggests that the use of

with friends was instrumental : lawyers discussed

public space for male socializing is diminishing,

cases, men discussed upcoming social plans, and

and men's friendships are becoming domesti­

some working-class men made plans to do side

cated as their friendships move into the home

work together. Because of this instrumental

and hence more like women's. This phenomenon

motive for telephone calls to friends, many pro­

of domestication was evident among profes­

fessional men reported that their frequent tele­

sional respondents, most of whom reported

phone contact was from their offices during

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working hours. Men rarely reported that they called friends just to say "hi" and find out how they were. One professional man, Mike,2 reported differences between his wife and himself in being friends: I'm not friends the way she's friends. How are you friends differently? I don't work on them. I don't pick the phone up and call people and say, "How"are you?" While Mike reported that, in fact, he did call one friend to find out how he was doing at least once a year, most telephone contact was initiated when friends made plans to visit from out of town or he had business matters to discuss with friends. One result of this behavior was tremendous attri­ tion in his friendship network over time. Mike was a gregarious man who reported many past and current friends, but he tended to lose touch with past friends once business reasons for keep­ ing in touch with them diminished, even those who continued to live in Philadelphia. He only reported talking to two friends six or more times a year on the telephone. One of those friends was a man with whom he had professional ties, and they called one another when they did business. The other friend, Gene, was one of the few men who called friends for social conversations. The fairly frequent calls between Gene and Mike may have been initiated by Gene. Gil, a working-class man, usually spoke to friends on ' the phone to arrange meetings. Although he kept in touch with two friends largely through telephone use (he worked two jobs during the week and one of his friends worked on weekends-theirs was a telephone friendship), he said: I don't talk to them a long time because I'm not a phone person. I'd rather see them in person because I don't like holding the phone and talk­ ing because you really can't think of things to say too often on the phone, but when you're in person you can think of more things, cause I like prefer sitting and talking to a person face­ to-face . . . I'll talk to people 10, 1 5 minutes sometimes, but I prefer not to if I can. But some

you just can't get off the phone, no matter what you do. And you're like, "Uh, great, well, I'll talk to you a little bit later." And they go into another story. You know [my friend] Cindy will do that, Cindy is great for that. Now Joanne [my wife] can talk on the phone for two to three hours . . . And then the person she's with is not too far away so she could just walk over and talk, you know. Peter, a young working-class man, reported that he "avoided the phone as much as possible. " He did not call friends to chat, and he only used the telephone for social chats with one friend, a woman: I'm not a phone person, but yeah, I do [talk to a specific friend] because she talks on the phone, she likes the phone so . . . She'll talk and I'll yes and no (laughs). Peter did not do side jobs with other men, thus his reasons for using the telephone were sharply limited. Peter and Gil both reported that their telephone preferences were different from those of women they knew. Their general comment "I'm not a phone person" was a representation of their identity, and it was substantiated by their behavior that differs from women's behavior. Typ­ ically, working-class men spoke on the telephone once or twice a week to those with whom they did side jobs. One man who ran a bookmaking business with a friend reported that they spoke several times a day about business. Men spoke much less frequently than that to friends for other reasons. Although most men reported calling friends for instrumental reasons, many men reported that their telephone conversations were not limited to the reason for the call. During telephone calls men discussed their families or their work after they finished with their business. During tele­ phone calls made to discuss social plans several men discussed infertility problems with their wives. Another complained to a friend about his marital problems during a phone call initiated to plan side work. One man called a friend to make plans for a birthday dinner for the caller's wife.

ART'CLE 25

During the conversation he told his friend how many feelings the interview I had with him had stirred up (the friend had referred me to him). These conversations, then, had several functions for men's friendships. The telephone was primar­ ily considered a tool for business or to make social plans, but it was also used as means of communicating important personal information. Most men, however, deemphasized the tele­ phone's function in the communication of per­ sonal information. About one fourth of the men reported that they did call friends simply to find out how they were. Most of the time these men reported calling out-of-town friends with whom they lacked other regular means of contact, and most of the time their calls were infrequent-one to three times a year. In one exception, a professional man regu­ larly called friends to see how they were (and sometimes became irritated and upset when the friends did not reciprocate by initiating some per­ centage of the telephone calls). He talked with one local friend once a week for no other reason than to keep in touch, but this pattern was unique. The friend he called had limited mobility, and the men rarely saw one another. The telephone was a primary vehicle for their friendship. In this instance, the two men's calls differed little from some women's calls. There was tremendous variation in tele­ phone use among men, but the variation does not erase the differences across genders. While only one quarter of the men in this study reported that they ever called friends to visit over the telephone and three quarters called for instrumental rea­ sons, over four-fifths of the women reported that they called friends to visit. Also, men's reported frequency of telephoning friends was consistently lower than women's. Whereas two-thirds of all women reported that they spoke with at least one friend three or more times a week, less than one quarter of the men did so. The finding that men use the telephone less than women and that women use it for social vis­ iting has been noted by others (Rakow 1 99 1 ; Fis­ cher 1 992). Fischer ( 1 992) argues:

"" m Not Friends the Way She's Friends"

309

research shows that, discounting their fewer op­ portunities for social contact, women are more socially adept and intimate than men, for what­ ever reasons-psychological constitution, so­ cial structure, childhood experiences or cultural norms. The telephone therefore fits the typical female style of personal interaction more closely than it does the typical male style (p. 235).

Fischer's comments may hold a clue about how ideologies of gender are maintained despite the evidence of intimate behaviors among men. Men and women both see the telephone as something women use more than men, and they see it as a way women are intimate. Men's telephone prac­ tices provided evidence to respondents that men are incapable of intimacy whereas women are very intimate with friends. Although women used the telephone more often for intimate conversa­ tion than men, men used opportunities at work and in public hangouts to talk intimately (one respondent reported that when they got together in the bar "we're worse than a bunch of girls when it comes to that [talking about their spouses] ! "). Although telephone patterns are a poor measure of intimacy in friendship, men used them as such. Several men commented on hear­ ing their wives call friends and talk about personal information. Doing so substantiated their impres­ sions of women's friendships. Also, because the men focused on the reasons for their calls rather than on the contents of telephone calls, telephone use acted to provide confrrmation that stereotypes about friendship are true. Men's Jokes

Men's use of jokes is another way in which men construct their masculinity. In his ethnography, America 's Working Man, David Halle ( 1 984) points to several functions jokes serve among men: they reaffirm values of friendship and generosity, they ritually affirm heterosexuality among men whose social circumstances create a level of physical and emotional intimacy culturally regarded as unmas­ culine, and they mediate disputes. These func­ tions were evident in the way working-class men

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talked about jokes and humor in their friendships.

buy a negligee for Greg's girlfriend. When they

They were less evident among the professional

got to the store Chris ran away and Greg was left

men, for reasons suggested by Halle.

feeling terribly embarrassed. Ever since, they

Men friends, particularly working-class men,

went shopping once a year, but both men down­

used harsh teasing as a form of social control to

played the shopping aspect of the trips and high­

reinforce certain behaviors. One working-class

lighted the socializing. They said they did not

man said that he and his friends were the worst

accomplish very much on their trips. They also

"ball breakers" in the world. If a man did not

said they used the time to buy gag gifts for people

show up at the bar or at some social event then

instead of serious gifts. Turning the shopping

my respondent said they heard about it from all

spree into a joke subverted the meaning of shop­

their friends. Among these men the friendship

ping as something women do, and the trip

group was highly valued, but also, like many con­

became a ritual reaffirmation of masculinity.

temporary friendships, somewhat fragile. Work

Jokes were sometimes used as pseudoinstru­

and family responsibilities that kept men away

mental reasons to call friends on the phone when

from the friendship group might put a friend at

men lacked instrumental reasons; they thus main­

risk of being teased.

tained the masculinity of men's telephone prac­

Other men said that the failure to reciprocate

tices. Men called each other and told one another

favors, such as help with household projects,

jokes and then moved into more personal topics.

might be a basis for teasing friends. This was a

Gene, for instance, befriended AI's lover, Ken,

particularly important way of defusing tension as

before Al died of AIDS. During AI's illness Gene

well as reaffirming values of friendship for work­

was an important source of support for both men,

ing-class men. They frequently depended on

and he continued to keep in touch with Ken after

friends to help them attain higher standards of liv­

AI's death. They talked regularly on the tele­

ing: friends provided craft services whose prices

phone, but most of the conversations initiated by

are high in the formal market and thus many

Ken began with jokes. After Ken and Gene had

working-class people's material lives were some­ what improved through the help of friends. Fail­

exchanged jokes the two men moved on to other

topics, including their feelings for AI.

ure to reciprocate had implications not only for

Finally, men used jokes to exaggerate gender

friendship·but also for family income. Jokes about

differences and denigrate women. Gene consid­

a friend's failure to reciprocate became a public

ered himself sympathetic to women's issues. He

statement about his failure to conform to recog­

said that he and his friends

nized norm's, and they were a way for someone to handle his anger at his friend. Another way jokes constructed masculinity was to highlight an activity that was outside the purview of men's activities that they nonetheless did. For instance, Greg and Chris were friends from law school who saw each other seven or eight times a year. One of those times was a

will tell in a joking way, tell jokes that are hostile towards feminism or hostile towards women. It's like there's two levels of it. One is, we think the

joke is funny in and of itself or we think the joke is funny because it's so outrageously different from what's politically correct. You know, so we kind of laugh about it, and then we'll laugh that we even had the gall to tell it.

yearly shopping trip to buy Christmas presents. Men generally claimed they did not shop-those

Not all men mentioned the importance of humor

who did usually said they went to hardware stores

to friendship, the existence of jokes among

when they were doing a project with a friend. The

friends, or the tendency to tease friends, but about

shopping trip Greg and Chris went on was a tra­

half the respondents indicated that jokes and teas­

ditional joke between them both. It began in law

ing were part of their friendship. Also, jokes and

school when Greg asked Chris to go with him to

joking behavior were not limited solely to men.

ARTICLE 25

A few women also told jokes and engaged in j ok­ ing behavior with their friends, but men empha­ sized the behavior as part of their friendships, whereas women did not. Also, women reported using jokes in a much more restricted way than men. For men, jokes are an elaborated code with multiple meanings and functions. Men Talk About Women Finally, men constructed masculinity through their behavior with men friends through their talk about what women are like. While not every man reported that he engaged in discussions about women with his friends, most men did. Com­ ments about women emphasized men's and women's differences. Men, for instance, discussed how their wives had higher housekeeping stan­ dards than they, their wives' greater control over child rearing, and their greater propensity to spend money impulsively; they also discussed women's needs for relationships. These com­ ments helped men interpret their relationships with their wives and served to reassure men that their experiences were not unusual. We would talk about like how long it would take them to get dressed . . . my wife took ex­ ceptionally long to get dressed, four or five hours in the bathroom. Urn, but I mean, I don't think I talk a whole lot about women, when I did I guess I generalized and that kind of stuff, like how a wife expects a husband to kind of do everything for her. (Working-class man) What we talked about was the differences, dif­ ferences we have with our wives in terms of raising kids. . . . And how sometimes we feel, rightly or wrongly, we both agreed that we didn't have quite as much control over the situ­ ation or say in the situation as we might have liked . . . That's something that a lot of my friends who have younger kids, I've had that discussion with. I've talked to them about it in terms of something that I think mothers, in par­ ticular, have a different input into their child's lives than do fathers. (Professional man) Through these sorts of discussions with men friends-some brief and jocular, some more sus-

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tained and serious-men defined who women are, and who they were, in contrast, as men. These discussions with friends frequently rein­ forced stereotypes about women and men. Women were spendthrifts: One individual may call me up and say, "Geez, my wife just went out and bought these rugs. I need that like a hole in the head. You know, this is great, I have these oriental rugs now, you know, I'm only going to spill coffee on it." (Pro­ fessional man) Women attempted to control men's free time: [We might talk about] how much we're getting yelled at or in trouble or whatever, you know what I mean, for not doin' stuff around the house, or workin' over somebody else's house too much or staying out at the bars too late. (Working-class man) Women were manipulative: Sometimes they seem, they don't know what they want, or what they want is something dif­ ferent than what they tell you they want. You know, tough to figure out, [we say] that they can be manipulative . . . Conniving. (Profes­ sional man) Men evaluated women's behaviors and desires through such talk. They reported that such talk was a way of getting feedback on their marital experiences. Talking with friends frequently relieved the tensions men felt in their cross-gender relationships, and it did so without requiring men to change their behaviors vis-a.-vis women. Men rarely reported that they accommodated them­ selves to their wives because their friends sug­ gested that they should: in an unusual case, one working-class man said his friend told him that women needed to be told, "I love you, " all the time, and he thought his friend had been helpful in mitigating some strains in his marriage through their talk. More frequently, men's jokes and comments about women-about their demands for more housekeeping help, their ways with money, and their desires to have men home more often-

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served to delegitimize women's demands. Men talked about women as unreasonable; as one man above said, "everybody needs time away." This tendency to delegitimize wives' demands was more apparent among working-class men than among the professional men. Professionals reported that their jobs, not unreasonable wives, prevented them from greater involvement in child care, and they sometimes talked with friends about this as an inevitable part of professional life. The effect, however, was similar because talk among both professional and working-class men friends supported the status quo. Instead of becom­ ing a problem to be solved, professional men and their friends determined that professional life unfortunately, but inevitably, caused men to limit their family involvement. (One man who consis­ tently seemed to play with the boundaries of mas­ culinity had tried to solve the problem through scheduling his work flexibly along the lines that a friend had suggested. He reported that he still did not have enough time for his family.) These four behaviors: using public spaces for friendship socializing, men's telephone practices, joking, and talking about women in particular ways are some ways that men construct mas­ culinity in their friendships. There are many oth­ ers. Discussions of sports, for instance, are one obvious other way men construct their masculin­ ity, and such discussions were common among respondents. Like women's telephone use and ease with mtimacy, men's talk about sports has become part of our cultural ideology about gen­ dered friendships. Not all respondents, however, participated in such talk, and of those who did, some did not enjoy such talk but engaged in it because it was expected.

Cultural Ideology of Men and Friendship When I began this article I asked not only how men construct masculinity through their behav­ iors but also why there was a discrepancy between the cultural ideology of men's friend­ ship's, which maintains that men do not share

intimate thoughts and feelings with one another, and reports of specific behaviors that show that they do. It is in part by recognizing that the con­ struction of gender is an ongoing activity that incorporates many disparate behaviors that this question becomes answerable. While one behav­ ior in an interaction may violate the norms of gender ideology, other behaviors are simultane­ ously conforming to other ideologies of mas­ culinity. When men reflect back on their behavior they emphasize those aspects of their behavior that give truth to their self-images as men. The other behavior may be reported, but, in this study, it did not discredit men's gender ideologies. Second, as I noted earlier, masculinity is fre­ quently reified, and behavior that does not con­ form does not affect the overall picture of masculinity. Men belong in the gender category to which they were assigned at birth, and their past in that category reassures them that they belong there. Occasionally respondents recog­ nized that men do things that contradict gender ideology. One man told me about a friend of his who "does thoughtful things for other men." When I asked what he did, and he said: Uh, remembers their birthdays. Will buy them gifts. Uh, and does it in a way that's real, I think, really, uh, I don't know, it's not uh, it's not uh, feminine in the sense of, feminine, maybe in the pejorative sense . . . I mean, I re­ member that John, uh, John's nurturing I saw, not that I was a recipient of it so much although I was in his company a lot and got to see him. Uh, I thought, boy, this guy's a, this guy's a real man, this guy. This guy's all right, you knOw. Though my respondent identified his friend's behavior as different, almost feminine, he made sure to tell me that the man is a "real man." This seemed problematic for him, his language became particularly awkward, full of partial sen­ tences. But in the end, the fact that his friend was a man and that my respondent liked and respected him enabled him to conclude, "this guy's a real man. " At other times, recognition that behavior contradicts gender ideology elicits censure instead

ARTICLE 25

of acceptance. When men censure one another for such behavior, they reinforce the idea that such behavior is anomalous and should not be expressed. For instance, Gene, who consciously worked at intimacy with his friends, told me about sitting and drinking with a friend of his one night when Gene was depressed. His friend asked him how things were going and Gene told him he was depressed because he was feeling finan­ cial pressures. Gene felt "house poor" and upset with himself for buying a house that would cause him to feel such pressures when he had deter­ mined that he would not do such a thing. His friend's response was, "Oh, that's the last time I ask you how you're feeling. " On an earlier occa­ sion Gene called his gay friend in California on the telephone crying because he had just broken off with a woman he had been dating. His friend comforted him at the time, but later he said, "I didn't know you had it in you [to express yourself like that] . " Gene believed that men had greater difficulties with self-disclosure than women, and these events acted as support for his beliefs instead of counterexamples. In both cases friends had let him know his self-disclosing behavior was either intolerable or unusual. His gay friend seemed to admire Gene's ability to call him up in tears by giving him a back-handed compliment, but this was a man who had rejected many norms of heterosexuality, and who saw Gene as partici­ pating in hegemonic masculinity (Connell 1 987) and teased- him for it. Gene's interpretation of these events coincided with his friends: he was behaving in ways men normally did not. In another case, Anna, a woman respondent, told me about her husband Tom's experience with his best friend. Anna had been diagnosed with a serious chronic illness that had profound conse­ quences for her lifestyle, and Tom was depressed about it. One night he went out with two friends, Jim, Tom's best friend, and another man who was unhappy about his recent divorce. According to Anna, Jim commented that he wished he did not know either Tom or the other man at the time because they were both so depressed. From this, Anna said she and Tom concluded that men did

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not express their feelings and were not as intimate with one another as women were. These sorts of events reinforce men's notions that men are emotionally distant. Self-disclosure and attempts to express one's feelings are seen as anomalous, even if desirable-desirable because the contemporary evaluation on friendship as defined primarily by feminists is that women have better friendships than men. Women, by the way, also reported occasions when their friends were unsympathetic to their expressions of distress. The conclusions women and men drew about their unsympathetic friendship differed, however. Women concluded that particular friends lacked sympathy. Unlike men, they did not think their expressive behavior was inappropriate or unusual.

Conclusion I have conceptualized gender as an ongoing social creation rather than a role individuals learn or a personality type they develop that causes differ­ ences in behavior. Individuals construct gender on an ideological and a behavioral level. On a behavioral level, many social acts contribute to the overall construction of masculinity. Men do not talk on the phone unless they have something specific they wish to find out or arrange. Men friends joke around together. Men hang out in bars. Men also talk about women and their wives in ways that distinguish women from men and define gender tensions and men's solutions to them. Some of these behaviors have become part of the cultural ideology of men's friendships. Respondents, for instance, talked generally about differences between men's and women's tele­ phone use. Some also said that women stayed home with their friends whereas men went out. But the relationship between behavior and ideol­ ogy is not so direct and simple that behaviors in which most men participate become part of the cultural ideology. To the extent that talking about women, for instance, is perceived as sharing per­ sonal information, then talking about women is something men do not recognize as characteristic of their friendships.

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Because so many actions construct mas­ culinity and gender is a practice over which indi­ viduals have some control, the failure to conform to the cultural ideology of masculine friendship does not necessarily threaten either the cultural ideology or the individual's position in the mas­ culine gender category. This becomes particularly important in understanding why the many men who share personal information with friends con­ tinue to believe that men are inexpressive and find intimacy difficult. I have found that the exchange of intimate information is something most re­ spondents, men and women, engaged in, but most people also did it with selected friends. Fur­ thermore, talking about personal matters or shar­ ing feelings frequently constituted a small portion of all friendship interactions. Thus, for men whose identities included a notion that they, as men, were not open with friends, the times when they were open were insignificant. There were many other activities of friendship that men pre­ ferred to emphasize. It is useful to expand the debate over gender differences in friendship to include behaviors other than intimacy that has dominated the recent literature on gender and friendship (Miller 1 983; Rubin 1985; Sherrod 1987; Swain 1 987; Allan 1 989; Rawlins 1 992). The narrowness of the debate has limited our understandings of why men's friendships have been meaningful and important to them. Working-class men's reliance on friends ' for services and material support becomes invisible. The importance of joking behavior as a communicative style and its func­ tions in maintaining stable relationships for both working-class and professional men disappear. Finally, the narrow debate over intimacy obscures some implications of how men talk to one another about women for gender relations and inequality. A version of this article was presented at the 1 993 annual meetings of the American Sociolog­ ical Association in Miami. The author gratefully acknowledges the comments of Robin Leidner and Vicki Smith.

Notes 1. Some researchers have made this mistake as part of a more general positive evaluation of women. Some of this literature is explicitly feminist and draws on lit­ erature which emphasizes and dichotomizes gender differences. 2. All names of the respondents have been changed.

References Allan, G. ( 1 989). Friendship: Developing a sociological perspective. Boulder, co: Westview. Anderson, E . (1 976). A place on the corner. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Aukett, R., Ritchie, J., & Mill, K. (1988). Gender dif­ ferences in friendship patterns. Sex Roles, 19, 57-66. Caldwell, M. A., & Peplau, L. A. (1982). Sex differ­ ences in same-sex friendships. Sex Roles, 8, 721-732. Connell, R. W ( 1 987). Gender and power. Palo Alto, CA: Stanford University Press. Fischer, C. (1992). America calling: A social history of the telephone to 1 940. Berkeley: University of Cali­ fornia Press. Franklin, C. W II (1992). Friendship among Black men. In P. Nardi (Ed.), Men 's friendships (pp. 20 1-2 1 4). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Hacker, H. M. (1981). Blabbermouths and clams: Sex differences in self-disclosure in same-sex and cross-sex friendship dyads. Psychology of Women Quarterly, 5, 385-401 . Halle, D. ( 1 984). America 's working man: Work, home, and politics among blue-collar property owners. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Hansen, K. V. ( 1 992). Our eyes behold each other: masculinity and intimate friendship in antebel­ lum New England. In P. Nardi (Ed.), Men 's friendships (pp. 35-58). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Kornblum, W. ( 1 974). Blue collar community. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Leidner, R. (1991). Serving hamburgers and selling insurance: Gender, work, and identity in inter­ active service jobs. Gender & Society, 5, 1 54--- 1 77. Liebow, E. (1967). Tally 's corner: A study of Negro street­ corner men. Boston: Little, Brown. Miller, M. ( 1 983). Men and friendship. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

ARTICLE 25

O'Meara, J. D. ( 1 989). Cross-sex friendship: Four basic challenges of an ignored relationship. Sex Roles, 21, 525-543. Rakow, L. F. (1991). Gender on the line: Women, the tele­ phone, and community life. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. Rawlins, W (1992). Friendship matters: Communication, dialectics, and the life course. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. Reid, H . M., & Fine, G. A. (1992). Self-disclosure in men's friendships. In P. Nardi (Ed.), Men'sfriend­ ships (pp. 1 32-152). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Rubin, L. ( 1985). Just friends: The role of friendship in our lives. New York: Harper & Row. Sherrod, D. (1 987). The bonds of men: Problems and possibilities in close male relationships. In H. Brod (Ed.), The making of masculinities (pp. 2 1 3-239). Boston: Allen and Unwin. Swain, S. (1989). Covert intimacy: Closeness in men's friendships. In B. Risman & P. Schwartz (Eds.), Gender and intimate relationships (pp. 7 1-86). Bel­ mont, CA: Wadsworth.

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Walker, K. (1994). Men, women and friendship: what they say; what they do. Gender & Society, 8, 246-265. Wellman, B. ( 1 992). Men in networks: Private com­ munities, domestic friendships. In P. Nardi (Ed.), Men's friendships (pp. 74- 1 1 4). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. West, c., & Zimmerman, D. ( 1 987). Doing gender. Gender & Society, 1, 125-1 5 1 . Whyte, W F. (1981). Street comer society: The social struc­ ture of an Italian slum (3rd ed.). Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Williams, C. L . , & Heikes, E. J. (1993). The impor­ tance of researcher's gender in the in-depth in­ terview: Evidence from two case studies of male nurses. Gender & Society, 7, 280-2 9 1 . Wright, P. ( 1 982). Men's friendships, women's friend­ ships and the alleged inferiority of the latter. Sex Roles, 8, 1-20.

A R T I C L E

2 6

Peter M. Nardi

The Pol itics of Gay Men 's Friendships

Towards the end of Wendy Wasserstein's Pulitzer Prize-winning play, The Heidi Chronicles, a gay character, Peter Patrone, explains to Heidi why he has been so upset over all the funerals he has attended recently: "A person has so many close friends. And in our lives, our friends are our fam­ ilies" (Wasserstein 1 990: 238). In his collection of stories, Buddies, Ethan Mordden ( 1986: 1 75) ob­ serves: "What unites us, all of us, surely, is broth­ erhood, a sense that our friendships are historic, designed to hold Stonewall together. . . . It is friendship that sustained us, supported our sur­ vival. " These statements succinctly summarize an important dimension about gay men's friend­ ships: Not only are friends a form of family for gay men and lesbians, but gay friendships are also a powerful political force. Mordden's notion of "friends is survival" has a political dimension that becomes all the more salient in contemporary society where the politi­ cal, legal, religious, economic, and health con­ cerns of gay people are routinely threatened by the social order. In part, gay friendship can be seen as a political statement, since at the core of the concept of friendship is the idea of "being oneself" in a cultural context that may not approve of that self. For many people, the need to belong with others in dissent and out of the main­ stream is central to the maintenance of self and identity (Rubin 1 985). The friendships formed by a shared marginal identity, thus, take on powerful political dimensions as they organize around a stigmatized status to confront the dominant cul­ ture in solidarity. Jerome ( 1984: 698) believes that Repri nted by permission of the author.

316

friendships have such economic and political implications, since friendship is best defined as "the cement which binds together people with interests to conserve. " Suttles ( 1 970: 1 16) argues that: The very basic assumption friends must make about one another is that each is going beyond a mere presentation of self in compliance with "social dictates." Inevitably, this makes friend­ ship a somewhat deviant relationship because the surest test of personal disclosure is a viola­ tion of the rules of public propriety. Friendship, according to Suttles ( 1 970), has its own internal order, albeit maintained by the cul­ tural images and situational elements that struc­ ture the definitions of friendship. In friendship, people can depart from the routine and display a portion of the self not affected by social control. That is, friendships allow people to go beyond the basic structures of their cultural institutions into an involuntary and uncontrollable exposure of self-to deviate from public propriety (Suttles 1970). Little ( 1989) similarly argues that friendship is an escape from the rules and pieties of social life. It's about identity: who one is rather than one's roles and statuses. And the idealism of friendship "lies in its detachment from these [roles and statuses], its creative and spiritual tran­ scendence, its fundamental skepticism as a plat­ form from which to survey the givens of society and culture" (Little 1 989: 145). For gay men, these descriptions illustrate the political meaning friendship can have in their lives and their society.

ARTICLE 26

The political dimension of friendship is summed up best by Little ( 1 989: 1 54-1 55): [T]he larger formations of social life-kinship, the law, the economy-must be different where there is, in addition to solidarity and dutiful role-performance, a willingness and capacity for friendship's surprising one-to-one relations, and this difference may be enough to transform social and political life. . . . Perhaps, finally, it is true that progress in democracy depends on a new generation that will increasingly locate it­ self in identity-shaping, social, yet personally liberating, friendships. The traditional, nuclear family has been the dominant model for political relations and has structured much of the legal and social norms of our culture. People have often been judged by their family ties and history. But as the family becomes transformed into other arrangements, so do the political and social institutions of society. For example, the emerging concept of "domestic partnerships" has affected a variety of organi­ zations, including insurance companies, city governments, private industry, and religious insti­ tutions (Task Force on Family Diversity final report 1988). For many gay people, the "friends as family" model is a political statement, going beyond the practicality of developing a surrogate family in times of needed social support. It is also a way of refocusing the economic and political agenda to include nontraditional family structures com­ posed of both romantic and nonromantic nonkin relationships. In part, this has happened by framing the dis­ cussions in terms of gender roles. The women's movement and the emerging men's movement have highlighted the negative political implica­ tions of defining gender roles according to tradi­ tional cultural norms or limiting them to biological realities. The gay movement, in turn, has often been one source for redefining tradi­ tional gender roles and sexuality. So, for example, when gay men exhibit more disclosing and emo­ tional interactions with other men, it demon­ strates the limitations of male gender roles

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typically enacted among many heterosexual male friends. By calling attention to the impact of homophobia on heterosexual men's lives, gay men's friendships illustrate the potentiality for expressive intimacy among all men. Thus, the assumptions that biology and/ or socialization have inevitably constrained men from having the kinds of relationships and inti­ macies women often typically have can be called into question. This questioning of the dominant construction of gender roles is in itself a sociopo­ litical act with major implications on the legal, religious, and economic order. White ( 1 983 : 1 6) also sees how gay people's lives can lead to new modes of behavior in the society at large: In the case of gays, our childlessness, our min­ imal responsibilities, the fact that our unions are not consecrated, even our very retreat into gay ghettos for protection and freedom: all of these objective conditions have fostered a style in which we may be exploring, even in spite of our conscious intentions, things as they will someday be for the heterosexual majority. In that world (as in the gay world already), love will be built on esteem rather than passion or convention, sex will be more playful or fantas­ tic or artistic than marital-and friendship will be elevated into the supreme consolation for this continuing tragedy, human existence. If, as White and others have argued, gay cul­ ture in the post-Stonewall, sexual liberation years of the 1 970s was characterized by a continuous fluidity between what constituted a friend, a sex­ ual partner, and a lover, then we need to acknowl­ edge the AIDS decade of the 1 980s as a source for restructuring of gay culture and the reorgani­ zation of sexuality and friendship. If indeed gay people (and men in particular) have focused attention on developing monogamous sexual partnerships, what then becomes the role of sex­ uality in the initiation and development of casual or close friendships? Clearly, gay culture is not a static phenomenon, unaffected by the larger social order. Certainly, as the moral order in the AIDS years encourages the re-establishment of

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more traditional relationships, the implications for the ways sexuality and friendships are orga­ nized similarly change. Friends become more important as primary sources of social and emotional support when ill­ ness strikes; friendship becomes institutionally organized as "brunch buddies" dating services or "AIDS buddies" assistance groups; and self-help groups emerge centering on how to make and keep new friends without having "compulsive sex." While AIDS may have transformed some of the meanings and role of friendships in gay men's lives from the politicalization of sexuality and friendship during the post-Stonewall 1970s, the newer meanings of gay friendships, in turn, may be having some effect on the culture's defin­ itions of friendships. Interestingly, the mythical images of friend­ ships were historically more male-dominated: bravery, loyalty, duty, and heroism (see Sapadin 1 988). This explained why women were typically assumed incapable of having true friendships. But today, the images of true friendship are often expressed in terms of women's traits: intimacy, trust, caring, and nurturing, thereby excluding the more traditional men from true friendship. How­ ever, gay men appear to be at the forefront of establishing the possibility of men overcoming their male· socialization stereotypes and restruc­ turing their friendships in terms of the more con­ temporary (i.e., "female") attributes of emotional intimacy. To do this at a wider cultural level involves major sociopolitical shifts in how men's roles are structured and organized. Friendships between men in terms of intimacy and emotional support inevitably introduce questions about homosexu­ ality. As Rubin ( 1 985: 1 03) found in her inter­ views with men: "The association of friendship with homosexuality is so common among men." For women, there is a much longer history of close connections with other women, so that the separation of the emotional from the erotic is more easily made. Lehne ( 1 989) has argued that homophobia has limited the discussion of loving male rela-

tionships and has led to the denial by men of the real importance of their friendships with other men. In addition, "the open expression of emo­ tion and affection by men is limited by homopho­ bia. . . . The expression of more tender emotions among men is thought to be characteristic only of homosexuals" (Lehne 1 989: 426). So men are raised in a culture with a mixed message: strive for healthy, emotionally intimate friendships, but if you appear too intimate with another man you might be negatively labelled homosexual. This certainly wasn't always the case. As a good illustration of the social construction of mas­ culinity, friendship, and sexuality, one need only look to the changing definitions and concepts sur­ rounding same-sex friendship during the nine­ teenth century (see Smith-Rosenberg 1 975; Rotundo 1 989). Romantic friendships could be erotic but not sexual, since sex was linked to repro­ duction. Because reproduction was not possible between two women or two men, the close rela­ tionship was not interpreted as being a sexual one: Until the 1 880s, most romantic friendships were thought to be devoid of sexual content. Thus a woman or man could write of affectionate de­ sire for a loved one of the same gender without causing an eyebrow to be raised (D'Emilio and Freedman 1988: 121). However, as same-sex relationships became medicalized and stigmatized in the late nine­ teenth century, "the labels 'congenital inversion' and 'perversion' were applied not only to male sexual acts, but to sexual or romantic unions between women, as well as those between men" (D'Emilio and Freedman, 1 988: 1 22). Thus, the twentieth century is an anomaly in its promotion of female equality, the encouragement of male-female friendships, and its suspicion of intense emotional friendships between men (Richards 1 987). Yet, in ancient Greece and the medieval days of chivalry, comradeship, virtue, patriotism, and heroism were all associated with close male friendship. Manly love, as it was often called, was a central part of the definition of manliness (Richards 1987).

ARTIC LE 26

It is through the contemporary gay, women's, and men's movements that these twentieth cen­ tury constructions of gender are being ques­ tioned. And at the core is the association of close male friendships with negative images of homo­ sexuality. Thus, how gay men structure their emotional lives and friendships can affect the social and emotional lives of all men and women. This is the political power and potential of gay friendships.

References D 'Emilio, John, and Freedman, Estelle. (1 988). Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America. New York: Harper & Row. Jerome, Dorothy. (1984). Good company: The socio­ logical implications of friendship. Sociological Re­ view, 32(4), 696-7 1 8 . Lehne, Gregory K. (1 989 [ 1980]). Homophobia among men: Supporting and defming the male role. In M. Kimmel and M. Messner (Eds.), Men's Lives (pp. 416-429). New York: Macmillan. Little, Graham. ( 1989). Freud, friendship, and poli­ tics. In R. Porter and S. Tomaselli (Eds.), The Di­ alectics of Friendship (pp. 143- 1 5 8). London: Routledge. Mordden, Ethan. (1986). Buddies. New York: St. Mar­ tin's Press.

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Richards, Jeffrey. ( 1 987). "Passing the love of women" : Manly love and Victorian society. In J. A. Mangan and J. Walvin (Eds.), Manliness and Morality: Middle-Class Masculinity in Britain and America (1800-1940) (pp. 92-122). Manchester, England: Manchester University Press. Rotundo, Anthony. ( 1 989). Romantic friendships: Male intimacy and middle-class youth in the northern United States, 1 800-1 900. Journal of Social History, 23(1), 1-25. Rubin, Lillian. ( 1 985). Just Friends: The Role of Friend­ ship in Our Lives. New York: Harper & Row. Sapadin, Linda. ( 1988). Friendship and gender: Per­ spectives of professional men and women. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships, 5(4), 387-403. Smith-Rosenberg, Carroll. (1975). The female world of love and ritual: Relations between women in nineteenth-century America. Signs, 1 ( 1): 1-29. Suttles, Gerald. ( 1 970). Friendship as a social institu­ tion. In G. McCall, M. McCall, N. Denzin, G. Suttles, and S. Kurth, Social Relationships (pp. 95- 1 35). Chicago: Aldine. Task Force on Family Diversity. (1 988). Strengthening Families: A Model for Community Action. City of Los Angeles. Wasserstein, Wendy. ( 1 990). The Heidi Chronicles. San Diego: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich. White, Edmund. ( 1 9 83). Paradise found: Gay men have discovered that there is friendship after sex. MotherJones, June, 10-16.

A R T I C L E

2 7

David Grazian

The G i rl H u nt: U rban N ightl ife and the Performance of M ascu linity as Collective Activity From Chicago's jazz cabarets to New York's gay discos to Las Vegas's strip clubs, sexualized envi­ ronments have historically defined downtown zones of urban nightlife (Bernstein 200 1 ; Chat­ terton and Hollands 2003; Chauncey 1 994; Ken­ ney 1 993; Owen 2003). Hot nightclubs and cool lounges enforce sexualized norms of dress and body adornment and invite flirtation, innuendo, and physical contact among patrons engaged in rituals of courtship. Nightspots also rely on the attractiveness of service staff and the promise of eroticized interaction to recruit customers (Alli­ son 1994; Lloyd 2005; Spradley and Mann 1 975), while sexual relations among staff are frequently the norm (Giuffre and Williams 1 994). Moreover, young urbanites identify downtown clusters of nightclubs as direct sexual marketplaces, or markets for singles seeking casual encounters with poten­ tial sex partners (Laumann et al. 2004). For these reasons, scenes of urban nightlife serve as particularly fitting sites for observing how men and women enact gender as a routine accomplishment in everyday life (West and Zim­ merman 1 987). In this article I examine girl hunt­ ing-a practice whereby adolescent heterosexual men aggressively seek out female sexual partners in nightclubs, bars, and other public arenas of commercialized entertainment. Recent sociolog-

From Symbolic Interaction, Vol . 30, Issue 2, pp. 221243. Copyright © 2007 by the Society for the Study of Symbolic I nteraction. All rights reserved. Repri nted by permission of the University of California Press through the Copyright Clearance Center and the author.

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ical studies of sexual behavior analyze courtship patterns in relatively normative terms, concen­ trating on the logistics of sex partnering and mate selection in cities (Laumann et al. 2004). In con­ trast, in this article I wish to emphasize the more performative nature of contemporary flirtation rituals by examining how male-initiated games of heterosexual pursuit function as strategies of impression management in which young men sexually objectify women to heighten their own performance of masculinity. While we typically see public sexual behavior as an interaction between individuals, I illustrate how these rituals operate as collective and homosocial group activ­ ities conducted in the company of men.

The Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity According to the symbolic interactionist perspec­ tive, masculinity represents a range of dramatur­ gical performances individuals exhibit through face-to-face interaction (Goffman 1 959, 1 977; West and Zimmerman 1 987). Like femininity, masculinity is not innate but an accomplishment of human behavior that appears natural because gendered individuals adhere to an institutional­ ized set of myths they learn through everyday interactions and encounters, and thus accept as social reality (Goffman 1 977; West and Zimmer­ man 1 987). Throughout their formative years and beyond, young men are encouraged by their par­ ents, teachers, coaches, and peers to adopt a socially constructed vision of manhood, a set of

ARTIC LE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

cultural beliefs that prescribe what men ought to be like: physically strong, powerful, independent, self-confident, efficacious, dominant, active, per­ sistent, responsible, dependable, aggressive, courageous, and sexually potent (Donaldson 1 993; Messner 2002; Mishkind et al. 1 986). In the fantasies of many boys and men alike, a relent­ less competitive spirit, distant emotional detach­ ment, and an insatiable heterosexual desire, all commonly (but not exclusively) displayed by the sexual objectification of women (Bird 1 996), characterize idealized masculinity. Essentialist visions of masculinity obscure how both women and men resist, challenge, and renegotiate the meanings surrounding masculin­ ity and femininity in their everyday lives (Chapkis 1 986; Connell 1 987, 1 992, 1 993, 1 995; Connell and Messerschmidt 2005; Donaldson 1 993; Hol­ lander 2002). The inevitable disconnect between dominant expectations of normative masculinity, on the one hand, and actualized efforts at what West and Zimmerman ( 1 987) refer to as "doing gender" as a dramaturgical performance, on the other, presents a challenging problem for men, particularly because "the number of men rigor­ ously practicing the hegemonic pattern in its entirety may be quite small" (Connell 1 995:79). It is an especially acute dilemma for young men of college age ( 1 8-25) who, as "emerging adults" (Arnett 1 994, 2000), display many of the physical traits of early adulthood along with the emotional immaturity, diminutive body image, and sexual insecurities of late adolescence (Mishkind et al. 1 986). The competitive ritual of girl hunting epito­ mizes this dilemma, as heterosexual adolescent males aggressively seek out female sexual part­ ners in dance clubs, cocktail lounges, and other public arenas of commercialized entertainment in the city at night. While courtship rituals are by no means confined to nightlife settings-as evi­ denced by the relatively large numbers of roman­ tic couples who meet through work and school (Michael et al. 1 995:72)-in American culture, bars and nightclubs are widely considered more normative environments for actively pursuing

321

anonymous sexual partners in a strategic manner (Laumann et al. 2004). In contrast to occupa­ tional and educational domains in which mascu­ line power can be signaled by professional success and intellectual superiority, sexual prowess is a primary signifier of masculinity in the context of urban nightlife. 1 Indeed, the importance placed on competitive "scoring" (Messner 2002) among men in the highly gendered universe of cocktail lounges and singles bars should not be underesti­ mated. However, a wealth of data suggests that, con­ trary to representations of urban nightlife in pop­ ular culture, such as Candace Bushnell's novel Sex and the City ([1996] 2001 ) and its HBO television spin-off, rumors of the proverbial one-night stand have been greatly exaggerated (Williams 2005). According to the National Health and Social Life Survey, relatively few men ( 1 6 . 7 percent) and even fewer women (5. 5 percent) report engaging in sexual activity with a member of the opposite sex within two days of meeting them (Laumann et al. 1 994:239). 2 About 90 percent of women aged eighteen to forty-four report that they find having sex with a stranger unappealing (Lau­ mann et al. 1 994: 1 63-65). Findings from the Chicago Health and Social Life Survey demon­ strate that, across a variety of city neighborhood types, typically less than one-fifth of heterosexual adults aged eighteen to fifty-nine report having met their most recent sexual partner in a bar, nightclub, or dance club (Mahay and Laumann 2004:74). 3 Moreover, the efficacy of girl hunting is con­ strained by women's ability to resist unwanted sexual advances in public, as well as to initiate their own searches for desirable sex partners. Whereas the ideological basis of girl hunting stresses vulnerability, weakness, and submissive­ ness as conventional markers of femininity, young women commonly challenge these stereo­ types by articulating their own physical strength, emotional self-reliance, and quick wit during face­ to-face encounters with men (Duneier and Molotch 1 999; Hollander 2002; Paules 1 99 1 ; Snow et al. 1 991).

322

PART SI X

Men in Relationships

For all these reasons, girl hunting would not seem to serve as an especially efficacious strat­ egy for locating sexual partners, particularly when compared with other methods (such as meeting through mutual friends, colleagues, classmates, or other trusted third parties; com­ mon participation in an educational or recre­ ational activity; or shared membership in a civic or religious organization). In fact, the statistical rareness of the one-night stand may help explain why successful lotharios are granted such glori­ fied status and prestige among their peers in the first place (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005: 85 1). But if this is the case, then why do adoles­ cent men persist in hassling women in public through aggressive sexual advances and pickup attempts (Duneier and Molotch 1 999; Snow et al. 1 99 1 ; Whyte 1 988), particularly when their chances of meeting sex partners in this manner are so slim? I argue that framing the question in this man­ ner misrepresents the actual sociological behav­ ior represented by the girl hunt, particularly since adolescent males do not necessarily engage in girl hunting to generate sexual relationships, even on a drunken short-term basis. Instead, three coun­ terintuitive attributes characterize the girl hunt. First, the girl hunt is as much ritualistic andperfor­ mative as it is utilitarian-it is a social drama through which young men perform their inter­ pretations of manhood. Second, as demonstrated by prior studies (Martin and Hummer 1 989; Polk 1994; Sanday 1 990; Thorne and Luria 1 986), girl hunting is not always a purely heterosexual pur­ suit but can also take the form of an inherently homosocial activity. Here, one's male peers are the intended audience for competitive games of sex­ ual reputation and peer status, public displays of situational dominance and rule transgression, and in-group rituals of solidarity and loyalty. Finally, the emotional effort and logistical deft­ ness required by rituals of sexual pursuit (and by extension the public performance of masculinity itself) encourage some young men to seek out safety in numbers by participating in the girl hunt as a kind of collective activity, in which they enjoy

the social and psychological resources generated by group cohesion and dramaturgical teamwork (Goffman 1 959). Although tales of sexual adven­ ture traditionally feature a single male hero, such as Casanova, the performance of heterosexual conquest more often resembles the exploits of the dashing Christian de Neuvillette and his better­ spoken coconspirator Cyrano de Bergerac (Ros­ tand 1 897). By aligning themselves with similarly oriented accomplices, many young men convince themselves of the importance and efficacy of the girl hunt (despite its poor track record), summon the courage to pursue their female targets (how­ ever clumsily), and assist one another in "mobi­ lizing masculinity" (Martin 200 1 ) through a collective performance of gender and heterosex­ uality. In this article, I focus on the ritual of girl hunting to analyze how heterosexual young men perform masculinity as a collective activity in the context of urban nightlife. Drawing on their self­ reported narrative accounts, I document how these young men employ a set of collective "hunt­ ing" strategies designed to ( 1 ) reinforce what I call "the myth of the pickup" and other dominant expectations of masculine behavior; (2) boost confidence in one's performance of masculinity and heterosexual power; and (3) assist in the per­ formance of masculinity in the presence of women. I am not suggesting that the presentation of a masculine self and its attendant peer status serves as the only desired or stated purpose or out­ come of the girl hunt, as this activity is also clearly motivated by physical and romantic plea­ sure seeking (Collins 2004). It is also not my intention to suggest that all young men follow the protocols of girl hunting as collective activity in their sexual pursuits. Rather, in this article I wish to illustrate how groups of young heterosexual men employ the power of collective rituals of homosociality to perform heterosexual compe­ tence and masculine identity in the public context of urban nightlife, and to show how these rituals reproduce structures of inequality within as well as across the socially constructed gender divide between women and men.

ARTICLE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

Methods and Data

323

partners, and an ambitiously strategic orientation toward this end. Subsequent coding of these

by 243 heterosexual male college students attend­

accounts highlighted the importance of collective behavior (including the ritualistic consumption of

ing the University of Pennsylvania, an Ivy League research university situated in Philadel­

group, and the deployment of team-oriented

I draw on firsthand narrative accounts provided

alcohol), a codependent reliance on one's peer

phia. These data represent part of a larger study

strategies deemed necessary for approaching

involving approximately 600 college students

women in pUblic.6

(both men and women). The study was con­ ducted at Penn among all students enrolled in one

male students consists of 2 1 .4 percent (n

The original sample of 243 heterosexual

directed to explore Philadelphia's downtown

52) 89) sophomores, 2 1 . 8 percent (n 5 3 ) juniors, and 20.2 percent (n 49) seniors. Participants ranged from 1 8 to 24 years of age, with a mean age of 1 9.9 years.

nightlife by attending at least one nightlife enter­

Reflecting the privileged social status of Ivy

tainment venue (i.e., restaurant, cafe, dance club,

League university students, the racial and ethnic

sports bar, cocktail lounge) located in Philadel­

makeup of the sample is as follows: 78.2 percent

phia's Center City district for the duration of a

(n 1 90) white, 1 1 .5 percent (n 28) Asian, 4.5 percent (n 1 1) non-Hispanic black, 2.9 percent

of two semester terms of a sociology course on media and popular culture taught by me during the 2003--4 academic year.4 Respondents were

few evening hours' time. They were encouraged to select familiar sites where they would feel both

freshman, 36.6 percent (n

=

=

=

=

=

=

=

comfortable and safe and were permitted to

(n 7) Hispanic, and 2.9 percent (n 7) mixed race/ other. 7 Recent available statistics ( U S. News

choose whether to conduct their outing alone or

and World Report 2005) estimate the proportion of

with one or more friends, relatives, intimates, or

minority students at the University of Pennsylva­

acquaintances of either gender.

=

=

nia at 1 7 percent Asian, 6 percent black, and 5

Upon the conclusion of their evening, stu­

percent Hispanic. In terms of residence prior to

dents were instructed to document their experi­

college, nearly three-quarters (70 percent) of the

ences in detailed narrative accounts. Although some of the materials I assigned during the

quarter hailed from urban environments (26.3

course ad.dress the elaborated performance of

percent) and the rest from rural areas (3 .7 per­

sample lived in suburban areas, while about one­

masculinity in public (i.e., Bissinger 1990; Geertz

cent). Likewise, nearly three-quarters of the sam­

1 973; Grazian 2003; Grindstaff 2002), students

ple (70A percent) resided in the northeastern

were not necessarily expected to address these

United States, with the rest closely divided among

themes or issues in their accounts. After submit­

the Midwest (5.3 percent), South (9. 1 percent),

ting their typed narrative accounts electronically to a team of research assistants (who in turn read

West ( 10.7 percent), and eight countries outside the United States (3.7 percent). 8

them to ensure that each adhered to proper stan­ dards of protocol), the respondents' names were

Studying College Men

removed from their submissions to protect their

Because young people are likely to self-con­

anonymity. These accounts were then forwarded

sciously experiment with styles of public behavior

to me; I assigned them individual case numbers

(Arnett 1 994, 2000), observing undergraduates

and systematically coded and analyzed them sep­ arately on the basis of gender.5 An initial read­

can help researchers understand how young het­

through of accounts submitted by my male

through gendered interaction rituals in the con­

respondents revealed recurring commonalities, including a pronounced goal of seeking out

text of everyday life. But just as there is not one single mode of masculinity but many masculinities

young women as potential sexual and romantic

available to young men, respondents exhibited a

erosexual men socially construct masculinity

324

PART 5 IX

Men in Relationships

variety of socially recognizable masculine roles in

sexual partners in bars and nightclubs. However,

their accounts, including the doting boyfriend,

as suggested by a wide selection of mass media­

dutiful son, responsible escort, and perfect gentle­

from erotic films to hardcore pornography-het­

man. In the interests of exploring the girl hunt as

erosexual

one among many types of social orientation toward

fantasies of successfully negotiating chance sex­

young

men

nevertheless

sustain

the city at night, the findings discussed here rep­

ual encounters with anonymous strangers in

resent only the accounts of those heterosexual

urban public spaces (Bech 1 998), especially dance

young men whose accounts revealed commonali­

clubs, music venues, singles bars, cocktail lounges,

ties relevant to the girl hunt, as outlined above.

and other nightlife settings. According to Aaron,

These accounts represent about one-fifth of those submitted by my 243 heterosexual male respondents. While this subgroup comprises a substantial portion of the sample, the findings it suggests by no means represents the behaviors of

all my students, and this should not be surprising. As Connell ( 1 995), Messner (2002), and others

a twenty-one-year-old mixed-race junior: I am currently in a very awkward, sticky, com­ plicated and bizarre relationship with a young lady here at Penn, where things are pretty open right now, hopefully to be sorted out during the summer when we both have more time. So my mentality right now is to go to the club with my

argue, the dominance of hegemonic masculinity

best bud and seek out the ladies for a night of

is often sustained by the aggressive actions of a

great music, adventure and female company off

minority within a context of normative complic­

of the grounds of campus.

ity by a more or less "silent maj ority" of men who nevertheless benefit from the subordination and sexual objectification of women. Insofar as the ritual of the girl hunt symbolizes a celebrated form of hegemonic masculinity, it is therefore imperative that we examine how it is practiced in

Young men reproduce these normative expecta­ tions of masculine sexual prowess-what

the myth of the

pickup-collectively

I call

through

homosocial group interaction. According to Brian, a nineteen-year-old Cuban sophomore:

the context of everyday life, even if its proponents

Whether I would get any girl's phone number

and their activities represent only one of many

or not, the main purpose for going out was to

possibilities within the constellation of masculine

try to get with hot girls. That was our goal every

performances and sexual identities available to

night we went out to frat parties on campus,

men. As Connell and Messerschmidt (2005: 850) observe, hegemonic masculinities are "to a sig­ nificant degree constituted in men's interaction with women. " Accordingly, examining how girl hunting is accomplished can help clarify how group interactions link gender ideologies to every­ day social behavior. To ensure informants' anonymity and confi­

and we all knew it, even though we seldom

It was implic­ itly known that tonight, and every night out, was a girl hunt. Tonight, we were taking that goal to mention that aspect of going out.

Philadelphia's nightlife. In the meanwhile, we would have fun drinking, dancing, and joking around. (emphasis added) For Brian and his friends, the "girl hunt" articu­

dentiality, I have assigned pseudonyms to all per­

lates a shared orientation toward public interac­

sons. However, I have identified all respondents

tion in which the group collectively negotiates the

by their reported age, school year, and racial and

city at night. The heterosexual desire among men

ethnic background.

for a plurality of women (hot

girls,

as it were)

operates at the individual and group level. As in

The Girl Hunt and the Myth of the Pickup

game hunting, young men frequently evaluate their erotic prestige in terms of their raw number of sexual conquests, like so many notches on a

As I argue above, it is statistically uncommon for

belt. Whereas traditional norms of feminine

men to successfully attract and "pick up" female

desire privilege the search for a singular and spec-

ARTIC LE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

ified romantic interest (Prince Charming, Mr.

325

his ethnographic work on Philadelphia's black

Right, or his less attractive cousin, Mr. Right

inner-city neighborhoods, Anderson ( 1 999) doc­

Now), heterosexual male fantasies idealize the

uments how sex codes among youth evolve in a

pleasures of an endless abundance and variety of

context of peer pressure in which young black

anonymous yet willing female sex partners (Kim­

males "run their game" by women as a means of

mel and Plante 2005).

pursuing in-group status. Moreover, this type of

Despite convincing evidence to the contrary

one-upmanship heightens existing heterosexual

(Laumann et al. 2004), these sexual fantasies

fantasies and the myth of the pickup while creat­

seem deceptively realizable in the context of

ing a largely unrealistic set of sexual and gender

urban nightlife. To many urban denizens, the city

expectations for young men seeking in-group sta­

and its never-ending flow of anonymous visitors

tus among their peers. In doing so, competitive

suggests a sexualized marketplace governed by

sexual boasting may have the effect of momen­

transactional relations and expectations of per­

tarily energizing group participants. However, in

sonal noncommitment (Bech 1 998), particularly

the long run it is eventually likely to deflate the

in downtown entertainment zones where night­

confidence of those who inevitably continue to

clubs, bars, and cocktail lounges are concentrated.

fall short of such exaggerated expectations and

The density of urban nightlife districts and their

who consequently experience the shame of a

tightly packed venues only intensifies the perva­

spoiled masculine identity (Goffman 1 963).

sive yet improbable male fantasy of successfully attracting an imaginary surplus of amorous single women. Adolescent men strengthen their belief in this fantasy of the sexual availability of women in the city-the myth of the pickup-through col­ lective reinforcement in their conversations in the hours leading up to the girl hunt. While hyping their sexual prowess to the group, male peers col­ lectively legitimize the myth of the pickup and increase it� power as a model for normative mas­ culine behavior. According to Dipak, an eighteen­ year-old Indian freshman:

Armed with their inflated expectations of the nightlife of the city and its opportunities for sex­ ual conquest, young men at Penn prepare for the girl hunt by crafting a specifically gendered and class-conscious nocturnal self (Grazian 2003)-a presentation of masculinity that relies on prevail­ ing fashion cues and upper-class taste emulation. According to Edward, a twenty-year-old white sophomore, these decisions are made strategi­

I finished up laboratory work at 5 : 00 pm and walked to my dormitory, eagerly waiting to "hit up a club" that night. . . .

Preparing for the Girl Hunt through Collective Ritual

I went to eat with my

three closest friends at [a campus dining hall] . We acted like high school freshmen about to go to our first mixer. We kept hyping up the night and saying we were going to meet and dance with many girls. Two of my friends even bet with each other over who can procure the most phone numbers from girls that night. Es­ sentially, the main topic of dicussion during dinner was the night yet to come.

cally: I hadn't hooked up with a girl in a couple weeks and I needed to break my slump (the next girl you hook up with is commonly referred to as a "slump-bust" in my social circle). So I was will­ ing to dress in whatever manner would facilitate in hooking up. Among young college men, especially those living in communal residential settings (i.e., cam­ pus dormitories and fraternities), these prepara­ tions for public interaction serve as collective rituals shared activities that gen­

Competitive sex talk is common in male homo so­

of confidence building

cial environments (Bird 1 996) and often acts as a

erate group solidarity and cohesion while elevat­

catalyst for sexual pursuit among groups of ado­

ing the personal resolve and self-assuredness of

lescent and young adult males. For example, in

individual participants mobilizing for the girl

-

326

PART SIX

Men in Relationships

hunt. Frank, a nineteen-year-old white sopho­ more, describes the fIrst of these rituals: As I began observing both myself and my friends tonight, I noticed that there is a distinct pre-going-out ritual that takes place. I began the night by blasting my collection of rap music as loud as possible, as I tried to overcome the sim­ ilar sounds resonating from my roommate's room. Martin seemed to play his music in order to build his confIdence. It appears that the en­ tire ritual is simply there to build up one's con­ fIdence, to make one more adept at picking up the opposite sex. Frank explains this preparatory ritual in terms of its collective nature, as friends recount tall tales that celebrate character traits commonly associ­ ated with traditional conceptions of masculinity, such as boldness and aggression. Against a soundtrack of rap music-a genre known for its misogynistic lyrics and male-specifIc themes, including heterosexual boasting, emotional detachment, and masculine superiority (McLeod 1 999)-these shared ritual moments of homoso­ ciality are a means of generating group resolve and bolstering the self-confIdence of each partic­ ipant. Again, according to Frank: Everyone erupted into stories explaining their "high;roller status." Martin recounted how he spent nine hundred dollars in Miami one week­ end, while Lance brought up his cousins who spent twenty-five hundred dollars with ease one night at a Las Vegas bachelor party. Again, all of these stories acted as a confidence booster for the night ahead. Perhaps unsurprisingly, this constant com­ petitive jockeying and one-upmanship so com­ mon in male-dominated settings (Martin 200 1 ) often extends t o the sexual objectifIcation of women. While getting dressed among friends in preparation for a trip to a local strip club, Gre­ gory, a twenty-year-old white sophomore, reports on the banter: "We should all dress rich and stuff, so we can get us some hookers! " Like aggressive locker-room boasting, young male peers bond over competitive sex talk by laughing about real

and make-believe sexual exploits and misadven­ tures (Bird 1 996). This joking strengthens male group intimacy and collective heterosexual iden­ tity and normalizes gender differences by rein­ forcing dominant myths about the social roles of men and women (Lyman 1 987). After engaging in private talk among room­ mates and close friends, young men (as well as women) commonly participate in a more public collective ritual known among American college students as "pregaming." As Harry, an eighteen­ year-old white freshman, explains, Pregaming consists of drinking with your "boys" so that you don't have to purchase as many drinks while you are out to feel the de­ sired buzz. On top of being cost efficient, the actual event of pregaming can get any group ready and excited to go out. The ritualistic use of alcohol is normative on college campuses, particularly for men (Martin and Hummer 1 989), and students largely describe pregaming as an economical and efficient way to get drunk before going out into the city. This is especially the case for underage students who may be denied access to downtown nightspots. However, it also seems clear that pregaming is a bonding ritual that fosters social cohesion and builds confIdence among young men in anticipa­ tion of the challenges that accompany the girl hunt. According to Joey, an eighteen-year-old white freshman: My thoughts turn to this girl, Jessica. . . . I was thinking about whether or not we might hook up tonight. . . . As I turn to face the door to 3 0 1 , I feel the handle, and it is shaking from the music and dancing going on in the room. I open the door and see all my best friends just dancing together. . . . I quickly rush into the center of the circle and start doing my "J-walk," which I have perfected over the years. My friends love it and begin to chant, "Go Joey­ it's your birthday." I'm feeling connected with my friends and just know that we're about to have a great night . . . . Girls keep coming in and out of the door, but no one really pays close attention to them. Just as the "pregame" was

ARTICLE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

getting to its ultimate height, each boy had his arms around each other jumping in unison, to a great hip-hop song by Biggie Smalls. One of the girls went over to the stereo and turned the power off. We yelled at her to turn it back on but the mood was already lost and we decide it was time to head out.

d

In this example, Joey's confidence is boosted by the camaraderie he experiences in a ma1e­ bonding ritual in which women-supposedly the agreed-upon raison d'etre for the evening-are ignored or, when they make their presence known, scolded. As these young men dance arm­ in-arm with one another, they generate the col­ lective effervescence and sense of social connectedness necessary to plunge into the nightlife of the city. As such, pregaming fulfills the same function as the last-minute huddle (with all hands in the middle) does for an athletic team (Messner 2002).9 It is perhaps ironic that Joey's ritual of "having fun with my boys" prepares him for the girl hunt (or more specifically in his case, an opportunity to "hook up" with Jessica) even as it requires those boys to exclude their female classmates. At the same time, this men-only dance serves the same function as the girl hunt: it allows its participants to expressively perform hegemonic masculinity through an aggressive dis­ play of collective identification. In this sense the pregame resembles other campus rituals of male socialization and boundary maintenance, partic­ ularly those associated with fraternity life and vio­ lence against women (Boswell and Spade 1 996; Martin and Hummer 1 989; Sanday 1 990). During similar collective rituals leading up to the girl hunt, young men boost each other's confidence in their abilities of sexual persuasion by watching films about male heterosexual exploits in urban nightlife, such as Doug Liman's Swingers ( 1 996), which chronicles the storied escapades of two best friends, Mike and Trent. According to Kevin, an eighteen-year-old white freshman: I knew that [my friend] Darryl needed to calm down if he wanted any chance of a second date.

327

At about 8 : 1 5 pm, I sat him down and showed him (in my opinion, the movie that every man should see at least once-I've seen it six times)-Swingers. . . . Darryl immediately re­ lated to Mike's character, the self-conscious but funny gentleman who is still on the rebound from a long-term relationship. At the same time, he took Trent's words for scripture (as I planned): "There's nothing wrong with show­ ing the beautiful babies that you're money and that you want to party." His mind was clearly eased at the thought of his being considered "money." Instead of being too concerned with not screwing up and seeming "weird or desper­ ate," Darryl now felt like he was in control. The three of us each went to our own rooms to get ready. This collective attention to popular cultural texts helps peer groups generate common cultural references, private jokes, and speech norms as well as build ingroup cohesion (Eliasoph and Lichterman 2003; Fine 1 977; Swidler 2001).10 In this case, globally distributed mass-media texts (i. e. , films, music recordings and videos, televi­ sion programs, computer games, comic books) supply audiences with a familiar set of shared dis­ cursive strategies and symbolic resources that influence daily social behavior pertaining to gen­ der and sexual expression at a more localized level (Connell and Messerschmidt 2005; Swidler 2001 ). Similar to the immersion in rap music, the incorporation of collective film viewing into the pregame ritual promotes male group solidarity. But in addition to generating a sense of collective energy, it provides a set of cultural frames useful for making sense of the girl hunt, just as Sanday (1990 : 1 29) documents how fraternity brothers habitually watch pornographic films together in their preparations for late-night parties. Of course, Swingers represents much tamer fare: yet like pornography, the film encourages the devel­ opment of a hypermasculine identity while sup­ plying young men with scripts for upcoming social interactions with women, reducing women to infantile objects of sexual desire ("beautiful babies"), generating collective excitement for the girl hunt, and giving young men the self-

328

PART 5I X

Men in Relationships

confidence necessary for competing in such a contest. ] ]

Girl Hunting and the Collective Performance of Masculinity Finally, once the locus of action moves to a more public venue such as a bar or nightclub, the much­ anticipated "girl hunt" itself proceeds as a strate­ gic display of masculinity best performed with a suitable game partner. According to Christopher, a twenty-two-year-old white senior, he and his cousin Darren "go out together a lot. We enjoy each other's company and we seem to work well together when trying to meet women. " Report­ ing on his evening at a local dance club, Lawrence, a twenty-one-year-old white junior, illustrates how the girl hunt itself operates as col­ lective activity: We walk around the bar area as we finish [our drinks] . After we are done, we walk down to the regular part of the club. We make the rounds around the dance floor checking out the girls. . . . We walk up to the glassed dance room and go in, but leave shortly because it is really hot and there weren't many prospects. Lawrence and his friends display their elaborated performance of masculinity by making their rounds together as a pack in search of a suitable feminine target. Perhaps it is not surprising that the collective nature of their pursuit should also continue after such a prize has been located: This is where the night gets really interesting. We walk back down to the main dance floor and stand on the outside looking at what's going on and I see a really good-looking girl be­ hind us standing on the other side of the wall with three friends. After pointing her out to my friends, I decide that I'm going to make the big move and talk to her. So I turn around and ask her to dance. She accepts and walks over. My friends are loving this, so they go off to the side and watch. . . . After dancing for a little while she brings me over to her friends and introduces me. They tell

me that they are all freshman at [a local col­ lege], and we go through the whole small talk thing again. I bring her over to my two boys who are still getting a kick out of the whole sit­ uation . . . . My boys tell me about some of the girls they have seen and talked to, and they in­ form me that they recognized some girls from Penn walking around the club. Why do Lawrence and his dance partner both introduce each other to their friends? Lawrence seems to gain almost as much pleasure from his friends' excitement as from his own exploits, just as they are "loving" the vicarious thrill of watch­ ing their comrade succeed in commanding the young woman's attention, as if their own mas­ culinity is validated by his success. In this instance, arousal is not merely indi­ vidual but represents a collectively shared experi­ ence as well (Thorne and Luria 1 986: 1 8 1). For these young men the performance of masculinity does not necessarily require successfully meeting a potential sex partner as long as one enthusiasti­ cally participates in the ritual motions of the girl hunt in the company of men. When Lawrence brings over his new female friend, he does so to celebrate his victory with his buddies, and in return, they appear gratified by their own small victory by association. (And while Lawrence cel­ ebrates with them, perhaps he alleviates some of the pressure of actually conversing with her.) Along these lines, the collective quality of the girl hunt makes each male participant accountable to the group as well as to himself. In this manner, young single men will goad each other on to persist in the hunt, deriding those who turn away potential pickups. Michael, a nineteen­ year-old white junior, reports on his evening out at McFadden's, an Irish-themed sports bar and nightclub: My friend Buddy beckoned to me from the dance floor. Not knowing what he wanted, I snaked my way through the crowd to join him. As I approached him, a girl several years my se­ nior smiled at me. She looked like she wanted to start a conversation, but waited for me to ini­ tiate. Not particularly interested in her and with

ARTIC LE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

329

my friend waiting, I awkwardly moved past

leave the two of them to get better acquainted,

with what I am sure was a weird smile on my

I excused myself to the bar to get a second beer.

Buddy had seen this entire exchange and said he was disappointed in mefor not trying to hit on her.

face.

(emphasis added) Through their homo social encounters, young men make one another accountable for their interactions with women, and their vigilance increases the chances that over time these men will eventually comply with the set of practices that sustain the ideals of hegemonic masculinity,

even in instances when such men disagree with those expectations (Connell 1 995; Demetriou 200 1 ) . As Christopher remarked above on his rela­ tionship with his cousin, the collective aspects of the girl hunt also highlight the efficacy of con­ spiring with peers to meet women: "We go out together a lot. We enjoy each other's company and we seem to work well together when trying to meet women. " In the language of the confi­ dence game, men eagerly serve as each other's shills (Goffman 1 959; Grazian 2004; Maurer 1 940) and sometimes get roped into the role unwittingly with varying degress of success. Michael continues in his report by describing Buddy's exploits: Buddy, a twenty-five-year-old University of Pennsylvania alumnus, is the kind of guy who

In this instance, Michael politely disengages from the interaction without challenging the ideologi­ cal basis of the girl hunt itself. Rather, his passive performance amounts to what Connell ( 1 995) refers to as "complicit masculinity," insofar as Michael is able to support his friend's interaction and thus benefit from the "patriarchal dividend" (acceptance within a male homosocial group and the status associated with such membership) gained from the promotion of the ideals of hege­ monic masculinity as represented by the girl hunt (also see Demetriou 200 1 ) . Among young people, the role of the pas­ sive accomplice is commonly referred to in con­

wingman. Popularized Top Gun, the term literally refers

temporary parlance as a by the 1 986 fIlm

to the backup fighter pilots who protect the head of a military flying formation by positioning themselves outside and behind (or on the wing at) the lead aircraft to engage enemy fire when necessary. In recent years, the term has been appropriated to refer to an accomplice who assists a designated leading man in meeting eli­ gible single women, often at costs to his own abil­ ity to do the same. In male-oriented popular culture, the wingman has become institutional­

("Maxim 's

is not afraid to flirt with as many girls as possi­

ized in men's magazines

ble. Tonight he was putting his charm to good

Training Manual" 2003), literature documenting

use, dancing with any girl who would give him

young men's real-and-imagined sex lives (i. e . ,

the time of day. I realized he had caJled me over for the purpose of finding a girl for me. Turn­ ing to the girl nearest him on dance floor he said to her, "This is my friend Michael. He's a little shy. " Waiting for him to introduce me to

Wingman

Max 2006; Strauss 2005), and how-to manuals

The Guide to Picking Up Girls. This last text provides a vulgar

with such dubiously promising tides as description of the colloquialism:

her, I realized after a moment that he didn't

Everyone knows what a wingman must do.

know these girls either. His introduction was

Your wingman must take the extra girl for you

actually one of the cheesiest pickup lines I had

if there are two girls and you want to talk to one

ever heard used that wasn't the punch line to a

of them. The wingman must lay rap on your

joke. I introduced myself to the girl whose

girl's friend as long as you rap with your girl. It

name I found out was Rebecca, a twenty-four­

does not matter that the girl 's friend may be

year-old professional from South Philly. I talked

very ugly. The wingman must do his job at any

to her for a few minutes and admitted my true

cost. He must be able to pull his own weight

age to her; surprisingly, she didn't blow me off

and back you up. Otherwise, your girl may get

too quickly, but her interest was definitely in

pulled away by her friend whom your wingman

Buddy rather than me at that point. Deciding to

has failed to entertain. (Fischbarg 2002:36)

330

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In public rituals of courtship, the wingman serves multiple purposes: he provides validation of a leading man's trustworthiness, eases the interaction between a single male friend and a larger group of women, serves as a source of dis­ traction for the friend or friends of a more desir­ able target of affection, can be called on to confirm the wild (and frequently misleading) claims of his partner, and, perhaps most impor­ tant, helps motivate his friends by building up their confidence. Indeed, men describe the role of the wingman in terms of loyalty, personal respon­ sibility, and dependability, traits commonly asso­ ciated with masculinity (Martin and Hummer 1 989; Mishkind et al. 1 986). According to Nicholas, an eighteen-year-old white freshman: As we were beginning to mobilize ourselves and move towards the dance floor, James no­ ticed Rachel, a girl he knew from Penn who he often told me about as a potential girlfriend. Considering James was seemingly into this girl, Dan and I decided to be good wingmen and entertain Rachel's friend, Sarah. Hegemonic masculinity is not only expressed by competitiveness but camaraderie as well, and many young men will take their role as a wing­ man quite seriously and at a personal cost to their relationships with female friends. According to Peter, a twenty-year-old white sophomore: "It sounds like a fun evening," I said to Kyle, "but I promised Elizabeth I would go to her date party." I don't like to break commitments. On the other hand, I didn't want to leave Kyle to fend for himself at this club. . . . Kyle is the type of person who likes to pick girls up at clubs. If I were to come see him, I would want to meet other people as well. Having Elizabeth around would not only prevent me from meet­ ing (or even just talking to) other girls, but it would also force Kyle into a situation of having no "wing man." In the end, Peter takes Elizabeth to a nightclub where, although he himselfwill not be able to meet available women, he will at least be able to assist Kyle in meeting them:

Behind Kyle, a very attractive girl smiles at me. Yes! Oh, wait. Darnnit, Elizabeth's here. . . . "Hey, Kyle," I whisper to him. "That girl be­ hind you just smiled at you. Go talk to her." Perhaps Kyle will have some luck with her. He turns around, takes her by the hand, and begins dancing with her. She looks over at me and smiles again, and I smile back. I don't think Elizabeth noticed. I would have rather been in Kyle's position, but I was happy for him, and I was dancing with Elizabeth, so I was satisfied for the moment. By the end of the night, as he and Kyle chat in a taxi on the way back to campus, Peter learns that he was instrumental in securing his friend's suc­ cess in an additional way: "So what ever happened with you and that girl?" I ask. "I hooked up with her. Apparently she's a senior. " I ask if she knew he was a fresh­ man. "Oh, yeah. She asked how old you were, though. I said you were a junior. I had to make one of us look older." Peter's willingness to serve as a wingman demon­ strates his complicity in sustaining the ideals of hegemonic masculinity, which therefore allows him to benefit from the resulting "patriarchal div­ idends"-acceptance as a member of his male homosocial friendship network and its attendant prestige-even when he himself does not person­ ally seek out the sexual rewards of the girl hunt. In addition, the peer group provides a read­ ily available audience that can provide emotional comfort to all group members, as well as bear wit­ ness to any individual successes that might occur. As demonstrated by the preceding examples, young men deeply value the erotic prestige they receive from their conspiratorial peers upon suc­ ceeding in the girl hunt. According to Zach, a twenty-year-old white sophomore: About ten minutes later, probably around 2 : 1 5 am, we split up into cabs again, with the guys in one and the girls in another. . . . This time in the cab, all the guys want to talk about is me hooking up on the dance floor. It turns out that they saw the whole thing. I am not embar­ rassed; in fact I am proud of myself.

ARTIC LE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

As an audience, the group can collectively validate the experience of any of its members and can also internalize an individual's success as a shared victory. Since, in a certain sense, a suc­ cessful sexual interaction must be recognized by one's peers to gain status as an in-group "social fact," the group can transform a private moment into a celebrated public event-thereby making it "count" for the male participant and his cohorts. 12 Of course, as argued above and elsewhere (Laumann et al. 1 994) and demonstrated by the sample analyzed here, turning a heterosexual public encounter with a stranger into an immedi­ ately consummated sexual episode is a statistical rarity, especially when compared with the over­ whelming degree of time, money, effort, and emotion that young men invest in such an enter­ prise. But if we focus on the primary goal of the girl hunt-the performance of normative mas­ culinity-then it becomes clear that the collectiv­ ity of the endeavor allows peer group members to successfully enact traditional gender roles even when they ultimately fail at the sexual pursuit itself. Again, the performance of masculinity does not necessarily require success at picking up women, just so long as one participates in the endeavor enthusiastically in the company of men. For instance, Sam, a twenty-two-year-old black sen\or, observes how one such peer group takes pleasure in one of their member's public rejection at the hands of an unimpressed woman: By this time it was around 1 :30 am, and the party was almost over. . . . I saw a lot of the guys had their cell phones out while they were talking to the women. I figured the guys were trying to get phone numbers from the girls. So as I walked past one of the guys, I heard him ask a girl for her number. But she just laughed and walked away. That was real funny espe­ cially since his friends saw what happened and proceeded to laugh as well. As young men discover, contrary to popular myths about femininity, it is increasingly uncom­ mon for women to act passively during sexually charged confrontations, even those that may be physically precarious. In such situations, women

331

often resist and challenge the advances of strange men in public through polite refusal or the expres­ sion of humor, moral outrage, outright rejection, or physical retaliation (Berk 1 977; Hollander 2002; Snow et al. 1 991). Nevertheless, one participant's botched attempt at an ill-conceived pickup can solidify the male group's bonds as much as a successful one. According to Brian, the aforementioned nine­ teen-year-old Cuban sophomore: We had been in the club for a little more than half an hour, when the four of us were stand­ ing at the perimeter of the main crowd in the dancing room. It was then when Marvin fin­ ished his second Corona and by his body ges­ tures, he let it be known that he was drunk enough and was pumped up to start dancing. He started dancing behind a girl who was danc­ ing in a circle with a few other girls. Then the girl turned around and said "Excuse me!" Henry and I saw what happened. We laughed so hard and made so much fun of him for the rest of the night. I do not think any of us has ever been turned away so directly and harshly as that time. In this instance, Marvin's abruptly concluded encounter with an unwilling female participant turns into a humorous episode for the rest of his peer group, leaving his performance of masculin­ ity bruised yet intact. Indeed, in his gracelessness Marvin displays an enthusiastic male heterosex­ uality as emphasized by his drunken attempts to court an unsuspecting target before a complicit audience of his male peers. And as witnesses to his awkward sexual advance, Brian and Henry take pleasure in the incident, as it not only raises their relative standing within the group in com­ parison with Marvin but can also serve as a nar­ rative focus for future "signifying" episodes (or ceremonial exchanges of insults) and other rituals of solidarity characteristic of joking relationships among male adolescents (Lyman 1 987: 1 5 5). Meanwhile, these young men can bask in their collective failure to attract a woman without ever actually challenging the basis of the girl hunt itself: the performance of adolescent masculinity.

332

PA R T 5 I X

Men in Relationships

In the end, young men may enjoy this per­ formance of masculinity-the hunt itself-even more than the potential romantic or sexual rewards they hope to gain by its successful exe­ cution. In his reflections on a missed opportunity to procure the phone number of a law student, Christopher, the aforementioned twenty-two­ year-old senior, admits as much: "There's some­ thing abo1,lt the chase that I really like. Maybe I subconsciously neglected to get her number. I am tempted to think that I like the idea of being on the look out for her better than the idea of calling her to go out for coffee. " While Christopher's excuse may certainly function as a compensatory face-saving strategy employed in the aftermath of another lonely night (Berk 1 9 77), it might also indicate a possible acceptance of the limits of the girl hunt despite its potential opportunities for male bonding and the public display of adoles­ cent masculinity.

Discussion A consistent thread in symbolic interactionism concerns how structures of inequality are consti­ tuted and reproduced through recurrent patterns of ordinary social interaction. According to Collins ( 1 9 8 1 :987-88), the very foundations of the macro social world and its institutions can be reduced to the agglomeration of everyday face­ to-face encounters conducted among humans over time. As he argues, " Strictly speaking, there is no such thing as a 'state,' an 'economy,' a 'cul­ ture,' a 'social class.' There are only collections of individual people acting in particular kinds of microsituations." Schwalbe et al. (2000) empha­ size how the repetition of "generic processes" such as oppressive othering, identity work, boundary maintenance, and emotion manage­ ment all contribute to the reproduction of inequality through their frequent deployment in varied social contexts. Taken in this way, the "girl hunt" is short­ hand for a composite of multiple types of collec­ tively initiated interaction rituals capable of reproducing social inequality on the basis of gen-

der. Group-based efforts at "mobilizing mas­ culinity" (Martin 200 1) during the pregame, and "girl watching" (Quinn 2002) in the context of nightclub interaction, operate as processes that fabricate gender difference and male superiority while transforming women into targets of the col­ lective male gaze and objects of sexual desire. By engaging in the "mutually supportive facework" provided by wingmen, would-be suitors repro­ duce myths of male dominance by cooperatively creating nocturnal selves that "foster impressions of competence and trustworthiness" through strategies of impression management, deception, and guile (Schwalbe et al. 2000:424). Of course, these generic processes occur not merely in a vac­ uum but within a social setting in which the reg­ ularity of sexist banter and asymmetric courtship rituals encourage the replication of such behav­ iors, along with the continually renewed ideolo­ gies of feminine subordination they promote. But at the same time, it is equally noteworthy that the girl hunt promotes social inequality and subordinate behavior among men. Among partic­ ipants in the girl hunt, the most dominant men enjoy a disproportionate degree of social prestige relative to their competitors, as is the case in other sexual contests (Wright 1 995). Competitive sex talk among adolescent peers in the hours leading up to the girl hunt create an unrealistic set of sex­ ual expectations for impressionable young men, particularly those who already suffer from anxiety over their body image and sexual development (Mishkind et al. 1 986). Meanwhile, the repetition of collective rituals of masculine identification successfully conditions young men to suppress empathy for females targeted by the girl hunt, just as the training regimes of military and police units serve to diminish feelings of inhibition and fear among cadets (Schwalbe et al. 2000:437). As illustrated in the last section, male peers often rely on the cultural scripts associated with girl hunting to hassle one another to perform masculinity by behaving in ways that seem to counter their actual sexual desires. In the end, the interaction rituals associated with the girl hunt reproduce structures of inequality within as well as across the socially

ARTICLE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

constructed gender divide between women and

333

masculinities among men in the moment but as engines of confidence building for subsequent

men.

public encounters. While girl hunting employs collective group

Conclusion

dynamics found in a variety of settings, the social

In this article, I used the ritual of girl hunting to

context in which college students participate

analyze how young men employ the power of

clearly shapes the collective character of their

collective rituals of homosociality to perform het­

everyday behaviors, including the performance of

erosexual competence and masculine identity in

adolescent masculinity and the pursuit of casual

public; Drawing on self-reported narrative ac­

sex. While by no means "total institutions"

counts, I documented collective strategies young

(Becker

men employ when girl hunting, suggesting that

colleges and universities encourage collective be­

2003; Goffman 1 961), modern American

these strategies reinforce dominant myths about

havior through the segregation of persons on the

masculine behavior, boost confidence in one's

basis of age (as well as other social attributes such

performance of masculinity and heterosexual

as race and class), officially recognized student

power, and assist in the performance of mas­

groups (including fraternities, sororities, and ath­

culinity in the presence of women. While the pre­

letic teams), shared residential housing, and the

sentation of a heteronormative masculine self

spatial concentration of campus life. As young

and its attendant peer status does not necessarily

adults undergoing the slow transition from ado­

serve as the only desired or stated purpose of the

lescence to adulthood, college men may be more

girl hunt, my goal in this article was to isolate and

likely than their elder counterparts to desire the

therefore emphasize the

protection of their peers during risky encounters

and

with strangers in public. Meanwhile, as men grow

ritualistic, peiformative, homosocial features of girl hunting as a collective strategy of impression management and

older and gain additional markers of status (i.e., occupational prestige), they may no longer re­

mobilizing masculinity. In emphasizing the collective aspects of girl

quire the pregaming rituals of confidence build­

hunting and the performance of masculinity in

ing once considered necessary preparation for the

urban nightlife, this study follows a consistent

girl hunt. At the very least, they may replace col­

thread within sociology that recognizes how ritu­

legiate forms of "pregaming" with more adult­

als of dating and mating occur within specific in­

oriented rituals, such as happy hour cocktails

terpersonal

shared with colleagues after work.

networks

in

which

shared

and

collective J.lleanings of sexuality are institution­ ally inscribed in social space (Anderson

1 999; Laumann et al. 2004; Liebow 1967; Swidler 200 1 ; Waller 1937). More specifically, this exploration

The nightlife setting itself also appears to in­ vite a more collective orientation to masculine performance and sexual pursuit than other con­ texts. Unlike professional settings where formal

of how men collectively perform gender and het­

guidelines and official workplace norms (at least

erosexuality builds on more recent symbolic in­

theoretically) censure sexually suggestive talk and

teractionist approaches to homosocial group

behavior (Dellinger and Williams

dynamics, including the maintenance of hege­

2002; Quinn 2002), nightlife settings encourage aggressive sex­

monic masculinity through homosocial behavior

ual interaction among participants. As a result,

(Bird

1996), the mobilization of masculinities in public (Martin 200 1 ) , and the practice of "girl

such an environment may prove too intimidating for individuals unprotected by a surrounding peer

watching" as a collective form of sexual harass­

group. Moreover, nightclubs and singles bars fea­

ment (Quinn 2002). Likewise, this analysis of girl

ture open floor plans where populous clusters of

hunting illustrates the efficacy of homosocial rit­

anonymous strangers can congregate and mingle,

uals of solidarity not only as tools for mobilizing

whereas coffeehouses, bookstores, sidewalks, and

334

PART 5 IX

Men in Relationships

other public areas conducive to public interaction are less accommodating of large groups of peo­ ple. In such settings, perhaps we would expect to see men participating in the girl hunt in smaller formations of two and three (the exception being the male "girl-watchers" who line downtown sidewalks during the lunch hour; see Whyte 1 988). Future research on girl hunting in alterna­ tive public contexts (and among a wider variety of populations) will undoubtedly yield interesting findings about the collective nature of masculine performance and heterosexual pursuit. Acknowledgments: This research was s u pported by grants from the U niversity of Pennsylvania Research

Foundation, Alice Paul Center for Research on Women and Gender, and the Penn Institute for Urban Research. I gratefu lly acknowledge Rachelle Brunn, Jan Jaeger, Colette Joyce, Taryn Kudler, Abigail Platten , Georges Reiners, Lindsay Rutherford, Elizabeth Vaq uera, and Yu ping Zhang for their invaluable research assistance. I also wish to thank Elizabeth Armstrong, Kathleen Bogle, Wayne Brekhus, Meredith Broussard, Keith Brown, Ran­ dall Collins , Maria Kefalas, Jennifer Lena, Peggy Reeves Sanday, and the editors and reviewers at Symbolic In­ teraction for their comments on an earlier draft of this article.

Notes 1 . Other such signifiers include physical dominance and assertiveness relative to other men, skill at com­ petitive bar 'games, and a high tolerance for alcohol. 2. The gender discrepancy here may reflect reporting biases, with men overreporting and women underre­ porting their sexual behavior (Laumann et al. 1994:239n12). For a critique of the National Health and Social Life Survey and the reliability of sex re­ search more generally, see Lewontin 1995. 3. According to the Chicago Health and Social Life Survey, the exception to this statistic is the Mexican community area called "Westside," in which 23 per­ cent of women (but only 19 percent of men) reported having met their most recent partner at a bar, dance club, or nightclub (Mahay and Laumann 2004:81). 4. For inclusion in the sample generated for this arti­ cle, male students either voluntarily self-identified as heterosexual or else were coded as such from their written narrative accounts (i.e., referenced a female

sex partner or generalized heterosexual desire). While it is certainly possible that those coded as heterosexual may also engage in homosexual or bisexual practices, this did not preclude them from inclusion in the sam­ ple, given the nature of the research question. (In my original pool of 267 eligible male subjects, 4 self-iden­ tified as gay and 34 opted not to disclose their sexual orientation; of the latter, 14 were eventually coded as heterosexual, while 20 remained nondescript enough to be removed from the sample.) The lack of data on the experiences of homosexual students is a clear lim­ itation of this study; on the varied performances of gay men in the context of urban nightlife, see Brekhus 2003, Chauncey 1 994, and Rupp and Taylor 2003. 5. All names were removed to ensure the anonymity and confidentiality of the participants. However, stu­ dents were asked to supply basic demographic infor­ mation (including gender, age, year of school, residence, racial and ethnic origin, and sexual orien­ tation [optional]) to be used as a reference during cod­ ing and analysis, which was conducted with the help of NVivo, a qualitative data software package.

6. Of course, since these reports account for only one evening's worth of behavior and experience, I cannot validate whether they accurately characterize the lifestyles of my individual respondents, although peer­ led focus groups later conducted among a smaller sample of thirty male respondents uncovered similar findings. 7. Nearly 40 percent of the Asian students in the sam­ ple are of Indian descent. While my data analysis did uncover very small differences in consumption pat­ terns among my sample on the basis of race and eth­ nicity, I could not detect notable differences relevant to the arguments presented in this article. Neverthe­ less, for the edification of the reader I identify the eth­ noracial background of all participants cited in the rest of the article. 8. Students residing in Philadelphia prior to attending the University of Pennsylvania comprise 8.2 percent of the entire sample, while 22.2 percent hail from within the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania. Of those stu­ dents from outside the Northeast, a disproportionate number resided in the populous states of California and Florida prior to college. The numbers are rounded off. 9. In this context, the male ritual of jumping in uni­ son to loud music bears a close resemblance to the "circle dance" initiated by fraternity brothers imme-

ARTIC LE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

diately prior to an alleged incident of gang rape, as described in Sanday 1990. 10. Perhaps for this reason, Kevin's narrative account consistently draws on the slang employed by the film's lead characters: "Darryl, our newly decreed 'money' friend, shifts around, playing it cool, scanning the room for his tie." "Darryl was defmitely in 'money' mode, because she sat close to him (after only a little to drink-so she must have seen something in him)." 1 1 . In the last several years, my classroom surveys of undergraduate students and their favorite motion pic­ tures reveal that male respondents consistently cite films that draw on similar themes to those in Swingers, including the party-hearty campus hijinks of college life (National Lampoon's Animal House, Old School); male vanity and the meaning of manhood (American Psycho, Fight Club); the camaraderie of violent men in secret societies and criminal gangs ( The Godfather, Goodftllas, Scarface, The Usual Suspects); and the relent­ less pursuit of women ( There's Something About Mary). 12. There are additional benefits to working as a col­ lective as well. If the success of any single member can confer status on all other members, then traveling in a large group increases the odds that at least someone in the group will have a successful romantic encounter, provided the group does not impede the success of any single member by introducing competition to the set­ ting or prove distracting to the proceedings.

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Kenney, William Howland. 1 993. Chicago Jazz: A Cul­ turalHistory, 1904-1930. New York: Oxford Uni­ versity Press. Kimmel, Michael S. and Rebecca F. Plante. 2005. "The Gender of Desire: The Sexual Fantasies of Women and Men." In The Gender of Desire: Essays on Male Sexuality, edited by M. S. Kim­ mel. Albany: State University of New York Press. Laumann, Edward 0. , John H. Gagnon, Robert T. Michael, and Stuart Michaels. 1994. The Social Organization of Sexuality: Sexual Practices in the United States. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Laumann, Edward 0., Stephen Ellingson, Jenna Mahay, Anthony Paik, and Yoosik Youm, eds. 2004. The Sexual Organization of the City. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lewontin, Richard C. 1 995. "Sex, Lies, and Social Science." New York Review of Books, April 20. Liebow, Elliot. 1 967. Tally's Corner: A Study of Negro Streetcorner Men. Boston: Little, Brown. Lloyd, Richard. 2005. Neo-Bohemia: Culture and Capi­ tal in Postindustrial Chicago. New York: Routledge. Lyman, Peter. 1 987. "The Fraternal Bond as a Joking Relationship: A Case Study of the Role of Sex­ ist Jokes in Male Group Bonding." In Changing Men: New Directions in Research on Men and Mas­ culinity, edited by M. S. Kimmel. Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Mahay, Jenna and Edward O. Laumann. 2004. "Neighborhoods as Sex Markets." In The Sexual Organization of the City, edited by E. O. Lau­ mann, S. Ellingson, J. Mahay, A. Paik, and Y. Youm. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Martin, Patricia Yancey. 200 1 . '''Mobilizing Mas­ culinities': Women's Experiences of Men at Work." Organization 8(4):587--618. Martin, Patricia Yancey and Robert A. Hummer. 1 989. "Fraternities and Rape on Campus. " Gender & Society 3(4):457-73. Maurer, David W 1 940. The Big Con: The Story of the Confidence Man. New York: Babbs-Merrill. Max, Tucker. 2006. I Hope They Serve Beer in Hell. New York: Citadel. "Maxim's Wingman Training ManuaL" 2003. Maxim, May. McLeod, Kembrew. 1 999. "Authenticity within Hip­ Hop and Other Cultures Threatened with As­ similation. " Journal of Communication 49(4): 1 34-50.

ARTIC LE 27

The Girl Hunt: Urban Nightlife and the Performance of Masculinity as Collective Activity

Messner, Michael A 2002. Taking the Field: Women, Men, and Sports. Minneapolis: University of Min­ nesota Press. Michael, Robert T., John H. Gagnon, Edward O. Lau­ mann, and Gina Kolata. 1995. Sex in America: A Definitive Survey. New York: Warner Books. Mishkind, Marc, Judith Rodin, Lisa R. Silberstein, and Ruth H. Striegel-Moore. 1 986. "The Em­ bodiment of Masculinity." American Behavioral Scientist 29(5):545-62. Owen, Frank. 2003. Clubland: The Fabulous Rise and Murderous Fall of Club Culture. New York: Broad­ way. Paules, Greta Foff. 1 99 1 . Dishing It Out: Power and Re­ sistance among Waitresses in a New Jersey Restau­ rant. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Polk, Kenneth. 1994. "Masculinity, Honor, and Con­ frontational Homicide." In Just Boys Doing Busi­ ness? Men, Masculinities, and Crime, edited by T. Newburn and E. A Stanko. London: Routledge. Quinn, Beth A 2002. "Sexual Harassment and Mas­ culinity: The Power and Meaning of 'Girl Watching.'" Gender & Society 16(3):386-402. Rostand, Edmond. 1 897. Cyrano de Bergerac. Rupp, Leila and Verta Taylor. 2003. Drag Queens at the 801 Cabaret. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Sanday, Peggy Reeves. 1990. Fraternity Gang Rape: Sex, Brotherhood, and Privilege on Campus. New York: New York University Press. Schwalbe, Michael, Sandra Goodwin, Daphne Holden, Douglas Schrock, Shealy Thompson,

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and Michele Wolkomir. 2000. "Generic Proc­ esses in the Reproduction of Inequality: An In­ teractionist Analysis. " Social Forces 79 (2): 419-52. Snow, David A, Cherylon Robinson, and Patricia L. McCall. 1 99 1 . '''Cooling Out' Men in Singles Bars and Nightclubs: Observations on the Inter­ personal Survival Strategies of Women in Public Places." Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 1 9(4):423--49. Spradley, James P. and Brenda J. Mann. 1975. The Cocktail Waitress: Woman's Work in a Man's World. New York: Wiley. Strauss, Neil. 2005. The Game: Penetrating the Secret So­ ciety of Pickup Artists. New York: Regan Books. Swidler, Ann. 200 1 . Talk of Love: How Culture Matters. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Thorne, Barrie and Zella Luria. 1 986. "Sexuality and Gender in Children's Daily Worlds." Social Prob­ lems 33(3): 1 76-90. u.s. News and World Report. 2005. Waller, Willard. 1937. "The Rating and Dating Com­ plex." American Sociological Review 2(5):727-34. West, Candace and Don H. Zimmerman. 1 987. "Doing Gender." Gender & Society 1 (2): 125-5 l . Whyte, William H . 1 988. City: Rediscovering the Cen­ ter. New York: Doubleday. Williams, Alex. 2005. "Casual Relationships, Yes. Ca­ sual Sex, Not Really." New York Times, April 3,pp. 1, 12. Wright, Robert. 1995. The Moral Animal: Evolutionary Psychology and Everyday Life. New York: Vintage.

A R T I C L E

2 8

Peggy C. Giordano Monica A. Longmore Wendy D. Manning

Gender and the Meani ngs of Adolescent Romantic Relationsh ips: A Focus on Boys Increased interest in heterosexual relationships has long been considered a hallmark of adoles­ cence (Waller 1 937; Sullivan 1 953). Yet sociolog­ ical attention to adolescent love and romance is dwarfed by the level of cultural interest, ranging from television and film portrayals to parental concerns about teenage sexuality and pregnancy. Recently, media accounts have declared the end of dating and romance among teens in favor of casual hook-ups that lack feelings of intimacy or commitment (see, e.g. , Denizet-Lewis 2004). A large-scale investigation based on a national prob­ ability sample of adolescents contradicts this de­ piction, however: by age 1 8 over 80 percent of adolescents have some dating experience, and a majority o,f these liaisons are defined by adoles­ cent respondents as " special romantic relation­ ships" (Carver, Joyner, and Udry 2003). Even relatively young adolescents indicate some ro­ mantic relationship experience, and those who do not nevertheless express a strong interest in dating (Giordano, Longmore, and Manning 2001). In spite of the ubiquitous nature of dating relation­ ships during the period, we know little about how adolescents themselves experience the transition from a social life based on same-gender friend­ ships to one that includes romantic involvement (Brown, Feiring, and Furman 1 999).

From American Sociological Review, Volume 71, Number 2, April 2006, pp. 260-287.

338

We know much more about the character, meaning, and impact of adolescent peer relations. This research not only underscores that peers and friends are critically important to children and adolescents (see, e.g. , Call and Mortimer 200 1 ; Crosnoe 2000; Youniss and Smollar 1 985), but it also provides a basis for expecting gender differ­ ences in the ways in which adolescents navigate and experience romantic relationships. Maccoby (1 990) emphasizes that girls more often forge inti­ mate dyadic friendships and rely on supportive styles of communication, while boys tend to play in larger groups, use a "restrictive " interaction style, and develop a greater emphasis on issues of dominance. In light of these differences, she poses a key developmental question: "What happens, then, when individuals from these two distinctive 'cultures' attempt to interact with one another? People of both sexes are faced with a relatively unfamiliar situation to which they must adapt" (Maccoby 1 990:5 1 7). Maccoby argues that the transition to dating is easier for boys, who tend to transport their dom­ inant interaction style into the new relationship. This is consistent with other research on peer socialization that also adapts a spillover argument. While girls are socialized to center attention on personal relationships (Gilligan 1 982) and romance, boys' interactions within male peer groups often lead them to define the heterosexual world as another arena in which they can com­ pete and score (Eder, Evans, and Parker 1 995).

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

Studies from this peer-based research tradition thus provide a theoretical basis for expecting that as adolescents begin to date, boys will do so with greater confidence and less emotional engagement (i.e., the notion that boys want sex, girls want romance), ultimately emerging as the more pow­ erful actors within these relationships. Research on peer relationships has been crit­ ical to an understanding of the adolescent period, and is important in that it foreshadows some of the origins of problematic features of male­ female relationships, including intimate violence and gender mistrust. Yet perspectives about dat­ ing are too heavily grounded in studies of peer interactions and concerns, rather than in research on romantic encounters themselves. In addition, prior research has focused almost exclusively on issues of sexuality, while the relational and emo­ tional dimensions of early heterosexual experi­ ences have often been ignored. The symbolic interactionist perspective that we develop high­ lights unique features of adolescent romantic relationships that provide a rich climate for addi­ tional socialization. Our view is that meanings may emerge from interaction and communication within the romantic context that significantly alter or supplant those developed through peer interactions. This perspective fosters a different view of the ways in which gender influences the crossing-over process, and suggests fundamental limitations of the focus on spillover effects. Fur­ ther, depic;tions of girls' experiences, especially concerning issues of sexuality, have become increasingly nuanced, but in prior work boys have often been cast as especially flat or one-dimen­ sional characters (Forster [1 927] 1 974). Thus, it is important to explore both girls' and boys' per­ spectives on romance, but our central objective here is to address consequential gaps in knowl­ edge about boys' relationship experiences.! The theoretical perspective and findings presented nevertheless have implications for understanding the character and range of girls' experiences, and provide a basic foundation for additional research focused specifically on girls' perspectives.

339

Background Prior Research on Adolescent Girls Most studies of adolescent life emphasize girls' strong relational orientation (e.g. , Gilligan 1 982; Martin 1 996), as well as fundamental gender inequalities that tend to be reproduced as girls learn to center much time and energy on their romantic attachments (Holland and Eisenhart 1 990; Pipher 1994). In a study based on social life within a Midwestern middle school, Eder et al. (1 995) conclude that emphases within girls' peer groups (e.g. , the notion that one must always be in love, the focus on personal appearance, and con­ cerns over reputation) foster these inequalities and serve to distance young women from their sexual feelings (see also Simon, Eder, and Evans 1 992). Within their own peer networks, boys emphasize competition on many levels, and ridicule those who express caring and other pos­ itive emotions for girls. Consistent with Mac­ coby's ( 1990) spillover hypothesis, then, Eder et al. (1995) argue that these peer emphases influ­ ence the character of cross-gender relations: " [MJost male adolescents and many adults con­ tinue to associate excitement with a sense of domination and competition . . . [while] most girls fail to develop a sense of the depth of their inner resources and power and thus remain dom­ inated and controlled" (Eder et al. 1 995 : 1 48). Studies that explore girls' early sexual expe­ riences draw similar conclusions about asymme­ tries of power within romantic relationships. Holland, Ramazanoglu, and Thomson (1 996) ini­ tially theorize that there is a sense in which female and male adolescents can be considered "in the same boat" due to their relative inexperi­ ence. They subsequently discard this notion, how­ ever, based on their analysis of girls' and boys' narrative accounts of their first sexual experi­ ences. The authors argue that girls quickly learn that sex is in large part directed to "supporting and satisfying masculine values and needs" (Hol­ land et al. 1 996: 1 59). Thompson's (1995) study of girls' sexual narratives develops a more nuanced

340

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Men in Relationships

portrait, by highlighting significant variations in girls' sexual experiences. Focusing on the highly melodramatic character of many girls' narratives, however, Thompson ( 1995) concludes that within the contemporary context, the gender gap in ori­ entations toward relationships and sexuality may even have widened. She suggests, for example, that it is no longer as necessary as in earlier eras for boys to engage in preliminary steps of rela­ tionship-building to achieve their goal of sexual access, a dynamic that could accentuate rather than diminish traditional differences in perspec­ tives. Interestingly, Risman and Schwartz (2002) have recently developed an alternative hypothe­ sis. Examining aggregate trends that show declin­ ing rates of sexual intercourse during the adolescent period, the authors link such changes to "the increasing power of girls in their sexual encounters" (Risman and Schwartz 2002:21), particularly to negotiate the timing and the con­ text within which sexual behavior occurs. Thus, while interpretations of the nature and effects of these dynamic processes differ, prior research points to power as a key relationship dynamic that warrants more direct, systematic scrutiny. In summary, the emphases of prior studies have been appropriate, as the dynamics high­ lighted connect in intimate ways to processes that have been l,imiting or injurious to young women. Areas of concern range from leveled career aspi­ rations (Holland and Eisenhart 1 990) to sexual coercion and partner violence (Eder et al. 1 995). Nevertheless, this research is itself limited by the focus on the relatively public face of cross-gender relations, such as j oking and teasing that occurs within school lunch-rooms or during after-school activities. Here the emphasis remains upon the dynamics of the same-gender peer group, provid­ ing only glimpses into the more private world of the romantic dyad. Many studies in this tradition also rely on small non-diverse samples, or con­ centrate on very young adolescents. The heavy focus on issues of sexuality also provides a restricted view of the broader relationship con­ text within which sexual behaviors unfold; that is, of the more basic emotional and other rela-

tional dynamics that characterize these relation­ ships. More fundamentally, this portrait of spillover effects does not sufficiently highlight the communicative strengths and relationship com­ petencies that girls bring to these relationships, nor does this literature confront inherent limits to the idea of carry-over effects. These criticisms apply equally to prior research on boys, where similar themes emerge, even though the research base is even more sketchy and incomplete.

Studies of Boys Romantic and Sexual Lives Boys have certainly not been ignored in prior research on adolescence. Yet within the many studies that concentrate on boys, romantic rela­ tionships have not been a frequent subject. Clas­ sic investigations of boys' lives often concentrate on group processes within boys' friendship and peer circles, either as ends in themselves (e.g., Fine 1 987), or as peers influence specific out­ comes such as delinquency (e.g. , Cohen 1 955; Sullivan 1 989; Thrasher 1 927) or the reproduc­ tion of the class system (e.g. , MacLeod 1 987; Willis 1 977). These studies do, however, some­ times offer characterizations of boys' romantic attachments. For example, MacLeod ( 1987) in a classic study of boys' delinquency involvement suggests that "women were reduced to the level of commodities and the discussions sometimes con­ sisted of consumers exchanging information" (MacLeod 1 987:280). The relative lack of research on boys' romantic experiences, then, likely stems from scholars' interests in other areas, as well as from their views that male-female rela­ tionships are of a limited, or at least a delimited (primarily sexual), interest to adolescent boys themselves. This is consistent with the research reviewed on girls' lives, and again highlights the reach of male peer culture. A consequence, how­ ever, is that boys' views about romance are gleaned primarily from analyses of girls' narra­ tives and/or studies based on boys' discourse within the relatively public arena of the male peer group.

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

A few studies have examined boys' perspec­ tives on romance directly, again often in connec­ tion with discussions of sexuality. Wight ( 1994), for example, observed significant differences in boys' talk about their girlfriends and sex among their peers compared with interviews conducted in more private settings. In the latter context, the working-class Scottish youth whom he studied were much more likely to express insecurities and vulnerabflities regarding the adequacy of their own sexual performances. Nevertheless, Wight (1 994:721) also concludes that only a minority of the boys were engaged emotionally in the rela­ tionship aspects of these heterosexual liaisons. He suggests that generally the boys preferred male company and "particularly dislike girls' displays of feminine emotion which make them feel extremely awkward. " Despite his more layered view of boys' perspectives, then, Wight's ( 1 994) depiction of boys' attitudes toward romance does not differ greatly from a number of other accounts: "the main excitement of girlfriends is the challenge of chatting them up and getting off with them; once this has been achieved, going out with the girl becomes tedious . . . only a few came close to expressing trust in, or loyalty to, girls in the way they sometimes did for boys" (p. 7 14). In contrast, Moffatt ( 1989), relying on older students' written accounts of their sexual lives, found that a significant number (about one third) of the young men's narratives stressed the impor­ tance of romance and love in connection with their sexual experiences. It is unclear whether these differences in findings stem from significant age differences across samples, or variations in the methods employed. Thus, it is important to examine specific aspects of the existing portrait of adolescent males' romantic relationship expe­ riences using a larger, more heterogeneous sam­ ple of adolescents. The present study, then, focuses on basic but foundational research questions. Do adolescent boys, as Maccoby ( 1 990) hypothesized, more often than girls express confidence as they cross over to the heterosexual realm? Are adolescent girls more likely to be engaged emotionally, rela-

341

tive to their male counterparts? And, perhaps most central to existing portraits, do boys typi­ cally evidence greater power and influence within their early heterosexual liaisons? These questions are interrelated and central to the development of an age-graded, life-course perspective on how gender influences relationship processes.

A Neo-Meadian Perspective on Adolescent Romantic Relationships In our view, prior work in this area offers an incomplete portrait of the ways in which gender influences the crossing-over process. Further, existing treatments undertheorize the extent to which the romantic relationship itself becomes a potentially important arena of socialization and site for the emergence of meanings. These rela­ tionships may occasion new perspectives that coexist with, contradict, and even negate previ­ ous peer-based messages. Mead's (1 934) symbolic interaction theory and recent extensions in the sociology of emotions tradition (e.g., Collins 2004; Engdahl 2004) provide a useful framework for exploring this general idea.2 Two central tenets of symbolic interaction theories are that meanings emerge from the process of social interaction and that the self is continuously shaped by dynamic social processes (Mead 1 934). These basic insights foster a highly unfinished, continually emerging view of devel­ opment, and a caution to the notion that mean­ ings derived from peer interactions are likely to be transported wholesale into the romantic con­ text. As Sandstrom, Martin, and Fine (2002: 1 0) point out, Mead (1 934) and later Blumer ( 1 969) emphasized that "social definitions guide action, " but also recognized that this involves much more than a "reflex-like application of these definitions." We have to determine which objects or actions we need to give meaning and which we can ne­ glect. Moreover, we must figure out which of the many meanings that can be attributed to a thing are the appropriate ones in this con­ text. . . . [W]hen we find ourselves in some sit­ uations, particularly new and ambiguous ones,

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we discover that no established meanings apply. As a result, we must be flexible enough to learn or devise new meanings. We have this flexibil­ ity because we handle the things we encounter through a dynamic and creative process of in­ terpretation. This process allows us to generate new or different meanings and to adjust our ac­ tions accordingly. Scholars such as Corsaro ( 1 985) highlight these dynamics as a way to understand the char­ acter of the parents-to-peers transition that reli­ ably occurs during childhood and adolescence (see also Corsaro and Eder 1 990). Researchers point out that parental socialization efforts are never fully successful, in that young people inevitably produce novel cultural practices through interaction with their peers. These meanings fit the peer context well, as they are a product of this context. Social forces are thus deeply implicated in the production of meanings; and, as these meanings are shared, they become a further source of social solidarity and self-definition (Fine 1 987). This meaning-construction process is never fully stabilized, however, because new "hooks for change" continually present them­ selves within the environment (Giordano, Cernkovich, and Rudolph 2002). Individuals also possess the unique capacity to develop new plans, including the capacity to carve out new social net­ works. Yet as Emirbayer and Goodwin ( 1 994) note, these new affiliations will nevertheless in turn have a. shaping influence. These basic insights are integral to many dis­ cussions of child and adolescent peer networks, but researchers have not systematically applied the symbolic interactionist or interpretive frame­ work to an understanding of the peers-to­ romance transition. It is intuitive to do so for several reasons: First, adolescent romantic rela­ tionships definitely qualify as a new situation, one in which interaction and communication hold a central place. Second, the relatively private world of romantic interactions makes it likely that meanings will emerge on site, rather than simply being imported from earlier peer experiences or from the broader culture (see also Simon and

Gagnon 1 986). The fundamentally reciprocal qualities of dyadic communication enhance these possibilities. Mead ([ 1 909] 1 964: 1 0 1 ) theorized that the "probable beginning of human commu­ nication was in cooperation, not in imitation, where conduct differed [emphasis added] and yet where the act of the one answered to and called out the act of the other." Third, scholars point out that contemporary romantic relationships in Western nations lack the heavily scripted quali­ ties that characterized earlier eras or courtship practices within more traditional cultural contexts (Giddens 1 992). This too leads us to favor a sym­ bolic interactionist perspective on the meaning construction process. In the following discussion, we explore three basic relationship domains­ communication, emotion, and influence-that allow us to develop further this symbolic interac­ tionist perspective on adolescent romantic rela­ tionships. We agree with Maccoby's ( 1 990) key assertion that "both sexes face a rela­ tively unfamiliar situation to which they must adapt" (p. 5 1 7), but we offer a different perspec­ tive on the ways in which gender-related experi­ ences may influence the crossing-over process. Recall Maccoby's suggestion that the transition is easier for boys, who are seen as frequently trans­ porting their dominant interaction style into the new relationship. A competing hypothesis is that because girls have more experience with intimate dyadic communications by virtue of their own earlier friendship experiences, boys must make what amounts to a bigger developmental leap as they begin to develop this more intimate way of relating to another. Mead ( 1 9 1 3 : 378) pointed out that when engaged in familiar, habitual actions, "the self is not self-conscious. " In contrast, on those occa­ sions when the individual's previous repertoire proves inadequate to the task at hand (what Mead termed the "problematic situation"), cognitive processes, including feelings of self-conscious­ ness, are fully engaged. While both girls and boys are likely to experience their initial forays into Communication.

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

heterosexual territory as instances of Mead's "problematic situation," this may be even more descriptive of boys' experience, by virtue of the especially strong contrast for boys with the form and content of their earlier peer interactions. Thus, our expectation is that boys, at least ini­ tially, will experience a greater level of communi­ cation awkwardness in connection with their romantic liaisons. Following Mead, this also implies that cues within the new situation will be especially important. Mead noted that while the past (here, youths' understandings derived from peer interactions) is never completely discarded, the current perspective will nevertheless be trans­ formed in light of present circumstances and future plans (Mead 1 934; see also Joas 1 997: 167-98). Movement into romantic relationships involves more than developing a level of comfort while communicating with the opposite gender. It also requires a full complement of relationship skills, most of them communication based as well. Adolescents must become familiar with the process of making initial overtures, learn how to communicate their needs to partners, manage conflict, and successfully terminate unwanted relationships. Here, too, young women may be more competent and confident in what we will call relati?nship navigational skills, as they have experienced generally related social dynamics in prior relationships (e.g. , friendship troubles and their repair). In addition, norms about dating behavior have become more ambiguous within the contemporary context, but boys are still often expected to make the initial advances. This pro­ vides a further reason for them to be more anx­ ious and less certain about how to proceed. Adolescents' perceived confidence navigating relationships requires systematic investigation, however, as prior research has shown that boys frequently score higher on scales measuring gen­ eral self-esteem and self-efficacy (Gecas and Longmore 2003). Thus focusing only on the self­ esteem literature, and the notion that males occupy a position of greater societal privilege, we might expect boys simply to forge ahead with

343

confidence into this new terrain, with little uncer­ tainly about a lack of expertise or preparation. This is also consistent with the idea that girls may lack confidence in their abilities to make their own needs known in relationships, particularly given socialization practices that heighten girls' sensitivities to and concern for the needs of oth­ ers (Gilligan 1 982). Emotion. Researchers have recently accorded greater significance to the role of emotions in human behavior (e.g., Katz 1 999; Massey 2002; Turner 2000). Theorists in the sociology of emo­ tions tradition in particular stress the strongly so­ cial basis of emotional processes (e.g. , Collins 2004; Thoits 1 989). Departing from highly indi­ vidualistic conceptions of emotions, many socio­ logical treatments focus on the ways in which cultural expectations influence emotion-manage­ ment as well as emotional expression (e.g . , Hochschild 1 983). This sociological viewpoint resonates with the peer-based literature reviewed earlier, as it stresses that boys are socialized to avoid or deny softer emotions, and are teased and ridiculed by peers if they reveal signs of weak­ ness or emotionality. In turn, this literature sug­ gests that boys learn to devalue relationships that might engender positive emotions, and to objec­ tify and denigrate the young women who are their partners in romantic interactions. Overall, much previous research provides support for the idea of an emotional closing-off process, as boys are ob­ served making crude comments in the school lunchroom (Eder et al. 1 995), describing their ro­ mantic relationships as tedious (Wight 1 994), or constructing relationships as a game perpetrated on young women for the purpose of sexual con­ quest (Anderson 1 989). The symbolic interactionist approach, in contrast, suggests that the new dyadic context opens up additional opportunities for role-taking, defined as "putting oneself in another's position and taking that person's perspective" (Shott 1 979: 1 323). Such reciprocal interactions may pro­ mote new definitions of the situation, as well as the experience of new emotions. Scholars have

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Men in Relationships

recently noted that emotions have clarifying and

that some boys develop caring attitudes toward a

motivational significance (Frijda 2002), in effect

partner and positive feelings about their romantic

providing valence or energy to new lines of action

relationships. These researchers frequently assert,

(Collins 2004). Our central argument, then, is that

however, that this adaptation is characteristic of a

adolescent romantic relationships become a

small subgroup of male adolescents who repre­

potentially important arena of socialization and

sent a departure from the more common and tra­

reference, one that fosters new definitions and

ditionally gendered pattern (Anderson 1 989; Eder

interrelated emotions. Suggesting that girls typi­

et al. 1 995; Wight 1 994).

cally experience heightened emotionality in con­ nection with their romantic endeavors is hardly a

Influence.

novel assertion. In contrast, however, to the

plicated in the production of specific emotional

Social interactions are not only im­

emphases within much of the existing adoles­

feelings, but as some theorists argue, these emo­

cence literature, we argue that boys often develop

tional processes are capable of transforming the

positive emotional feelings toward partners and

self in more fundamental ways (MacKinnon

accord significance and positive meanings to their

1 994; Engdahl 2004). The social influence litera­

romantic relationships. The notion that new atti­

ture emphasizes that the more highly valued the

tudes and feelings can emerge from these recur­

relationship, the more individuals are willing to

generally

accede to influence attempts in order to maintain

consistent with Thorne's ( 1 993: 1 3 3) key observa­

or enhance their standing with valued others

tion that " incidents of crossing (gender bound­

(Blau 1 964). Viewed from a neo-Meadian per­

rent

sequences

of

interaction

is

aries) may chip away at traditional ideologies and

spective, however, positive interactions with sig­

hold out new possibilities."

nificant others influence self-feelings (emotions)

This educational process and boys' emerging

and attitudes that become catalysts in the truest

interest, we believe, frequently extends beyond the

sense. This neo-Meadian viewpoint encompasses

sexual to include the relationship itself. To the

but also extends the notion that change is ac­

degree that boys engage in a distinctive form of

complished primarily as a strategic move to pre­

intimate self-disclosure lacking within their peer

serve the relationship.

discourse, and receive both positive identity and

If, on the other hand, positive meanings are

social support from a caring female partner, boys

largely constructed outside the romantic rela­

in some respects may be seen as more dependent

tionship (e.g., as a source of competition and

on these relationships than girls, who have a

basis for camaraderie with one's male peers), we

range of other opportunities for intimate talk and

may expect the romantic partner's influence to be

social support. Feelings of heightened emotion­ ality or

love

(and to be viewed as) rather minimal (see Collins

for the partner can be assessed

2004:238). This is likely to be the case whether

directly, as adolescents are well placed to com­

the focus is on change in relationship atti­

ment on their own subjective emotional experi­

tudes/behaviors, influence on other aspects of the

ences. Here the private interview provides a

adolescent's life, or effects on the young person's

useful supplement to observational studies of

emerging identity. Thus the character of commu­

boys' interactions in public settings, as recent

nication and levels of emotional engagement in

work on gender and emotions underscores that

these relationships during adolescence are criti­

the public face of emotions appears more highly

cal dynamics likely to be implicated in the nature

gendered than the personal experience of these

and extent of partner influence. Our expectation,

same emotions (Fischer 2000). It is also impor­

following the arguments developed in the previ­

tant to obtain systematic assessments across a

ous sections, is that adolescent girls, owing to

large, heterogeneous sample of adolescents, as

their greater familiarity with issues of intimacy

most of the research reviewed earlier indicates

and skill in communication, will likely make

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

influence attempts, and boys (highly inter­ ested/ engaged in this new relationship form) will often be receptive to them. Consequently, we do not expect to find significant gender differences in reports of partner influence, as contrasted with the hypothesis of a highly gendered (i.e. , boys have more influence) pattern. Consistent with prior sociological treat­ ments, it is also useful to distinguish influence processes, which may be quite subtle, from power, often defined as the ability to overcome some resistance or to exercise one's will over others (Weber 1 947). Youniss and Smollar ( 1 985) note that much of the time within same-gender friend­ ship relations, reality is "cooperatively co-con­ structed." This description reflects that the initial similarity of friends favors the development of a relatively egalitarian style of mutual influence. As a close relationship, romantic relations should also entail many instances of cooperative co-con­ struction-but these relationships to a greater extent than friendships also bridge considerable difference. Thus it is not only likely that differ­ ences in perspective and conflict will occur, but also that partners will attempt to control or change the other in some way. It is conventional to argue that structurally based gender inequalities tend to be reproduced at the coupl� level. On average the male partner acquires more power and control in the relation­ ship (Komter 1989). While these ideas originally were applied to adult marital relations, as sug­ gested earlier, the notion of gendered inequalities of power is also a recurrent theme within the ado­ lescence literature. These power and influence processes require more systematic study, however, because during adolescence, social forces that are generally understood as fostering gender inequal­ ities are still somewhat at a distance (e.g., child­ bearing, gendered access to the labor force and to other bases of power); thus the reproduction process itself may be markedly less than com­ plete. The symbolic interactionist framework also suggests a more situated, constantly negotiated view of power dynamics, in contrast to a straight­ forward male privilege argument (see, e.g. , Sprey

345

1 999). The assumption of boys' greater power and control also connects to the largely untested assumptions that: (a) boys, on average, effect a dominant interaction style in these fledgling rela­ tionships (our communication hypothesis), and (b) girls are systematically disadvantaged by their greater commitment and emotional investment in their romantic endeavors (our emotion hypothe­ sis). Asymmetries of various kinds (demographic, relational, status) are common within adolescent romantic relationships (see Carver and Udry 1 997; Giordano, Longmore, and Manning 200 1). Our view, however, is that these imbalances in the contours of the relationship need not-during this phase of life-necessarily and systematically privilege male adolescents. In the current analy­ sis, then, our goal with respect to influence and power is to assess and compare adolescent male and female reports about their romantic partner's influence attempts, actual influence (as perceived by the respondent), and perceptions of the power bal­ ance within the relationship (defined as getting one's way, given some level of disagreement).

Data and Methods Data The Toledo Adolescent Relationships Study (TARS) sample was drawn from the year 2000 emollment records of all youths registered for the 7th, 9th, and 1 1 th grades in Lucas County, Ohio, a largely urban metropolitan environment that includes Toledo (n 1 , 3 1 6). 3 The sample uni­ verse encompassed records elicited from 62 schools across seven school districts. The strati­ fied, random sample was devised by the National Opinion Research Center, and includes over-sam­ ples of African American and Hispanic adoles­ cents. School attendance was not a requirement for inclusion in the sample, and most interviews were conducted in the respondent's home using preloaded laptops to administer the interview. From the total sample of 1 ,3 16, we focus the present analysis on 957 respondents who reported either currently dating or having recently dated (the previous year).4 As shown in Table 28 . 1 , 49 =

346 •

PART SIX

TA B L E

Men in Relationships

28.1

Means/Percentages and Standard Deviations for the Total Sample and Separately for Boys and G i rls Total

Dependent Variables (range) Communication processes Awkwardness (4-20) Confidence (3- 1 5) Heightened emotionality Love (4-20) Influence and power Influence attempts (2-1 0) Actual influence (3- 1 5) Perceived power balance (4-12) Independent Variables Gender Boys Girls Race White African American Hispanic Age (12-19) Family structure Married biological Single Step Other Mother's monitoring (6-24) Peer orientation (1--4) Mother's education < 1 2 years (12 years) > 1 2 years Self-esteem (10-30) Currently dating Yes No Duration of relationship (1-8 months) Sex with romantic partner Yes No N Note: Mean/%

=

mean or percent; N

=

number;

Boys

Girls

Mean/%

SD

Mean/%

SD

Mean/%

SD

9.87* 1 0.40*

3.3 2.8

10. 1 0 9.92

3.2 2.8

9.64 1 1 .03

3.4 2.7

14. 1 3

3.6

1 3.91

3.5

14.34

3.6

3 .80* 6.41* 8.23*

1.7 2.5 1 .8

4.09 6.94 7 .63

1 .7 2.5 1 .8

3.51 5 . 89 8.80

1.7 2.4 1 .7

1.7

.64 .24 .12 1 5.44

1 .7

.66 .23 .11 1 5 .54

1.7

2.8 .9

.46 .25 . 19 .09 20. 1 7 3.25

3.0 .9

.43 .28 . 14 .15 20.92 3.08

2.4 .9

3.6

.13 .31 .56 23.92

3.4

. 12 .31 .57 23.60

3.8

.49 .51 .69 .24 .07 1 5 .49 .46 .26 . 16* . 12* 20.55* 3 . 1 6* .11 .32 .57 23.80

.52 .48

.60* .40 4.79*

2.1

.28 . 72 957 SD

=

standard deviation.

*p < .05 difference between boys and girls (two-tailed tests).

4.62* .30 . 70 469

.67 .33 2.1

4.95 .27 .73 488

2.1

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

347

percent of the dating sample is male, and the aver­ age age is approximately fifteen years. The race/ ethnic distribution is: 69 percent white, 24 percent African American, and 7 percent His­ panic. In-depth interviews were also conducted with a subset (n 1 00) of the respondents who had participated in the structured interview. These youths were selected based on their race/gender characteristics, and having indicated some dating experience during the structured interview. This subsample is on average older than the sample as a whole, and includes 5 1 girls and 49 boys. Of these 40 were white, 33 African American, 26 Hispanic, and one was "other" (Fil­ ipino).5

specific dilemmas and respondents' perceptions of confidence that they would be able to com­ municate their wishes: "How confident are you that you could . . . refuse a date?" "tell your girl­ friend/boyfriend how to treat you?" and "break up with someone you no longer like?" (alpha . 72).

Measures

Influence. We distinguish between the partner's influence attempts and perceptions of "actual" partner influence. Influence attempts are indexed by these items: "X sometimes wants to control what I do" and "X always tries to change me" (alpha . 77). "Actual" influence reflects the level of agreement that respondents have been influ­ enced by or actually changed things about them­ selves due to their relationship with the partner. Items include "X often influences what I do," "I sometimes do things because X is doing them," and "I sometimes do things because I don't want to lose X's respect" (alpha .71). We note that the influence scales do not require respondents to se­ lect who has the most influence in their relation­ ship, but instead to provide an assessment of their perception that partners have made influence at­ tempts and that they have actually made changes or adjustments that they trace to the partner's in­ fluence. We then compare girls' and boys' average scores on these indices to gauge perceptions of partner influence.

=

We de­ veloped a simple definition that precedes the ro­ mantic relationships section of the interview schedule: "Now we are interested in your own experiences with dating and the opposite sex. When we ask about 'dating' we mean when you like a guy, and he likes you back. This does not have to mean going on a formal date. "6 The in­ terview schedule elicits information about a num­ ber of different types of relationships, but the items and scales that we later describe and the ac­ companying analyses focus on the adolescent's relationship with a current or most recent partner. Definition of a romantic relationship.

Relations�ip Qualities/Dynamics

To measure feelings of communication awkwardness or ap­ prehension we rely on four items: "Sometimes I don't know quite what to say with X," "I would be uncomfortable having intimate conversations with X," "Sometimes I find it hard to talk about my feelings with X," and "Sometimes I feel I need to watch what I say to X" (Powers and Hutchin­ son 1979) (alpha .71). Communication awkwardness.

=

Confidence i n navigating romantic relation­ ships. This scale was designed for the TARS

study, and it includes three items that tap dating-

=

Heightened emotionality. To measure the ado­ lescent's level of emotional engagement we use items drawn from Hatfield and Sprecher's (1986) passionate love scale, including "I would rather be with X than anyone else," "I am very attracted to X," "the sight of X turns me on," and "X al­ ways seems to be on my mind" (alpha .85). =

=

=

Power. The measure of power includes a more direct comparative element, as questions focus on the likelihood of getting one's way given some disagreement. This index is modeled on Blood and Wolfe's (1960) decision power index revised for use with this younger sample. The scale includes

348

PART SI X

Men in Relationships

an overall assessment ("If the two of you dis­ agree, who usually gets their way?") and also in­ cludes items that reference specific situations: "what you want to do together," "how much time you spend together," and "how far to go sexu­ ally. " Responses include "X more than me," "X and me about the same," and "me more than X." Higher scores reflect the adolescent's perception of a relatively more favorable power balance, rel­ ative to the partner (alpha . 77). =

Control variables. Although our primary ob­ jective is to examine similarities and differences in the experience of romantic relationships as influ­ enced by the respondent's gender, we also include control variables in our models. This allows us to account for possible differences between the gen­ der subgroups on other basic characteristics and features of adolescents' lives, and to assess whether these variables operate as mediators of any observed gender differences. In addition to the influence of other sociodemographic charac­ teristics, gender differences in reports about rela­ tionships might be influenced by girls' generally higher levels of parental monitoring (Longmore, Manning, and Giordano 200 1), or males' greater levels of involvement with peers (as suggested in the foregoing literature review). It is particularly important to control for self-esteem, as responses to items about relationship confidence or per­ ceived power may be influenced by the adoles­ cent's generally efficacious or confident self-views. This would be consistent with Mac­ coby's (1 990) argument that boys move ahead with confidence into the heterosexual context. Thus we not only assess whether, on average, boys tend to report greater relationship confidence, but also whether high self-esteem accounts for any observed gender difference. During adolescence, romantic relationships themselves vary signifi­ cantly-both in terms of duration and level of se­ riousness (Carver, Joyner, and Udry 2003). Thus, our models also include controls for duration and whether or not the relationship has become sexu­ ally intimate. Teens with romantic relationship

experience who were not dating at the time of the interview reported about a "most recent" part­ ner; thus we also add a control for whether the ref­ erent is a current or most recent relationship. In addition to gender (female 1), controls are added for race Iethnicity (African American, Hispanic, and white were created), and age. We also include dummy variables reflecting varia­ tions in mother's education as a proxy for socioe­ conomic status (less than 1 2 , greater than 1 2 , where 1 2th grade completion is the reference cat­ egory), a strategy that allows for the observation of nonlinear effects. This measure is derived from a questionnaire completed by parents, rather than from youth reports. Family structure is represented in the models as a set of dummy variables (single parent, stepparent, other, with married biological as the reference category). Parental monitoring is measured by a six-item scale completed by the parent, which includes items such as "When my child is away from home, s/he is supposed to let me know where s/he is," "I call to check if my child is where s/he said," "My child has to be home at a specific time on the weekends" (alpha = . 73). A measure of peer orientation is included, which asks respondents, " During the past week, how many times did you just hang out with your friends?" Self-esteem is measured with a six-item version of Rosenberg's (1 979) self-esteem scale (alpha .71). Relationship controls include a measure of duration of the focal relationship in months, whether sexual intercourse has occurred within the relationship (1 yes), and whether the relationship is current (l yes) or most recent. =

=

=

=

Analytic Strategy We estimate zero-order models with gender and then add the remaining covariates to the model. This includes the social and demographic factors (e.g., race/ethnicity, age, mother's education), other network and individual characteristics (parental monitoring, peer orientation, self­ esteem), and features of the relationship described (duration, whether the relationship includes sex, whether the referent is a current relationship).

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

Given the nature of our dependent variables, we use ordinary least squares (OLS) to estimate our models. Although we do not develop specific hypotheses in this regard, due to the general importance of the adolescent's other social addresses, and the utility of the concept of inter­ sectionalities as developed in prior theorizing about gender, we also test for differential effects of gender based on race!ethnicity, mother's educa­ tion, and age by sequentially estimating each model introducing a series of interaction terms (gender by race, gender by mother's education, and gender by age). This allows us to document whether observed patterns of gender similarity and difference generalize across various race! eth­ nic, SES, and age categories. We also examine interactions between gender and other features of the focal relationship, including duration and whether intercourse has occurred, in order to determine whether the findings with regard to gender reflect a consistent pattern across rela­ tionships that vary in longevity and level of sex­ ual intimacy. We use a Chow test to evaluate whether the influence of the total set of covari­ ates on relationship qualities is sufficiently differ­ ent for boys and girls to warrant analysis of separate models.

Qualitative Data The in-depth relationship history narratives that we elicited from a subset of the respondents are useful as they serve to validate the quantitative findings, give depth to our conceptual arguments, and provide a starting point for reconciling our results with themes about gender and relation­ ships that have predominated in prior research. Qualitative methods preserve respondents' own language and narrative emphasis, and thus pro­ vide an additional vantage point from which to explore the meaning and importance of these relationships from each respondent's point of view (Morse 1 994). The in-depth interviews were generally scheduled separately from the structured inter­ view, and were conducted by a full-time inter-

349

viewer with extensive experience eliciting in­ depth, unstructured narratives. Areas covered in general parallel the structured protocol, but allow a more detailed consideration of respondents' complete romantic and sexual histories. The interview began by exploring the dating scene at the respondent's high school, and subsequently moved to a more personal discussion of the respondent's own dating career. The prompt stated, "Maybe it would be a good idea if you could just kind of walk me through some of your dating experiences-when did you first start lik­ ing someone?" Probes were designed to elicit detail about the overall character and any changes in a focal relationship, and about the nature of different relationships across the adolescent's romantic and sexual career. The resulting rela­ tionship narratives were tape-recorded and sub­ sequently transcribed verbatim. We relied on Atlas.ti software to assist with the coding and analysis of the qualitative data. This program was useful in the organization of text segments into conceptual categories and refinement of the cat­ egories, while retaining the ability to move quickly to the location of the text within the more complete narrative. We also relied on shorter two­ to-three-page summaries for some aspects of our analysis. Because the current study is based on a com­ bined analytic approach, we do not attempt an overview of the qualitative data, as the systemat­ ically collected structured data and related quan­ titative analyses adequately depict aggregate trends. Here we generally limit our discussion of the qualitative material to narrative segments that (a) illustrate the direction of specific quantitative findings, but that further illuminate them, partic­ ularly with reference to the conceptual areas out­ lined above, and (b) serve to reconcile our results with the perspectives and emphases of prior research. Consistent with our focus in this article, we draw on boys' narratives, recognizing that a comprehensive account of adolescents' hetero­ sexual experiences requires a corollary analysis of girls' perspectives. Other analyses using the

350

PART SI X

Men in Relationships

TARS data focus specifically on issues of sexual­ ity, both within romantic relationships (Gior­ dano, Manning, and Longmore 2005a) and outside the traditional dating context (Manning, Longmore, and Giordano 2005).

Results Table 28 . 1. presents descriptive statistics for all variables included in the analyses. In addition to the focal relationship variables to be discussed presently, results indicate that, consistent with prior research, female respondents score higher on parental monitoring, relative to their male counterparts. Young women also report relation­ ships of significantly longer duration, and they are more likely to reference a current (rather than "most recent") partner. Male respondents score higher on the measure of time spent with peers, but self-esteem scores did not differ significantly by gender. Table 28.2 presents results of analyses of boys' and girls' reports of communication awkwardness, confidence navigating relation­ ships, and feelings of love. Table 28.3 shows results of similar analyses focusing on partner influence attempts and "actual" influence, as well as the per­ ceived power balance within the current/most recent relationship. Results of analyses focused on gender interactions are reported in the text. Communication The first column in Table 28.2 indicates that, consistent with our hypothesis, boys report significantly higher levels of commu­ nication awkwardness in connection to their re­ lationship with a current/most recent partner. Within the context of the more complete rela­ tionship-history narratives elicited from a subset of the respondents (recall that these youths are, on average, slightly older), these communication dif­ ficulties are especially likely to surface in boys' references to the early days of their dating careers or in discussions of how a given relationship had changed over time. Jake, for example, mentioned such communication difficulties in connection to his very first romantic relationship: Awkwardness.

Then I like talked to her on the phone, I don't know it was kind of awkward, like long silences when you're talking and stuff like that, and I don't know, then she like broke up with me a week later . . . [during their conversations] I couldn't like think of anything more to say you know . . . I really didn't know [her] ; I really wasn't friends before I asked her out, so it was kind of like talking to somebody I really didn't know. . . . [Jake, 1 7] Table 28.2 presents multivariate results, in which other covariates have been taken into account. Gender differences remain significant in a model that controls for race/ ethnicity, age, mother's education, family structure, parental monitoring, peer orientation, self-esteem, and whether the relationship had become sexually intimate (results not shown). The gender gap is explained by the other relationship controls (specifically duration and current dating status), as shown in model 2. This indicates that girls' ten­ dency to be involved in relationships of longer duration and their greater likelihood of referenc­ ing a current partner influence the observed gen­ der difference in level of communication awkwardness. The addition of the relationship controls also reduces the effect of age-in the reduced model without relationship controls, age is, as expected, inversely related to perceived awk­ wardness, but the relationship controls reduce this to non-significance. This suggests intuitive con­ nections between age, relationship seriousness, and perceived awkwardness in communication. Having had sex with the romantic partner is also inversely related to perceived communication awkwardness, but this does not influence the find­ ings with regard to gender and age (not shown). Turning to gender interactions, additional analy­ ses indicate a significant gender by race interac­ tion-white and Hispanic male respondents score significantly higher on communication awkward­ ness than their female counterparts, but African American male and female respondents do not show this pattern.7 Interactions of age, mother's education and the various relationship controls (duration, having sex, current dating status) with

351

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

II1II

TA B L E

28.2

Comm u n ication a n d Emotion withi n Adolescent Romantic Relationships

Gender

(Male) Female Race (White) African American Hispanic Age Family structure (Married biological) Single Step Other Parental monitoring Peer orientation Mother's education < 1 2 years (12 years) > 12 years Self-esteem Duration of relationship Sex with romantic partner (No) Yes Currently dating (No) Yes F R2

Communication

Confidence Navigating

Awkwardness

Relationships

2

1

-.462*

4.68 .049

Note: Reference category in parentheses.

-. 1 95

1

1 . 1 1 8***

2

1 .208***

"Love"

1

.435

2

-.020

.300 -.098 -.094

. 167 -.053 . 1 59**

-.553* . 1 04 . 165*

.002 -.061 .410 -.042 -. 1 60

- . 1 29 .030 -.253 .033 -.022

-.465 -. 743* -.788* .042 .017

.060

.258

-.055

-.230 -. 1 16 -.249***

.095 . 1 80*** .026

-.023 .032

-.635**

. 442*

- 1 .583*** 1 1 . 74 . 1 58

40.89 .041

-.3 1 1 8.95 . 125

.486***

. 1 85

3.58 .004

1 . 786*** 1 6 .42 .208

N = 957.

*p < .05; **p < .0 1 ; ***p < .001 (two·tailed tests).

gender are not significant, however, indicating that, for example, duration has a similar effect on boys' and girls' reports about communication awkwardness. The findings reported provide general sup­ port for the hypothesis outlined, but the relation­ ship between gender and communication awkwardness is relatively modest and not signifi­ cant in the full model. Aside from the gender dif-

ferences in duration that we noted, several other factors may have influenced these results, and suggest the need to qualify the hypothesis. First, perceived communication awkwardness is a gen­ eral feature of early romantic relationships, and undoubtedly characterizes girls' as well as boys' feelings about the crossing-over process. In ad­ dition, results point to some variations in the gen­ der pattern by race/ ethnicity. Finally, youths

352

PA R T S I X

Men in Relationships

completing this section of the interview focused

focus on non-daters, daters as shown in Table

on a specific, and most often, ongoing relation­

28.2, or consider the total sample of over 1 ,300

ship. While adolescent romantic relationships do

male and female respondents. These findings thus

contain elements of uncertainty and awkward­

reflect a gendered portrait, but one that contrasts

ness, the narratives also show that the perceived

with Maccoby's (1990) hypothesis about boys' rel­

ability to "really communicate" with a particular

atively more confident transition into the hetero­

other often develops as an important basis for

sexual arena.

both boys' and girls' feelings of positive regard.

With regard to other covariates, race/ethnic­

Although we explore these ideas further in the

ity and socioeconomic status are not significant

sections on emotion and influence, quotes such

predictors in this model, but age is positively

as the following illustrate this countervailing ten­

related to perceived confidence. Self-esteem is also positively related to these assessments of

dency:

relationship confidence, and focusing on the

I met in high school, I I had to hold back from them, you

other relationship controls, having had sex with

know you just couldn't talk about everything

feelings of confidence. None of the gender inter­

A lot of the other girls felt like

with them. With Tiffany you could. Like she wants to know what is on your mind. And if there is something bothering me, you don't have to dress it up or you know, you can just be straight with her all the time. [Tim, 1 7]

the romantic partner is related to greater overall actions assessed is significant. This indicates a consistent pattern of gender differences across the various race/ethnic groups, and the lack of a sig­ nificant interaction of gender and mother's edu­ cation suggests that this gendered confidence gap is found across various levels of socioeconomic

Table

status. Further, while age is positively related to

28.2 also presents the results of analyses examin­

perceived confidence, the age by gender interac­

ing effects of gender on perceptions of confidence

tion is not statistically significant-the observed

Confidence navigating relationships.

in navigating romantic relationships. This index

gender disparity is evident in reports of older as

provides a more general assessment of confidence

well as younger respondents. Similarly, while

in navigating various stages of romantic relation­

teens who had sex with their boy/girlfriend report

ships, and· is thus not only focused on the cur­

greater feelings of confidence navigating their

rent/most recent partner. When we consider this

relationships, a gender and sexual intercourse

more general scale, male adolescents, consistent

interaction term is not significant, reflecting a

with our hypothesis, report significantly lower lev­

consistent pattern of gender differences in "con­

els of relationship confidence. Recall that the

fidence navigating relationships," whether or not

scale refers to confidence through such items as

the respondents reported that the relationship had

"to refuse a date," "tell your partner how to treat

become sexually intimate. Duration by gender

you," and "break up with someone you no longer

and self-esteem by gender interactions are also

like." Gender differences are significant for re­

not significant.

sponses to each of these items examined sepa­

As suggested previously, the relationship-his­

rately, as well as for the total scale, and gender

tory narratives give respondents the opportunity

remains significant in the model that incorporates

to elaborate on ways in which they have experi­

the control and other relationship variables, as

enced different stages of a number of different

well as self-esteem. As these confidence items

relationships (e.g. , as they discuss the initial phase

were also completed by non-dating youths, we

of starting a relationship or how they experience

also assessed the perceptions of confidence of

a particular breakup) . These more wide-ranging

youth who had not yet entered the dating world.

discussions align well with the gender differences

The gender difference is significant whether we

described earlier. Boys frequently reflect on their

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

lack of confidence when talking about the begin­ ning stages of a relationship, or a desired rela­ tionship that never materialized: I don't know why I'm so scared to let girls know I like them . . . like I said I was always nervous at asking them out but that one experience where I crashed and burned that just killed my confidence completely and I have been scared ever . since to ask girls out and stuff . . . [Michael, 17] This excerpt is useful as it clearly depicts feel­ ings of concern and even inadequacy, feelings that Michael connects to one unfortunate early experience. Michael makes reference earlier within his narrative to what appears to be a gen­ erally positive self-image (I know that I'm like a good-looking guy and everything, but Ijustget so ner­ vous), even as he offers a candid description of these relationship insecurities. While Michael's discussion includes the notion that such feelings may abate with time and additional experience (e.g. , I don't know how I'm going to be later but hope­ fully I'll just loosen up), this awareness does not serve to lessen current feelings of discomfort. Undoubtedly, some of these feelings connect to boys' more often being cast in the role of initia­ tors, but the feelings that some boys describe nev­ ertheless provide a sharp contrast to depictions of boys' confident, privileged positions within these dating situations. Young men who do not appear to possess .characteristics viewed as desirable within the context of what Waller (1937) termed "the rating and dating complex" were even more likely to include references to a lack of confi­ dence. James, a slightly built sixteen year old, originally from Latin America, stressed that "girls still think of me as a little shy guy and short . . . with an accent . . . young . . . well it's hard for me because I'm not too experienced." These quanti­ tative and qualitative data thus add to Wight's ( 1 994) observation that adolescent boys fre­ quently experience feelings of anxiety about the adequacy of their sexual performances, as here we document considerable insecurity extending to the broader relationship realm.

353

The quantitative findings and open-ended narratives also suggest that these feelings of inse­ curity are not limited to the early stages of the relationship-navigation process. For example, within the context of the structured interview, boys express less confidence about "telling your partner how to treat you," an interview question that was specifically developed with girls in mind. Further, the narratives provide evidence that cor­ responds with the item that asks about confidence to "break up with someone you no longer like." For example, Bobby indicated that he had expe­ rienced considerable trepidation about how to go about breaking up with his girlfriend Sara: It really took me like a while I guess to [break up] because I didn't want to like hurt her so I kinda like waited too long to do it, which was stupid by me. I just kept on like, I couldn't do it. I felt really bad. . . . I just put myself in her shoes and I felt like awful like you know. . . . Just like she saw a girl with my sweatshirt on and she just felt like what the heck's going on and everything just probably went down for her. . . . I couldn't do it, I just kept waiting too long to do it. . . I didn't want to like hurt her really bad which I knew it would that's why I just kept on waiting so. [Bobby, 1 6] .

Bobby felt sufficiently uncomfortable about the prospect of breaking up that he continued to let things slide rather than speaking directly with Sara about his desire to end the relationship (for example, he repeats some version of "I just couldn't do it" eight times within the longer nar­ rative). From an outsider's perspective, Bobby had rather callously started up a relationship with a new partner, without properly ending things with his current girlfriend. Bobby's own narrative, however, reveals feelings of insecurity and dis­ comfort, concern for Sara's reaction, and intimate connections between these two sets of feelings. This suggests at least the rudiments of a role-taking experience, and the possibility that Bobby has learned important lessons that could be carried forward into the next relationship. When asked about what he had taken from this relationship, Bobby replied, "If I'm feeling a certain way I

354

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Men in Relationships

should just tell them and not just sit there and wait and wait and not tell her." This is consistent with our argument that for adolescent males schooled in the peer dynamics described at the outset, the romantic context itself represents an especially important arena of socialization. Bobby's own narrative does not suggest a com­ plete aversion to such lessons, but at least a gen­ eral receptivity to learning from them. Emotion An examination of reports of feelings of love across the total sample does not reveal a signifi­ cant gender difference in these feelings of height­ ened emotionality in connection with the current or most recent relationship. Recall that the scale contains items such as "I would rather be with X than anyone else," "X always seems to be on my mind," and "the sight of X turns me on." The multivariate model shown in Table 28.2 mirrors the bivariate findings: boys and girls report simi­ lar levels of feelings of love in connection with the focal relationship. Race/ethnicity (African American or Hispanic, relative to white youth) is not related to reports of heightened emotionality at the bivariate level, but being African American emerges as a significant predictor in the multi­ variate analysis.8 The multivariate results also reveal a d�velopmental trend-age is positively related to reports of feelings of love for the part­ ner. Youths living with both parents relative to those residing in single or stepparent families also scored higher on the love scale, but mother's edu­ cation is not related to reports of love. Longer­ duration relationships are also characterized by higher scores on this scale, and, perhaps not sur­ prisingly, when the current partner is the referent, scores are also significantly higher. Sexual inter­ course within the relationship is not, however, related to variations in adolescents' reports of feelings of love. Race/ethnicity and gender inter­ actions are not significant, indicating that the pat­ tern of responses by gender is similar across race/ethnic groups. Analyses indicate no signifi­ cant gender interaction by mother's education. Duration has a similar effect for boys and girls,

and the gender by intercourse interaction is not statistically significant. This indicates that having sex does not exert a differential impact on reports of feelings of love provided by male and female respondents. It could be argued that the items within the love scale capture feelings of sexual attraction as much or more than a strong emotional connec­ tion to the partner, or positive feelings about the relationship. The narratives are thus an important adjunct to the quantitative findings, as they allow us further to explore questions of meaning from respondents' own subjectively experienced and uniquely articulated points of view. Many quotes from the narratives are congruent with the quan­ titative results, and inconsistent with Wight's ( 1 994) conclusion that boys have little interest in the relationship aspects of these liaisons. One index that adolescent relationships can be said to "matter" to many adolescent boys is the sheer length of the relationship-history narratives that they often produced.9 Here we refer to total length, as well as to lengthy sections discussing particular girlfriends. Will's 74-page narrative contains a very long section about his history with his current girlfriend Jenny, including a detailed story of how they met and a discussion of the various phases within their relationship's development. Will commented directly on the relationship's importance: I: How important is your relationship to Jenny in your life? R: About as important as you get. You know, well, you think of it as this way, you give up your whole life, you know, know, to save Jenny's life, right? That's how I feel. I'd give up my whole life, to save any of my friends' life too. But it's a different way. Like, if I could save Jon's life, and give up my own, I would, because that is something you should, have in a friend, but I wouldn't want to live without Jenny, does that make some sense? [Will, 1 7] It is important to note that such expressions of positive regard and heightened emotionality

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

are not contained only within the narratives of white middle-class youth, since prior research on African American youth in particular often includes the notion that romance is constructed largely as a kind of disingenuous game or con (e.g. , Anderson 1 9 89). Ron and Steve, two African American respondents who participated in the in-depth interview, express intense emo­ tional feelings about their girlfriends: Yeah, I ain't never, I ain't never like, felt that way about somebody. . . . I tell her that [he loves her] everyday too! Everyday, I see her. [Ron, 17]

355

cation of boys' own constructions of the mean­ ings of these relationships: I: I mean a year and three months is a long. R: I'm not doing that good but my friends and my mother, they're helping me. I: In what ways aren't you doing so well?

R: Ah emotionally. I, I can't sleep. I really can't eat that much. I: I'm sorry. R: That's okay. I: How long and this just happened? R: About a week.

I: So, you remember all the dates and stuff?

I: Oh wow. So this is very fresh . . .

R: Yeah, I'm like a little girl in a relationship. . . . [at first] just seemed like every time I was around her I couldn't talk, I was getting butterflies in my stomach, I just was like, dis­ combobulated or something. [Steve, 1 7]

I: Do you believe them [friends and mom] that you'll get over it?

When asked to be more specific about features of the relationship that make it special or important, many adolescent boys reference themes that have long been emphasized in the lit­ erature on intimacy and social support (e.g. , Duck 1997; Prager 2000), including opportunities for self-disclosure (see e.g., Tim's quote on page 274), and the importance of having a partner who is always there for them: Because she was always there for me. Like with everything. Like when my parents separated, she was there for me to comfort me then. And she helped me pull up my grades up to good grades and she was just always there for me. She always comforted me when I needed a hug. [Nick, 17] We do not believe that such statements were produced primarily to please the interviewer, since the detailed answers frequently reference concrete instances where emotional support was provided. The narrative histories also frequently include descriptions of the endings of relation­ ships. Breakups often involve disillusionment and other negative feelings, but such discussions also telegraph feelings of loss, providing a further indi-

R: Yes. Some, someday I'll get over this but hopefully soon. [Eric, 1 7] R: She just broke it down to me like, "Yeah, we're at different schools, we're young, we need to see other people." I: So, why were you upset that you broke up? R: I don't know. 'Cause I loved her so much. [Derrick, 1 7] She kept insisting I wasn't going to work out and I kept insisting I wanted to try it and one night, and like I said I couldn't sleep, and I wrote her a letter, front and back, crying the whole time and then I handed the letter to her the next morning . . . . It was really emotional, like how she hurt me and how it wasn't right. [Cody, 1 7] These narratives often specifically mention the emotional realm (e.g. , "It was really emo­ tional"; "I'm not doing that good"; "my feelings was hurt"), or referenced behavioral indicators of psychological distress (e.g., "can't sleep," "really can't eat"). It is, however, also important to high­ light that while Derrick's narrative communicated that the breakup did have a significant effect on him, he did not possess the social knowledge that other boys may also experience similar emotions (as he attempted to explain his bad mood to his mother, "I'm on my weekly [sic] cycle.").

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Influence Table 28.3 presents results of analyses examining reports of influence attempts, actual influence, and the perceived power balance within the cur­ rent or most recent romantic relationship, as con­ structed by these adolescent respondents. Although most of the arguments developed in the existing literature focus specifically on issues of power, it is useful to consider the power results alongside the broader and perhaps ultimately more useful dynamic of interpersonal influence. Power assumes competing interests and only one victor, while influence focuses on whether the individual has taken the partner into account and actually made some adjustments. This need not involve a strong contrary view that needs to be overcome by the assertion of a power privilege. In line with this, recall that the questions about influence do not require the respondent to make a choice about who has the most influence in the relationship, but only to indicate whether and to what degree respondents believe that they have been influenced by their partner. The power items, in contrast, require a specific comparison of the respondent's own, relative to the partner's ability to get his or her way in a disagreement. Results regard­ ing influence attempts indicate a consistent pattern of gender differences: in both the zero-order and multivariate models, male respondents score higher on partner influence attempts. In the multivariate model, lower self-esteem youth report higher levels of partner influence attempts, and all of the rela­ tionship controls are significant: youths involved in more serious relationships (as measured by dura­ tion and sexual intimacy) report higher levels of partner influence attempts. Youths also describe former partners as making more attempts to influ­ ence, relative to reports about current partners. These relationship covariates have similar effects for boys and girls (results not shown). More surprising than this pattern, however, is the finding that boys also report higher levels of "actual" influence from the romantic partner. The second set of models in Table 28.3 show a signif­ icant gender gap in reports of "actual" partner

Attempted and actual influence.

influence. In addition to a significant effect of gender, Hispanic youth scored lower on partner influence relative to their white counterparts. Lower self-esteem is associated with greater part­ ner influence, and youths involved in longer-dura­ tion relationships also scored higher on "actual" influence. Sexual intercourse was not related to perceptions of partner influence. The interactions of gender with other sociodemographic variables as well as other relationship measures were not significant in this model. Thus, these results indi­ cate that the gender gap is consistent across youths who vary in developmental stage, race/ ethnicity, mother's education, and seriousness of the relationship. The scales measuring partner influence (attempts and actual) are rather general (e.g., "X influences what I do"), and thus do not provide a full picture of (a) specific mechanisms of influ­ ence, (b) the areas or domains in which boys believe they have been influenced, or (c) the nature of their reactions to various influence attempts. Although a comprehensive examina­ tion of these issues is beyond the scope of this analysis, the narrative data do provide a more in­ depth portrait of these processes.lO The specific domains referenced within the narrative accounts are of particular interest, because they indicate influence on many potentially important rela­ tionship dynamics and behavioral outcomes­ ranging from boys' behavior within the romantic context to academic performance and delin­ quency involvement. Given boys' initial lack of familiarity and confidence with intimate ways of relating, it is perhaps not surprising to find that some boys indicate that girlfriends had influenced their ability to relate in a more intimate fashion: Yeah, well it was a while . . . like about three months. Her mom was having problems . . . and so like she just kept talking to me a lot you know what I'm saying, and I listened and I tried to help and I had problems and you know we just, that was somebody we could open up to each other, so it was like I coul d talk to her and she could talk to me. [Todd, 1 7] Todd described a gradual process that began with Caroline 's willingness to open up to him

357

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

III

TA B L E

28.3

I nfluence and Power withi n Adolescent Romantic Relationsh i ps

Gender

(Male) Female

Influence

'Actual'

Perceived

Attempts

Influence

Power Balance

2

1

-.583*** -. 547***

1

1

2

1 . 1 73***

1 .21 5***

2

-1 .045*** -1 . 107***

Race (White) African American Hispanic Age

.043

-.273

-.083

-.620* -.039

-.047

.375* .287 -.021

Family structure (Married biological) Single Step

.067

-.206

. 126

-. 149

-.293

.078

Other Parental monitoring

.260

-.060

-.005

-.0 1 5

-.023

.019

.038

-.010

.066

.283

.349

.433*

-.093

.023

.043

Peer orientation Mother's education <

12 years

(12 years) >

12 years

Self-esteem

-.086***

-. 1 12***

.077**

. 1 37**

Duration of relationship

.024 -.052

Sex with romantic partner (No) Yes Currently dating

.037

-.092

.592***

(No) Yes F R2

-.460*** 8.06

28.0

. 1 14

.029

Note: Reference category in parentheses.

N=

-.023

-.084 44.6 .045

6.38 .092

1 1 1 .4 . 105

9.49 . 1 32

957.

*p < .05; **p < . 0 1 ; ***p < .001 (two-tailed tests).

about some of her own family problems. Eventu­ ally Todd found that he could not only be helpful to her, but that he also increasingly began to talk with Caroline about some of his own problems. Although he does not state this directly, Caroline may have influenced not only his willingness to

engage in intimate self-disclosure, but the way in which he chose to handle problems that the two had discussed in this more intimate fashion. In addition to modifications in their rela­ tionship-based selves, a number of the narratives reference specific changes that the youths indicate

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they had made in other important areas of their lives, shifts in perspective and behavior that respondents specifically connect to the influence of their romantic partners. Consider the following narrative excerpts: [Julie) makes me want to do better in school and stuff. I want to do well because of her be­ cause she is really smart and she's got a real good grade point average. Mine isn't as high as hers so I try to be up there and I don't want to look stupid. I don't think she would want me to be dumb. [Rob, 1 8) For like um the past two years, you know that I've been with her it has been, you know, about school. We both are carrying 3.8 averages and stuff. You know we're both kind of you know, kind of pushing each other along like, "you should really go do this." So academically, we help each other like a lot. [Dan, 1 7) I don't know it's weird but certain things make me want to go out and do better. I don't know why . . . You know Melanie, Melanie makes me want to do a hell of a lot better you know . . . [Chad, 18)11 As the first quote makes clear, Julie is not simply one more friend who has been added to Rob's total mix of definitions favorable to acade­ mic achievement, and this hints at potentially dis­ tinctive influence mechanisms across types of reference others (notably peers versus romantic partners). Reciprocal role-taking experiences that elicit positive emotions provide an enriched social terrain for further development, as cognitive, emotional, and behavioral changes reciprocally influence self-views, including views of self in relation to these valued others. Here the positive emotions elicited within the romantic context can be seen as providing energy and valence to com­ patible or even new lines of action (e.g., Collins 2004). The last quote from Chad nicely evokes this notion of an energizing component. Theorists have often noted that similar others (e.g. , close same-gender friends) are very impor­ tant as a source of reference. This is a sound assertion, based on basic principles of identifica-

tion. Nevertheless, relationships based in ele­ ments of difference are also potentially impor­ tant, as contrasts offer more in the way of a developmental challenge (see, e.g., Cooley [ 1 902) 1 970:380), and at times a blueprint for how to make specific changes and adjustments (Gior­ dano 1 995; Giordano et al. 2002). For example, Todd learns about self-disclosure through his partner's own tendency to self-disclose, as well as her encouragement of his own efforts to do so. Yet describing romantic relationships only in terms of contrasts provides an incomplete por­ trait of these relationships. If difference were the only dynamic involved, individuals might not be inclined to enter into the type of sustained inter­ action that results in a social influence process. In short, some level of identification or social coordination necessarily precedes role-taking and in effect makes it possible (see, e.g. , Engdahl 2004; Miller 1 973).12 This neo-Meadian view, along with other sociology of emotions theoriz­ ing, tends to position emotions at the center of change processes, as individuals draw inspiration from their points of connection and a new direc­ tion via the element of contrast. 13 The findings and dis­ cussion focus on influence processes that may be subtle and incremental. In the examples relating to school performance, Rob wants Julie to think well of him, and Dan and his romantic partner are even more in tune, both having a strong com­ mitment to keeping up their high grade point av­ erages. Yet not all influence attempts lead individuals in a direction they wish to go. As stated at the outset, many of the significant dif­ ferences that male and female adolescents bring to romantic relationships are not entirely overcome by a developing mutuality of perspectives that we described in the previous section. When interests clearly diverge, considerations of power become especially important. Table 28.3 presents results of analyses focused on the perceived power balance in the current or most recent relationship (who has the most say in a disagreement-overall and in relaPerceived power balance.

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

359

tion to specific domains). In the zero-order

tional scrutiny and exploration, as we did not

model, the gender coefficient is statistically sig­

have a theoretical basis for expecting these pat­

nificant; boys' scores are lower, indicating on

terns. In addition, it is of interest that the two

average a relatively less favorable (to self) view of

findings operate in an apparently distinct fash­

the power balance within their relationship. It is

ion-the association between duration and lower

important to point out that the modal response to

perceived power on the part of boys is somewhat

each question is egalitarian (having equal say);

unexpected from a traditional inequality point of

thus these findings reflect a significant gender dif­

view, while the findings regarding intercourse are

ference where respondents have diverged from

more consistent with the idea that sexual involve­

this more common response across the four items

ment is a more pivotal event or marker for male

that make up this scale. We note also, however,

adolescents (Holland et al.

1 996).

that gender differences are significant for each of

The quantitative findings provide indications

the items making up the scale (regarding overall

that, in contrast to the direction of much theoriz­

say in relation to decisions about what the couple

ing within the adolescence literature, when male

does and how much time they spend together, as

and female respondents departed from an egali­

well as about how far to go sexually) and for the

tarian description of the power dynamics within

total scale score.

their relationships, males were more likely to

Turning to the multivariate results, addi­

describe a tilt favoring the partner's greater deci­

tional statistical analyses reveal that the best fit­

sion-making power. A number of narratives also

ting model is a separate model for boys and girls

highlight distinct interests on the part of partners,

(results not shown). 14 Most of the covariates are

and a perceived power balance that corresponds

similar in their effects on reports of power (youths

with the statistical results:

whose mothers have less than a high school degree saw themselves as having a relatively more favorable power position, and African American youth are also likely to describe a relatively more favorable level of power in their relationships). Some gendered effects of covariates, however, are masked when a combined model is estimated. We fmd that relationship duration does not influ­ ence girls' reports, but longer duration of the rela­ tionship is related to

less perceived power in the

case of male respondents. In contrast, while sex­ ual intercourse experience was again not related

I guess she was more mature than I was and I guess I wasn't on her level you know because she wanted to do it [have sex] more than I did . ·

. she said that I wasn't mature enough and you

know all that stuff . . . I was too young, I was scared, I didn't know what I was doing I wasn't ready for it. ·

I tlllnk I felt like I was too young .

. she was my girlfriend and that's what she

wanted. [David, 1 8] She's like okay we're going out now, and I tried making plans with my friends, but Amy's like "No we're going out here and we're doing this."

to girls' reports about power, boys who reported

I just wasn't going to live with that anymore

that the relationship had become sexually inti­

·

mate reported a more favorable (to self) power bal­

wanted to change me. She wanted me to do this

ance,

compared with the

reports

of

male

adolescents whose relationships had not become sexually intimate. It is important to highlight that

.

.

there was something about her she always

and wear this and do that.

I was like okay.

Whatever. I'd do it but I don't see it [as] right.

[Josh, 1 7]

within models focused only on the subs ample of

D avid's longer narrative confirms that this

sexually active male and female youths, the over­

adolescent did have sex with his girlfriend, even

all gender difference remains significant, with

though he felt that he was not "ready for it. " Josh

boys reporting a less favorable power balance rel­

also admitted that he often went along with his

ative to similarly situated girls. Nevertheless,

former girlfriend's preferences, even though his

these intriguing interaction results warrant addi-

narrative clearly telegraphed that he experienced

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PART 5 I X

Men in Relationships

this power balance in a negative way (HI don't see it as right," "I just wasn't going to live with that anymore"). The latter quote, then, provides sup­ port for the direction of the quantitative results, while reflecting the continuing impact of tradi­ tional gender scripts. Variations Further support for characterizations emphasized in the peer-based literature can be found when we confront the variability in boys' orientations and relationship styles evident within the narrative histories. This heterogeneity is necessarily some­ what obscured by our focus here on aggregate trends. A symbolic interactionist framework can accommodate explorations of subtypes and vari­ ations, as theorists have emphasized that while interactions influence identities, as identities begin to solidify, they become a kind of cognitive filter for decision-making (Matsueda and Heimer 1 997). Over time, these differentiated identities increasingly structure social interaction in line with these self-conceptions. For example, Donny, a 1 7 year old, had apparently developed a strong identity as a player within his high school. Donny's first sexual experience occurred at an early age, and this respondent estimated about 3 5 sexual partners. Donny was also unable t o recall the names. of all of the young women with whom he had become sexually intimate ("I don't know I would have to go through some letters"). While he considered some of these young women girl­ friends, he nevertheless often cheated on them, and indicated that he had control within his rela­ tionships. Consistent with this portrait, Donny admitted physically abusing at least one young woman he had dated and reacted aversively to the idea of expressing his feelings ("I really don't like talking about my feelings . . . I don't know I just don't like talking about it"). Donny's narrative thus departs significantly from the aggregate portrait that emerges from the quantitative analysis; yet these types of cases and corresponding identities are important, as they are vivid representations of traditional masculin­ ity that virtually demand attention. Thorne (1 993) noted the heavy societal and even research

focus on what she termed the "Big Man" social type. It has been important to highlight that the aggregate findings and many narratives do not accord with Donny's perspective; indeed a num­ ber of boys specifically position away from this social type in discussions of their own self-views. Yet the number of references to players and other traditional gender attitudes itself affirms the con­ tinuing impact of such gender scripts: I rather focus on one girl than a whole bunch because I don't think that I'm like some player or something and I really don't like those peo­ ple that go out and have a bunch of girlfriends and stuff and they think that they're some big pimp or whatever. [Michael, 16]

Additional research on masculine styles such as the player are needed, because (a) a host of negative social dynamics are directly and indi­ rectly associated with this orientation, and (b) adolescents apparently believe that this is a more prevalent and highly valued social role than appears to be the case. Such shared misunder­ standings are consequential, and are undoubtedly heavily influenced by the character of peer inter­ actions that have been so effectively captured in prior research. For example, Eric explained why he does not engage in intimate self-disclosure with his male friends: "most of them don't, they don't probably think the way I think or have the feelings that I, feelings that I have for girls. " We also saw evidence of this in earlier quotes (e.g., Steve's admission that he is "like the little girl in the relationship," or Derrick's reference to nega­ tive emotions after his girlfriend broke up with him, "I'm on my weekly cycle. "). Undoubtedly differences between discussions within peer set­ tings and the more private experience of these relationships serves to perpetuate boys' beliefs about the uniqueness of their feelings and emo­ tional reactions.

Conclusions In this article, we developed a symbolic interac­ tionist perspective on adolescent romantic rela­ tionships that draws on Mead's basic insights, as well as recent treatments of the role of emotions

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

in social interaction and self-development processes. Relying on structured interview data collected from a large stratified random sample of adolescents, we found support for hypotheses that differ significantly from traditional accounts of the role of gender as an influence on the rela­ tionship dynamics within these romantic liaisons. Results suggest a portrait of adolescent boys as relativelyless confident and yet more emotionally engaged in romantic relationships than previous characterizations would lead us to expect. The findings regarding power and influence are also unexpected from a straightforward gender in­ equality point of view. Although we did not specifically predict systematic gender differences in reports of power and partner influence, these results do follow logically from our conceptual discussion and fit well with the findings concern­ ing communication and emotion. As boys make the transition from peers to ro­ mance, they lack experience with intimate ways of relating (as evidenced by lower perceived con­ fidence in navigating relationships and at the bi­ variate level, among white and Hispanic respondents, by greater perceived communication awkwardness), even as they are beginning to de­ velop a high interest and at times strong emo­ tional attachment to certain romantic partners (as evidenced by the absence of strong gender differ­ ences on reports of feelings of love for the cur­ rent/most recent partner). In line with our symbolic interactionist framework, we argued that these relationships set up conditions favor­ able to new definitions, to the emergence of new emotions, and, at least within these relationship contexts, to glimpses of a different and more con­ nected view of self. The argument that boys move in a straight line toward autonomy, or the decla­ ration that "heterosexuality is masculinity" (Hol­ land et al. 1 996) are global assertions that do not take into account the adjustments that boys as well as girls continually make as they begin to forge this new type of intimate social relationship. Although additional research is needed on these and other relationship processes, we do not believe that the results derive from unique pecu­ liarities of our measurement approach. First, the

361

findings across various indices are themselves quite consistent. For example, differences on the power and influence scales are all significant and vary in the same direction. In addition, findings fit well with observations based on a range of methods employed during preliminary phases of the TARS study (see, e.g. , Giordano et al. 2001 ) , and are further validated by the content o f in­ depth relationship-history narratives that we also collected and drew upon in the present analysis. We also estimated a series of interactions that in most instances support the idea that documented similarities (feelings of love) and differences (boys' lower confidence levels, perceptions of greater partner power and influence) generalize across respondents who vary significantly in race/ethnic backgrounds, socioeconomic status levels, and age. We also estimated models that contained gender by sexual intercourse and dura­ tion interactions, and the lack of significance of these interactions in most models suggests that the observed gender patterns are not strongly in­ fluenced by length of the relationship or whether it had become sexually intimate. Exceptions were associations between sexual intercourse experi­ ence and duration of the relationship and boys' reports of power, findings that warrant additional research scrutiny. Finally, controls for variations in family and peer dynamics, other basic features of the relationship, and self-esteem, although sometimes significant, did not strongly influence or attenuate these results. The symbolic interactionist theoretical per­ spective described at the outset provides a gener­ ally useful framework for interpreting our results. As we have suggested throughout this analysis, it is important to avoid an adult vantage point when focusing on early heterosexual relationships. It is quite possible that as boys gain in social maturity and confidence, and links to traditional sources of inequality become more salient, dynamic fea­ tures within these romantic relationships will more often and more directly correspond to tra­ ditional gender scripts. In line with this idea, prior research has shown that certain transition events such as the move from cohabitation to marriage more often depend on male rather than female

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preferences (see, e.g., Brown 2000). Another pos­ sibility is that the nature of reports of relation­ ship qualities and dynamics we documented in this study reflect cohort changes associated with broader societal level transformations. This inter­ pretation would be consistent with Risman and Schwartz's (2002) recent discussion of apparent temporal shifts in adolescent sexual behavior pat­ terns. More research is also needed on the hetero­ geneity within this and other sample groups, as briefly described earlier. Our observations of vari­ ation are similar to those described by Moffatt ( 1 989), who found that some university men em­ phasized love and romance in their personal nar­ ratives, while those whom he labeled the "Neanderthals" and "Neoconservatives" held more traditionally gendered views that appeared to influence their relationship styles and sexual behaviors significantly. Since few studies had di­ rectly assessed relationship processes during ado­ lescence (and the results provide a strong contrast with key assertions about them contained within the existing literature), our findings should pro­ vide a useful background for exploring such vari­ ations in more detail in subsequent analyses. It would also be useful to examine factors linked to within-individual shifts and variations in the ascendance or movement away from more traditionally gendered patterns and relationship styles (Thorne 1 993). This suggests a more situ­ ated (again· resonant with the symbolic interac­ tionist framework) rather than a fixed or overarching gender inequalities approach to rela­ tionship processes. Aside from connections to major life-course transitions, for example, re­ searchers could explore how certain relationship experiences connect to such shifts in perspective. Even within a focal relationship or time period, situations that link to boys' enactment of tradi­ tional/nontraditional repertoires need to be fur­ ther highlighted. As an example, some of the same boys who expressed caring sentiments about their girlfriends undoubtedly make deni­ grating comments about girls when in the com­ pany of their circle of friends. Some boys also

described tensions between their wish to spend time with friends and also to be responsive to their girlfriends. The fear of being seen as con­ trolled by their girlfriends and subsequently ridiculed by friends reflects well that boys care very much what their friends think of them (a pri­ mary emphasis of prior research), but also what their girlfriends think of them (a conclusion of the present study). In line with this notion, we found that male respondents scored higher on a scale measuring perceived influence from friends as well as on the index of influence from roman­ tic partners (results available on request). The idea of crosscurrents of social influence should in the long run prove more useful than the theme of au­ tonomy so often highlighted as the central dy­ namic associated with boys' development. The current analysis focused primarily on boys' perspectives on romance, as this was a par­ ticularly noticeable gap in the existing adoles­ cence literature. Nevertheless, a comprehensive understanding of these social relationships obvi­ ously awaits more systematic investigations of girls' experiences. Where research has delved into the role of romantic involvement on girls' devel­ opment, the focus of sociological investigations has, as suggested in the literature review, re­ mained almost exclusively on sexuality or alter­ natively, negative outcomes-for example, establishing links to depression (Joyner and Udry 2000) and to relationship violence (Hagan and Foster 200 1 ; Halpern et al. 2001), or pointing out how dating derails young women's academic pur­ suits (Holland and Eisenhart 1 990). The concep­ tual framework and data presented here provide a starting point for a more multifaceted approach to girls' relationship experiences. Future research linking dating and particular outcomes needs not only to assess whether adolescents have entered the dating world, but also to capture variations in partners' attitude and behavioral profiles, as well as the qualitative features of these romantic rela­ tionships. It is important to note that girls' narra­ tives provide support for the direction of the results reported here, while also highlighting sig­ nificant variations. Some young women described

A R T I C L E 2 8 Gender and the Meanings of Adolescent Romantic Relationships

what they viewed as egalitarian relationships or a favorable power balance (e.g., "he wears what I want him to wear"), but others stressed that boyfriends had engaged in a range of controlling, intrusive behaviors. The aggregate findings are an important backdrop for further exploring the im­ pact of these variations, as the subset of girls who describe themselves as having low power may ex­ perience this power balance in an especially detri­ mental way (for reasons highlighted in prior work, and because such girls may compare their own situations to those of other teens whose re­ lationships are characterized by less traditionally gendered dynamics). A full exploration from girls' points of view also requires moving beyond the immediate confmes of the dating context to consider some of the indirect ways in which in­ volvement in the heterosexual world influences girls' well-being, including concerns about weight and appearance (Pipher 1 994), and connections to relationships with parents (e.g. , Joyner and Udry [2000] found that some of the gender dif­ ference in the dating-depression link was associ­ ated with increases in girls' conflicts with their parents). Finally, the symbolic interactionist perspec­ tive highlights the importance of adolescents' own constructions of the nature and meanings of their relationships. This framework recognizes that many important relationship features are in­ herently subjective (e.g., adolescents are better po­ sitioned than others to comment upon their own confidence levels or feelings of love). It is, how­ ever, important to supplement the perceptual ac­ counts described here with findings based on other methodological strategies. For example, teens may report a relatively egalitarian power balance, or even greater power on the part of the female partner, but laboratory-based studies or other methods may well uncover more tradition­ ally gendered communication and relationship dynamics that are not well appreciated by ado­ lescents themselves. Yet we hope that researchers will continue to explore the subjectively experi­ enced aspects of adolescent romantic relation­ ships, as these provide an important supplement

363

to peer-focused ethnographies and the behavioral emphasis of large-scale surveys such as the Na­ tional Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health).

Notes 1 . This analysis is also limited to a consideration of heterosexual relationships, as we are particularly in­ terested in the process of "crossing over" from a social life based primarily on same-gender friendships to in­ volvement with heterosexual partners. In addition, the number of respondents who self-identify as homo­ sexual or bisexual at wave one is too small to support a separate analysis. Nevertheless, our conceptual framework and associated measurement emphasis could potentially be useful in connection with future investigations that explore the broader relationship contexts within which gay, lesbian, and bisexual youths' romantic and sexual experiences unfold. 2. The focus on emotions as an important dynamic within social interactions represents a shift from Mead's original cognitive emphasis, but it can be con­ sidered neo-Meadian since his more general ideas (e.g., the concept of role-taking and focus on self­ processes) are applicable to understanding the emo­ tional as well as cognitive realms of experience (see Engdahl 2004; MacKinnon 1 994). 3. All of the schools eventually complied with our re­ quests for these data, as this information is legally available under Ohio's Freedom of Information Act. 4. Furman and Hand (2004) found similarities in dat­ ing involvement in TARS and in their own study. Both studies document higher rates of dating involvement by age than are evident within the National Longitu­ dinal Study of Adolescent Health (Add Health). We note that our reports of (for example) sexual inter­ course by age parallel those in Add Health, but a higher percentage of respondents at each age report current romantic involvement: 32 percent of 7th, 4 1 percent o f 9th graders, and 5 9 percent o f 1 1th grade TARS respondents, compared with 1 7 percent, 32 per­ cent, and 44 percent of Add Health respondents. 5 . This respondent was excluded from the quantita­ tive analysis, but included in our study of the rela­ tionship history narratives. 6. This introduction and defmition were selected after extensive pre-testing and reflects contemporary trends

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in dating that are less focused than in earlier eras on formal activities. In addition, the latter type of defm­ ition is strongly class-linked, and would tend to ex­ clude lower socioeconomic-status (SES) youth. Our definition also differs from that used in Add Health, where respondents are asked whether they currently have a "special romantic relationship." We wished to avoid selecting on a relationship that the respondent specifically defines as special, since understanding the patterning' of relationship qualities is a primary ob­ jective of the study.

7. Further examination of the means for all groups indicates that African American male respondents perceive significantly less communication awkward­ ness than African American girls. In general, this fits with Staples's (198 1) hypothesis about the greater so­ cial and communication ease of African American youths, but we document a significant gender differ­ ence in this regard. These distinct patterns highlight the importance of examining the nature of relation­ ship dynamics among diverse groups of teens, since the bulk of prior research on adolescent relationships focuses on samples of white adolescents or largely white samples of college students (see also Carver et al. 2003). 8. We note that no racial/ethnic differences are ob­ served in multivariate models that include demo­ graphic, family, and peer controls. African American youth report relationships of longer duration, and re­ lationships are more likely to include sexual inter­ course; when these variables are introduced, the African American coefficient becomes significant. These fmdings suggest that African American youth may accord ·differential meanings and emotional sig­ nificance to different types of relationships. The role of race/ethnicity warrants more systematic investiga­ tion than we give it in the current analysis (see Gior­ dano, Manning, and Longmore 2005b for an analysis of race/ethnicity effects on romantic relationships using Add Health data). 9. Martin ( 1996) makes a similar point in her discus­ sion of the length of girls' romance narratives, but she concludes from her own study that boys "rarely ex­ press the feelings of romantic love that girls do" (Mar­ tin 1 996:68). Our results are not in accord with this conclusion. 10. For a more detailed discussion of specific mech­ anisms of influence and reactions to influence at­ tempts, see Trella (2005).

1 1 . These narratives provide a strong contrast with Frost's (2001) description of boys' singular concern with what peers think of them, citing Kimmel (1994: 128-29): "this kind of policing of identity con­ struction, reflects a profound need to be accepted and approved by men: 'There is no strong concern for women's approval as they are in too Iow a place on the social ladder. ' " 1 2 . Our own interpretation of this dynamic differs slightly from Engdahl (2004) and Miller's ( 1973) em­ phases, as we posit a level of recognition of these points of connection on the part of the actors in­ volved. 1 3 . Research is needed on specific domains (e.g., achievement, delinquency, sexuality), where complex portraits of partner influence and gender effects will undoubtedly emerge. TARS data document effects of romantic partners' grades on respondents' grades, net of peer and parent influences, but we find a stronger effect for boys (Phelps et al. 2006). Using Add Health data, we found an effect of partners' minor deviance on respondents' deviance for male and female re­ spondents, but a stronger effect for girls. Effects of the romantic partner's involvement in serious delinquency were comparable for boys and girls (Haynie et al. 2005). 14. Based on statistical tests, we do not find support for separate gender models for any of the other rela­ tionship qualities (communication awkwardness, con­ fidence navigating relationships, love, and influence attempts or 'actual' influence).

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---

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S E V E N

often a s i m i l a r i nternal experience for a l l men. Early soc i a l i zation teaches us-through m astur­

Male Sexual ities

bation , locker-room conversations, sex-ed classes and conversations with parents , and the tidbits that boys w i l l pick up from various media-that sex is private, pleasurable, guilt provoking, excit­ ing, and phallocentric, and that orgasm is the goal toward which sexual experience is oriented. The articles in this section explore how male

H ow do many men learn to desire women? What

sexua l ities express the issues of masc u l i n ity.

are men thinking about when they are sexual with

Michael Messner describes how he " became" 100

women? Are gay men more sexually promiscuous

percent straight, and M. Rochlin's questionnaire

than straight men? Are gay men more obsessed

humorously challenges us to question the norma­

with demonstrating their mascul i n ity than straight

tive elements of heterosexuality. Robert Jensen

men, or are they l i kely to be more "effeminate "?

reopens the debate about whether men ' s con­

Recent research indicates that there are no simple

sumption of pornography fuels misogyny and i n­

answers .t o these questions. It is i ncreasi ngly

spires rape and violence. Chong-suk Han suggests

clear, however, that men's sexuality, whether ho­

that racial and ethnic stereotypes remain ful ly op­

mosexu a l , bisexu a l , or heterosexual , is perceived

erative in the world of gay male sexual ity. Finally,

as an exp81ience of their gender.

J u l i a O'Connell Davidson and Jacqueline Sanchez

Since there is no anticipatory socialization for

Taylor exa m i ne the recent phenomenon of sex

homosexuality and bisexuality, future straight and

tourism and raise i mportant questions about mas­

gay men receive the same socialization as boys.

culinity on the one hand and global sex trafficking,

As a result, sexuality as a gender enactment is

global izatio n , and consumer culture on the other.

369

MASCUliNITY: A lEGEND IN YOUR OWN MIND

THINK AGAIN (David John Attyah and S. A. Bachman) 1998-1999

370

A R T I C L E

2 9

Michael A. Messner

Becomi ng 100 Percent Straight

In 1 995, as part of my job as the President of the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport, I needed to prepare an hour-long presi­ dential address for the annual meeting of some 200 people. This presented a challenge to me: how might I say something to my colleagues that was interesting, at least somewhat original, and, above all, not boring. Students may think that their professors are especially dull in the class­ room but, believe me, we are usually much worse at professional meetings. For some reason, many of us who are able to speak to our classroom stu­ dents in a relaxed manner, using relatively jargon­ free language, seem to become robots, dryly reading our papers-packed with impressively unclear jargon-to our yawning colleagues. Since I desperately wanted to avoid putting 200 sport studies scholars to sleep, I decided to deliver a .talk which I entitled "Studying up on sex." The title, which certainly did get my col­ leagues' attention, was intended as a play on words, a dClUble entendre. "Studying up" has one generally recognizable colloquial meaning, but in sociology it has another. It refers to studying "up" in the power structure. Sociologists have perhaps most often studied "down"-studying the poor, the blue- or pink-collar workers, the "nuts, sluts and perverts," the incarcerated. The idea of "studying up" rarely occurs to sociologists unless and until we live in a time when those who are

From Inside Sports, Jay Coakley and Peter Donnelly (eds.), pp. 104-110, Routledge Copyright © 1999. Reprinted by permission.

"down" have organized movements that chal­ lenge the institutional privileges of elites. For example, in the wake of labor movements, some sociologists like C. Wright Mills studied up on corporate elites. Recently, in the wake of racial and ethnic civil rights movements, some scholars like Ruth Frankenberg have begun to study the social meanings of "whiteness. " Much of my research, inspired by feminism, has involved a studying up on the social construction of mas­ culinity in sport. Studying up, in these cases, has raised some fascinating new and important ques­ tions about the workings of power in society. However, I realized that when it comes to understanding the social and interpersonal dynamics of sexual orientation in sport we have barely begun to scratch the surface of a very com­ plex issue. Although sport studies have benefited from the work of scholars such as Helen Lenskyj ( 1 986, 1 997), Brian Pronger ( 1 990), and others who have delineated the experiences of lesbians and gay men in sports, there has been very little extension of their insights into a consideration of the social construction of heterosexuality in sport. In sport, just as in the larger society, we seem obsessed with asking "how do people become gay?" Imbedded in this question is the assumption that people who identify as hetero­ sexual, or " straight," require no explanation, since they are simply acting out the "natural" or "normal" sexual orientation. We seem to be say­ ing that the " sexual deviants" require explana­ tion, while the experience of heterosexuals, because we are considered normal, seems to require no critical examination or discussion. But I knew that a closer look at the development of

371

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Male Sexualities

sexual orientation or sexual identity reveals an extremely complex process. I decided to chal­ lenge myself and my colleagues by arguing that although we have begun to "study up" on corpo­ rate elites in sport, on whiteness, on masculinity, it is now time to extend that by studying up on heterosexuality. But in the absence of systematic research on this topic, where could I start? How could I explore, raise questions about, and begin to illu­ minate the social construction of heterosexuality for my colleagues? Fortunately, for the previous two years I had been working with a group of five men (three of whom identified as heterosexual, two as gay) mutually to explore our own biogra­ phies in terms of the earlier bodily experiences that helped to shape our gender and sexual iden­ tities. We modeled our project after that of a Ger­ man group of feminist women, led by Frigga Haug, who created a research method which they call "memory work." In short, the women would mutually choose a body part, such as "hair," and each would then write a short story based on a particularly salient childhood memory that related to their hair (for example, being forced by parents to cut one's hair, deciding to straighten one's curly hair in order to look more like other girls, etc.). Then the group would read all of the stories and discuss them one by one in the hope of gaining a more general understanding of, and raising new questions about, the social construc­ tion of "femininity." What resulted from this pro­ ject was a fascinating book called Female Sexualization (Haug 1 987), which my men's group used as the inspiration for our project. As a research method, memory work is any­ thing but conventional. Many sociologists would argue that this is not really a "research method" at all. The information that emerges from the pro­ ject cannot be used very confidently as a general­ izable "truth," and in this sort of project the researcher is simultaneously part of what is being studied. How, my more scientifically oriented col­ leagues might ask, is the researcher to maintain his or her objectivity? My answer is that in this kind of project objectivity is not the point. In fact,

the strength of this sort of research is the depth of understanding that might be gained through a systematic group analysis of one's experience, one's subjective orientation to social processes. A clear understanding of the subjective aspect of social life-one's bodily feelings, emotions, and reactions to others-is an invaluable window that allows us to see and ask new sociological ques­ tions about group interaction and social structure. In short, group memory work can provide an important, productive, and fascinating insight on social reality, though not a complete (or com­ pletely reliable) picture. As I pondered the lack of existing research on the social construction of heterosexuality in sport, I decided to draw on one of my own stories from my memory work in the men's group. Some of my most salient memories of embodiment are sports memories. I grew up as the son of a high school coach, and I eventually played point guard on my dad's team. In what follows, I juxtapose my story with that of a gay former Olympic ath­ lete, Tom Waddell, whom I had interviewed sev­ eral years earlier for a book on the lives of male athletes (Messner and Sabo 1 994). Many years ago I read some psychological studies that argued that even for self-identified heterosexuals it is a natural part of their develop­ ment to have gone through "bisexual" or even "homosexual" stages of life. When I read this, it seemed theoretically reasonable, but did not ring true in my experience. I have always been, I told myself, 1 00 percent heterosexual! The group process of analyzing my own autobiographical stories challenged the concept I had developed of myself, and also shed light on the way in which the institutional context of sport provided a con­ text for the development of my definition of myself as " 1 00 percent straight. " Here is one of the stories: When I was in the 9th grade, I played on a "D" basketball team, set up especially for the small­ est of high school boys. Indeed, though I was pudgy with baby fat, I was a short 5'2", still pre-pubescent with no facial hair and a high

ARTICLE 29

Becoming 100 Percent Straight

373

voice that I artificially tried to lower. The first

to change my game, and fast. I decided one day

day of practice, I was immediately attracted to

before practice that I was gonna get aggressive.

a boy I'll call Timmy, because he looked like the

While practicing one of our standard plays, I

boy who played in the Lassie TV show. Timmy

passed the ball to a teammate, and then ran to

was short, with a high voice, like me. And like

the spot at which I was to set a pick on a

me, he had no facial hair yet. Unlike me, he

defender. I knew that one could sometimes get

was very skinny. I liked Timmy right away, and

away with setting a face-up screen on a player,

soon we were together a lot. I noticed things

and then as he makes contact with you, roll

about him that I didn't notice about other boys:

your back to him and plant your elbow hard in

he .said some words a certain way, and it gave

his stomach. The beauty of this move is that

me pleasure to try to talk like him. I remember

your own body "roll" makes the elbow look

liking the way the light hit his boyish, nearly

like an accident. So I decided to try this move.

hairless body. I thought about him when we

I approached the defensive player, Timmy,

weren't together. He was in the school band,

rolled, and planted my elbow deeply into his

and at the football games, I'd squint to see

solar plexus.

where he was in the mass of uniforms. In short,

Timmy's mouth, and he crumbled to the floor

though I wasn't conscious of it at the time, I was

momentarily.

infatuated with Timmy-I had a crush on him. Later that basketball season, I decided-for no reason that I could really articulate then-that I hated Timmy. I aggressively rejected him, began to make fun of him around other boys. He was, we all agreed, a geek. He was a faggot. Three years later, Timmy and I were both on the varsity basketball team, but had hardly spo­ ken a word to each other since we were fresh­ man. Both of us now had lower voices, had grown to around six feet tall, and we both shaved, at least a bit. But Timmy was a skinny, somewhat stigmatized reserve on the team, while I was the team captain and starting point guard. But I wasn't so happy or secure about this. I'd always dreamed of dominating games, of being the hero. Halfway through my senior season ; however, it became clear that I was not a star, and I figured I knew why. I was not aggressive enough.

Air exploded audibly from

Play went on as though nothing has happened, but I felt bad about it. Rather than making me feel better, it made me feel guilty and weak. I had to admit to myself why I'd chosen Timmy as the target against whom to test out my new aggression. He was the skinniest and weakest player on the team. At the time,

I hardly thought about these

incidents, other than to try to brush them off as incidents that made me feel extremely uncom­ fortable. Years later,

I can now interrogate this as

a sexual story, and as a gender story unfolding within the context of the heterosexualized and masculinized institution of sport. Examining my story in light of research conducted by Alfred Kinsey a half-century ago,

I can recognize in

myself what Kinsey saw as a very common flu­ idity and changeability of sexual desire over the life course. Put simply, Kinsey found that large

I had always liked the beauty of the fast break, the perfectly executed pick and roll play between two players, and especially the long twenty-foot shot that touched nothing but the bottom of the net. But I hated and feared the sometimes brutal contact under the basket. In fact, I stayed away from the rough fights for rebounds and was mostly a perimeter player, relying on my long shots or my passes to more

numbers of adult, " heterosexual" men had pre­ viously, as adolescents and young adults, experi­ enced sexual desire for males. A surprisingly large