Armenia and the Crusades: Tenth to Twelfth Centuries: The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa: Translated from the Original Armenian with a Commentary and Introduction

Armenia and the Crusades Tenth to Twelfth Centuries

The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa

Translated from the Original Armenian with a Commentary and Introduction by

Ara Edlllond Dostourtan Foreword by Krikor H. Maksoudian

National Association for Annenian Studies and Research ARMENIAN HERITAGE SERIES

University Press of Amertca Lanham· New York · London

Copyright © 1993 by the

National Association for Armenian Studies and Research University Press of' America~ Inc. 4720 Boston Way Lanham, Maryland 20706 3 Henrietta Street London WC2E 8LU England All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America British Cataloging in Publication Informatioll Availahle Copublished by tIITangclllcnt with lhc Nutional Association for Armenian Studies and Research

Library of Congress Cataloglng-In-Publlcatlon Datil

Matthew, of Edessa, 12lh cent. [Patmowt' iwn. English) Amlcnia und the Crusades : tenth to twelfth centuries : the Chronicle of Matthew of Edess'l I translated from the original Armenian with a commentary and introduction by Ara Edmond Doslourian ; foreword by Krikor H. Maksoudian. p. em. - (Armenian heritage series) By Matthew of Edessa, continued by Grigor Erels'. Includes bibliographical referenccs and index. 1. Armcnia-History-Turkic Mongol domination, 1045-1592. 2. Armenin-History-Bllgratuni dynasty, 885-1045. 3. Islamic .Empire-History-7S0-1258. 1. Dostourian, Ara Edmund. II. Orifor, Erets', 12th cent. III. Title. IV. Series. DS186.M3713 1993 956.6' 20 I3--<:lc20 92-39679 eIP ISBN 0-8191-8953-7 (cloth: alk. paper)

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The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Infonnation Sciences-Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39,48-1984.

Dedication To my mother Zepure (nee Panikian) of Bardizag (Constantinople/Istanbul), who nurtured me in the culture of my forebears and in the proper use of the Armenian language; To my father Levon of Yaraisar-Shghni (Sepasdia/ Sivas), who inculcated in me a love for and devotion to the native soil of my ancestral homeland; To Mary (Mariam) MeIjian (nee Aahjian), a loyal daughter of Edessa (Urha1Urfa), who inspired me in the writing of this tome.

Table of Contents Foreword by Krikor H. Maksoudian

ix

Preface

xi

Acknowledgments

xv

Introduction

1

Text, Part I

19

Text, Part II

83

Text, Part III

181

Text, Continuation

241

Notes, Part I

283

Notes, Part II

307

Notes, Part III

335

Notes, Continuation

351

Glossary

361

Maps: Historic Armenia During the Medieval Period Cilicia, Syria, and Palestine, 10·12th Centuries

363 364

Select Bibliography

365

Index

367

Foreword The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa and that of his continuator, Gregory the Priest, are indispensable sources on the period from the mid-tenth to the mid-twelfth centuries. The renowned Seljuk specialist Claude Cahen puts Matthew in the same class with Michael the Syrian and Anna Comnena, calling him an "illustrious writer" of Christian faith: The Chronicle serves as a primary source not only for Armenian, but also for Byzantine, Crusader, Syriac, and Islamic history, including otherwise unknown facts and documents. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, western scholars have frequently cited Matthew's work, using partial French translations of excerpts by Chahan de Cirbied (1811 and 1812) and particularly by E. Dulaurier (1850). In 1858 Dulaurier published the entire text, but left out certain sections. The works of both of these authors appeared before the editio princeps (Jerusalem, 1869), which was based on two manuscripts, and the complete edition of Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin, 1898), based on five manuscripts and the readings of the Jerusalem text. After more than thirteen decades, the French translation, long out of print and out of date, remains the only translation available to the western reader. The scholarly works that appeared in the past one hundred and thirty years and the important advances in Byzantine, Armenian, Crusader, Syriac, and Islamic studies make the notes of Dulaurier's work obsolete. The accuracy of the translation also leaves much to be desired. The need for a new translation of Matthew's Chronicle was felt for a long time, and Dostourian has come forward to fill that gap. Unlike Dulaurier, he has used the Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin) text, which contains much better readings, and has refrained from leaving out any sections. Moreover, being a native speaker of Armenian and a former seminarian, he has a much better command of Matthew's language, which is the classical idiom mixed with words and 'Claude Cahen, "Historiography of the Seljuqid Period," Historians of the Middle East, Bernard Lewis and P. M. Holt, eds. (London, 1962),78.

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expressions characteristic of the twelfth century spoken Armenian. Dostourian also had the good fortune of having at his disposal linguistic works on Middle Armenian, the vernacular in Matthew's time, and the scholarship of the past century and a half. The scholar of Armenian, Byzantine, or Middle Eastern history may expect more copious notes on Matthew's Chronicle than what Dostourian has provided. He has restricted his comments mostly to explain the text to the western reader with no background in Armenian, Byzantine, or Middle Eastern history. An attempt other than that would have meant a voluminous work, which would have taken several decades to complete. Thus, the value of the present volume lies particularly in the translation of the Chronicle. Very Rev. Dr. Krikor H. Maksoudian

Zohrab Information Center Diocese of the Armenian Church New York, New York September 1991

Preface The Chronicle of Matthew of Edessa is considered by scholars to be a primary source of major importance for the history of the Near East during the period of the early Crusades (tenth to twelfth centuries). The present work is the first translation of the Chronicle from the original Classical Armenian into English. Three other translations have been published: French, Turkish, and Modern Armenian. Only the present work and the Modern Armenian translation are based on the most complete and accurate text available. Therefore, this English translation of the Chronicle should be of great benefit to those scholars working in the field of medieval Near Eastern history who are not familiar with the original language. The number of extant manuscripts of Matthew's chronicle is not large. Moreover several of these manuscripts are incomplete. The oldest surviving manuscripts date from the late sixteenth/early seventeenth centuries, while the most recent were copied in the nineteenth century. A number of libraries in the world have manuscripts of the Armenian historian's work, either complete or fragmentary: The Matenadaran (Manuscript Library) located in the Republic of Armenia, the library of the Armenian Patriarchate of Jerusalem, the Bibliotheque Nationale of Paris, the library of the Mekhitarist Fathers of Venice, the library of the Mekhitarist Fathers of Vienna, the Armenian Hostel in Rome, the Bodleian Library at Oxford, and the British Museum in London. The first published text of Matthew's chronicle was the French edition prepared by E. Dulaurier (Matthew of Edessa, Chronique, Paris, 1858). This edition, based on the three manuscripts found in the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, contains several gaps (see, for example, Part I, section 48, note 4; Part II, section 54, note 2; Continuation, section 7, note 3), which were due no doubt to deficiencies in the available manuscripts. The French historian appended an introduction and copious notes to the translation. The first published text of Matthew's chronicle in its original Armenian language appeared in Jerusalem in 1869 (Matthew of Edessa, Patmut'iwn [History], Jerusalem, 1869). The editor (whose

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name is not given) states in the preface that the two manuscripts on which he based the text are full of inaccuracies, and therefore he had to rely on the Dulaurier text in several cases. This edition is inaccurate in some passages and contains many gaps. ~e only. other published text of the Chronicle in the original Armeman was Issued in Vagharshapat (Etchmiadzin), Armenia, in 1898 (~atthew. of Edessa, Zhamanakagrut'iwn [Chronicle], edited by M. Mel~-Adanllan and N. Ter-Mik'ayelian). This text is based on six manuscnpts found in the library of the Holy See at Etchmiadzin (since incorporated into the Matenadaran in Armenia). According to the editors, the best manuscript was chosen as the basis for the text, while variant readings from the others were incorporated in the footnotes. The Jerusalem text was examined, and its variants and differences were cited in the footnotes. At the present time there are two translations of Matthew's chronicle in addition to Dulaurier's. A Turkish translation by H. D. Andreasyan (Vekaye Ndmesi [952-1136] ve Papaz Grigor'un Zeyli [1136·1162], Ankara, 1962) is based wholly on that of Dulaurier and includes Dulaurier's notes along with some additional notes by the Turkish historian M. H. Yinanch. A translation into Modern Armenian has been prepared by H. Bart'ikyan (Matthew of Edessa, Zhamanakagrut'iwn, Yerevan, 1973) and is based on the Etchmiadzin text cited above. This Armenian scholar has taken great pains to render the original text into polished Modern Eastern Annenian. Moreover he has prepared an extensive introduction together with notes and commentary. Understandably this translation is oriented to an Armenian-speaking audience. The Etchmiadzin text published in 1898 has been used in the preparation of the present translation. Armenian terms have been transliterated into English according to the Library of Congress system. Of the variants which have been incorporated into the Etchmiadzin text, only those which appreciably alter the meaning of a passage have been noted in the footnotes. The introduction, notes, and commentary have been prepared for the educated layman rather than the specialist and are designed to elucidate various parts of the text (geographic place names, historical personages, etc.), as well as to compare the Chronicle's narrative of events to those provided by other contemporary historians and chroniclers of the period. It is hoped that they will provide the educated layman with a tool for a b~tter. understanding both of the contents of the text and the hlstoncal context in which it was written.

PREFACE

xiii

The present translation has been prepared with two audiences in mind: those scholars in the field who need to rely on a straightforward and accurate translation of Matthew's chronicle and the general public interested in the nalTative as well as the history of the period. The translation does not pretend to be based on a definitive critical text, as no such text exists; however, the text used is the most accurate and complete available. Great care has been taken to give a clear and precise rendering into English without losing the flavor of the Chronicle's original language and style.

Acknowledgements The present work would not have been possible without the help and inspiration of a number of people. It was my mentor and advisor, Professor Peter Charanis of Rutgers University, who proposed the idea of my translating Matthew of Edessa's chronicle as a dissertation topic for a doctorate in Byzantine history. From the inception of the work in the fall of 1962 to my completion of the degree in 1972, Professor Charanis patiently encouraged and gently prodded me, for which I am ever grateful. I only regret that he did not live long enough to see the publication he initiated and so inspired. Professor Ernest McDonnell, also of Rutgers University, made some helpful comments and suggestions on the final form of the dissertation. I am indebted to Professor Isidore Twersky of Harvard University, through whom I obtained a teaching and research associateship at Harvard for the year 1968~1969, which enabled me to write the major portion of my dissertation. Professor Robert Thomson, Mesrob Mashtots Professor of Armenian Studies at Harvard, gave me invaluable assistance in my translation work. I am also indebted to Professor Thomson for his helpful comments and suggestions on the introduction, commentary, and notes. The Board Chairman of the National Association for Armenian Studies and Research (NAASR), Manoog S. Young, as well as the Board of Directors, graciously consented to take on the responsibility of publishing this work, for which I am very appreciative. I have special thanks for Dr. Barbara J. Merguerian, NAASR's Director of Information and Publications, who painstakingly edited, prepared, and proofread the manuscript and made many helpful suggestions. I would like to express my gratitute to Professor Hagop Nersoyan of the University of Dayton and to the Very Reverend Dr. Krikor H. Maksoudian of the Diocese of the Armenian Church for their very helpful comments and suggestions. Lastly, my thanks to Janice Chase of Carrollton, Georgia, for typing the final manuscript. Ara Edmond Dostourian

Introduction Very little is known about the life of Matthew of Edessa except for the meager information contained in his chronicle. The dates of his birth and death cannot be ascertained, although it is doubtful that the Armenian chronicler lived beyond the year 1136, when his work ends. The Armenian historian M. Ch'amich' suggests that Matthew died in the siege of Edessa by the Turkish ruler Zengi in 1144 but gives no basis for this assertion. Most probably Matthew spent the latter days of his life in Kesoun and was in that town when the Danishmendid ruler Amr-Ghazi laid siege to it in 1136. Matthews native city was Edessa. According to his own testimony he was a monk, l and he probably resided in one of the monasteries in the vicinity of the city. He was a priest of lower rank and not a vardapet (doctor). However, as can be discerned by his writing, he was energetic and dedicated in the task which he undertook, the compilation of his chronicle. 2 Like most of his contemporaries, Matthew perceived reality through religious eyes-that is, he believed that all events occur through the foreknowledge and intervention of God. The Chronicle, by its very nature, lacks homogeneity. The first part, describing the events of the years 952 to 1051 A.D., is based on the sources of others; the second, 1051 to 1101, on eyewitnesses living in Matthew's time; and the third, 1101 to 1136, on Matthew's own observations along with those of some others. A certain Gregory the Priest continued the chronicle to the year 1162. According to the lMatthew might have been the superior of a monastery rather than an ordinary monk. The Armenian text uses vanakan and vanats' erets which could mean "monk," or "monk of a monastery," or "superior of a monastery." 2S ee Part II, section Ii Part III, sections 1, 2, 3. J

,

2

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

speculations of the French historian E. Dulaurier, Gregory was a pupil of Matthew and probably had some influence with the residents and commander of Kesoun, the town in which he lived. Matthew wrote his chronicle at the turn of the twelfth century, a turbulent period in the history of the Near East. The once powerful 'Abbasrd empire had pretty much disintegrated. Arab and Turkish dynasties parceled out and ruled areas which were once part of a united Muslim empire. The Seljuk Turks were firmly ensconced in Persia and Iraq and were steadily encroaching upon the Anatolian possessions of the Byzantine empire. The Latin West was beginning to take a keen interest in the Near East and had already gained a foothold in the Levant by bringing under its control a narrow strip of the territory on the eastern littoral of the Mediterranean. The Armenians, who very recently had been in the process of establishing a number of independent states in eastern Anatolia, had been thwarted by Seljuk invasions and Byzantine intrigue and therefore had begun to shift their activities to upper Mesopotamia and Cilicia. Georgia was in the process of gaining a prominent position in Caucasian affairs through the efforts of a new dynamic dynasty. Matthew's chronicle deals with the interplay of these various forces; it opens with the Byzantine empire's resurgence in the mid-tenth century, goes on to describe the Seljuk advance in the eleventh, and ends with the arrival of the Latin Crusaders in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries. In the process the struggle of the Armenians to maintain their independence is narrated, as well as the interplay of these Oriental Christians with the Byzantines, Arabs, Turks, Syrians, Latins, and Georgians. In dealing with Matthew as a historian, one should discuss not only his handling of sources and approach to historical writing, but also the Armenian chronicler's language and style, weltanschauung, and attitude towards other peoples. As a medieval chronicler of average sophistication, Matthew lacks a distinctive style. Rather, both as to grammar and vocabulary, he writes in the language of the people. There is a significant chasm between his style and that of classical Armenian authors. Matthew's writing takes on a dynamic quality in its description of events and people. His prose is weighted with the figurative language so common to Near Easterners. The flourish does not, however, diminish its power. Moreover the Chronicle abounds in vivid descriptions of events which Matthew considers significant and which he wishes to impress upon the minds of his readers; examples are the presentation of the first appearance

INTRODUCTION

3

of the Turks in Armenia (Part I, section 47), the account of the sack of the opulent city of Arlsn (Part I, section 92), the narration of the fall of Ani to the Seljuks (Part II, section 22), and the description of the death of a Georgian warrior at the hands of an Annenian hero (Part I, section 10). Another element in Matthew's chronicle which needs to be mentioned here is the folk epic, one of the traditional genres of classical Armenian literature. Two very good examples of the Armenian chronicler's use of this genre are the accounts of the battle of Khach'ik and his sons with the Muslims (Part I, section 82) and the conflict between T'ornik and Philaretus (Part II, sections 60 and 61). In analyzing Matthew's basic philosophy, there is a tendency to oversimplify the Armenian chronicler's viewpoints and attitudes. Indeed some scholars have characterized Matthew as simple-minded, intensely nationalistic, deeply suspicious, and hateful of foreigners, as well as superstitious and credulous. There can be no doubt that some of these attitudes can be found in his work. However, Matthew is too complex an individual to be presented in such oversimplified terms. His motives for writing the Chronicle are simple and clear: to provide instruction concerning the manner of God's intervention in history, either to punish humans for their wickedness or to reward them for their righteousness. To use the author's own words: It is because of all this that I, Matthew of Edessa, a monk,

spared no efforts and left this work as a record for those who enjoy studying chronicles so that, when they begin to inquire into past events, they may be able more easily to learn about the times and the epochs. These persons shall also learn about the terrible misfortunes which occurred in those times and, once again bringing these things to mind, shall remember the divine wrath which we received from God the righteous judge as a penalty for our sins. Because of these many calamities-namely the destruction of the Christians and the reprimands which our Lord God brought upon us by means of an infidel nation-we did not wish that such threats and warnings of God be forgotten by us. Now it is essential to heed the admonition of our God ceaselessly and at all times. (Part II, section 1). Writing within the prophetic framework of the Old Testament, Matthew warns his readers throughout his work that destruction came upon Israel when her people strayed from the path of righteousness. Numerous examples are given of divine wrath falling upon the Christians because of their recalcitrance: God punished the Christians because of their sins, using the Turks as an instrument of his

4

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

wrath (Part II, section 49); a famine is brought upon the people of Edessa because they sinfully killed their leader T'oros (Part II, section 130); God punishes the Greeks because of their treachery against the Franks (Part ill, section 5). Although a theological motive permeates the work, Matthew strives to present historical events as accurately as possible.3 Like most medieval chroniclers Matthew is steeped in religious thinking which is sometimes noncritical. In this respect he is no different from the contemporary Byzantine, Syrian, or Latin chroniclers. In keeping with the medieval world view, Matthew interprets all natural phenomena either as omens of impending danger or as miracles showing the glory and might of God. Examples of this religious orientation can be seen in the description of the failure of the lamps in the Church of the Holy Sepulcher to burn due to heretical thinking on the part of the Byzantine Christians (Part I, section 43); the miracle of the blocking of a river by the Armenian catholicos Peter (Part I, section 50); the incident of the preservation of the Syriac Gospels after having been cast into a fire many times (Part II, section 2); the "red snow" which brings famine and death in its wake (Part IT, section 10); the incident in which lightening strikes the fortress of Vahka, presaging the death of the Annenian prince Constantine (Part II, section 128); and the appearance of a comet foretelling that a great ruler will reign over a vast empire (Part III, section 32). Matthew has been styled as a super patriot, a passionate adherent of the Armenian church, and a denouncer of all things foreign, whether pertaining to an alien religious tradition or an alien cultural background. This view of Matthew does not bear up under close scrutiny. In the first place, to call him a super patriot or chauvinist is to attribute to him a nineteenth century concept of nationalism which was foreign to the Middle Ages. Instead of allegiance to a state, peoples' loyalties were based on an attachment to a local area or to a religious community. It cannot be denied that Matthew has strong feelings for the cultural and religious heritage to which he belongs, but the same can be said of most of the writers and thinkers of the time. Can anyone deny that Bar Hebraeus, Michael the Syrian, Anna Comnena, Michael PselluB, and William of Tyre are partisan writers? And while a number of the Byzantine and Arab historians do not evince as intense a feeling for their religious 3See Part III, section 3.

INTRODUCTION

5

and cultural tradition as do the aforementioned writers, it must not be forgotten that these individuals came from the more cosmopolitan background of universal states encompassing many different nationalities and cultural traditions, in contrast to peoples like the Armenians and Syrians who had to battle against overwhelming odds in order to keep their respective traditions intact. Thus, Matthew is no more or no less partisan than many of his contemporaries. In fact in many instances the Armenian chronicler puts aside his partisanship and portrays individuals in a fair and accurate manner, to the point of praising and eulogizing his enemies. Matthew condemns his own people when, in his opinion, they have acted in a criminal fashion. He is quick to judge the actions of the famous people of his time: the Byzantine emperor Tzimisces is condemned for the means he used to obtain the imperial throne, as well as for some aspects of his personal life (Part I, sections 8 and 18); an Armenian nobleman, Sargis, is denounced because of his perfidiousness towards his own people and because he instilled in the Byzantine emperor, Constantine Monomachus, the idea of forcing the king of Ani, Gagik, to give up the Armenian throne (Part I, sections 74 and 84); the Byzantine general Philaretus is condemned as a betrayer of his own people and as a superficial Christian because he took control of Edessa and killed a number of Armenians in the city (Part II, sections 60 and 77); the Armenians of Edessa are severely criticized for killing their commander Taros, who was of the Byzantine Orthodox faith rather than a communicant of the Annenian church (Part II, section 118). It is interesting to note that the individuals in each of the above illustrations, except for Sargis, have also been praised by the Armenian chronicler when the occasion has arisen: Tzimisces is eulogized for his good relations with the Armenians and for his attempts to capture Jerusalem on behalf of the Christians (Part I, sections 17 ff.); Philaretus is given credit for avenging the killing of the Armenian commander of Antioch (Part II, section 66). Matthew has been portrayed as a passionate adherent of the Armenian church who despised the other Christian traditions, especially the Byzantine. The fact is that he has a clear understanding of Christian unity and brotherhood. While he voices deep concern for the sufferings and affiictions of Armenian Christians, this does not prevent him from sympathizing with the plight of the other Eastern Christians (Greeks, Syrians, and Georgians) as well as the

6

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

Latins, during the onslaughts of the Muslims (Part I, section 30; Part II, sections 2, 110, 111; Part III, section 8). Matthew has come under special criticism for his alleged spiteful attitude towards the Byzantine church. An analysis of his statements on that subject does not bear this out. It is true that he hurls invectives at the Byzantine church, but only when that church, in his opinion, strays from the Orthodox faith (Part I, section 43) or tries to compel his people to follow the Byzantine tradition (Part II, sections 14, 30, 57). On the other hand, he has a very high regard for his own church and considers its faith to be pure and orthodox (Part II, sections 30 f£). Under these circumstances, can Matthew be labeled any more of a religious fanatic than his Byzantine coreligionists? Matthew is generally consistent in his attitude towards the alien peoples with whom the Armenians were in contact during this period. He is very critical of those he considers to have worked against the interests of both his own people and those of the other Christians inhabiting the area. He eulogizes and praises all individuals, including Muslims, who act benevolently towards the Christians. In spite of his deep devotion to the Armenian church, Matthew does not allow his loyalty to interfere with his allegiance to the universal church of Christ (including Greeks, Latins, Syrians, and Copts). Of all the neighboring peoples, he seems to be most concerned about the Greeks. In essence the relationship between the Greeks and Armenians was more than a neighborly one during this period. The Byzantine empire's very existence and preservation depended in large part on the cooperation between the two peoples. It is no wonder that Matthew condemns policies that created disharmonies between the two Christian peoples but praises efforts to strengthen their relationship and cooperation. Thus, when the Byzantine rulers attempt, successfully in the end, to annihilate the Armenian states in eastern Anatolia, they are condemned in no uncertain terms (Part I, sections 84, 92; Part II, section 13). Moreover, whoever threatens the empire and its unity is likewise condemned, whether it be an individual rebel or an outside invader (Part I, sections 28,81; Part IT, sections 57, 90). On the other hand, Matthew appears to contradict his profession of loyalty to the empire when he severely castigates the Greeks for their treacherous attitude towards the Latin Crusaders (Part III, sections 4, 5). Perhaps Matthew here is following the Latin sources which maintain that the Greeks were treacherous in their dealings with the Crusaders, rather than the Byzantine sources which state the opposite view (cf. Part III, section 4, note 4).

INTRODUCTION

7

The Annenian chronicler's attitude towards the Latins is much more ambiguous than his attitude towards the Greeks. In dealing with the Latins, Matthew appears confused about their motivations. When the Latins fll'st appear, he has nothing but praise for them and expresses the hope that they will deliver the Christians from the Muslim yoke (Part II, sections 109, 110, 111, 117, 118). However, he gradually becomes disillusioned and begins to blame them for the ruin and destruction of all the Christians of the East (Part III, sections 30, 40, 47). Yet in other instances he has nothing but praise for the Latins (Part III, sections 55, 58), asserting that unlike the Greeks these Western Christians stood by the Annenians to the very end. Matthew's attitude towards the Muslim Arabs and Turks is unique. Although he has no love or sympathy for the Islamic religion (Part II, section 15; Part III, section 86), his views concerning the Arabs and Turks are open-minded. A tendency to sympathize with the Arabs rather than Turks may be explained by the fact that the Turks were the chief ravagers of Armenia. Nevertheless, although he roundly condemns the Turks for the destruction of his homeland and singles out their leaders for their wicked and bloodthirsty nature (Part II, sections 28, 48; Part III, sections 54, 76), the Armenian chronicler has nothing but praise and gratitude for a number of Turkish commanders and rulers, chief among them Malik-Shah (Part II, sections 54, 56, 58, 86, 92, 103; Part III, sections 21, 36). Such praise is showered upon these Turks by Matthew because of their benevolent attitude towards his people and the other Christians. On the other hand, Matthew's view of the Syrians and Georgians is less sharply delineated. Although the references are scanty, in most cases he sympathizes with their struggle to maintain their respective religious and cultural traditions. Moreover, he is especially grateful to the Georgians for protecting the Armenians at a time when their country was disintegrating due to the onslaughts of the Turks (Part ill, sections 94, 104). In summary one can say that Matthew's attitude towards the various peoples with whom the Armenians came into contact during this period does not display a consistent viewpoint in reference to each group. In fact his assessment fluctuates in accordance with the thoughts and actions of the peoples in question. However, if there is a consistent aspect in Matthew's attitude towards the neighboring peoples, it lies in his unreserved commitment to the welfare of the Byzantine empire, the Armenians, and the other Eastern Christians.

8

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

It is not easy to deal with the question of Matthew of Edessa's sources or the manner in which he utilizes them. There is practically no information available concerning the sources which he uses, except the following statement made by the author himself:

As for us, with our limited knowledge and intelligence we have investigated these events with as much lucidity as possible, consulting a number of histories that were written in various places and transmitted to us as records by their authors. We have collated all the material contained in these histories with the greatest care. Moreover, we have obtained facts from respectable people, who were knowledgeable in the events and calamities in question and, being free of error, were well versed in history and chronology. We also have had interviews and interrogations with old people who were well infonned of the events of past years. (Part III, section 3). Matthew gives no information on either the histories or the people he consulted. However, by comparing the Chronicle with the contempo~ rary and non-contemporary sources dealing with the area in question, we can obtain some indication of the way in which he utilized his material. Matthew's work covers a period of over two hundred years. There is no homogeneity to the Chronicle, for the fIrst part (952-1051) is based on non-contemporary sources, while the last two parts (10511101 and 1101-1136) are based on contemporary sources as well as the author's conversations with various individuals and his own experiences. 4 There are a good number of contemporary and noncontemporary sources dealing with the events covered by the Annenian chronicler's work. These include Armenian, Greek, Syriac, Arabic, Latin, and Georgian sources. A brief treatment of these historical works and their relative merits hopefully will provide the context for a discussion and analysis of the manner in which Matthew dealt with the sources at his disposal. The Annenian historians dealing with the events covered by Matthew are numerous. Thomas Msroni (tenth century) wrote a history of the Artsruni dynasty which ruled the Armenian state of Vaspurakan in the ninth, tenth, and eleventh centuries. Many of the events this writer related are corroborated by the Arab historians of

4trhe continuation of Matthew's chronicle to 1162 by Gregory the Priest is likewise based on contemporary sources and the latter's own observations.

INTRODUCTION

9

the period. Thomas dealt with the history of the Artsroni dynasty from early times through the appearance of the Seljuk Turks in Vaspurakan in the early eleventh century. Stephen Asoghik (eleventh century) wrote a world history which in its third part deals with the history of Armenia and the neighboring states from the reign of Ashot I to that of Gagik I (885-1020). Aristakes of Lastivert (eleventh century) has aptly been called the "Armenian Jeremiah" for his account of the events in Armenia from 1001 to 1072, in which he lamented the impending destruction of his native land by the Seljuk Turks. Aristakes devoted a good portion of his history to the Seljuk penetration of eastern Anatolia through the battle of Mantskert (Manzikert, 1071); he is less successful in analyzing facts and events, tending to attribute them to divine providence. Four thirteenth-century Armenian historians have produced useful accounts of some of the events included in Matthew's chronicle. Stephen Orbelian, a scion of the famous Orbelian family, wrote a history of Siwnik', one of the provinces of Greater Armenia. This work includes a history of the Orbelian dynasty which ruled the region for centuries, as well as a description of the area's topography and geography. Vardan Vardapet (Areveltsi), in his history of Armenia and the surrounding regions, provides an especially valuable account of the period of the tenth to thirteenth centuries, with emphasis on the relations between the Armenians and the neighboring peoples (Byzantines, Arabs, Seljuk Turks, Crusaders, Mongols, etc.). 5mbat Sparapet (the Constable), a scion of the Hetumids of Cilician Armenia, wrote a chronicle of the events in Cilicia and the neighboring regions in the period 951-1272, which was continued to 1336 by others. The work presents a comprehensive view of the political and socioeconomic relations of the Cilician state with the neighboring states and peoples. Kirakos of Gandzak (Ganja) wrote a history of Armenia in two parts: the first part a short presentation of events in Armenia from St. Gregory the Enlightener (fourth century) to the Mongol invasions (thirteenth century) and the second, more valuable, section on the Mongol invasions of Armenia (12411266) and their political, social, and economic effects on the land, its people, and the surrounding areas. 5

°It is believed that Matthew died soon after his narration ends, in 1136; therefore he could not have utilized these Armenian historians. It has been suggested that some of his information on the tenth and early eleventh centuries was based on the lost Chronicle of one John of Banahin.

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There are a number of Byzantine historians and chroniclers, some of them contemporaries of Matthew, who shed light on the events covered in the Chronicle. Theophanes Continuatus, an anonymous chronicler of the tenth century, wrote a work continuing the history of the eighth century author Theophanes into the period from 813 to 961. Leo Diaconus (tenth century), who accompanied Basil II on his Bulgarian campaigns, wrote a history dealing with the events of 959 to 975 (the wars of Nicephorus Phocas and John Tzimisces against the Arabs, Bulgarians, and Russians). His work is based on his own observations and those of other eyewitnesses. The history of Michael PselIus (eleventh century), whose political standing at the imperial court enabled him to present an intimate picture of the events of the time, continues Leo's work and covers the years 976 to 1077. Michael Attaleiates (eleventh century) wrote a history of the events of 10341079, thus paralleling the later years covered in Pselius's work. John Scylitzes (eleventh century) compiled a chronicle of the period from 811 to 1079 which is of greatest value for the events of the eleventh century. Nicephorus Bryennius (eleventh-twelfth centuries) wrote a history dealing with the events covered in the latter part of Psellus's work (1070-1079). His attempts to immortalize the deeds of his father-in-law, the emperor Alexius, are none too successful. Anna Comnena (eleventh-twelfth centuries) wrote a work called the "Alexiad" which covers the years 1069-1118, in great part the reign of her father, the emperor Alexius, in which she extols the virtues of her father and presents his achievements in the best light possible. George Cedrenus (eleventh-twelfth centuries) compiled a world history based on Theophanes and other chroniclers; for the period after 811 he uses Scylitzes and brings his narration to the year 1057. John CinnamuB (twelfth century), who was imperial secretary to the emperor Manuel I Comnenus, wrote a history of the period 11181176, continuing the "Alexiad of Anna Comnena. John Zonaras (twelfth century), who was commander of the imperial bodyguard, compiled a chronicle from the creation of the world to 1118. Michael Glycas (twelfth century), a historian, theologian, and poet, wrote a chronicle covering the same period as Zonaras. Nicetas Choniates (twelfth-thirteenth centuries) wrote a chronicle dealing with the invasions of the empire during the Third and Fourth Crusades (11891204).6 lt

6It is doubtful that Matthew knew or used any of these Byzantine sources.

INTRODUCTION

11

Three Syrian chroniclers have narrated events recorded by Matthew in his work. The author of the Anonymous Chronicle deals with the history of Edessa and its environs during the fIrst half of the twelfth century; the abundance of intimate detail and the familiarity of the author with the topography of Edessa indicate that he must have been contemporary to the events he describes and probably an eyewitness to some. Michael the Syrian (twelfth century), who wrote a world history from the creation to 1196, provides the most complete compilation the Syrians have left; the great abundance of information in the history compensates for the author's defects in historical methodology and analysis. The Syrian chronicler's comments on the Greeks, Turks, and Latins are deeply colored by his profound concern for the preservation of his people and their Christian faith. Bar Hebraeus (thirteenth century), a Syrian scholar noted for his encyclopedic learning in science and philosophy, wrote a history of the Near East from the creation to his time. His work contains important information on the Armenians and other peoples of the Caucasus. 7 There are numerous Arabic authors who have written about events covered in Matthew's chronicle. Yahya of Antioch, a Coptic Christian (eleventh century), wrote a very valuable chronicle dealing with Byzantine-Muslim relations in upper Mesopotamia in the ninth century. Ibn-al-Athrr (twelfth-thirteenth centuries) wrote a history of the world from the creation to his time. His work is especially important for the history of upper Mesopotamia during his lifetime. Abu-I-Feda (thirteenth century), who was a historian of the Ayyubrd dynasty, wrote a history of the world, basically a compilation of other authors. Two less noteworthy writers of the twelfth-thirteenth centuries are Kamal-ad-Drn and Ibn-al-Qalanisi, chroniclers of Aleppo and Damascus, respectively. Their works deal with the histories of their respective cities, as well as events in northern Syria, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.8 To the Eastern sources should be added certain Latin historians. Fulcher of Chartres (eleventh-twelfth centuries), who accompanied Baldwin I, is considered to be the most dependable historian of the First Crusade. An intelligent and keen observer, he was meticulous 7The works of Michael and Bar Hebraeus were written later and could not have served as sources for Matthew. 8Matthew could not possibly have utilized the Arabic sources (except perhaps for Yahya of Antioch), for the Armenian chronicler is believed to have died soon after his narrative ends, in 1136.

12

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

in his chronology and endowed with an unusual talent for describi~g events. Another historian of the First Crusad~, Albert of Arx: (eleventh-twelfth centuries), falls far short of hIS contemporary Fulcher besides being quite hostile to the native Christians. Perhaps the out~tanding Latin historian of the Crusades is William of Tyre (twelfth century), who wrote a history of the Latin Levant from !0~9 to 1184. He was a native of the East and knew Greek and ArabIC, m 9 addition to being a fine Latin stylist. There are two groups of Georgian historical sources: those outside the Georgian Annals and those contained in the Georgian Annals. Some of these Annals deal with events covered by Matthew's chronicle, especially those incidents pe~aining to Georgian-Armenian and Georgian-Turkish relations. A portion of the Georgian Annals has been translated into Annenian and is known under the name of the Armenian Chronicle. In comparing Matthew's narration with the Armenian, Greek, Syrian, Arab, Latin, and Georgian chroniclers of the same period, we can arrive at only tentative conclusions about the similarities and differences between his narrative and the accounts of the other sources. These conclusions in no way indicate the specific sources used in compiling his work. Matthew's narration of events is most similar to the principal Syriac and Armenian sources, especially Michael the Syrian, Asoghik, and Aristakes (Part I, section 8 and note 3, section 16 and note 7, section 56 and note 2; Part II, section 8 and note 3, section 74 and note 7, section 85 and note 2), thus indicating that the Armenian chronicler was familiar to some extent with the Syrian and Armenian writers who dealt with the events which he also related. On the other hand, Matthew does not always agree with the Greek sources, especially in the recording of minor det~ils (Part I, section 91 and note 5; Part IT, section 64 and note 3, sectIOn 91 and note 1). This might indicate that he was not too familiar with the Greek sources, except perhaps in certain instances as in his description of one of the Pecheneg attacks on Constantinopl~ ~ an event far removed from him (Part II, section 90 and note 3), or hIS ~reatment of the emperor Basil's Bulgarian campaign (Part I, sectIons 37 and 46). When it is a question of the Franks, Matthew 9Again,. Matthe~ could not possibly have utilized William's history, for ~he Armeman chromcler had completed his narration by 1136. However ~ hads been suggested that some of his information on the Crusades wa~ ase on Fulcher of Chartres' Gesta Francorum.

INTRODUCTION

13

tends to agree with or follow the Latin sources rather than the Greek or Syriac (Fart Ill, section 4 and note 4; section 18 and note 2, section 105 and note 2). What this indicates is difficult to say, except that the Armenian chronicler might have relied on some Latin sources for events pertaining to the Franks, especially outside upper Mesopotamia. 10 There is no evidence that Matthew had any firsthand information on Caucasian events, specifically those pertaining to Georgia and its relations with the neighboring Muslims. Perhaps his narration of these events (Part III, sections 83 and 84, section 98 and note 2) was based on Armenian sources, although this must remain a matter of conjecture. A further point to be noted here is that the Armenian chronicler relates a number of events pertaining to the decease of various Byzantine, Muslim, and Frankish mIers, giving details on the manner of their deaths which differ substantially from those of other sourcesll (Part II, section 132 and note 1; Part III, section 95 and note 6, section 102 and note 4). It is evident that Matthew is rather inconsistent in his handling of sources. In spite of his contention that he thoroughly investigated, weighed, and analyzed his materials (Part II, section 1), the Armenian chronicler has not always been correct in his chronological and factual presentation (Part I, section 1 and note 6, section 2 and note 6, section 3 and note 4, section 5 and note 4, section 16 and note 3, section 23 and note 2, section 35 and note 2, section 36 and note 1, section 44 and note 3; Part II, section 5 and note 7, section 51 and note 1, section 68 and note 1, section 69 and note 1). Nevertheless, in other instances he has accurately described the events he relates. In keeping with the mentality of a medieval chronicler, Matthew tends to be credulous and exaggerates a great deal (Part I, section 9 and note 3, section 18, section 48; Part II, section 109), but such shortcomings are offset by a not infrequent judicious presentation of events and individuals. Since medieval chronicles are basically simple catalogues of events in chronological order, very little or no emphasis is placed on lOOn events pertaining to the Franks in upper Mesopotamia, it is quite evident that Matthew relied on his own observations, eyewitnesses, and others of that region. As to the specific Latin sources on which the Armenian chronicler might have relied, there seems to be no definite indication. llActually all the sources differ on the details concerning the manner in which these rulers died. It is indeed surprising that there should be so much disagreement on the details.

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

14

interpretation and analysis; yet many chroniclers, including Matthew, have in some instances attempted to interpret events and analyze individual motivations. In the case of the Armenian chronicler, such interpretations and analyses has been minimal and rather perfunctory. For example, no cause has been given for the first Turkish invasion of Armenia (Part I, section 48); the Armenian king's promise to hand over Ani to the emperor Basil (Part I, section 50 and note 2); the Armenian catholicos Peter's departure from his see (Part I, section 66, and note 1); the decision of Gagik to wear mourner's gannents (Part II, section 23); or the empress Eudocia's desire to have Diogenes installed on the imperial throne (Part II, section 51). Although Matthew shows little evidence of a thorough analysis of events in his work, he does in some instances reflect a solid grasp of the materials and sources he is utilizing. He is particularly thorough in presenting and explaining the critical situation of the Byzantine empire in 1080 (Part II, section 73). Matthew appears to be the only source to give a reason for the withdrawal of the Franks from Edessa in 1110-1111 (Part III, section 47 and note 1). Only Matthew is specific as to the motivation behind Maudud's assassination in Damascus (Part ill, section 63 and note 3). His analysis of Baldwin's election as King of Jerusalem in 1118 is particularly incisive (Part III, section 75). Such a treatment of materials as this shows that the Armenian chronicler was able occasionally to subject his information to some measure of critical analysis that would not be expected in a strictly chronological catalogue. On this basis, his remark on the utilization of sources 12 occasionally does ring true. Turning to the question of whether it is possible to discern any unique or specific contribution which Matthew of Edessa has made to the historiography of the period, two definitive and one guarded statements can be made. Unquestionably his work contains material yrhich ~ther sources lac~. Likewise a fresh, personal interpretation IS prOVIded. However, m reference to his correcting and amplifying other sources, the verdict is a qualified one. In numerous instances Matthew presents material and information not con~ai~ed in the other sources: for example, the letter the emperor TZlmlsces sent to the Armenian king Ashot13 (Part I, l2See Part III, section 3. e French ~i~torian E: Dulaurier, for good reasons, maintains that tho e er W 8s..ongm~lly wntten in Greek and was kept in the Bagratid arc lYes at An1, 1ater It was translated into Armenian.

Ih'17ft

INTRODUCTION

15

sections 19 and 20) or the defense of Armenian Christianity made by the Armenian king Gagik before the emperor Romanus (Part II, sections 31-41). The work is especially valuable for the copious fll'sthand information presented on Edessa and the neighboring areas of upper Mesopotamia. Matthew's information on areas outside his immediate section of the country is in many cases correct, perhaps indicating that he had access to reliable non-Armenian sources.14 Matthew's chronicle is sprinkled with fresh insights and details; a mere perusal of the commentary will easily confirm this. Matthew's viewpoint enriches the historiography of the period and area in question, for his chronicle truly reflects the frustrations and aspirations of his people. Since the seventh century the Armenians had played a very important role in the Byzantine empire, especially in the defense of its territories against outside invaders. If the Annenians had continued to play this essential role, perhaps the empire ultimately would not have succumbed to the Turks. Yet this was not the case, for in the eleventh century the asswnption of direct rule over the Armenian kingdoms by the Byzantine emperors led to such a deterioration of relations between the Armenians and the Greeks that the Seljuks found easy entry into Anatolia, the heartland of the empire. Not surprisingly Matthew considers the Greeks as the basic cause for the deterioration of relations between the two peoples. The Armenian chronicler views the Franks initially as the instrument for the deliverance of his people from the Turkish yoke. He is soon disappointed in this hope when he discovers that the Franks, far from helping the Armenians, are intent on pursuing their own interests, even to the point of causing hann to these eastern Christians. The contributions Matthew makes in the correction or elaboration of the contemporary and non-contemporary sources are not as clearcut as in the two aforementioned cases (Greeks and Franks). With a major emphasis on his native area of upper Mesopotamia, Matthew relates events occurring in three other areas: eastern Anatolia and the Balkans, the Caucasus, and southern Syria and Palestine. These areas are dealt with in great detail by the Armenian chronicler; in fact the coverage of these areas is no less than that of upper Mesopotamia. Thus Matthew must have had access to non-Armenian sources in order to have written about these areas. 15 Perhaps he consulted eyewitnesses and other individuals. 14What these sources are cannot be ascertained. 150ne can only speculate on the identity of these sources.

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MATTHEW OF EDESSA

In several instances Matthew mentions details and facts about events in these areas which either do not agree with the other sources or are not contained in them (Part II, section 90 and note 3, section 91 and note 1; Part III, section 18 and note 2, section 20). In these cases the Armenian chronicler either was misinformed about this material or had access to sources and individuals which the others did not. A fairly strong case can be made for the latter view in those instances in which Matthew provides a rather detailed and lengthy narration of an event, for how could he go into so much detail (unless of course he was misinformed or simply contrived the narrative)? Thus one can conclude that, if the correctness of the details presented by him concerning the events outside upper Mesopotamia (details which are at variance with the other sources) are verifiable, then Matthew can be considered to have made an important contribution in regard to correcting and amplifying the non-Armenian sources of the period. In summarizing Matthew's place in the historiography of the medieval Near East, it can be said that the Armenian chronicler holds a unique position among the writers of the period. This is partly due to the location of Matthew's native city of Edessa, at the crossroads of a region traversed, conquered, or settled by the large number of the peoples who have helped to shape the history of the area. Another explanation is Matthew's Armenian background, which places him and his people in a special relationship to each of these peoples: the administration and maintenance of the Byzantine empire rested on the cooperation of Greek and Armenian; the Armenian church owed a great debt to Syrian Christianity, which linked the destinies of the two peoples in the struggle to maintain their common Orthodox (Monophysite) faith; both positive and negative relations between Arab and Armenian went back to the domination of the Umayyad and 'Abbasid empires; the Turk had recently invaded eastern Anatolia and thus threatened the very existence of the Armenian people; Latin and Armenian came in close contact with one another in Cilicia and northern Syria in a relationship marked by both cooperation and conflict; and Georgian and Armenian had been living in close proximity in the highlands of eastern Anatolia and the Caucasus for nearly two millennia and had interpenetrated one another's cultures. None of the other contemporary historians or chroniclers has Matt~ew's ability to view the interaction ofthe various peoples of the area In such a comprehensive and integrative manner.

TEXT

A History written by Matthew the Distinguished Priest of the Edessenes, concerning the Bagratid Kings and Many Others, beginning at the date 400 (951 A.D.) and ending in the year 611 (1162 A.D.).l

Part P 1. In those days, in the year 401 of the Armenian era [952-953],3

there was a severe famine in many places. In the southern regions, in the land of the Muslims, 4 there was much suffering, above all in Mesopotamia. Due to the severity of the famine there was anguish and turmoil in many places, and especially in the renowned metropolitan see of Edessa,5 which the Armenian king Tigran had founded. 6 The famine stayed in that country for seven years, and the slaughter caused by that famine was very great. In the country of the Muslims there was much mortality, and many Christians died because of the dreadfulness of the famine. After two years locusts, numerous as the sands of the sea, came over that region and devastated the land. The famine increased greatly. Many went mad, and attacking one another mercilessly and savagely, devoured each other. The princes and nobles fed upon seeds and berries, and many animals died. Many villages and regions became uninhabited, and nothing else has been built to the present day. 2. In the year 407 of the Armenian era [958-959] the nation of the Arabs 1 collected troops in Edessa and throughout the region of the Edessenes, and with a tremendous army crossed over the great Euphrates River and went against the fortified town2 which is called Samosata. The RomanS general who was called the paracoemomenus,' a mighty and brave man, went forth in battle against them. [The two armies]5 clashed with one another at the gates of the town, and on that day the Muslims struck down the Roman forces and caused a great slaughter near the gates of the town. Mer a few days the town of Samosata, which is near the town of Edessa, was captured. 6

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MATTHEW OF EDESSA

3. In the year 408 of the Armenian era [959-960] the Ro~an emperor Romanus 1 collected troops and came against the MuslIms. Crossing the vast Mediterranean2 Sea with ships, he passed over to the large island called Crete. In a severe battle he captured it from the forces of Egypt, 3 for the nation of the Arabs had possess~d all t~e islands and all the coastal regions for four hundred years. In this same year the Armenian forces slaughtered I:Iamdan, the Muslim general.ll 4. In the year 410 of the Armenian era [961-962] the Arabs captured Anazarba1 and Aleppo from the ruler of Egypt and caused 2 much slaughter, more of the Christians than of their own nation. 5. In this same year the general of the Armenians gathered together the marzpetakan regiments, l comprising forty-five thousand brave men, separate from the royal regiments. All the princes of Armenia gathered before the holy patriarch2 Anania3 so that they might anoint Gagik, the son of Ashot, to the kingship as his former ancestors had been anointed; for he had not as yet occupied the royal throne of Armenia and the crown had not been placed upon his head.' 6. Prevailing upon his most praiseworthy lordship John, the catholicos of the country of the Albanians, l they summoned him and with him forty bishops. With solemn majesty they summoned Philip, the king of the Albanians, a pious and saintly man, the son of Goghazgak, the son ofVach'agan, [former] kings of the country of the Albanians. On that day there was a formidable and large assembly in the city of Ani, which at this time was the capital of the Armenians. In this year Gagik, the son of Ashot, was anointed king as his ancestors had been anointed and occupied the throne of the former kings of the Armenian nation. There was great rejoicing throughout all Armenia, for the people witnessed the reestablishment of the royal throne of Armenia as it had existed among their ancestors. Especially they rejoiced over the bravery of Gagik, because he was valiant and also a warrior. On this day he conducted a review of his troops comprising one hundred thousand select men, [all of them] wellequipped, renowned in combat, and very valiant; for like lion cubs and young eagles they could muster up strength for battle. When all the surrounding peoples and all the kings of the nations, [Le.] the Abkhazes,2 Greeks, Babylonians,S and Persians,'heard this, they sent largess and expressions of friendship together with expensive gifts in

PART

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21

recognition of the majesty of the Armenian kingdom. Mer this the Albanian king Philip, his lordship the catholicos John, and the bishops and troops who had come with the king and the patriarch were sent back with costly gifts and expressions of friendship to the country of the Albanians; this country [at one time] was the see of the holy apostles Thaddeus and Bartholomew,s who also were the first patriarchs of Greater Armenia. 7. After two months had gone by, the Roman emperor Romanus died and left two sons, Basil and Constantine, sons of the senior Romanus. In the year 412 [963-964] Nicephorus 1 became emperor over the Greek nation. He was a kind, saintly, and pious man, filled with every virtue and uprightness, victorious and brave in all battles, compassionate to all the Christian faithful, a visitor to widows and captives, and a protector of orphans and poor people. He gathered together a tremendous anny of troops and, crossing over the vast Mediterranean Sea, came against the Muslims2 and was ready for a heated combat. First he moved against Cilicia and with a great victory captured the renowned city of Tarsus. Passing on he captured Adana, Mamistra, and the famous Anazarba, bringing frightful and heavy slaughter upon the Muslims up to the very gates of the city of Antioch. Then the emperor Nicephorus turned back very victorious, and with innumerable captives and much booty he came and entered the imperial city, Constantinople. He kept the sons of Romanus, Basil and Constantine, near him in the palace with great honor and in magnificent splendor. 8. In the year 418 of the Armenian era [969-970] there was a certain man convicted to die who was on the island used as a prison; his name was Tzimisces. 1 The wicked and abominable empress2 secretly sent for him, and as if by order of the emperor removed him from the island and brought him to Constantinople without the emperor's knowledge. Secretly she made a pact with him to kill the emperor Nicephorus, and she promised to be his wife and to install him on the imperial throne. He agreed to do the bidding of the wicked empress. The saintly emperor Nicephorus was seated on his throne in the evening and was reading the Holy Scriptures by lighted candles. The empress came and embraced the emperor and [at the same time] tightened the strap holding the sword which was near him. Then, rising up, she went to her accomplice in crime and with her own hands gave him the deadly sword to be used for the shedding

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MATTHEW OF EDESSA

of the blood of the upright emperor. Going forth, Tzimisces secretly rushed into the emperor's chamber. The emperor, seeing him, said: "Crazed dog, what do you want here?" Bravely rising up, the emperor pulled at his sword and saw that it was very strongly held [by the strap]. At that moment Tzimisces fell upon him and ruthlessly and savagely butchered the very benevolent emperor, cutting him into three parts. The slain emperor, covered with his own blood, gave up his life to Christ through a bitter death. They saw that the emperor was clothed in a goat's hair shirt next to his skin, which shirt was hidden by the purple, and that the spilled blood shone upon the faces of the assassins of this man of God. His body was buried in a stately tomb near those of the [other] saintly emperors. 3 Thus the wicked Tzimisces occupied the throne of the Greek empire, and he reigned over and held Constantinople and brought under his rule all the confines of the Roman empire. He took away from the wicked empress the sons of the emperor Romanus [and sent them] to Vasakawan in the district of Handzit'.4 Basil and Constantine were brought to Spramik, the mother of the illustrious Mkhit'ar, so that the empress might not give them poison and thus kill them. Because of this unjust death [of Nicephorus], the emperor Tzimisces was in deep grief, plagued by a guilty conscience. 9. At the beginning of the year 420 ofthe Armenian era [971-972] King Gagik died peacefully. Then there developed an antagonism and great conflict between the two sons of King Gagik, between John and ABhot. l John was older than Ashot and wise and very intelligent, but unsteady and sluggish in body, weak in battle, and uneducated. On the other hand, Ashot was the younger, but courageous, brave and mighty, and invincible and victorious in battle. Nevertheless, John seized the throne of the Armenian kingdom, while Ashot roamed about with his troops, ravaged many places, and harassed the city of Ani. He went to Senek'erim,2 the king of Vaspurakan and son of Abusahl, who was the son of Ashot, the son of Derenik, the son of Gagik, Artsruni by lineage, [all of these being] descendants of the Assyrian king Adrammelech.3 10. .Obtaining troops ~~~ Senek'erim, Ashot went over to Gurgen, the pnnce of Andzewats lk, 1 and moving forth with his troops, he came and reached the Mountain of Varag2 and entered the Monastery 3 of the 4 Holy Cross. He prostrated himself before the cross which bore God and the icon of the Holy Theotokos,5 and he gave a donation of

PART I

23

thirty thousand dahekans 8 to the Monastery of the Holy Cross from the gold of the Arabs, which he had brought from the city of Baghdad and which had been given to him by the caliph. Moreover, Ashot had a chest made for the holy relic and had it decorated with precious stones and pearls. Mter this he himself came to the royal capital, Ani, accompanied by many troops. When John heard of the coming of his brother Ashot, he commanded that the battle trumpet be Bounded, but he himself sat on his throne and did not move, for he was unskilled in battle. The city of Ani having been roused, forty thousand foot soldiers and twenty thousand horsemen went forth in battle against Ashot. Then a certain prince from the forces of the Georgian king came to King John on a mission, for the mother of John and Ashot, Queen Katramide, was the daughter of the Georgian king, George. 7 This Georgian prince said to King John: "0 King John, command that Ashot merely be pointed out to me, and I shall take him prisoner and bring him before you in chains." For that prince was a brave man and invincible in battle. King John said to him: "Behold, Ashot is a mighty man; how will you be able to bring him before me?" The Georgian prince said: "I shall capture him alive on his horse." John then said to him: "Do not scorn the lion cub until you see it." When the two armies came face to face, a prince from the Abkhazes, crying out in a shrill voice like an eagle, provoked Ashot and said: "Whoever ABhot may be, let him come forth," When Ashot heard this he became ferocious like a leopard, and, bothS having incited one another, they raced towards each other. The Georgian prince threw a spear at Ashot. In turn Ashot, quick as lightening, ducked and then struck him on his helmet with a steel sword and cleaved his mail-clad body down to the feet; the Georgian fell to the ground with his entrails [exposed]. On that day a severe battle occurred, and the enemy was turned in flight towards the city until the fleeing [troops] were unable to enter the city, but instead fell into the Akhurian River. Thus Ashot turned back very victorious. Mter a few days the Bagratids, the Pahlavids,9 and all the other noble families from the race of Hayk10 serving in the army decided to bring about peace between John and Ashot. So the holy patriarch Peterll and all the princes came before Ashot and, taking a solemn oath, made him king of all Armenia, that is of the country outside [of Ani]. John was made king within the city of Ani, [and it was agreed that] if John died Ashot would become king of all Armenia. Thus peace was reestablished in all of Armenia.

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MATTHEW OF EDESSA

11. In this period Abas 1 resided in Kars 2, having royal sovereignty there by order of his lord, the Armenian king Gagik} and also Gurgen4 ruled over the country of the Albanians, for they were of the lineage of Armenian kings and were subject to the house of Shirak.5 AB for King Ashot, he was never able to enter the city of Ani until the day of his death [i.e., his funeral].

12. In this period a certain Apirat, who was an illustrious Armenian prince and also a son of Hasan, fearing King John because of the alliance he had previously made with Ashot, rebelled and fled from him and went to the city of Dvin, l to the Persian general Abu'lUswar,2 and with him twelve thousand horsemen. Abu'I-DswAr honored him for many days. At that time certain slanderers approached the emir and said: "Such a man, invincible, mighty, and with many troops, has come to you and shall bring destruction upon you and the whole country of the Muslims." Then Abu'l-Dswar, becoming vengeful in his heart, unknown to the other troops, summoned Apirat on the pretext of having a friendly conversation with him and secretly did away with this brave man, one mighty and renowned in all of Armenia. 13. A certain prince, Sari by name, who was the general of the illustrious prince Apirat, taking Apirat's wife and children and cavalry forces, went to the city of Ani. King John very strongly regretted the unjust death of Apirat, the Armenian prince. The Armenian king gave lands and high positions to Apirat's sons, Apljahap, Vasak, and Sari, and to all their troops. 14. In this period the ruler of the Delumk'l collected troops and unexpectedly came and reached the Armenian district of Nig, 2 near the stronghold of Bjni. Vasak, the commander-in-chief of the Armenians, with his beloved son Gregory and with other illustrious noblemen, was making merry [in his castle]. Vasak looked at the stony road, and 10, a man was coming in haste up the road on foot. Upon seeing him, Vasak said: "This man is a bearer of bad news." The man arrived at the gates of the fortress of Bjni and, raising an outcry, said: "The whole district ofNig has been enslaved." At this the brave general Vasak roared like a lion and, rising up, put on a coat of mail; seven noblemen did likewise, and as they arrived other cavalry forces [did so also], The noblemen formed behind Vasak. The brave and illustrious Philip rushed [to his side] and with him George

PART

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25

Ch'ortuanel and certain others. These were brave men and invincible in battle. Vasak was unable to be patient of heart until the troops gathered together, for there were as many as five thousand men under him. Boastful of his strength, he went forth like a lion with five hundred men into the district of Nig and entrusted his home of Bjni to his son Gregory. When Vasak arrived at a monastery, he and all his troops took communion and sincerely confessed their sins to Jesus Christ. On the road, coming up to a village, they saw that the infidels had completely destroyed it, and that these Muslims had surrounded the church and were ruthlessly slaughtering the faithful who were inside. When brave Vasak saw this, he roared like a lion and fell upon the infidel forces. Three hundred of their men were slaughtered, and the remaining fugitives took refuge with the main infidel force. Then moving forth, the main bulk of the Armenian army came against the infidel forces; when the Armenians saw the Muslim army to be very numerous and without measure, anticipating death together, they began to take courage in battle; like wolves among goats or like eagles in a flock of young birds they courageously went into battle, wounding many and felling their bodies to the ground. Then there arose a champion from the infidel forces, a dark Ethiopian and a brave man, who was called "Ewt'n Gayl,"3 because whatever seven wolves were able to accomplish among sheep and among their flock, this man was able to accomplish that much more among troops in a battle. Lo the Ethiopian, from whose coat of mail sparks flew, came forth like a thundering cloud and, crying out, sought after Vasak by name. Then brave Emran looked and saw him, for he was advancing like a fuming mountain and, turning to Vasak, he said: "Here is an invincible and brave man, the like of whom has never been born on earth." Vasak said: "0 lion-hearted and brave Emran, why are you frightened at his sight? Lo, I shall go forth against him and give to him the gift that David gave Goliath, the blasphemer of God." 4 At that moment the ferocious Ethiopian advanced, hurling his lance at brave Vasak so that he might hang him on the end of that weapon. But being quick, Vasak ducked and with a steel sword struck the crest of his [attacker's] helmet and cleaved in two the brave Ethiopian, whose members lay sprawled on the ground. Thus the Armenians were given courage in the battle and in the impossible task. As the combat grew intense and the sword wounds multiplied, brave Emran disappeared; for the nobility strayed from one another due to the extensive and difficult battle, and thus were unable to see

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the deaths of their compatriots. 15. Then brave Vasak, being left alone, turned about and, going forth like a ferocious lion, passed through the midst of the infidels, for he was exhausted by the hard battle. He ran and went up the mountain called Serkeweloyl and rested under the protection of its rocks, [safe] from the many harassments of the battle; then, some villagers who had fled saw him. One of them, who was like the killer of Cain,2 came forth and found him sleeping, [exhausted] from his affiictions. [The villager] struck him hard and threw him from a high rock. In this manner brave Vasak the Pahlavid died. 16. The following event took place in the year 421 of the Armenian era [972-973]. The Roman general, the domesticus 1 called Melias,2 going forth with many troops, came against the Muslims and defeated them in different places with the help of Christ. He came and reached the city of Melitene, and harassing it with much suffering by depriving it of food and water, compelled the place to submit to him. s Going forth from there, he came and with great rejoicing descended upon the town of Tigranakert, which is also named Amida,' situated on the Tigris River. The Muslim forces rose up in battle against the Roman troops, and a severe battle was fought near the area outside the town of Amida. The Muslim forces turned in flight before the Roman troops and, many of them having been slaughtered, entered the town. The Roman troops encamped by the banks of the river, at a place called Awsal,5 two bowshots from the town. Mter a few days the divine-rebuking wrath of God came forth from the heavens, and a violent wind rose up to such an extent that the land shook from the severity of the sound; because of the force of the wind, the dust of the land flew upwards and spread over the Christian troops. The dust, having thickened, covered man and beast and caused all the baggage to fall into the river. Covered by the dust, man and beast were blinded; and all eyes, having been shut by the dust caused by the divine-rebuking wrath of God, were cut off from the light. All the Roman troops were surrounded and were unable to find a way out of the situation. When the infidel forces saw the execution of God's wrath against the Christians and knew that the God of battle was with them, they struck at the Christian troops and, ruthlessly slaying with the sword, slaughtered them mercilessly. There were as many as fifty thousand men, but few were able to flee from the edge of the sword; thus the greater part of the troops were slaughtered. The

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Muslims took prisoner the domesticus and other prominent Roman officers. When the infidel chiefs saw the demise of the Roman troops, being frightened, they became very alarmed and said: "All this blood of the Romans which we have shed will not benefit us, for the Romans will come and destroy the Muslims. Come, let us become friends and make an alliance with the Roman commander and his officers, and let us obtain an oath from them and let them go in peace to their country. II While they were reflecting upon this, news of the assassination of Nicephorus, the Roman emperor, reached them. Then the infidel chiefs sent the forty Christian officers to the caliph,6 to the city of Baghdad, and all of them died there. 7 The domesticus wrote a letter to Constantinople and expressed doleful maledictions to the [new] emperor,s saying the following: "We have not been judged worthy to enter into the blessed ground of the grave according to the custom of the Christians, but rather we have become inheritors of the accursed ground and grave of evildoers. We do not know you who occupy the throne of the Roman empire. Yet our death and the blood shed at the gates of the town of Amida-indeed our death on alien soil-Christ our God will hold you responsible for on the Day of Judgement if you do not wreak vengeance on the town of Amida. When this letter reached the emperor Tzimisces in Constantinople and he learned about all this, he became provoked with great anger and filled with an all-encompassing rage. In the same year he collected troops from the West.s Going forth heavily armed, he was like an ignited fire 10 and made war on the Muslims, intending to penetrate into Armenia. 1I

17. In that period all the Armenians of royal lineage, noblemen and princes, and all the eminent personages of the East1 gathered before the Armenian king Ashot2 the Bagratid: Philip, the ruler of Kapan;3 Gurgen," the king of the Albanians; Abas,6 the lord of Kara; Senek'erim,8 the lord of Vaspurakan; Gurgen, the lord of Andzewats'ik'7; and also the whole house of Sasan.s This army, comprising as many as eighty thousand men, encamped in the region of Hark'.s Messengers of the Roman emperor came to this gathering and sawall of Armenia in readiness, gathered in one place, and they went and related it to the emperor Tzimisces. Of the Armenian princes, Leon the philosopher and Stat Tomets'i went with the Roman messengers, and with them other bishops and vardapets;lo these personages established friendship and peace between the Roman emperor and the Armenian king Ashot. Then the emperor Tzimisces moved forth

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with a fonnidable army and reached the Armenian district of Taron, 11 descending to Mush before the fortress of Aydzik' .12 On the first night the Roman troops endured much harassment from the infantry forces of Sasan. The Armenian princes and vardapets came to the Roman emperor and presented to him the letter of Vahan, the Armenian catholicosP The emperor received the letter and those who brought it with great honor. He confirmed the treaty of friendship with the Armenians and asked for troops from Ashot to come to his aid. Ashot gave the emperor anned troops of the Annenian nation, as many as ten thousand warriors. The emperor also asked for food and provisions. Ashot gave him everything he desired. In turn the emperor sent the Armenian vardapet Ghewond and the bishops and princes [who had come to him] back to Ashot, laden with splendid gifts. 18. Tzimisces, also called Kyr John,1 victoriously and full of rage made war against the Muslims and filled the whole land:! with slaughter and blood. He razed to the ground many towns and impregnable fortresses, three hundred of them, right up to the confines of the city of Baghdad. But he did not ravage Edessa because of the monks who lived on a neighboring mountain and within the confines of its territory; these numbered as many as twelve thousand. He went forth and, full of rage, reached the town of Amida. The lord of the town was a woman who was a sister of 3 ~amdan, the Muslim emir. In fonner times the emperor had sinfully fornicated with her and because of that he was unable to capture Amida. The woman, getting on top of the ramparts of the town, said to the emperor: "You come against a woman in battle, don't you consider this an insult to yourself?" The emperor said: "I have sworn to destroy the ramparts of this town so that its people might be freed." The woman of the town said: "Go down and destroy the bridge which is over the Tigris River, and by that you will have fulfilled your oath." The emperor did this and, taking much treasure of gold and silver, left Amida because of its woman and because Tzimisces was from the region of Khozan,4 from the place which today is called Ch'mshkatsakk',5 and the woman was from the same area;8 for in that period the Muslims ruled many areas. Then the Greek emperor moved forth and went through the country of the Muslims, shedding blood right up to the confines of the city of Baghdad; moving about the interior of the country, he marched towards the city of Jerusalem. At this time the emperor Tzimisces wrote a letter to

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Ashot the Armenian in the following manner. 19. "Ashot, shahnshah 1 of the illustrious Annenians and my spiritual son. Listen and understand how many wondrous things God has done for us and the astonishing victories [he has given us]. It is impossible to comprehend the graciousness of God and the aweinspiring benevolence which the Lord has created for his inheritance. In this year under the aegis of our imperial majesty we have chosen to infonn your eminence, 0 Ashot Bagratuni, our son. We are making known to you these things as one who is a Christian and both faithful and beloved to our imperial majesty, so that you might rejoice in and glorify the awe-inspiring greatness of Christ our God and might know how much God has aided the Christians at all times; for because of that assistance we made tributary to our imperial majesty all the eastern lands of the Persians. 2 Also [you will learn] how we removed the relics of the holy patriarch Jamess from Nisibis, a town controlled by the Muslims, obtained tribute due us from them, took away captives, and finally departed. Because of the arrogance and pride of the AmYr al-Mu'minin,4 the ruler of the Mricans6 whom the Arabs call the Maghrib [Arabsl,a this man came against UB with numerous forces and for a while put our troops in danger. However, we defeated them with the great strength and assistance of God, and, humiliated, they turned back like our other enemies. Then we moved into the interior portions of their country and devastated many regions with the sword. Mter this we swiftly departed and set up winter quarters and paid all our cavalry forces. "In the month of April we directed ourselves towards Phoenicia and Palestine and advanced into these areas; moreover, we pursued the abominable Mricans who had come to the region of Syria. Rising up with all our troops and going forth, we came to Antioch and passed through all the [former] regions of our empire; taking innumerable captives and imposing tribute, we brought these areas to submission and then reached the city of Homs. The inhabitants of the region, who were tributary to us, came forth and received us with munificence. We reached Baalbek,7 which is also called Heliopolis, that is, the Town of the Sun, eminent, awe-inspiring, heavily fortified, and opulent. The townspeople came against us in battle, but our innumerable troops harassed them and slaughtered them with the edge of the sword. Mter a few days we laid siege to the Town of the Sun, and our troops took many captives, both children and girls; moreover, they seized treasures of gold and silver and also many

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animals. Going forth from there, we advanced to the great city of Damascus and were intent on laying siege to it. However, the governor of the city was an old and sagacious man, and he sent to our imperial majesty and with many gifts beseeched us that the inhabitants of the city not be taken into captivity and not be put into servitude like those of Baalbek, also asking that we not devastate his region like theirs. The townspeople brought many costly gifts: many horses, splendid mules, beautiful harnesses of gold and silver, and tribute gotten from the Arabs in the amount of forty thousand dahekans of gold. They obtained officers from us and gave us a written statement to the effect that they would perpetually be servants of our imperial majesty from generation to generation. We appointed as commander of Damascus a certain person called Turk', an illustrious man of Baghdad who entered our service with five hundred horsemen and came to believe in Christ. He had formerly served our imperial majesty. The Damascenes made a sworn pact that they would ceaselessly give tribute to us and would honor our imperial majesty and also would fight against our enemies. Because of all this we did not besiege their city. "Going forth from there, we went to the Sea of Galilee, where our Lord Jesus Christ had performed a miracle with one hundred and fifty-three fish. We were intent on laying siege to the town of Tiberias also, but the townspeople came in submission to our imperial majesty and brought us many gifts like the Damascenes had done and also tribute in the amount of thirty thousand dahekans, not counting many other valuable presents. They requested that one of our commanders be put over them and gave us an affirmation of loyalty as had the Damascenes, promising to be subject to us perpetually and to give us tribute ceaselessly. On that basis we left them free of enslavement and did not plunder them because the region was the native land of the holy apostles. We felt the same way about Nazareth where the Theotokos, the Holy Virgin Mary, heard the good tidings from the angel. We also went to Mount Tabor and climbed up to that place where Christ our God was transfigured. While we remained in the place, people came to us from Hamla and Jerusalem to beseech our imperial majesty, looking for compassion from us. They asked that a commander be appointed over them and became tributary to us, swearing to serve us; all of these things which they asked we indeed did. 8 We also were intent on delivering the holy sepulcher of Christ our God from the bondage of the Muslims. We established military commanders in all the areas which

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had submitted and become tributary to our imperial majesty; these were Baisan (called Decapolis),9 Genesareth,10 and Acre (also called Ptolemais), and by a written statement they undertook to give tribute ceaselessly from year to year and to serve us. We went up to Caesarea, which is on the coast of the great Mediterranean Sea, and they also submitted and came under our rule. If the abominable Mricans had not fled to the coastal fortresses where they had taken refuge because they feared us, by the assistance of God we would have stood in prayer at the holy places of God. "When we heard that the coastal inhabitants had fled, we then brought to submission the upper part of the country,l1 subjecting it to the rule of the Romans and establishing a commander there. We brought under our control [many towns], besieging and assaulting those which did not submit; having captured them, we went by the coastal route which leads directly to the famous, renowned, and heavily fortified town of Berytus, which today is called Beirut. Assaulting it, we captured the town after a violent struggle and we took prisoner one thousand Micans, including Na~ir, [the general of] the Amir al-Mu'minrn, and other very distinguished chiefs. In that town we placed a commander and from there we intended to pass on to Sidon. But when the Sidonites heard of this, they sent to us the elders of their town. They came in great fear and beseeched our imperial majesty, asking that they be made tributary to us and serve us perpetually. We listened to their supplications and fulfilled their desires, taking tribute from them and appointing a commander over them. Going forth from there we went to Jubail,12 an ancient and impregnable fortress; assaulting it, we captured the place and led its inhabitants into captivity. Laden with much booty and captives, we passed through all the coastal towns on a rough and narrow road over which other cavalry troops had never passed, indeed a slim, confined, and poor road. Along this route we found attractive towns, which were well-populated, and impregnable fortresses over which the Muslims were guardians. We laid siege to all these and razed them to the ground, carrying off the inhabitants into captivity. "Before we reached Tripoli, we sent a cavalry force of the thematic and garrison troops13 into the deme called K'areres,14 because we heard that the abominable Mricans were ensconced in that place. We commanded that an ambush be set up and thus we turned the defile into a death trap for the Mricans; [needless to say] our troops did as we commanded. So two thousand of the enemy came out of hiding and advanced against our troops, who either killed great numbers of

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them or took them prisoner, bringing them before our imper.ial majesty. In the same manner, whenever our troops met .up ~lth fugitives they captured them. We completely destroyed Its vmeyards olive groves and orchards, and we ravaged and ruined all of its di~tricts. The Mricans who were there dared to go forth in battle against us. We attacked them and slaughtered all of the~ to th.e la~t man. Iii After this we captured the great town of Chuel, WhICh IS called Jabala/6 also Valania/ 7 and Saone/ 8 and even the renowned Burzuya19 itself. Thus there remained nothing up to Ramla and Caesarea, neither sea nor land, which had not submitted to our imperial majesty through the strength of the Uncreated God; for we subjected to our imperial majesty all the lands right up to Babylon20 and made their inhabitants our servants. In this way our imperial majesty moved about this country for seven years at the head of a large army. We devastated the towns and districts, and even the Amir al-Mu'minin21 did not dare go forth against us from Babylon or send cavalry to the aid of his troops. If there had not been excessive heat and a route devoid of water to those places which are near that city-which even your majesty knows [to be a fact]--our imperial majesty would have advanced right up to Babylon; in any case we chased the Amir al-Mu'minin22 to Egypt and we were completely victorious through the grace of God who gave us our crown. 23

20. "Thus all Phoenicia, Palestine, and Syria have been freed from the bondage of the Muslims and have acceded to the rule of the 1 Romans. Also the great Mount Lebanon has submitted to our rule; all the Muslims who were found there, [comprising] a very great number, we have taken captive and handed over to our cavalry forces. We have governed Syria humanely and benevolently; we have removed as many as twenty thousand persons from there and resettled them in Jabala. You can clearly see that God gave a victory s~ch as has never occurred before. In that town of Jabala we dIscovered the holy sandals of Christ our God, in which he had roamed ab?ut wh?n he was on earth. We also discovered the picture of aUf SaVIor, whIch ha? be.en pierce~ through in times past by the Jews, blood and water ISSUIng from It immediately' [one could also see] the spe~r wound on it. In that town we als~ discovered the ven~ra~le haIr of ~he head of the precursor, John the Baptist;2 and takmg It, brought It for safe keeping to our capital protected by God In the month of September, with the blessings of God, we brought ou~

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forces~

sustained by divine grace, back to Antioch. Now we have informed your majesty concerning all this, so that you might admire these deeds we commanded and thus glorify the great benevolence of God. You should also realize how many good things have been accomplished in these times and how great the number of these has been. For the rule of the holy cross of Christ has been expanded, the name of God being praised and glorified throughout these places [we conquered]. Our empire has prospered because of the greatness and strength of God, whose praises are on our lips. This empire God brought to submission and placed under our aegis, for which the Lord God of Israel be blessed forever. 21. "From the report! of Leon, the protospatharius 2 of DerjanS and military commander of Taron,4 we have learned that the fortress of Aytseats',5 which you have taken for yourself, you have not given up. Now we have written to our commander not to take the fortress and not to seize the grain which you had agreed to deliver, because at present we have no need of it. However, have the chrysobull,6 which we sent, given to our commander, so that he may send it back to our imperial majesty. In turn you shall receive remuneration for your trouble and your crops in equal proportion to what you sowed, all of good quality." 22. On another occasion the emperor wrote to the Armenian vardapet1 Leon, in this manner: "To our great philosopher Pandaleon, l pleasing and beloved to our holy majesty, greetings. We charge you that on your return from the Muslims you be found in the holy citr or in Slesin, S after you have been to the shahnshah ABhot, our spiritual son, and have moderated his anger against us, and after you have taken Bagrat to Pap Hancawats'i and done the same to 5mbat4 Tornets'i, the protospatharius. So make an effort to be in our capital protected by God, for there we plan to conduct a splendid celebration in honor of the [newly discovered] sandals of Christ and holy hair of John the Baptist. Furthermore, we would be very pleased if you would speak with our sages and philosophers; in this way you would delight us a great deal. May God be with us and with you, and the Lord Jesus with his servants." When the Armenian vardapet Leon heard this, he went forth and came to Constantinople, where a magnificent celebration in honor of the [newly discovered} sandals of Christ and hair of the holy precursor was conducted. On that day there was great rejoicing in Constantinople; and the Armenian

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vardapet, in the presence of the emperor, discoursed with all the sages of the Romans, showing himself invincible [in debate] with the Greek doctors, for he answered to everyone's satisfaction all the questions put to him. He and his mentor were lauded with much praise, and high and respectable honor was shown him by the emperor through splendid gifts. Thus, rejoicing greatly, Leon returned to Armenia, to the illustrious house of Shirak. 23. After many battles and victories which the emperor Tzimisces had pursued, the fear of death and the terrible judgement of God fell upon him. Bringing to mind the unjust death of the righteous Nicephorus and the innocent blood [shed by his own hands], he lamented and wept and sighed with grief. Then he resolved to lead a virtuous life, so that perhaps by repenting, the blood which was unjustly shed by him might be wiped away. He had held the imperial throne of the Greeks for only seven years. While he was remembering all this, he thought of a brilliant idea and one which was in keeping with the will of God. He sent to Vasakawan, in the district of Handzit, and had brought to him Basil and Constantine, the sons of the emperor Romanus whom he had taken to Spramik out of fear of the wicked empress, because she was very malicious. When Basil was brought to Constantinople, Tzimisces assembled the important magnates of the empire of the Greeks, and an imposing ceremony took place in the emperor's palace. At that time the emperor Tzimisces with his own hands took the crown from his own head and placed it upon the head of Basil. Then he seated him on the imperial throne and prostrated himself before Basil, handing over to him the entire empire of the Greeks. 1 Mter he gave Basil his ancestral throne, he himself went into solitude, and putting on the monastic habit, went and lived in a monastery. He, who yesterday was an emperor and today was living with the poor, ended his life in voluntary poverty, so that he might inherit the blessings of the Holy Gospels and might payoff his debt for what he had done to the innocent person of Nicephortls. 2 24. At the beginning of the year 424 of the Armenian nation [975976] Basil1 reigned as father of all. He was the son of the senior Romanus, the son of Constantine, and one of good lineage among the Greeks. This man Basil, the brother of Constantine, was a very illustrious [ruler]. He reigned upon the imperial throne ofthe Greeks and brought many rebels to submission. He had a good reputation

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among all the living; he was merciful towards widows and captives and rendered justice to the oppressed. 25. In this period a slaughter of Annenian troops took place in the district of Andzewats'ik', in the camp known by the same name, because of the treachery of the brave man Ablgharib. 1 For the rnler of Andzewats'ik', whose name was Derenik,2 removed Ablgharib, a mighty and brave man, from the generalship of his troops, putting in his place a certain nobleman Sarkis. Mighty Ablgharib was hurt a great deal. So he became an intelligence man for the forces 3 of the infidels and made known to them all the means by which the Armenians might be taken by surprise [and defeatedJ, saying the following: "I shall not go forth in battle against you; now go forth at night and come against our army; there shall be a signal for you [to attack] my tent which is of ordan red,4 and my tent will stand pitched on a hill and my troops will be with me." The infidel forces came upon the Armenians at an unexpected hour, while the ruler [of Andzewats'ik'] and his troops were making merry. On that night the infidel forces fell upon the Armenian troops and caused a great slaughter, many warriors and illustrious brave men dying. This was regrettable, for the battle was not fought at an opportune time. Derenik was taken prisoner. Moreover, no one dared pass under Ablgharib's tent, for he was near his tent and ready with his troops. Then Derenik was taken to the town of Her [by the infidel forces]. 26. On that day Varag and all the other monasteries invoked grievous and strong anathemas upon Ablgharib. Hermits and monks, stirred up against him, excommunicated and expelled him from the church of God. However Ablgharib, coming to his senses, wept, for he was a man of faith and a fearer of God and so he greatly regretted the shedding of the blood of the brave Armenian troops. Then he began to ask questions concerning Derenik, namely in what fortress in the town of Her he was imprisoned. He was informed that the emir Abii'I-Hajji 1 had freed Derenik from his chains and always took him to play ball in the maydan 2 outside the town of Her. When Ablgharib heard this, he was very happy and, secretly sending to Derenik, said the following to him: "At a certain hour I will be at that place; with all your strength ready yourself, mount a choice and swift horse, and in this way try to reach me." One day Abu'l-Hajji went forth accompanied by many of his noblemen to play ball, and with him also were a thousand men equipped with weapons.

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Ablgharib, on the other hand, was waiting in ambush with fifty men. Derenik asked the head groom for his swift horse, and he gave him his equipment. Then the Armenian ruler pushed forward the group [in which he found himse1f], directing it to the place where Ablgharib was hidden in the wooded gardens of Her; then, vehemently spurring on his horse, he left the group behind and thus escaped. The emir Abl1'l·Hajji and his troops, seeing this, very angrily pursued him. Derenik, trusting in God, bravely went and took refuge with Ablgharib. However, a certain Ethiopian from the infidel forces, a brave and mighty man, pursued and came upon Ablgharib. Ablgharib roared like a lion and, falling upon him, savagely struck him and cut the Ethiopian in two, splitting him from the head to the groin. When the infidels saw this, they turned in flight. Then Ablgharib signaled his brave men and, pursuing the emir Abii'l-Hajji, caught up with him. Intent on taking the emir from his horse, he pursued him up to the gates of the town. The emir, like lightening, entered through the gates of the town of Her. Then Ablgharib struck the iron gates of the town with a steel axe and broke through the iron, pushing the axe clear through to the other side. This axe has remained unextricated until the present time and has been fixed in place like a bolt. In this manner brave Ablgharib freed Derenik from captivity. This event took place in the district of Chuashs in Annenia, in a village called Bak, bordering Vaspurakan. 27. At the beginning of the year 425 of the Annenian era [976-977] God summoned the holy Armenian patriarch, Anania, to himself. 1 In the presence of a great throng the most excellent and blessed Vahan2 was consecrated to the see of the Annenian catholicate. His lordship John, the catholicos of the Albanians, presided over the assembly. So, in this year, by order of Anania and the Armenian kings John and ABhot,S his lordship Vahan occupied the patriarchal see of Armenia, located in the renowned town of Argina. 4 28. In this period a certain wicked magnate called Scelerus1 rebelled against Basil, the Roman emperor. Gathering forces made up of a large number of deceitful and wicked men, he gave the country of the Romans over to the sword. With many troops he came and entered Armenia, and this man, alienated from God, caused very great slaughter there. The Armenian forces went against him and by a great victory vanquished that wicked magnate and, slaughtering his troops, caused him to flee. 2 But Scelerus did not dare return to

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the land of the Romans; rather he had hopes of escaping to the Muslims, and so this wicked man went and entered the city of Baghdad.s Leaving that place after three years, he came and died in the land of the Romans, among his own people. 29. In the year 432 of the Armenian era [983-984] the holy Armenian patriarch Vahan died, having occupied the see of St. Gregory for five years.! His lordship Stephen,2 a godly man endowed with all the good virtues which are in Christ Jesus, was consecrated to the see of the Armenian catholicate. He was installed as Armenian patriarch by the order and blessing of his lordship Vahan. His lordship John, catholicos of the Albanians, once again presided over the assembly [which consecrated Stephen]. This all took place during the reigns of the Greek emperor Basil, the Armenian kings John and Ashot and Senek'erim; this Senek'erim was the son of Abusahl, who in turn was the son of Ashot, son of Derenik, son of Gagik, of the Artsruni dynasty from the lineage of Sarasar.

30. During these times the wicked and abominable Persian tyrant Mamlan, the chief emir of the infidels,! collected troops and, rushing forth in his ferociousness like a bloodthirsty serpent, came against the Christian faithful, intending to bring much slaughter upon Annenia. He came, advancing with a formidable and innumerable army, and filled the mountains and plains with his troops. Shaking from fear of this wicked man, the whole land trembled, for he enslaved many areas by sword and fire. Burning down churches, he deprived them of the blessings of God and spoke many blasphemous words to the heavens above, to the Most High. At that time one witnessed the great and frightful destruction of the Christians by the terror caused by that wicked beast, for the wrath of his deadly poison was shed upon the faithful like venomous bile. With a very great army he came and reached the district of Apahunik', 2in the land of the curopalatesS David,4the Georgian prince. This emir wrote a letter to the pious and saintly man of God, the curopalates David, threatening him with strong words and saying the following: ItO David, you who are a man abominable, wicked, and decaying in your old age, let no one deceive you; for if you do not immediately send me ten years' tribute, the sons of your noblemen as hostages, and a written statement promising to serve me, I will come against you, arriving quickly with my great might, and who will be the one who shall save you from my hands? For I will bring upon you severe and harsh

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suffering, a abominable and bitter old man.". With many such threats he fulminated against him. ~en DavId re~d the letter the wicked chief Mamlan, he rejected It because.of It~r harsh tone, then he wept before God and beseeched Him, saYIng: Arouse your strength, Lord, and remember what you ~id to Rabshakeh and to Sennacherib the wicked king of the Assynans. He also spoke such words of widkedness, my Lord Jesus Christ; do not overlook those faithful to your holy name."5

0:

31. Then he commanded his troops to gather together, his noblemen and all his cavalry forces, including Vach'e, Tewdat, P'eron, and other Armenian troops; also included were three thousand infantry with bows and two thousand five hundred horsemen. The wicked Mamlan was encamped in the district of Apahunik', in a village called Khosans, with two hundred thousand men. Rising up, David went against the ferocious beast Mamlan; at the same time he prescribed prayers, entreaties, and supplications with much beseeching for the whole country, all in order to ask God for aid. Then David went and encamped at the borders of the district of Apahunik.' and he appointed Kannrakel, a brave man, with eight hundred horsemen as night guard. He himself passed the entire night praying to God. In the morning watch a certain man from the infidel forces, who was the chief of Mamlan's troops, approached with one thousand horsemen. 32. On that night the two sides clashed with one another. The light of the moon was intense, and at that time there appeared a little rain upon the mountains, and they [the troops] all glistened with lightning like the flames of a fire. When the infidel forces saw the spectacle, they thought all that was an immense number of Christian troops and so they turned completely in flight. Karmrakel, seeing that they turned in flight, feU upon them with the sword and ruthlessly slaughtered them as one would cut down a cedar grove. He captured the wife of Mamlan and his war horse and immediately sent them to David, at the same time announcing to him the good news that Mamlan had been struck down. The curopalates was still praying to God; and when he heard all this, he was amazed. Then pursuing with aU their troops, the Armenians put the infidel force~ to fligh~, causing a severe slaughter. They took a very great number of captives and booty of gold and silver. So the wicked Mamlan humiliated, returned to his country and became very arrogant towards God and did not look to heaven at all, nor did he offer his

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unworthy prayers to God. 1 33. Mter a few years some noblemen entertained malicious thoughts concerning the saintly and righteous prince, David, intending to assassinate him. These malicious noblemen were similar to Cain and other murderers. Moreover, they persuaded the archbishop of Georgia, Hilarion, to join them in their evil plan. This Hilarion crucified God for the second time, for he mixed poison in the life-giving body and blood of Christ and thus turned the source of all life into the source of death. Mter the celebration of his homicidal divine liturgy, he placed a portion of the sacrament mixed with the deadly poison in the mouth of the saintly prince, in the presence of God inside the church. The pious prince David, knowing this, said nothing, but taking an antidote, did away with the pain in his body. However, the wicked bishop Hilarion still persisted in his evil design and entered the prince's bedchamber while the pious David was sleeping in a deep slumber; then, taking his pillow from under his head, he placed it over David's mouth and, throwing himself upon him with great force, the archbishop cruelly smothered the pious curopalates. A few years later, the emperor Basil seized the wicked bishop Hilarion, tied a great stone to his neck, and threw him into the sea, as well as the other noblemen who had intrigued with him. Thus perished these men who indeed were worthy of all sorts of maledictions, for the curopalates David carried the emperor Basil's patronymic,l and because of that, Basil killed these noblemen. 2 34. In the year 434 of the Armenian era [985-986] his lordship Stephen, the Annenian patriarch, died1 ; and his lordship the blessed Khach'ik 2 was consecrated as his successor, for Khach'ik was an illustrious man and one versed in the Divine Scriptures. A letter came to him from the Roman metropolitan Theodore, who occupied the metropolitan see of Melitene; for Theodore was a knowledgeable man and erudite in the understanding of sacred books. The Armenian vardapet Samuel wrote a well-reasoned answer and one with wellchosen words to him, Indeed, this letter came to be accepted by all those hearing it; moreover, it was held in high esteem by the Roman metropolitan Theodore and by the Armenian catholicos Khach'ik. 3 35. During the epoch of the Armenian era, in the year 435 [986987], a certain magnate rebelled against the emperor Basil. This Roman magnate was Bardas Phocas1 and he devastated the greater portion of the Roman empire; moving about, he went through the

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land, killing and enslaving as he went. The Roman forces gathered against him and drove him into the country of the Muslims, whence 2 he returned after one year and was killed by the emperor Basi1. 36. In the year 437 of the Annenian era [988-989] there took place a violent earthquake throughout the whole world, and Saint Sophia in Constantinople collapsed. In this year the emperor Basil was intent on making the Bulgars subject to his empire. Therefore, he sent to Ali Osman, l the king of the Bulgars, and to all the princes of the country to come and prostrate themselves before his imperial majesty. However, they did not heed the commands of the emperor Basil. 37. Then the emperor Basil gathered together troops from all the lands of his empire and, full of rage, invaded the country of the Bulgars, ravaging the land with the sword and enslavement. On the other hand the Bulgar king, Ali Osman, gathering together an army, came against Basil with many troops, and a violent battle was fought on both sides. The Bulgar king defeated Basil and turned all of his troops in flight right up to Constantinople. Much booty and captives were taken from Basil's forces, and the emperor himself entered Constantinople humiliated. '!Wo years after, the emperor Basil once again collected troops and went against the Bulgar king, seeking vengeance. Meeting up with the Bulgar forces, he put them to flight and drove them before him. Basil harassed the country of the Bulgars with famine, sword, and enslavement, and then he turned back and entered Constantinople with great rejoicing. 1 38. When the year 440 of the Armenian era [991-992] began, the Annenian catholicos, his lordship Khach'ik, who had occupied the see of the Armenian patriarchate for six years, died;l so his lordship Sargis,2 who was a man erudite in the knowledge of the divine precepts, was consecrated as his successor. He was pleasing to God and to men and was imbued with virtuous behavior; moreover, by his luminous doctrine he enriched the church of God. 39. In this same year the forces of Egypt, called the Maghrib Arabs/ entered the territory of the city of Antioch and devastated the entire region. The Roman forces gathered together against them in battle. When the two forces met one another, the Egyptians put the Roman troops to flight and took captive their chief officers, carrying

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them off to Egypt. 2 Two years after, the great Roman nation went forth and with many troops came against Armenia. Bringing the sword and enslavement, the Romans mercilessly fell upon the Christian faithful and passed through the land, killing savagely like a poisonous serpent, in this manner being no different from the infidel peoples. When the Romans entered Armenia, the forces of the Armenian noblemen gathered against them. When the two armies met, they clashed savagely, each side bravely fighting the other; thus both sides fought without one side being able to vanquish the other. At that time one witnessed violent slaughter on both sides. However, when the fierce battle grew intense, the Roman forces were defeated by the Armenians; and thus the Romans, narrowly escaping and humiliated, turned in flight towards their country. 40. In this same year the Muslim emir, called "Long-Hand, "1 went

forth and with many troops subjected the territory of Edessa to devastation and enslavement, and thus very great aftliction was brought upon Edessa. The emir crossed over the great Euphrates River and subjected that side which is on the confines of Armenia; then he returned victoriously to the country of the Mricans. 2 41. It happened at the beginning of the year 446 of the Armenian era [997-998] that a certain comet arose in the heavens and it became

visible with a horrible and dreadful appearance, bright and marvellous. 42. In the year 449 of the Armenian era [1000-1001] a [solemn] alliance and peace was made between the emperor Basil and the Armenian king Senek'erim1 • In this same year the death of the marzpan Sahak, lord of Varazhnunik',2 took place. 43. In the year 455 of the Armenian era [1006·1007] the emperor

Basil gathered troops from all the lands of his empire and, moving forth, went against the country of the Bulgars. He spent much time in that country, conducting an extensive war. In those days a great disturbance took place in the city of Constantinople and in the whole empire of the Greeks, because on the important feast day of Easter the Greeks had fallen into error concerning the celebration of the holy day of the resurrection, [that is to say] of Easter. All the doctors of the Greek nation wrongly abolished the true precepts of the Divine Scriptures and adopted the false and fraudulent calendar of the

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1 adverse [and opinionated] Irion. These Greek s would not accep t the authenticated calendar of the eminent Andrew, but rathe r transf erred the Easter full moon from Sunday to Satur day and celeb rated Easte r on the following day, which should have been celeb rated after eight days.2 Thus the whole Greek nation fell into error conce rning Holy Easter, and much affliction fell upon the holy churc h of Const antinople and especially upon the divinely-established city of Jerus alem, for, puffed up with arrogance, these Greeks had trans ferred Easte r to the day of Palm Sunday. So the Greek nation on this matte r acted contrary to all the [Christian] nations and especially to Chris t, for this nation of philosophers warred again st the Holy Spirit . On that Easter the lights of the lamps in the holy sepulc her which conta ined God, in the city of Jerusalem, would not burn, becau se the Greek s adhered to a false opinion and thus celebrated their Easte r illega lly. On that day the infidel peoples who were in the city of Jerus alem , when they witnessed the Easter of the Chris tians inside the Chur ch of the Holy Resurrection, slaughtered with the sword all the Christians, as many as ten thousand persons; thus the holy sepul cher of Christ was filled with the blood of those praying. To this day their bones fill the grotto there in the weste rn section of the city of Jerusalem; these bones are now called liThe Relics of the YOWlg People." Now this was the situation the [would-be] intell igent sages of the Greeks brought about,

. 44. When the emperor Basil had conquered and taken over the kI~~om of the. Bulgars, he returned to Const antino ple with great r~OlC1ng.. Heanng about all this slaughter, which had taken place on t OccaSIon of the celebration of Holy Easte r, he summ oned all the Willfully they began ~agde.sfliof the Greeks and asked them the cause. . , In I erent ways to misle d th e emperor With Irrele vant answ ers a Th d answers and under stood that maske their ized recogn ~ th e emper; a~~t~ee~e a,nderroneous. Now for a long time Basil had heard skillful in the ~manl v;rdapets, namely that they were invinc ible and books. He knew of Josep h the abbot of the M nowte gefo!the holy ' '1 d f J onas ery a ~ndzayut ~,a~ ohn, whose surna me 0 was Kozern.2 So he wrote the to him in Constantinople so t~ell1an ~mg John. to send these men a rom t em he mIght learn the true cause of the contro vers' feaat day of] Easter. H y and t~ correct [method for calcu lating the agree to go, !>ut rather by a let~r c~:;~:~dt ~Be vardapets wouldandnotconta ining an In-depth analysis, they eXPlain:t~:legant words whole matte r to the empe ror.

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Nevertheless, the clergy, being opposed to all this, did not agree with the letter, until once again the emperor Basil sent to Armenia to the shahnshah Johns and to his lordship the Armenian catholicos Sargis; through a firm request he had the Armenian vardapet Samuel, a clever and invincible man, brought to him and had him seated in the imperial court to speak to the Greek doctors. The Greek savants used all the books of their tradition against Samuel, but they were unable to move him from the truth. Then Samuel began with the first day of creation and came to the most recent day on which this event had occurred and before the savants he verified all the correct reasons for the celebration of Easter, using the writings of the theologians. Basil agreed with all the words said by Samuel. However, the Greek savants said to the emperor: "0 sovereign emperor, command to have brought here the eminent Hebrew doctor who lives on the island of Cyprus, a skillful man and one erudite in the calendar and in all the sciences since his childhood." So Basil sent to Cyprus and brought over Moses, the Hebrew doctor. He, an eloquent and imposing man, stood in the imperial court before the emperor Basil; he began to discourse on the principles of the calendar, shaming all the Greek savants and proving them in error, while praising the words of Samuel, the Armenian vardapet. After this the emperor was very vexed with the Greek doctors, depriving them of their privileged positions; on the other hand, he sent the Armenian vardapet back to Armenia with splendid gifts. 45. During the reign of Basil, the Greek emperor, and in the year 452 of the Armenian era [1003-1004] a certain star, appearing in the form of fire, arose in the heavens, an omen of the wrath of God towards all living creatures and also a sign of the end of the world. There was a violent earthquake throughout the whole land, to such an extent that many thought that the day of the end of the world had arrived. Like the time of the flood all living creatures shook and trembled, and many fell down and died from fear of the intensity of this wrath. After this outpouring of God)s wrath a plague, called khouik,t came upon the area and) spreading through many regions, reached Sebastia. This plague clearly manifested itself on men's bodies and, because of its harshness, many had no time to make their confession or take communion. Man and beast diminished from the land, and those remaining quadrupeds roamed about the countryside without anyone to take care of them.

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46. In the year 460 of the Armenian era [1011-1012] the emperor Basil collected troops and went against the country of the Bulgars. He conquered their kingdom and very fiercely devastated many 1 regions with the sword. He subjected the wh~le West to plunder and enslavement and exterminated the entire kmgdom of the Bulgars, forcing AliOskhan,2 who was a brave man and k~ng of ~he Bulgars: to drink poison. In this manner Basil took the kmg'ss hfe and, takmg his wife and sons, brought them to Constantinople. 47. When the year 467 1 of the Armenian era [1018-1019] began, the divine-rebuking wrath of God was awakened against all the Christian peoples and against those worshiping the holy cross, for a fatal dragon with deadly fire rose up and struck those faithful to the Holy Trinity. In this period the very foundations of the apostles and prophets were shaken, because winged serpents came forth an~ w~re intent on spreading like fire over all the lands of the Chnstlan faithful. This was the first appearance of the bloodthirsty beasts.2 During these times the savage nation of infidels called Turks gathered together their forces. Then they came and entered Armenia in the province of Vaspurakan and mercilessly slaughtered the Christian faithful with the edge of the sword. 48. The news of this event reached King Senek'erim. Thereupon, his eldest son David, gathering together forces of the noblemen, advanced against the Turkish camp, and the two armies clashed violently in a horrible battle. Until that time the Armenians had never seen Turkish cavalry forces. When they encountered these Turks, armed with bows and having flowing hair like women, they found them strange-looking. The Armenian troops were not accns~omed to resisting arrows. Nevertheless, they bravely attacked the mfidels, fully unsheathing their swords from the scabbard; thus the courageous Armenian army bravely rushed into battle and killed many of the infidels. However, the infidels, shooting arrows, hit and wound~~any of the Armenian troops. Seeing all this, Shapuh1 said to DaVId: Turn back, 0 king, from before the enemy, for the greater part of our troops have been wounded by arrows. Let us withdraw and defend ourselves against these weapons we see in the hands of the. infidels by preparing other types of garments which will resist theIr arrow~." But Davi?, being conscious of his high rank, becam.e w:ogant WIth great pnde and did not heed Shapuh's advice to WIthdraw from the battle. Then Shapuh, irritated by this, ran after

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David and, striking his back with his fist, vehemently forced him to turn back. For Shapuh was a brave and mighty warrior, besides which he had raised and educated David and, because of all this did not fear him. In this manner Shapuh forced David to withdraw together with his troops. The Armenian forces went back to the city of Ostan and related everything to King Senek'eriro, telling him about the appearance of the infidels. 2 When Senek'erim heard this, he became greatly distressed. He neither ate nor drank, but rather became pensive, grief-stricken, and passed the whole night sleepless. Sitting down, he examined the chronicles and utterances of the divinely-inspired prophets, the holy vardapets, and found written in these books the time specified for the coming of the forces and soldiers of the Turks. He also learned of the impending destruction and end of the whole world. In these books he found written the following: "At that time they will flee from the east to the west, from the north to the south, and they will not find rest upon the earth, for the plains and the mountains will be covered with blood";3 and this is what Isaiah said: liThe hoofs of their stallions are unfaltering." 4 49. After this Senek'erim resolved to hand over the land of his ancestors to the Greek emperor Basil and in its stead to obtain Sebastia; so he immediately wrote to the emperor. When the emperor Basil heard this, he rejoiced greatly and gave the Armenian king Sebastia. In turn Senek'erim handed over the land of Vaspurakan to the emperor, including seventy-two regional fortresses and four thousand four hundred villages and the monasteries; he did not give up, but kept, one hundred and fifteen monasteries where prayers were said for him. 1 He gave all of this in writing to Basil. Then the emperor asked the Armenian king to send him David in royal splendor; so Senek'erim sent his son and with him the sons of the noblemen; the bishop, his lordship Eghishe; three hundred packmules, laden with treasure and various articles; and also one thousand Arabian horses. With such a splendid train David entered Constantinople. The city was stirred up and everyone came to meet him. The streets and palaces were decorated and the populace strewed money on him [as he went forth]. The emperor Basil rejoiced greatly when he saw David and, taking him to Saint Sophia, made him his adopted child, and the populace honored him as the emperor's son. Mter this Basil gave David many gifts and sent him back to his father, and he gave Senek'enm Sebastia with its innumerable surrounding districts. Senek'erim, going forth with his whole

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MATTHEW OF EDESSA

household and people,2 came to Sebastia; and thus Armenia was abandoned by its kings and princes.s

50. In the year 470 of the Armenian era [1021-1022] Basil went forth to the East with innumerable forces, demanding Ani and Kars from the Armenian king. John,l the son of Gagik, resolved to hand them over since he was a cowardly person.2 Mter this Basil returned to his country and wrote to George,S the Georgian king, to come to him in submission, which the king neither accepted nor undertook to do. 4 So the emperor came against him in battle. The Georgian forces in turn went against him; and ~at and Zoyat, brave men and brothers of Liparit,5 vehemently clashed with Basil's forces until ~at was killed, for his horse became caught in a muddy place and the brave Georgian perished there. Then the Georgian forces turned in flight; and Basil's troops, pursuing, slaughtered them. The emperor stayed there for three months until he had brought the Georgians to submission and after this he wintered in Trebizond. His lordship Peter,6 the Armenian catholicos, and the holy vardapet John Kozern went to the emperor Basil, carrying with them many religious objects, and the emperor received them with great honor. When the great feast day of the baptism of our Lord arrived, the emperor honored his lordship Peter and the Armenian vardapets; he had them seated in a higher position than the Greek prelates and, in the presence of his lordship Peter, ordered the water be blessed. When the catholicos poured the miwron 7 of the holy oil into the water and blessed it with the Holy Cross, 8 an intensely brilliant fIre appeared upon the water and the river became blocked up at one place and would not flow. 9 When the emperor and his troops saw this, they became terrified, and Basil, bowing down, poured the blessed water upon his own head under the guidance of his lordship Peter. After this the Armenian catholicos returned to Armenia laden with splendid gifts.1o Mer a while Basil in tum secretly went to Antioch, accompanied by three faithful men. Going up to the Black Mountains to a place called Paghakdziak,l1 he received Christian baptism from the superior and spiritual leader of the place and henceforth became like an adopted father of the Armenian nation. , . ,12 51. In the year 471 of the Armenian era [1022·1023] his lordship Sargis, the Armenian catholicos, died, and his lordship Peter1 was installed in his place as patriarch. In the same year a certain powerful magnate of the Greek nation, Nicephorus, surnamed

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ICrookneck,"2 rose up against Basil and summoned the Georgian king George and the sons of Gagik3 to ally themselves with him. Out of fear of this magnate David4 went over to him with the Armenian forces, and thus Basil was greatly alarmed. The emperor sent supplications to David so that he might extricate himself from this dangerous situation. On the other hand, Crookneck had a great liking for David and promised to install him on the throne of the Armenian kingdom, but David did not wish to break the pact he had with Basil. One day David went to Nicephorus's house on the pretext of inquiring about a disturbance, and Nicephorus, coming forth, embraced him and begged him to go back. But David signaled his men, and they immediately killed Crookneck;5 and his forces, having been scattered, fled. Basil, hearing this, rejoiced greatly and gave Caesarea,s Camndaw, and Khawatanek'7 with their surrounding districts to David as gifts. After this the emperor with many troops angrily marched against the Georgian king George, and a violent battle was fought before the fortress of Dziawik'.B Fleeing, George took refuge in this impregnable fortress and enrolled himself as a vassal of Basil, giving the emperor his son as hostage. Mter this Basil went to Persia and encamped before the gates of the town of Her, and it was summertime. One day a violent snowstorm fell upon the camp and the troops did not know what to do. So they turned and fled from this very dangerous situation, and in the meantime the land became flooded because of the enormous quantity of water. When the troops came to one place, they were unable to pass because of the mud and, gathered together here, did not know what to do. Then the emperor commanded Borne of the infantry be slaughtered; thirteen thousand men were slaughtered and were filled into that place, and the troops passed over them. Going forth from here, Basil wintered in Melitene. 9 52. In the year 471 of the Armenian era [1022-1023], during the reign of the Greek emperor Basil, a fearful and horrible omen appeared in the heavens and the wrath of God fell upon all living beings. On the third day of the month of October, at the third hour of the day, the upper firmament of the heavens was torn apart from east to west; and thus the blue sky was cleft in two. A dazzling light fell upon the earth from the northern portion of the sky, and the whole land shook with a tremendous movement. Before the light abated, a horrible roaring and reverberating sound fell upon all living creatures. Then the sun darkened and the stars appeared as in the

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MATTHEW OF EDESSA

night The whole land was filled with moumi;:, a~::he:ding~{~~~ tears' all the peoples cried out to God. Then, er e~ a~ . rinc~s and noblemen gathered together by order of t e eman ~in John and came before the holy vardape~ John Kozern , who was ~ d reliaiouB man and indeed filled WIth the knowledge of the a pIOUS an o· Arm' . me to apostolic and prophetic books. When the eman pnnces ca question him and to learn about the miraculous appea.rance ~nd t~e omen they saw the holy vardapet John prostrate on hIS face In grIef and ~eeping bitterly. When they questioned hi~, he answered them painfully and with heart-rending groans and SaId: "0 children listen to me. Misfortune and disaster have come to all mankind, for 'today is the thousandth year of the imprisonment ?f Satan, which our Lord Jesus Christ had brought about by. hIS crucifixion and especially by his holy baptism in the Jordan RIVer. Now Satan has been released from his imprisonment according to the testimony of the vision of the evangelist John, who was told by the angel of God that Satan would be imprisoned for one thousand years and then would be released from his imprisonment.! La, today Satan has been released from his thousand- year imprisonment. This is the year 478 of the Annenian era [1029-1030]; add to it the first five hundred and fifty two years, which comes out to one thousand and thirty years; then subtract thirty years for the period before the baptism of Christ, and you have 1000 years at the present. Now, because of the fulfillment of this prophec~ the rending of the heavens came about. Henceforth no one will be able to stand firm in the faith of Christ and in the commandments of God, patriarch or vardapet, bishop or priest, abegh ay 2 or monk, prince or people. Princes will band together with thieves, brigands, and plunderers, and judges will take bribes and give unjust verdicts. Monks will forsake the wilderness and monasteries and, trifling with worldly pursuits, will roam about the streets and among women. They will scorn prayers and forsake the discipline of their monastic life, delighting in the ways of the world and pursuing the praises of men. They will take ~at delight iJ.l dia~olic songs, becoming arrogant towards their fne~ds and ~aymg: I know about harmony and melody and you do not. F~r thIS reason they will destroy the rituals of the churches. There WIll be many despisers of learning, slothful and idle chatterers, grumblers and accusers; and nowhere will the truth appear among men,. for they wi~l be stubborn, selfish, despisers of friends, slanderers, mformers, hars, prideful, ambitious, presumptuous, conceited, greedy, drunkards, and lechers. My children, henceforth the

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glorification of God by mankind will cease, and truth will not appear among men. On the contrary, abominable and loathsome princes will become rash and fall into error. They will forsake their concern for the construction of buildings and for the successful outcome of their undertakings;3 instead they will evermore dally in drunkenness because of their love and desire for that evil and abominable disease. The patriarchs, bishops, priests, and monks will be more avaricious than pious. My children, henceforth the will of Satan shall be executed among the sons of man more than the will of God. By means of unworthy celebrants, which henceforth shall be the rule, God shall vent his anger upon all living creatures, especially upon those who celebrate the divine liturgy, since Christ shall be sacrificed by the unworthy and distributed to the unworthy. Our Lord Jesus Christ shall be wounded more by unworthy priests than he was by his torment and crucifixion at the hands of the Jews, since Satan has been freed from his thousand-year imprisonment in which Christ had bound him. My children, I disclose all of these things to you, weeping and lamenting with an oppressed heart, because many will be pulled away from the faith, boastfully denying Christ. Thus it is because of all these iniquities that darkness has taken hold of all creation,lI The holy Armenian vardapet spoke in this manner concerning the execution of the divine wrath. Moreover, he discoursed on many other misfortunes which would befall the faithful; 10, all of these things indeed came about, one after another, by the eruption of the ferocious and savage nation of the Turks, those wicked and abominable children of Ham. 4

53. In this same year of the horrible omen [about which we have spoken], the saintly Roman emperor Basil died,lhaving occupied the imperial throne of the Romans for fifty-eight years. 2 While he was still alive, he summoned his brother Constantine and placed the imperial crown on his head. He then installed Constantine on the imperial throne and prostrated himself [before his brother]. Basil entrusted his whole empire to Constantine and drew up a will in reference to Annenia, which directed the new emperor to watch over that nation with paternal care. Moreover, Basil entrusted to Constantine the Bans of Senek'erim-David, Atom, Abusahl, and Constantine-and also all the princes of the Armenian nation, enjoining his brother always to deal benevolently with the Christian faithful. Basil reigned over the Romans for fifty-eight years. He led a holy and chaste life and, having sincerely confessed his sins, went

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

M

'U d as buried next to the other sam Y an to sleep in Ch~st Jes?-sd memory (of his life and deeds]. emperors, leavmg behm a goo 1 . k' g Senek'erim also died, 54. In this same year the Armema? m the former and he was taken to the c~mete~ ofhlS :~~:s~~:~~ee:; of the Holy Armenian kings were buned at ~r~~> a tors The royal sover. . ldest son Cross' there he was buried next 0 16 ances eignt; of the Armenian nation was transferred to hIS e d Da\'id, because he was an illustrious and honorable man an one having a fearful reputation throughout the land. .

':I

55. In this same year the Georgian king George also died, and ~is son Hagrae was installed as his successor, reigning over the entIre country of the Georgians. 56. Now in this same year Constantine, l the brother of Basil, reigned over the whole empire of the Romans. Constantine w~s a kind and pious man, compassionate towards widows and captIves, and lenient towards all those guilty of crimes. For he had all those imprisoned released from their chains and also ordered the prison of the condemned-which Basil had built and which he had indeed filled up with Greek magnates-burned to the ground. Out of fear for his throne, Basil had secretly strangled the most illustrious personages of the Greek nation; their bodies, still clothed, were hanging by their necks on iron hooks. When Constantine saw this, he wept for them and ordered that they be buried and the prison burned to the ground. He found fault with his brother, saying: "When one is to die, why does he have to die so cruelly, since life itself is material and tra.nsitory anyway?" Constantine peacefully occupied the throne of the Roman empire and benevolently governed all the faithful of God. 2 Hav.ing occupied the throne of the empire for four years, he died in ChnBt Jesus, after having sincerely confessed his sins' thus leaving behind a good memory [of his life and deeds], he joined his ~cestors. Ind~d there was great sorrow in the country, which had been depnved of such an emperor. While Constantine was still alive he had given his daughter Zoe in marriage to the illustrious magn~te, Romanus, because he did not have a son. So Romanus3 occupied the throne of the Roman empire, and the whole land submitted to him. 57. In the year 479 of the Armenian era [1030-1031] the Roman emperor Romanus collected all the forces of the country of the

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Greeks. He marched forth with an army and reached the country of the Muslims, and he came and encamped against the impregnable fortress called 'Azaz, near the city of Aleppo. The Muslim forces gathered together with a very great army and came against the emperor Romanus. The emperor, becoming frightened, did not go forth in battle against the Muslim forces and thus was cowardly and vacillated;l for he was a weak and timid person, besides being very malicious and a notorious blasphemer of the Orthodox faith. 2 Because of all this, his troops were in disagreement with him and so they resolved to abandon him during the battle in the midst of the Muslim forces and to flee from the combat so that the wicked emperor would perish. Then one of the chiefs of the army, who was called Abukab and who had formerly been the tent-guard of David the curopalates of the Georgians, warned Romanus of the perfidiousness of his troops.s When the emperor heard this, he became greatly frightened and, rising up, fled during the night, accompanied by the nobles of his court. Hearing of the emperor's flight, the Muslim forces pursued the Roman army and caused a severe slaughter, as many as twenty thousand men; thus the Roman forces were scattered over the whole land.' After fourteen days a certain peasant from the town of Cyrrhus5 discovered the emperor Romanus, who had taken refuge among some trees; he had grown so numb from the cold that he seemed to be dead. Leaving his work, the peasant took the emperor to his home, cured him, and brought him back to life; however, he did not know who Romanus was. After a few days the peasant took the emperor and sent him off with some men. When Romanus reached the city of Marash, the remnants of his forces gathered around him and took him to Constantinople. After a number of days had gone by, the emperor summoned that peasant and made him commander of the district of Cyrrhus and then, thanking him, sent him back to his home with splendid gifts. 58. At the beginning of the year 480 of the Armenian era [10311032] the emir of the city of Edessa, whose name was Shabal, died. In this period two emirs resided in Edessa, Shabal and 'Utair. There were three citadels in the city of Edessa; two citadels and two quarters of the city belonged to Shabal, while one citadel and one quarter of the city belonged to 'Utiar. Now each was resolved to destroy the other. So one day 'Utiar invited Shabal to dinner, taking him outside the city to a place called the Monastery of Archich, where there was a stone column right opposite the citadel. Both men had

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placed each of their forces in an amb~s~, u~~own. t,o ?ne an?ther. When Shabal signaled his forces to kIll Utal.f, UtIDr s ImmedIate~y came forth and killed Shabal. Then 'Utair gathered togeth?r hlS troops against the chief citadel belonging to Shabal and was Intent on taking it by assault, A certain Salman was the ~oIll;ma,:der of ~e upper citadel, and in a severe assault 'Utair pu\ hlm In ~lre stral~s. Being weak, Salman sent to Na~ir-ad-Daulah, the chlef,Mushm emir who resided in Maiyafariqin, and handed over the cltadel of Ede;sa to him. Na~ir·ad-Daulah in tum sent the prefeceBal-al-Ra'is to the citadel of Edessa with a thousand horsemen and had Salman brought to him, together with his wife and children, giving Salman splendid gifts. Thus 'Utair was able to do nothing; so he feigned an accord with the prefect Bal-al-Ra'ls, secretly resolving to kill him, When Bal-al-Ra'is heard this, while both men were seated at a banquet outside the city, he killed the emir 'Utair and seized control of the whole city of Edessa. However, when the wife of'Utair saw that her husband had been killed, she bravely rose up agai~st Bal-al-Ra'is and, raising a black3 standard, made an appeal to all the Arabs, saying: "The Turkish nation has come and seized the ancestral city of the Arabs' and they have killed my husband, the emir 'Utair." In this way she was able to gather together many troops and, going forth, came against Bal-al~'IB. When Nii~ir·ad-Daulah heard this, he came against the Arabs wlth many troops. 'Utair's wife marched against Na~ir-ad-Daulah and in a violent battle turned him in flight; then she came and descended ~pon the prefect Bal-al-Ra'is, launching a formidable assault agamet the citadel. Being weak, Bal-aI-Ra'rs was not able to ?nd a way.out of the situation; so, sending to Na~ir-ad-Daulah, he ~nf0:med hl~ of the dangerous situation he was in and said: "I am l~ due stralts and with me all of Kurdistan,lI Not being too strong hlmself, Ni.i~i~ad-Daulah sent Salman to the citadel of Edessa and had Bal-a~-~als, bro~ght back to his town of Maiyafariqin. Neverthe~ss, 'Utalr s WIfe dld not cease battling against Salman day after t a~h Fi.;;lly Salman, exhausted by her assaults, sent to Samosata o t e h~an commander Maniaces,6 also called George Salma~ wro . emperor h' eht 0 1m ' . and said'. IIlfyou can 0 bt· am f rom the Roman ~d::68.1~:ltiona~d thellcommand of, a district for me, I will deliver h 0 your ands. When Mamaces heard this he became ve Rappy and solemnly promised that he would obtain for him from t~ oman emperor all that he ask d £ ., children hereditary lands and a hie or~ ~vmg to him and to his gh posltion. So Salman summoned

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Maniaces and handed over the citadel of Edessa to him. The Roman commander went forth with four hundred men and at night secretly came to the gates of the citadel. Since Salman knew of his coming, he took the keys of the citadel and went to Maniaces; then he prostrated himself before the Roman commander and turned over the citadel to him. On the same night Salman took his wife and children and passed over to Samosata. When the Muslims heard of the coming of Maniaces, they set up a formidable resistance against the Roman commander; numerous companies of troops gathered against Edessa, and as the Muslims attacked the city, many of their number who lived there left. But the Syrians fortified themselves in the Cathedral of Saint Sophia; for, because of their women and having much gold and silver, they did not dare enter into the citadel, being afraid that their possessions would be seized. Nevertheless, a few days after, many of them together with all their possessions perished by fire. Those who remained took refuge in the citadel with Maniaces and were thus saved. For the Muslims had organized a great assault against the Cathedral of Saint Sophia, placing a catapult against the northern wall and vehemently bombarding the church until it was completely demolished; then, throwing fire inside, they had burned many to death, and thus innumerable possessions and provisions belonging to the city's inhabitants had been destroyed. After this episode all the Muslims were roused and came against Maniaces. Yet the Roman magnate, trapped in the citadel of Edessa with four hundred men, displayed tremendous courage. The most eminent emirs arrived from their respective territories6 to the city of Edessa, from Egypt and from the whole country of the Babylonians. Even Shabal of Harran, who had been wounded by one of Maniaces' servants, a man called Uzar, came; this man had come in the capacity of a messenger and thus was without suspicion and, when he approached the emir, attacked him, striking him upon the shoulder with an axe; then this servant of Maniaces rushed to the moat of the town with the rapidity of an eagle and took refuge in it, but his horse perished because of a severe wound. [Here are the other distinguished Muslims who marched against Edessa]: the emir Salil1 came from Aleppo, Mahmud from Damascus Muhammad from Horns, al-'Azlz from Egypt, 'All from Manbij, 'Abouliah from Baghdad, Quraysh from Mosul, Na~ir·ad· Daulah from Maiyafariqin, 'All from Amida, Bashlr from JazlratIbn-'Umar 7 Al.mad from Khlat', Zura8 from Balish,9 ~usain from Her, , ~. af Ct' h 10 Kutana from Salmast, Ahi8 from Arzan, Ahvar rom eSlp on,

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Ahlu8 from Basra,l1 Vreayn8 from Kerkeser,12 Shavar from ~isibis, and forty more emirs. All these emirs gathered together ag~mst the citadel of Edessa and harassed it throughout the summer wIth many assaults, 59 After a number of days the Muslims resolved to burn down the entir~ city and then withdraw. However, the inhabita.nts, b! means of many entreaties and bribes, prevented them from domg this. They said that the Romans, surrounded by Muslim territories, would not be able to hold Edessa, but in a short time would be forced to abandon the city and flee, everyone returning to his own countr)r. These words sounded reasonable to the Muslim emirs. So, after many harassments and assaults, all the Muslim forces returned to their respective lands. Maniaces, ensconced in the citadel of Edessa, fought on, while the natives of the city and the surrounding region continued to fight back day and night. At one point Maniaces and his men were put in dire straits, for the provisions of the citadel were exhausted; thus they were forced to go into the houses of the city in order to look for provisions.! At this time the emperor sent for Salmlln and, taking him and his sons, elevated them to high positions and gave them command over many districts, and so they became Christians. Every year the emperor sent reinforcements to Edessa, and he had a fortress built in his name, calling it Romanopolis. 2 Nevertheless, the Arabs of the adjoining areas harassed the Roman forces a great deal along the route from Samosata to Edessa. Every year an innumerable amount of Christians were slaughtered; words d? not B~ce to relate how the bones of those that perished appeared plIed up hke a heap of stones, Thus Maniaces was in great danger. So the emperor Romanus resolved to bring provisions into the city on the backs of men. During the night sixty thousand Roman provision 3 bearers came and, passing over the Euphrates River, advanced towards Edessa. Now there was not one village in the surrounding co~n~7side except for Ltar:~ When the Romans reached Parsur, I) ShlPlP fell upon-t?em aud, pursuing them right up to Desnadzor,7 slaugh~ered th.e SIxty thousand provision bearers. Edessa was in such dtre str~lts as this until the city became strengthened and finally v~nqU1shed the enemy. Then the emperor made peace with t~e M~8hm~, ~nd so tranquillity reigned in Edessa and the persecution 0 Chnst1a~s ceased., This all took place during the reign of ~~ Ba~atum an~ dunng the patriarchate of his lordship Peter, e rmeman cathohcos. Nevertheless, in the reign of Tughrul~ the

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sultan of the Persian empire, 9 the city of Edessa was captured by the 10 Mu;slims. Final~y, after all the afflictions, hardships, and torments whIch brave Mamaces had endured, Romanus replaced him and gave the command of Edessa to Abukab, the tent-guard of David the curopalates. 60. At the beginning of the year 481 of the era of the Armenian calendar [1032-1033] there was a severe famine throughout the entire land. Many people died because of this famine and many sold their women and children for want of bread. Because of the intensity of the hardships, whenever one spoke, he yielded up his soul. In this manner the land was consumed by famine. 61. In the year 484 of our era [1035-1036] the emperor Romanus died1 because of a perfidious plot by his empress. For this impious woman gave the emperor poison to drink, thus killing him. 2 So Michae13 was installed on the throne of the Greek empire by order of his empress, 4 who was the daughter of Constantine. 62. In this period king David, the son of the Annenian king Senek'erim, died and passed on his hereditary sovereignty to his brother Atom. This Atom was filled with virtue, justice, and saintly conduct in Jesus Christ; moreover, he was imbued with gentleness and graciousness, was compassionate towards the afflicted, a supporter of the poor, a protector of monks, and [last but not least] a builder of churches and monasteries. 63. In the year 484 of the Armenian era [1035-1036] the Muslims marched forth with many troops and came against Edessa. They passed over to the other side of the great Euphrates River and, by the sword and enslavement, subjected the whole land to devastation. Many Christians were led into captivity to the country of the Muslims. Moreover, the Muslims ravaged Alar1 and Sewawerak. and filled the fountains and water-conduits of these towns with blood. Because of all this severe slaughter, the land flowed with the blood of the Christians. In this same year the Roman forces gathered together and came against the Muslims, and their general was the brother2 of Michael the Roman emperor. With a large number of horsemen he reach~d the town of Melitene, but he became frightened and did not go up against the Muslims in battle. When t~e ~uslim troops heard this, they returned to their own country. ThIS IS what

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the Roman troops did; and they did not dare enter the territories of the Muslims, rather they peacefully withdrew in order to return to their own country. On their return they plundered the Christians more than the Muslim army had. s 64. At the date of our calendar marked by the year 485 of the Armenian era [1036-1037] the sun darkened with a frightful and horrible appearance. For, as it became dark at the crucifixion of Christ, in the same manner the sun's light was hidden and darkness clothed it. The luminaries of the heavens turned gloomy and black, and the whole sky was stretched out like a vault in darkness. The sun became blackened at midday and all the stars appeared in toto as they would in the middle of the night. The darkness and gloom grew intense, all creatures cried together, and all the mountains and hills resounded. The mountains and all the rocks, shaken [to their foundations], trembled; the vast large Mediterranean Sea, moving back and forth, billowed, and all mankind mourned and wept. It happened that, when mankind sawall this, it was horror-struck with fear as if dead. At that time the son wept for his father and the father wept over his son. Boys terrified with fear fell into the laps of their parents. Mothers, afllicted with a severe consumption as if by fire, wept before their sons. In such a manner all creatures were horror-struck and were beset by fear, and they could not find an escape. Frightened by the horrible omen, they were altogether stupefied and horror-struck. At that time the Armenian patriarch, his lordship Peter, and King John sent eminent men to John the holy Armenian vardapet, l called Kozern, so that they might learn from him the interpretation of this extraordinary omen. For he was a holy man and admired for his austere conduct, an interpreter of the Old and New Testaments of God, and filled with doctrinal graces. Indeed those who were sent to the Annenian vardapet-Gregory Magistros, son of Vasak; the eminent Sargis of the race of Hayk; and also many Armenian noblemen and priests-were sent so that they might learn about the second appearance of this fearful omen. When they went to the Armenian vardapet, they found him prostrate and in deep sorrow, and his gannent was drenched in tears. Because of the profuseness of his weeping and the heavy groans which arose from his mouth, no one dared to ask him anything. For they saw that he was in deep mourning and in tremendous grief and was ceaselessly shedding tears and beating his breast. At this point the Armenian princes sat next

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to the vardapet John and up to the sixth hour of the day they did not dare say anything or ask about the fearful omen; all those who had come to him [merely] wept together. Then, when the Armenian vardapet saw the lamentation of all those who had come, opening his mouth, he began to speak, while groaning and shedding many tears. He wept over all the nations of the faithful; he wept over the priestly order, over the destruction of the purity of the holy sacrament; he wept over the church of God and over the dissolution of the divine precepts which had been kept by the church. Then he began to speak to the Annenian princes in the following manner: ·'0 my illustrious sons, listen to these words of the distressed and grieved John. For today the thousand years of the torments of the crucifixion of Christ have been completed and also the releasing of Belial, who had been confined by the Savior in the Jordan River, [has come about]. This is what was shown to us by the first omen forty years before, as we predicted, and now once again the omen has repeated itself; for first the heavens were rent and the earth became obscured. In this year the luminaries became darkened and also all of creation; for henceforth all the nations who believe in Christ will walk. in darkness. Also henceforth the institutions of the church of Christ will be obscured by all the nations of believers. They will slacken from fasting and prayers and will no longer believe in the future life. Fear for the judgement of God will be scorned, and true faith will disappear from all the nations. Piety will grow weak; people will loath the precepts of God and will be hostile to the words of the Holy Gospel of Christ. Everyone will put themselves in opposition to the holy precepts of God and will scorn the words of the holy vardapets and will disregard the commandments of the canons of the holy patriarchs. Because of this, many will fall from the heights of faith and will stay away from the doors of the holy church; because of the negligence of fasting and prayers, they will become blind to the true religion. Many will come under the yoke of anathemas, for they will not accede to the divine counsel of the words of the holy prelates. Sons will be cursed by their parents because they do not obey them, and· parents will be tormented by their offspring. The compassion of love for friends will fade from fathers and from their children. Henceforth many schisms will enter the church of God because of the negligence of the patriarchs; for they will become feeble and weak and will not inquire into the faith, rather they will become brainless as fools. For the sake of silver they

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will forsake the faith, and benedictions will diminish from the house of God. The fear and the horrible dread of God's judgement on that fearful day, which is to come about, will disappear and be abolished from all minds. IIPeople will forget the recompense of the upright and of the sinners, for they will be sinful and covetous of the evil way. With longing they will go to the meeting place of sin, for the land will be polluted by the kings, princes, and prelates. The prelates and princes will become open to bribery, liars, and perjurers and, [falling] into the hand of bribers, shall pervert their judgments of the rights due to the poor. Because of this, God will be even more angry at them, since they exercise their leadership and power with partiality and not according to [the will ofJ God. They will rule over the destinies [of .men] with absolute power, rather than directing and teaching them in the fear of God as the holy apostle Paul commanded. The princes and the judges will become whoremongers rather than godly men. They will scorn holy marriage and cling to the disease of harlotry and will glory in the ruin of people like themselves. They will honor traitors and thieves and will unjustly seize the possessions of laborers; (finally] they will be more strict in their judgments than is necessary in order to carry out justice. "My dear children, henceforth the doors of the holy church will be closed because of the disputes between the spiritual leaders, and the holy institutions [of the church] will be abolished from every nation. Because of avariciousness, they will ordain many unworthy people and will bring all the defiled ones into the priesthood. Then the divine liturgy of Christ will be in the hands of unworthy priests; and many will undeservingly take communion from them, not for salvation but for the condemnation and destruction of their souls. In some places and among different nations there will be found tme celebrants of the holy mystery of Christ, through whom God will have mercy on the world. My children, they will hurt the saintly and virtuous; they will turn away the pure from the priesthood because they do not have money and will not ordain them. As we said forty years ago, when the other omen appeared, many will fall away from their faith and religion, and the clergy will grow slack in their religious practice. They shall become lecherous, longing after perversions, and will take great delight in diabolical songs. Monks shall flee from the wilderness and scorn the holy company of hermits. They will scorn and dishonor the habits of former religious people. They shall become confounders of order and piety and shall eschew

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the psalm-singing of God. All these things shall take place, my children. Because of this, the spiritual leaders of the cOWltry will be fIlled with avariciousness. They will promote all those fallen and separated from the grace of God the Son and will bring them into the priestly order. All the rejected ones they will place over the people of God as chiefs and leaders. They will not know what they do, for they will be blinded by the intensity of their avariciousness. "I have even more to say concerning all these things. For henceforth Christ will be pierced with a great wound by Wlworthy priests even more horribly than his crucifixion and suffering at the hands of the Jews; for whatever is lacking in the Jews will be supplied by these unworthy priests. The following words will be heard: 'Friend, why have you come to this marriage banquet?' Then, tying his feet and hands, they will throw him into the darkness outside, and that which he gathered will be heaped upon him for his destruction. 2 My dear children, all this will take place in the final days, since Satan has been released from his thousand-year confinement in which Christ kept him through his crucifixion. Nevertheless, there will appear true believers in Christ who will stand against Satan in combat. For Satan's goal is to battle against the saints who, protected by the precepts of God, persist in the norms of the true confession of Christ our God and exist in different nations. Henceforth there will take place invasions by the infidels, the abominable forces of the Turks, the accursed sons of Ham, against the Christian nations; and the whole land will be consumed by the sword. All the nations of the Christian faithful will suffer through famine and enslavement. Many regions will become uninhabited. The power of the saints will be removed from the land and many churches will be destroyed to their foundations. The mystery of the cross of Christ will be annulled; and, as wickedness increases, the feast days of the saints will be suspended. Sons will be incited against their fathers and fathers will hate their sons. Brothers will rise up against one another and will attempt to destroy each other by homicide and bloodshed; they will disavow the compassion and love of brotherliness; the blood of their brotherly bond will dry up, and by acts such as these they shall become as the wicked. The land will be thrown into confusion by wicked nations; bloody dew will cover the plants of the fields, and the land will be ravaged by the sword and enslavement for sixty years. "Then the valiant nation called the Franks will rise up; with a great number of troops they will capture the holy city of Jerusalem,

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and the holy sepulcher which contained God will be freed from bondage.3 After all this the land will be tormented with the sword and enslavement for fIfty years by the forces of the Persians, and this suffering shall be seven times more than that which the faithful had formerly endured. Thus all the nations ofthe Christian faithful will be terrified. Because of the tremendous amount of harassment, the Roman forces will despair and will suffer much death and slaughter at the hands of the Persians. Their choice soldiers will be killed by the sword and enslavement, until the Roman forces finally give up all hope of salvation. But, after some4 years, they will begin gradually to strengthen themselves, and the remnants of their fanner regiments will be found everywhere. Year by year they will advance gradually and establish themselves as rulers in various lands and regions. At that time the Roman emperor will be awakened as if from a sleep and, like an eagle, rapidly come against the Persians with a very great army, as numerous as the sands of the seashore. He will march forth like a burning fire, and all creatures will tremble in fear of him. The Persians and all the forces of the infidels will flee to the other side of the Pyramus River. Then the Roman emperor will completely rule over the whole country for many years. He will restore the whole land and lay the foundations for [future] prosperity; and in that way it will be renewed as it was before the flood. 6 The offspring of men and beasts will multiply, and the springs will gush forth with water. The fIelds will produce more than before. From then on famine will come upon the country of the Persians for many years, to such an extent that people will attack and devour one another. Out of fear of the might of the Roman emperor many Persian chiefs will leave their towns and regions and, without warring, flee to the other side of the Pyramus River. All their accumulated treasures of gold and silver collected for many years, that is the entire mass of their treasure-an amount immeasurable like dust and pebbles-the Romans will take from Persia and carry off to their country. All the infants, little girls, and women will be carried off in bondage to the country of the Romans. Persia will be devastated and made desolate by the Roman forces, and the whole sovereignty of the land will be firmly under the aegis of the Roman emperor." 6 The holy vardapet John spoke these things in this manner. After this he let the Armenian princes go, sending them away in peace, and so they went back to their own country. 65. In this period1 the Armenian prince Gandzi collected troops

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and, going forth, captured from the Persians the town of Berkri, 2 located in the East. He slaughtered the whole town in toto and consumed the forces of the Muslims with the sword. For many days he battled against the citadel and put its occupants in dire straits, many perishing in the moat. However, during these assaults the Armenian troops were negligent and in a heavy state of intoxication. Khetrik, who was the emir of the town of Berkri, seeing the disorderly state of the Annenian troops, sent a message to his townspeople to come to his aid. The infidels gathered together and came forth and found the Armenians totally unprepared [for battle]. In the morning they attacked the Christian forces and severely slaughtered them. On that day the distinguished Armenian prince, Gandzi, was killed, and his son Tachat inherited his lands. In this way Gandzi and all his forces perished in the town of Berkri. 3 66. At the beginning of the year 486 of the Armenian era [1037· 1038] his lordship Peter, the Annenian catholicos, secretly left his see and went to Vaspurakan because of some difficulties. For the king, all the lords, and the military magnates of Armenia would not heed the divine precepts of God. 1 His lordship Peter was in Vaspurakan for four years and stayed in the Monastery of Dzor, 2 which the holy patriarch Nerses 3 had built. There was incalculable sorrow in Armenia due to his leaving the patriarchal see. Then King John and all the Armenian lords wrote a deceitful letter to his lordship Peter, saying that they were obedient to his precepts and followers of the enlightened doctrine which he expounded. They wrote this letter, taking a solemn oath, and they set up as mediators the Roman commanders, who had come to the country as military governors. His lordship Peter was deceived by their false oath and returned to his see. When he was about to enter the city of Ani, his lordship Peter was put in prison for a year and five 4 months by order of King John. The king sent to the Monastery of Sanahin5 and had brought back the distinguished Dioscorus, the superior of that monastery. He came and was set up as the adversary of his lordship Peter. Dioscorus was installed as catholicos on the patriarchal see of the Armenians for one year and two months, but not in accordance with the will of God. Because of all this, this eminent orator Dioscorus became very greatly deceived and lost the immeasurable respect which he had [in the past], and there was no one who would accept ordination from him, which indeed was the prerogative of the holy see. His name was not proclaimed in the churches with the other patriarchs, for he was

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regarded as unworthy of that honor. Thus there was great sorrow throughout Armenia. The bishops, priests, and chief prelates were not present at his consecration. He in turn, defying everyone, ordained unworthy people to the episcopate. Also he called to his side all those who, because of their public sins, had been removed from their positions by former patriarchs. On the other hand, the bishops and vardapets of Annenia excommunicated the king and all the Annenian lords because of the antagonisms which had developed within the church. Then the king and the Armenian princes, trembling from fear of these anathemas, became willing to return his lordship Peter to his see, but for many days he did not take it upon himself [to go]. Everyone asked him for forgiveness, but he absolutely refused. Then the king and all the Armenian princes wrote a letter to the Albanians and summoned his lordship Joseph, the catholicos of the country of the Albanians, so that he might come and intercede on their behalf and install his lordship Peter in the city of An1.· 6 67. In the year 487 of the Armenian era [1038-1039] a great assembly of bishops, chief prelates, monks, vardapets, noblemen, and princes took place in the city of Ani, as many as four thousand persons. The elderly Joseph, catholicos of the Albanians, presided over this assembly. The assembly brought much grief upon Dioscorus, for it vehemently condemned him, refused to honor him, and deposed him from the patriarchal see. All those ordained by Dioscoms were excommunicated and not one of these was allowed to perform his priestly function. His lordship Peter was installed as Dioscorus's successor on the patriarchal see, and thus peace was reestablished in the holy church of Armenia. Dioscorus went back to Sanahin, his monastery, very much ashamed of what he had done. 1 68. In the year 489 of the Armenian era [1040-1041] a comet with a brilliant appearance became visible. It appeared in the western portion of the sky at the beginning of the evening and moved along, following a backward path. It touched the Pleiades1 and the moon and then, turning towards the west, disappeared. 69. In the same year the Bulgars rose up against the Romans. The Roman emperor Michael collected troops from the whole empire of the Greeks and with a very great army went against the Bulgars. Full of rage he devastated and enslaved many regions and, sword in

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hand, reached the borders of the Bulgar kingdom. The forces of the Bulgars in turn gathered together against the Greek emperor. On that day a severe slaughter took place. The Bulgar forces defeated the Roman troops and caused them to flee, pursuing them with the sword. On that day all the plains were covered with blood, and the emperor Michael took refuge in Constantinople. Thus the Bulgars strengthened themselves at the expense of the Greeks, recaptured their own country, and were delivered from servitude to the Romans. 70. In this same year the Armenian king Ashot Bagratuni,1 the son of Gagik and the brother of John, died. He left behind his Bon, named Gagik,2 who was fIfteen years of age. ABhot was brought to the city of Ani and was buried in the vaults of former Armenian kings. During his lifetime Ashot did not enter the city of Ani except on the day of his death because John greatly feared him, for he was a brave and mighty man. Mter the death of Ashot the Armenian forces grew slack and scorned the art of war. They became subject to the Roman yoke, they reveled in drunkenness, and they took delight in citternsS and in the songs of singers. They departed from the unity [they had maintained] with one another and they no longer came to each other's aid. They [merely] shed tears for the land which was being put to the sword, weeping together for its destruction and at the same time delivering up one another to the sword of the Greek nation; they thus despoiled their kin and went over to the side of their enemies. 71. In this period the great emir of the Persians, Abu'l-Dswar,l collected troops from the nation of the infidels, as many as one hundred and fIfty thousand. Full of rage he came and attacked the Christians. With venomous wrath he entered the country of the Albanians into the region held by David Anhoghin2 and brought much affiiction to the faithful. David, fearing the enormous number of the infidel forces, did not go forth in battle. On the other hand, the wicked Abu'l-Uswar captured many districts and four hundred regional fortresses. Remaining there for one year, he brought the greater part of the country under his subjection and was intent on marching against David. David, being powerless, sent to King John, who reigned in Ani, and said to him: "Abu'I· Uswar has captured all the regions of Armenia and is coming against me. If you do not aid me, I will go to him in submission, will serve him as a guide, and thus bring desolation upon your district of Shirak..lIs When John

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heard this, he sent four thousand men to David. Likewise David sent to the ruler of Kapan,4 and he in turn gave him two thousand men. In this manner he threatened the king of the Abkhazes,6 and that king sent four thousand men to his aid. Then David himself collected his troops, as many as ten thousand, and sent to the catholicos of the Albanians, saying: "This nation of infidels comes against us because of our Christian faith and they are intent on destroying the ordinances of the worshipers of the cross and on exterminating the Christian faithful. It is fitting and right for all the faithful to go forth with their swords and to die for their Christian faith. Now gather together all the Armenian bishops who are in the country of the Albanians and come to our camp so that you might die with us." The catholicos did all this, and with two hundred bishops his lordship Joseph went to the camp of the Christians. He wrote to the superiors of the monasteries to come together with all their monks and join the Christian forces. He brought together all the priests and deacons of the country of the Albanians and proclaimed throughout all the regions, saying: "If there be any man or woman desirous of a martyr's death, 10, the opportunity [for such a martyrdom] has presented itself to us at this time. Whoever is devoted to Christ 7 let him immediately come to us." Having heard this, fathers with their sons and mothers with their daughters came to the camp of the faithful. The plain was completely filled with a very great throng, like [huge] flocks with their lambs. Having learned of this, Abul-Uswar mocked at all that was taking place, and advanced and came against the forces of the Christians. Then David commanded that it be proclaimed to the bishops, monks, and priests that each one take in his hands as his weapon of battle only a cross and the Gospels of Christ and with these march against the swords of the enemy. So the whole camp took up the cross and the Gospels; the forces of the wicked approached, and the multitude of priests stood opposite them. David, in turn, with twenty thousand brave men went against the infidels. When the two armies engaged one another in combat, the priests in unison raised their voices to God, weeping. The land resounded with their voices, and they said: "Arise, Lord, help us and save us for the glory of your holy name." The forces of the faithful then plunged into the midst of the army of the infidels as one would plunge into the sea and disappeared [among them]. Then the priests in unison moved the Christian cross back and forth and, going towards the enemy, fell upon them. A burning

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zeal took hold of them and they struck at the infidels, and the infidels in toto turned back in flight. The Annenian forces pursued them sword in hand and for five days frightfully slaughtered the infidel troops to such an extent that the plains and mountains were covered with blood. They seized innumerable treasures of gold and silver and much booty, while the remaining Persian troops, narrowly escaping with their lives, naked and barefooted, took refuge in their own country. The country of the Albanians stank. because of their filthy corpses. In three days David had control of all the districts which the infidels had formerly captured and with splendid gifts sent away all the troops who had come to his aid. From the booty [he had taken] he distributed many articles to the bishops, priests, and to all those who had come to him, and then sent them away. Thus peace was reestablished. 72. In this same year a certain wicked and evil prince from the noblemen of Senek'erim went to the Greek emperor and severely denounced Atom and Abusahl, the sons of Senek'erim, saying: "They are intent on rebelling against you and thus causing you annoyance and trouble." The emperor Michael, having heard this, believed these falsely spoken words. He sent his acolyth 1 to Sebastia with fifteen thousand men to bring them to him so that they might not escape, and the acolyth reached the city of Sebastia with his troops. When the sons of Senek'erim heard this, they became stupefied and at the same time frightened. They saw that the prudence of the acolyth was not equal to theirs and thus were afraid to go with him. 73. Then prince Shapuh said to Atom and Abusahl: "Do you wish me to scatter the Roman forces throughout the fields?" As he said this, he put seven coats of mail one on top of the other and struck them with his sword, breaking off pieces of the iron mail. The sons of the Armenian king said: "Let it not be this way, rather we will go with those summoning us." They gave many gifts to the Roman general and went with him to Constantinople. Upon entering the city, they went weeping to the tomb of the emperor Basil and threw the paper containing the oath given to them on it.! Then they said: "You have brought us to the country of the Romans, and they threaten us with death. 0 our father, vindicate us before our accusers!" The emperor Michael, hearing such wisdom, marvelled greatly and ordered the denouncer done away with.

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74. In the year 490 of the Armenian calendar and era [1041-1042] the Armenian king John died and was buried in the city of Ani in the vaults of former Armenian kings. He was the brother of Ashot, the son of Gagik, who in turn was the son of Ashot, 1 son of 5mbat, son of Ashot the Iron of Bagratid lineage. When the nation of the Romans heard of his death, the emperor Michael collected troops. He came to Armenia and devastated it with the sword and enslavement. For John, while he was alive, had given to the Romans a written statement declaring that after his death Ani would belong to them; in return for this promise he received gifts from the Romans for :fIfteen years and also a high rank} After the death of John one of the princes of Armenia, a perfidious man named Azat3 Sargis' of the lineage of Hayk, infonned the Romans that he would give them Annenia as a gift. He seized the treasury of the former Armenian kings and carried it off to the Abkhazes and ensconced himself in a fortress. He brought under his control many country towns5 and was intent on reigning over the Armenians. But the Bagratid dynasty would not accept him, for he was of the lineage of Hayk. 6 75. In this same year there was much slaughter in Armenia because of David Anhoghin, high official of the Armenian king John. Rising up against the Armenian kingdom, he subjected many regions to the sword and to enslavement, and with many troops came and passed into Armenia; for, having left the country of the Albanians, he had come against Armenia. These regions were burned [and devastated] by his troops, who caused much suffering and innumerable fires there. After this he returned to the country of the Albanians to his own home. 76. In this same year for the second time the Romans marched against Armenia, and because there was no commander for the Arm.enian forces, many places submitted to the Romans; now, because of this, great destruction was brought upon Armenia. At that time one hundred thousand Roman troops gathered against the royal city of Ani and encamped before its gates. The remnants of the Armenian forces gathered around the great commander-in-chief Vahram Pahlawuni1 and begged him to go forth in battle against the Roman army, for the Roman forces had come to battle against them with violent blaspheming and many insults. So the Armenian forces became filled with rage; and, furious with wrath like ferocious beasts, thirty thousand men, both foot soldiers and horsemen, went forth in

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total battle array towards the gate called Tsaghik. 2 Like lightening they threw themselves upon the Roman troops and turned in flight those very arrogant and haughty forces, pitilessly slaughtering them with the edge of the sword. The Akhurian River,which was located nearby, was turned into blood. Because of the cries of the ferocious Annenian troops, the fugitives were unable to flee, but rather stood stupefied and were delivered to the mercy of the sword. This was a very frightful day for the Roman forces, for out of twenty thousand men only one hundred remained. Then the saintly and distinguished commander-in-chief, Vahram Pahlawuni, interceded and with many supplications made entreaties to the Armenian forces through a deputation; he was barely able to get them to agree to allow the Roman troops to withdraw [unhannedl. In this way the remnants of the Roman troops were saved. No longer did the Roman forces seek to capture the city of Ani; rather they turned back humiliated and went to Constantinople to [the emperor] Michael. 77. At that time a lad eighteen years old, named Gagik, l from the same scion of the Bagratids, appeared. He was the son of King Ashot, who was the son of Gagik, son of Ashot,2 son of Abas, son of 5mbat, son of Ashot the Iron. This lad Gagik was very wise, pious, and religious. All the Armenian lords assembled before the patriarch his lordship Peter, and Gagik was anointed king over all Armenia by the grace of the Holy Spirit and at the behest of the distinguished prince;s thus at his behest the virtuous and illustrious Peter4 anointed Gagik. This [distinguishedl prince was of the lineage of Hayk and a Pahlavid by descent. His name was Gregory like his ancestor, and he was of the lineage of Saint Gregory.s He shone forth as a second Samuel, he who anointed David king over all Israel. 6 This prince, who was very pious, religious, and invincible among learned men, made Gagik king over Armenia. Using his wisdom, he endeavored to establish on a finn base the throne of the kingdom of the Armenian nation and begged God to aid him, as well as the Pahlavid dynasty. 78. At that time Gagik, supported by his troops, seized Sargis and subjected him to various kinds of tortures, until against his will the Annenian king obtained control of the fortresses, districts, towns, and his entire hereditary treasury, all of which Sargis had seized. At this time, because of the benevolent will of God, the Roman forces became pacified, and they no longer continued to seek after the city of Ani and to make war upon the Armenians. By that time, through the

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grace of the Holy Spirit, two successful years of the reign of Gagik had gone by. Indeed, in these days King Gagik collected troops, and went and marched through the country of his ancestors, bringing all the rebellious to submission and fiercely pushing back his enemies. Going forth with a great number of troops, he encamped in the province of Ayrarat in order to wreak vengeance upon the nation of the south.! Then the illustrious prince Gregory, the son of Vasak Pahlawuni, prepared for battle and, going forth with his troops, encamped near the Hrazdan River not far from the great fortress of Bjni. The infidel forces came against the Armenian troops and a severe battle took place. The Armenian troops defeated the Persian forces, causing a great slaughter on the banks of the Hrazdan River and taking prisoner the Turkish chiefs, after which the remnants [of the infidels] fled to Persia. 79. At that time, inspired by evil thoughts, the Greeks once again were stirred up [against the Armenians] through the treachery and hypocrisy of the deceitful Christian, David Anhoghin. It has become necessary for us to change his name and call him Dawit'/because he put the Christian peoples into the abyss of tribulations. He himself became afflicted in spirit because of his calumny and was delivered up to eternal torments in the abyss of destruction. 80. In this same year the Roman emperor Michael! collected troops from the whole empire of the Greeks and also from those Armenian forces who were under Roman rule, in Sebastia, Taron, and all Vaspurakan. With a very great army Michael came to the West and, enslaving the whole country of the Goths, 2 brought to submission those that had rebelled. He compelled the whole country to submit to him and then returned to Constantinople. A short while after this the emperor Michael died. 81. His nephew, who already was made caesar, reigned in his place.! He occupied the imperial throne no longer than four months, for he had a malicious mind and thus became the cause of his own undoing, as it is written in Scripture: "He who digs a pit for his companion will fall in it himself."2 Indeed he became so arrogant that he was not conscious of his actions; for he even dared to cut the hair of Zoe, the daughter of the emperor Constantine, as one would do to a whore, a~d then exiled her to an island in chains. Also he seized the patriarch of Constantinople3 and put him in a prison in chains,

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because he wished his family to inherit the imperial throne; indeed this whole family was corrupt and wicked and very destructive for the empire. Mter a few days help came to the patriarch from God; disguising himself, he escaped from prison and, fleeing, took refuge in Saint Sophia. The entire city of Constantinople was stirred up against the caesar, and there were frightful combats within the city. On that day a severe conflict and slaughter occurred on both sides, and the entire city was overflowing with blood; even Saint Sophia was inundated with a great amount of blood. Finally the patriarch was victorious over the caesar, who was seized and blinded. Moreover, his whole family was exterminated, and the empress Zoe was brought back to Constantinople with great pomp.4 82. In the same year the illustrious Armenian prince Khach'ik was killed together with his young son, named Ishkhan, both in the province of Vaspurakan. The inhabitants of Her and Salmast1 gathered together and invaded the district ofT'onrawan,2 The news reached Khach'ik that the infidel forces had entered his territory, He was a brave man and always victorious in battle and from a highborn lineage with the militancy of an eagle. However, he now had become old and left behind the military life; so, sighing heavily, he was indeed sorry, for his eldest son, the brave Hasan, and [his other son] Chnchghuk together with their troops were in the West, accompanying the emperor Michael. Yet the Armenian prince Khach'ik was unable to resist the opportunity and, going forth with seventy men, came against the infidels; but his son Ishkhan he kept at home, for he was a boy of fifteen. When Khach'ik came upon the infidels, he saw that they had many troops. He cried out to his men and, joining battle, vehemently attacked the infidels and felled many to the ground. Then he saw that his young son had gotten away from [the place] where he was kept and had come to the battle. Now, when Khach'ik saw this, he became very disturbed, for Ishkhan was only a boy and also very handsome. Ishkhan rushed forth like a lion cub and vehemently joined the combat. Catching up with him, Khach'ik took hold of him and sent him home. However, escaping, the son joined the battle once again and did so bravely, though quite foolishly. When the enemy learned that he was the son of the brave man Khach'ik, surrounding the boy, they seized and killed him. Seeing this, Khach'ik lost his strength and the sword fell from his hands. When the infidel forces saw this, they roshed upon Khach'ik and seized and

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killed him. Then the remnants of the Armenian troops turned in flight towards their homes. After a few days the sons of Khach'ik returned from the West. They had learned of the death of their father and young brother, and they came dressed in black and wept profusely. Th~n Has~n summoned a Kurdish chief who inhabited a region bordermg on hIS. Giving him a thousand dahekans, he said to him: "Go to Her and Salmast and say that the district ofT'onrawan and the whole COUI~try round about is devoid of inhabitants. Tell them not to stand by Idly while flocks of sheep with their shepherds aimlessly roam about." The Kurdish chief went and did what Hasan had asked. So the infidels gathered together, as many as fifteen thousand men, and came and entered that district. The Kurdish chief then came and related this to Hasan and Chnchghuk. Hasan in turn gathered his troops and five thousand men and, raging like a wounded beast, rapidly came against the army of the infidels. With an anguished cry Hasan called out to the front line of the infidels and said: "Let the man who killed my father Khach'ik come forth." A certain robust Negro came forth and, crying out, said: "I am the one who killed the lion-hearted Khach'ik and here I have his war horse and garment and his standard and sword." Seeing all this, Khach'ik's son Hasan wept and, unsheathing his sword, rapidly came into the midst of the infidels like a lion. Striking the Negro, he cut him in two and felled him to the ground; then, taking the horse and standard, Hasan returned unharmed. Chnchghuk, the brother of Hasan, calling out in the same manner, said: "Who is the one who killed by brother Ishkhan? Let him come out in the open so that I might see him." A b7ave Persian came forth and, crying out, said: "I am the one who killed Is~an,. an~ here ~e his white horse, bright-colored standard, ~d sword. L~e hghtemng Chnchghuk came against him and killed him; then, takmg the horse and standard he returned to the side of Hasa~. After this Hasan cried out to his 'troops and bravely rushed forth mto battle. The Annenian troops turned the enemy in flight B?d slB~ghtered fo~. thousand of their men. Mter this the Armeru~, With ~uch reJOicing, turned back and at the same time took off their mourmng garments.

10~j ~ the beginni1ng of the year 492 of the Armenian era [1043-

onoma~hus, also called Constantine, reigned over the ans. In thiS year the Romans were forced to endure a severe war, for the general Maniaces, who formerly had captured the city of

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Edessa, collected troops against Monomachus. He put a crown on his head, gathered under him all the western regions of the empire, and obtained support for himself among the inhabitants of all the Roman lands. Out of dread and fear of him the entire West gathered under his banner, for he was strong and brave in battle. Then the emperor Monomachus collected troops, aU the Greeks and others from the forces of Annenia and, rising up, went to the lands of the West against Maniaces, who through his prowess sought after the imperial throne. Because of Maniaces, great fear fell upon the Roman forces. However, before the two side met in battle, the anger of God fell upon the forces of the western regions, and the ever-victorious Maniaces died unexpectedly;2 [only then] was this danger removed from the empire's midst and peace reestablished. All the rebels fled, while some were subdued, and the emperor returned to Constantinople. 3 84. In this period the wicked Sargis began to hatch his malicious plots. Suggesting the following to Monomachus, he said: "Summon Gagikl before you in Constantinople on the pretext of friendship and then through trickery take the city of Ani from him." When the emperor Monomachus heard this, he became very happy, and the seed of malice aimed at the destruction of the Armenian kingdom began to grow in his heart. He wrote a letter to Gagik, the Annenian king, including with it a very solemn oath; he was so outrageous that [with this letter] he sent to the Armenians the Christian Gospels and a relic of the holy cross of Christ, as a proof and a guarantee [of his sincerity]. In this manner he summoned the Armenian king on the pretext of friendship and of meeting with him. When Gagik heard this, he refused to agree to this duplicity, for he well knew the perfidiousness of the Romans. However, the perfidious Sargis and the other noblemen who had advised Monomachus came to Gagik and encouraged him to go, saying: "0 king, why are you afraid to go after such an oath, confirmed by the dispatch of the Gospels and the holy relic of Christ, has been given. Have no fear concerning us, for we will die for you." They made his lordship Peter guarantor [of their sincerity] and on that day took a very solemn oath. The holy sacrament of the body and blood of the Son of God was brought forth and a pen was dipped in the vivifying blood; then the patriarch and all the Armenian princes signed the written oath [with this pen]. Only then did the Armenian king Gagik go to Constantinople to the emperor Monomachus. Very excited, the whole city came to meet the Armenian king with great pomp. He was taken

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to the emperor as was fitting for a king, and Monomachus honored him for several days. Then the apostate and perfidious men, who before had taken the solemn oath with the blood of God as a guarantee, sent the forty keys of the city of Ani to the emperor Monomachus and with these a letter stating that the city of Ani and the entire East2 was his. The emperor summoned Gagik. and, placing the keys of the city3 and the letter before him, said to the Annenian king that Ani and the entire East had been delivered into his hands. Gagik, recognizing the perfidious deed of these men, wept profoundly and said: "Christ will judge between me and those who were deceitful to me." Then King Gagik said to Monomachus: "I alone am lord and king of Armenia; therefore, I will not deliver Armenia into your hands, for you have deceitfully brought me to Constantinople." For thirty days Gagik persistently refused to yield, but when he could not find a way out, only then did he deliver Ani into the hands of the Romans. MonomachuB in return gave the Armenian king KalanPeghat and Pizu;4 moreover, he did not allow Gagik to return to the city of Ani, but had his ancestral lands placed under the control of the Romans. Thus Gagik became an alien among the cruel and malicious nation of the Greeks. Nevertheless, wherever the Armenian king went, he caused the nation of the Greeks much distress through his various deeds which brought disgrace upon them; for, because he was a king, he was feared by the Romans. Yet Gagik always nurtured profound grief in his heart for [having lost] his ancestral throne, which the apostate and perfidious nation of heretics had treacherously seized. 5 85. Now at the beginning of the year 493 of the Armenian era [1044-1045] the emperor Monomachus collected troops from the whole country of the Greeks and sent them as a formidable army to the East in order to take control of the city of Ani. He appointed the paracoemomenus,lwho was a eunuch, as commander. At the head of many troops, this man came and reached the gates of Ani. The emperor was intent in establishing this eunuch as governor of Armenia in place of the brave Gagik, whom he no longer allowed in the East. However, the Annenians who were in Ani refused to give up the city, but vehemently clamored for their king and blasphemously insulted the Romans. Then all of Ani in toto rose up in battle close by the gates of the city. The Armenians turned the Roman forces in flight and pursued them, slaughtering them [as they went]; moreover, they completely annihilated the Roman camp. Then the

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Armenian forces very victoriously returned to the city of Ani. On the other hand, the Roman troops, humiliated, went back to their own country, while the paracoemonenus wintered in Aght'ik'.2 When the Armenian forces learned that King Gagik would no longer be coming to the East and recognized the perfidiousness of the Armenian lords, all of Armenia wept to the last man. All the inhabitants of the city of Ani assembled where the tombs of all the former Armenian kings were located and wept over the abandoned Armenian nation [now bereft of a ruler]. They wept for their royal throne and, deeply lamenting, wept for their king Gagik. Moreover, they wept for the Bagratid dynasty and invoked grievous curses against those who had betrayed Gagik. However, when the inhabitants of the city and all the Armenian forces realized that they were powerless, they submitted; then, writing to the Roman commander, the paracoemomenus, they took an oath to submit to him and summoned him to the city of Ani. So Ani was delivered into the hands of the Romans, and the power of the Bagratid dynasty, being dislodged [in this manner], collapsed. 86. In the year 494 of the Armenian era [1045-1046] the violent wrath of God fell upon all creatures. For the Lord God looked upon his creatures with anger, and a fearful and horrible earthquake took place. The whole universe trembled in toto according to the words of the prophet, who said: "Who looks at the earth and causes it to tremble?" 1 At this time all of creation shook in this same manner. In the district of Ekegheats'2 many churches were shaken and collapsed to their very foundations. The town called Erznkas was completely demolished. The earth was torn open, and men and women sank. into deep abysses; and for many days the sounds of their screams issued forth from these places. It was summertime, and day after day during that period the earth'shook. We are incapable of describing the wrath and turmoil which God brought upon all of us living creatures because of our sins. During this same summer there was darkness and gloom upon the earth to such an extent that the sun and moon took on the appearance of blood, although, when the vault of the sky appeared, it was clear.5 87. In this same year during the days of autumn the Roman forces moved forth and went against the city of Dvin. As they engaged in combat, the wrath of God fell upon the Roman troops, and they were defeated by the infidels and turned back in flight. Much slaughter

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of Christians took place, and many of the Roman troops fell by the sword or were taken captive. Among those Christians who were killed in this great battle at the city of Dvin was the illustrious Armenian commander-in-chief Vahram, together with his son Gregory. 88. In this same year a great calamity, having its origin in Persia, befell the Christians. There arose and came forth three men from the court of the sultan Tughrul1 -Poghi, Puki, Anazughli2 -and with many forces reached the country of the Muslims. s Taking countless prisoners, they came and encamped on the banks of the Arean River" in the territory of Mosul. Then the commander of Mosul, called Kuraysh, [who also happened to be] the lord of that city, collected troops and came against them with his Arab forces; a violent battle was fought on both sides. However, the Turks defeated the Arab forces and put them in flight, taking their women and children into captivity. At that point the Muslim emir Kuraysh hoisted a black standard and with a shrill cry entered into the ranks of the Arabs, collecting a great number of troops and once again coming against the Turks. He defeated them in a severe battle, and took back those of his people taken captive [by the enemy] and also their belongings. The Turks fled to Paghin and caused much slaughter in many places; in the region of T'lkhum a heavy massacre of Christians took place. Taking very numerous captives, the Turkish forces turned in the direction of Persia and soon reached the Annenian town of Archesh. A Roman commander, who was the catepan5 Stephen, resided there. The Persian emirs sent much booty to the Roman commander so that he might allow them to pass through, for they were going back to their own country. However, he became arrogant and went forth in battle against the Turks. Then the Turks defeated the Roman troops, slaughtering them severely and, taking the catepan Stephen prisoner, brought him to the town of Her. After many tortures Stephen died at the hands of the infidels. They then flayed the skin of his body and, filling it with grass, hung it from the ramparts. When his people heard of this, they came and bought the body and skin for ten thousand dahekans. 6 89. In the year 495 of the Armenian era [1046-1047] the Roman emperor Monomachus collected troops and appointed an illustrious Roman nobleman, who was called a telarches 1 and was a eunuch, as commander of these forces. The telarches came against the city of

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Dvin with a formidable army and innumerable troops and encamped before its gates. It was the winter season, and because of the severity of the cold and the whipping force of the copious rains, he was unable to do anything; so, withdrawing undefeated, he marched and went back to the country of the Romans. 90. When the year 496 of the Armenian era [1047-1048] began, once again the telarches came and descended upon the city of Dvin with many troops. He caused much suffering and anguish in that area and, despoiling all the Muslims with the sword and enslavement, peacefully returned to the country of the Greeks. 1 91. In this same year of the Annenian era a certain patricius1 named Tornices,2 who was from the city of Adrianople,3 a brave and mighty man and also a warrior, rebelled against Monomachus. He collected troops from all the western regions and from the country of the Goths. With a fonnidable army he came against Constantinople and plunged the city into great anguish and distress. The emperor did not dare go forth in battle, and the inhabitants of the city became so exhausted by the rigors of the siege that they blocked up one of the gates of the city with stone materials. Tornices made such a frightful assault that he completely demolished the Church of the Holy Anargyri, which is situated outside this city; also he threw into the Mediterranean all the riches" of the great Church of the Holy Martyrs. The emperor Monomachus and the whole aristocracy of the city of Constantinople, being in dread and fear, could not find a way out of the situation, nor were they able to stand up to the bravery of 'lbrnices. So the patriarch, all the aristocracy, and the emperor conceived of a perfidious plan to defeat Tornices. They signed a horrible and false oath, and deceitfully swore to Tornices that they would make him caesar and that after the death of Monomachus he would become emperor. They wrote in the following manner and sanctioned their perfidiousness by an oath, saying: "We have found in the books that after the death of Monomachus you will occupy the imperial throne. II The patriarch, priests, and aristocracy went to Tornices and in his presence reiterated the oath. Then an alliance was made and peace reestablished, and being reconciled in this manner, they brought him to Constantinople. However, after a few days they denied their oath and disavowed God as their witness; for it is customary for the Roman nation to do away with all the [dangerous] nobles of the empire through feigning an oath. After this

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they blinded the valiant man Tornices.

5

92 In the year 498 of the Armenian era [1049-1050], during the rei~ of the emperor Monomachus, who perfidiously and. by a false oath took away the Armenian kingdom from the BagratId dynasty, and in the pontificate of his lordship Peter, the Armenian cathol.icos, a calamity-a sign of the wrath of God-came forth from PersIa at the behest of the sultan Tughrul. Two generals, who were called Ibnihim and Kutulmish, went forth from his court with many troops and at the head of a fonnidable army came against Armenia, because they knew that, being in the hands of the Romans, the entire country was abandoned and unprotected. For the Romans had detached and removed the brave and mighty men from the East and in their place had attempted to maintain eunuch generals, both in Armenia and the East. In this year the forces of the infidels reached the renowned and populous Armenian town called Artsn, and found the town unfortified and filled with a countless multitude of men and women and also an innumerable quantity of gold and silver. When the townspeople saw the infidel forces, they went forth in battle together, and a violent and horrible combat was fought around the confines of the town. The two armies hacked away at each other for the greater part of the day,! and the fields became filled with blood, for there was neither a place to flee nor aid [from anywhere]; thus the Armenians could only entertain the hope of death. Because of the great number of the infidels, the troops of the town became wearied and turned in flight. The infidels in turn fell upon the town with the sword; then they put the whole town to the sword, causing severe slaughter, as many as one hundred and fIfty thousand persons. It is of no avail to say much about the gold, silver, and silken brocades [which the enemy plundered], for the quantity of these cannot be put in writing. However, we have often heard the following related by many in reference to the chorepiscopus 2 Dawt'uk:8 when Ibrahim seized his treasury, forty camels departed from his treasury house and eight hundred oxen [Yoked together] in sixes went forth from his household. At that time there were [in Artsn] eight hundred churches where divine liturgy was celebrated. By such a harsh end and cruel annihilation the magnificent and well-favored town of Artsn was put to the sword. How will I, while weeping, at the Bame time be able to relate the death of the nobles and priests, who remaining unburied, became food for the beasts; or the illustrious ladies, who with their sons were led

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into slavery to Persia [to remain there] in perpetual servitude! This was the beginning of the misfortune of the Armenians. Listen and pay attention to this account of the end and decay of the East-by slow degrees, year by year; for this Artsn was the fIrst town which was captured from the Armenians and put to the sword and enslaved.4 When the emperor Monomachus heard this disastrous news, he sent troops to the East and appointed Cecaumenus6 Gregory, son of Vasak, and Liparit, brother of the brave man ~at, as commanders of his troops. They arrived in Armenia with many troops in order to do battle with the Persian forces. 93. In this same year the Greek emperor Monomachus wrote a letter to his lordship Peter, the Armenian patriarch, to come to him in Constantinople. His lordship Peter was willing to come on his own volition. However, he thought to himself and said: "Perhaps the Romans will never again allow me to go back to the East." So he named his lordship the most praiseworthy Khach'ik1 as his successor to the patriarchal see. In the same way he made provision for the miwron, the blessed oil used for consecration in the Armenian rite; he stored the miwron in the Akhurian River in iron urns weighing as much as four hundred litras,2 since perhaps otherwise it might fall into the hands of the Romans. This miwron remains stored in this manner up to the present time. All of this was done during the night, near the gates of the city of Ani. Then Peter departed, accompanied by the noblemen attached to his household-three hundred illustrious men equipped with arms, one hundred vardapets, bishops, musicians, monks, and priests-all riding splendid mules, and [finally] two hundred domestics on foot. In the retinue of his lordship Peter were found the following [eminent personages]: the first and most distinguished of all, the vardapet Bulghar; the most praiseworthy Khach'atur, the chancellor; Thaddeus, who as a writer was a man without compare; George K'arneghets'i; John K'arneghets'i; Matthew Haghbatats'i; Mkhit'ar Bnayrets'i; Tiranun Kapanets'i, the philosopher; Mkhit'arik; Vardan Sanahets'i; Barsegh Bashkhatats'i; his very venerable and eminent lordship Eghishe; Barsegh, his brother; George, surnamed Julahak'dzag; his lordship Ep'rem; his lordship Anane; and finally his lordship Khach'ik. Now all these men were doctors and philosophers and were erudite in the Old and New Testaments of God. His most praiseworthy lordship Peter, accompanied by these men on his journey, arrived in Constantinople. When they heard of his arrival, the whole city was stiITed

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up and came to meet his lordship Peter. Then, accompanied by very important personages, he was conducted to Saint Sophia with great pomp and there was met by the emperor and patriarch, 3 after which he was taken to a magnificent palace. The emperor ordered an amount of money be given to his lordship Peter [in order to provide for his expenses]; so on the first day he was given a kentenarion. 4 On the second day his lordship Peter went to the imperial palace to visit Monomachus. When the emperor heard of his coming, he went forth to meet him and ordered his lordship Peter seated on a golden throne of which, at the time of the patriarch's departure, his lordship Eghishe himself had taken possession. Indeed the servants of the emperor were trying to take it from him, but he refused to give it up. When Monomachus saw this, he asked why he refused to give it up. Then Eghishe answered and said: "0 emperor, this is a patriarchal throne and no one is worthy to sit upon it except his lordship Peter." When the emperor heard this, he regarded these words which his lordship Eghishe had spoken reasonable; then the emperor said: "Leave to him this apostolic throne." Then after this Monomachus said to his lordship Eghishe: "This throne is worth one thousand dahekans, keep it for your lord [the catholicosJ so that no one else may sit upon it." With such honorable treatment as this his lordship Peter remained in Constantinople among the Romans for four years; from day to day more and more praise and honor were accorded to him while he was in the midst of the Greeks. Whenever he went to the palace of the emperor, his crosier was carried before him; moreover, when the emperor saw him, he would prostrate himself before the catholicos and would command his nobles to go forth to present themselves to his lordship Peter. After four years Monomachus and the patriarch gave many gifts, consisting of treasures of gold and brocade, to his lordship Peter. The emperor also gave insignias and high positions to the noblemen of Peter's household and elevated his sister's son, his lordship Anane, to the rank of syncellus. 6 The Armenian patriarch was given all sorts of precious garments and then was sent away in peace and with very great largess. However, he was not able to go to the city of Ani, but went and lived in the city of Sebastia, near the son of Senek'erim, in great splendor. 94. Now, when the Greek forces came to the East, Cecaumenus, l Aaron,2 and Gregory,3 the son of Vasak, summoned to their side the Georgian prince Liparit and they arrived at the fortress called Kaputru, in the district of Arjovit. 4 When the Turkish forces heard

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this, they withdrew, while the Roman troops encamped in Arjovit. Then the infidel forces came against the brave man Liparit. He had appointed his sister's son Ch'ortuanel, a mighty man and a warrior, to be commander of the night guard. The infidel troops began to battle in the night, and the sound of the combat reached Liparit, his men crying out: "Come to us, for the infidel forces have surrounded us." Then Liparit said: lilt is Saturday and it is not lawful for us Georgians to go forth in battle on this day." At that moment Ch'ortuanel, like a lion, was striking against the front line of the infidels in the night. While he led his men on, an arrow hit his mouth and went out through the back of his neck; so in this way Ch'ortuanel, a brave and mighty man, died. When Liparit heard of the death of Ch'ortuanel, becoming ferocious like a beast, he went forth in battle and drove all the infidels from the plain, changing it into a great bloody marsh. 5 When the Roman forces saw the bravery of Liparit, betraying him, they abandoned the Georgian in the midst of the infidels and fled, so that he would not gain the reputation of being valiant. When the infidel forces saw that, they turned back, united in battle against the Georgian troops. As the battle grew intense, Liparit shouted like a lion into the midst of the infidels, and at that moment one of the Georgian troops standing behind him struck and cut the two tendons of his horse with a sword. 8 When Liparit learned of this, he turned back very quickly and struck and killed him. Then, dismounting, Liparit sat on the banks of the river upon his shield and cried out, saying: "I am Liparit." Then the Turks slaughtered many of the Georgian troops and put the rest to flight. They took Liparit captive and brought him to Khurasan7 to the sultan 'fughrul, for he had previously heard his name and knew of all his brave deeds. He remained with the sultan for two years and performed many valiant deeds in various places. Now there was an Ethiopian, a mighty and courageous man, and both he and Liparit were brought before the sultan to fight a combat. Liparit defeated and killed the infidel Ethiopian. Then the sultan freed him and with many gifts sent him to the Romans. 8 So Liparit came to Constantinople. When the emperor Monomachus saw him, he was exceedingly happy and sent him home to his wife and children with splendid gifts. This same Liparit was the brother of liat and Zoyat, a Georgian by nationality, and descended from a mighty family.9 95. In the year 499 of the Armenian era [1050-1051] the country of the Greeks was shaken by violent disorders and many provinces

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were devastated by the sword. Many horrible events and fearful things took place because of the rapacious and wickedly abominable nation of the Pechenegs, l those perverse and bloodthirsty beasts. Fo; the nation of Serpents2 went forth and pushed against the Magyars, 4 and the Magyars in turn pushed against the Uzes and the Pechenegs; then the latter two were provoked against the empire of the Romans and brought much affliction upon Constantinople. Even illustrious aristocrats were led into captivity. I am unable to relate the sorrowful calamities which the Roman Empire endured in that year, for the Pechenegs savagely and mercilessly enslaved the nation of the Greeks. The emperor, being afraid, did not go forth in battle, for the enemy forces were innumerable and countless. Mter remaining for a number of days, the Pechenegs went back to their own country, and finally peace was reestablished in the Roman empire. 96. When the year 500 of the Armenian era [1051-1052] ended, venomous slanders were brought before the emperor Monomachus. There were perfidious persons who spread slanderous rumors about the illustrious Armenian princes who resided in the area around Paghin, saying that they were disobedient to the emperor's commands and were intent on rebelling against him. So Monomachus sent to Paghin a general with troops, who unjustly poured his poisonous malice upon the innocent. This general fiercely began to ravage the whole region and deprive all the princes of their privileges, for he was an abominable and malicious man and Satan's commander; the name of this man was Peros. He was intent on taking prisoner the illustrious princes, who were the sons of Abel: Harpik (a brave and mighty man), David, Leon, and Constantine-all four being brothers; also he was intent on doing the same to other princes. So the princes secretly conferred together and decided that each would remain ensconced in his fortress until the emperor could be informed of the devastation of the region by this wicked Peros. Together they made an agreement that on that Saturday each would occupy and hold his fortress. However, one of the conferees named T'orosak the lord of l T'lpagh, disavowed the agreement and informed the wicked Peros that all the princes had agreed among themselves not to heed his summons [to submitJ. The sons of Abel did not know of this and, as they had agreed formerly, on Saturday they occupied the great fortress called Arkni, which is near the district of T'lkhum' in the meantime all the other conferees heeded Peros's summons.' When

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Peros heard what the sons of Abel had done, he collected many troops against the fortress of Arkni. However, when the general saw the ruggedness of this fortress, he was greatly amazed and was unable to assault it, for it was high and seemed impregnable to an enemy [attack]; thus it was inaccessible to him. Then Peros conceived of a malicious plan and said: "If anyone will bring the head of Harpik to me, he will receive a great amount of gold and silver and also power and high rank from the emperor." When Harpik's comrades and old friends, who were with him in the fortress, heard this, they conceived of a wicked idea similar to that of the fratricides Judas and Cain. Not far from the fortress and right opposite it was a spot, and Harpik had taken some men and gone forth to guard this place. For three days he dared not sleep at all, and then these perfidious men said to him: "My lord, why don't you sleep, for 10, we this day are ready to die for your person." Believing them, he slept, for he was very fatigued; now, when he was in a deep sleep, one of his relatives came up and cut off the head of the mighty and valiant man Harpik, and in the same night his head was delivered to the catepan Peros. Nevertheless, the murderers gained nothing [from this betrayal] except imprecations. Then Peros ordered Harpik's head put on a pole and brought before the gates of the fortress. His brothers, seeing him at daybreak, recognized him and immediately opened the gates. Throwing ashes on their heads and weeping, the three brothers came forth and fell down before the severed head of Harpik. They lamented to such an extent that even all the troops in the camp bemoaned and wept. In this manner Peros took possession of the impregnable fortress of Arkni and took the brothers of Harpik- the sons of Abel-to the emperor Monomachus in Constantinople. When the emperor and all the Greeks saw the brothers, they were amazed by their formidable appearance; for they were redoubtable in appearance and even at the shoulders surpassed the Greeks in stature. Because of their magnificent demeanor, the emperor did not punish them, but commanded that they be transferred to a~ island. Such was the fate of David, Leon, and Constantine, vahant and mighty men and illustrious Armenian princes.

Part II 1. Now up to this point, by laborious investigation, we have discovered and written down the materials of the past hundred years, arranged in chronological order; having examined these materials for a very long time, we have grasped their significance. We have used materials from very many observers and hearers who were born in times long past, from those who read the historians of these times and were eyewitnesses of all these happenings and afflictions which the Armenians endured because of their sins.1 Lo, many times I have thought about writing down the violent events of these past times, namely the horrible punishment which the Annenian nation endured at the hands of the long-haired and abominable Eghimnats'~',2 the nation of the Turks, and their brothers, the Romans. Because of all this, it became necessary for me to investigate this matter [of the destruction of the Armenian kingdom], always thinking about my plan in terms of a great work. So I collected documents 3 and, collating them, wrote down a narration of events up to the point we have reached here, events concerning the three nations, 4 the patriarchs, and various other nations and kings; all these events which I narrated before and which I have yet to narrate mark the beginning of the destruction which took place in the days of our fathers, who themselves witnessed these very same events many times with their own eyes. These events were my very special preoccupation, and for eight years I applied myself to incessant investigation, hoping to bring all this to light and record it so that its memory would not be lost to the inexorable harshness of time and thus be forgotten. It is because of all this that I, Matthew of Edessa, a monk, spared no efforts and left this work as a record for those who enjoy studying chronicles so that, when they begin to inquire into past events, they

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may be able more easily to learn about the times and the epochs. These persons shall also learn about the terrible misfortunes which occurred in those times and, once again bringing these things to mind, shall remember the divine wrath which we received from God, the righteous judge, as a penalty for our sins. Because of these many calamities-namely the destruction of the Christians and the reprimands which our Lord God brought upon us by means of an infidel nation-we did not wish that such threats and warnings of God be forgotten by us. Now it is essential to heed the admonitions of our God ceaselessly and at all times. Once again we find ourselves inflicted with the same chastisement for our sins, a chastisement which we received for that which we justly deserve. Now I, Matthew of Edessa, the superior of a monastery, have eighty years more [of history] to relate to you by dint of my labors. 2. In the year 502 of the Armenian era [1053-1054] a fearful and horrible omen appeared and a very calamitous event took place in the city of Antioch. This phenomenon, which seemed awe-inspiring and marvelous to those observing it, appeared inside the sun. The phenomenon became an awful sign and a cause of perturbation for all the Christian faithful, to whom God by violent threats now manifested his fearful judgement. The cause of this calamity was the following. In the city of Antioch there were many Syrians who had gold and silver, and possessed wealth and all types of affiuence. When their children went to the church of their faith, l five hundred boys seated on mules went forth. [Because of all this] the Romans were very envious and harbored a deep hatred against them. Now one of the important personages of the Syrian nation possessed many slaves, and this became the pretext for bringing him to trial before the Roman patriarch. 2 [Threatening him] with an [unfavorable] verdict, the Romans converted him to their faith and by his own volition rebaptized him. Thus this important personage, who had forsaken his faith, now became an enemy to the great Syrian nation. Also at that time the Syrians were subjected to many difficulties because they were beginning to get into controversies with the Romans concerning their faith every day. 3 The Romans became so insolent that they were not even conscious of their actions for the . ' patnarch went so far as to order the [Syriac] Christian Gospels burned. When they placed the Gospels of God in the fire, a voice came forth from the Gospels and they escaped the flames of the fire. They put the Gospels in the fire a second time, and once again [the

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Gospels] escaped the flames of the fire. Indeed, becoming enraged, they insolently dropped the Holy Gospels into the fire for the third time, and once again [the Gospels] came out unharmed. When they repeated this act for the fourth time, then the Holy Gospels ignited in the midst of the fire; in this way the Holy Gospels of Christ, our God, were burned by the Romans in the city of Antioch. Now, when the Roman patriarch and all his people returned to the church from the spot where the burning had taken place, they were filled with great exultation, as if they had been victorious over a wicked enemy. When they entered the Church of Saint Peter, the whole place resounded with a crashing noise, and a violent tremor shook the entire city of Antioch. On another day fire fell upon the Church of Saint Peter from heaven, and like a lamp the entire church flared up from its foundations. The stone burned like a woodpile, and the rising flames reached up to the sky. The ground of the sanctuary was torn open, and the sacramental table sunk into the hole made there; the bright gem which the emperor Constantine' had placed in Saint Peter, along with two hundred thousand pieces of gold which had always remained upon the holy altar to serve as a light during the night, was swallowed up by the earth and never found again. Four other [Roman] churches were burned by this fire from heaven along with Saint Peter, but no church of the Armenians or Syrians was harmed. When this happened, the inhabitants of the whole city of Antioch were horror-struck and stood in fear and trembling. Then everyone began to pray, all the inhabitants of the city weeping and with heavy groans beseeching God. The Roman patriarch went forth, accompanied by priests, deacons, other clerics, and a great crowd of men and women, including old people and children; they processed through the city, dressed in ecclesiastical garb and carrying magnificent religious objects. When they reached the parade grounds of the Romans at the place where a small bridge was built over a mountain torrent, the whole ground suddenly reverberated, and there occurred an earthquake in the middle of the day at the sixth hour. At that moment the earth was torn apart and, opening wide, swallowed up the entire crowd of clergy and people into its depths, more than ten thousand persons. For fifteen days the sounds of their cries came forth from the depths of the abysses. Finally they suffocated, for the earth closed over them, and to this day they remain buried there. Thus, because of their many sins, the inhabitants of the city of Antioch suffered these calamities at the hands of God, the righteous judge.

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It is not even worth remembering the wicked deeds which the ecclesiastics and the Greek faithful of all ranks committed in the city of Antioch. The smoke of their wicked deeds rose higher than that of Sodom and Gomorrah,6 and thus their fate proved that they indeed deserved the punishment they received. For in Sodom and Gomorrah the fire came down in order to kill the evildoers, while in the sinful city of Antioch the same evildoers were exterminated and killed by fire and abysses opening up; yet the inhabitants of this city still persisted in their impious beliefs. Professing piety, they nevertheless perfonned the deeds of unfaithful and wicked men, for they took delight in impure acts which are odious to hear and very disgusting to relate. What shall I say of these evildoers when the Savior considered it a grave sin for us to even look at a woman? Moreover, what shall I say of the rampant sodomy, a sin for which the Lord himself made the city of Antioch pay the penalty?6 3. In the year 503 of the Armenian era [1054-1055] a venomous and deadly windstorm came upon Armenia, for the Persian sultan Tughrul\ descending from his throne, came with a formidable army as numerous as the sands of the sea. Moving forth with innumerable forces, he reached Armenia and, descending upon the town called Berkri, captured it by assault, devastating it with a frightful massacre. Rising up like a flaming black cloud, he came forth and advanced, carrying before him a deadly hailstorm. Surrounding the town called Archesh, he subjected it to a violent assault for eight days. Because of the enormous number of troops, the inhabitants of the town wearied of the harsh siege and thereafter with loud supplications came in submission, bringing as a token of their obedience many gifts of gold and silver and also of horses and mules. With solemn entreaties they began the process of concluding peace and said: "0 conquering sultan, go and take the town of Mantskert, and then we and all Armenia will submit to you." When the sultan Tughrul heard this, all these words pleased him a great deal. Going forth with an enormous number of troops, he reached the town of Mantskert and was like a serpent filled with every wickedness [conceivable]. He encamped before the walls and encircled the town and, stopping at a place called K'arglukh,210dged there [temporarily]. At the break of dawn he ordered the battle tru:n~et sou~ded. La, one could witness the frightful day and bitter affhctIOn which came upon the Christians when he invested the town of Mantskert. For, when the sounds and noises of the combatants'

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trumpets gave forth, the sounds of the combatant troops caused the ramparts to shake through and through. What shall I now say concerning this town full of Christians who courageously fought as combatants, the whole population of the town fighting together, and who resisted the unceasing assaults [of the enemy]? The commander of the town was the Roman general Basil, the son of Abukab,3 a kind and pious man. He strengthened the entire town [by recruiting] courageous men and women, and in the name of the emperor promised all of them honors and high positions; thus day and night he never ceased encouraging and exhorting the whole town. Nevertheless, the infidel forces did not cease their assaults for many days and began to dig under the ramparts so that they might thus capture the town. When the troops of the town heard this, they dug in their direction and captured all the sappers and even the sultan's father-in-law, whose name was Osketsam;4 they then took them on the ramparts and killed them. When the sultan saw this, he was deeply offended and so sent to Baghesh and had brought to him the catapult which the emperor Basil had constructed for [the walls of] Her, a terrible and awe-inspiring machine weighing fifteen adil.5 When this frightful catapult was set up, all the inhabitants of the town trembled, and the first ones struck by it were three sentinels and a sentry of the advanced guard who was thrown into the town. Then a priest appeared in the town and hastily set up a catapult to oppose the one the infidels had and with the first rock struck the enemy machine and smashed its tie beams. Thus the town was given new strength and courage, for the inhabitants had been beset by fear. After a few days the infidels reinforced the catapult and made it inaccessible on all sides and began to hit the ramparts with very large rocks. All the inhabitants of the town were terrified and trembled in fear. Then Basil cried out to them and said: ItWhoever is able to go forth and burn down that catapult will receive much largess of gold and silver and many horses and mules from me and honors and a high rank from the emperor. If he is killed by the infidels and has a relative or son, all that will go to him. It Then a FrankS came forth and said: "I will go forth and burn down that catapult, and today my blood shall be shed for all the Christians, for I have neither wife nor children to weep over me. He asked for a strong and fearless horse and put on his coat of mail and placed his helmet on his head. Taking a letter, he attached it to the end of his spear and, putting three bottles of naphtha in his bosom, went forth as if he were a courier. With the prayers of all the 1t

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Christians and the assistance of God he went in the direction of the infidel forces. When the infidel troops saw the letter on the end of his spear, they took him for a courier and said nothing. I.t w~s midday and, since it was extremely hot, everyone was sleepmg ~n their tent. Coming up to the catapult, the Frank. stopped before It. The infidels thought that he was admiring the hugeness of the machine; however, at that moment he took hold of one of the bottles [of naphtha] and threw it against the catapult. Then, [quick] as an eagle, he circled around the catapult and threw another bottle against it. He came around once again and hit the machine with the third bottle. The catapult burst into flames, and the Frank fled. When all the troops in the infidel camp saw what he had done, they pursued him, but the Frank reached the town unharmed. The catapult was burned to the ground; all the Christian faithful were extremely happy, and the Frank was honored with largess by all the townspeople. When the emperor Monomachus heard of this, he sent for him and elevated him to a high rank. Even the sultan marvelled greatly at what the Frank had done and asked to see this person who had accomplished such a courageous feat, so that he might give him gifts; however, the Frank refused to go. Then the sultan became very angry and once again ordered the digging to commence, so that the walls might be torn down. The townspeople, in turn, took courage against him, paying no heed to his [war] machines. Making hooks of iron, they pulled out the sappers and with these killed them. When the sultan saw this, he stopped the [digging] and became very chagrined. Then the townspeople took a pig and, placing it in the catapult, hurled it into the sultan's camp. Then all the inhabitants of the town called out and said: "0 sultan, take that pig for your wife, and we will give you Mantskert as a dowry." When the sultan heard this, he became filled with anger and had thos~ ;-rho had brought him to Mantskert decapitated. Then, very humIhated, the sultan returned to the country of the Persians, and thus through the mercy of God the town of Mantskert was delivered out of the hands of the abominable nation of the Turks.7 4. In the year 504 of the Armenian era [1055-1056] the Roman emperor M~nomachus died.! He had occupied the throne of the Rom~n empIre for forty years. His sister-in-law Theodora who had the btle of ~lector, reigned in his place. She was the sister of Zoe2 and was, samtly, chaste, and very virtuous. She commanded that all her subJects be dealt with benevolently, especially widows and

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captives. She ordered all those injured to be recompensed and their rights returned and commanded all those imprisoned to be freed. She freed from prison the Armenian princes who were the sons of Abel and the brothers of Harpik. She removed them from the island [on which they were imprisoned] and, honoring them highly, allowed them to go back to their ancestral country to the fortress of Arkni, admonishing them to never again work against the empire. In this same year the catepan Peros was replaced and Melissenus was appointed in his stead. He [the latter] was a benevolent and reputable man, merciful to widows and captives, one who brought prosperity to the land, and a person endowed with all kinds of noble qualities. Now Theodora occupied the imperial throne for two years and three months and then was taken up to Christ, after having sincerely confessed her sins. Mter this Michael the Elder3occupied the imperial throne for seven months. 6. In this period a certain Roman magnate, whose name was Comnenus,l appeared upon the scene. Going forth with a formidable army, he came against Constantinople; encamping on the Asian side of the Mediterranean Sea,2 he sought [to take over] the Roman empire by force. This all took place in the year 505 of the Armenian era [1066-1057]. At this time the emperor Michael gathered troops from all the lands of the West and, transporting the entire host across the Mediterranean to Chrysopolis,3 came against Comnenus. On that day a great and formidable battle was fought between the Christians, for each side inflicted a severe slaughter on the other, and the blood of many of the faithful was poured over the land. Then Comnenus, full of rage, roared like a lion and, advancing and shattering the forces of the Roman emperor, completely turned them in flight with the sword. All the Roman forces were mercilessly slaughtered by the sword and were trapped to the last man on the coast of the vast Mediterranean Sea. As locusts paralyzed by the wind, in the same manner the Roman troops became paralyzed by the severe combat. Some fell into the Mediterranean and died, while many others perished by the edge of the inexorable sword. On that day one hundred and fifty thousand warriors of the Roman anny died. Comnenus took prisoner all the chief officers to the last man and so gained control of the whole empire. Now, when the aristocrats who were in the palace sawall these disastrous events and the shedding of so much blood, they resolved to give the imperial throne to Comnenus, for he had brought great

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sorrow upon the Greek nation. Then the patriarch and all the aristocracy of Constantinople, going forth to meet Comnenus, swore allegiance to him and installed him on the throne of the Roman empire. Mter this peace was reestablished in the empire of the Greeks. However, in this same year there was much devastation and pillaging in the land, for the people loyal to Comnenus and those loyal to Michael ravaged one another's regions. In this way Inuch devastation was caused until the imperial throne was finnly in the possession of Comnenus. At that time the new emperor issued an edict throughout the whole land and thus brought peace to the empire. Comnenus even went so far as to honor those who unwittingly had taken Michael's side more than those who had fought on his side. 4 Now, before Comnenus's victory, the Roman magnates Pizshonit and Liparit had come to the aid of Michael. When they reached Gergetha,6 hearing that Comnenus was triumphant, they fled in the night and said to one another: "We discovered our error in Gergetha. "S However, after a few days they went to the emperor and he honored them highly. Comnenus ordered that money be minted in his name and that he be represented on the coin with a sword strapped to his shoulder, with the caption: "By the sword I gained control of the imperial throne." Comnenus was not liked because of these words and also because he committed various perfidious acts against the Christians. After some time the emperor collected a formidable army of troops and was intent on making war against the Pechenegs. Marching forth, he crossed over the great Danube River and advanced forward in order to ravage the whole West. At whatever place he reached, he roared like a savage beast, giving vent to his evil nature, and through whatever place he passed, caused much blood to be shed. There was great lamenting in the whole West and especially in the country of the Bulgars. Now it was the summer season and the divine-rebuking wrath [of God] fell upon the forces of Comnenus, a dreadful calamity which words do not suffice to recount and which indeed his forces deserved. For a cloud arose from the West and came over the caxnp of Comnenus, and it was such a black cloud and one of horrible appearance that no one dared look at it. There were crackling sounds and thunder, and flashing lightening appeared. Then very large hailstones began to fall and, striking and smiting the camp, heavily showered upon all the troops. One after another the troops fled, not being able to find an escape. When the emperor saw this, he was filled with anger and against his will turned back like a fugitive;

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:jDoreover, all his troops were completely scattered throughout the :jDountains and plains. At the Roman camp one could witness the }1.orrible calamity which these troops suffered because of the many l:Jlows they had received. Countless people lost their way and disappeared, fathers from their sons, sons from their fathers, brothers from their brothers; even the emperor lost his way together with t;hree of his men, until he reached the Danube River and was found. "When he reviewed his troops, the greater part of them had perished due to the wrath of heaven. It is of no avail to speak of the horses 9nd mules, gold and silver, and other baggage [which were lost], or even the battle equipment. 7 From then on Comnenus realized that all this divine~rebuking ~rath [of God] had fallen upon the Christians because of his iniquities, for by his sins he had angered God. So, coming to Constantinople, he prostrated himself before God and asked forgive:o.ess for his sins, and the Lord heeded his supplications. From then on he sought to leave the imperial throne and with fasting and vveeping take up the life of a penitent. 6. In the year 507 1 of the Armenian era [1058-1059] Comnenus ynade Ducas2 emperor; for, because of those acts of which we spoke before, Comnenus realized that God was not pleased with his reign, since he had shed the innocent blood of the Christian faithful. Also one side of his body had become paralyzed, and when he saw that the divine~rebuking wrath [of God] had fallen upon him, he resolved to put on the monastic habit and enter a monastery. So he sent to the territories adjoining the Muslims, to Edessa, and had brought to him the dux3 of the city, whose name was Ducas, for he was of a very illustrious family. Taking his own crown, Comnenus placed it on the head of Ducas and prostrated himself before him; then he installed Ducas on the imperial throne and he himself went into solitude and became a monk. Ducas ruled the empire of the Greeks despotically, compelling all the disloyal4 to submit to him. So there was rejoicing a.mong all the Greeks because of Ducas's [elevation to the throne].

7. In this same year his most praiseworthy lordship Peter, the Armenian catholicos, who was the spiritual head of the Armenian ::nation and a pillar of the holy church, died. After occupying the patriarchal see for forty-two years,! he joined his ancestors. His blessed lordship Khach'ik, who was the son of Peter's sister, was Consecrated as his successor to the patriarchal see. This man was

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filled with all kinds of pious virtue and had acquired a reputable name' moreover he was endowed with apostolic and prophetic graces. His l~rdship Peter was buried in the city of Sebastia, in the Monastery of the Holy Cross, with a great crowd in attendance. 8. In this same year of the Armenian era the nation of the infidels once again attacked the Christian faithful. Lo, a certain great and mighty emir named Dinar arose and came forth from Persia and, accompanied by many troops, unexpectedly came with violent force, perfidiously concealing his evil [intent]. He passed unharmed through many places and, marching forth, went and reached the famous and renowned city called Melitene; for this city had been pointed out to the Persians for a long time as having measureless wealth of gold and silver, precious stones and pearls, and brocades. Moreover, the city was unfortified. On the march he captured Rasaw and totally massacred [its inhabitants] with the sword. Then he went and passed on to Melitene. The commander of the infidel forces was the son of Liparit,2 who had made an alliance with the Persians. It was the winter season at the beginning of Lent when the emir besieged the city of Melitene, all because of its celebrated reputation by which the fame of its splendor had spread throughout all Persia. Like a black cloud he completely surrounded the city on all sides. When the townspeople saw this calamitous situation, men and women, the aged and children, together turned in flight, but there was no place to flee. At this moment the concern for friends and the hope of life became absent from the minds of all; because of the calamitous situation, fathers forgot their sons, and sons, their fathers; mothers wept over their daughters, and daughters over their mothers; brothers over their brothers, loved ones over their loved ones. Then, fleeing over the spacious fields surrounding the city, the townspeople fell into the midst of the enemy. When the infidels saw them, they stopped for a moment and marvelled at the immense population of the city, for they were a countless number like the sands of the sea. The infidels did not dare attack the city until the townspeople had left. Finally they assaulted the city with their weapons bare~1 and soon all their swords were totally applied to the work of.sheddmg blood; thus after a short while the whole city was filled WIth blood. Melitene rippled with blood from one end to the other, and there was no one left to pity the aged or the children. In that place one could see the bodies of illustrious and distinguished

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people who had fallen and were wallowing in [pools ofl blood; children were cut up into pieces while on the laps of their mothers; and blood and milk, mingling one with the other, coalesced. Who is able to put down in writing the divine-rebuking wrath [of God] which the city of Melitene endured on that day, for instead of sweet dew all the plants of the green field were covered with blood? Mter so much shedding of blood and taking of captives, the emir had marched before him distinguished and beautiful ladies and boys and pretty girls-all who were to be led into captivity; also a countless treasure of gold and silver [was carried before him]. Rising up, he marched forth rejoicing and began the journey back to Persia and, crossing over the Euphrates River, wintered in Handzit'. At this time the Roman forces pursued the Turks but, when they reached them, did not dare give battle, but peacefully returned to Roman territory.3 9. When the autumn season arrived, the infidel forces entered the region of Taron and occupied the foot of the Taurus Mountains near Sasun. When the mighty and brave Armenian prince T'oplik, l the son of Mushegh, heard this, he collected troops from the whole district of Sasun and went against the infidel forces. The infidel troops sounded the battle trumpet and in a body went forth in battle. It turned out to be an awe-inspiring and fearful day, for the two sides clashed with one another like a pack of lions. Then brave T'ornik roared and, calling out to his right flank, overtook the left flank of the infidels and victoriously shattered it. Turning his eyes to the Monastery of the Holy Precursor, he vehemently cried out and said: "0 Monastery of Glak, 0 Holy Precursor, aid me and make this day an illustrious one for the faithful." Stirring up one another as a body, the Armenians attacked the infidels and, capturing men and all types of booty, led them all into captivity. The remnants of the infidels, having experienced a narrow escape, humiliated, returned to Persia. Brave T'ornik, in turn, with great rejoicing returned to Sasun, thanking God for delivering the numerous inhabitants of the city of Melitene from servitude to the wicked nation of the Persians.2 10. In this same year and in the same winter there appeared a fearful and astonishing omen, a horrible sign of the great wrath [of God] against the Christians; for this turned out to be a prediction for the destruction of the Christian faithful. Just as a putrid smell betrays a rotting corpse/in the same way, before the destruction [of the Christians], there appeared evil omens upon the earth, as for

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example a south wind. On a certain day, when dawn was breaking and everyone was going forth from his home, people noticed in the clear atmosphere that red snow had fallen on the ground and it covered the four corners of the country, the east, the west, the north, and the south. The snow began to fall on a Monday and without interruption came down for sixty days; it fell during the night, and during the day thickly covered the face of the countryside, but the red snow fell for only one day. In that year very many quadrupeds-animals, beasts, and birds-perished. Because of the severity of the heavenly wrath, they were unable to find food for themselves and, being altogether prevented from [roaming in] fecund areas, were forced to take refuge with their enemies. Thus everyone ruthlessly and mercilessly slaughtered them; for there were various bands of animals and various groups of birds in the streets and they entered into homes. At this time one witnessed the terrible destruction of animals and birds all because of the sins of men. On the other hand, those who were compassionate fed them in their homes throughout the winter months and then peacefully let them go; each of these individuals was impelled by compassion for [the sorrowful lot of] these animals. The great emir Naj)ir-ad-Daulah, who resided in the town of Maiyafariqin, commanded that forty k'or 2 of wheat, barley, millet, and all sorts of grain be scattered over the plains and mountains for the birds, as well as a great amount of hay and straw for the animals; in this manner many animals and birds were able to survive because of this abundance [of food]. 11. In this same year a severe famine took place throughout the whole land and many perished by a cruel and violent death because of this famine; for, because of the abundance of snow, rain did not fall on the land, and thus there was no harvest and many productive areas became sterile. On the other hand, at the beginning of the next year there was plenteousness and abundance of all types of foodstuffs, so much that one mod yielded one hundred mod. 1 12. At the beginning of the year 508 of the Annenian era [10591060] a horrible disaster and fatal calamity befell the Christian fa~thful, so mu~h so that we are unable to relate that terribly bitter mIsfortune whICh took place in this year. For all the Persians became stirred up and, rising up, went forth with a very large army, like th7san~s of the sea. ~hey marched forth and came against the Armeman faIthful. Many dIstricts were devastated by the sword and

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enslaved by three of these i.mpious beasts who had come forth from the court of the sultan Tughrul; they were three emirs, Samuk, ,ArnrKafUr, and Kijaziz-evil men and more bloodthirsty than ferocious beasts. With troops dressed in black and standards symbolizing death, they reached the populous and renowned city of Sebastia. They bellowed and fulminated, intending to vent their violent anger upon the Christian faithfuL Moreover, they had made up their minds to capture Atom and Abusahl, the sons of the Armenian king Senek'erim. When the latter heard about the coming of the infidel forces, they fled to Gabadonia, l and many other princes went with them. On the day of the barekendan2 of Vardavar3 the numerous infidel forces encircled Sebastia, and thus the entire city was completely besieged on all sides. Wielding the sword, all the enemy troops entered the city, and countless persons were cut down and received severe wounds; moreover, streaming blood covered the ground, a sight which appeared frightful to onlookers. The bodies of illustrious personages were heaped up on the ground like piles of forest wood, and the surface of the ground was covered with blood because of the great number of corpses. The city of Sebastia was unfortified, but the infidels at first did not dare enter it, for they saw a great number of domed churches painted white and thought that they were the tents of the enemy troops. However, when they learned [that they were mistaken], they then became the agents of God's wrath against the Christians and mercilessly and ruthlessly slaughtered large numbers of the city's population. Together with countless booty and men and women captives, they led boys and girls into slavery and seized and carried off from Sebastia treasures of gold and silver without measure, precious stones and pearls, and also brocades; for this city was the residence of the Armenian kings. Thus that day was a calamitous and disastrous one for the inhabitants of Sebastia, because in a short period the city and the plain [on which it was situated] became filled with blood. The river which passed through the city, instead of being clear, had turned a reddish hue. Many persons perished by fire. Many great and illustrious persons had fallen, mortally wounded, and were covered with blood and lying in the midst of pure and venerable corpses; moreover, because of the whiteness of their bodies, they glistened like the stars. What shall I say about the priests and deacons and about the six hundred churches which were in the city, for all were destroyed by the sword? Many maidens, brides, and distinguished ladies were led into captivity to Persia, and within a

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short time Sebastia became like a burned-out hut. The infidel forces stayed in Sebastia for eight days,. and then, marc~ing forth, went back to Persia with countless and mnumerable captives. 13. Who is able to recount in detail the calamitous misfortunes and repentant laments of the Armenians, events which they endured at the hands of the wicked, bloodthirsty, and savage Turkish forces, all because of their abandonment by their false guardians, the effeminate and despicable Greek nation? For the Greeks, gradually disbanding our brave soldiers, removed them from Armenia, taking them away from their towns and districts. Removing the throne of the Armenian kingdom, they in effect destroyed it and thus demolished the protective wall which was provided by its troops and generals. The Romans thus turned the boasting of their bravery into that of irrevocable flight; in this way they were like the shameful shepherd who, when he saw the wolf, fled. Also the Romans endeavored to destroy the traditional fortified defenses of Armenia by tearing them down and thus brought on the assault of the Persians with the sword, regarding all of this as a victory for themselves. Moreover, they shamelessly tried to guard Armenia with eunuch generals and troops at a time when the Persians came upon an abandoned East. In that period the infidels were strengthened to such a great extent that in one year's time they reached up to the walls of Constantinople. They seized the whole Roman empire, its coastal towns and its islands, and caused the Greeks to be bottled up in Constantinople like prisoners. When the Persians seized Armenia from the Greeks, all malicious acts against the Armenians by the Romans ceased. However, after this the Romans contrived to war against the Annenians in another way; they began to criticize their religious beliefs. Thus, scorning warfare, battles, and combats, they sought to bring disorder into the church of God. They willfully eschewed war with the Persians, while they endeavored to destroy and rout out the faith of the true believers in Christ; for, whenever they discovered a brave and mighty man, they blinded him or threw him into the sea and drowned him. Their only care and desire was to remove all the Armenian princes and brave commanders from the East and, carrying them off, to force them to settle among the Greeks. They transformed brave young men into eunuchs, and instead of the tightly forged coats of mail, which are worn by brave men, they gave them loosely hanging garments, which were wide and long; instead of steel

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helmets they put battle headgear on them not made of metal, and instead of an ironclad covering for the shoulders [and neck] they gave them a wide neckerchief. These eunuchs spoke meekly and softly just like women and ceaselessly pondered over the los8 of brave young men. Thus, because of them, all the faithful were subjected to servitude in Persia. 14. During this period the emperor Ducas conceived of the malicious idea of removing the patriarchal see of Saint Gregory from the Armenians and destroying it. So, as we said before, he began to attack and criticize various aspects of the Armenian faith. Especially when his lordship Peter died, the Romans attacked the holy see, intending to abolish it and to compel the Armenians to adhere to the impious faith as set forth at Chalcedon. 1 At this time the Romans, seeking the immense treasure of gold and silver belonging to his lordship Peter, the Annenian catholicos, subjected many people to torture in Sebastia; they brought to Constantinople the person consecrated to the patriarchal see, his lordship Khach'ik., together with his bishops and also his most praiseworthy lordship Eghishe, keeping them there in exile for three years. Thus in this period many misfortunes fell upon the Armenian faith. Finally the Armenian kings and princes, Gagik of Ani, Atom and Abusahl-sons of Senek'erim, worked hard and were barely able to get them freed. Mter all these events the patriarchal see was transferred to T'awblur,2 and his lordship Khach'ik resided there three years, occupying the patriarchal see for six years altogether.3 15. In the course of the year 511 of our era [1062-1063] an evil scourge of an odious and bitter mien spread and extended over the Christian faithful. For, during the autumn season in the month of Areg,l a calamity came forth from the Persian court. Three great and illustrious men, Slar-Khorasan,2 Chmchm, and Isulv,3 came forth from the court of the sultan Tughrnl. Shedding much blood, they came against the Christian peoples. Reaching the territory of Paghin with many troops, full of rage they shed the blood of many faithful with the sword and enslaved the whole area. Going forth from there, they came like deadly serpents and reached the territory of T'lkhum and Arkni and found the entire region unprepared [for war]. When they saw the whole land and region unfortified, they were exceedingly glad. So, like bloodthirsty wolves or crazed dogs, with an inexorable sword they attacked the entire region, intending to slaughter its

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inhabitants to the last person. The whole land was prosperous and filled with men and animals, and the entire region was heavily populated. On Saturday the fourth of Areg, at the eighth hour, the vast plain was filled with blood, captives, and merciless slaughter-something we are not able to relate. There were many and innumerable people who were burned [to death]. There was no one in the entire region who was able to escape the edge of the sword, and on that day many were martyred. Mter having related this extensive enslavement and countless slaughter, I shall make mention of the true priest of God, Christopher, and of his sons T'oros and Stephen, who were martyred together with all the people; for when this priest saw the immense number of the infidel forces, he gathered together the whole village in the church-men and women with their children-and then began to celebrate the divine liturgy of Christ and gave' communion to all the people. The infidel troops surrounded the church, and the faithful, who had communed, came out of the church one by one to the bloodthirsty beasts; they, in turn, butchered the Christian faithful. When Christopher and his sons were the only ones remaining, they went down on their knees before God and, giving thanks to Him, kissed one another farewell; then they went forth and received a martyr's death, having sincerely confessed their sins in harmony with Jesus Christ. When the emir4 who resided in the town of Amida, the son of Na/3ir-ad-Daulah, learned of this horrible and calamitous event, he wrote to Slar-Khorasan and made an alliance with him; he commanded all the captives of the region in which he lived to be sold, for he was benevolent and merciful towards the Christian people. Moreover, he issued an edict throughout the whole land, which commanded people to buy captives, and it was carried out. However, when the captives were brought to Amida to be sold, many perished as martyrs at the gates of the town [in spite of the emir's edict]. At that moment a light with a fiery appearance was seen descending upon them from heaven. 16. Who is able to relate the happenings and ruinous events which befell the Armenians, for everything was covered with blood' moreover, the hoofs of the enemy horses wore down the mountain~ and hills. Beca~se of the great number of corpses, the land stank, and all o~ PerSIa was filled with innumerable captives; thus this whole ~a~lOn o~ beasts ~ecame drunk with blood. All human beings of ChnstIan faIth were In tears and in sorrowful affliction, because

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God our creator had turned away His benevolent face from us. All this happened because of our sins and evil ways, and thus God delivered us up to the wicked and very savage nation of the Turks, according to the words of the prophet who said: "0 God, you rejected us, ruined us, were angry at us, and [did not] have pity on us; you did not go forth with our forces, you made us turn back from our enemies, and thus our enemies plundered us; you delivered us like sheep to the slaughter and scattered us among the heathen." 1 Mter such calamitous events as these had taken place, the infidels brought an immense number of captives to Persia, carrying them off in groups like flocks of birds. When the infidels [in Persia] saw them, they were amazed and questioned them, saying: "Why did you become enslaved, [allowing yourselves] to be in such an unprepared state, and why were you unable to have foresight, either by ear or through a sign, so that you might have fled from uS?" The captives answered: "We were unable to realize anything. II Then the infidel women said: "La, this was the sign of your destruction; when in the evening your cock crowed and your cattle and sheep squatted to defecate, this was the sign for the [impending] calamity. II The captives answered: "All that had happened to us many times in our country, but we were never able to realize that it was a sign for us of the [impending] calamity. II 17. After all these calamitous events we have spoken about, the terrible news reached the emperor Ducas. Collecting troops, he appointed the illustrious magnate called Francopoulos l as general and sent him with many troops to the territory of T'lkhum. These forces came and reached T'lkhum with great strength. The dux of Edessa, whose name was Dawatanos and who was a valiant and mighty man in battle and renowned throughout the land, also gathered together forces. Collecting troops from Edessa, Gargar, and ~:Ii~n-Ma.n':lllr, he moved forth against the Muslims with these forces [and intended] to avenge the blood of the Christians which had been shed. Going forth with many troops, he encamped on the plain of T'lkhum. When all his troops saw the tremendous amount of slaughter which had taken place here, they wept profusely. When the forces of the Turks learned of the coming of the Roman troops, they fled to Persia. Then Dawatanos roared like a lion at the Muslims and assaulted the town of Amida, especially since at that time the townspeople had poisoned and killed the great emir $a.i'd-ad-Daulah, the son of Naf3ir-adDaulah.

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When the townspeople heard of the coming of the Roman forces, they secretly sent ten thousand dahekans to Francopoulos. So Francopoulos secretly made a pact of friendship with the Muslims. Dawatanos, hearing of this, heaped abuses upon Francopoulos. When the Romans reached the gates of the town of Amida, at the place called "Gate of the Romans, the infidel forces engaged in combat. On the other hand, Francopoulos treacherously turned the battle over to Dawatanos, while he himself together with his troops remained in the rear, separated from the conflict; moreover, he had sixty thousand cavalry troops with him. When the combat began, a certain brave man from the infidel forces, whose name was Hechn-Pshara/ did a very destructive thing to the Roman troops; quick as an eagle he broke through Dawatanos's front line and wreaked havoc within the Roman ranks. When Dawatanos saw this, he cried out for his horse, saying: "Give me my Kamam." 3 When Pshara rose up and came forth, Dawatanos fell upon him like a lion. Directing his spear at Pshara's heart, Dawatanos tore through his armor, the lance coming out from the other side of his body; then both men fell from their horses. The two armies were clashing together, and in the process Dawatanos was killed on the same spot, while Pshara lay dead with the spear in his body. When the townspeople learned that Dawatanos had died, they rose up in a body and made a sortie. Then one of Dawatanos's troops, whose name was Tavar, went to Francopoulos and accused him of being the cause of the dux's death. When Francopoulos heard this, he attacked the infidels and severely slaughtered them at the gates of the town, as many as fifteen thousand men; then he returned to the country of the Romans.' II

18. In this same year a certain Hehnuk with five thousand men went against the Kurds in the region of Amida, near a place called Chepu-Shahar. Seizing a considerable amount of booty consisting of sheep, cattle, horses, slaves, and many other things, he came to the fortress called Sewerak (Sewawerak). A man who was the chief of the Kurds and whose name was Khalid, together with his three sons, pursued and overtook Hehnuk. When Hehnuk and his forces saw this, they turned back in flight. At that moment the divine-rebuking wrath of God fell upon them, for the forces of Amida arrived and caused much slaughter, freeing all the men and captives [Hehnuk and his troops had taken]. 19. In this same year Francopoulos went to the city of Erzurum

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and there came upon the Turkish forces which had pillaged the territory of T'lkhum, and both sides engaged in combat with one another. Francopoulos defeated them and slaughtered all the Turkish forces, killing their emir who was called Yl1suf; moreover, he seized countless booty and delivered innwnerable captives out of their hands. When the emperor Ducas heard of the death of Dawatanos, which was treacherously caused by Francopoulos, he summoned him to Constantinople and drowned him in the sea by tying a rock to his neck and throwing him into the Mediterranean. 20. In the year 513 of the Armenian era [1064-1065] the Persian ruler Alp Arslan, l brother of the sultan Tughrul, who after the death of his brother occupied the throne of the state, collected troops from the Persians, the Turks, and from all of Khl1zistan2 right up to Sijistan. 3 Going forth full of rage and with a formidable army, he surged ahead with venomous onslaughts and moved forth like a river swelling up with tempestuous rage and like a beast crazed by its bloodthirsty nature. He went forth and reached Armenia; and then with a very large amount of troops entered the country of the Albanians, subjecting them to the sword and enslavement. He caused countless deaths of Christians, so much so that no one is able to relate the calamitous events of this disaster to the Christian faithful; for they bitterly tasted death at the hands of the crazed and pernicious nation of the Turks. Because of the tremendous number of Turkish troops, all the plains were covered with their forces, and thus all ways of escape were closed off. Lo, in this place the words of the Savior were fulfilled, who said: "Woe to those who are pregnant and who give suck in those days"'; for many priests, monks, chief elders, and illustrious princes tasted violent death and became food for the beasts and birds. Mter such a great calamity the sultan sent to the king of the Albanians Kvirike5 and demanded his daughter in marriage; out of fear the king gave her to the sultan. Then the sultan made a perpetual pact of peace and friendship with him, after which he sent the king of the Albanians Kvirike, the son of David Anhoghin, back to his town of Lori with great honor and many gifts. 6 Going forth from that place, the sultan entered Georgia with his formidable army and, full of ferocious rage, subjected its inhabitants to the sword and enslavement. Descending from there, he encamped in the district called Jawakhk'7 and vehemently besieged the town of Akhalk'alak. By a violent assault he captured Akhalk'alak and mercilessly slaughtered all the inhabitants with the sword down to

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the last man and woman, butchering all the priests, monks, and nobles. The whole town was filled with blood, and t~e Turks led innumerable young boys and girls into captivity to PersIa; moreover, they took [with them] treasures of gold, silver, precious stones, and pearls, amounting to an incalculable sum. 21. In this same year the sultan very victoriously went forth and, [having the reputation ofl being the venomous serpent of the Persians, came and entered Armenia; he became the instrument of the divine-rebuking wrath of God upon this eastern people and forced the entire Armenian nation to imbibe his bitter rancor. He spread the flaming fire of death to all the Christian faithful and filled all Armenia with blood, the sword, and enslavement. Going forth, the sultan came like a threatening black cloud and, descending upon the royal city of Ani, surrounded it completely on all sides like a vicious serpent. 22. When the population of the city saw this, they trembled in fear and prepared to battle against the Persians with [as] much strength [as they could muster]. The infidel forces on their part, full of rage, made a savage assault and pushed the Roman1 forces back into the city, forcing them to regroup within its walls; thus by their formidable assault the Persians put the city in great danger. At that moment, from dread of these vicious beasts, all the Christian faithful trembled and shook, and fathers began to weep over their sons and sons, over their fathers; mothers wept over their daughters and daughters, over their mothers; and brothers wept over their brothers; and lovers, over their lovers. Thus the whole population of Ani was in great danger, and the assault grew even more intense, so much so that the whole city quaked. Because of these prolonged assaults, the entire city began to pray and fast, and with tears and groans together they cried out to God to deliver them from these ferocious beasts. For Ani was a very populated city, filled with tens of thousands of men, women, aged, and children; this city evoked the admiration of those who gazed upon it; even the innumerable [infidel] forces thought that the greater part of the population of Armenia was contained within its walls. In this period there were in Ani one thousand and one churches where div~ne liturgy was celebrated. The city was built on steep rocks, .whic~ rose up on all sides, and was surrounded by the Akhurlan RIver, but about a bowshot away there was an accessible

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place on one side which the infidels had demolished with a catapult. Mer besieging the city for many days, the infidels still were unable to enter it and soon became discouraged and lifted the siege. On the other hand, the wicked Roman governors, whom the emperor had appointed as guardians of Armenia-Bagrat, father of 5mbat, and Gregory, son of Bakuran, a Georgian-began to intrench themselves deep inside the upper citadel. On that same day the sultan and all the Persian forces, including his whole army, were about to pull back in full force, intending to return to Persia. When the townspeople saw the entrenchment of these apostate guardians of Armenia [in the citadel], they broke rank and each man in his own right fled for no reason at all, the whole city being obscured by a cloud of dust [rising from the feet of those fleeing]. The important personages of the city, in tears, went and fell on their knees before the graves of the fanner Annenian kings, deeply lamenting with tearful eyes and saying: uRise up and see [the condition ofl your ancestral land. When the infidel forces sawall this confusion [among the Christian faithful], they went and related it to the sultan, but he would not believe them. Nevertheless, when the infidel troops saw the ramparts undefended, they entered the city in toto and, taking a child from its mother, brought it back to the sultan and said: "Let this be as evidence for you from the city that we have captured AnL" When the sultan heard this, he was greatly amazed and said: "Their God has delivered the impregnable city of Ani into our hands this day." Then he turned around with his army and entered the city of Ani. All the infidel troops had very sharp knives, one in each hand and the third between the teeth. Armed in this manner, they began to mercilessly slaughter the inhabitants of the entire city, cutting down great numbers of them like green grass and piling up their bodies, one on top of the other, like heaps of stone. In a short time the whole city was filled with blood. All the important Armenian princes and noblemen were brought before the sultan in chains. Beautiful and respectable ladies of high birth were led into captivity to Persia. Innumerable and countless boys with bright faces and pretty girls were carried off together with their mothers. Many saintly priests were burned to death, while others were flayed alive from head to toe, enduring painful wounds, all of which was horrible to those witnessing it. One of the nefarious infidels climbed to the top of the holy cathedral and pulled down the very heavy cross which was on the dome, throwing it to the ground. Then, entering through the door II

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which gave access to the dome of the cathedral, he hurled down the crystal lamp onto the floor of the cathedral, causing it to be extinguished; 5mbat the Conquero~ had this lamp brought from India along with an indeterminate quantity of precious objects, and it weighed twelve litras and was also able to bear a weight of twelve litras. When the cross was pulled down from the dome, at that moment violent thundering and heavy rains took place, and all the torrents of blood caused by the slaughter were washed into the Akhurian River, thus cleansing the entire city of blood. When the sultan learned that the crystal lamp, which was without equal in the whole world, had been shattered in pieces, he became very distressed. The silver crOSB, which the infidels had pulled down and which was the size of a man, was taken and placed on the threshold of the entrance to the mosque in the city of Nakhichevan; this cross is still located there today.3 23. In this period Gagik,! the son of the shahnshah 5mbat,2 reigned in Kars; an envoy was sent to him by the sultan, requesting him to come and do obeisance. Now Gagik was an intelligent and sagacious man, and so he thought of a way to quietly rid himself of the sultan. He dressed up in a black garment of mourning and sat on a cushion of the same color. When the sultan's envoy saw him, questioning him and desiring to know the reason [for this behaviorJ, he said: "Why are you dressed in black, for after all you are a king?" Gagik answered: "Since the day that my friend the sultan Tughrul, the brother of Alp Arslan, died, I have been wearing this black garment." Amazed, the envoy went and related it to the sultan, and the sultan, enthralled by this, went forth with his whole army and came to Gagik in Kars; there he offered Gagik his friendship and showed that he was pleased [to see him]; moreover, he had the Armenian king dressed in royal clothes. Gagik, in turn, gave a banquet for the sultan. We have heard it said that the Armenian king spent one thousand dahekans on one roasted lamb and also that he gave a table worth one hundred thousand dahekans to the sultan, besides placing all his troops at the disposal of that ruler. Thus in this manner Gagik quietly rid himself of Alp Arslan. Sometime after this Gagik abandoned Kars and went over to the Romans. The emperor Ducas gave DzamndaW! to Gagik, and the Armenian king settled there, together with his noblemen, thus abandoning his ancestral home. In this manner the Armenian nation was enslaved, and the whole

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country was completely filled with blood, which like a sea undulated from one end to the other. Our ancestral home was destroyed and despoiled. The foundations of the Armenian homeland were uprooted and shaken. No hope of deliverance remained, and we became subjected to servitude under infidel peoples and alien savages. Lo, the words of the prophet David were fulfilled against us: "You have sold your people for a trifle and our cries have not ceased. You have made us an object of scorn among the heathen and of derisive contempt among those who are about us. Because of all these things, we cry out and say: Turn to us, 0 God our Savior, and turn your anger away from us. "4 Such was the destruction of the Armenian nation. 24. In the year 514 of the Armenian era [1065-1066], during the reign of the Roman emperor Ducas, a great war broke out in the West caused by the nation of the Uzes. The emperor Ducas collected troops from all the Greeks and from the forces of Armenia. He appointed the illustrious Roman magnate Basil, the son of Abukab, as commander of these forces. Basil, advancing with many troops, came and descended upon the great river called the Danube. Here on the banks of the river a violent battle took place between the Romans and the Uzes, and there was heavy slaughter on both sides. Here one was able to witness a very violent conflict, where both sides hacked away at each other for the greater part of the day and struck out at one another like flocks of sheep. As the battle grew intense, the Roman troops were defeated and fled, while the forces of the Uzes pursued with the sword, slaughtering them in great numbers; the enemy captured Basil, the Roman general, and led him into captivity to their country. Moreover, these Uzes seized the entire Roman camp in toto, including a great amount of gold and silver and many other types ofbootYi they also led all the chief Greek officers into captivity. For many years Basil remained captive in the country of the Uzes and was unable to be ransomed, for they wanted too much money [for his release]. Mter a while one of the infidel troops contemplated freeing Basil, and the general, in turn, promised to give him many things, including a position of high rank from the emperor. A few days later this man, with the help of some of his friends, snatched Basil and immediately brought him to the emperor Ducas. Thus there was much rejoicing among all the Greeks, and the emperor gave many gifts to those who had brought Basil. Mter this Basil came to his father Abukab in Edessa, and his father and all his

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people were filled with joy. 25. In this same year his most praiseworthy lord Khach'ik, the Annenian catholicos, died. He had occupied the patriarchal see for six years, residing in an alien country; also he considered. hi~self a foreigner under the rule of the Greeks, and the days of hIS hfe were filled with painful l experiences [with these very same GreeksJ. He endured much suffering in Constantinople at the hands of the unjust and vicious Roman nation, who subjected him to various tribulations because of his faith. We have heard it related that the Romans forced him to submit to an ordeal by fire, but he passed though it unharmed, angering them so much that they claimed he was a phantom. Because of all this, his lordship Khach'ik. was deeply grieved in his heart. He remembered the destruction of the patriarchal see of the Armenian nation, the seizure of the royal throne from the Bagratid dynasty and its administration by the perfidious Greek nation, and finally, the condition of poverty prevailing over the see of St. Gregory, the enlightener of the Armenians. On the other hand, when his lordship Peter had occupied the patriarchal see in Armenia, he possessed the patrimony given to him by the Armenian kings. He had five hundred renowned and large villages, together with their very ample revenues. Also he had under his jurisdiction over five hundred illustrious bishops and chorepiscopi, administering seven hundred dioceses without interruption. He had with him in the patriarchal palace twelve bishops, four vardapets, sixty priests, and five hundred other clergymen and laymen. Thus the patriarchal see was far from being inferior to the Armenian royal throne. Also the religious objects, which filled the patriarchal palace, were of immense number and of wondrous splendor; all of these were donated by former Armenian kings at the time of the establishment of the first Armenian patriarchs and were passed on until the time of his lordship Peter, after which they were melted down and destroyed. ~ 0V: his lordship Khach'ik reflected upon all this and, seeing the afflIctions of the Armenian patriarchal see, became deeply grieved. When the holy patriarch his lordship Khach'ik passed from this world, those of the Armenian kings and princes who were left remaining sought to fmd a worthy person to install on the patriarchal see of ~t. ?,regory the Enlightener. They found a young man of Pahla';-d Im~age named Vahram, the son of the distinguished Armeman pnnce Gregory Magistros. Vabram was endowed with every virtue; having taken a wife according to the ways of the world

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and having kept her in a state of purity, he was now separated from her and had taken on the monastic discipline; moreover, devoting himself to study and to the attainment of divine grace, he came to have a deep understanding of the Old and New Testaments of God, showing much eagerness and great desire [in his pursuit of these studies]. 26. During this period his most praiseworthy lordship Gregory, 1 also known as Vabram, the son of Gregory Magistros, son of Vasak of Bjni of Pahlavid lineage, occupied the see of the Armenian catholicate. His Lordship Gregory occupied the patriarchal see at the behest of the shahnshah Gagik, the son of Abas of Kars, because after the death of his lordship Khach'ik, Vahram was deemed worthy of the holy see. For his reputation had grown a great deal, and he was filled with holiness and righteousness and endowed with shining virtue. Moreover, he had become skillful in the art of rhetoric and was erudite in all aspects of the Old and New Testaments of God and thus was able to assist Christ's flock in every way. It was this man Vahram whom the Holy Spirit revealed as the one who would occupy the see of St. Gregory the Enlightener, his ancestor; because of this he was seen as one endowed with humility and every virtue and as one appearing as the second celebrated Gregory. He renounced the delights of the world and enthusiastically embraced the path of eternal life. He enlightened the land of Armenia with his many and diverse commentaries. [He enriched Armenian culture] by translating the works of many nations2 and completely filled the church of God with all types of divinely inspired books. [Finally], Vahram made the monastic institutions of the Armenian nation shine forth, and thus the see of St. Gregory the Enlightener regained its [former] vigor in the land of Armenia; for the new patriarch shone with holiness and every modesty and devoted himself to fasting and prayers. 27. In this same year the wicked Persian chief Slar-Khorasan for the second time collected troops. He came against the fortress of T'lkhum and with a terrible siege put it in dire straits for many days, but was unable to capture it. Then, going forth with many troops, he came to the territory of Edessa and reached the fortress called Sewawerak. A guard post of Frankish troops, consisting of two hundred horsemen, was stationed here. The Franks went forth in battle against the Turks and at first slaughtered them and turned

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them in flight. However, when the infidel forces received reinforcements, they put the Franks to flight and killed fifteen of their men. Then the infidel forces invaded the territory of Sewawerak and Nisibis. 1 The whole region was heavily populated with men and women and flocks of sheep, to such an extent that its surface gave the appearance of a rippling sea. The infidels ruthlessly attacked with sword in hand and mercilessly slaughtered [everyone] with the edge of the sword, filling the land with blood and leading the women and children into captivity, together with a tremendous amount of booty. Mter a few days they reached the territory of Edessa and encamped before the renowned fortress of T'orich, devastating the entire region. Then with part of their forces they descended upon a fortress of limited importance called Nshenek2 and after a severe assault captured it. A certain brave Armenian soldier called the vestis,3 who was the dux of Antioch, happened to be in Edessa at that time. Organizing his troops, he went forth to attack the Turks. However, the dux of the city, whose name was Pegonites,4 turned over the troops of the city to his proximus5 and ordered him to try to bring about the death of the vestis, so that he might not have the chance to do any deeds of bravery and thus increase his reputation for prowess. The vestis arrived at Nshenek at nightfall; the Turks, feeling completely secure, were lighting their fires and beginning to prepare their evening meal. Then the perfidious proximus, who [as we have seen] contemplated the treacherous deed of doing away with the vestis, sounded the battle trumpet from afar and thus warned the Turks, while he himself went in another direction with his troops. The Armenian chief realized the treachery of the Romans and, signaling his noblemen, fell upon the Turks. At the first encounter he slaughtered many, while causing others to flee. Then he tried to obtain assistance from the garrison of the fortress, but when [he saw that] the ranks of the infidels were increasing around him, he took refuge unharmed in a fortress which was near Dzulman. 6 When he asked where the Frankish troops of Edessa were, he was told that the proximus had gone to Lord Guzman7 with all his troops. Then the vestis said: "0 apostate Romans, is this one of your usual treacherous acts?" He returned to Edessa and after a few days went to the city of Antioch and wrote to the emperor Ducas, infonning him of all his treachery. The emperor had the proximus taken and flayed alive; then he had his skin stuffed with grass and sent to Edessa. Moreover, Ducas deprived Pegonites of his high rank.

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28. In this same year once again the wicked and bloodthirsty beast Slar-Khorasan came to the territory of Edessa and descended upon Gulla.b. 1 There with the edge of the sword he caused a severe slaughter, killing most of its inhabitants. Then, laden with many captives, he descended upon the fortress called Tep, 2capturing it after a violent assault and slaughtering its inhabitants to the last man. Mter this, departing, he went and encamped in a place called K'sOS.3 The Roman troops who were in the city of Edessa, both infantry and cavalry forces consisting of four thousand men, went against the Turks and reached T'lak, which is close by K'sas. When SlarKhorasan saw this, he signaled his troops and attacked. However, before both sides engaged in combat, the Roman troops fled. On the other hand, two brothers from the Armenian infantry forces held a bridge and thus stopped the Turks for a short time, until they were finally killed in a violent assault [by the enemy]. So the Roman troops fled, and the Turks pursued with the sword. At that moment a Frank turned around to face the Turks and, roaring like a lion, wounded and killed many, thus stopping them until the fugitives could escape. But, his horse having been crippled with many wounds, the Frank was cut down and bravely perished on the spot. The infidels continued their pursuit right up to the moat of the city, severely slaughtering [the Christians] as they advanced. Thus the entire plain was filled with blood and many high-ranking officers lost their lives.

29. In this same year once again Slar-Khorasan came against the territory of Edessa, [this time] to a place called Kupin, l and there he caused a horrible slaughter of people. He remained in the area for many days, devastating and enslaving the whole region. Then he returned to Persia with a tremendous amount of booty and captives and died there. 30. In this same period 1 the Roman emperor Ducas, the patriarch,2

all the clergy, and the whole body of eunuchs espoused a perfidious and abominable idea, conceived by the wicked emperor; moreover, all the conspicuous Roman personages supported this sinister plan. For the emperor, in concert with his impious accomplices, had the intention of destroying the Armenian faith, thus thinking to corrupt the faith of St. Gregory the Enlightener. So he resolved to substitute his demonic, confused, and defective doctrine for that faith which had been established in Armenia since time immemorial; for it was

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founded on diamond-like rocks through the efforts and martyrdoms of the holy apostles Thaddeus and Bartholomew and t~rough the many-sided and varied tribulations of St. Gregory the EnIxghtener, a faith which is and will remain unshaken for eternity.3 This emperor, enticed by demonic beings, endeavored to be like the enemy who BOWS tares among good grain. As it is written in the Holy Gospels [about those who would subvert the faith], he resolved to make obscure our luminous doctrine and to cause falsehood to triumph over the truth, which [subversions of the faith] are quite prevalent among the Greeks. Possessed by this deep obsession [to destroy the Annenian faith], he aspired to demolish this lofty tower of doctrine, but was unable to accomplish this evil design of his.' Now the emperor Ducas sent to the city of Sebastia and summoned the sons of the king of Armenia, Atom and Abusahl, to Constantinople. They, somewhat recognizing the emperor's evil designs, took with them the vardapet James, surnamed K'arap'nets'i, a man erudite in the knowledge of the Holy Scriptures, and with him went to Constantinople. At first the emperor welcomed the sons of the Armenian king; however, after a few days he began to disclose his evil intentions and said: "It is the command of our imperial majesty that you and all the princes of Armenia receive baptism according to the Roman faith." Being among the Romans, Atom and Abusahl had all sorts of misgivings [about giving an out-and-out refusal to the emperor]; so they said to Ducas: "We are unable to do anything without Gagik,5 son of Ashot, for he is a brave man and our king and son-in-Iaw;B send for and summon him here, for if we do anything without him, he will burn us to death when we return to our lands." When the emperor heard this, he did not want Gagik to come, because the Annenian king was brilliant in philosophical debates and invincible in answering questions put to him; for [at a former time] he had sat in the pulpit of Saint Sophia, in the midst of all the ~oma~ doctors. While Atom and Abusahl secretly sought out Gagik m.~lon-Peghat,7the emperor Ducas, taking the initiative, began the cnbClsm of the Armenian faith. The vardapet James of Sanahin ra~sed many objections in reference to various points in the Roman f81th; however, concerning the two natures in Christ he inclined a bit to the Roman position. ' The e~peror, agreei.ng with all the solutions presented by James [to r~conclle the two faIths], on that basis commanded a document of reuruo~ be drawn up between the Annenians and the Romans; so the Anneman vardapet James undertook to draft this document. The

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emperor was very pleased with this profession of faith and commanded it to be deposited in Saint Sophia, since henceforth the Armenians and the Romans were reunited to one another. At this time Gagik, swift as an eagle, sped to Constantinople; and when the emperor heard of his arrival, he was very happy. When Gagik came before the emperor, he ordered the document of reunion brought to him. Taking it, the Armenian king read it and, when he saw that it was written by the vardapet James, tore it in two in the presence of the emperor and threw it to the ground. Seeing this, Ducas became very much ashamed. Then Gagik said the following to the emperor in reference to the vardapet: "This man is only a monk, besides which there are many in Armenia who will neither accept nor conform to such a document as this; moreover, we do not consider him to be one of our accomplished vardapets. Then in the presence of the emperor the Armenian king reprimanded James, saying: IlHow did you dare write this and get yourself involved in such gibberish, for you are a religious man. Mter this Gagik said the following to the emperor Ducas: "I am a king and a son of the kings of Armenia, and all Armenians obey my commands; I am well versed in the Old and New Testaments, and all Armenians are witnesses to the truth of my words, for they regard me as equal to the vardapets; therefore, today I shall present a discourse to the Romans concerning the faith of the Armenian nation." So Gagik himself wrote a profession of faith and presented it to the emperor and patriarch. Here follows a copy of this document. 1l

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31. IlWe feel it necessary to examine those matters concerning the Armenian faith, all in accordance with your request, your imperial majesty. Now listen and pay attention to whatever I say with an open mind and understand the true profession of faith of the Armenian nation, based on one Godhead consisting of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. First one must understand the nature of man and the reason for his creation; this is the means of knowing God who created man in the fullness of being. One must admit that anything more or anything less said about this belief comes from evi1. 1 First 2 and foremost we know that God is without beginning and infinite....

32. IlNow we shall speak about the creation of man. Why did God first create the lower forms and prepare man's habitat and after all this make man as his last act of creation? It is because he did not think it proper to enjoy his opulence alone. So from his abundant

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excellence he poured out his blessings and passed from th~ creation of angels and other beings [to the creation of man], accordmg to the words of the prophet who said: 'The earth was full of the mercy of the Lord' the heavens were made firm by the words of the Lord, all their virtues emanating from the breath of his mouth.'l 0 v~ctori0.u8 emperor, 10, we expound our profession of faith to you; Imperlal majesty and once again discourse about these matters. It IS our duty to serve and worship the Lord in the same way and manner as those inspired by the Holy Spirit. For we procl~i~ ~hat the Fath~r is God t that the Son is God that the Holy Spmt IS God, fonmng three persons and one will ~th one accord and one lordship. There is no superiority or inferiority between them; one is not to be more honored or more humbled than the others, so that one assents, the other cooperates, while the third provides the inspiration. Moreover, ea~h person equally manifests the splendor of the Godhead, separated 111 its unity and united in its separation, which indeed is beyond human understanding. 33. "At this point I will delineate the doctrine of the Holy Spirit. We shall speak of the Holy Spirit as an enlightening force; as the contemplator of the divine graces, St. John the Evangelist, expressed it: 'That was the true light, which enlightens all men and which was coming,'l It was also the comforter and still is and will [always] bej it is the only light, its light is the light, it is God and, it is that which David saw in times past. The theologian John2 witnesses to all this when he says: 'The Holy Spirit is God, whom people [wrongly] regard as inferior [to the other persons of the Godhead] and do not maintain as God equal with the Father and the Son.' This is the doctrine of the Trinity and of the Holy Spirit, which we profess. Now God came to this world to give birth, and what an excellent offspring came forth because ofthisj so at this point we shall expound to your excellency on the birth of the Son from the Father, as to why we hold the belief we do [concerning this doctrine]. We believe the essence of the Godhead to be equally in the fatherhood and in the sonship. The second person of the Trinity came for our salvation in a very real sense and not seemingly or in a contrived way as [in the situation w.hereJ persons disguised as guests partook of the calf in the tent of hIm who was called t~e .fath~r of righteousness.s We regard the second person of the Tnmty Without beginning and uncreated as it was proclaimed from Moses to the prophets and from the prophets to the fulfillment of the promises of the one who is to come. He will

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come among us in order to accomplish the work of redemption, which event Christ witnessed to in the presence of the holy apostles. We have received the Gospel in writing, and from the time of the reception of this Gospel until the second4 manifestation of God, when the good and the evil will receive their just recompense, the precepts of the apostles together with those of the holy fathers are in effect. 34. "Now hear, 0 emperor, how we anathematize the heretics of the church, who are corrupted by erroneous doctrines and whose names have been recorded. We anathematize Valentinus, who maintains that there are two Sons of God, one through nature and the other through grace; he also maintains that the Old Testament is bad and only the New is good, and because of all this we anathematize him, and indeed let him be anathema. Marcion maintains that the basic elements are uncreated and exist by themselves, that the world was fanned from numbers, and that the body of our Lord seemingly exists but in essence is not real; because of all this we anathematize him also. Montanus, who is considered one of the most perverse heretics, maintains that his own person is the Holy Spirit and at the same time fornicates with women; the Holy Spirit anathematizes him, and indeed let him be anathema. Mani maintains that there are two principles coequal with one another, light and darkness, the one good and the other evil; him also we anathematize. Novation rejects the doctrine of repentance, maintaining that once a person sins, he can never again hope for pardon; because of this we anathematize him with the rest, and indeed let him be anathema. l 35. "Arius maintains three persons, but makes one inferior to the other; the catholic church, together with us, anathematizes him. Photinus maintains that Jesus originated from Mary and not eternally from the Father; because of this we anathematize him. We also anathematize Nestorius, Eutyches, and Sargis,t who has an Armenian name,2 was accompanied by a dog and a donkey, and shall partake of the fate of these animals on the last day; the holy catholic apostolic church anathematizes these persons, and let them indeed be anathema. We also anathematize Paul of Samosata, Peter the Fuller,S and Dioscorus4; if indeed this last person held heretical views as the other two, then let him be anathema, just in case your superficial analysis of him be true.

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36. "Now we shall discourse on the crucified Christ, whom we invoke and worship. Those who believe and maintain that the Trinity was crucified on the cross or that the Godhead suffered on the cross are anathematized by the Trinity, by us, and by the church of God. Understand, your most high imperial majesty, [our doctrine] concerning the union of the natures of God and man [in Christ], natures which are esteemed by us. On the other hand, the separation of the divinity and the humanity after the union [of the two natures] is not found in Holy Scripture;l this we confess and believe. For Gregory the Thaumaturge2 says: 'If out of two diverse principles (divinity and humanity] come forth two natures united in one, then one can profess only one Lord, one Jesus Christ, one nature, after the union which makes his earthly body coequal with the Godhead and which brings these two together in one force and one divinity.' However, why and in what way are the two natures related to one another? These are the questions which the fathers of the church did not examine too deeply. For why did the ThaumaturgesS neglect understanding what the Holy Spirit revealed-namely the bringing forth of God from God; why did they neglect the concept of the birth of Christ as supremely from God? The blessed Gregory of Nyssa,' the brother of the holy patriarch Basil,5 says the following in his book on the nature of man, in the third discourse which deals with the union of the soul and the body: 'It is certainly in accordance with the pure Word God that, especially because God wished to unite with mankind, he lived in a body wherein he remained united without confusion and in an ineffable manner, but not with a body like ours; for our bodies seem to be formed of many elements and are subject to the natural passions which are part of their very nature. On the other hand, the Word of God has nothing in common with the body or the soul, which are changeable; rather, it is not susceptible to their weaknesses, but associates them to its divinity and in so doing still remains one, as it was before this union was achieved. The new reality of this combination and union, [Christ], operates in a certain manner; it is mingled together, yet it remains completely distinct, unconfused, incorrupt, and immutable; it is not susceptible to the natural passions but yet is capable of action, not open to corruption and . mutability but yet both its aspects grow together-, nevertheless, It IS not prevented by these passions and actions from remaining unalterable and unconfused, because it is incapable of all change of an impure kind.' "In support of this doctrine we cite the philosopher Porphyry,S who

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wrote against Christ; for evidence about us recorded by our enemies is quite formidable, although they do not accept the fact that Christ is one. This Porphyry, in the second discourse of his miscellany, writes the following concerning this subject: 'One cannot say that it is impossible for a substance, by augmenting itself, to complement another substance and to be a part of it and yet retain its own nature even after its union with that other substance; this substance, by being with another, does not change its own greatness, rather it changes those substances which are united to it by the action of coming together.' This is what Porphyry says concerning the union of the soul and the body. If indeed these words are true in reference to the soul and its immateriality, how much more would they be applicable to the Word of God, which is eternally unique and truly incorporeal; this teaching silences those heretics who revile the union of the Word God with man, for they are like the pagans who hold many absurd opinions. 37. "Therefore, those Christians and other faithful who maintain the aforementioned doctrine in another sense by professing the alteration or confusion of the two natures, let these be anathema. If anyone maintains that the Theotokos Mary, the Holy Virgin, assumes a position distant from the Godhead, let him be anathema. If anyone says that Christ passed through the Virgin as if through a tube, or that he was created in her divinely and humanly at one and the same time--divinely because he was conceived without a man and humanly because he was born through a natural birth-let him be anathema. If anyone says that man was first created and then God entered and dwelled within him, let him be condemned for not maintaining the birth of God, but rather rejecting it. If anyone professes two sons, one from God the Father and the other from a mother, both not being one and the same, let him be excluded from the inheritance of the faithful. There are two natures, for in Christ is God and man, a spirit and a body; however, there are neither two sons nor two Gods, but only one; moreover, in him there are not two men, although Paul of Samosata maintained that there are-one the internal man and the other the external man. "If one must speak. succinctly, I would say that the Savior is composed of many elements, but he is not at one and the same time invisible and visible, or outside of time and limited by time; there is nothing different about him except one thing: there are two in the same house who are united together, God becoming man and man

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becoming God; how else can one express this. [inscrutable mystery]? We maintain that the Trinity is composed of different Persons, but we do not confuse one Person with the other; in the same way the two natures are made one in Christ and partake of the same divinity. If anyone maintains that Christ, as a prophet, was born in grace, but was not begotten through the natural union of two natures, let him be considered among those who are anathematized by the powers on high, especially if he persists in his error. IT anyone does not worship Christ crucified, let him be anathematized and condemned with the deicides. If anyone maintains that he is worthy of being adopted as a son of God only after his baptism or his resurrection from the dead, as the pagans affirm in their erroneous books, let him be anathema. For heretics such as these maintain that the being, who has a beginning, progresses, and finally becomes perfect, is not God, although they say this because of the gradual changes which take place in him. If anyone maintains that Christ has now put aside his body and has kept only his divinity, having abstracted it from his body, and thus has divested himself of this garment he used to wear, so that at present or at his second coming he will not be seen in his glory, [let him be anathema]. For where is his body now, if not with the one who is clothed in it? "We reject the nonsense of the Manicheans, who say that his body was placed in the sun and thus honor that which is not worthy of honor;! [we do not believe as they do that] this body became dissipated and dissolved in nature, similar to what happens to air and lightning in the atmosphere; [we also reject their notion that] the body is not in any place where it can be touched, or [that] it is not resurrected and its former wounds cannot be seen, since the Godhead itself is invisible. On the contrary, we maintain that he came with his body, wholly formed, as he appeared to his disciples on Mount Tabor in a manifestation where his divinity triumphed over his hu~anity; it is this belief that I wish to make known to your imperial maJesty. If anyone maintains that Christ's body descended from heaven,2 let him be anathema, for a heavenly body comes from heaven and a terrestrial body from the earth; no one ascends to heaven who has not descended from there, namely the Son of Man. If there is a.nyt~ing more to be said here, one should explain the heavenl~ umon In .the sense that everything exists through Christ, and ChrIst dwells In our hearts in order to enlighten our minds. 38. "Now we wish to explain to your very illustrious majesty about

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Christ crucified and the cmcifixion by means of the following invocation: '0 you who were crucified for us'; during our worship services we repeat this invocation when we give thanks to God three times for his Son crucified for us. H anyone imagines that Christ acts because of the Father or the Holy Spirit, or maintains that all three equally suffered in the passion and that all three were crucified, he will be accused of professing three Godheads. However, if we declare that only the Son is benevolent, we reject the words contained in the Gospels which say: 'Hanyone is ashamed of me or of my words, the Son of Man will be ashamed of him. 'i This passage refers to those who, although confessing Christ, conceal the thanks due God for the crucifixion; as these people are ashamed of the cmcifixion, so also will Christ be ashamed of them on the last day. When, for example, Gregory,2 the father of theologians, says: 'God crucified, the sun darkened,' how can one dare disavow the crucifudon? However, if anyone brings the Father and the Holy Spirit together, let him be anathema. 39. "Now, passing on to another subject, let us discuss the action involved in the mystery of the bread and the wine. Why did Christ take up the unmixed chalice together with the unleavened bread in order to distribute these to us-on the night in which he was betrayed-when he instructed us to consecrate his body and blood in memory of himself? The blessed1 John Chrysostom, whose testimony we cite here, says the following in his commentary on the Gospels, in reference to the writings of the Pharisees: 'The other evil heresies, Christ rooted out; this is why after his resurrection he only took the [unmixed] chalice and the unleavened bread; for he said that there were those who used water in the holy sacrament, even though the vine produces only wine and not water.' This is why we adhere to this usage which was passed down to us. Now, since two types of liquid flowed from the wound made on Christ's side, many have mixed water with the wine, because water came out with the blood; also they have adopted the leavened bread because the divinity was united with the body, but they have made a false interpretation in order to justify this usage. In reference to the water and the blood, the blessed John says that the water signifies perfect mortality and the blood signifies perfect vitality, since Christ both lived and died in perfection. For his humanity is not separated from his divinity, but constitutes a unity, as we have already proved. He is no longer a man but God and man at the same time, existing before eternity,

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although not associated with a body in that state. In the space of time he took on humanity for our salvation; he suffered the passion in his body, but not in his divinity; he is circumscribed .in his bo~y, but boundless in his divinity; he is at one and the same time celestIal and terrestrial, visible and invisible, limited and without limit-all in such a way that he is both finite and infinite and yet man and God. Therefore, we worship and proclaim God alone. We believe in the indivisible union of the divinity and the humanity, not worshiping the humanity for fear of introducing a quaternity in place of the Trinity or [introducing] the opinion that salvation is accomplished only by the death and shedding of the blood of a man rather than by God. 40. "Now hear what we have to say concerning the Feast of the Nativity and fasting. In reference to those feasts, which you celebrate at times different from us, you use as your chief argument in support of your position the time of the birth of Christ, following this passage of the evangelist and apostle St. Luke: 'And Christ was thirty years old'l; this clearly shows that on the same day of his birthday, Christ was baptized and began his mission when he had completed his thirtieth year. Now, since the duration of Zechariah's muteness is reckoned as one hundred and eighty days, which makes the Feast of the Annunciation fall on the twenty-fIfth of March, the two hundred and seventy six days of the pregnancy of the Holy Virgin is reckoned from this period, allowing a space of ten months for the pregnancy of the firstborn-all of which calculations fix the Nativity on the twenty-fIfth of December. Now first let us examine Leviticus and then the Gospels. Leviticus states: 'This is the feast consecrated to me, which shall be holy for you, and you shall celebrate it three times a year. All of your male children shall be presented to me, and you shall make offering to the Lord.' The text adds: 'The first day of the sixth month shall be holy for you, and the fIfteenth of that same month, called the Feast of the Tabernacles, shall be holy for you. You shall not perform any servile work on that day. The seventh day, called the sabbath rest, shall also be holy for you. You shall not perform any servile work on that day.'2 These are the words of Scripture. Now Zechariah's muteness dates from the month of Tishri,3 whi~h is t~e seventh month. This is the Day of Atonement, when the high pnest entered the holy of holies and this happened only once ~ year, according to the words of St. P~ul. It was unlawful for Zechanah to have intercourse with his wife on this day,'because

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he was the high priest for that year, besides which the solemn Feast of the Tabernacles was near, and all of Israel was assembled there. Because of all this and because the Feast of the Tabernacles had to be celebrated for seven days, it was not possible for the high priest to leave the people and go to his home, all the more since his residence was far away and not in Jerusalem. The evangelist St. Luke attests to all this when he says: 'The people were waiting for Zechariah and they wondered why he was delaying in the temple. When the time of his priestly ministrations were over, he returned to his home.' The evangelist continues: 'Mter these days his wife Elizabeth became pregnant.'6 This all clearly shows that Zechariah's having intercourse with his wife assuredly took place after the celebration of the feast days, and for a further confinnation of these words the evangelist repeats once again: 'The time of his priestly ministrations was over'; then he adds: 'Mter these days his wife Elizabeth became pregnant.' Who is the man having some intelligence who doesn't know that God commanded the people to purify themselves and worship him, not only during the feast, but also on the first day of the month in the evening? How is it that in the interval between two solemn feasts the high priest is able to leave the people and go to his home in order to have intercourse with his wife? The evangelist clearly relates that Mary, having left, went towards the hills to a town of the tribe of Judah; there she entered the house of Zechariah, and on the same day of the feast Zechariah had intercourse with his wife. Now understand that this took place during the feastS of the month of Tishri at the time of Zechariah's muteness, which is the twenty-fifth of September or the twenty-second of the month of Tishri, when the conception and pregnancy of Elizabeth took place. Now, calculating six months-that is one hundred and eighty days-from the conception of Elizabeth, we come up with the sixteenth of the month, which is the sixth of April according to the Roman calendar,? on which day the annunciation of the Holy Virgin Mary took place. Then, allowing a space of ten months for the pregnancy of the firstborn and calculating two hundred and eighty-six days from the annunciation, we come up with the twenty-first of September, which is the sixth of'January according to the Roman calendar. Now this is the doctrine which we profess and in which we stand unshaken and with an unfaltering faith until the end of time. 41. "Now we shall discourse on the fast of Arajawork',1 because there has been much antagonism, schism, and conflict between the

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Romans and our nation over this issue. Concerning the fast of Arajawork' there is no basic difference between it .and. Lent, fo~ the prelates of old separated this fast from Lent, takmg mto consIderation the weakness of human nature; first they had prescribed that it should be conducted in holiness and forbade the consumption of all types of victuals, from the produce of the vine to sesame, not to spe~ of wine and oil; then, since the people were unable to hold to thIS rigorous prescription, these prelates of old permitted an interval of repose. The reason we have outlined above for the establishment of this fast suffices, although another significance is attributed to it for its institution. It is said that this fast offive days was first imposed as an expiation for man's transgressions through his five senses in the earthly paradise; this is supposed to be the basis for all fasts practiced by Christians and also a step to the highest of abstinences, Lent. This is why Moses in the desert granted the people a time for relaxation, following the command of the Lord. In the same way the inhabitants of Nineveh atoned for their sins by a five-day fast and thus saved their city from destruction. 2 Likewise Cyril, patriarch of Jerusalem,S prescribed a five day fast before baptism [for those entering the faith]. There are still other alleged reasons for this fast, which I feel are superfluous to cite here, since it would be tedious for the mind. This fast does not do any injustice to the faith; on the contrary, it serves to fulfill its precepts, and besides, no one is to be blamed for a five-day abstinence. During this fast you would do well not to eat any of these foods, except on the holy day when we celebrate the feast of the general St. Sargis, the true martyr who was immolated by the descendants of Hagar,4the sons of Mupammad, in the district of Bagrewand5 during the reign of the emperor Theodo6 sius. To be sure, this man is not the apostate donkey-driver Sargis who worshiped a dog. For us Christians it is St. Sargis, the true ma~tyr, whom we commemorate. Thus in regards to this there is no schIsm or scandal on our part. Now we have said all this concerning the fast o~ Arajawork' so that all these words might be understood as a professlO~ of a true and concise faith; this faith we uphold and stand firm In from now until the end of time persisting in it at present and in the future. May our Lord Jesu~ Christ be with his ser~an~B; to him be given glory and adoration by the holy church, whIch IS blessed and will be blessed to the end of time, Amen."

~2. Such was the discourse which the Armenian king Gagik dehvered before the emperor Ducas and in the midst of all the Greek

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rhetoricians and doctors in the city of Constantinople. The emperor Ducas and all the savants who held seats in the Academy were very pleased and marvelled at the soundness of Gagik's reasoning and at the profuseness of his various talents and skills. So the Romans reestablished peaceful and friendly relations with the Armenian princes. Forced to renounce their gibberish, all these detractors of the Armenians were humiliated; for all the Roman doctors were unable to find even the slightest suspicion of heresy in the profession of our faith which the Armenian king presented to them. Also Gagik composed many other discourses based on invincible logic, by means of which he attacked and refuted the Greeks. The emperor looked at these and was very pleased with them, for they contained only orthodox statements and a true profession of faith which is in Christ Jesus. So the emperor Ducas came to have a very friendly and receptive attitude towards our princes, bestowing many gifts on Gagik, Atom, and Abusahl, as well as on the noblemen of Armenia. After all this the name of Gagik was glorified by all the eminent Armenian vardapets of the time. Here is a list of these illustrious vardapets: Tiran Kapanets'i; Saylahan Lasdiverts'i; Atom Andzawats'i; Anane and Gregory Narekats'i; Sargis Swanets'i; Joseph Entsayets'i; George Udzets'i; Dioscorus Sanahnets'i; Anane Haghbatats'i; James, son of K'arahat; Anthony and Timothy; John, surnamed Kozern; Paul; Joseph; the vardapet George, surnamed T'amrets'i; Parkchak; and other brilliant savants such as these, who were filled with divine graces and flourished in this period. Indeed King Gagik was equal to these men in the profuseness of the divine graces which he had received. 43. Mter all this Gagik left the presence of the emperor and returned to his country in great triumph, accompanied by his retinue. Now the Armenian shahnshah went forth and arrived at the city of Caesarea of Cappadocia. Already quite initated at the Greeks, he very angrily struck out at the metropolitan1 of Caesarea, whose name was Mark; for this man was an evil-minded schismatic and abominable heretic. Moreover, this wicked Mark was so insolent that he even had the audacity to name his dog "Armen." The Armenian king had been informed of this insult a long time back and so harbored a deep hatred for the Greek metropolitan; however, because the king lived among the Romans, he was not able to do anything about it. Now this metropolitan had a very high and formidable reputation among the Greeks; nevertheless, he incessantly blasphemed the

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Annenians, calling all dogs "Annen." Also he brought much affliction upon the Armenians when he heard that the e~p~ror had the intention of forcibly baptizing the princes of Armema III the Roman faith. So, whenever Gagik stopped at a lodging place, he commanded the Armenian troops to violate the distinguished Roman ladies found there, wishing to outrage the Greeks by such behavior. For Gagik had no intention of ever again returning to Constantinople, rather he was resolved to go to the Persian sultan Alp Arslan and try to regain control of the royal throne of Armenia; in fact this sultan had summoned Gagik many times, but the Armenian king had always refused his invitation, because he was not of the Christian faith. Now, when Gagik was near the residence of the Greek metropoli. tan, he expressed the desire to lodge with him. So envoys went and said to the heretic Mark: "Gagik the Armenian king wishes to lodge with you this day." Hearing this, his lordship Mark was oveIjoyed and ordered his house decorated for the occasion; then willy-nilly he went forth, accompanied by priests, to meet Gagik and, conducting the Armenian king to his house with pomp, gave a magnificent banquet in his honor. However, Gagik had been angry with the metropolitan for a very long time and, when his lordship Mark began to get a bit intoxicated, said to him: "I hear that you have a very powerful dog; I would like to see him." Mark knew that these words were said to provoke him and so ignored them. When the Armenian king repeated his request, the dog was called; however, he did not come because no one dared to call him by his real name, Armen. Then Gagik said: "Call him by his name so that he will come." At that point Mark, completely intoxicated, called the dog, saying: "Annen, Armen." Immediately the dog, quick as a lion, came bounding into their midst. Seeing him, Gagik said: "Is this dog named ArmenT' Mark, greatly embarrassed, answered: "He is soldier-like; that is why we call him Annen." Then Gagik said: "We shall now see who is soldier-like, Armen or the Roman." A large sack was ready at hand, and when Gagik gave the signal, his retainers surrounded the dog and after a great deal of exertion put him into the sack. His lordship Mark, seeing this, thought that they intended to take the dog with them and so he began to get angry and arrogant at the Armenian king's retainers. At that moment Gagik made a sign with his hands to his servants; they surrounded the wicked Mark on all, sides.and, forcibly seizing him, put him into the sack with Annen. WIth this the Armenian king said: "Now we shall see who is the more powerful and soldier-like, the Roman metropolitan or the dog

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named Armen by him." Gagik ordered the dog severely beaten; enraged, the dog in turn attacked Mark and ferociously bit him with his teeth. The servants of the Armenian king continued to beat the dog for most of the day, while the dog angrily drew the blood of the abominable heretic Mark. Screams and cries issued forth from the mouth of Mark. Thus inside the sack a vicious struggle with a great deal of gnashing of teeth took place. Moreover, piteous groans came forth from inside the sack. In this manner this vile and abominable blasphemer cruelly died, becoming food for the dogs. Mter this Gagik ordered the house of the metropolitan plundered completely, for he had been a very wealthy and high-ranking individual. An innumerable amount of gold and silver was taken, as well as six thousand sheep belonging to him, forty pairs of buffalo, and twenty pairs of oxen; having plundered all of this, the Armenian king returned to his own home, taking with him a tremendous number of horses and mules. Now Gagik accomplished all these things right before the very eyes of the Romans, something which no one has ever dared or will ever dare to do. So the Armenian king never returned to Constantinople and consistently refused to heed the summons of the Romans. 44. In this period King Gagik, the son of Abas ofKars, shone forth as a brilliant savant and as one imbued with all types of philosophical wisdom and rhetorical skills; for he was always on a par with the Roman doctors and, whenever he came to Constantinople, sat in the pulpit of Saint Sophia; moreover, he was thoroughly familiar with the Old and New Testaments and was an excellent orator. [His contemporary] Gregory Pahlawuni, the son of Vasak, was also an invincible logician, endowed with all sorts of talents, and was very skillful in giving cogent answers to whatever the Romans put forth; moreover, he was extremely well educated and had a thorough grasp of the Old and New Testaments. This brilliant man had the privilege of sitting in the pulpit of Saint Sophia with the other savants, and he thus could discourse with the Roman doctors; moreover, he was considered to be among the most distinguished of the Armenian vardapets. 45. There was an Armenian prince called Atrnerseh, from the district of Bagrewand. This man was erudite and very brilliant, a rhetorician and philosopher, and had studied in celebrated Argina;l moreover, he was accomplished in the understanding of the two divine testaments and was capable of standing up to all the Roman

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savants because of his profound knowledge and astonishing oratorical skill; in this way he was very much like Gagik and the other Armenian savants we have mentioned. 46. During the reign of shahnshah Gagik., son of the Armeni~n king Ashot, there took place a fearful and wondrous sign from. God 1.n regard to the holy sacrament in the Monastery of Pizu, whICh thIs same Gagik had built. Now on the day of Pentecost, while the holy divine liturgy was being celebrated in the church of God, the celebrant allowed a piece of the host to fall in front of the holy altar. Then on the third day two venerable hermits had a vision, and coming to the church before the arrival of the other monks, one of them said to the other: "I had a vision during the night that the lamp which hung from the cupola fell down in front of the holy altar of God and yet the light in it was not extinguished." The other Olle said: "I also had a vision; I saw a star of amazing grandeur fall from the heavens in front of the holy altar of God, and its light became even brighter [than before its fall]." All the monks marvelled at these visions, and then the superior of the monastery, enlightened by the Holy Spirit, said: "Behold [these visions signify that] a piece of the host has fallen to the ground," Immediately the monks lit candles and with censers in hand went into the church, for they had not swept the church on the days [since the falling of the host]. When they entered the sanctuary, they found a piece of the host before the hol~ altar of God and, picking it up, gave thanks to our Lord Jesus ghnst. In, this same manner many were strengthened in the rtho?~x faIth and from that day on recognized that this sacrament was dlVlne and from heaven, indeed being the true body of the Son of God.

lO:;j At the beginning of the year 515 of the Armenian era [10661e':I ~omet appeared out of the eastern portion of the sky and

t

In a westerly direction. It appeared for one month and then dz:ave l.88ppeared. A number of d fit h' . ays a er t IS It reappeared for one month and th d' reappeared in t~~ w Is::peare~. A number of days after this it es it "G~d that 't h rn portIon of the sky at night· many who saw -... I was t e same co t h' h h ' POrtion before Duri t m~ w lC ad appeared in the eastern. ravaged all of ?g hese tJ~es the infidels marched forth and eIUJlavement. mema, consummg all the faithful by the sword and

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48. In this period the Persian emir MshIn! collected troops and desolated many regions, bloodily massacring the Christian faithful. Much sorrow and gloom fell upon the land because of these wicked infidels. The emir marched forth with a very great number of troops and wintered at the foot of the Black Mountains. 2 There was a tremendous amount of bloodshed and slaughter in the whole region, and many of the holy monks were subjected to the edge of the sword and to being burned; moreover, their corpses became food for the beasts and birds, and since no one was able to inter them, they remained perpetually unburied. Many monasteries and villages were burned to the ground, and their traces are still evident today. Thus the Black Mountains and the entire region from one end to the other was covered with the blood of monks, priests, men and women, aged and young, all of this happening according to the prophet who said: "Their young men were devoured by fire and no one grieved for their virgins; their priests fell under the sword and no one wept over their widows; their blood flowed like water all around Jerusalem and there was no one to bury them. "3 This is the sort of calamitous destruction which the wicked and vicious beast MshIn brought upon the faithful; moreover, it is veritably impossible for anyone to relate his [savage] deeds. 49. In this BaIDe year a very illustrious and mighty emir, who was called Gumushtigin and who was Alp Arslan's /tajib/ came forth from the sultan's court; rising up, he went against the Christians with formidable and valorous forces, causing rivers of their blood to flow. Like a wounded and enraged beast he devastated the district of T'lkhum and mercilessly slaughtered all those who had escaped the previous invasions. By a great assault he captured the fortress called T'let'ut' and inexorably slaughtered everyone there with the sword. Then with an innumerable amount of captives he reached the territory of Edessa. Descending upon the fortress called Nisibis, he besieged it for a number of days, but was unable to capture it. Mter this he forded the Euphrates River and fell upon the district of ~i13n­ Manl:111r with the sword; being an instrument of the divine wrath [of God], he consumed this very magnificent land with the edge of the sword and spread his bitter and venomous hatred throughout the whole area; for, like a hailstone accompanied by flashing lightning, he struck down all the inhabitants of the land with a frightful slaughter. The Turks burned everything in sight. Wielding the sword and inflicting- deadly wounds, they caused the slaughter of all

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the distinguished men of the district ~f ~itm~Miin~iir .and they led into captivity noble ladies together w:th theIr attr~c~Ive sons and daughters. Thus in this place one Witnessed the .dIvme wrath [of God] falling upon the Christian faithful, for the rICh and the poor without exception experienced the same venomous wrath at the hands of the pitiless, savage, and perfidious nation of the Turks. ~o in this way that magnificent district was consumed by the sword In toto, and the slaughter of Christians continued unabated for three days. To add to this calamitous and bitter misfortune, a certain chief who occupied the fortress of Nisibis, also known as the town of Sibar, immediately sent to the city of Edessa and warned the dux Aruanda~ nos, saying: "The emir of the Persians is here encamped by the banks of the Euphrates River with one hundred men; come, surprise him, and take him prisoner." However, Aruandanos delayed and fmally reluctantly marched against the emir Gumiishtigin with many troops. When the emir learned of this, he immediately sent to ~Ii~n­ Man~iir to have his forces brought up. Aruandanos arrived at the fortress called Oshen, accompanied by his troops consisting of one thousand five hundred horsemen and twenty thousand infantry. When the two armies engaged in combat, like a lion the dux attacked and struck at the Turks, for he was a brave man and a warrior. The place of combat was narrow and steep. Soon the Turks began to increase in numbers, and at that point Aruandanos said to his troops: "Pull back a little so that the Turks can pursue us; then we can turn around and attack them, so that they will not be able to escape." However, when the dux's troops pulled back a little, Aruandanos perceived that the Roman forces had really turned in flight and thus had left him in the midst of the infidels. So this turned out to be a very frightful day and one of tremendous destruction for the Christians; for the whole plain became covered with blood and captives, and the dux together with all the officers of the Christian army was led into captivity. The remnants of the Romans fled and took refuge in the fortress of Oshen and in this way escaped. On that day as many as eleven thousand men were slaughtered. The emir fettered Araundanos by an oxen yoke and in that manner led him into captivity. Bringing the dux to the gates of Edessa, the emir sold him for forty thousand dahekans and as a guarantee for the sum of twenty thousand dahekans, ~andanos's son was taken as hostage, who to this day still remains in Persia' the other officers were ransomed one by one with gold and Silver.' So

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Gumushtigin victoriously marched forth and went back to Persia laden with many captives and countless booty. He presented the sultan with as many as two thousand attractive young slaves, both boys and girls.2 50. In the year 516 of the Annenian era [1067-1068] the emperor Ducas died, leaving behind his only son Michael. The imperial throne remained unoccupied for one year, the empress Eudocia being regent.

51. At the beginning of the year 518 of the Armenian era [10691070]1 Eudocia secretly summoned a certain magnate Romanus, surnamed Diogenes,2 and, bringing this man into her chambers, married him. She kept Romanus in her chambers until she had summoned the caesar, the brother of Ducas, and, trying to discover his true feelings, said: "What shall we do, for the imperial throne remains unoccupied and Michael is still a child?" By these insidious words the empress intended to create a pretext for doing away with him. The caesar said to the empress: "What difference does that make to me, for I and my children are your servants; give the imperial throne to whomever you wish." Eudocia was both astonished and pleased at these words and thus no longer felt it necessary to kill the caesar. Then the empress said to him: "Come, enter these chambers and prostrate yourself before the emperor." The caesar was astonished and amazed and thanked God that he had not said the wrong thing. So he entered and prostrated himself before the emperor. Then Diogenes was immediately taken to Saint Sophia, and the entire city of Constantinople unanimously cried out to him: "Praise [be to the emperor]"; following this, a crown was placed on his head. s 52. In this period the holy Armenian patriarch his lordship Vabram, also called Gregory, son of Gregory Magistros, who was the son ofVasak. Pahlawuni, came to have a very strong desire to take on the life of solitude and devote himself solely to praying to God. Gregory was very much like Elias l and John the Baptist. 2 Having adopted the lifestyle of St. Anthony,S deep down he desired to live on top of a mountain. So he resolved to leave the great and glorious patriarchal see; the vardapet George, who was his secretary, joined him in this endeavor, and both men took a vow to walk together on the road of the solitary life. This decision soon became known, and

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when the Annenian king and princes heard of it, they did all in their power to prevent Gregory's resignati~n. Howeve.r, the patriar~h was even more insistent in carrying out hIS plan, saymg to them: I plan to go to Rome and then travel through the Egyptian desert." Nevertheless, the king and princes had no intention of letting him go. Then, motivated by the zeal to carry out his cherishe~ desire, Gre?ory said to the Armenian king: "Appoint anyone you WIsh as cathohcos, but do not hinder me from the road of righteousness." When the king and princes realized the single-mindedness of his purpose, unbeknown to him, they persuaded [the catholicos's secretary] George to take the Annenian patriarchal see. His lordship Gregory had no idea of all this; now George was brought forth to be consecrated as catholicos, and when his lordship Gregory saw this, he was astonished and willy-nilly consecrated him catholicos of the Armenian patriarchal see;4 however, he began to hold a grudge against George, regarding him as his opponent, for he forgot the vow he had taken to be George's companion in the spiritual life. Thus from that day on a deep hostility existed between the two patriarchs, Gregory and George. His lordship Gregory finally went through with his decision to undertake the spiritual life and live in the mountains5 with those solitary hermits who had dedicated their lives to Christ; so he adopted their ascetic life and austere eating habits. s 53. In this same year the emperor Diogenes1 collected a great number of troops from the whole empire of the Greeks, right up to the borders of Rome and from all parts of the East. With these formidable forces he marched forth and went against the country of the Muslims. Arriving [in their territories], he encamped before the r~nowned town called Manbij, not far from the very famous Muslim CIty of Aleppo. A violent assault was launched and the town of Ma~bi~ was put in great danger by the emperor'; barbarian mercenanes and countless troops. Mter many harassments Diogenes com.manded catapults and other machines of the same type set up agamst the town, for Manbij was surrounded by impregnable ramparts. Now, when the ramparts were struck by the very large rocks [of these machines], the concussion caused sections of the town to. colla~se. At that point the inhabitants of the whole town trembled ;Ith ~nght and, with improvised crosses in their hands went in the t~~tIon of the gates to the emperor. All the important personages ~ e. town fell at Diogenes' feet with very splendid gifts and ecommg tributary to the emperor, were thus delivered from the fat~

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of death. So the emperor took pity on the town and accepted its submission.s Mter this a letter came to the emperor Diogenes from the empress, asking him to hasten back to Constantinople. Having read this, the emperor began the journey back in haste. 64. In this same year a certain young emir called Ktrich', 1 who was of the family of Alp Arslan, intended on secretly rebelling against this sultan and then going to Constantinople to the Greek emperor. 2 This man reached Sebastia at the head of many troops, while the curopalatesS went forth from Constantinople and came against him in battle. The two armies engaged in combat near Sebastia, and the Greeks were defeated and put to flight. On the following day the Turks returned to battle against the Greeks and once again pushed them back and put them to flight, this time taking the curopalates prisoner. On the other hand, the Greek troops, blinded by dust and being in flight, came to a steep and rocky place called Mak].'iti; plunging headlong from there, they all perished. After a few days the Armenian king and princes, including all the Armenian lords, made peace and formed an alliance with the young emir. Then Ktrich' took the curopalates and the other prisoners-as many as three thousand men-and secretly went to Constantinople to the Greek emperor. The emperor received him with great honor and pomp, for the emir was a very benevolent person. 4 55. In the year 519 of the Armenian era [1070-1071] a comet appeared in the sky; when it was seen, many said that it was the same omen which had appeared before and after which much bloodshed had occurred. Once again it appeared one night, as if all the stars had fallen to earth. All nations and peoples were frightened and shook and trembled because of this dreadful and horrible omen, l for an omen like this had never been seen or heard of before. It was believed that this all had to do with what the Savior meant when he said: "In the final days there will be signs of confusion and dread in the sun, moon, and stars this is written in the Holy Gospels. So this was the beginning of the second devastation and final destruction of our country by the wicked Turkish forces, because our sins had increased and spread; for "all have sinned and have diminished from the glory of Godlls and "no one is righteous, no not one. 1I4 We all became accustomed to walking in wickedness and preferred the ways of sin rather than those of righteousness; we never changed from the path of evil to the path of good, for which we brought the wrath of the l12

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non-irascible God upon us; moreover, because ~f our t~sted behavior we provoked God, whose nature is al~ays mIld, agamst us. Many times he admonished us and dealt wIth us sharply as a heedless nation; yet we still did not turn from our perverse ways, for man's nature was destined to foster evil [rather than goodl. Because of all this calamity and destruction have fallen upon us like a whirlwind, and'the tempestuous winds of the evil Ishmaelites 5 of old have haunted us, giving us neither respite nor rest. Nevertheless, the Lord himself shall look kindly on his creation, Amen. 56. In1this same year Alp Arslan, the brother of Sultan Tughrul, rose up and went forth like a torrential stream; with a tremendous number of troops he marched forth and arrived in Armenia like a cloud filled with murky darkness, bringing with him much destruction and bloodshed. Descending upon Mantskert, he captured the town in one day since there was no garrison there, for its Roman guardians had fled. Alp Arslan slaughtered all the inhabitants of the town because of the insult directed at his brother, the sultan Tughrul, by these same inhabitants at a previous time; for this insult had not as yet been avenged at the time of Tughrul's death. Going forth from here, the cruel sultan Alp Arslan reached the town of Amida, but he merely encamped before the gates of the town, feeling benevolently towards its inhabitants; for in his camp his wife gave birth to a son and he named him Tutush. Going forth from here, the sultan came to the district of T'lkhum. He laid siege to the fortress of this name, harassing it incessantly, and assaulted it with every means at his disposal; however, even after several days he was unable to capture the fortress of T'lkhum. ~o Al~ Arslan began to talk of making peace, on condition that the mhabitants pay him tribute. At this the inhabitants became more ~elaxed and negligent, leaving the ramparts unguarded. When the mfidel forc~s saw their ~tate of unpreparedness, without waiting for the sul~n 8 or~er, theIr whole army rushed against the fortress. Launchm~ a Violent assault against the place, they captured it, slaughten~gmany and taking countless captives. When Alp Arslan he~d of t~lS, he was surprised and deeply regretted the slaughter of the mhabitants, for he had taken an oath [not to harm them] Going forth from this place, the sultan advanced with a tremendo~s army and reached the territory of Edessa. He made incursions into all parts of the territory, right up to the gates of the city of Edessa. He encamped before the renowned fortress of T'lt'oraw, near Sewawerak,

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and captured this stronghold and also that of Ariwtsat'il, causing a severe slaughter and filling the whole land with blood. Then, laden with much booty and captives, the sultan went and marched forth against the city of Edessa, surrounding it on all sides and pitching his camp all around its walls. It was winter, the tenth of the month of Mareri, 2 and the dux of the city was Basil, the son of the Bulgar king Alusianus. 3 Now, when the townspeople saw the countless army of infidel troops, this whole throng of Christian faithful living in the city of Edessa became horror-struck and trembled with fear; for the mass of the sultan's forces covered the plains and the hilltops. Thus the entire city trembled because of this venomous serpent and ferocious beast, for indeed he was a bloodthirsty man. Alp Arslan waited around for eight days without beginning the assault, while the inhabitants of the city were so depressed that they were unable to prepare themselves for any enemy attack. Then one of the sultan's troops, seeing their mindless attitude, secretly warned them, saying: "Have you lost your senses? Fortify the ramparts and saddle your horses." After hearing this, the townspeople finally began to place soldiers all around the ramparts and organized every means of defense at their disposal; in this manner every man was encouraged to resist any [enemy] assault. Moreover, Basil, the dux of the city, who was a brave man and a warrior, began to fortify the entire city. When the sultan saw this, he became enraged and, ordering the battle trumpet sounded, savagely assaulted the city. Thus all the infidel forces were stirred up, and the entire city of Edessa was surrounded by them on all sides. So this turned out to be a grievous day and one filled with very violent combat, and the whole city was permeated with showers of arrows; moreover, all the Christian faithful, weeping and lamenting, prayed to God to save them from this vicious beast. For the greater part of the day all the Persian forces battled against the city of Edessa, but were unable to capture it, for the Lord vanquished and humiliated them. Mter all this the sultan ordered catapults and war machines set up against the ramparts; moreover, he had the gardens and vineyards [around Edessa] destroyed and their wood used to fill up the moat of the city. He also had a wooden tower built upon ten wagons, so that he might finally capture the city of Edessa. However, when the Turks tried to move the ten wagons close to the ramparts, the wooden tower collapsed; soon after the besieged, tunneling under the moat, came out on the eastern side and carried most of the wood

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back to the city, burning whatever remained. Then the infidels began to dig seven tunnels under the moat in order to undermine the city's walls. In tW'n the townspeople dug in the direction of the enemy sappers, capturing and killing these infidels. So the Lord strengthened the city against the infidels. For fifty days the sultan vehemently besieged Edessa, but he was not able to capture it. Then Alp Arslan, frustrated, promised to give money and a high position to anyone who could remove a rock from the ramparts, for he wished to take this rock back with him to Persia as a souvenir. At this point Abu'l-Uswar, the emir of Dvin, said to the sultan: "Near us is the altar of a church which no one has thought of assaulting." So the Turks tried to remove a stone from the altar of St. Sargis Church, which was east of the city; however, they were not able to do so, and when the sultan saw this, he was very humiliated. Mter all this Kuraysh, the chief emir of the Arabs, taking the sultan Alp Arslan and the whole army of Persian troops, marched against the city of Aleppo. Consequently, on that day there was great rejoicing within the city of Edessa, for the townspeople had been delivered from this vicious beast.4 57. When the Greek emperor Diogenes heard the news of this recent calamity [brought upon Armenia], roaring like a lion he commanded all his numerous forces be collected; so edicts were issued and heralds sent forth throughout all the lands of the West. Thus a very great and formidable number of troops was gathered together from the entire country of the Goths, from all the Bulgars, from all the distant islands,l from Cappadocia and all of Bithynia, 2 from Cilicia and Antioch, from Trebizond, and [last but not least] from Armenia-whose remnants of very courageous soldiers still existed; moreover, Diogenes had mercenaries from the infidels of Khuzistan brought, and thus the emperor gathered together a formidable anny, as numerous as the sands of the sea. So in the year 520 of the Armenian era [1071-1072] Diogenes marched forth and, fulminating like a hail-filled cloud, reached the city of Sebastia. Atom and Abusahl, the sons of the Armenian king, came to meet him with great pomp. At this time the Romans made slanderous remarks against the inhabitants of Sebastia and against all of the Armenians in general, denouncing them before the emperor and saying: "If at any time the emir Ktrich' strikes at us, the Armenians surely will slaughter us more vehemently than the Turks." The emperor Diogenes believed all these false accusations of

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the Romans and, swearing violently, in a threatening manner said: "When I finish battling against the Persians, I shall do away with the Armenian faith"; at the same time he ordered the city of Sebastia pillaged by all the Roman troops. During this pillaging many were killed, all because of the unjustly and falsely reached judgments of the impious emperor Diogenes. Besides all this, he snubbed Atom and Abusahl, the sons of the Armenian king, and thus brought much aOlTOW upon Sebastia. At that time the illustrious Roman magnates, [as well as] the shahnshah Gagik (son of Ashot) and the emir Ktrich' (who had taken prisoner the curopalatesJ, said to the emperor Diogenes: liDo not listen to the deceitful words spoken by those belonging to your nation, because all their words are false; for all those Armenians who have survived the combats with the Turks are your auxiliaries. II When the emperor heard this, he became more yielding, but he still threatened to do away with the Armenian faith on his return [from Persia]. Having heard these menacing words, the Armenian monks invoked grievous curses on the journey the emperor was about to embark upon, praying that he not return from it and that the Lord destroy Diogenes as he did the impious Juliana, who was cursed by St. Basil. Going forth with a tremendous number of troops, Diogenes went to the East, to Armenia, and, descending upon the town of Mantskert, captured it. The forces of the sultan who were in the town fled, and when the emperor captured them, he slaughtered them. The news of all this reached Alp Arslan, who was before th,e city of Aleppo; and so he started back for the East, since he was told that the Roman emperor was marching in the direction of Persia at the head of a very formidable army. The sultan had been besieging Aleppo during the winter, but had not been able to capture it because of the great number of the city's forces. He had broken through the walls at a number of places, yet he could not take over the city. So during the spring, when Alp Arslan learned of the coming of the emperor Diogenes, he left Aleppo and in haste arrived at Edessa. The dux, who resided in the city, provided him with horses, mules, and victuals. Taking these, the sultan passed through the confines of Edessa, unharmed, and went in an easterly direction towards the mountain called Lesun. A countless number of horses and camels perished because a forced march had been maintained by the sultan; for he drove his troops as if they were in flight, wishing to reach Persia as soon as possible. As he was returning, a letter written by perfidious Romans from Diogenes' army reached Alp Arslan, and it read as

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follows: liDo not flee, for the greater part of our forces is with you. Hearing this, the sultan immediately stopped. !hen he wrot~ a very amicable letter to the emperor Diogenes concernmg the estabhshment of peace and harmony between both sides; each side.was to remain in peace with the other, neither one ever harmmg the other; moreover the Christians would be looked upon as friends, and thus there wo~ld be a perpetual peace and alliance between the Persians and the Romans. When Diogenes heard these things, not only did he become arrogant and refuse to accept the sultan's offer, but he became even more bellicose than ever. Then the aforementioned malicious and perfidious men approached Diogenes and said: 110 emperor, no one is able to stand against your innumerable forces. Your troops are going forth from the camp to procure victuals; send them away regiment by regiment [to forage for themselves], so that they might not go hungry before the day of battle. So the emperor had the emir Ktrich' return to Constantinople and had Tarkhaniat4 go against Khlat' with thirty thousand men; moreover, he sent twelve thousand men to the Abkhazes, and thus because of the emperor all the Roman forces became scattered. Now Alp Arslan was infonned of all these treacherous machinations. So, when the sultan saw Diogenes' inflexible and stubborn attitude, he went into battle against the Roman forces, leading on the whole army of Khurasan with the fervor of a lion cub. When Diogenes learned of the advance of the Persian army against him, he ordered the battle trumpet sounded and had all the Roman forces drawn up in orderly fashion. He appointed as commanders of his troops Khatap and Vasilak, Annenian nobles who were brave and were regarded as great warriors. A very violent battle took place the greater part of the day, and the Roman forces were defeated. Khatap and Vasilak. were killed, and all the Roman troops were put to flight, being forced to fall back on the imperial camp. When Diogenes saw this, he ordered all his forces to regroup, but there was no one to heed his summons, for Tarkhaniat and the other Roman magnates had returned to Constantinople with their troops. When the emperor learned of this, he realized the treachery of his own Romans. So the battle continued the next day. In the morning hours the battle trumpet was sounded, and heralds went forth, and proclai~ed the wishes of the emperor Diogenes; he promIsed honors, hIgh positions, and jurisdiction over the towns and distr~cts to all those who would courageously fight against the PerSIan forces. Soon the sultan, very well organized, advanced into II

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battle against the Roman troops. At that point the emperor Diogenes went forth and reached a place of battle near Mantskert, called Toghotap'.5 There he placed the Uz and Pecheneg mercenaries on his right and left flanks and the other troops on his van and rear. When the battle grew intense, the Uzes and Pechenegs went over to the side of the sultan. At that point all the Roman troops were defeated and turned in complete flight. Countless Roman troops were slaughtered and many captives were taken. 6 The emperor Diogenes himself was taken prisoner and brought into the presence of the sultan in chains, together with countless and innumerable captives. Mter a short while the sultan made an alliance of peace and friendship with the Roman emperor. Then the sultan adopted Diogenes as his blood brother and took an oath to God as a guarantee of his sincerity; moreover, with a solemn oath he pledged that there would be perpetual friendship and harmony between the Persians and the Romans. Mter all this with great pomp Alp Arslan sent the emperor back to Constantinople, to his imperial throne. When Diogenes reached Sebastia, news came to him that Michael, 7 the son of Ducas, occupied the imperial throne. At this all the emperor's troops abandoned him and fled, and so he was forced to take refuge in the city of Adana. The emperor Michael's forces gathered against him. Diogenes, in turn, because of the danger in which he found himself, put on the gannents of an abeghay and, going to the Roman general who was the brother8 of Ducas,9 said: "You no longer need to worry about me, for henceforth I intend to live in a monastery; let Michael be emperor and may God be with him. Notwithstanding all this, on that same day the Roman nation once again crucified God as had the Jews, for they tore out the eyes of Diogenes, their very own sovereign, who then died from the intense pain [caused by the blinding]. When Alp Arslan heard this, he wept bitterly and regretted the death of Diogenes. Then the sultan said: liThe Roman nation has no God, so this day the oath of peace and friendship taken by both the Persians and Romans is nullified; henceforth I shall consume with the sword all those people who venerate the cross, and all the lands of the Christians shall be enslaved. Whenever the sultan brought Diogenes to mind, he sighed heavily and lamented exceedingly, likewise all the Persians. Speaking to the Khurasanians, the sultan said: "Henceforth all of you be like lion cubs and eagle young, racing through the countryside day and night, slaying the Christians and not sparing any mercy on II

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the Roman nation." Mter this speech Alp Arslan victoriously returned to the country of the Persians. 10 68. In this period the sultan Alp Arslan gathered together all the Persian forces and, crossing over the great Oxus 1 River (also called Gehon), he entered the territory of Samarkand2 at the head of a tremendous army of troops. He intended on gaining control of this territory, and with a formidable detachment of troops the sultan came and encamped against the impregnable and renowned fortress of Hamay. The commander of this fortress was a very brave man, but had a very cruel and malicious nature. For many days Alp Arslan harassed the fortress with a violent assault, summoning its commander to submit and at the same time guaranteeing him perpetual ownership of his lands. Mter being harassed a great deal, the commander of the fortress decided to go and prostrate himself before the sultan. At the same time he thought of a very horrible and malicious plan. On that day he made merry with his wife and children, dining and drinking with them and amusing himself, listening to songsters, drumbeats, and artistic melodies. Then during the night he savagely slew his wife and three children with his own hands, so that they might not fall into the hands of the sultan and be his slaves. The next day this commander went to Alp Arslan, concealing on his person the same two very sharp knives which he had used to slay his children. When he arrived, the sultan saw him and ordered him brought into his presence. So the commander went to prostrate himself before Alp Arslan; however, when he approached, he rushed the sultan, taking out the two knives concealed in his shoes. Those who were escorting him fled, and at that point he savagely fell upon the sultan and plunged the two knives into his body. Then Alp Arslan's servants immediately killed the commander. The sultan was seriously wounded in three places. He was in danger of dying, and his wounds were very painful. He ordered his forces to evacuate the territory [of Samarkand] so that the people of his country would not know what had happened to him. After five days, being in great pain because of his wounds, Alp Arslan commanded that all the illustrious Persian chiefs and the ft,ajib of his troops be summoned before him. Then he presented to them his son Malik·Shah, saying: "Today I die because of my wounds, and so my son shall be your ruler; it is he who shall occupy my royal throne." Saying this, Alp Arslan took off his royal robes and put them on his son Malik-Shah; then he prostrated

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himself before his son and, weeping, entrusted him to God and to all the Persian emirs. So on this day the sultan Alp Arslan died, killed by an obscure man of Kurdish origin. Thus Malik-Shah3reigned over the Persians and, being a kind and merciful ma.n, was very benevolent towards the Christian faithful. After the death of Alp Aralan, he returned to occupy the throne he had inherited, taking his father's body with him and burying it in the tomb of his ancestors, located in the town of Marand. The reign of Malik-Shah was favored by God; his rule extended to all lands and he brought peace to Armenia. 59. In the year 521 of the Armenian era [1072~1073] a conflict arose between his lordship Gregory and his lordship George. Gregory was able to have George removed from the patriarchal see, taking the veil1from his head. George, deeply hurt, went to the city of Tarsus, where he died. On the other hand, his lordship Gregory went and lived in Mutarasun2 with Gagik, the son of Gurgen. 60. In this period the impious and most wicked chiefPhilaretus,l who was of the very offspring of Satan, began his tyrannical rule; for, when Diogenes fell, this perfidious man, who indeed was a precursor of the abominable Antichrist and possessed by a demonical and extremely monstrous character, tyrannically ruled over the land. This Philaretus began to war against the Christian faithful, for he was a superficial Christian and was disavowed by both the Armenians and Romans; he professed the Roman faith and followed their customs, but he was Armenian through his father and mother, having grown up with his uncle in the Monastery of Zorvi-Kozern in the district of ~i~n-Manf3ur. So Philaretus came forth from the wilderness and brought with him abominable desolation. He came to rule over many areas and towns, causing the deaths of many illustrious nobles; finally he fixed his residence at Mshar. 2 Mter this he sent to T'ornik, the lord of Sasun, and summoned this man to come to him in submission. When T'ornik, the son of Mushegh, heard this, he ridiculed Philaretus's absurd command, saying: "I have not even set eyes upon this man."3 Then Philaretus's messengers said to T'ornik: "Our ruler is coming against you with many troops and will devastate and ruin all those districts belonging to you." "How many troops does Philaretus have?" asked the lord of Sasun. "As many as twenty thousand," answered the messengers. Then T'ornik said: "I have one thousand horsemen who daily partake of the body and blood of the Son of God; on the other hand, I know for a fact that Phila.retus and

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aU his forces are bereft and devoid of any belief in Christ, besides which they are filled with all sorts of grievous iniquities." The messengers went and related all this to Philaretus. Then Philaretus summoned his lordship Gregory and said to him: "T'ornik is your son-in-law; go and summon him to submit to me." However, Gregory, knowing Philaretus's malicious character, went to T'o;rnik against his own will and never again set eyes upon the wicked ruler. Gregory explained the reason for his coming to T'or nik, and the lord of Sasun was amazed and said: "How is it that Philaretus did not blush, after so insolently sending you to me as an envoy supported by such deceitful subterfuge?" When he realized that T'ornik had no intention of heeding his summons, Philaretus, collecting his troops, went against the lord of Sasun. At first T'ornik did not know of Philaretus's coming, but when he found out, alerting his forces, he brought them together from all parts of Sasun-fifty thousand infantry and six thousand cavalry. Then T'ornik came to Ch'apaghjur4 and, since he still was not sure that Philaretus was coming, disbanded his infantry forces and with a thousand horsemen went to the Armenian town of Ashrnushat. 6 On the plain of Aleluay T'ornik finally met up with the forces of Philaretus, who had with him the Frankish count ~mbaghat6 with eight hundred men. At this point T'ornik regretted having disbanded his infantry forces; nevertheless, he deployed his troops for battle battalion by battalion, on each flank and on the front line. On the front line he placed his aide Kapos, a very brave man, with three hundred troops; but of all of Philaretus's forces, the lord of Sasun was most apprehensive of the Franks and said: "See that my battalion engages the Franks." At that moment :J;tmbaghat and his troops advanced and, striking against T'o]:'nik's battalion, broke through its ranks and penetrated into its center. Then the lord of Sasun signaled his troops, and both his flanks closed in around the Franks, [trapping them]; the Armenians took all their officers prisoner and even captured their count. On the other hand, Philaretus and all his troops were put to flight and their officers taken prisoner-as many as one thousand five hundred men. So on that day many Franks and other Christians were slaughtered. After this T'o]:'nik and all the Annenian troops turned back and went to Basun, laden with much booty. Philaretus, in tum, fled and in great humiliation took refuge in Kharberd. This all took place in the district of Handzit', on the plain of Aleluay. 61. In this period T'ornik went with a few men and entered his

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fortress in the town of Ashmushat on the Aratsani [River]. Suddenly a certain emir, whose name was Amr-Pak'r/ appeared with many troops. This emir had been informed that the lord of Sasun did not have too many troops with him. So, instigated by Philaretus, he came to T'ornik and began to make arrangements for a treaty of peace with him, acting deceitfully and taking a false oath; the emir went so far as to win over the lord of Sasun's retainers through many gifts and presents and, circumventing T'ornik in this manner, in collusion with three other men was able to get the Armenian leader to go along with this deceitful alliance. Mter this, while they were at a banquet, the emir savagely roshed upon T'ornik, intending to kill him. T'ornik had no weapon with him except a small dagger; he struck the emir with it, slitting his stomach wide open; taking hold of the heads of the other emirs, he cracked one against the other and thus killed these infidels. Then, unharmed, the lord of Saaun went up to his fortress which was nearby, and all the Turks fled at his approach. As T'ornik approached the fortress, one of the infidels who lay in ambush slyly struck him in the heart with a spear, and in this way the brave Armenian leader died. His head was brought to Philaretus, and this impious man, taking the skull, made it into a cup which he used for drinking wine. The rest ofT'ornik's head was sent to the emir of Maiyafariqin, while his body was burned. Mter this the remains of the burned bones of this courageous and pious man were collected and taken to be buried near the doors of the Monastery of the Holy Precursor. 2 The lord of Basun left behind two sons, Ch'ortunanel and Vasak, both still in their childhood. 62. In this period the impious Philaretus summoned his lordship Gregory to come and occupy his patriarchal see. However, Gregory did not heed his summons, for he was deathly afraid of this venomous beast. Once again Philaretus wrote to the holy patriarch, saying: "It is not right that the patriarchal see remain unoccupied." Still his lordship Gregory dared not come, and he wrote to Philaretus, saying: "I authorize you to put his lordship Sargis, the nephew of his lordship Peter,lon the patriarchal see." Then Gregory sent Sargis the veil, crosier, and craBS belonging to Peter. When Philaretus sawall this, he realized that Gregory would never return to bis patriarchal see. So he commanded an assembly of bishops, abbots, and monks to come together. His lordship Sargis was consecrated to the see of the Armenian catholicate2 in Honi, a town in the district of Jahan. 3 Sargis was a holy man of venerable mien and renowned for his

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virtuous conduct, besides being endowed in every way with piety and true orthodoxy which is in Christ Jesus; moreover, he was a faithful shepherd of Christ's flock. At that time his lordship Gregory went to the capital of the Armenians called Ani and there consecrated as bishop his nephew Barsegh, the son of Vasak, son of Apirat, son of Hasan; after a number of years Barsegh4 came to occupy the patriarchal see of the Armenians. 63. It was in the year 523 of the Armenian era [1074-1075] that his lordship Gregory went to Constantinople and from there to Rome. Then, going to Egypt, he visited the desert, which the former holy fathers had inhabited, and thus fulfilled his most cherished desire. He established his patriarchal residence there and, by so doing, reinvigorated the institutions of the holy church in that country. His lordship Gregory was treated with great honor and dignity by the ruler of Egypt,1 even to a greater extent than by the Roman emperor. Many Armenian troops joined him in Egypt-as many as thirty thousand. After some time his lordship Gregory consecrated Gregory, his nephew, as catholicos;2 then he rose up and went back to Armenia, for his mother was still living. 64. These events took place at the time of Michael, the son of Ducas, who occupied the imperial throne for four years. 1 This man was benevolent and pious and endowed with all sorts of virtues and radiant holiness; moreover, in all respects he resembled the saintly emperors of old, shining forth in the Orthodox faith which is in Christ; finally he was a father to orphans and a defender of widows. By this emperor's order a tremendous quantity of dahekans were minted, an amount as numerous as the dust of the land and the sands of the sea; this money maintained its value and benefitted the empire a great deal, for it was minted in the name of God. So the grace of God continually descended upon Michael, and the whole empire became fJ.Iled with the wealth he had created. This emperor began to fast and pray and led a very pious and saintly life. However, his empress came to resent him a great deal because of his ascetic life, for he would not have sexual intercourse with her as is natural in marriage; as a consequence of this, she became sexually involved with a certain Roman magnate and through this vile involvement prodded this man to go against Michael, thus violently seeking to take the imperial throne from her husband. When the emperor Michael saw that this magnate, whose name was Botaneia-

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tes, had incited the entire city of Constantinople against him, he did nothing to oppose him; on the contrary, publicly shaming the loathsome empress, Michael left the imperial throne and went into a monastery to become a monk. 2 He put on a hair shirt and assumed the monastic life, something which he had desired to do for a very long time; in this way he put aside his worldly throne and crown. 3 65. In the year 525 of the Armenian era [1076-1077]1 Botaneiates2 reigned over the Romans, taking as his wife the former spouse of Michael, who was the daughter3 of the Georgian king George. 4 Thus this marriage came to be based upon the vile and adulterous relationship between this man and woman. 66. In this period the Armenian prince Vasak, the son of Gregory Magistros and the brother of his lordship Gregory, died. This man was the dux of Antioch, and he was on the main market street of this city when he was assassinated by the perfidious Romans. Now, while Vasak was passing through the streets, two spearmen1 came up to him to pay homage, holding up what was supposed to be a letter; when the dux bent down to take the letter from them, they suddenly struck him between the eyes with a hatchet. In this manner the illustrious Vasak was killed by such worthless and abominable men as these. Mter this incident Vasak's troops gathered together in the citadel of Antioch, and his officer summoned Philaretus, delivering the city into his hands. Mter a number of days Philaretus gathered together all the perfidious and apostate Romans 2-as many as seven hundred men-on the pretext of initiating a campaign. Then he led them to a village called Ap'shun and put them all to the sword, slaughtering them to the last man. In this way Philaretus took possession of Antioch and at the same time avenged the blood of the illustrious Vasak Pahlawuni. 67. In this period the Armenian prince, the epeiktes,1was killed. He was a brave man and a mighty warrior and came from the district of Shirak. Now, because of his bravery, the Greek emperor compelled him to receive the baptism and faith of the Romans; nevertheless, this prince secretly still adhered to his ancestral faith based on St. Gregory. One day the epeiktes took sick in his fortress called Andriun. 2 The emperor had given him a Roman monk to guide him in the erroneous faith of the Greeks, and this Armenian prince had made the monk his father confessor. One day this wicked and

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abominable Greek entered the epeiktes' chamber and, seeing that the prince was soundly sleeping, savagely fell upon him; taking a pillow, he placed it on the epeiktes' mouth and pressed down on it as hard as he could. In this manner this nefarious Roman monk cruelly killed a very mighty and courageous man. When the epeiktes' troops learned of the treacherous death of their brave leader, they subjected the wicked heretical monk to all sorts of tortures. Mter torturing this abominable monk, they threw him down from one of the high cliffs upon which the fortress was built, and so this evil man perished by a violent death. 68. The emperor Botaneiates occupied the imperial throne for one year, l but he had no intention of keeping it any longer; for he was regarded as having obtained the imperial throne through violence and fornication rather than by the will of God, because he had adulterously taken the wife of Michael against the commandments of God and thus had ruled illegitimately. Botaneiates' conscience bothered him a great deal, and he said to himself: "He who was the legitimate emperor and possessor of this throne left it and became a monk; why should I, because of my maliciousness, rebel against [this legitimate emperor], for whatever happens, death is the fmal outcome for alL" So, giving up the imperial throne because he had treacherously and criminally rebelled against the saintly emperor Michael, Botaneiates became a monk. 69. In this period Melissenus was installed on the imperial throne as Botaneiates' successor. This all took place in the year 526 of the Armenian era [1077-1078J,! 70. In this same year of the Armenian era his most praiseworthy lordship Sargis,lthe Armenian patriarch, who was the nephew of his lordship Peter, the Armenian catholicos, died. In accordance with Sargis's wishes his lordship Theodore, surnamed Alakhosik, who was the Armenian catholicos's coadjutor and also a talented musician, was elevated to the see of the Armenian catholicate in the town of Honi, situated in the district of Jahan. 71. In this period Basil, the son of Abukab and formerly the tent keeper of David the curopalates, at the behest of Philaretus collected a calvary force and went against the city of Edessa. For six months he harassed the city with many assaults. In this same year Basil

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repaired the ramparts of the fortress-town of Romanopolis which the Roman emperor Romanus had built. After this he once again harassed the city of Edessa. Then the townspeople became stirred up against their dux, who was called Leon and who was the brother of Dawatanos, and so this Leon fled and took refuge in the upper citadel. In the meantime the dux's proximus took refuge in the Church of the Holy Theotokos, entering the sanctuary and tightly holding on to the edges of the altar. However, the townspeople entered the church and savagely killed the proximus right in front of the altar of God. So on that very day Edessa was delivered into the hands of Basil, the son of Abukab; he was a benevolent and pious man, compassionate towards orphans and widows, and a benefactor and conciliator of people. Basil's father Abukab had formerly resided in Edessa and during his time had built up and organized the city and its surrounding territory. 72. In this period Melissenus reigned in Constantinople as emperor for four months. Then all the inhabitants of the city rose up against this emperor, battling against him and seizing the crown and the imperial throne from him. After this the people of Constantinople placed the imperial crown on the head of a certain magnate called Alexius,t who was the nephew of the emperor Comnenus and who was a benevolent and pious man and also courageous in battle. Finally peace was reestablished in the Greek empire. 73. At the beginning of the year 528 of the Armenian era [10791080] a severe famine occurred throughout all the lands of the venerators of the cross, lands which are located on this side of the Mediterranean Sea; for the bloodthirsty and ferocious Turkish nation spread over the whole country to such an extent that not one area remained untouched, rather all the Christians were subjected to the sword and enslavement. The cultivation of the land was interrupted, there was a shortage of food, the cultivators and laborers decreased due to the sword and enslavement, and so famine spread throughout the whole land. Many areas became depopulated, the Oriental peoples1 began to decline, and the country of the Romans became desolate; neither food nor security for the individual was to be found anywhere except in Edessa and its confines. Security of life did not exist in Antioch, in the whole country of Cilicia up to Tarsus, in the country around Marash, in Duluk, and in all their surrounding areas. For all the peoples rose up en masse and came to these regions in

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countless droves, tens of thousands deluging the various areas. Because of the tremendous number of these peoples, the whole land was covered as if by hordes of locusts; I can add that these peoples were seven times more numerous than those Moses took across the Red Sea2 and even more numerous than the quails in the Sinai Desert.3 Thus the country was filled with a tremendous number of people, and very important and illustrious personages-nobles, princes, and stately ladies-roamed about begging [for food]; inde~d our eyes witnessed all this. Because of the famine and vagabond life [people were forced to lead], there was a great amount of mortality throughout the whole land. Since it was virtually impossible to bury all those who had died, the land was filled with their corpses, and to such an extent that the animals and birds soon grew tired of feeding on them. An innumerable amount of corpses remained unburied, and the land stank from their putrid-smelling bodies. Eminent priests and monks died in a strange country far from their native land and became food for animals and birds. All this was the beginning of the destruction of the Oriental and Greek peoples; for, because of our sins, we were punished by God, the righteous judge, according to the words of the Savior, who said: "Every tree which does not produce good fruit is cut down and thrown into the fire. 114 74. In this same year the shahnshah Gagik, the son of Ashot, son of Gagik, son of 5mbat, son of [Ashot] the Iron1-all of the Bagratid dynasty-was killed, At this time the Armenian king Gagik, leading a detachment of his troops, went down to the city of Tarsus to the Armenian prince Ablgharib,2 who was the son of Hasan the son of Khach'ik Khuln, and who was a brave man from th~ region of V~spurak~~. The Armenian king went to Ablgharib to pay him a fnendly VlSlt, for this prince had invited Gagik on a matter relating to [their] kinship, However, because of one reason or another, this ~atter ~as not solved amicably, and so Gagik turned back roaring hke a ,hon, for he was a fonnidable, mighty, and valiant man. Capturmg all the chiefs of the region, the Armenian king marched them before him in chains. Then with a thousand men he came to the pl,ain of Arzhakhas,3 to the fortress called Kighistday,4 whose guardIans were three brothers-Roman magnates and' sons of Mandale,5 Gagik left his troops on the other side of the road and with three men went to meet these Romans. On the other hand these ~agnates had prepared themselves beforehand by placing fifty men m ambush for the Annenian king . When Gagl·k approac h e d th e

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fortress, the three brothers came to him, prostrating themselves before him. When the Armenian king saw them, he asked them to embrace him. Then, coming close to the king, the three brothers in unison threw their arms around his neck and knocked him down from his horse. At that moment the men who were with Gagik fled, and the Romans who were waiting in ambush came out and captured the Armenian king. When Gagik's troops heard of his capture, they dispersed, while the Romans brought the king into their fortress. On the eighth day all the Annenians, including Gagik (the son of Abas), Atom and Abusahl (the sons of Senek'erim), and all the other Armenian princes, gathered together against this fortress. They battled against the fortress for a number of days, but were unable to take it because it was very well fortified. On the other hand, those who had taken Gagik prisoner would not dare let him go, since they were deathly afraid of the Armenian king. Then the wicked Philaretus sent to them and said: ''Why are you afraid of doing anything violent to a king? You will gain nothing by letting him go or by keeping him." So these deicide Romans strangled the Armenian king with a cord and then hung him from the ramparts for a whole day. After this the Romans interred the body outside the fortress. At the end of six months a man named Babik came from Gagik's town and, removing the king's body from the grave during the night, brought it to his town and people. The whole Armenian nation lamented Gagik's death. The Armenian king was buried in his Monastery of Pizu, and his oldest son John survived him. This is how the Annenian kingdom, as represented by the Bagratid dynasty, came to an end. In this manner the prophecy of St. Nerses, the Armenian catholicos,8 was fulfilled, who said: "The Armenian kingdom will be completely obliterated. 117 75. In the year 530 of the Armenian era [1081-1082] Barsegh, the archbishop of Shirak, who resided in the city of Ani, rose up and went to that part of Armenia included in the territory of the Albanians, to the city of Lop; he came to the Armenian king Kvirike/ who was the son of David Anhoghin and who reigned in this city, and asked to be consecrated catholicos of the Annenians. King Kvirike assembled the bishops of the country of the Albanians and brought his lordship Stephen, the catholicos of the Albanians, to the Monastery of Haghbat';2 so his lordship Barsegh was consecrated to the see of St. Gregory as catholicos3 of all Armenia at the behest of King Kvirike and his lordship Stephen, who himself occupied the holy see of St.

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Thaddeus. 4 Thus at this time the see of St. Gregory was reestablished in the city of Ani, after having been abolished for a very long time by the envy-filled treachery of the evil and vicious Roman nation. The Armenian catholicos Barsegh rose up and came to the royal capital of Ani,5 and all the inhabitants of Shirak we~t forth to meet him. Vasak, the father of Barsegh, and the catholicos s brothers Hasan, Gregory, and Abljahab came, accompanied by the bishops, and his lordship Barsegh was installed as successor to his lordship Peter. That day became a day of great rejoicing for all the Armenians, for they witnessed the reestablishment of the patriarchal see in the city of Ani. 76. In this period a certain emir by the name of Khusraw came with many troops from Persia and reached the territory of Edessa, devastating many places [as he advanced]. At this time a battle was fought near the Euphrates River, at a place called Mknik, which is close to the fortress of Ltar; for all the garrisons of the neighboring fortresses had gathered together to give battle to this emir. However, on that day the Turks were victorious and slaughtered many of the Christians. After a number of days the emir Khusraw went forth and invaded the Muslim lands from Harran to Muteper. 1 For two days the Turks were in their saddles and finally, laden with much booty, came before the gates of the town of Harran. This town was under the command of the Arab emir Shureh-Hechm,2 the son of Kuraysh and surnamed Sharaf-ad-Daulah.3 At this time Shureh happened to be in Harran with his Arab troups and so at the head of two thousand horsemen he went forth to battle against the Persian forces. The Turks had ten thousand men; yet, when the two armies met, the Arabs put these Turks to flight and pursued them, slaughtering them as they went and taking them all captive. So the whole territory of Edessa was filled with Turkish captives; under every shrub and in every ruin were discovered dead Turkish soldiers who had taken refuge there. 77. In the year 532 of the Armenian era [1083-1084] Basil, the son of Abukab and lord of Edessa, died and was buried in the Church of St. George Gotewor. 1 He was a benevolent and pious man, king to everyone, compassionate towards orphans and widows and a benefactor and conciliator of peoples. There was great s~rrow in all of Ed~ssa and its surrounding areas, since they were deprived of such a kmd and benevolent chief; for he was like a father and a parent to

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both the rich and the poor. So Basil departed from this world, leaving behind a good memory [of his life and deedsJ, and thus went to join Christ. After this all the inhabitants of the city assembled in the Cathedral of Saint Sophia and delivered their city into the hands of 5mbat, a brave man and a courageous fighter against the Persians. 5mbat held the position of dux of Edessa for six months. However, one of the important personages of the city tried to take away the position of dux from the Armenians; the name of this man was Ishkhan, and he was from the family of AIjk't'onk'.2 He rose up against Srobat and went over to the side of Philaretus, for he had many adherents among the important families and citizens of Edessa. So Ishkhan won over Philaretus and brought him to Edessa, handing over the city to him. However, after a few days Philaretus made prisoners of Ishkhan and all his followers, as well as of 5mbat, and demolished their homes; moreover, he took vengeance on all the Armenian nobles residing in the city of Edessa, killing Arjuk, one of their number, by torture and taking the others to the city of Marash. Philaretus had brave 5mbat, Ishkhan, and his brother Theodoric blinded, while he kept the other nobles in chains in the city of Marash; for he was a man of very vile character. s 78. In the year 533 of the Armenian era [1084-1085J the city of Antioch was captured from the Christians. A certain emir, Sulaima.nt, son of Kutulmish, who resided in the town of Nicaea in Bithynia - a region situated along the coast of the MeditelTanean Sea-secretly went by a remote route and came to the city of Antioch without being discovered. Finding Antioch unguarded, during the night the emir took it by surprise from that side of the city facing Aleppo. While all this was taking place, Philaretus was in the city of Edessa, and so his cavalry forces were not in Antioch at the time. So Sulaiman entered the city of Antioch with three hundred men. When the townspeople saw the infidels the next day, they became horror-struck, because they did not have any fighting men and were weak and unskilled in battle like women. So all the inhabitants of the city gathered together in the citadel, while day by day the Turkish forces increased in number. The Turks occupied the city, but did not harm anyone; however, they blockaded the citadel for many days, preventing food and water from getting through. Finally the besieged asked the emir for a promise guaranteeing their safety [if they would surrender]; Sulaiman granted their request, and peace was reestablished, everyone returning to his place unharmed. When

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Philaretus learned of all this, he was unable to do anything except sigh heavily and deeply regret [what had happened]. Thus Sulaiman gained control of Antioch and the entire country of Cilicia. In this way the populous city of Antioch was captured, thanks to the perfidious, effeminate, and abominable nation called the Pelitikk'/~ who consider themselves Romans in faith, but in essence should be regarded as Muslims because of the language they use and because of their deeds; furthermore, they should be looked upon as blasphemers ofthe Orthodox faith, despisers of the saintly life, persecutors of the Armenian faith, and as resembling sick and feeble women who sit on the streets and babble with their tongues. 3 79. Now I shall relate to you an extraordinary thing, which happened in Antioch twenty years before this time and which was reported by the townspeople themselves. The Antiochenes were so malicious and hateful towards the Armenians that, whenever they seized a foreigner, they shaved off his beard and expelled him from the city. Now one day a certain very distinguished resident of Ani was seized and his beard shaved off, after which the Antiochenes took whatever he owned and threw him out of the city. Profoundly hurt, this man went and got hold of a force of five hundred Turks. Then he came and ravaged the entire territory of Antioch and burned down twelve villages, which were the property of the dux of the city. Bringing many captives before the gates of the city, he slaughtered them on the spot and threw their corpses into the [Grontes] River. Then, shouting out to the inhabitants, he said: "I am George Shirakats'i, the one whose beard you shaved off; is my beard worth anything or not?" Saying this, he went off laden with innumerable booty. On the day of Barekendan1 of the same year a caravan, carrying tarex fish,2 came to the city of Antioch from the East. The people belonging to this caravan had set themselves up in the market place and were making merry. When the townspeople heard the sounds of their dancing and singing, all the men of the city pounced upon them and beat them to a pulp, after which they began to throw them out of the city. Now the men of this caravan were eighty in number and they had truncheons and were resolute in purpose. So, when their leaders cried out to them, in their drunken condition they fell upon the townspeople; pursuing them from the Gate of SewotoyS to the Church of St. Peter, they put all the townspeople to flight and broke the skulls and bones of many. Finally the Antiochenes swore by the cross and the Gospels that they would never again bother them. So, after

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peace was reestablished, the caravan returned to its place of origin. 80. In the year 534 of the Annenian era [1085-1086] the Armenian vardapet James K'arap'nets'i, who was surnamed Sanahnets'i and who was a brilliant and erudite man, passed away. He was well versed in the Old and New Testaments and very erudite in his comprehension of rhetoric, besides which he possessed an in-depth knowledge of all philosophical systems. He was a pupil of Dioscorus, the abbot of Sanahin. 1 It was this James who in Constantinople reasoned against the Roman savants during the time of Emperor Ducas's reign, when he went there with the sons of Senek'erim. At that time he discoursed on the Armenian faith, and all the Greeks applauded his words. When James died, he was residing in the city of Edessa and had lived to a very ripe old age. [It seems that] he died through some plot or treachery, for he was found dead on his bed without any sign of pain or suffering. All his friends and neighbors wept over him, and the entire city of Edessa assembled to honor his memory. So with great pomp he was buried by the doors of the holy church he frequented, which was located on the northern side of the city, about a bowshot from the ramparts. 81. In this same year the Arab ruler Sharaf-ad-Daulah, the son of Kuraysh, a kind man and one benevolent towards the Christian faithful (the pen cannot describe his beneficent deeds on behalf of the worshipers of the cross or the many chastisements, tribulations, and deaths he imposed on his own people in order to protect the Christian faithful), collected an army of one hundred thousand Arabs. He went forth and captured Aleppo and married the daughter of the chief of that city. Mter this he furiously made war upon the city of Antioch. Sulaiman, the emir of Antioch, marched against him with many troops, meeting him at a place called pzah\ where both armies engaged in violent combat. Then the Arab forces betrayed their ruler and in toto turned in flight. As they fled, the Arab ruler was killed by his own troops. In this manner the benevolent ruler Sharaf-adDaulah, the son of Kuraysh, died, and after three days was found dead on the road and so was buried there on the spot. After all this Sulaiman victoriously returned to Antioch, and at that same time his son, whom he named Kilij Arslan, was born. 2 82. In this same year a certain emir named Polchtachi1 seized the district of Jahan from Philaretus, and the catholicos, his lordship

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Theodore, passed under his jurisdiction. Philaretu~ invited the catholicos to come to him in the city of Marash and resIde there, but Theodore was unable to come because the Turks were his masters. So Philaretus became very angry at his lordship Theodore and, motivated by his own iniquitous and malicious behavior, resolved to set up another catholicos in the prelate's place. So, lavishing all sorts of honors upon him, Philaretus summoned his lordship John, archbishop of the Monastery of the Holy Icon of the Virgin, but he, being a formidable, distinguished, and very virtuous man, refused to come. Then Philaretus summoned his lordship Paul, the superior of the Monastery of the Holy Cross of Varag; an assembly of bishops and abbots was called, and Paul was consecrated catholicos in the city of Marash at the behest of Philaretus but against the will of God. All this was unacceptable in the eyes of God and of the Christian faithful. When Paul realized this opposition, after a few days he left the patriarchal see, for he was a holy and virtuous man and knew that he was on the side of the enemies of truth rather than that of the orthodox. 83. In this period there was much trouble and dissension in regard to the see of St. Gregory; for at this time the holy see was not governed according to the will of God or individual merit or even free election,! but according to the principles of violence, power politics, and manipulation of high offices. All this was not brought about by the working of the Holy Spirit, but by worldly circumstances and goals, and by monetary and profit-making considerations. During these times the saintly and the virtuous shamefully withdrew, and those who had fallen from the grace of the Lord Jesus Christ, the son of God, came forward. Now commenced the fulfillment of the vision o.f St. S~ak ~art'ew,2 which contained the following words: "The hnes wntten In gold will be replaced by those written in black ink." In this. period the s~e of St. Gregory was divided into four parts: his lordsh~p Vabram ~n Egypt, his lordship Theodore in Honi, his 10rdsh~p Barse~h In the Armenian royal capital of Ani, and his lordshIp Paul In the city of Marash. Each of these catholicoi ?onsecrated ~ishops and distributed the blessed holy oil; the bishops, In turn, ordamed priests who celebrated divine liturgy baptized and perfonned the marriage ceremony. " All this confusion brought much sorrow on the church of God for :e sheepfol~ was now divided into four pastorates and woives came guardians of Christ's flock. During these times the ordinarily

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rational sheep became imbued with the nature of dogs and the instincts of beasts, daring to bark at pastors and patriarchs. Fathers despised their offspring, and children blasphemed and mistreated their parents. All of these things are harbingers of the Antichrist and the beginning of the destruction of the world, because people did away with piety and faith and fulfilled the prophecies contained in the holy books, which were declared by St. Nerses and by his son St. Isaac and which in our time are spoken by the holy vardapet John of Kozern . This John spoke many words which were taken as prophecies concerning our time and which made reference to the elimination of religion from the hearts of all and the withering away of faith; all this had been said formerly in holy books of a similar vein. Now all these dissensions and calamities did not touch the country of the Albanians, which is also known as Interior Armenia and which is the see of the holy apostle Thaddeus. The holy see of this country was not divided, rather it has retained the stability of the patriarchate and its administration up to the present. Its patriarch occupied the apostolic see in the Armenian city of Partaw, which is also called P'aytakaran and which is located near the vast [Caspian] Sea. When the Persians became powerful, the patriarchal see was transferred to Gandzak. The catholicoi of the Albanians who are mentioned in this book are his lordship John, his lordship George, his lordship Joseph, his lordship Mark, and his lordship Stephen. The following kings of the Albanians are also mentioned: Gagik, David, and Kvirike; these resided in the Armenian city of Lop and still do at present. Also other Armenian kings resided in the country of Darband3 or Kapank', bordering on the territories of the Ossetes4 and the Albanians. These kings were virtuous and saintly and were remembered in the divine liturgy along with other pious and holy rulers. Their names are the following: Vajakan; Goshaktak, his son; Philip, the son of Goshaktak; Sewada, the son of Philip; Senek'erim, the son of Sewada; and Gregory, the son of Senek'erim; the last named was still alive at the writing of this book. As we have already mentioned, in this period the Armenian nation had six catholicoi-two in Egypt and four in Armenia. And so, his lordship Paul resided in Marash at the behest of Philaretus but not according to the will of God. Now we will return to the chronological order of our narration, which we left in order to relate the troubles Armenia was experiencmg. 84. In the year 534 of the Armenian era [1085-1086] Tutush,l the

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sultan of Damascus, came with many troops and made war on Sulaiman, the emir of Antioch. At this time a violent battle was fought on both sides, each side battling vehemently against the other at a place between Aleppo and Antioch. Both combatant armies were made up of Turks, and yet both sides slaughtered one another ruthlessly. As the battle grew intense, the sultan's forces defeated those of Sulaiman, putting them to flight. Sulaiman, the emir of Antioch, was killed by Sultan Tutush's troops and was buried near the grave of Sharaf-ad-Daulah, the son of Kuraysh. 2 So in this year Antioch and its surrounding territory was captured by Tutush and came under his control. This Tutush was the son of Sultan Alp Arslan and the brother of Sultan Malik-Shah. Six years before Tutush had come with many troops and captured the city of Damascus, killing the great emir Atsiz, the Persian ruler who controlled Damascus and the whole coastal region. This Atsiz was a Turk and also a very valiant warrior. In the past he had triumphed over Egypt and, defeating its ruler Aziz,3 had driven him from the territory which he now possessed. In the end he had captured from Egypt the holy city of Jerusalem, Damascus, and all the cities along the seacoast. The emir Atsiz struck terror into the Egyptians until a slave of Aziz, the ruler of Egypt, went against him; this slave was of Armenian origin and was given the name Amir al-JuyUsh. 4 This man armed a regiment of Armenian soldiers to fight Atsiz and went against the emir in battle. Mter this peace was reestablished in Egypt. 85. At the beginning of the year 535 of the Armenian era [10861087] the wicked Philaretus rose up and went in homage to sultan Malik-Shah the conqueror, in order to solicit his benevolence and peace on behalf of all the Christian faithful. Philaretus left behind in his place the illustrious Roman official, who was the paracoemomenus, a ~enevolent and pious eunuch, and he gave this man command of the CIty of Edessa. Taking a great amount of gold and silver, select horses and mules, and beautiful resplendent garments, Philaretus went to the sultan, who resided in Persia At this time one of Philaretus's officers, named Parsama, with e~i1 intent made common cause v.:ith ~he ~eicides, Cain and Judas. Accompanied by his a.ccomphces In crIme, Parsama one Sunday went up to the chief CItadel and came to where the paracoemomenus was staying. It happened to be the time when the eunuch said his prayers and so was pray!' . th h h h ' ng In e c urc were the reliquary of St, Theodore 1 is located. At that moment Parsama and his accomplices savagely fell

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upon the paracoemomenus and cruelly killed this benevolent and merciful man while he was praying in the church. Mter this the townspeople gave the office of dux to the paracoemomenus's killer Parsama. Now, when the sultan Malik-Shah learned of all this in Persia, he removed Philaretus from his presence and treated him with contempt. So Philaretus, in complete despair, at that moment abjured his Christian religion, renouncing the faith of Christ which he had not held in pure manner to begin with; for, by so doing, he thought he would be honored by the Persians [and treated with consideration by them], but this was not the case. The actions of this apostate of Christ availed him nothing, and he came to be cursed and despised bY.,both God and man. 2 86. In this same year the Persian sultan of Ashkenaz origin, Malik-Shah the conqueror, marched forth at the head of a formidable army composed of innumerable warriors. He came and entered the Roman empire in the West in order to take over that region. This sultan's heart was filled with benevolence, gentleness, and compassion for the Christians; he showed fatherly affection for all the inhabitants of the lands [he traversed] and so gained control of many towns and regions without resistance. Thus in this year the sultan gained control of all Armenia and the Roman empire. After this Malik-Shah marched forth and reached the great city of Antioch and took control of the whole region, including Aleppo. Thus the sultan's empire extended from the Caspian to the Mediterranean Seas. Malik-Shah subdued all the states on this side of the Mediterranean [littoral], and there was no land which did not submit to his rule. Twelve nations together with their rulers became tributary and submitted to him. Mter he had gained control of Antioch, MalikShah descended to the Mediterranean seacoast at a place called Saint Simeon.1 When the sultan saw this vast sea, he thanked and blessed God that the Lord had expanded his empire beyond the limits of that of his father Alp Arslan. Then, riding his horse, he stepped into the waters of the Mediterranean and, drawing his sword, plunged it into the sea three times, saying: "La, God has allowed me to rule over the lands from the Persian Sea2 to this sea." Then, having removed his gan.nents and laid them on the ground, Malik-Shah prayed to the Lord God and blessed his beneficent mercy. Then he ordered his servants to gather some sand from the seashore and, taking it t6 Persia, scattered it over the grave of his father, Alp Aralan, saying: "0 my father, Alp Arslan, I bring you good news, for your young son,

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whom you left [at your death], has come ~o rule over all lan.ds, even ' up to the ends of the earth." Mter all thIS ~he. sultan appomted an . emir over Antioch, whose name was Yaghl-Slyan and who was a vicious, vile, invidious, and savage-minded man. On the other hand, he appointed Aksungur over the city of Aleppo, who was benevolent and pacific, kind to everyone, and a benefactor of peoples. 87, In this same year a certain emir named Buzan, at the behest of Sultan Malik-Shah the conqueror, came against the city of Edessa with many troops, Descending upon Edessa, he encamped before the gates of the city and besieged it for three months. One day the sultan himself came with a smaller number of troops and, after circling around the city, went away leaving it intact. Now, although Malik-Shah had descended upon the plain of Harran with a very large army, he left [without causing any harm] and peacefully returned to Persia,

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88, In the meantime Buzan was vehemently besieging Edess8, causing the inhabitants of the city to fall prey to famine because of his ceaseless harassments, No aid was forthcoming which could save the inhabitants, caught in the throes of such a horrible situation, and so they all fell in complete despair. Then all the inhabitants of the city grumbled against their dux Parsama, and a very large group of . townspeople rose up against him. He in desperation tried to flee to Buzan but, while jumping from the ramparts, broke his spine; he was taken to Buzan and delivered the city into his hands. 1 This took place on the first day of Nawasard, 2 at the beginning of the year 536 of the Armenian era [1087-1088]. Thus peace was reestablished in E?essa and its surrounding territory, and the whole city was filled WIth eat rejoicing. Buzan appointed a certain slar,3 called Khulukh, a,s governor and guardian of the city of Edessa. After this calummous men, who were of the Syrian nation came to Buzan and slandered the chief Armenian citizens who re;ided in the city. A person named Ask'ar and certain other Syrians maliciously denounce~ these Armenians and thus were instrumental in having the~ kIlled by the sword; these Annenian citizens-illustrious emment and d' t' .h d ' , IS mguis e men-were twelve in number However Buzan regrett d th kill' . I e e mg of these men for he had previously sworn to them [that he Id t h ' l' . I wou no arm them]' yet because of some mat ICIOUdS S and~rs, he in effect did kill them. ' After this Buzan re urne to PersIa with his troops.

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89. In this same year Buzanl with a tremendous number of troops encamped before the city of Gandzak in Armenia. He vehemently besieged the city, having gathered together all the Persians against it. During a severe assault the Persians undermined one of the city's towers, thus demolishing it; by assaults such as this they captured Gandzak, but slaughtered only a small portion of its inhabitants, because Buzan ordered the swords sheathed and peace restored. At that time his lordship Stephen, the catholicos of the Albanians, was in the city, but through the help of God he was able to get away, for he was protected by the Annenian troops who were in Buzan's army. 90. During the reign of the Greek emperor Alexius l disturbances broke out in the West on the other side of the great Danube River. For a violent war broke out between the Pechenegs and the Roman emperor Alexius. The Pecheneg ruler defeated the Roman forces and, vehemently pursuing them, ruthlessly slaughtered them. The emperor Alexius with a small number of men took refuge in Constantinople. Mter a few days Alexius opened up his treasury and issued an edict throughout the empire; in this manner he collected a fonnidable army, more numerous than before. The Pecheneg ruler marched against Constantinople together with his whole nation, in order to gain the Greek empire for himself. He came against the city with six hundred thousand armed troops, together with his people and his sons. When Alexius learned of this, he and all the [Christian] faithful prayed for eight days. It was in the year 538 of the Armenian era [1089-1090] when the emperor Alexius attacked the Pecheneg forces with his army, comprising three hundred thousand Roman, Latin,2 Armenian, and Bulgar troops. When the two armies met on that day, both sides fought a tremendous and violent battle. All the Pecheneg troops were archers and, mounted on their chariots, fought with tremendous and extraordinary valor. Then, at a signal from the emperor Alexius, the Romans set fire to the chariots and bumed them. In this manner the emperor Alexius vanquished the Pecheneg army. By the sword and severe slaughter all the Pecheneg forces were put to flight. The Pecheneg ruler was killed, and Alexius annihilated all his troops and slaughtered his sons and their wives with the sword. Then with much booty and captives the emperor returned to Constantinople.3 91. In this period a certain vile and abominable heretic, who was a monk of the Roman nation, appeared in Constantinople. This man

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worshiped Satan as his God and had a dog, to who.m he offered his prayers, accompany him. With such a false doctn~e he corru~ted many men and women, leading astray a small portion of the PiOUS faithful of Constantinople, chief of whom being the mother of the emperor Alexius. The mother of the emperor became so audacious.in her perverse aberration as to take a piece of the holy cross of Chnst and hide it in the sole of the emperor's shoe, so that he would walk on it. Finally God exposed this abominable heretic monk through his adherents and thus the emperor was made cognizant of his perverse deeds. F~r, when the pious emperor Alexius heard of all this, he burned the leader of this heretical sect and had many of its members drowned in the Mediterranean-as many as ten thousand persons; moreover, he deprived his mother of her high position and expelled her from his court, and so peace was reestablished. 1 92. In the year 539 of the Armenian era [1090-1091] his lordship the Armenian patriarch Barsegh rose up and went to the sultan Malik-Shah the conqueror, for he saw that the Christian faithful were being harassed in many places, tribute was being imposed on the churches of God and all their clergy, and monasteries and bishops were being harried by heavy exactions. When his lordship the Armenian catholicos Barsegh sawall these harassments, he resolved to go to the benevolent and kind ruler of the Persians and Christian faithful, in order to inform him of all this. Taking with him a large amount of gold, silver, and brocades as presents for this sultan and accompanied by noblemen, bishops, priests, and vardapets, the Armenian catholicos went to Persia to the pious sultan. When MalikShah saw his lordship Barsegh, he paid the catholicos great honor and granted him whatever he requested. The sultan carried out all the wishes of his lordship Barsegh, exempting all the churches and monasteries, together with their clergy, from all dues; moreover, he g~ve . [Barsegh] a ~tten guarantee of this exemption and then dI~mIssed the Armeman patriarch, having provided him with official edIcts an? presen~ed him with many honors. So, going forth by royal d~cree, hIS l?rdshlp Barsegh departed with great rejoicing, accompamed ~y emment personages assigned to him by the sultan. The cathO~I~OS ca~e to the district of J ahan and set himself up in OP~OSItI?n to ~IS lordship Theodore who, at the behest of Philaretus, reSIded In Hom as catholicos. Barsegh deposed TheOdore from his see and t~ok from him the veil, crosier, and cross belonging to his lordshIp Peter. So Barsegh reestablished the unity of the patriarch-

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ate in his person and after this went to the city of Edessa. Now a patriarch should not be reproached for going to an infidel ruler in order to reestablish peace in the holy church. For this very same reason St. Basil went to the wicked emperor Julian, St. Nerses to the apostate Greek emperor Valens,l St. Marut'a2 to the Persian king Yazdgard,3the doctor Nanan4 to the Chaldean king,5 and Christ to the Jewish nation. When Barsegh came to Edessa, it was the beginning of the year 540 of the Armenian era [1091-1092]. Going forth from this city, the catholicos went as far as the great Caesarea of Cappodocia and then returned to Antioch, and all the people who saw him were extremely happy. Mter this Barsegh once again came to Edessa. 93. In this same year during the month of September an earthquake occurred throughout the whole land, and all living creatures under heaven trembled and shook. Much destruction occurred in the city of Antioch, and many towers collapsed to their foundation. Moreover, the greater part of the walls of Antioch collapsed, and many men and women perished in the ruins of their homes. 94. In the year 541 of the Armenian era [1092-1093] a tremendous amount of mortality struck many places, and because of the great number of deaths, there were not enough priests to bury the corpses. The sounds of wailing and lamentation issued forth from all the homes. Death took the lives of so many people that those alive feared death more than those who succumbed to it. Thus the whole land was in the throes of incalculable ruin and destruction because of these deaths. 95. In this same year the Holy Cross of Varag and the Icon of the Holy Virgin Mary were brought to the city of Edessa, and so there was great rejoicing among the nation of Abgar. 1 Deeply moved, all the inhabitants of Edessa collectively went forth to receive these holy objects and then brought them into the city with great pomp. On this occasion the ruler of the territory of Edessa arranged a procession in which everyone followed the saintly bishop his lordship Paul and other prelates. The holy cross was placed in the cathedral with great pomp. However, after a few years these relics were sacrilegiously stolen and taken away from the inhabitants of Edessa.

96. In this same year Buzan collected troops from all the Persians

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and, taking with him eminent emirs and the lords. of Antioch and Aleppo-Yaghi-Siyan and Aksungur-marched agamst the Roman empire with innumerable soldiers. He descended upon the renowned town called Nicaea and, being possessed by some madness, became infatuated with the idea of going on and capturing the city of Constantinople; it was guarded by the protection of h7a~en, and yet Buzan in his twisted mind thought he could capture thIS Impregnable city. So, remaining before Nicaea for a number of days, he finally realized that he could not achieve his goaP

97. In this same year died the great sultan Malik-Shah the conqueror, who was father and parent to all [his subjects] and a benevolent, merciful, and kind man towards all [peoples], This sultan perished in the city of Baghdad through a treacherous plot carried out by his wife, who was a daughter of the sultan of Samarkand. She gave a poisoned drink to the benevolent Malik-Shah and thus deprived this very great ruler of his life. 1 So there was deep and grievous mourning throughout the whole world. Now, when Buzan learned of the death of the sultan, he returned to the city of Edessa, while Yaghi-Siyan went to Antioch and Aksungur to Aleppo. His lordship Barsegh, who was in Edessa at this time, took refuge in the city of Ani and occupied his see there. 98. Lo, in these times there was severe slaughter and bloodshed in Annenia, for the Turkish forces invaded the land and killed many of its inhabitants. [Since] the sultan had died, the Turks felt free to enslave many. On the other hand, Malik-Shah was taken and buried in the city of Marand, near the grave of his father, Alp Arslan. He left behind two sons, the elder called Berkyaruk,1 who was born from the daughter of Argun (Akut'),2 a relative of Alp Arslan and the other called Sap'ar,s who was born from the daughter or'the sultan of Samarkand and who resided in the city of Uzgand4 and in Ghazni. 6 The elder son Berkyaruk succeeded to the throne of his father MalikShah, and thus was installed as sultan of all the Persia~s. His maternal uncle, the emir lsma'il, son of Argun. was made [his] regent over all Persia, for he was a benevolent and very merciful man and a benefactor of people. This lsma'll ruled over all Armenia as its sov~reign; it was he who began to make all Armenia prosper once agal? and to protect all the monasteries from harassment by the PersIans.

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99. In the year 542 of the Armenian era [1093-1094] his lordship Paul, l the man whom Philaretus had installed on the see of the Armenian catholicate in the city of Marash, died. Paul had accompanied the holy cross [to Edessa] and died in this city during the same year; he was buried in splendid pomp near the door of the holy church close to the tomb of the vardapet. 2 100. In this same year the Armenian vardapet George, surnamed Urchets'i, died. He was the enlightener of the Armenian nation, the source of the inexhaustible spring [of orthodox doctrine], and had a fiery tongue. In his knowledge, erudition, and possession of divine grace he was equal to the former divinely-inspired Greek doctors; I mean to say Gregory the Theologian,t John Chrysostom, Basil, and others like these. This vardapet led a life of sanctified behavior right up to the age of one hundred, and was buried in the great Monastery of Kannnjadzor,2 near the tomb of the vardapet Samuel and Khach'ik, who was a musician accomplished in the art of chanting. So all Godfearing people deeply mourned George, because they had been deprived of this brilliant vardapet.

101. In this same year the sultan of Damascus, called Tutush, the son of Alp Arslan and the brother of Malik-Shiih, collected troops. At the head of many forces he was intent on going forth to Persia and taking over the royal throne of his brother, Malik-Shah. So Tutush came to Antioch, and the emir1 of that city came to pay the sultan homage. From there he passed on to Aleppo, and the emir Aksungur came to pay him homage. After this with innumerable troops Tutush marched forth and went to Persia. 2 102. In this same year a tremendous gathering of Arab troops occurred-as many as four hundred thousand men; and all of Babylon1 advanced against the territory of Mosul. The chief of the Arab forces was Ibrahim, 2 the son of Kuraysh and the brother of Sharaf-ad-Daulah. Meanwhile the sultan Tutush reached the town of Nisibis and, capturing it with a great assault, pillaged the entire town. [On this occasion] the Armenian troops, who were with the sultan, slaughtered about ten thousand Muslims. At this time the Arab army advanced and reached the confines of Nisibis, descending to a place called Hermez. [Seeing this], Tutush sent to Edessa and through a solemn oath had the emir Buzan come to him with many troops and then, rising up, went to battle against the Muslim chief.

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The two leaders met on the plain of Nisibis, both sides causing a great amount of slaughter. Mter a very violent battle the sultan turned back the Arab forces and put them to flight. Pursuing them, Tutush took the Arab chief Ibrahim prisoner; his head had been pierced by an arrow, which had torn through his steel helmet and penetrated deep inside, thus causing his [ultimate] death. The sultan's troops plundered the women and children of the Arabs, and also their flocks and a great quantity of their horses. s Mter all this the sultan Tutush victoriously went and marched forth to Persia. [On route] his anny grew so large that it covered the plains and hills of the East. When the Persian sultan Berkyaruk, the nephew of Tutush, learned of this advance, going forth with many troops, he came in battle against his uncle at the head of a tremendously large army. When Tutush, in turn, learned of Berkyaruk's coming, he prepared to go against the Persian sultan. At that [critical] moment Buzan and Aksungur, together with their troops, rebelled against Tutush during the night and went over to the side of Berkyaruk. When Tutush heard of their treachery, he dared not go forth in battle, but turning back, went to his country and entered his city of Damascus.' After this he went to Tripoli and subdued it and all the other coastal towns; moreover, he remained in this area for six months. 103. In the year 543 of the Armenian era [1094-1095] the power of Berkyaruk was at its zenith. [At this time] the sultan appointed as commander-in-chief of his forces the illustrious royal emir lsma'll, son of Argun and brother of his mother, for this man ruled over all of Armenia well. lsma'll in all respects was kind, merciful, good, solicitous, benevolent, pacific, and a benefactor of all the Annenians; moreover, he was an embellisher of monasteries and a supporter of monks, besides which he protected the [Christian] faithful against harassment from the Persians. Under his administration each person was protect.ed in ~he possession of what was rightfully his, and so all the ~~emans lIved in happiness [and security].l Berkyaruk put lsma. 11 m charge of the whole country, while he securely sat on the royal throne. Now, at one time the great emir lsma'il came and traversed through Persia with many troops, and he was accompanied by Buzan and Aksungur. He came to a place called Jaghts'adzor 2 ~oca~ed in ~ersia, and here both Buzan and Aksungur began to mtngue agamst the great emir lsma'il. One day, going forth from the camp accompanied by three men,s the two plotters took the emir

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a distance from his troops, on the pretext of conversing with him. They fell upon Isma'll and threw him down from his horse and, tying a cord around his neck, strangled the benevolent emir. Mer this the two plotters fled from the sultan Berkyaruk, each going to his respective city-Buzan to Edessa and Aksungur to Aleppo. When the sultan learned of the death of the great lsma'il, he deeply regretted the incident. 4 104. In this same year the sultan Tutush marched forth with many troops and at the head of a tremendous anny came against Aleppo. Aksungur and Buzan collected troops and went against the sultan in battle. Tutush defeated the forces of Aksungur and Buzan and put them to flight. On this day Aksungur and Buzan were killed, Aleppo was captured, and the head of the great emir Buzan was brought to Edessa and stuck on a pole. 1 Edessa was also captured, and Tutush gained control of the city and its surrounding territory. When the sultan arrived in Edessa, he appointed the Roman official T'oros,2 the son of Het'um, as the city's commander. Then the sultan himself went to Persia to war against Berkyaruk. Mter this the commander of Tutush's forces, the lord of Antioch Yaghi-Siyan, at the head of many troops descended upon the renowned fortress called Zarinak,3 in Armenia. He captured this fortress by a great assault and slaughtered an innumerable amount of Christians. At about the same time Tutush received a letter from the wife of his brother, inviting him to come in haste and become her husband. When the sultan heard this, he arrived in Persia and descended upon the plain of Isfahan. Then Berkyaruk sent entreaties to Tutush, saying: "Allow me to keep only the city of Isfahan and let the rest of my subjects and lands be yours." But Tutush would not listen to his entreaties. So both leaders at the head of countless and innumerable forces engaged in battle with one another. Now, when the standard of Malik-Shah was unfurled and the Persian troops saw this, the majority of them went over to the side of Berkyaruk, after which a severe slaughter occurred. On the other hand, the wicked YaghiSiyan, who was concealed in ambush with many troops, fled without even giving battle. When all of Tutush's forces saw this, they fled in toto. This turned out to be a calamitous day for the Persian forces, because tens of thousands were dispersed in flight throughout the whole land. At this time the enemy surrounded Tutush, wounding his horse and felling him to the ground; so there he was in the midst

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of the [enemy] troops. No one dared to go near him, for he had royal rank and was the brother of Malik-Shah. Then one of the emirs from Berkyaruk.'s army came and cut off Tutush's head with his sword. The dead sultan was taken and buried near the tomb of his father. After this Ridvan (the son of Tutush), Yaghi-Siyan, and all the other fugitives escaped to the city of Edessa. The curopalates T'oros, who resided in the city and who was a very eloquent and able man, received them [warmly]. T'oros intended on taking them prisoner, so that through them he might capture the citadel of the city of Edess8. However, the other noblemen of the city did not consider this a good strategy, and so the fugitives peacefully returned to their respective cities. After this T'oros with every means possible tried to gain control ot the city and deliver the [Christian] faithful from the infidels. He began to restore those ramparts opposite the citadel and to fortify one part of the city with a wall; for the citadel was in the hands of the Persians,4 and contained a Turkish garrison and a corps of Armenian troops who were placed there by Tutush. When the [infidel] commander who occupied the Citadel of Maniaces5 saw that the curopalates had fortified Edessa and had isolated the citadel from the city, he wrote a letter to all the neighboring emirs, informing them of what T'oros had done. [In this letter the infidel commander] said that the curopalates had fortified the city from the Sea Gate to the Church of St. Theodore, had erected twenty-five towers, and had captured the inner citadel, thus gaining control of Edessa. 105. In the year 544 of the Armenian era [1095-1096] Sokman,l the son of Muk, and Balduk, the emir of Samosata and son of AmirGhazi, collected calvary troops and came against Edessa at harvest time. The curopalates T'oros, the lord of Edessa, being a prodent man, began to fortify the city on all sides. The Turks set up catapults and other war machines and ruthlessly battered against the walls of the city. They spent many days ceaselessly assaulting the city, but were unable to do anything against it. After sixty-five days the Turks finally succeeded in breaking through the walls at two places and thus penetrating into the city; fighting in the streets ensued, but the infidels still were unable to capture Edessa. At that ~oment Ridvan, the sultan of Aleppo and son of Tutush, and YaghiSlyan, the lord of Antioch, came and descended upon Edessa with forty thousand men. Then Sokman and Balduk fled from the sultan. \V.hen the townspeople saw the sultan's forces, they became very fnghtened. However, the curopalates T'oras, with the bravery of a

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lion, exhorted all the inhabitants of Edessa and donated a very large amount of money for the [pressing] needs of the city. For many days the sultan's forces vehemently assaulted the city, but with God aiding the Christians they were unable to do anything, for all the townspeople had the courage of lions and resisted the infidels. Exhausted by the severe fighting, the infidel forces withdrew, humiliated. Mer this one of the sultan's officers, whose name was Mkhit'ar and who was a Christian, took counsel with his men to deliver the citadel into the hands of the curopalates T'oros. So the patricius :Mkhit'ar with thirty of his men took the proper measures during the night and delivered the chief Citadel of Maniaces into the hands of the curopalates T'oros. In this way peace was reestablished in the city of Edessa. After all this T'oros sent troops to capture a fortress, called T'rsich, in the city's environs and to subdue its surrounding territory. A battle was fought near the fortress of T'rsich, and the forces of Edessa were put to flight. The infidels reached a village called Andranos and there slaughtered one hundred and fifty men, taking the rest prisoner. 106. In this same year the sultan al-Faraj, who was descended from Kutulmish, was brought to Edessa at the invitation of T'oros, and the curopalates delivered the city into his hands in order to take vengeance on his enemies. However, al-Faraj was resolved to kill Toros and pillage the whole city. When the curopalates learned of this treachery, he gave the sultan a poisonous drink and sent him to the public baths, where he soon died. When the sultan's troops heard about all this, they fled. So once again the curopalates gained control of Edessa. The rule of al-Faraj over this city lasted for thirty-three days. 1 107. In this same year the Armenian catholicos his lordship Theodore, a great musician and a pillar of the holy church, died and was buried in Roni, near his lordship Sargis. 108. In the year 545 of the Armenian era [1096-1097] the sultan of the West 1 called Kilij Arslan,2 the son of Sulaiman, son of Kutulmish, came against the city of Melitene at the head of a tremendous number of troops. The sultan's anny covered the whole plain. Kilij Arslan launched a severe assault against Melitene and, setting up catapults, put the city in dire straits. The commander of Melitene Gabriel,a who was the father-in-law of T'oros, the curopalates of

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Edessa, courageously resisted the sultan and fortified the city on all sides. Remaining there for many days, the sultan was unabl.e to do anything and so turned back humiliated and went to hIS own country.4 109, In this period the prophecy of the Armenian catholicos St. Nerses, who spoke to the Armenian nobles and princes concerning the coming of the Westerners,l was fulfilled. That which this cat~olic~s spoke about in former times, we saw with our very eyes In thIS period, witnessing those events which the holy and prodigi?us man of God Nerses the Great, had prophesied at the time of hIS death. This V:as the [same] vision which appeared to the saintly Daniel, when in Babylon he saw the form of a monstrous beast; moreover, he clearly saw and revealed this, speaking about the eating, chewing, and trampling of the remainder. 2 110, At this time the upsurge of the Westernersloccurred, and the portals of the Latin nation were opened, for through them the Lord intended to battle with the Persians. Once again the Lord [turned away] from his anger, according to the words of the prophet David, who said: "Awake, why do you sleep, 0 Lord, rise up and do not abandon us forever!"2 Also: "The Lord awoke from his sleep like a mighty man who puts aside his drunkenness; he threw back his enemies and made them accursed forever."s Thus in this year all the peoples of Italy and Spain, right up to the confines of Mrica, and even the distant Frankish nation, began to move and surged forth in a formidable and immense throng; they were very much like locusts which cannot be counted or the sands of the seas which are beyond the mind's calculation, With imposing grandeur and high-ranking leadership the noblemen of the Frankish nation rose up and came forth. Each of them came with his troops to aid the Christians, to deliver the holy city of Jerusalem from the infidels, and to free the holy sepulcher, which contained God, from the hands of the Muslims; th~y were illustrious men of royal blood, endowed with piety and faIth, and brought up in the practice of good works. Here are the ~ames of these Franks, There was Godfrey,4 a mighty man from the hneage of the Roman emperors,5 and his brother Baldwin;6 it was this Godfrey who had with him the sword and crown of the emperor Vespasian,7 who destroyed Jerusalem. There was the eminent count 8 called Bohemond and his nephew Tancred 9 the count called Saint G'll W fi ' , 1 es -a ornudable and illustrious man, Robert the count of

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Nonnandy, and also the other Baldwin. ll Mter this came the count called Joscelin,12 a mighty and courageous man. Such mighty men and warriors as these marched forth at the head of formidable armies, numerous as the stars of the heavens. With them went many bishops, priests, and deacons. Journeying with tremendous hardship via the distant lands of the Westerners/ s the Franks passed through the country of the Hungarians and through the inaccessible defiles of their mountains with great difficulty. From there they reached the Bulgar lands, which were controlled by the Greek emperor Alexius. So by such a journey the Franks arrived at the great city of Constantinople. 111. When the emperor Alexius learned of their coming, he sent troops to battle against them. There was a tremendous amount of slaughter on both sides, and the Franks put the Greek forces to flight. So, much bloodshed occurred on this day. In this same manner, whatever areas the Franks passed through, the inhabitants of those places attacked them and harassed them with many hardships. Now, when the emperor Alexius heard of all these troubles [the Franks were having], he put away the sword and no longer fought with them. Then the whole Frankish army descended to the gates of Constantinople and asked to cross the Mediterranean Sea. 1 The emperor Alexius made peace and an alliance with the Frankish leaders and, taking them to Saint Sophia, gave them gifts of much gold and silver. In turn the Franks took an oath that they would hand over to the emperor Alexius all those regions they captured from the Persians which previously had belonged to the Romans, while all the conquests made of Persian and Arab territory would belong to the Franks. This pact was sealed by an oath, sworn on the cross and the Gospels, and thus never to be broken. Obtaining troops and officers from the emperor, the Franks sailed across the vast Mediterranean and with a formidable army reached the town called Nicaea,2 located near this sea.s 112. All the Persian forces gathered together against the Frankish forces, who were encamped in that area, and attacked them. However, the Franks defeated the Persian forces and put them to flight and, pursuing them with the sword, filled the whole land with bloodshed. Assaulting Nicaea, they captured the town by the sword and slaughtered all the infidels [within its walls]. Mter this the Muslims, heavy with grief, went to the sultan Kilij Arslan, who at

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that time was besieging the city of Melitene, and informed him of all this. The sultan assembled an innumerable army and went against the Frankish forces in the territory of Nicaea. Both sides engaged in a furious battle, ruthlessly and valiantly attacking one another and savagely striking against each other's front lines. Incited by the sparks flying from the helmets, the clatter of the coats of mail, and the cracking noise of the bows, all the infidel forces regrouped themselves, [fired with new ardor and courageJ. The whole land shook from the din of battle, and the horses trembled because of the clatter of arrows. The courageous and the heroic engaged each other in combat, ruthlessly hacking away at one another like young lions. The first day of battle turned out to be a great and formidable one, for the sultan went into battle against the Franks with six hundred thousand men [under his commandJ. In spite of the tremendous number of Persian troops, the Frankish forces defeated them and put them to flight, causing such a frightful and severe slaughter that the plain was covered with their dead corpses. Moreover, the Franks took tens of thousands of captives, and the gold and silver they seized from the Persians could not be counted. After three days the sultan once again collected troops and came against the Frankish forces at the head of a formidable army. An even more frightful and severe battle was fought than before. The Frankish forces fought against the Persians with the same fury [as beforeJ and drove them from the land, slaughtering and taking captives.! Mter this the Franks handed over the town of Nicaea to the Roman emperor Alexius. 2 113. In the year 546 of the Armenian era [1097-1098J, during the time of the Armenian patriarchs their lordships Vahram and Barsegh and in the reign of the Roman emperor Alexius, the army of the Westerners moved forth with a formidable number of about five hundred thousand men. T'oros, the ruler of Edessa, and the great Armenian prince Constantine,! the son of Ruben, were informed [of their comingJ by letter. Constantine occupied the Taurus Mountains in the territory of Kopitar,2 situated in the district of Marapa, 3 and had become master of a number of regions; moreover, he was formerly an officer in Gagik's army. Now the Frankish forces consisting o~ a tremendous army,' journeyed through Bithynia and i~ close formatIon traversed the confines of Cappadocia, finally reaching the steep slopes of the Taurus Mountains. The army advanced en masse and passed through the narrow defiles of these mountains soon coming to CHicia; then it passed through Trovarda, also kno~

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as Anazarba, and finally reached the city of Antioch. The formidable Frankish army encamped against Antioch, filling up the vast plain on which the city was situated. The Persian commander YaghiSiyan, together with his troops, was bottled up in Antioch, and the city was heavily besieged for ten months. When the neighboring Persian chiefs learned of this, they came with a considerable number of troops to battle against the Frankish forces, but the Franks repulsed these enemies and thus humiliated them. Mter this the infidels gathered together once again; the Damascenes, the Africans together with those of the [Mediterranean] littoral and Jerusalem, all those on the confines of Egypt, the Aleppines, those of Horns, everyone right up to the great Euphrates River moved forth in a countless and innumerable throng against the Frankish forces. When the Franks learned of the coming of the infidels, they stirred up their troops and went forth to meet them. Bohemond, who was a brave man and a warrior, together with Saint Gilles, both leading ten thousand men, like lions attacked one hundred thousand [infidels] in the confines of Antioch. They victoriously turned the Persian forces in flight, severely slaughtering them. 114. However, the emir Sokman, who was the son of Artuk. and a brave warrior, and the lord of Damascus1-both eminent and illustrious emirs-gathered together the Turkish forces from Mosul and from all of Babylonia-as many as thirty thousand men-and went against the Frankish anny. The illustrious Duke Godfrey, in turn, at the head of seven thousand men, went against the infidels in the territory of Aleppo and caused a violent battle. The emir of Damascus called Tughtigin2 threw himself against the brave Godfrey and felled him from his horse, but was unable to pierce his coat of mail, and so the duke escaped unharmed. At that moment the Frankish forces turned the infidels in flight and, pursuing them, cut them to pieces; then they victoriously returned to their camp. Because of the great number of the Franks, the danger of famine became imminent, and the troops began to suffer from the scarcity of food. At this time the princes who resided in the Taurus Mountains-Constantine, the son of Ruben; Bazuni, the second prince; and Oshin,s the third one-sent whatever provisions were needed to the commander of the Franks. Likewise the monks of the Black Mountains assisted them by sending provisions, and [in general] all the [Christian] faithful acted benevolently towards the Franks. Nevertheless, because of the scarcity of food, mortality and affliction fell upon the Frankish army

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to such an extent that one out of five perished and all the rest felt themselves abandoned far from their homeland. However, the merciful God did not abandon them, but sustained them with paternal care and love as he had done to the multitude of the children of Israel in the desert. 115. In this same year a comet appeared in the western portion of the sky during the month of Areg without leaving a bright trail behind it. This comet was seen for fifteen days, but then disappeared from sight. 116. In this same year a frightful and strange omen appeared in the northern portion of the sky; such a marvelous omen had never been seen by anyone. In the month of Mareri the sky flared up and became deep red in the midst of a clear and calm atmosphere. The red sky contracted into clusters, emitting all sorts of nuances of color. These clusters flowed along in an easterly direction and, after having accumulated here and there, covered the greater portion of the heavens; moreover, they were an amazing color of very deep red and reached up to the heavenly vault. The savants and the sages recognized [the significance ofj all this and said that it was an omen of bloodshed. The fulfillment of this omen of evil destruction and disaster we will relate shortly in our book. 117. In the year 547 of the Armenian era [1098-1099J a certain count named Baldwin went forth with one hundred horsemen and captured the fortress-town of Tell Bashir. When the Roman commander T'oros, who resided in the city of Edessa, learned of this, he became exceedingly happy and sent to the Frankish count in Tell Bashir, ~ummoning Baldwin to his aid against his enemies; for he was contmually being harassed by the neighboring emirs. So Count Baldwin came to Edessa with sixty horsemen, and the townspeople came to meet him and with great rejoicing brought him into the city. T~e presence of Baldwin brought much happiness to the [Christian] faIthful, and the curopalates T'oros acted in a friendly manner t~wa;d8 the count.. giving him presents and forming an alliance with hun. The Annewan chief Constantine2 came from Gargar, and after a few days the curopalates sent him and Baldwin to attack Samosata and its emir Bald.uk. The troops of the city and the infantry forces ~the w?o~e temtory accompanied the Franks [and Constantine]. e ChnstIans marched to Samosata with a considerable number of

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troops and pillaged the houses outside its walls, but the Turks dared not go forth in battle [against them]. Then all the Christian troops in a body began to pillage [everything in sight]. Now, when the Turkish forces saw this, three hundred of their horsemen made a sortie and defeated all the Christian troops, putting to flight the Franks together with the native infantry accompanying them. From Samosata right up to Tell Hamdun a severe slaughter of as many as one thousand men occurred. Mter this Constantine and the count returned to the curopalates T'oros in the city of Edessa. Now all of this happened during the second week of Lent. When Count Baldwin had returned to Edessa, perfidious and evil-minded men came upon the scene, who plotted in concert with the count to assassinate the europalates T'oros. Indeed the meritorious service of the europalates did not justify such action; for, because of his ingenious sagacity, skillful inventiveness, and vigorous strength, he was able to deliver Edessa from tribute and service to the vicious and cruel Muslims. 118. At this time forty men plotted together to accomplish this Judas-like act and during the night went to Count Baldwin, the one who was the brother of Count Godfrey. They persuaded him to accede to their evil designs and promised to deliver Edessa into his hands; Baldwin approved of their vicious plot. They also implicated the Armenian chief Constantine. So during the fifth week of Lent these men incited all the inhabitants of the city against the europalates T'oros. On Sunday they pillaged all the homes of T'oros's officers and seized the upper citadel. On Monday they gathered against the inner citadel where the curopalates was and violently assaulted it. Hard pressed, T'oros asked them to vow not to harm. him on condition that he hand over the citadel and the city to them and together with his wife go to Melitene. 1 So the Holy Cross of Varag and that of Mak.'enik,2 was brought forth, and the count swore by them in the Church of the Holy Apostles not to harm the europalates in any way. Moreover, Baldwin vouched for his own sincerity in the presence of the angels, archangels, prophets, patriarchs, holy apostles, holy pontiffs, and all the host of martyrs-all of which was written down by the count in a letter to T'oros. Mter Baldwin had sworn by all the saints [not to harm the europalates], T'oros delivered the citadel into his hands, and so the count and the chief men of the city occupied this fortified place. Then on Tuesday, the day of the celebration of the Holy K'arasunk',s the townspeople gathered against T'oros and, armed with swords and clubs, threw him down from the

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top of the ramparts into the midst of a tumultuous crowd. The crowd rushed en masse upon T'oros and, cruelly inflicting him with countless sword wounds, killed the curopalates. Thus the townspeople committed a very great crime in the presence of God. Moreover they tied the dead curopalates' feet with a rope and ignomini~usly dragged his body through the city. So on this day the inhabitants of Edessa disavowed their oath and shortly thereafter delivered the city into the hands of Count Baldwin. 4 119. In this same year the general of the Persian sultan Berkyaruk, who was called Kerbogha, l marched forth at the head of a formidable army to war against the Frankish forces, and came and encamped before the gates of Edessa. He remained there with all his forces right up to harvest time, laying waste all the surrounding arable lands and making assaults against the city.2 At this time Kerbogha had with him an innumerable amount of troops. Now after forty days the son of the emir of Antioch, Yaghi-Siyan, came to Kerbogha and, falling at his feet, begged him to come and aid the Antiochenes. He told Kerbogha about the Frankish army and how it was small in number and famine-ridden. 120. In this same year all of Khurasan rose up in arms. [This movement extended] from the East to the West, Media to Babylon, including the country of the Greeks and the Orient, Damascus and all the lands of the Mediterranean littoral, and also Jerusalem, right up to the desert. Eight hundred thousand cavalry and three hundred thousand infantry assembled together. This [formidable] army menacingly marched forth, its ranks spread over the plains and hills, and with fear-inspiring arrogance reached the Frankish forces stationed before the gates of Antioch. Now God did not will the destruction of the small Christian army, so he watched over and protected it as he had done to the children of Israel in the past. While the infidel forces were still some distance away, at night one of the officers of the city sent a man to Bohemond and the other Fr~ldsh chiefs and invited them to [occupy] his native city. Having obtamed an oath from them, the officer secretly during the night delivered the city of Antioch into Bohemond's hands. He opened the gates of the citadel, which gave access [to the city] through the walls, and the w?ole Frankish army entered Antioch. 1 In the morning all the Fra~sh troops sounded their horned trumpets in unison. When all the mfidels heard this, they assembled, but out of fear were

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unable to flee. Then the Frankish troops fell upon them with their swords and severely slaughtered them. The emir Yaghi-Siyan fled from the city and was killed by some peasants who cut off his head with a scythe. In this manner the city of Antioch was captured, which previously had been seized by the Armenians. On the other hand, the remaining infidels gathered in the citadel and gave battle to the Frankish forces. After three days the army of Persian troops arrived. Being seven times larger than the Frankish force, their army violently besieged and harassed it. Then the Franks became threatened with a famine, because the provisions in the city had long become exhausted. More and more hard-pressed, they resolved to obtain from Kerbogha a promise of amnesty on condition that they deliver the city into his hands and return to their own country. However, God, seeing the great danger the Franks were in, took pity on them and became compassionate towards them. A miraculous vision manifested itself to them, for 10, during the night the holy apostle Peter appeared to a pious Frank and said: liOn the left-hand side of this church you will find buried the lance with which the atheistic Jewish nation pierced Christ's undefiled side; it is located right in front of the altar. Take it and go forth in battle with it and you will triumph over your enemies as Christ did over Satan." This vision appeared a second and a third time and was related to Godfrey~ Bohemond, and all the [Christian] chiefs. So they all began to pray and, having dug in the spot specified [in the vision], they found the lance of Christ in the church called St. Peter. 121. At this same time envoys arrived from the infidel camp demanding war; the Frankish forces were overjoyed at this. Bohemond and the other leaders answered Kerbogha and said that they would go forth in battle against him the next day. Now the Frankish forces had become diminished [since the beginning of the expedition]. Bohemond formed their ranks for battle, fifteen thousand cavalry and one hundred and fifty thousand infantry. With these he went into battle, the Franks carrying the lance of Christ before them and holding it up high. The infidel forces, in turn, covered the vast plain of Antioch in a dense body five ranks deep. Saint Gilles came forth and set up the lance of Christ right opposite Kerbogha's standards. Kerbogha opposed the Franks with an innumerable amount of troops, amassed like a mountain. [On the Christian side] the lion-like Tancred commanded the left wing of the

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Frankish force, Robert (count of Nonnandy) the right wing, while Godfrey and Bohemond faced the center of the innumerable Turkish army. Then, invoking the assistance of God in a loud voice, like a fIre falling from heaven and burning the tops of the mountains, the Christian forces rushed en masse against the infidels and completely put their whole army to flight. Full of rage the Franks pursued the infidels for the greater part of the day, slaughtering them as they went, and their swords tasted the blood of the infidels whose corpses covered the whole plain. Moreover, the Franks subjected the infantry forces of the infidels to a God-like vengeance by burning three hundred thousand of them, causing the whole land to stink [with their corpses]. After all this, laden with much booty and captives, the Frankish forces returned to the city of Antioch with great rejoicing. Thus this day turned out to be one of great happiness for the Christian faithful. 122. In this same year a second omen appeared in the northern portion of the sky. At the fourth hour of the night the sky flared up more than it had before and turned a deep red color. This phenomenon began in the evening and lasted through the fourth hour of the night. No one had ever seen as frightful an omen as this. Branching upwards like a tree, it enveloped the northern portion of the sky right up to the very top with its vein-like form, and all the stars took on the color of fire. This omen was a sign of calamity and destruction. 123. In the year 548 of the Armenian era [1099-1100] an eclipse of the moon took place as a natural occurrence. It took on the deep color of blood from the first watch until the fourth hour. Mter this it took on a black coloring, still keeping its bloody appearance. Because of the intensity of the gloom, all of creation was plunged into darkness. Now the savants predicted [from this eclipse] that much bloodshed would be caused by the Persian nation; they predicted this by the way the moon appeared to them and by examining their own books. 124. In this same year the Frankish army marched forth against the holy city of Jerusalem, thus fulfilling the prophecy of the Armenian patriarch Nerses, who said: "The deliverance of Jerusalem will come from the Franks, but because of their sins the city once again will fall into the hands of the infidels." While the Christians were on the march, the infidel forces came against them in battle in

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the same way the Amalekites came before the children of Israel. l N ow, when the Christians reached the town called 'Arqah,2 a severe battle was fought there with the infidels, and the Frankish forces triumphed over them with a great victory. Mter this the Frankish anny continued its advance without meeting up with any resistance. Arriving before the gates of Jerusalem, they began to assault the city ceaselessly. At that time his lordship Vahram, the Armenian patriarch, was in Jerusalem. The infidels were intent on killing him, but the Lord delivered him out of their hands. Now after many assaults the Franks set up wooden towers and brought them near the ramparts of the city. By sheer force, the wielding of the sword, and tremendous courage, the Christians captured the holy city of Jerusalem. Then, taking the sword of the emperor Vespasian, Godfrey fell upon the infidels with all his might and slaughtered sixty-five thousand men in the temple,3 not counting the other inhabitants who perished in the city. In this way the holy city of Jerusalem was captured and the sepulcher of Christ our God delivered from subjection to the Muslims. 4 Now this was the third time since the crucifixion of the Lord that the sword of Vespasian had been used against Jerusalem. 125. In this same year there took place a tremendous gathering of as many as three hundred thousand troops-from Egypt to Scythial and Nubia and even as far as the confines of India-and all these forces came against Jerusalem heavily armed. 2 When the Frankish forces learned of this, they trembled and shook with fear. Not daring to wait for the enemy in the city, they marched forth to meet them in battle, with the idea that if they were unable to resist them successfully, they would return to their own country. The two armies met not far from the Mediterranean Sea.3 When the ruler of Egype saw the Frankish forces approaching, he signaled his troops to attack. The Frankish forces, in turn, rushed into battle en masse and stood their ground at the front lines. Then they attacked the Egyptian forces and turned them in complete flight. Actually it was not the Franks who were fighting, but God who was battling against the Egyptians in their stead, as he had done when he supported the children of Israel against Pharaoh at the Red Sea. As the battle intensified, about one hundred thousand men fell into the sea and perished, while the Franks slaughtered the rest as they were fleeing. Mter this the Frankish forces victoriously returned to the city of Jerusalem laden with much booty.

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126. In this same year Gregory, the curopalates of the East and the brother of his lordship the Armenian catholicos Barsegh, collected troops and went against the Turkish army stationed in the district of Arsharunik',t for he was a valiant man and a mighty warrior. Arriving at a village called Kaghezuan at the head of his troops, Gregory met up with the Turks. He attacked them, harassing them and killing many with the sword, and then began the march back to the city of Ani. On route one of the Turkish troops, who was hiding in ambush in a tree, surreptitiously hit the curopalates in the mouth with an arrow. Because of this severe wound, Gregory fell to the ground and gave up his life. So there was deep mourning in Shirak and in all Armenia. In this manner died the brave soldier and faithful Christian Gregory, the son of Vasak, son of Apirat, son of Hasan; he was from the lineage of valiant men and militant soldiers and also descended from the Pahlavids. 127. In this same year the count Saint Gilles returned to the country of the Franks, taking with him the lance of Christ which was found in Antioch. After giving it as a present to the Roman emperor Alexius, he continued his journey back to the country of the Franks. 128. In this same year the great Armenian prince Constantine, the son of ~uben, died and left behind his two sons, T'oros and Leon. Constantine had ruled over many cities and regions and had controlled the greater part of the Taurus Mountains, which he had taken from the Persian forces through his own bravery. This prince had been an officer in the army of Gagik Bagratuni, the son of Ashot. Constantine died in this period, and a certain omen in his house announced his death. One day, while the Armenian prince was still alive, flashes oflightning crackled in the sky. The lightning hit the fortress called Vahka1 and, passing through the servants' living quarters, struck some silver plates and in one .place penetrated through to the futh one. The sages said that all this was an indication of the last year of Constantine. So in that same year the Armenian prince died and was buried in the monastery called Kastalghon. 2 129. In this same year a third fire-like omen of a very deep red color appeared in the sky. It remained until the sixth hour of the night, while moving from the northern portion of the sky to the eastern, and then took on a black color. It was said that this omen

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was a sign of the impending bloodshed of the Christians, a prediction which indeed came true. Now, since the day the Frankish nation went forth, not one good or favorable omen appeared; on the contrary, all the omens pointed to the calamity, destruction, ruin, and disruption of the land through death, slaughter, famine, and other catastrophes. 130. In this same year a severe famine occurred throughout all of Mesopotamia. There was much suffering in the city of Edessa, because during the year not one drop of rain fell on the arable land, and dew was prevented from falling from the sky; the land dried up from lack of water, orchards and vineyards became desiccated, springs went dry, and thus many died in the city of Edessa because of the famine. What we heard happened in Samaria during the time of the prophet Isaiahl also occurred in the city of Edessa at this time. A Christian woman of the Roman faith cooked and ate her son. In the same way an infidel Muslim, pressured by the rigors of the famine, ate his wife. It was as if God had taken away the potency of bread to dispel hunger; so people ate and yet were not satiated. Many said that this was a judgement from God because of the iniquitous death of the curopalates T'oros. The inhabitants had sworn on the cross and the Gospels not to take T'oros's life and yet had disavowed their oath by cruelly killing him and thrusting his head on the end of a pole, while heaping all sorts of insults upon him; finally they had thrown his body in front of the Church of the Holy Savior, built by the holy apostle Thaddeus. Because of all this, the lord God brought this affliction upon the people of Abgar. Moreover, year after year the wrath of God upon the city of Edessa did not abate. 131. At the beginning of the year 549 [1100-1101] all areas came to have an abundance of food once again. There was such an abundance of wheat and barley in Edessa that the recent famine was forgotten; for one mod produced a hundred mod, trees were filled with fruit, springs gushed forth with water, and both man and beast thus became satiated. Also in this same year Constantine, the son of ~uben, died. 132. In this same year Godfrey, the duke of the Franks, marched with his troops to the town called Caesarea, which is located on the coast of the Mediterranean Sea. The Muslim chiefs came to him on

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the pretext of making peace and brought food and set it before him. The duke unwittingly ate the food, not knowing that it was poisoned. Thus after a few days the duke Godfrey, together with forty of his men, died and was buried in the city of Jerusalem opposite Holy Golgotha, for he died while in this city. Mter this his brother Baldwin, who was ruling in the city of Edessa, was searched out and given sovereignty over the holy city of Jerusalem. Then Tancred rose up and went to the city of Antioch to the Frankish count Bohemond, for Bohemond was his uncle. 1 133. In this period the Roman general, the Prince of Princes,l resided in the city of Marash, which was under the control of the Greek emperor Alexius; during the previous year this city was handed over to Alexius by the Frankish chiefs, but they were soon to disavow what they had originally promised. The great Frankish count Bohemond and Richard, his sister's son, rising up, collected troops and went against the city of Marash to give battle to the Prince of Princes whose name was T'at'ul. They demanded that T'at'ul hand over the city to them, and at the same time launched a number of assaults against it. However, the Prince of Princes, who was a valiant man and a warrior and who also had many noblemen with him in the city, had nothing but scorn for Bohemond's attempted assaults. Mter Bohemond had set up his camp on the plain of Marash, he brought to subjection the entire surrounding territory. 134. In this same year the Persian emir, who was called Danish1 mend and who was the lord of Sebastia and the whole Roman country, marched forth with many troops. Going forth with a tremendous number of cavalry forces, he came against the city of Melitene and violently assaulted it. The commander of the city, who was called Gabriel, sent to Bohemond and begged him to come to its aid, promising to hand over Melitene to the Frankish count. So Bohemond and Richard went forth with their troops and came ag~nst Danishmend. When Danishmend heard of this, he sent troops agamst the Frankish forces encamped on the plain of Melitene. He a~so set up ambushes in many places and, taking many troops with hIm, personally marched against the Franks. On their part Bohemond and Richard went forth [to meet the Muslims] without taking pre~autions and being quite unprepared. 2 Their troops had put aside theIr w~apons and came dressed like women accompanying a fWleral proceSSIon, for they had given their miliary equipment to their

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servants to carry for them. Moreover, these warriors devoid of weapons gave the appearance of being captives. [Under such circumstances] the forces of Danishmend suddenly fell upon the Franks. A violent battle was fought on that day and all the Frankish and Armenian troops were slaughtered, while Bohemond and Richard were taken captive. 3 In this battle perished two Armenian bishops-Cyprian, the bishop of Antioch, and Gregory, the bishop of Marash; these men had accompanied Bohemond, for he had a very high regard for them. Hearing the news of this defeat, all the Christian peoples shook and trembled with fear, while the whole Persian nation rejoiced and was happy; for the infidels had regarded Bohemond as the veritable king of the Franks, and all the people of Khurasan had trembled at his name. When the count of Edessa, Baldwin, and all the Franks who were in Antioch learned of this, they pursued Danishmend. Danishmend, in tum, took Bohemond and Richard and brought them to Neocaesarea in iron chains. When Baldwin heard this, he returned to Edessa and handed over the city to another Baldwin, who was surnamed Le Bourg and who had formerly been a vassal of Bohemond. Mter subjecting the inhabitants of this city to all sorts of exactions and taking a goodly amount of gold and silver from them, the former count of Edessa then went to Jerusalem and, occupying the throne of his brother Godfrey, ruled over that city. Now all these things happened to the Frankish forces because of their sinful deeds, for they left the straight path of God and began to walk in the path of sin, something which God had forbidden them to do. Because of their iniquitous and debauched ways, they forgot the commandments of the Lord, and that which God did not will they desired. Thus God took away the assistance and victory he had previously given to them, as he had done to the children of Israel in times past. Now always keep this in mind and never tire of recollecting it. 135. In this same year the emir of the Persians Sokman, who was the son of Artuk and a brave and bloodthirsty man, collected troops. At the head of these troops, which were numerous, he came against the town called Saruj and made incursions into the surrounding territory. When the count Baldwin of Le Bourg and the count of Sanij, whose name was Fulcher, heard of this, they marched against the Turks. However, because of their carelessness and negligence, they were defeated. In a violent battle the Turks vanquished the Franks, slaughtering their forces and those of the Armenians who

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had accompanied them. Fulcher, the count of Sariij, who was a brave and mighty man and a person of saintly and pure conduct, was killed. The count Baldwin, on the other hand, took refuge in the citadel of Edessa together with three men and remained there reduced to a pitiable state. After this the chief men of Edessa came and brought him down to the city, seating him on his throne. Mter three days Baldwin rose up and went to Antioch looking for reinforcements. Now the infidel army assaulted the citadel of Sariij, in which place all the Christians residing in the town had gathered, together with the bishop! of Edessa. At this point the inhabitants of SaIiij came to an agreement with the Turks. Mter twenty-five days Baldwin came, together with six hundred horsemen and seven hundred infantry, and they harassed the wicked Persian army; however, the inhabitants of Saruj would not submit to Baldwin. Then the Franks turned against Sariij and slaughtered the entire population of the town with the sword. They pillaged the whole town and carried off a countless number of young boys, girls, and women to the city of Edessa. Thus Antioch and all the lands under Frankish control were filled with captives, while the entire town of Sariij flowed with blood. 2 136. In this same year for the fourth time the northern portion of the sky reddened, appearing more frightful and wondrous than the previous phenomenon; at first it appeared red, but then it took on a black color. This fourth omen was accompanied by a continuous eclipse of the moon. The omen was a sign of the wrath [of God] upon the Christians, according to the prophet Jeremiah, who said: "His wrath will flare up from the northern portion,'ll Indeed this unpredictable wrath finally did come. 137. In the year 550 of the Armenian era [1101-1102] a frightful and wondrous omen appeared in the holy city of Jerusalem. The light, which usually burned over the holy sepulcher of Christ our God, went out and would not burn on Holy Saturday, The lamps would not burn until Sunday, becoming lighted at the ninth hour of that ~ay. All the Christians were amazed by this phenomenon. Now all thIS oc~urred because the Frankish nation had strayed into the ~ath of eVIl and ha~ aba~doned the true and righteous way, partakmg of the cup of sm which is filled with bitter dregs Those that ~inistered in the holy church wallowed in the mire [of sin] unsabat.ed. Moreover, in the midst of all this evil behavior they did not shnnk f:rom COroml'tt'mg any sm. . Worse stIll, . they appointed women

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to serve at the holy sepulcher of God and in all the monasteries located in Jerusalem. All these were very great sins in the eyes of God. These Franks went so far as to expel the Armenians, Romans, Syrians, and Georgians from all the monasteries. Now, when the Franks saw this frightful omen which was a sign of [God's] reproach to their nation, they removed the women serving in the monasteries of Jerusalem and restored all the nations to their respective monasteries. After this the five nations of Christian faithful 1 began to pray, and God heard their prayers. So on the Sunday of Easter the lamp over the holy sepulcher of God lighted up. No one had ever seen this happen before, for the light of the holy sepulcher had always begun to burn on Saturday, at the eleventh hour of the day.

Part III 1. After having collected and written down the events of one hundred and fifty years, up to the year 550 [1101-1102], we have ceased our productive investigations, leaving to others the care of these reasoned discussions and intellectual controversies. After having withdrawn from the arena [of historical writing], we have given way to more intelligent and sagacious creative inquirers, according to the words of the holy apostle Paul, who says: "Whoever rises up in public, let him be the first to remain silent."l We are at present in the period of the pontificate of the catholicoi, their lordships Gregory and Barsegh, the time when my [original] history was first begun. Moreover, we are now in the pontificates of Nicholas, patriarch of Constantinople;2 John, patriarch of Antioch;3 Symeon, patriarch of Jerusalem;' John, patriarch of Alexandria;5 and Athanasius, patriarch of the Syrians.s Now, there are six thousand six hundred and ten years from Adam to the present,7but we have not considered these ten years in our chronological calculations. Moreover, we have neglected the cultivation of a good style of writing. Notwithstanding all this, when we reflected upon the fact that the wrath of God was continually falling upon the Christians and that year by year the strength of the forces of the believers was diminishing and collapsing, we perceived that no one had thought of inquiring into these matters and putting them down in writing-all so that these calamitous and disastrous events might be preserved for the bright future to come, when the Lord God will fulfill his promise of old to the faithful by establishing for them a time of happiness and bliss. Therefore, as if God had commanded us, we have undertaken with great pleasure to put all these events down in writing and leave them as a record for future generations. Although our work is not

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embellished with a very sublime erudition, or a fine style, or even an exalted purpose, nevertheless it does contain an enumeration of the punishments which the Lord inflicted upon us; for, because of our many grievous sins, we brought the wrath of the Lord God down upon us and received these punishments from him who scourges us with his staff. 2. Now it is necessary and proper for those of us living during these times not to forget all this, but rather to write and record it for future generations, emphasizing that the' set punishments are the fruits of the sin, the seeds of which our forefathers sowed and which now are being reaped sevenfold. Motivated by these considerations, I Matthew, who am unworthy of God's mercy, spent many years in laborious research and, with untiring energy of mind, assembled and wrote down in Edessa the material contained in my book, bringing the narration up to the present time. There still remains to be written the history of thirtyl years. However, that is the work of vardapets and skilled scholars and should not be left to our incapability and limited knowledge. Yet God is accustomed to require indispensable and useful work from weak and imperfect people. We can compare this to a cluster of bees at whose organization we marvel, seeing how in spite of their fragile bodies they are able to provide sweet honey for all mankind, including taking care of the needs of holy people and offering products which are highly regarded by kings. [Let us make another comparison]: the dead worm? who relives and, through its labors, embellishes kings and princes with [garments of] different colors and enriches all the churches with various [colorful] ornaments. In this same way our feebleness has turned into strength and courage, and so we have expressed our thoughts in the presence of rhetoricians, brilliant savants, profound intellects, and well-trained researchers, commending our book to the crucible oftheir close scrutiny. Moreover, we feel no antagonism towards learned men for there is nothing in our book which is contrary to their thinking. (People as myself are]. like that frail bird who, although its voice compares favor~bly WIth that of many others, yet its body is very weak--':"we are ?peakmg of t?e swallow. This bird resembles us in the amazing way It constructs Its nest; for it builds its nest out of worthless debris and p~aces it on ~ ~gh spot without any foundation, carrying mud and ?Its of straw m Its beak. In this manner the swallow solidly builds Its shelter and passes it on to its young. Now such a feat as this

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cannot be accomplished by enormous birds-we are speaking here of the eagle and others like it. Indeed these birds, because of their ability to fly well, can accomplish feats exhibiting great courage and strength; however, the work done by the frail swallow cannot be duplicated by them. Now in this same manner the intellectuals and the scholars are capable of profoundly examining the Old and New Testaments of God, expounding its contents with a formidable and brilliant analysis; nevertheless, we positively and unequivocally maintain that this work was written after much( thought and reflection, and that it is impossible for anyone else to find or to assemble together the history of nations, kings, patriarchs, and princes, and to write down all the events in chronological order [as we have done here]. Since the writers of old, who were eyewitnesses to the events of past centuries, only reached up to our own period, no one has been able to do what we have done. For we have devoted fifteen years of incessant examination to the writing of this book, presenting what we found written in other historical works, together with their proper chronological order. Moreover, we have also consulted old people, scrutinizing and collating what they have said with care, and then adding this information to our book. 3. Now I, Matthew, because of these various considerations, have felt the desire to return by the same road which I first followed, very much like the man who wanders over the great and expansive Mediterranean Sea for many years and, after being exhausted by many harassments including tempests, returns safe and sound to his home; then once again bringing to mind the desire for economic gain, he forgets his past troubles and, regarding as nothing all the wealth lost at sea, is very eager once again to begin his maritime voyages. In the same manner we now return to the place we left off in our book and pick up the narration which we ended at the year 550. Now we have already begun to recount the events within a period of twenty-five 1 years; after this another period of thirty years 2 will complete our chronicle, because the years of the Armenian era have been accumulating in the midst of more and more calamities. We, therefore, eagerly return to the period of the pontificate of his lordship Gregory and the reign of the Greek emperor Alexius and begin to relate the events and evil tribulations of these times. Once again we have written this work, not because of vaingloriousness, as some might think, but because we wish to leave a record and an admonition to posterity. We have put aside thoughts about

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the inadequacy of our intelligence and our ineptitude in erudite research. Indeed those accomplished in the knowledge of the Old and New Testaments of God through their grasp of grammatical roles are certainly capable of correcting our style and are able, moreover, to expose our incorrect usage, for after all they have been endowed with divine graces. As for us, with our limited knowledge and intelligence we have investigated these events with as much lucidity as possible, consulting a number of histories that were written in various places and transmitted to us as records by their authors. We have collated all the material contained in these histories with the greatest care. Moreover, we have obtained facts from respectable people, who were knowledgeable in the events and calamities in question and, being free of error, were well versed in history and chronology. We also have had interviews and interrogations with old people who were well-informed of the events of past years, dealing with them according to the words of the prophet, who said: "Question the fathers of old and they will answer you; question the old people and they will recite to you." S Thus in this manner we have labored relentlessly, putting aside all other cares and ignoring all our other needs, and have continuously occupied our minds with this work. We have begun the continuation of our history by invoking the words of the blessed doctor Gregory of Nyssa, who said: "As for me, I am an old man in my career." We have remained steadfast in this our career, leaving to others its investigation. Yet we have seen everybody refuse to undertake the writing of this history. We also have become aware of time passing by very quickly, showing us change, decay, and disappearance of what exists and revealing to us the instability of mankind on earth and the transition from the present life to that of the future; for the years and the centuries are transitory, as well as what produces them, while in the same way as those things pertaining to the future life are eternal, so also is what causes them. Blessed are they who have achieved happiness and blessed are they who have partaken of the kingdom of God! 4. In this same year 550 of the Armenian era [1101-1102] the count Saint Gilles returned to the country of the Franks, for when the holy city of Jerusalem was captured from the Turks, he took the lance of Christ and departed. Now, when people heard that he had the lance of Christ with him, they all excitedly followed him. When he returned, Saint Gilles intended to attack the city of Tripoli, for he

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had under his command one hundred thousand warriors. When he reached Constantinople, the emperor Alexius gave him many presents and then transported him and his men across the Mediterranean. However, the emperor committed the crime of Judas against the Franks, for he commanded all the territories through which their forces were to pass devastated by fire and also had them guided through desolate regions. In this way he deprived them of food and thus caused them to suffer from famine to such an extent that, being in dire straits, they were forced to eat their horses. Moreover, the emperor incited the Turkish forces against the Franks, causing the Turks to collect a formidable army against them. So the sultan Kilij Arslan went forth and violently attacked the Franks in the vicinity of the town of Nicaea, slaughtering countless numbers of them amounting to as many as one hundred thousand men. Saint Gilles fled with three hundred of his men and took refuge in the city of Antioch. All the other Frankish troops were put to the sword, while their women and children were taken to Persia as captives. This defeat occurred because of the sins of the Franks, for they all preferred the way of wickedness and had abandoned the precepts of God. Now the count of Antioch Tancred1 [took advantage of the situation and], seizing Saint Gilles and his men, imprisoned them with iron chains in the town called Saruandawi. 2 After a number of days the Frankish patriarch residing in Antioch and other members of the clergy interceded for him before Tancred, who then released Saint Gilles. Then Saint Gilles went and assembled an army against Tripoli, organizing a formidable siege against the city and constructing a fortress 3 against it.' 6. In this period the great Frankish count of Poitou1 went forth with a formidable army and, marching through the lands of the Romans and the Greeks at the head of three hundred thousand cavalry, he reached Constantinople supported by this tremendous might. From this position of great strength the count of Poitou spoke arrogantly with the Greek emperor, referring to him by the title of t1eparch"2rather than that of "emperor," even though he himself was a young man of about twenty years. 3 The emperor Alexius and all the Greeks greatly feared him. At this point the emperor, together with all the Greek aristocrats, went to the count's camp and with great insistence brought him to Constantinople. There the emperor gave the count a magnificent reception, presented him with immeasurable amounts of money, and arranged sumptuous spectacles'in his honor.

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After this Alexius at great expense transported the count and his army across the Mediterranean to Cappadocia and at the same time supplied Greek troops to accompany him. From this moment the treachery of the Greek emperor began to be made manifest, for he ordered his officers [accompanying the Franks] to guide their forces through desolate regions. For fifteen days these officers led the Franks through arid areas where there was nothing except a dry desert and narrow, rocky places. The water in these places was white like limewater and very salty. The emperor Alexius went so far as to have lime mixed in the bread and then had it given to the Franks as food; in the eyes of God this was a monstrous crime. Thus the Franks were in a famished and exhausted state for many days, and disease spread among their ranks. All this was caused by the Greek emperor, for he harbored a grudge against the Franks because of the oath which they fonnerly had made to him, but had not carried out. Nevertheless, God held the Greeks responsible for having mercilessly victimized, injured, and ruined the Frankish Christians. Because of this, God permitted the infidels to march against the Greeks and punish them for their sins. 6. At this time, when the sultan of the West Kilij Arslan learned of the coming of the Frankish forces, he wrote to the emir Danishmend in Neocaesarea and also to other emirs. Then he marched against the Franks at the head of a formidable anny. The two armies met on the plain of Olosi1 and violently battled against one another for the greater part of the day, covering the whole plain with blood. The Frankish forces, exhausted and lost in a strange country, were unable to find an escape and so wandered about in groups like animals. This turned out to be a disastrous and horrible day for the Christians. In the midst of all this, the general comlDanding the Greek troops fled. When the count of Poitou saw the destruction of his troops, he climbed up a mountain, while the infidels surrounded the foot of the mountain, Here one witnessed the spectacle of bows cr~ckling, horses' hoofs beating, and the mountain reverberating [WIth the clash of arms]. When the count of Poitou saw his troops being slaughtered [right before his very eyes], he wept bitterly. As the battle inten~ified and the Franks were weakening everywhere, the count fled WIth four hundred of his horsemen. His army of three hundr~d thousand men was completely destroyed by the Turks. The FrankIsh count of Poitou finally reached the city of Antioch taking refuge WI'th Tancre, d and from there passing on to the holy' city of

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Jerusalem. Moor a number of days the count returned to the country of the Franks whence he had come. He solemnly swore to return and wreak vengeance upon the Persians and also upon the Greek emperor, for all of Persia was filled with captives taken from the count of Poitou's army.2 7. In this same year all of Egypt marched forth, after having gathered together an enonnous anny, and came against the holy city of Jerusalem. The king of Jerusalem, Baldwin, went against them in battle with a small number of troops, and they [the Egyptians] put the Frankish forces to flight. So Baldwin fled and took refuge in Jerusalem. On that day the count of Duluk, William SancaweI,lwas killed. Actually King Baldwin first took refuge in the town of Baalbek2 before he went to Jerusalem. Thus the infidels victoriously returned to their town of Ascalon. 8. In the year 551 of the Annenian era [1102-1103] a great confusion and frightful disturbance regarding the faith took place, for ten Christian nations fell into error concerning the celebration of Holy Easter. Only the Armenians and Syrians maintained the true tradition, while the Romans and the Franks adhered to the evilly sown seeds of the abominable heretic Irion. For this man fixed Eastertide on the 5th of April, thus making the full moon coincide with the Feast of Lazarus and Saturday, while the Armenians, Syrians, and Hebrews fixed it on the 6th of April, which coincides with Palm Sunday.· This philosopher Irion, who was a Roman, had falsified the correct computation of Eastertide; for, when, the calculation was established on the basis of nineteen cycles, the other savants did not consult him. Because of this, Irion harbored a deep grudge against the savants and, secretly getting hold of their books, changed the six to five 1 and put the last numbers first, a calculation which threw off Easter every ninety-five years. Now it was because of these reasons that the Greeks and Latins fell into error every ninety-five years. All these erroneous calculations were caused by that man of Roman origin, Irion, and so a great conflict developed between the Greeks and the Armenians. Yet the Franks had no desire to dispute with the Armenians; it was only the Greeks who had a quarrel and a conflict with the Annenians over Holy Easter. The inhabitants of Antioch, Cilicia, and Edessa had violent disputes with the Greeks over this matter, for the Greeks endeavored to force the Armenians to adopt their unauthoritative calendar. Notwith-

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standing the effort and trouble the Greeks expended on the Armeni· ans, they were unable to move them [from their position]. However, the Syrians in Edessa, becoming frightened, adopted the Greek position and thus renounced the agreement they had made with the Armenians. 9. Now previously the Greeks had fallen into a similar error concerning the celebration of Holy Easter, and the lamps of Jerusalem had not lighted. At that time the infidels had massacred those praying [in the holy places], This had all taken place during the reign of [the emperor] Basil and in the year 455. Therefore, this was the second time in this book that the Greeks had fallen into error, At this time [of the second error of the Greeks] the clergy in the city of Edessa by means of a letter informed the Armenian catholicos his lordship Gregory, who lived in the Black Mountains in the celebrated Monastery of Areg, [concerning this conflict with the Greeks]; he, in turn, exhorted them to remain steadfast in the Orthodox faith. The following is a copy of this letter, written by the catholicos to the inhabitants of Edessa. 10. liTo those who truly love Christ and profess the Holy Trinity, 1 to the priests, leaders, and all the faithful, greetings. May the blessing, accompanied by a meritorious affection, come upon you all from the see of our holy enlightener. "Now we have read your letter fllled with the love of God and have listened to your desires; we completely understand all the thoughts expressed in the letter, giving special thanks to God for the words which the apostle Paul said to his disciples, namely: 'When I hear of your piety and faith in the Lord, I rejoice and thank God for all things.'2 For this is the Word God himself who issued from the Father and invited mankind to glorify the radiance of his divinity and sublimity, he who received us weak creatures by his mercy and gave us the power of his grace without which we could not resist the i~visible forces of temptation. It is the Lord Jesus Christ who will gwe y~u the assistance and strength in all things and also will grant you WIsdom when you stand before the savants and intellects and answer them according to his truthful precept which bids the followin . g.. 'D 0 no t worry as to what you will say or' how you will say It, fo~ w~atever is. given to you at that time, that you will say.'3 The Omm~7lent ~ne hunself, through his own mercy and through his a11prev8J.lmg mIght, knows all things. In spite of all this, we sin against

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him who created us out of nothing, acted benevolently towards us, and exalted us, as he did in past times to Israel; moreover, we continually sin against him throughout our lifetime, we as a nation and as a people, by thought and by word, knowingly and unknowingly. liNow it is my belief that we do not sin against either kings or princes, armies or generals, spiritual leaders or their flocks; rather we are obedient to all and put ourselves at their disposal, following the apostolic precept of rendering to each what is his due: tax to whom tax is due, fear to whom fear is due, honor to whom honor is due, Caesar's what is due to Caesar, and [last but not least] God's what is due to God; moreover, we do all this without being in debt to anyone and without rendering evil for evil. Now, if in spite of this righteousness of ours we are judged unjustly by somebody to be lacking and defective, on the basis of true religion, we are worthy of punishment instead of reward. Now do not fear and do not be frightened, for 10, the time of salvation is at hand and the coming of the Lord is nigh. We have many words of consolation said by the prophets concerning the future life, our Lord God, and his saints; all of these things must be brought to pass because they are manifestly true. Indeed, I exhort and encourage you to be prudently patient; I do this not as a timid pastor who remains aloof from the sufferings of his flock, rather I voluntarily make myself your companion in death, in all the situations,and in the various affiictions you find yourselves, not alienating or removing myself from them. Even though it is a difficult task for me to address you, examine the situation, and answer your questions, I am ready and able to do all these things, as long as the time is fitting and proper; also I am willing to do this in spite of any torment and violence I might suffer. So we should thank God continually that up to now we had been frightened and condemned only by the ungodly infidels; for now we experience the same from the Christians. liNevertheless, do not be discouraged, for God is able to deal with our afflictions and give us the strength to be patient through them. However, as much as it is in our power, we should fight as brave soldiers of Christ to defend Jesus' martyrdom for the truth. The Lord God, in whose presence I am continually, is my witness so that I maintain no error, distort no part of the faith, and have no arrogant sentiments; anything contrary to this belongs to the thinking of the insensitive and ignorant. So, enlightened by the grace of God and the doctrines of the holy enlighteners, our predecessors, we follow the

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kingly and true path which is in Christ Jesus, neither deviating right or left, nor separating ourselves from the precepts of God; mor~over, we do not rise up at dawn to devote ourselves to the aberratIon of alcoholic drinking or to exhibit an arrogant and prideful haughtiness, as do the Romans and others whose names are not even worth mentioning. Now, if we deceptively maintain a corrupted faith, why are we tormented as ones deserving punishment and why are we not given rest instead of wandering over land and sea, enduring all types of tribulations? St. Paul relates a similar experience which happened to him, when he says: 'Why are we ceaselessly tormented, thrown into prison and put in chains? I have cODlbated ferocious beasts and I have suffered in the depths of abysses.· 4 Now, if by any chance my hope in Christ is a vain one, I would say that all these wanderings, flights, torments, and pains were useless, since I had endured these things for the sake of a condemnable belief. I have occupied the patriarchal office for forty years and left m.y ancestral home at a time of peace to come here. Thus I have deceived no one but myself; nevertheless, I maintain my hope in God and my trust in the Holy Scriptures, because I have an orthodox and perfect faith. N ow all those of you who are associated with my ministry and faith, do not timidly or fawningly back down or be frightened and thus reject God in return for a vain lease on life; for 10, this is the time to receive and take up the crown of Christ. I assure you in the presence of Christ that he who does not demolish the faith of the saints will be crowned with them; however, he who prefers the glory of men to that of God, at the time of the judgment of the son of God, will be placed with those apostates who did not confess Christ as God, and thus will be excluded from our faith and blessings. On the other hand those who believe in the faith we confess will be blessed by the inhabitants of hea~en ~nd earth and by God and us, especially by God who is glorified In eternity. Amen!" 11. When this letter reached Edessa, the inhabitants of the city were more than ever strengthened in the true faith. Now when Easter came, the inhabitants of Jerusalem illuminated the la~ps [of the holy sepulcher] deceitfully and fraudulently thus causing their ~eople to fall into error; for they lit the divine iamps with an alien Ire.. However, on the Armenian Easter the lamps were lit in a g~nume manner, and all the Christian faithful who were in the holy CIty of Jerusalem were witness to this. At that time all the Greeks were put to shame b h , ecause t ey celebrated Easter on the day of

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Palm Sunday. 12. In this same year the rulers of Egypt and Damascus1 collected troops and came against the holy city of Jerusalem with an innumerable army. The king of Jerusalem, Baldwin, rose up and went against them in battle. In a violent combat the Egyptians put the Franks to flight. At that moment a goodly number of Frankish troops, having arrived by sea, disembarked and defeated the Egyptian forces, pursuing them and slaughtering them severely. After this the king of Jerusalem, Baldwin, was on his way to his royal city.2 A certain Ethiopian Muslim was waiting in ambush concealed in some bushes and hit the king of Jerusalem in the ribs with a spear. The Ethiopian was immediately killed; however, the wound in the body of the king remained incurable until the day of his death. At that time Jerusalem was filled with sorrow and grief over its king's death. 3 This misfortune happened because of the impious celebration of Holy Easter by the Greeks. These Greeks had arrogantly fallen into the same error during the time of the emperor Basil, when the lamps would not burn and when the infidels slaughtered all those praying in the Church of the Holy Resurrection, right at the entrance of the sepulcher of Christ our God. 13. At the beginning of the year 552 of the Al1l1enian era [11031104J the violent wrath of God fell upon Edessa in the fonn of a severe rainstorm which struck the city on the day of Little Thursday.l The flood caused by this rain reminded one of the former great deluge. The tremendously agitated air condensed in the atmosphere, and the heavens were shaken by lightning crackling in the clouds. These phenomena were such that many thought the day for the destruction of the city had arrived. During the morning a tremendous amount of rain mixed with hail fell from the sky. When the sun appeared, a mass of water from the west approached Edessa, building up as it came; striking the walls of the city, it broke through them and flooded the whole place, ruining a portion of the town. Many houses collapsed and many animals died, but not one person was trapped, for the catastrophe occurred during the day and thus people were able to flee from the danger. 14. In this same y~ar the Frankish count Bohemond was ransomed from Danishmend for one hundred thousand dahekans; this was accomplished through the mediation and assistance of the great

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Armenian prince Kogh Vasi1. 1 This ruler donated ten thousand dahekans towards Bohemond's ransom money, while the count of Antioch, Tancred, gave nothing. Vasil collected the ransom money, doing all in his power to have it procured from every part of his territories. Finally he handed over the sum of one hundred thousand dahekans and had Bohemond brought to him. Vasil went forth to meet the Frankish prince and with great honor received him in his palace. Then the Armenian prince gave presents to Bohemond and to those who had brought him, all of which was valued at twenty thousand dahekans. 2 Mter a number of days Bohemond went to his city of Antioch and by a solemn oath became an adopted son of the Armenian prince Kogh Vasil. As for Richard, Bohemond's sister's Bon, Danishmend gave him as a present to the emperor Alexius in return for a great sum of money. 15. In this same year the count of Edessa, Baldwin, collected troops and went against the Turks in the area of Mardin, which was in Muslim territory. He slaughtered the Turks and took prisoner their emir called Ulugh-Salar;l moreover, he led their wives and children into captivity. Baldwin brought back with him to Edessa innumerable flocks of sheep and thousands of horses, cattle, and camels, and with all this booty entered the city. 16. In this same year his lordship the Armenian patriarch Barsegh went forth from the city of Ani accompanied by all his servants, noblemen, bishops, and priests and came to Edessa. The Frankish count Baldwin received him with great honor, as is befitting a patriarch. Moreover, the count gave him villages and various other presents and had a very high regard for the Armenian patriarch. 17. In this same year his lordship Stephen, the catholicos of the Albanians, died. His lordship the Armenian catholicos Barsegh sent an Armenian bishop [as his representative] and organized an assembly of Albanian bishops. The brother of his lordship Stephen was consecrated to the see of the Albanians in the city of Gandzak. Later, when this man was found unworthy of the patriarchal see, his lordship the Armenian catholicos Barsegh deposed him through excommunication, depriving him of his see and patriarchal dignity. All this was done because of his perverse conduct. 18. In the year 553 of the Armenian era [1104-1105] the count of

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Edessa (Baldwin) and Joscelin collected troops and went against the town of Hanan. They sent to Antioch and summoned the great Frankish count Bohemond and also Tancred; moreover, they brought in all the Armenian troops and thus got together a formidable army. They then descended upon Harran and vehemently besieged it, putting the town in danger of famine. Then one of the Franks performed an act not pleasing to God; breaking open a loaf of bread, he defecated in it and took and placed it before the gates of the town. When the townspeople saw this, one of their number, taking a risk, rushed forth to eat the bread; seeing the feces it contained, he became nauseated and brought and showed it to the townspeople. When the sensible men among them saw this, they said: "This is a sinful deed which God will not allow to go unpunished; he will not give the Franks the victory, for they have contaminated this bread, a profanation without compare on the earth." Mter this the Persian forces marched against the Franks with a formidable army led by Chokiirmish, l the emir of Mosul, and Sokman, the son of Artuk. When the Frankish chiefs heard this, greatly rejoicing they went against the Persian forces. The Franks were a two day's march from the town, at a place called Oshut. Now the count of Edessa and J oscelin became puffed up with pride and placed Bohemond and Tancred at a distance from their troops, saying: "We will engage in combat first and thus take the laurels of victory." When Baldwin and J oscelin clashed with the Turkish forces, a frightful and violent battle took place here in this strange and alien Muslim land. The Persian forces vanquished the Franks, bringing the divine-rebuking wrath of God upon the Christians; for the whole land was covered with blood and corpses of more than thirty thousand Christian faithful, and so the region became depopulated. The count of Edessa (Baldwin) and Joscelin were taken prisoner and led into captivity, while the two other Frankish chiefs, including all their forces, suffered no harm. So these latter took their most valiant men and took refuge in the city of Edessa as fugitives. 2 19. The Christians of the city of Edessa endured many hardships, because the inhabitants of Harran had cut off the retreat of the remnants of the Frankish troops, encircling the mountain and the plain and slaughtering ten thousand fugitives. These Muslims of Harran brought more destruction upon the Christian faithful than the Turks had ever done. So there was much painful weeping and grievous affiiction in Edessa. On that day tearful groans issued forth

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from the city, and all the Christian lands were in despair. After this Count Baldwin was taken to the Muslim city of Mosul, while Joscelin was taken to ~iil!n Kaifa, to Sokman, the son of Artuk; now it was Chok'lirmish who took Baldwin. 20. Bohemond resolved to return to the country of the Franks in order to obtain reinforcements and so left Edessa and Antioch in the hands of his sister's son Tancred. Now, when Bohemond arrived in the country of the Franks, he met a very rich woman who had been the wife of the Frankish count Stephen of Blois, l [a man] of noble lineage and the last of his line. 2 This woman made Bohemond stay with her, saying: "Take me for your wife, for my husband is dead and my lands and cavalry forces 3 have no lord over them." However, Bohemond rejected her proposal, saying: "I have come here with a solemn oath to obtain reinforcements and then quickly return to aid the remaining Christian forces who are surrounded by the infidel Persians." Nevertheless, the woman kept on insisting vehemently) but he still would not listen to her. Finally she put Bohemond in chains and threw him in prison. Mer staying in prison for a number of days, the count finally gave in and agreed to marry the woman; from him she had two children. Now after five years the great Frankish count Bohemond died in his own land, without being able to return to the East. 4 21. In this same year Danishmend, the great emir of the country of the Romans, l died. He was of the Armenian nation-a kind man) a benefactor of the people, and compassionate towards the Christian faithful. Thus there was great sorrow among the Christian faithful who were under his rule. He left behind twelve sons, and his eldest son, called Ghiizl, 2 succeeded him, after secretly putting his other brothers to death. 22. In this same year Sokman, the son of Artuk, who formerly possessed the holy city of Jerusalem died. This Artuk left some visible traces of his passing through th~ Church of the Holy Resurrection; for one can see the three arrows he shot at the ceiling of this church, arrows which remain fixed there to this day. He died and was buried in Jerusalem on the street leading to the Temple of Sol.omon. His son Sokman was an evil man and a bloodthirsty beast. ThIS Sokman gathered together the Persian forces and came to the aid of the city of Tripoli, marching against the Franks. While on

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route he died, and his forces disbanded and returned to their country. 23. In this same year the Persian roler Berkyaruk, the son of Malik-Shah, son of Alp Arslan, died. His brother Tap'arl succeeded to the Persian royal throne; he was born of the Kipchak2 woman who had poisoned and killed Malik-Shah the Conqueror in the city of Baghdad. 24. In this same year the city of Marash was taken from the Greeks; for the Prince of Princeslleft this city and gave it to Joscelin. For a large sum of gold he sold an icon of the Theotokos to the great Armenian prince T'oros, the son of Constantine, son of ~uben; then he went to Constantinople. 25. In the year 554 of the Armenian era [1105-1106] the holy patriarch his lordship Gregory, also known as Vahram, the son of Gregory, son of Vasak, of Pahlavid lineage, ended his pontificate. Thus in this year the pillar of the Armenian faith and the rampart of the holy church of this eastern nation fell. He was a man who performed miracles among the peoples of Armenia and, being of virtuous character, devoted himself to the ascetic life; moreover, he was able to resist temptations through fasting and prayer, and ceaselessly praised God through the singing of psalms. [Besides his individual piety] he did much to revitalize the Armenian faith. He tirelessly devoted himself to translation work; all those things that were missing in our observance of the commandments of God, he systematically restored to us through the works he translated from Greek and Syriac; moreover, with great solicitude he ceaselessly filled the Armenian church with the inspiration and sublime concepts of the Holy Scriptures. Now this man Gregory was mild mannered and humble of heart; added to these qualities, he was deeply pious and assiduously adhered to the divine precepts. In every way possible he had the capability to assist the flock of Christ, for he was skillfully erudite in those books inspired by divine grace. Gregory resembled the ancient Armenian savants-namely Moses and David,lfor he had the head of an Athenian and was imbued with a fiery tongue; thus he was easily able to lift the veil from the Old and New Testaments of God, open the springs which issue from the divinity, and disseminate the knowledge of the Holy Spirit among the faithful people who came to hear it. In this way he became an example to all religious people, surpassing all in the practice of a virtuous life. Now Gregory had

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occupied the patriarchal see for forty y~ars. At the ti~e of his death he was with the great Armenian prmce Kogh VasIl, who was a mighty man and a warrior; for this ruler had gathered together the remnants of the Armenian forces [under his banner]. 26. At this '"time there appeared a certain young man called Gregory, l who was the son of the sister of his lordship Vabram. His lordship Gregory in an assembly designated this young man to succeed him as catholicos of Armenia after the death of his lordship Barsegh; moreover, he appointed the Armenian prince Vasil, the lord of Kesoun and all its surrounding territories, as guardian to see that his will was carried out, Barsegh heeded all of Gregory's commands, and from that day on kept Gregory, the catholicos-designate and son of Apirat, near him. Now in the month of Tre2 during the first week of the summer Lent, on Saturday, the holy patriarch his lordship Gregory died and was solemnly buried in Karmir-Vank',3Iocated near Kesoun. His lordship Stephen, the superior of this monastery, assembled monks and priests around Gregory's tomb and with the honor due a patriarch sent him to join the saints. Vasil and the other members of the Armenian nobility deeply lamented Gregory's death and, shedding bitter tears, wept over him; for they were left guardianless in an alien land, since they had left their ancestral home. 27. In this same year the eminent thaumaturge, Mark the hermit, died. This man passed sixty-five years of his life eating only herbage; for, while leading the life of a hermit, he ate no bread or anything that resembled bread. He possessed the intuition of the prophets, and many persons testified to his experiencing the Holy Spirit every day. He lived in the province of Mokk on an arid mountain called Kin?rn~k; and he was a Syrian of Kharsinakk, l a place near the temtones of the city of Marash. Through prayer this hennit caused water to issue out of two different places in this area. Moreover, when the Fra.nks captured the holy city of Jerusalem, he prophesied that t~e PerSIans would strengthen themselves once again and with sw~rd m hand penetrate to the Mediterranean seacoast, a prediction whIch we saw fulfilled. He also spoke about the priests and the p~ople, prophe,sying that they would fall away from. the faith and that pIety would dIsappear from the earth. Belief in God would decline ~d the doors of the churches would be closed. People would become blInd to good works and would forget the precepts of the Holy Gospel

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of Christ. Sin and evil would inundate the earth, and the sons of man would wallow in it as one immersed in the sea. Finally all the nations of the faithful would forget the practice of righteous behavior. [It was things such as these that Mark prophesied.] This holy hermit passed away during this year and was buried in the Monastery of Kastaghon, located near the impregnable fortress called Vahka in the Taurus Mountains. 28. In this same year Chokiirmish, the emir of Mosul and Nisibis, went forth with many troops and encamped before the gates of the city of Edessa at harvest time. The commander of the Frankish forces was a man named Richard, l to whom Tancred had entrusted the defense of the city. Richard took the garrison of the city and unwisely made a sortie with his infantry against the brave and militant Persian forces. When the Persians saw this careless move on the part of the Frankish troops, they fell upon them and pushed them all into the moat surrounding the city. Then all the infidels, crossing over the moat, entered through the gates of the city and slaughtered as many as four hundred men. Mer having flayed all their corpses, they took their heads back to Persia. Thus on that day great sorrow fell upon Edessa, for cries and weeping issued forth from every household, and blood flowed in all areas around the city. So Chokiirmish victoriously turned back and went to his own country. 29. In this same year the Frankish count Saint Gilles died while besieging the city of Tripoli. He left the outer city, which he had built, and his troops to his sister's son, Bertram,l a brave man and a warrior. This Saint Gilles who died was the one who had brought back the lance of Christ to the emperor Alexius in Constantinople. 2 30. In this same year the town of Aplast'an, located in the district of Jahan, endured many harassments, tribulations, and misfortunes at the hands of the Frankish forces. The inhabitants of this town were so mistreated that they resolved to wreak their vengeance on the Franks. So they went over to the side of the infidels. They secretly sent a messenger and summoned the infidel calvary of the district to occupy the town. Then the Armenians of the town, allying themselves with the infidels, went to the citadel and said the following to the Frankish commander: "Get out and go back to your own people and may God be with you." When the commander heard this, he flew into a rage like a ferocious beast and attacked the

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townspeople. However, they defeated him and slaughtered his troops in toto so that not one of them remained alive. The Lord considered this a vindication of what happened to the townspeople. On that day about three hundred persons perished, all because of the tribulations which the Franks brought upon the faithful; for they had devastated and depopulated the country and made it desolate, Thus, because of the Franks, the land became barren. The vineyards and orchards withered, the fields became covered with thistles, and the springs dried up. Friendship and happiness between friends was destroyed; treachery and hatred was disseminated throughout the land. Because of their bitter afilictions, the inhabitants ceased going to church, and so the doors of the house of God were closed. The lamps were extinguished, and the blessings of God were suspended in the house of the Lord. The priests were subjected to vile servility and thrown into prison. The altars and the baptismal fonts of the holy church were knocked down and destroyed. The mysteries of the cross became hidden from view, and the fragrance of incense was forgotten. In this way the glorification of God ceased throughout the whole district of Aplast'an. 1 In other places chapels were demolished, priests were scorned, and scrutiny of the holy faith ceased; moreover, the truth was subverted, righteousness was rejected, piety was proscribed, and in every quarter the dreadful judgement of Christ's tribunal was forgotten. All these things were caused by the raving Franks, because the illustrious princes and chiefs of this nation no longer existed, and control had fallen into the hands of unworthy p.eople. Because of this, the Franks, primarily motivated by avariCIousness, brought harassment and suffering upon the Christian faithful. 31. I~ this same year [the Cathedral of] Saint Sophia, which was located ~n the cit~ of Edessa, collapsed, a goodly portion of the destructIOn occumng in the western part of the church. 32. In this same year a very awesome yet marvelous comet appeared, one which instilled fear in those observing it. It occupied the whole southwestern portion of the sky, and its tail extended over the greater part of the heavens. This all occurred on the 13th of Feb~ary, during the night before the Feast of the Purification.1 The mamfestation of thl'S cornet cant'mue d £or fifty days; and 1ts . appear?nce ?aused wonderment to all living creatures for the movement of Its tall resembled a meandering river. No one had ever seen such an

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amazing phenomenon as this. The savants and men with experience said that this was a royal star and that during this year a roler would be born who would reign over all living creatures; moreover, his empire would extend from sea to sea, very much like the one established by Alexander the Great of Macedon. 33. In this same year a tremendous number of Arabs went forth from their country, intent on gaining control of Aleppo and all the Muslim lands. These Arab forces were thirty thousand in number. At this time the count of Antioch Tancred, the brave champion of God, rose up and went against the Arabs. Having put them to flight, he returned to the city of Antioch laden with countless booty.1 34. In the year 555 of the Armenian era [1106-1107] Chokiirmish, the emir of Mosul, died at the hands of the Persian emir Chavli;lfor both fought a severe battle against one another, and Chavli defeated Chokfu'mish's forces. Chokiirmish was struck by an arrow, which inflicted a deadly wound upon him, and after a few days this savage beast died. 2 Chokiirmish gave all of his lands to the sultan Kilij Arslan; moreover, the emir delivered Baldwin, the count of Edessa, into the same sultan's hands, for the Frank was his captive. Then the sultan Kilij Arslan collected troops from the East and marched forth to take control of Mosul, Jazirat-Ibn-'Umar, and all the territories belonging to Chokiirmish. 35. In this same year, but before these events occurred, Kilij Arslan marched against Edessa at the head of many troops and besieged the city for a number of days without being able to capture it. So he went and captured the town of Harran and, after bringing its surrounding districts under his control, returned to his own country. 36. In the year 556 of the Armenian era [1107-1108] a violent battle took place in the country of the Muslims, in the region of Mosul. Kilij Arslan and the emir Chavli fought each other, and there was much bloodshed on both sides. Chavli defeated Kilij Arslan's forces, and the remnants of the sultan's troops fled to the city of Melitene. In this great battle the sultan Kilij Arslan was killed; his death brought great sorrow to the Christians, for he was a kindly man and benevolent towards the faithful in every possible way. His 1 four sons succeeded him, each ruling a portion of his father's lands.

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37. In this same year the Persians collected twelve thousand troops and crossing over the Taurus Mountains into the district of Anazarba ,devastated all the lands ofT'oros, 1 the son of ~ub en, 2 and then pass'ed through the plain of Marash. Mter this the Persians with a countless number of troops arrived in the lands of Kogh Vasil, at a place called Berdus3located in a consecrated area. When the Armenian prince Vasil learned of this, he brought together a regiment of Armenian troops; and brave as lions or lion cubs, these soldiers rushed against the infidels. A violent and frightful battle was fought, and the Annenians turned the Turks in flight. Sword in hand they pursued the infidels and slaughtered countless numbers of them, capturing many of them and carrying off a tremendous amount of booty and captives. Mter this the Armenian prince Vasil, together with all the Armenian nobility, victoriously turned back and with great rejoicing came to his town of Kesoun. There he gave thanks to God who had humiliated the enemies of the cross of Christ.

38. At the beginning of the year 557 of the Armenian era [11081109] once again the Persians collected troops-this time about six

thousand select soldiers-and, commanded by their sultan, marched against the territories of the Armenian prince Vasil. The Persians sought vengeance for the previous slaughter inflicted upon them by Vasil at Berdus. So, full of rage, they reached the confines of the town of ~Ii~n-Man~iir at harvest time. They slaughtered some of the field hands, while they took others captive, and then turned around and descended upon the fortress of Hart'an. 1 When the Armenian prince Kogh Vasil learned of the coming of the infidels, he went against them with his troops amounting to five hundred men. This handful of Armenians fought an intrepid battle. The nobles exhorted one another and performed feats of courage against the Turkish forces. One of the nobles, Aplasat', vehemently attacked the infidels; Peter, the nephew2 of Kogh Vasil, together with his nobles exhibited tremen?ou.s courage; Vasil, surnamed Tghay,3 of noble lineage on his mother s SIde, at the head of his troops shattered the flanks of the Persian army; Tiran,' a brave man and a member of one of the most no?le fa.milies of Armenia, followed Vasil's example. In this manner tl?s v~hant band of Armenians fought a hard battle and finally was Vlctonous over. the infidel forces. The Armenians severely slaughte~ed the Per~lans and took their sultan and many of their officers pns?ne.r, le~dmg them all into captivity. So the Armenian prince VasIl vlctonously returned, laden with much booty, and came to his

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town of Kesoun. He freed all the prisoners which the infidels had captured and thus caused great rejoicing among the Christian faithful. 39. In this same year Joscelin ransomed Baldwin, the count of Edessa, from Chavli for thirty thousand dahekans. Then he and Baldwin came to the Annenian prince Vasil, who received them with great honor and gave them many gifts. After this Baldwin went and collected cavalry troops in Raban, one of the towns belonging to Vasil, for he intended on warring against the pious man Tancred. Then Baldwin, in collusion with Joscelin, did a wicked thing, something which was not pleasing in the eyes of God. The two men sent to the Persian emir Chavli and persuaded him to come to their aid with five thousand horsemen. Then they made war on Tancred, the count of Antioch, because of their lands which he had taken over while they were in captivity and now would not return to them; for Tancred wished them to be his vassals, something which they would not agree to. Vasil sent Baldwin and Joscelin eight hundred of his own men and Pecheneg troops from the Roman emperor's army who were stationed in Mamistra, all of which made up a goodly force. The soldier of Christ Tancred, in turn, marched forth at the head of one thousand horsemen together with a number of infantry forces. A violent battle took place between Baldwin and Tancred within the confines of Tell Bashir, both sides fighting vehemently and heroically. The Persian troops severely slaughtered the Frankish infantry forces of Tancred's army. However, as the battle intensified, Tancred defeated Baldwin's forces and put them to flight. Then with great fury the count of Antioch turned upon Chavli and, sword in hand, drove back his troops, inflicting a severe slaughter upon them. Nevertheless, on that day about two thousand Christians perished. Tancred victoriously turned back and went to his city of Antioch. On the other hand, Baldwin fled and took refuge in a fortress called Ravendan, while J oscelin saved himself by taking shelter in his fortress called Tell Bashir. 1 40. When the inhabitants of the city of Edessa learned of all this, they all became sad and gloomy because of Baldwin, for they thought that he was dead. So they assembled in the Church of St. John in the presence of the Frankish papios1 in order to consult with each other [as to what was to be done]; for they feared that the city would once again fall to Tancred and he would hand it over to Richard who,

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when he had previously occupied Edessa, had caused the ruin of many persons. When all the townspeople of Edessa came together, they had a conference with the papios and said: "Let your men and ours guard the citadel until we learn who is to be the lord [of the city]." A day later Joscelin and Baldwin came and entered the city of Edessa. They inquired as to what had been proposed at the assembly and regarded it as quite dangerous, interpreting it to be an act of disloyalty. So they proceeded to wantonly pillage everything in sight and to put out the eyes of many innocent people. On this occasion they inflicted severe punishments on the Christians, for the Franks easily lent an ear to all the vicious accusations made and were very willing to shed the blood of innocent and righteous men. They went so far as to make an attempt to blind the Armenian bishop, his lordship Stephen. However, when the townspeople learned that the bishop was beyond reproach, they ransomed him for a sum of one thousand dahekans. 41. In this same year there occurred a very bitter and hard winter. Because of the intense cold, animals perished in many places, and birds died throughout the whole land. Moreover, black snow fell upon Persia, which was a frightful omen directed against the Persians, but something which their savants were unable to understand. 42. In this same year a violent conflict broke out in the Arab lands, in [the city of] Basra/ which is the native land of Job. The Arabs and Turks engaged in a frightful battle there. The Arab forces bravely and ferociously fought against the Persians and shattered their army in a great victory, slaughtering them and putting them to flight. After this the Turkish commander once again collected troops and went against the Arab forces. This time in a valiantly fought battle the Turks put the Arabs to flight. Then fifty thousand of the Arab forces came to the territory of the city of Aleppo, intending to place themselves under the protection of Tancred the count of Antioch. However, after remaining here a numbe~ of days they returned to their own country. ' 43. In the year 558 of the Armenian era [1109-1110] Baldwin, the count of Edessa, and Joscelin, the count of Tell Bashir collected troops and t . t th ' e town of Harran in order to ravage its . wen ~gams surroundmg terntory. Accompanying them was an Armenian

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nobleman from the forces of Vasil, who was a son of Tachat, lord of Taton; his name was Aplasat', and he was a brave man and an excellent warrior. Having left Vasil because of some misunderstanding, he had come to Edessa. Now, when the Christians reached the gates of the town of Harran, the Edessenes began to devastate the surrounding countryside. Suddenly the Turkish forces came against them with one thousand five hundred horsemen and killed one hundred and fifty of. the Edessenes. At this point the Frankish troops, being few in number, were intent on fleeing to Edessa. Then Aplasat' cried out like a lion and, signaling his troops, shattered· the front line of the infidel forces. So they began their retreat to Edessa, hotly pursued by the Turks; in spite of this they entered the city of Edessa unharmed. Aplasat' was not pleased with the conduct of the Franks [in this battle] and so he returned to the service of Vasil. This brave Armenian was wounded in the arm [during the battle], but did not die because his armor stopped the blow [inflicted by the enemy weapon]. 44. In this same year the coastal city of Tripoli was captured by the Christians. After an eleven-year siege, l the inhabitants were exhausted by violent assaults and had sustained a drawn-out blockade; for Baldwin, the king of Jerusalem, and Bertram, a relative of the great count Saint Gilles,2had put them in dire straits. So the inhabitants of Tripoli summoned the count of Antioch, Tancred, and delivered their city into his hands. Then the king of Jerusalem and Bertram made war on Tancred, since they were the ones who had laid siege to Tripoli. At this point their patriarch and bishops intervened and established peace between the two sides, Tancred then returning to Antioch. However, the king of Jerusalem equipped a fleet against Tripoli and, besieging the city by sea and by land, launched a formidable assault against it. Tripoli was set on fire and the inhabitants of the whole city were put to the sword, causing the streets to be inundated with blood. The Frankish forces seized an innumerable amount of gold and silver and carried off a countless number of captives to their own country. 45. At the beginning of the year 559 of the Armenian era [11101111] the count of Edessa was intent on starting a second war

against Tancred. At this time Baldwin and Joscelin, motivated by their arrogant character, conceived of a plan unworthy of any Christian. They sent to the city of Mosul and summoned to their aid

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the Persian general called Maudl1d, l a ferocious and mighty warrior, When Maudl1d heard this, he willingly acquiesced to their request and, gathering together all his Turks, the Persian general marched forth with a formidable army and reached the confines of the town of Harran. He sent for and summoned the count of Edessa to come to him, but Baldwin, being afraid, did not dare to come to the infidel chief. Then Maudl1d realized that he had been deceived by the count and so advanced to battle against Edessa. Now, when Baldwin saw this, he dispatched Joscelin to get reinforcements, while he sent to the king of Jerusalem, asking him to come to the aid of the city of Edessa. The king at this time with all the Frankish forces was besieging the town of Beirut, located on the Mediterranean Sea. In the meantime the emir Maudl1d arrived at the head of a countless number of troops which were spread over the vast plain of Edessa. His army surrounded the city on every side, being dispersed over every mountain and hill in the area. The whole East gathered under Maudl1d's banner, while the inhabitants of the entire surrounding countryside fled, thus depopulating the region. The emir struck terror into the hearts of the townspeople by his violent assaults against the city. For one hundred days Edessa was put in dire straits; and everyone, exhausted by the incessant assaults, endured much suffering. Soon the townspeople began to suffer from famine, because entering or leaving the city was prevented by the formidable enemy forces who surrounded Edessa and killed anyone falling into their hands. The countryside surrounding the city was fIlled with the corpses of those massacred [by the infidelsJ. The entire region was burned by fire to such an extent that not one building remained standing. All this was done at the behest of Sulaiman, the emir of 2 the East. Moreover, the orchards outside the city were completely destroyed, and all the monasteries found on the mountains were razed to their very foundations. Such a destructive siege as this put Edessa in very dire straits. Some time after this Beirut was captured from the Muslims through the help of God. The Frankish forces put the entire town to the sword and seized a tremendous amount of boo~y: J08celin assisted in the taking of the town of Beirut and exhibIted great courage on that occasion. 46. Mter all these events Joscelin marched his forces to the aid of the city of Edessa. The king of Jerusalem and Bertram the count of Tripoli, also came to the city's aid. These three men c~e to Tancred in the city of Antioch and, pleading with the count, persuaded him to

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join them in going to the assistance of Edessa. Then all the Frankish forces continued their march and came to the Armenian prince Vasil, who equipped his troops and went to Samosata. The Armenian prince Ablgharib, who possessed the town of Bira, also joined the Franks with his troops. So with a tremendous army of troops the Christians passed into the confines of the city of Edessa. When the Turkish general Maudl1d learned of their coming, he lifted the siege of Edessa and went to the town of Harran. The Frankish forces, in turn, reached the gates of the city of Edessa and encamped there. On the following day the Franks prepared for battle. Bringing forth the holy cross of Varag, they fastened it to the end of a lance and carried it before their troops. In the meantime the Turks retreated from Harran, hoping by this stratagem to defeat the Franks, for the Franks were in territory unknown to them; to this end they set up an ambush of many troops in the town. However, the Frankish commander learned of the treacherous designs of the Turks and so turned around and encamped against the impregnable fortress of Shenaw/ located in Muslim territory; the Christians vehemently attacked this stronghold. At this point Tancred learned of a plot hatched against him by the other leaders and so, taking his troops, reached Samosata and descended to the banks of the Euphrates. Soon all the Frankish forces followed him. Now, when the inhabitants of Edessa and those of the surrounding countryside who had taken refuge in the city heard of this withdrawal, they all left, even the women and children, and followed after the Frankish forces. 47. On this occasion two Franks did a very wicked thing. They went to Maudud and, repudiating the Christian faith, said to the emir that the entire Frankish army had withdrawn and fled. When Maudl1d heard this, he pursued the Frankish forces; he filled the land from the gates of Edessa to the Euphrates River with blood, slaughtering the inhabitants of both the city and the countryside. Reaching the banks of the Euphrates, Maudl1d slaughtered a countless number of the inhabitants of the area and carried off the remaining, together with their possessions. The Franks had already crossed over to the other side of the river. So the Turks massacred the Christian faithful who were huddled together like flocks of sheep on this side of the river. The wrath of God, manifested through Maudl1d, fell upon the faithful with such force that the Euphrates was turned into blood. Many drowned in the river. Those who tried to swim across were unable to reach the other side. Many tried to cross over on boats, but

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five or six of the boats sank full of people, because too many persons got in them. So on this day the entire territory of Edessa was devastated and depopulated. It was in reference to this calamity that the savants of old wrote: "Woe to the people of Abgar." The Frankish forces who were on the other side of the Euphrates River, witnessed all th~se horrible things which were happening to all the Christians, but were unable to assist them in any way and so wept bitterly. Mter all this Maudud victoriously turned back and went to Harran; from there he returned to his country, laden with captives and countless booty.l 48. On the other hand, the great emir of the East Sulaiman, taking the emir Balik1 prisoner, put him in chains and threw him into the dungeon of the fortress of Aytseats' in Taron. So the Frankish forces, humiliated, returned to their territories; for, instead of saving the Christian faithful, they had brought disaster upon them. However, the brave soldier of Christ Tancred, collecting troops, entered the territory of Aleppo and descended upon the fortress town called al-Atharib. He encamped against it for a number of days and fmally captured it by a violent assault, without harming the garrison. 49. In this same year the Turkish forces gathered together and penetrated into the territory of Anazarba, ravaging the entire area, including Marpa. When the great Annenian prince T'oras, the son of Constantine, who in turn was the son of ~uben, fully realized the tremendous n~mber of Persian troops, he did not dare go forth in battle. So the Turkish forces turned back and went to their own country, laden with innumerable captives and booty. 50. Thus in this year much devastation occurred in this region [wherein the Turks had penetrated]. In this same year during the wint~r an awesome and frightful omen appeared in Armenia, in the prOVInce ofVaspurakan. On a certain day, in the dark of the night, flames of fire burst forth from the upper vault of the sky and, coming down from this height, fell upon and struck the Sea ofVaspurakan. 1 The sea surged violently, driving its undulating waves against the shore, while both it and the land shook with a frightful tremor. The sea took on the color of blood, the flames of fire enveloping the vastness of the sky. The next morning a tremendous number of dead fish were seen, piled up on the shore like heaps of wood. The whole area stank because of this mass [of dead fish]. Moreover, many

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places in the surrounding countryside had developed frightfully deep crevices, something which caused much amazement to those who heard about it. 51. In the year 560 of the Annenian era [1111-1112] Maudii.d marched forth at the head of a tremendous number of Turkish troops and came against the impregnable fortress called T'lkuran. 1 Maudud assaulted the fortress; and its garrison, having been put in dire straits, surrendered to him. Now there were forty Franks in the fortress, and Maudud put them all to the sword. He also captured Gotet'il,2 after which he went to Shenaw, to the Arab emir called Mni. Going forth from here, Maudud went in the direction of the territory ofEdessa, to the fortress called Julman,3 gathering under his banner a goodly number of troops. At this time the great emir Ap.mad-ll,4 who was a very eminent emir, joined Maudud with many troops; Sulaiman, the emir of the East, and Bursuk ibn-Bursuk5 likewise joined him, all of them marching together against Edessa. Having remained here for a few days, they went to the town of Saruj. After this they crossed the Euphrates River and in unison came against the impregnable fortress of Tell Bashir. At this time the Frankish count Joscelin, who was a brave man and a mighty warrior, was in the fortress. The Turkish forces, who were very numerous, assaulted the stronghold with many regiments of troops,6 but were unable to do anything. Then the Persian emir A}:1mad-TI, who previously had heard of Joscelin's bravery, made peace with him, and both men became brothers. Mter this Maudud marched forth with all the Persian forces and came against Antioch, descending upon a place caUed Shaizar. Tancred, in turn, gathered together all the Franks. The king of Jerusalem (Baldwin), the count of Tripoli (Bertram), and the count of Edessa (Baldwin) joined him. The two armies met each other, but did not fight; for Maudud surreptitiously returned to his own country, while the Frankish forces peacefully returned to theirs. 52. In this period Sulaiman, the emir of the East, suddenly died while on an expedition. He well merited this sudden death brought about by the Lord, because of all the devastation and slaughter he had caused in the territory of Edessa. 53. In this same year the shedding of the innocent blood of the

shahnshah Gagik, the son of Ashot Bagratuni, was avenged by God working through the mighty and great Annenian prince T'oros, the

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son of Constantine, son of ~uben. During T'oros's time the murderers of the Armenian king Gagik were in a fortress called Kndroskawis, a heavily fortified stronghold impregnable on all four sides. These murderers were the sons of Mandale, who were three brothers and still alive. One of them was allied to T'oros, and because of this relationship, the three brothers had agreed to hand over the aforementioned fortress to the Armenian prince; for it was situated on the borders ofT'oros's territory, close by the area called Dzknajur where there is a mountain overlooking Cappadocia. Now in this same year the Annenian prince went forth and with a small detachment of troops came to the three brothers for a friendly visit. Reaching the confines of their territory, he sent to them, informing them of his coming. Then one of the murderers took gifts and went to T'oros, who received him with due honor. The Greek presented a costly knife and a rich garment to T'oros, and then the two men sat down to eat and drink. At this point the Armenian prince said to him: "In accordance with your promise to me concerning the fortress, hand it over now and in its stead chose yourself any place in my territories you wish." The Greek, deceitfully going back on his previous promise, said to the Armenian prince: "We cannot give up the fortress, for it is our patrimony and ancestral home." When he realized that he had been deceived by the three brothers, Taros, returning the gifts brought by one of their number, angrily said to him: "Arise and go to your home, and after this each one of you be prepared for me." So the deicide got up and returned to his home, while the Armenian prince feigned going in the direction of his. Now, when the murderers disappeared out of sight, T'oras turned back with his troops and, during the night, arrived at the fortress. There he set up an ambush of infantry troops and then, taking his horsemen, hurried off to the countryside, intending to devastate the area. In the morning the garrison came forth from the gates [of the fortress] and f~und themselves face to face with the men placed in ambush by T,oros; .Now, when the garrison troops saw this, they fled, while T oros s mfantry pursued them, climbing up the height on which the stronghold was situated. When the garrison saw this, they shut the gates of the fortress. T'oros's troops barricaded themselves outside the gates. an~ began to assault the fortress, hurling fire at the roofing an.d causmg It to burn rapidly. When those inside the fortress saw this, they opened the gate located on another side of the stronghold and began to flee through it. Finally T'oros's troops took the fortress and captured the fugitives. Then they went to relate all this to

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Toros, and he, greatly amazed, came to the fortress of Kondroskawis with great rejoicing. When the Armenian prince ent~red the stronghold, he first began to turn his attention to the treasury of the three brothers, for all the gold and silver of the region was collected and kept there. T'oros said to the sons of Mandale: IIBring me the sword and gannents of the Armenian king Gagik,1I The brothers did so, and when the Armenian prince saw these, he and all his troops wept bitterly. Then T'oros ordered them to show him where the treasure was and, when they obstinately refused, had them tortured. At that point one of the brothers begged T'oros's soldiers to take him. to the escarpment in order that he might drink some water. When they took him there, he hurled himself from a rocky height and plunged to a horrible death. Now, when one of the other brothers began to be tortured by T'oros, he spoke insolently to the Armenian prince, saying: IIYou are an Armenian, while we are Roman noblemen; what answer will you give to the emperor for having mistreated a Roman?1I At this T'oros flew into a rage and his face changed color. Taking hold of a stick used for clubbing, he ferociously fell upon the Greek, saying: IIWho are you three to have killed the heroic and divinely-anointed Armenian king; what answer will you give to the Armenian nation?" Sobbing, the Armenian prince began to violently beat him until he died an excruciatingly painful death. Mter this T'oros gave thanks to God for his justice in avenging the blood of the Armenian king Gagik; for his grandfather ~uben had been an officer in Gagik's army. The Annenian prince carried off all the wealth that the sons of Mandale possessed: countless treasures, brocades, huge silver crosses, and statues cast of gold and silver; all this he brought to Vahka. Moreover, he took the only surviving brother with him, leaving some of his troops as a garrison for the fortress he had just captured. 54. In the ye~r 561 of the Armenian era [1112-1113] the vicious bloodthirsty beast Maudiid once again collected troops and marched against the city of Edessa, at a time when the townspeople did not expect his attack. The emir suddenly arrived before the city the day after Easter, on the day of the Feast of the Dead, in the beginning of the month of Sahmi. 1 Maudiid first came to Kupin2 and, going forth from there with a tremendous number of troops, stopped at the gates of the city of Edessa. Mter remaining there for eight days, the emir shifted his position to the summit of the Mountain of Sasun and from

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there descended upon [the Monastery of] the Holy Martyrs, situated near the ramparts of the city. 55. At this time the invincible soldier of Christ Count Joscelin, taking one hundred horsemen and one hundred infantry, came and entered the town of Sariij. Then a Turkish force, consisting of five hundred horsemen, [left the main army in Edessa and] made a diversion into the territory of SarUj on the Saturday of Elias. 1 Joscelin went forth and attacked the Turks, killing one hundred and fIfty of their men. The count took fIve of their officers prisoner and seized all their baggage, while the rest fled to Maudo.d in the city of Edessa. When Maudl1d heard of all this, he went against Joscelin in the town of Sarl1j. However, at the same time Joscelin secretly came and entered the city of Edessa. Mter remaining in Sarl1j for seven days, Maudl1d turned back against Edessa once again. Now certain perfIdious men came to him while he was on the march, saying: "Have compassion on us, and on this day we will deliver Edessa into your hands." The emir in great joy consented to their proposition. Now, since these men suffered from the effects of the famine, being in such dire straits, they were not really aware of what they were doing. So during the night they conducted Maudl1d, together with five of his men, to Edessa and delivered this populous city into the hands of the Turks. They handed over to the Turks a tower located in the eastern portion of the city, which dominated all of Edessa; one hundred men took possession of this tower. Moreover, the Turks occupied two other towers, placing a large number of troops in them. Notwithstanding all this, God, who never wills the destruction of the Christian faithful, had previously brought the Frankish count Joscelin to the aid of the blessed city of Edessa. So, when the brave soldier of God Joscelin learned of this Turkish takeover, he took the count of Edessa and the other Frankish troops and rushed to the ramparts to battle against the Turks. Joscelin assaulted the tower [in which the Turks were ensconced] with such bravery that he hurled down all their men from the walls; in this way the traitors who had handed over the tower and the infidels who had occupied it perished at the same time. So on that day Edessa was saved from the clutches of the Turks, because of the bravery of Joscelin and all the troops of the city. Then Count Joscelin because of the deep anger in his heart and because of the cal~nious slanders made against him by some, caused much innocent bloodshed among the townspeople, ordering them to be massacred, burned, and tortured;

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now all this was not pleasing in the eyes of God. Mter this Maudl1d raised the siege and went and captured T'lmoz;2 from there he went back to Khurasan, humiliated and discredited. 56. In this same year Tancred, the count of Antioch, collected troops and came against the Armenian prince Vasil. He attacked Raban and, after a vigorouB siege, captured the town from Vasil. Then with his troops he marched against Kesoun and encamped at the head of the plain, below a spring, at Til. At this time Vasil gathered together a force of five thousand men. Both sides waited around for a number of days without engaging in combat, after which they made peace with one another. Tancred returned Raban to Vasil, while the Armenian prince handed over to him the district of ~ilm­ Man~ur, and also T'oresh and Dremn; for Vasil had captured this district of ~~n-Man~G.r, together with the fortified l p'ersin, Raghtip, Hart'an, T'oresh, and Dremn, and now returned them to the Franks. So Tancred peacefully went back to his city of Antioch. 57. In this same year, on the 24th of the month of Areg, the great Armenian prince called Kogh Vasil died, and there was profound sorrow throughout all Armenia. Around this prince were united remnants of the Armenian army, members of the Bagratid and Pahlavid families, sons of the kings of Armenia, and finally all those of Pahlavid lineage, together with the military aristocracy of Armenia; all these remained with Vasil and were highly respected and honored by him. Moreover, the Armenian patriarchal see was transferred to Vasil's territory,lfor this Armenian prince had gained control of many areas through his bravery and strength. Thus all the monks, bishops, abbots, and vardapets gathered around him and were very well treated by him. So the Armenian prince Vasil died and was buried in Karmir-Vank'. His spiritual advisor and father confessor was his lordship Barsegh, the Armenian catholicos. The monastery received one thousand dahekans for putting aside a place for Vasil's tomb. Approximately one hundred and fifty thousand dahekans were given for the celebrating of divine liturgies. Moreover, an infinite number of meals for the poor was donated. Tancred received as a gift many precious objects, which were carried to him from Vasil's house: huge amounts of money, brocades, horses, and mules. Vasil's wife's diadem was sent to Tancred's wife. The other chiefs of various territories also received many gifts. Even the poor received a part of the Armenian prince's estate. Vasil's sovereignty was passed on to

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his son, who was of the Kamsarakan 2 family on his mother's side and was raised and educated in Vasil's household "like a son in the bosom of his father"· this [adopted] son was handsome with a lion-like mien, capable, intelligent, a brave man and a warrior, besides which he was twenty-five years old. He was installed on the throne of the great prince Vasil, and the whole army gave him allegiance; for he was a very generous and munificent person and thus was liked and respected by all the troops. His lordship Barsegh called an assembly and handed over the reins of government to Vasil's son, and so there was rejoicing throughout the whole Armenian nation. 58. In this same year, on the 18th of the month of Mareri, the most pious believer in God Tancred, the count of Antioch, died. 1 He was a saintly and pious man and had a kind and compassionate nature, manifesting concern for all the Christian faithful; moreover, he exhibited a tremendous amount of humility in his dealings with people and showed justice in executing the verdicts and laws of God. So Tancred died in Antioch and was buried in Saint Peter, the great cathedral of the city, founded by the holy apostles Peter and Paul. In accordance with Tancred's wishes his sister's son Roger,2 a brave man and valiant warrior, succeeded to his throne. So the patriarch and all the Frankish chiefs installed Roger on the throne which Tancred had formerly occupied and turned Antioch over to him. Now earlier that same year two eminent officers of Vasil's army, Tigran and Aplasat', were killed by Turkish troops in the territory of Leon,S the son of ltuben. 59. In the year 562 of the Armenian era [1113-1114] the bloodthirsty and savage emir Maudud once again marched forth with a tremendous number of troops and, arriving at the Muslim town of Harran, came against the Franks. At this time Baldwin, the count of E~essa, w~s in the town of Tell Bashir with his troops. Now c~z:;am perfidIOUS and evil-thinking Franks carried rumors, based on VlCIO~S and treacherous motivations, to the count, saying: "Many are plottmg together to hand over the city of Edessa to the Turks." B~ldwin believed these false slanders issuing from their wicked and ~VlI m~uths and, because of this, conceived of a very harsh plan; he l~medlately sent Payens, the count of Sariij to Edessa and ordered hIm to remove all the townspeople from the city so that not one person would re . "th" . mam WI m Its walls. However, on that day these hideous Franks thought among themselves and decided instead to put

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all the inhabitants of the city to the sword. They were eager to shed the blood of blameless and innocent people who had done nothing wrong voluntarily; for, because of the perverseness of their character, these Franks regarded all other peoples as basically malicious and evil. 60. So on one Sunday during the month of Sahmi, at dinnertime, a horrible and disastrous calamity fell upon Edessa. The calamity was so serious that fathers disavowed their sons and sons, their fathers. All the inhabitants of the city wept, lamented, and cried out in anguish. Every household was filled with tears, grief, and sorrow; for the Franks forcibly evicted all the inhabitants from their homes and ordered anyone found in his or her house burned. No one remained except for eighty men who that evening had taken refuge in the Church of St. Theodore and who were afterwards placed under guard in the citadel. Thus this was a day of great sorrow for the inhabitants of Edessa, all due to [the viciousness of] the Franks; for everyone lamented the deplorable condition they found themselves in. Moreover, there was not one atrocity which the Franks did not commit against the inhabitants of the city of Edessa. Thus here were fulfilled the words of the seers of old who said: "Woe to the people of Abgar." All those banished from their homes went to the town of Samosata. So the illustrious metropolis of Edessa remained deserted like a widowed woman, who once was a mother to all people and had gathered around herself the populations dispersed from other lands, including those holding the cross [of Christ], who ran to the Franks at a time when these very same Franks came to them begging for assistance. Now in return for all the beneficence which the inhabitants of Edessa showed the Franks, these [Westerners] recompensed the faithful Christians of this city with evil and malice. 61. In this period the Turkish forces, who were stationed in Harran, crossed over the Euphrates River and, advancing with a tremendous number of troops, marched against the holy city of Jerusalem and against all the Frankish people. When Baldwin learned that Maudud had marched forth and entered the territory of Jerusalem, he became ashamed of the deceitful crime [he had committed against the inhabitants of Edessa]. So the count sent a letter ordering the townspeople brought back to the city, and thus after three days everyone returned to their homes.

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62. In this period the infidel forces came and encamped against the town of Tiberias, located near the Sea of Galilee. The king of Jerusalem, in turn, sent to Antioch and summoned Count Roger, all the Frankish forces, and also the count of Tripoli-the son of Saint Gilles;! all of them, uniting together, came to· the aid of the king. However, the troops of Jerusalem, puffed up with pride, hastened to march into battle against the Turkish forces first, lest the Antioch· enes gain the reputation of bravery rather than they. Now God was not pleased with their prideful attitude and so made them pay for their arrogance; for, when both sides engaged in combat with one another, the Turkish forces defeated those of the Franks and turned them in flight. Many Franks of high rank were killed, and all their infantry forces were slaughtered. A certain brave man from the Turkish forces came at the king of Jerusalem and struck him on the shoulders with an iron mace. However, the Lord came to the king's aid and saved him, for at that moment the troops of Antioch and Tripoli arrived. When Roger saw the situation of the Franks, roaring like a lion and immediately rushing to the scene, he turned the Turkish forces in flight and thereby saved the king and all the troops of Jerusalem. After this the infidel army encamped on one side of the mountain situated between Tiberias and Jericho, while the Frankish army encamped on the other side. The two sides no longer engaged in combat with one another. So, after waiting around for a few days, Maudl1d returned to Damascus, while the Frankish forces went back to their respective cities. 2

63. Now, when the emir Maudlld entered Damascus, he resolved to do away with the emir of the city, Tughtigin,l and to take the place for himself. However, Tughtigin was informed of this perfidious plan. So the emir of Damascus brought out of imprisonment a certain man-a Persian condemned to die; Tughtigin promised this man freedom and honorable treatment if he would kill Maudlld, at the same time giving him five hundred dahekans. Now, when Maudud left ~he mosque where he was praying and was standing in the portICO near the Red Column,2 the Persian approached him and suddenly without warning plunged a knife into the emir's left side killing the wicked and evil beast Maudiid. The assassin, in turn, wa~ ~ercileBsly slaughtered on the spot.a Mter all this, Maudiid's forces dIsbanded and returned to their country. 64. In this same year, on the fifth day of the month of Tre, his

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lordship the Armenian patriarch Barsegh died, his death occurring through a mishap caused by an evil force. For on a certain day he was on the terrace of his home in the village of Vardaheri-an obscure place located near the confines of Behesni, praying with his disciples, priests, and bishops, when suddenly the house collapsed. No one was harmed except his lordship Barsegh, who hit his spine against a wall of the house and broke it. He lived for three days.l In the meantime Barsegh had himself taken to his monastery called Shughri2 and, while still alive, handed over the patriarchal see together with the patriarchal veil to his lordship Gregory, the son of Apirat, who was the son of his lordship Vahram's sister. So his lordship Barsegh died and was solemnly buried in Shughri, having been placed in his tomb with the honor due a patriarch.

65. In this same year his lordship Gregory, l the son of Apirat, who was of the lineage of Gregory Magistros, the son ofVasak Pahlawuni, occupied the Armenian patriarchal see. For after the death of his lordship Barsegh an assembly of bishops and abbots took place in Karmir-Vank', situated in the territory of Kesoun, and through the will of the Holy Spirit his lordship Gregory was consecrated as bishop over the whole Armenian nation. At the same time he was made catholicos and installed on the see of Saint Gregory. Gregory occupied the patriarchal see while he was still very young, for his beard had not as yet begun to grow; moreover, he was of tall stature, handsome looking, and of very humble nature. 66. In the year 563 of the Armenian era [1114-1115] the Persian sultan Tap'ar, the son of Malik-Shah, collected troops and appointed as commander over them the great emir al-Bursuki. 1 Taking with him the sultan's son2, who was a mere boy, this emir marched forth with a countless number of troops and came against the city of Edessa. On Friday the 24th of the month of Sahmi, aI-Bursuki arrived at the gates of the city. After he had subjected Edessa to a heavy siege for thirty days, the emir then departed and reached the Euphrates River, ravaging all the districts along its banks. Then he came against the town of Bira, located on the banks of the Euphrates River. All the Frankish troops on the other side of the river united together but did not dare cross over and engage in combat [with the infidels]. So al-Bursuki returned to Edessa and from there went to 4 the Muslim town of Nisibis. After this the emirs Il-Ghazfl and Balik united their troops and in a formidable battle defeated al-Bursuki,

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putting him to flight and taking prisoner the sultan's son,6 whom they later freed. s 67. In this same year the divine-rebuking wrath of God fell upon all living creatures. The Lord in all his omnipotence and wrathfulness looked down upon those whom he had created, for the sons of man had all strayed from the path of righteousness, according to the words of the prophet who said: "In these times there will be no prince, prophet, or leader who will practice goodness, no not even one. III In like manner everyone delighted in the wicked path of sin and scorned all the precepts and laws of God; for none of the princes, soldiers, men of the people, leaders, priests, and monks stood fast in truly carrying out God's work, but rather sought after the fulfillment of fleshly and worldly desires. God considered all this the highest degree of sinfulness. Thus were fulfilled the words of the prophet, who said: "La, he looked at the earth and caused it to tremble."2 Now, since God wrathfully looked askance at his creation, all living creatures gave up hope and succumbed to the terror of the Lord's might. In accordance with this, on Sunday the 12th of the month of Mareri, the day of the Feast of the Discovery of the Cross, a frightful phenomenon occurred on the earth; moreover, we have never heard of such a wrathful event having happened in the past or in the present, or having been mentioned in Scripture. Now, while we w~re in a deep sleep, a horrible, crackling, and reverberating sound was heard, and all of creation resounded from the noise. A severe concussion was felt, and the plains and mountains shook with a frightful echoing sound, while tremendous rocks were cleft and hills were split open. Bec~use of the intensity of this frightful calamity, the mountains and hills resounded, just like live animals who when they are terrified, shrilly cry out; this resounding noise hit 'the ears like the sound of. a.large throng in a camp. In this way, like a churned-up sea, all hvmg creatures quaked and trembled from fear of the might of the Lord God; for all the plains and mountains resounded like the clangi~g of ?ronze, shaking and moving to and fro like trees struck by ~ h~gh wmd. The cries and groans of people issued forth like the plamtIve moans of persons sick for a very long time, forcing them through fear to seek their own destruction. Like a fugitive, the whole land was reduced to despair and trembled with fear and like one condem~ed [to die], gave forth plaintive and tearful cries' ~oreover, these nOIses were heard even after the trembling ended, f~r about an

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hour during the night. Now, out of fear of the noises concomitant with this calamity, everyone despaired of their lives, saying: "The final day, the day of judgment, has arrived." Indeed the day of this calamity was a true mirror of that last day of judgment; for it happened to be Sunday and the day on which the heavy and somber tone of the Armenian chant was used,s besides which the moon was in its last phase. Thus all the signs pointing to the last day were in evidence at this time. In consequence of all this, those who already were plunged into the depths of despair now became horror-struck and frozen with fear as if they had just died. Now during this night many towns and districts were destroyed. However, all the areas destroyed were those of the Franks, while no harm or destruction came to other regions or peoples. 4 So on this night Samosata, ai!3n-Man~l1r, Kesoun, and Raban were destroyed. On the other hand, Marash was destroyed in such a frightful manner that as many as forty thousand persons died; it was a populous city and yet not one person survived. The same thing happened to the town of Mamistra,5 where a countless number of men and women perished. Moreover, many other villages and monasteries were destroyed, and thousands upon thousands of roen, women, and children perished. An incident occurred in the Basilian Monaster1located in the renowned Black Mountains, where the holy monks and Armenian vardapets had gathered for the consecration of a new church building; in the midst of the divine service the church collapsed on them, and thirty monks and two vardapets perished beneath the ruins, their bodies remaining in the rubble to this day. A similar mishap occurred near Marash in the great Monastery of the Jesuits, 7 where the monastery was destroyed and all the monks perished. Now, when the tremors had ceased, snow began to fall and cover the entire land. The Armenian vardapet Gregory, surnamed Mashkewor, perished in the same place. Thus in this way many mishaps and frightful calamities befell the Christian faithful. All of these things happened because of their sins, for each of them abandoned the true path of the precepts of God and enthusiastically embraced the erroneous way; so they separated themselves from the precepts of the holy books and became involved in foolish pursuits. As in the days of Noah they ate and drank until the time of their destruction, an end which they well deserved because of their sins; these persons continued giving themselves to merriment until the wrath of the Lord God fell upon them and obliterated their iniquities, for they had committed outrageous crimes.

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68. In this same year the holy Annenian vardapet George, surnamed Meghrik, who was an eminent man and an admirable monk, died. He devoted most of his life-namely fifty years-to the monastic discipline and passed away at the age of seventy. In his abstemious and austere conduct and in his use of dry foods,l his discipline and piety were very much like that of the saints of old. Moreover, every Sunday during his lifetime was spent in prayer. This vardapet was from Annenia, from a large village called Analiwr, which is located in the province of Vaspurakan. Having dedicated himself to the monastic life since childhood, he gained wide renown [for his piety] and achieved a high state of perfection, becoming an example for many Christians and a father confessor to all the Armenians; moreover, he recalled people to the enlightened path and presented all of them-regenerated through the act of repentance-for adoption by the heavenly Father. So, having sincerely confessed his sins, this vardapet passed away in harmony with Jesus Christ and was buried in the territory of Anazarba, in the great Monastery of Drazark,2 which had been restored by the illustrious Armenian prince T'oros. 69. In the year 564 of the Armenian era [1115-1116] a frightful and marvelous phenomenon occurred in the Muslim town of Arnida. Now, because there was an increase of evil wickedness and abominable crimes1 among their people, fire from heaven suddenly fell upon their chief mosque during the night. This fire was of such intensity and flared up with such dynamism that it voraciously consumed the stone walls as if they were made of wood. All the men of the town tried to put it out, but were unable to handle this unextinguishable fire; on the contrary, the flames of the fire heightened and reached the sky, thus burning and completely destroying this house of prayer-this vile place of worship. All this occurred in the town of Amida, which the Armenian king Tigran had built. 70. I~ this same year the Persian general, the emir al-Bursuki,l once agam collected troops and, marching forth, arrived at the gates of Edessa. ~ter staying there for a few days, he crossed over the Euphrates RIVer and went to the city of Aleppo. Passing on from ~here, he captured the Muslim fortress-town of Shaizar and was mtent o~ attacking Tell Bashir and the entire territory of Antioch. ~~t~t time all the Franks gathered in Antioch around Count Roger. e mg of Jerusalem and the count of Edessa Baldwin also came,

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joining one another in the territory of Shaizar. At the same time the great Persian emir ll-Ghazi, who was the son of Artuk, arrived in the Frankish camp; he came to Roger with many troops because he was a rabid enemy of al-Bursuki. The emir of Damascus, Tughtigin, also came and joined the Franks. Il-Ghl1zi and Tughtigin made peace and formed an alliance with one another, taking a very solemn oath [as guarantee of their sincerity]. In the same manner the emir of Aleppo2 joined the Franks. Now the infidel army and the Frankish amy confronted one another for four months, without the Turkish forces daring to give battle. Mter this al-Bursuki feigned a retreat from the Frankish forces. When the Franks learned that al-Bursuki had withdrawn, the king of Jerusalem, the count of Tripoli, Il-Ghazi, Tughtigin, and the emir of Aleppo turned around and went back to their respective territories. When al-Bursuki learned of the departure of the Frankish army, he turned back against Antioch, intent on ravaging the territories of this city. When the count of Edessa heard this in Antioch, he returned to Edessa and, taking with him Roger and seven hundred horsemen, caught up with al-Bursuki' in the territory of Aleppo. Finding the emir unprepared for combat, the count attacked him. The Franks victoriously defeated the Turks and put them to flight. Moreover, the Franks took prisoner eminent officers, seized many men and much booty, and even pillaged the enemy camp. Those remnants of the Turkish army which had escaped departed in humiliation. 71. In this same year the count of Edessa Baldwin made war on the Armenian prince [the younger] Vasil, the one who was the successor to Kogh Vasil. 72. In this period Baldwin went against the impregnable fortresstown of Raban with his troops. He besieged Raban for a number of days, but was unable to accomplish anything, even though he had set up a very tight blockade around the place. 73. At this time [the younger] Vasil went to the great Armenian prince Leon, who was the son of Constantine, the son of ~uben, and the brother of Toros, and took Leon's daughter as his wife. Then Leon's brother '1"'oros summoned the younger Vasil and, treacherously seizing him, took him to the count of Edessa Baldwin. Baldwin, in turn, subjected this brave man and mighty warrior to severe tortures and forcibly seized all his territories, thus effectively destroying

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Armenian sovereignty in those areas. Mter this Vasil went to his father-in-law Leon and from there to Constantinople, where he and his troops were received by the Roman emperor with great honor. 74. In the year 566 of the Armenian era [1117-1118] Baldwin, the count of Edessa, and Galeran, the count of Sariij, collected troops and marched against the Armenian prince whose name was Ablgharib 1 and who was the brother of Likos and the son of Vasak. These two brothers were valiant men and warriors who had taken prisoner the bishop2-the former lord of Tell Bashir-and who through their bravery had captured many places from the Persians. By sheer force of arms they seized the town of Bira and made it their residence; they were courageous and renowned warriors, and had one thousand soldiers under their command, Now, when Count Baldwin saw the territory which they controlled, he became very envious and was unable to conceal his malicious jealousy. So he collected troops and marched against Bira, harboring more hatred against the Christians than against the Turks. For one year he held the Armenian prince Ablgharib in a state of siege and subjected him to all types of severe harassments. After a while Ablgharib became hard-pressed because of the tight and dangerous situation in which he found himself and so handed over Bira and the whole territory to Baldwin, while he himself went to the Armenian prince Toros, the son of lluben in Anazarba. The count, in turn, turned over Bira and the whole territory to the Frankish chief Galeran. In the same way he gradually and successively overthrew the Annenian princes, dealing with them more harshly than with the Persians. Moreover, he harassed those Annenian princes who were still free from the domination of the ferocious Turks, and with unheard of cruelty compelled all of them to go into exile. Baldwin destroyed Kogh Vasil's principality and forced all the nobles attached to his service to take refuge in Constantinople. He caused the ruin of another Armenian price named Bagrat-a brave man who resided in R,avendan, not far from Cyrrhus 3-by pillaging his territories. He kIlled ~he lord of Gargar Constantine who, imprisoned in chains, died a hombl,e death in the citadel of Samosata. During a night earthqu~e hIS body was found on the banks of the Euphrates River, havmg been thrown down from above; moreover, in prison he had been f~ed to a beam and with this was cast down and so died. 4 Fo~owmg th,e same policy as Baldwin, Bohemond had driven out the Pnnce of Pnnces who governed the city of Marash for the Romans.

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This prince and a number of other eminent leaders died in prison, either in chains or by torture. Many had their eyes taken out, their hands severed, their noses cut, their testicles sliced off, or died tied to a cross; even innocent children were treated harshly out of hatred for their parents. These innumerable and unspeakable tortures had only one aim and purpose--to seize the treasures [the Annenians pos. sessed]; it was for this reason that the Franks devastated and ruined the land through such iniquitous cruelties. They were continually occupied with such pursuits as these and did nothing but think up malicious and spiteful things; moreover, they had a love for perfidious and evil ways, having no regard for good and kindly actions. We would like to write [further] about their many malicious deeds, but dare not, since we are under their authority [and power]. 75. In the year 567 [1118-1119] Baldwin ofLe Bourg, the count of Edessa, went on a pilgrimage to the holy city of Jerusalem. Now during the Lenten season Baldwin, the king of Jerusalem and the brother of Godfrey, collected troops and marched in the direction of Egypt, intending to bring its barbarian population to submission. Finding that all of its inhabitants had fled, he turned back towards the holy city of Jerusalem. While on route he fell sick and died. 1 While he was still alive, he gave the following command, saying: "Send to Edessa and get Count Baldwin and set him up as regent of Jerusalem until my brothe~ arrives from the Franks, in which case make him your king." After this the king was brought to Jerusalem in a casket, and this benevolent, pious, and humble man was buried at Golgotha. Now, when the dead king's men found Baldwin in Jerusalem, they were very surprised and also quite happy, believing that he was called there by God. So, in accordance with the dead king's wishes, they conferred the regency of Jerusalem upon Baldwin. However, he refused, for he sought after the royal throne itself. He promised to wait a year but stipulated that, if the dead king's brother failed to come within that time, the crown would be his. All the Franks agreed to his conditions. So on Palm Sunday the count of Edessa was taken to the Temple of Solomon and installed on the throne of the Kingdom of Jerusalem;3 moreover, at the end of the year the crown was placed on his head.' This Baldwin was one of the more illustrious members of the Frankish nobility: a valiant man and a warrior, exemplary in conduct, an enemy of sin, and by nature humble and modest; however, these good qualities were offset by his ingenious avariciousness in seizing and accumulating the wealth of

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others his insatiable love for money, and his deep lack of generosity; as for'the rest, he was very orthodox in his faith, and his ethical conduct and basic character were quite solid. ll So here we have two kings who came from Edessa and who both were named Baldwin. 76. In this same year the Persian sultan Tap'ar, who was the son of Malik-Shah and a vicious-minded person, died.I Now at the time of his death he did a very horrible and unheard-of thing. When he was about to die, thinking of his sons, he sent for and summoned his wife Gohar Khat'un,2 the daughter of the emir Isma'il; unbeknown to his troops he had her killed in his presence, so that she would not remarry and force his sons from the throne and take away their inheritance. 3 The sultan was descended from an illustrious family and had a great number of troops under his command. Moreover, from all the nations he had gathered together four hundred beautiful maidens, who sat at his feet adorned with the most splendid finery: precious stones and pearls set in Arabian gold, diadems on their heads, and their tresses decorated with gold; so they were quite dazzling in all their splendid and colorful finery in the presence of the sultan. Now Tap'ar had his chief queen killed before his eyes, so that she would not marry his brother'\ who reigned as suItan over the inner territories of Persia, in the towns of U zgand and Ghazni-a three months' march5 from Isfahan. 6 Mter this Tap'ar placed his eldest son Ma}l.mlld7 on the royal throne and handed over to him all of Persia. His younger son Mali.k8 he installed as sultan of the Armenian city of Gandzak, giving him the whole East. Tap'ar had two other sons, but not by Gohar Khat'un. 77. In this same year the Persian caliph,1 who occupied the throne of Mu}l.ammad in the city of Baghdad, died. 78: In this ~ame year the great Frankish count Roger, the lord of the CIty of AntIoch, collected troops and marched against the Muslim fortress-town of 'Azaz, located near Aleppo. The Armenian prince Leon, the son of Constantine, who was the son of Ruben joined the count with his troops and marched in this expeditio~ agai~st the infi. dels. ~ge.r besi~ged 'Azaz for thirty days, preventing the garrison from bnn~mg remforcements. Mter this the Frankish count turned ovehi~ the SIege to the Armenian forces ' summoning Leon and saving to m' liT Ja th ~ ~morrow you shall march into combat and put the valor of e eman troops to the test." Then the great Armenian prince

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gave the order to his troops, who were in the camp, to regroup around him; the Armenian troops obeyed, coming to the side of this brave soldier of Christ, while he, in turn, exhorted them one by one. The next day the infidel forces attacked the Franks, and the Armenian prince led his troops into battle against the Muslims; having given them the signal to attack, his men fell upon the infidels. At this point Leon vehemently roared like a lion and shattered the enemy with his troops, turning them in flight; sword in hand he pursued them to the gates of the town, slaughtering them and taking [many prisoners]. Mer this the infidels did not dare to make a sortie out of the town. So the Armenian prince acquired a reputation for bravery on that day, and [his name] was highly praised among the Franks. Moreover, from that day on Roger took a liking to the Armenian troops. Thus by such a siege as this Roger harassed the fortress-town of 'Az8.z and finally forced it to submit without bloodshed. He showed clemency to all and allowed the inhabitants to depart in peace. Now at this time a deep conflict developed between the emir Il-Ghazl and Roger; the two had formerly been very intimate friends, but now were enemies, because both Aleppo and 'Azl1z belonged to the Turkish emir Il-GhazI, the son of Artuk. So Il-Ghazl fulminated with rage [over this matter]. 79. At the beginning of the year 568 of the Armenian era [11191120] the emir ll-Ghazl, the son of Artuk, collected a tremendous army, fOf, since he was regarded as the supreme commander of the Turkish forces 1 because of his nationality, the Turks heeded his call. So in this year Il-Ghazl marched against Roger, the count of Antioch, at the head of a formidable anny, coming against the Franks with eighty thousand men. With this army the emir arrived at the gates of the city of Edessa. He remained there for four days without being able to do any hann to the city. Then he crossed over the Euphrates River and marching forth like a galloping horse out of breath, ravaged many places because all the areas occupied by the Franks were left unfortified. The emir seized fortresses, farming villages, and monasteries and also slaughtered everyone, including old people and children. Mter this he came to Buza'ah2 and encamped there. Now, since the count of Antioch Roger was an arrogant and prideful man, having full confidence in his strength, he neglected to take any precautions [for defenseJ. Moreover, bringing to mind the greatness of his people, he was contemptuous of the Turkish forces; BO without taking any precautionary measures, without gathering a sufficient J

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number of troops around him, or without even summoning other Franks to his aid, the count of Antioch carelessly went into battle against the Turks with [only] six hundred Frankish horsemen. Roger also had under him five hundred Armenian horsemen, four hundred infantry, and a rabble of about ten thousand [hastily recruited] men. In contrast to this, the Turkish forces prepared themselves in every possible way and even set up ambushes in a number of places. All this took place within the confines of the fortress-town of al.Atharib, where both sides fought a frightful and violent battle. At this time, because of the innumerable amount of Persian forces, all the Christian troops were enveloped by them and were unable to find a means of escape. So all the Christian faithful were massacred by the edge of the sword. Moreover, the great Frankish count Roger was killed) together with his troops, and very few escaped [the carnageJ. Then the Turks ravaged all the country from the Euphrates River to the Mediterranean Sea, bringing bloodshed and enslavement to all the districts [which they had invaded], while the whole Frankish army was practically annihilated. All this occurred on the sixth month of K'aghots',3 on the Saturday ofthe barekendan ofVardavar. Mter this the king of Jerusalem Baldwin arrived in the city of Antioch on the Sunday of Vardavar. He collected the remnants of the Frankish forces and marched against the Turks; this occurred on the 25th of the month of Arats',4 that is the 16th of August. The two armies engaged in battle at the same place as before, and a great number of Turkish forces were slaughtered, after which both sides turned in flight. Neither side was defeated or was victorious, for both had sustained heavy losses. On this day the infidels lost five thousand ~en, not only by the sword but also through suffocation from the mtense heat. Mter this ll-Ghazl returned to his country, having been shattered by the king of the Franks. All the Frankish forces, in t~rn, returned to their country, and King Baldwin went back to his CIty of Jerusalem. 80. In this same year the Roman emperor Alexius died. 1 He was a benevolent an? ~ise man, mighty in war, and very compassionate towards th~ ChnstIan faithful; however, he had a profound hatred for the ~eman nation. Now this emperor did something which was not m accordance with the will of God. He ordered second baptisms to. be performed and thus disparaged the canons of the Council of ~lcaea ~oncerning baptism, while adhering to the faith of Chalcedon. o AleXIus shamelessly had all the Armenians rebaptized, having no

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fear of the Holy Spirit who had [originally] established the sacrament of holy baptism; nor did he bring to mind the precept of the holy apostle Paul, who said: "Those of you who are once baptized in Christ are part of Christ" and "He who baptizes one who is already baptized repeats the crucifixion of the Son of God and by that commits a mortal sin."2 So Alexius died in this year, and his son JohnS Porphyrogenitus4 occupied the imperial throne. John was a valiant man and a warrior and had a humble and kind nature. He was sympathetic to the Armenians and so abolished the rigorous ruling on invalid rebaptism; for by this ruling his father had substituted the [true] spiritual baptism with something imperfect. 5 81. In this same year the king of Jerusalem Baldwin gave Edessa and Tell Bashir to Count Joscelin and sent him back to the former city. For at the time of Tancred's death the king1 had driven him from his home and lands, seizing and occupying them unjustly. Moreover, he had imprisoned this brave and mighty man, reducing him to a state of hunger in prison. Then the king had forcibly expelled J oscelin, as if he were a criminal, and compelled him to go and serve in alien lands. After this the former king of Jerusalem had called him back and received him with great honor, giving Joscelin the town of Tiberias and making him lord of that territory. There Joscelin had victoriously resisted the enemies of the cross of Christ. Now, when Baldwin died and Baldwin ofLe Bourg became king, the latter sent Joscelin back to Edessa and set him up as a barrier against the Persian attacks; for Joscelin was a valiant man and a mighty warrior and renowned among all the Franks, besides which all the Persians trembled with fear because of his courage. Joscelin, abandoning his former cruel nature, now adopted a very humane and compassionate attitude towards the inhabitants of Edessa. As for Baldwin, he ruled over Antioch, the whole country of Cilicia, and Jerusalem and its territories extending to the borders of Egypt. 82. At the beginning of the year 569 of the Armenian era [11201121] once again the emir n-Ghazi collected troops and, equipping an army of one hundred and thirty-three thousand men, went against the Franks. Quickly he arrived before the gates of the city of Edessa, and the surrounding plain was completely covered with his troops. Remaining for four days, the emir ravaged the whole countryside with his troops and then departed and went to the town of Sariij. He secretly transported the greater part of his army over the Euphrates

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River and led into captivity all the men and women from Tell Bashir right up to Kesoun. Moreover, he inexorably massacred everyone and even had a tremendous number of children roasted over fIres. When ll-GhazI recrossed the Euphrates with his anny, the populations of many villages were put to the sword, and both priests and monks perished by fire and the sword. At this time Count Joscelin was in the confines of the fortress-town of Raban. Rushing to Kesoun and Behesni, he collected troops there and at the break of day pursued the Turks. [Overtaking them], he fell upon them and slaughtered one thousand of their men. Then the emir Il-Ghazi withdrew with his forces and encamped in the neighborhood of 'Azaz. At this point the king of Jerusalem together with all the Frankish forces reached 'Azaz in order to give battle to the Turks. Joscelin came to Antioch with his troops and then went and joined the king. Now the Turkish and Frankish forces stood opposite one another for many days without engaging in combat. Finally ll-Ghazi turned back with his troops and went to that district in the territory of Melitene called Kannian. The king, in turn, returned to Jerusalem, and Joscelin went back to his city of Edessa. 83. The following event occurred in the year 5701 of the Armenian era [1121-1122]. There was a certain emir, named Ghazi, from the country of Gandzak, who was a bloodthirsty man and a shameless, vile thief. His territory touched the borders of Georgia, and he was a friend and vassal of the Georgian king David. 2 Now in this year Ghazi conceived of a very malicious plan. Taking thirty thousand Turkish troops, he entered Georgia and led away into captivity a portion of its inhabitants. Then he returned and encamped in his o~ territory. When the Georgian king David learned of this, he sent his troops, who secretly overtook the Turks and fell upon their forces. The Georgians slaughtered thirty thousand of their men and took capti~e all of their women, children, and countless flocks of sheep, carrymg them off to Georgia together with an immense quantity of booty. After this those of the Turkish forces who had escaped the severe slaughter tore their garments and threw dirt on their heads. Dr~ssed in b~ack and with their heads bared, they went lamenting to ~helr sultan m. the city of Gandzak-to Malik, the son of Tap'ar-and m tears bewaIled their misfortune in his presence. On the other hand, others went to the Arab territory of Karmian to the emir IIGh~Zi, son of Artuk, and, profusely weeping related the misfortune whIch had befallen them. Being a powerful'and at the same time a

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vainglorious man, ll-Ghazi ordered an immense army formed from all the Turks, from the country of the Greeks up to the East and including all Karmian. The number of his forces came to one hundred and fifty thousand. [Beside these men] he sent to the south, to the Arab3 lands, calling to his side the Arab ruler ~adaqah, the son of Dubais;4 ~adaqah came to him at the head of ten thousand troops. This Arab ruler was a brave man and a warrior and had sacked the city of Baghdad; moreover, he had successfully fought three combats with the Persian sultan Tap'ar. ~adaqah was a heretic5 by origin and thus a blasphemer of Mu):lammad and his religion. 8 Previously he had pitched his tents in Ethiopia and in India, but at this time had come to marry the daughter of the Persian emir 11GhazL So in this year ll-Ghazi marched forth at the head of a tremendous number of troops and reached the territory of Gandzak in order to invade Georgia. 84. At the same time Malik, the sultan of Gandzak, came [and joined ll-Ghazi] with four hundred thousand brave horsemen, and [both annies] marched forth with a formidable number of troops and entered Georgia from the area in which Tillis is located, by way of the mountain of Dekor. 1 When the Georgian king David, the son of Bagrat, who was the son of George, learned of this, he advanced to battle agairist the Turkish forces with forty thousand hardy and brave men skilled in anns. Moreover, David also had under him fIfteen thousand select brave men from the ruler of the Kipchaks, five hundred from the Albanians, and one hundred Franks. Now on the 13th of August, the Thursday of the week of fasting before the Feast of the Assumption, a violent battle was fought between two mountains, a battle so severe that the mountains resounded from the frightful clashing of troops. At this point God came to the aid of the Georgians, and after regrouping their forces, they turned all the Turks in flight. On that day a horrible and frightful slaughter of Turkish troops took place, and the rivers were filled with corpses, while the mountain valleys and heights were covered with the same. The amount of Turks slaughtered came to four hundred thousand. Thirty thousand men were taken prisoner, and the dead horses and weapons of those fallen in battle covered the surface of the plains. Moreover, for eight days the Kipchak and Georgian troops pursued the Turks right up to the confines of the city of Ani. So the Persian sultan Malik and Il-Ghazi returned humiliated to their country, barely escaping with their lives and with only one hundred men

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remaining out of every thousand. 2 85. In this same year the Georgian king David captured Tiflis from the Persians, slaughtering a goodly number of the city's inhabitants. Moreover, he impaled five hundred men, who subsequently died from this horrible torture. 86. In this same year, during the month of August, fire fell from heaven and burned the principal mosque in Baghdad. This mosque had been erected by the Persian sultan Tughrnl, the brother of Alp Arslan, who built it on a grand and magnificent scale. Now, when he gained control of Persia, he warred against the Persians for twenty years, fmally bringing them to submission and ruling over their whole land. Mter this he came to the city of Baghdad and ordered a house of prayer erected there for the Turks, so that they would avoid entering the house of prayer of the Arabs. So in this year fire descended upon and burned the Turkish mosque-their abominable house of worship. 87. In the year 571 of the Armenian era [1122-1123] the Persian general ll-Ghazl collected troops and marched against the Frankish forces. First he descended upon Aleppo and from there went and encamped in the Muslim town of Shaizar. Baldwin, the king of Jerusalem, came and was joined by the count of Edessa Joscelin; then both marched forth and encamped opposite the Turkish forces. However, throughout the summer neither side engaged in battle, but quietly maintained their respective positions. In the month of September both sides withdrew without engaging in combat and returned to their respective cities. The emir ll-Ghazi entered Aleppo, while the emir Balik, who was ll-Ghazi's sister's son l and a brave and vigorous warrior, secretly went back to his territory of Handzit'. When Joscelin and Galeran2 heard of this, they pursued Balik with one hundred horsemen and caught up with him in the territory of Edessa, in a village called Tap't'il. Balik was encamped with eight hundred horsemen in a spot through which a river flowed and which wa~ ~urrounded by marshy ground and thus was in a very fortified pOSItIon. The Franks, being mindless and foolhardy, attacked the Turks, but were unable to cross the marshy area. Then Balik took the offen~ive against the Franks with his troops, wounding all their horses WIth arrows and pursuing them. The Turks took prisoner the two Frankish counts, Joscelin and Galeran, and slaughtered all the

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other Franks. Joscelin and Galeran were taken to Kharberd in chains and there thrown in prison, while twenty-five of their comrades were taken to Balu. 3 Thus great sorrow fell upon all the Christian faithful, and they were all horror-struck and in a state of fear and trembling. Now all this occurred on the 13th of September. 88. In this period the great emir ll-Ghazl, the son of Artuk, died, handing over all his territories to his sister's son, the emir Balik; moreover, he entrusted his household and his sons, Sulaiman and Timurtash, to Balik's care. Il-Ghazi's body was carried on a litter from Aleppo to Harran and from there was taken and buried in his town of Maiyafariqin. Thus the emir Balik came to rule over a large number of territories. 89. In the year 572 of the Armenian era [1123-1124] the king of Jerusalem Baldwin collected troops in order to make war on the emir Balik and avenge the two Frankish chiefs, Joscelin and Galeran, who had been thrown in prison [by him]. The king reached the fortresstown of Raban with all his forces, while Balik was already in the confines of its territory, pillaging and taking captives. Neither army was aware of the presence of the other. The king came with a small detachment of troops to the bridge of Shnje and crossed the river over this bridge, intending to encamp in a place called Shenchrig. 1 At that time Balik, together with all his troops, was concealed in ambush nearby. Now, when the king's tent was pitched, he wished to go hunting with a falcon. At that moment Balik unexpectedly attacked the king and all his forces, slaughtering many mighty men and taking Baldwin prisoner together with his sister's son. All this occurred in the month of Hop, 2 four days after Holy Easter. Balik brought the king to the gates of Gargar, and Baldwin handed over the town to the emir. Then the king and his sister's son were taken to Kharberd, where they were put in chains and thrown into a deep dungeon in which Joscelin and Galeran were imprisoned. 3 90. In this same year, five months later, an amazing event occurred, which later turned out to be a disastrous misfortune. Fifteen men got together and went forth from the impregnable fortress of Behesni, having planned a very courageous feat; in this way they were to accomplish a deed to be remembered forever. Going to the district of Handzit', these men closely observed the impregnable fortress of Kharberd, where the Frankish king Joscelin and

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Galeran were imprisoned. Seeing that the fortress guards were few and negligent, they approached its gates, looking wretched and feigning the appearance of quarreling plaintiffs. They were able to get someone inside the fortress to work with them and so, after a short while, succeeded in penetrating the stronghold. They courageously made their way to the prison, killed those guarding the gates, and shut them. Then with loud cries they reached the dungeon1 where the king, Joscelin, Galeran, and the other [Frankish] chiefs were imprisoned, and very joyfully freed them. They also set free many soldiers and a number of men and women. Moreover, some of the inhabitants of the area entered the prison in order to aid in the escape of the king, Joscelin, and the other prisoners. So the king and all the prisoners went out, seized the fortress, and gained control of Balik's entire domain. Now, when the infidel forces who were stationed in the territory learned of this, they fled to another region. One night on an early Wednesday morning Joscelin secretly departed with an infantry escort and went to Kesoun and from there to Antioch, in order to collect troops and come to the aid of the king and other prisoners. At this time the commander of the Frankish forces was GeoffreY,2 who was a brave and mighty man and a most fervent Christian. This man with insuperable energy and effort protected all the Frankish territories-comprising Jerusalem, Antioch, and Edessa-from the Turks, courageously defending them with all the means at his disposal. Now, while all this was happening, the Turkish emir Balik was in the city of Aleppo.s When the emir learned that Kharberd had been taken by stratagem, rushing forth with the rapidity of an eagle, he reached the fortress in fIfteen days and vigorously laid siege to it. By setting up a catapult and ordering mining operations, Balik was able to demolish the tower of the great stronghold and thus strike terror into the hearts of the defenders. At this point Count Galeran in great fear went to Balik and delivered Kharberd into the emir's hands. On this day Balik slaughtered all the P?soners, who numbered about sixty-five persons, plus eighty beautIful women; they were all hurled down from the summit of the fortress. Once again the emir, full of rage, put the king, Galeran, and the king's nephew in chains and threw them in prison. In the meantime Joscelin was coming to their aid with his troops. However, when both he and Geoffrey learned of the new situation they became deeply dismayed and turned back full of sorrow. So th~y returned to their respective territories, while the king, Galeran, and the king's nephew remained in prison. 4

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91. In this same year fighting broke out among birds in the region of Melitene. Storks, cranes, and bustards gathered together and fought one another. [In the end] the cranes vanquished the storks and exterminated them, and so it was the former [only] that remained. 92. In this same year the great Armenian philosopher, the vardapet Paul, died. He was a brilliant man and one knowledgeable in the Old and New Testaments, besides which he had attained the perfection of the doctors of old. He shone forth as the second enlightener of the Armenian nation, being a diamond-like rock against the heretics and a champion of the orthodox; moreover, throughout his life he resolutely resisted those who would corrupt the faith. This vardapet, a native of the district of Taron, died in this year and was buried in the Monastery of St. Lazarus, not far from Sasun. 93. In this same year David, the Georgian king, slaughtered sixty thousand Persians. Now the sultan of Gandzak came with a great number of troops and, building a pontoon bridge over the Kura River, transported his sixty thousand soldiers over it and started in the direction of the country of the Abkhazes. When the Georgian king learned of this, he sent an anny which demolished the bridge and slaughtered all the infidel forces. Mter this the sultan fled to Persia and went to his uncle in the town of Uzgand. 94. This king David displayed very great courage in his wars against the Persians. Many times he vanquished the infidel forces and shattered their strength, seizing many opulent areas from the Persians by his sword and his might. He captured the cities of Tillis, Dmanis,1 Shirvan,2 Shak'e,3 Shamk'or,4 and a number of other places. David was a saintly and virtuous king and endowed with all types of pious and righteous behavior; moreover, he shone forth as a sympathizer and friend of the Armenian nation. He gathered around him the remnants of the Armenian troops. Also he founded an Armenian city in Georgia and called it GOra,5 building many churches and monasteries there. Thus he treated the Armenian nation with great deference and consideration. King David had a legitimate son named Demetrius,6 who was born of an Armenian woman, and a brother named T'otorme. 7 95.

In the year 573 of the Armenian era [1124-1125] the emir

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Balik collected troops and marched against the Franks. He arrived in Aleppo and after a few days went against the Muslim town of Manbij. Setting up a catapult against the citadel, he put the besieged in very dire straits through his continual assaults. At this point the emir1 who was defending the citadel sent to the Frankish counts Joscelin and Geoffrey for help, asking them to come to his aid and promising to hand over the town to Joscelin. The two counts came to the emir's aid with the remnants of the Frankish troops which Joscelin had gathered together. Mahuis, the count of Duluk, Aintab, and Raban, also came to the emir's aid. When Balik learned of this, he attacked the Christians not far from the town of Manbij. A violent battle ensued, for the infidels were as numerous as the Franks were few. Nevertheless, the Frankish troops defeated the Turks, putting one wing of their army to flight, while Joscelin annihilated the other. However, one corps of Turks surrounded the count of Marash and many other brave men including some of Joscelin's cavalry,2 causing them all to die a martyr's death. When Joscelin heard of this, he turned in flight and spent the night at the same place where the battle had been fought; then on the next day he took refuge in his town of Tell Bashir. Thus on that day many Frankish noblemen perished, and so it became a disastrous and horrible day for the Christian faithful. All this occurred on the 10th of the month of Sahmi, that is the fourth day of May. Mter this Balik victoriously turned back and descended upon the town of Manbij, ordering all his troops to begin the attack. Overjoyed [by his recent successes], he took off his coat of mail. At that very moment a Sun-Worshipper" in the citadel shot an arrow into his back,4 causing the emir to be mortally wounded. Then Balik summoned Timurtash,6 the son of ll-Ghazi, to his side and gave over to him his sovereignty and lands, after which the emir instantly died. Now, when his troops learned of this, they disbanded. Balik's death brought great joy to all the Franks; however, deep sorrow and a general feeling of loss fell upo~ the people inhabiting his lands, for he had dealt compassionately WIth the Armenians under his rule. 6 96: At this time the king, Galeran, and the king's nephew were in

t~e Clt~ of Aleppo. Now Count Joscelin and the queen made a pact WIth Tlmurtas.h to ransom the king. They agreed to hand over as hostages the kmgs daughter and Joscelin's son, together with frl'teen other persons. The ransom itself was set at one hundred thousand dahekans. So in the month of September King Baldwin was delivered

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from captivity at the hands of the Turks. He arrived in Antioch, and on that day there was much rejoicing among the Christian faithful. On the other hand, Count Galeran and the king's nephew remained in Timurtash's clutches and were ultimately put to death. Thus this was the second time that Baldwin was freed from captivity through Joscelin's efforts. 97. In this same year Gargar was captured from the Turks through the aid of God. Michael, the lord of the town and also the son of Constantine, gathered together fifty men and vigorously besieged the place, putting the Turks in the fortress in dire straits. Deprived of any help and hard-pressed, the Turks submitted and handed over Gargar to Michael. In this same way and through the same efforts the fortress of Bibol1was captured from the Turks, and so there was much rejoicing among the Christian faithful. 98. In this same year the Georgian king David once again severely slaughtered the Persians, this time about twenty thousand men. Moreover, he captured the royal Armenian capital of Ani, removing the sons of Manuch'e 1from the city and taking them to THHs. So the royal capital of Ani was freed from the yoke under which it had been for sixty years. The magnificent, huge, and holy Cathedral of Ani, which the infidels had turned into a mosque, now was thronged with the bishops, priests, and monks of Armenia, who reconsecrated it in solemn pomp. Thus there was rejoicing throughout all Armenia, for everyone was witness to the deliverance of the holy cathedral [from the clutches of the infidelsV 99. 'In this same year a duke1 came from the country of the Franks with many troops and encamped against the city of Tyre, situated on the coast of the Mediterranean. He besieged the city for many days and through violent assaults put it in dire straits. He blockaded the city from the sea with a fleet, while he held tight control of the land with his numerous troops; thus the place was blockaded on all sides. Also the duke erected wooden towers against the city and set up catapults and other war machines to batter its walls. In this manner he put Tyre in great danger for many days, harassing the city with famine and continual assaults. Finally the townspeople became so hard-pressed that they submitted. Obtaining an oath from the Frankish commander [that their lives would be spared], the townspeople handed over the city to the duke and then departed and went

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to Damascus. Mter a few days the Franks gave [the revenues of] the city of Tyre to the sepulcher of Christ, and the duke returned to the country of the Franks with his troops. 100. In this same year Baldwin, the king of Jerusalem, and Joscelin gathered together all the Frankish forces and marched against the city of Aleppo. At this time the Arab chieftain ~adaqah, the son of Dubais and son-in-law of Il-GhazI, joined Joscelin. This chieftain made an alliance of peace and friendship with Joscelin and so came to the aid of the count with his troops. The grandson of the sultan Tutush and the sultan of Melitene, who was the son of Kilij Arslan, also joined Joscelin. Thus an imposing force was brought together against Aleppo, and the city was put in dire straits for many days through famine and continual assaults. At this point the townspeople sent to the city of Moaul, to the general al-BursukI, asking him to come to their aid. So this general collected a large number of troops and after six months 1 arrived before Aleppo. He drove away the Franks, and thus the city was saved. The Frankish forces, in turn, returned to their respective territories unhanned. On the other hand, the Arab chieftain $adaqah, as he withdrew, ravaged the territory of Mosul and all of al-BursukI's lands. Mter remaining in Aleppo for a few days, al-BursukI went to Damascus and made an alliance with Tughtigin, the emir of that city. 101. In this same year Ghazi\ the emir of Sebastia and the son of Danishmend, marched against Melitene. He vehemently besieged Melitene, putting it in dire straits, and blockaded the city for six months until it was hard-pressed by a severe famine. As the famine intensified, many died, and because of the lack of food [in the city], the townspeople were forced to go out to the enemy camp. So, being hard-pressed, the inhabitants of the city handed Melitene over to ~hazi. After this the wife of Kilij ArsIan, who was the ruler of the CIty, departed and went to Mshar. 2 102. In the year 574 of the Annenian era [1125-1126] the Persian general al-BursukI and Tughtigin marched forth with a tremendous aprm~ consisting of forty thousand troops-the very best of all the ersian forces Coming 'th thO _ .' WI IS great army, al-Bursukl descended u.pon the.Impre~abIe Frankish fortress of 'Azaz and vehemently laid 8Ie~~ to It. Relymg on his great strength, he boasted that he could easl y capture the fortress, thus showing nothing but disdain for the

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capabilities of the Franks. Twelve catapults were set up against 'Azaz, and two of its walls were demolished through sapping opera. tions, thus putting the fortress in great danger. So the garrison within despaired [of being saved]. Now, when the king of Jerusalem learned that al-Bursukr had returned to Aleppo, he immediately left and came to Antioch. Having alerted the Frankish forces, he was speedily joined by Count Joscelin as well as the count of Tripoli (the son of Saint Gilles) and Mahuis (the count of Duluk). The Christian forces consisted of one thousand three hundred Frankish horsemen, five hundred Armenian horsemen, and four thousand infantry. The king of Jerusalem marched forth and came to Cyrrhus.1 When the Persian general learned of this, he took a detachment of troops and encamped in the vicinity of Aleppo. At this point, leaving all their baggage in Cyrrhus, the Frankish forces went to 'Azaz prepared for battle and saw the fortress razed to its foundations, ruined, and about to fall to the infidels. Immediately the Persian forces turned upon the Franks and hemmed them in for three days. The Franks were hard-pressed and put in a perilous situation, for they were unable to obtain victuals; so in these extremely dire straits, despairing of living, they hoped for [a speedy] death. The Turkish forces, in turn, challenged them with defiant and boastful shouting and surrounded them on all sides. Then, with shrill cries and like an eagle swooping down upon a flock of doves, the infidels rushed against the Frankish forces. The Christians, hard-pressed on all sides and seized with terror, waited for death, having reached their last breath. Now, while they were in this perilous situation, the king thought of an excellent idea. He said the following to the officers of his troops: "Come, let us turn back directly to al-Atharib and make the Turks believe we have fled, so that those of them who are in ambush will come out after us; then we can attack them, and thus will see what Christ can do for us." Then he commanded the following to those who were garrisoning 'Azllz: "When you see the Turks grouping together to pursue us, give us a smoke signal from the fortress." After this the king went in the direction of al-Atharib with all his forces. Thinking that the king had fled, the general alBursukr signaled all his troops to assemble [and go against the Christians], The Turks pursued the Franks like wolves after sheep, rushing after them with shrill cries and driving the Christian forces before them by their frightful appearance and loud shouting. After a pursuit of two miles the infidel forces began to close ranks against the Christians. At that moment the garrison of 'Azaz gave the

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[prearranged] smoke signal. Seeing this, the king of Jerusalem and all his officers beseeched God for assistance; directing their tearful and anguish-ridden grief to heaven, they entreated God to come to the aid of his feeble flock. Then the king ordered the battle trumpet sounded, and the Christian forces rushed against the infidels en masse, invoking the help of God and manifesting a very courageous effort. God heard their prayers and so angrily turned the Turks in flight. The Christian troops wielded the sword, and dispersed and scattered the infidels over the plain. Count J oscelin, full of rage and like a ferocious roaring lion who goes after oxen, pursued the infidel forces and gorged himself with their heathen blood. In the same manner the king and the whole army of Christ pursued the infidels and ruthlessly slaughtered them right up to the city of Aleppo. The number of Turks slaughtered came to seven thousand. The Persian general and Tughtigin went away humiliated, for fifteen emirs had perished in the battle. On the other hand, the Christian forces turned back rejoicing greatly and laden with countless booty. So this day came to be a joyful one for all the Christian faithful. Now all this occurred on Thursday, the 24th of the month of Tre. Mter a number of days al-BursukI took the king's daughter and Joscelin's son and placed them in Qal'at Ja'bar;2 then he himself went to Mosul. After one year he was assassinated by a group of people of his nation 3 called ~ajji. These men entered his house as pilgrims and killed him with a knife. Then al-BursukI's servants killed them and others whom they found in the city dressed in the same manner-all in all eighty men. 4 103. In this same year the Persian general and emir of the East, Ibrahim, who was the son of Sulaiman, together with the emir of Handzit', Da'l1d,l who was the son of Sokman, the son of Artuk, collected an immense army. A number of other emirs joined them with a considerable number of troops and all of them then marched against Georgia. When the Georgiad king met up with the infidels, he turned them in flight with a severe slaughter; he slaughtered them more severely than the previous time, pursuing them for five days and covering the plains and mountains with blood. So the whole land stank with dead COrpses. . 104. !n this same year the pious and saintly king of Georgia David dIed. HIS son Demetrius was installed on the throne as his successor' he was a brave and pious man and by his good deeds resembled hi~

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father David. It was he who brought the sons of Manuch'e back to Ani and, after having them swear to be his vassals and subject to him for the rest of their lives, gave them the city. For Ani had been very hard-pressed by the Persian forces since the death of David. Moreover, this Georgian king Demetrius, who was born of an Armenian mother, was burdened with other military and administrative cares. Now the sons of Manuch'e solemnly swore that the holy Cathedral of Ani would always be in the possession of the Annenians and that no Muslim would ever be allowed to enter it. 105. In the year 575 of the Armenian era [1126-1127] the son of Bohemond, son of Robert, who himself had the name of his father Bohemond, came from the country of the Franks. In this same year he went to the city of Antioch with his troops and married the daughter of the king of Jerusalem. The king promised to give the royal throne to Bohemond after his death, but for the present handed over to him Antioch and all Cilicia. After this Bohemond, the son of Bohemond, because of his forceful character and great power, was able to make all the Franks submit and subject themselves to him, including the count of Edessa (Joscelin) and the son of Saint Gilles. He himself was a beardless youth of twenty years, but a valiant and mighty warrior, tall with a lion-like face and blond hair. [His reputation was so great that] many young and noble men from Romel followed him. 2 106. In the year 576 of the Armenian era [1127-1128] the holy Armenian vardapet named Cyrus, who was very much like the saints of old, died. He had thoroughly studied the Scriptures and was accomplished in the method of deep [biblical] analysis. Moreover, he possessed a thorough grasp of the Old and New Testaments of God. Also he was a companion of the vardapet George, surnamed Meghrik. Cyrus died and was buried in the Monastery of Drazark, which was called the "Cemetery of the Holy Vardapets," the place where the holy Armenian vardapet Meghrik was also buried. A congregation of Christian hennits was gathered here and had set up the rules and discipline of the holy monks of old. 107. In the year 577 of the Armenian era [1128-1129] the Persian general the emir Zengil who was the son of Aksungur [al-Bursukr], the fo~er lord of Alep~o, marched forth. He advanced ~ith h~s troops into the confines of Edessa and made a treaty of fnendshlp

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with the Frankish count Joscelin, after which he passed on to the city of Aleppo unhanned. Seeking to make a treaty of peace and friendship with the great Frankish count Bohemond, the lord of Antioch, he chose Joscelin to mediate in the negotiations. Mter staying in Aleppo for a few days, Zengi went to Damascus with all his forces; for the emir of the city, Tughtigin, had died and had been succeeded by his son. 2 108. In this same year the Persian sultan Mahmud, who was the son of Tap'ar, died and was succeeded by his brother Malik. He was the man who had formerly resided in Gandzak, whom the Georgian king defeated and forced to flee to Persia. 109. At the beginning of the year 585 of the Armenian era [1136· 1137] the sultan Mup.ammad, who was the son of 'Amr-Ghiizi, son of

Danishmend, marched forth. He advanced into the territory of Marash with a tremendous number of troops and, encamping near the town of Kesoun, burned the villages and monasteries [of the district]. Now it was grape-harvest time. The sultan remained encamped before the town for six days, but did not erect bulwarks, or set up war machines, or even shoot arrows; rather he remained quiet, occupying himself only with cutting off water from the river, devastating the orchards, and making incursions into this or that area in order to accumulate booty and plunder. On the other hand, those who were in the town were anticipating calamity, bloodshed, and the ultimate capture of the place to come any day; moreover, they became so discouraged that one night they abandoned the outer fortifications. However, after their leaders and priests encouraged them through exhortation, the inhabitants addressed supplications to God, resolving to die rather than to fall into the hands of the infidels and thus become objects of shame and ridicule to the heathen. So, acting as individuals or whole families, they loudly sang the praises of God night and day, with crosses in their hands and arms extended in prayer. Now God, who is compassionate and merciful in all things, in spite of our sins did not will that we fall into the hands of the enemy; rather he took pity on us, who were ransomed by the blood of his dear Son Our Lord Jesus Christ and so did not give the command for the infidels to attack the town. Thus on !riday, the day of Our Savior's passion, the town of Kesoun was delivered [from the infidels]. The enemy burned down Karmir-Vank', including the chapel and monks' cells, smashed all the stone and

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wooden crosses, and carried off the ones made of iron and bronze; moreover, they pulled down the altars where the holy bread was consecrated and smashed them to pieces; finally, they removed the beautifully decorated doors and also various other objects and carried them off to their own country, in order to show them to their concubines and common folk, as the Babylonian [king]l had done in the past. All this was a fulfillment of the following words: "I have abandoned the daughter of Zion as a tent in the midst of vineyards, or as a booth of those who guard fruit trees, or as a grieving turtledove left alone by its companion, or finally as a detestablelooking crow sitting on some monument."2 So, as we mentioned before, Mu}lammad hastily departed on Friday, for he heard that the Roman emperor3 was on his way to aid the beleaguered town of Kesoun and our prince Baldwin,4 who had begged him on his knees to come. At this time the Greek emperor was in the vicinity of Antioch, devastating Muslim territory. After he had removed our prince Leon5 from power and had seized him, his towns, and fortresses, the emperor took the Armenian prince to the country of the Greeks, to the other side of the sea on the borders of Asia.

Continuation by Gregory the Priest! 1. At the beginning of the year 586 of the Armenian era [11371138] the emperor Porphyrogenitus,2 the son of Alexius, marched against the fortress-town of Anazarba in order to attack it. Now this was during the summer season, in the month of July. He besieged the town for thirty-five days and battered its walls with his catapults. Having been placed in a very dangerous position, the inhabitants handed over the town to the emperor Porphyrogenitus. The emperor seized everything, including the Armenian prince Leon, together with his son and wife and the holy icon of the Theotokos, taking all these back to Constantinople with him. There the great Armenian prince Leon, who was the son of Constantine, the son of :{tuben, died. s After this the emperor Porphyrogenitus came against the fortress of Buza'ah and took it by a violent assault. Deceiving him, the Franks persuaded the emperor to go to the fortress-town of Shaiz9.r, and from there he came to Antioch. On the other hand, Malik-Mupammad4 marched against the fortress of Shuplsa; however, in spite of the many assaults he launched and the countless number of arrows he discharged, he was unable to do anything against the fortress. So, going through the Kula Mountains,5he returned to his country. We thank God for having delivered us from the fire of this siege and for having saved us from the enemy. Winter was coming to an end when the emperor was besieging the Muslim fortress of Buza.'ah. Now after Easter Baldwin, the lord of the town of Kesoun, went to the emperor with his infantry and cavalry and also with the inhabitants of the town. So the town was emptied of men. [The remaining] people, frightened, left the town with their families, some going to Behesni, others to Raban, and still others to Hromkla.6 Thus Kesoun remained depopulated; only a few important townspeople remained with some

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infantry troops to guard the place, and included among them was the commander? of the town called Vahram. I, the humble priest Gregory, exhorted them to take courage in the defense of the place, 80 that no one would come and set fire to our town, something which indeed did happen [in the long run]. For, while the Greek emperor was on his way back [to Constantinople], the son of Da'iid, whose name was Kara Arslan,8 returning from the Muslim lands with many troops and feigning flight from the emperor, came to the town of Raban. Those who were in the town of Kesoun, terrified, thought it was Malik-Muhammad and so abandoned the place towards evening. On the next d~y a small detachment of Turks, while scouting around the mountains, took prisoner one of the men of the town and learned from him that no one was in the place. So these men-thirty in nwnber-came, entered the town of Kesoun, and set fire to it together with its gates. Mter marveling at the magnificent palace built by the great Armenian prince Kogh Vasil and also the other splendid buildings [of the town], they departed in haste and rejoined their other comrades. On the other hand, on the next day the inhabitants of the town returned to their homes. 2. In the year 589 of the Armenian era [1140~1141] a certain soldier from the family of Sire Mahuis, l named Simon, harbored a grudge against the count of Edessa2 and so treacherously seized Aintab from him. After holding this place for one year, he finally returned Aintab to the count, through the intervention of the prince of Antioch. 3 3. In the year 591 of the Armenian era [1142-1143] the Greek emperor Porphyrogenitus came and attempted to buy Antioch from the prince of that city. The prince gave him the city for a large amount of money and precious brocades, and so the emperor made a rather easy entrance into Antioch. 4. In the year 592 of the Armenian era [1143-1144] the Greek

emperor Porphyrogenitus, the son of Alexius died around Easter at

~he b~ginning of April, after having placed his son Manuel1 on the

Impenal throne. In this same year the king of Jerusalem2 also died. Now the deaths of t~ese two rulers, the Frankish king and the Greek emperor, occurred m a very extraordinary manner. For the Greek em~ror was killed while on a hunt, wounded by a wild boar,3 while dunng the same year the Frankish king was also on a hunt when he

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was killed under similar circumstances. 4 [Before his death] this king placed his son Baldwin5 on his throne in the holy city of Jerusalem. In this same year Malik-Mupammad, the son of 'Amr-Ghazl, also died. In this year on Holy Thursday an omen appeared in the northern portion of the sky; it took on the form. of a column of light and was visible in that fonn for eight days. It was after the appearance of this phenomenon that the three rulers died. On Tuesday the 23rd of December, on the Feast of the Holy Protomartyr Stephen,6 Edessa was taken by assault by Zengi, the son of Aksungur. Many [of its inhabitants] were ruthlessly slaughtered for their Christian faith, people whom Christ will crown with his saints, Amen. 5. It was the beginning of the year 593 of the Armenian era [11441145]. Antioch was ruled by the count of Poitou's son, who, though young, was a man of tremendous power and might; however, he was not as skillful in the art of ruling as Baldwin, who was the lord of Kesoun and Marash and the territories dependant on these two towns, comprising an area from the borders of Melitene to the gates of Antioch. This Baldwin was young in age but old in experience and agreeable in the eyes of God by all his deeds of prowess. Moreover, this was also the time when the young count Joscelin, the son of the great warrior, the elder Joscelin, ruled, and [also the time of] the pontificate of his lordship Gregory, the Armenian patriarch of the nation ofT'orgom. 1 In this period mentioned above-namely at the time of the Feast of the Holy Protomartyr Stephen-the city of Edessa, deprived of the benevolent will of the Creator, was violently captured by the children of Hagar, [led] by their chief Zengi. This man ruthlessly shed a tremendous amount of blood, neither respecting the age of elderly people, nor taking pity on innocent, lamb-like children. Terrified by the edge of the sword, the townspeople fled to the shelter of the Citadel of Maniaces. Brothers did not take care of their brothers, nor fathers, their sons; mothers did not take pity on their daughters; friends had no regard for those dear to them. Because of this harsh and bitter situation, 2 the fugitives were unable to enter the citadel; [packed together], as many as two thousand persons died of suffocation before the gates of the citadel, including the bishop of the Franks, who was asphyxiated in the crowd. When the tyrant sawall this, he became deeply sorry and commanded his soldiers who were ruthlessly and mercilessly slaughtering people in the ~treets as if they were animals, to sheath their swords. However, he ordered the Franks who were taken prisoner

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slain in his presence and their women and children led into captivity, Those Christians who had escaped the butchery and had tried to enter the citadel were unable to hold out for more than a few days, for they lacked water. Finally they gave themselves up on condition that their lives would be spared. The arrogant conqueror wished to pacify the city and so he commanded it be decreed that no one was to do any harm to the Christians; for all his troops had already become satiated with blood and booty,3 Zengi boasted that over the years none of the very great and eminent warriors had been able to forcibly get control of this city blessed by the Lord.' It was Christ who during his sojourn on earth said the following infallible words in a letter he wrote to King Abgar: "Famine and sword will never enter your city as long as its inhabitants observe my commandments. liB However, after a while these inhabitants forgot the injunction of the Creator. They followed the example of the Israelites who, after having received all sorts of blessings from God, promptly forgot these heaven-sent gifts which cost no effort on their part, but yet with heavy sighs remembered the onion and garlic, 6 and the harsh oppression of the Egyptians; finally these Israelites provoked the anger of God, whose patience is unfailing, and so he did not allow them to see the promised land. In this same way the inhabitants of Edessa, having forgotten their promise to God, committed all sorts of evil deeds against the will of the merciful Christ and thus received the recompense of their senseless behavior, 6. Mer this [capture of Edessa] the bloodthirsty Zengi, collecting troops, came against Qal'at Ja'bar and put its garrison in dire straits. However, one year after [the taking of Edessa] he was killed by his eunuch during the night1 and thus was not allowed to enjoy his glory of [possessing] the inimitable city of Edessa, whose capture took place in the time of the younger Joscelin. As long as this man followed the will of God, he was mighty and victorious over the enemies of Christ, as his father had been, who during his reign was glorified by God but not by men and who never had a hole dug for any Christian. 2 7. ?nce again after two years had passed, Joscelin, who was the Fr~nklsh COU?t of Edessa, collected troops and, joined by the great pnnce BaldWin, who was the lord of the two towns of Marash and Kes,oun, can:e against Edessa and slyly took the city by surprise dunng the mght, Although the undertaking was successful it did not endure/ for the infidels regrouped themselves after five'days and

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recaptured the city by assault. After exhibiting a great amount of courage, the illustrious and undefeated soldier of Christ, Baldwin, fell in battle. His death caused a great deal of sorrow in the territories over which he ruled, for he had more of a liking for the Armenians than for the Franks. 2 No~ in this same period the Armenian catholicate came to be divided into four sees: their lordships Vahram and Gregory in Egypt, his lordship Barsegh at Ani, his lordship Peter-the superior of Varag-at Marash, and his lordship T'oros at HonL Thus the see of St. Gregory at Ani was divided into four branches. Now Baldwin had as his father-confessor the holy and blessed vardapet Barsegh, a man endowed with divine grace and profound erudition and one who was imbued with the fear of God; moreover, he was upright in his practice of fasting and praying, knowledgeable in the understanding of the Old and New Testaments of God, and finally an advocate and protector of those oppressed. Barsegh wrote a funeral oration on the occasion of Baldwin's death as an admonition to those reading it and as a record for future generations.' 8. "I Barsegh, the humble servant [of God], write these words with great lamenting and sorrowful weeping to all the Christian faithful and especially to those near us in Kesoun, Behesni, Raban, Marash, and to the people who live in the villages, towns, and monasteries located in their territories, whatever their nationality or language might be; [I write to these Christian faithful] about the senseless and accursed death of Prince Baldwin. God, the almighty creator of the whole universe, brought him into existence as an example and an admonition to the unrepentant, arrogant, and wicked leaders of the Latin! forces. He thus showed to all that the elements and all living creatures stand ready to do his will, the will of their Creator. So the whole universe is puzzled, for it does not possess his body. The sea cries out that he isn't there. The earth says that he isn't covered by the ground, in its bosom. The elements of air, water, and fire confess that they, in pain of severe punishment, do not dare expose or reveal what God has hidden. Death and the tombs complain that they do not hold his body and that they have not seen it joining the ranks of those already dead. Yet he does not seem to be with the living. Now concerning this unfortunate young man, audacious in combat, victorious and courageous in battles against the infidels-this mighty champion and well-known soldier of Christ, my beloved Baldwin -what hand struck down his solid strength and shortened the hand

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of this powerful man?2 What feeble arm bent the invincible arm of this very brave man? What man of the circumcised soldiers had the strength to cut to pieces and fell to the ground this robust, heavyset, and giant-like man? What person with a savage-like or enraged heart would not be fond of him at the sight of his handsome appearance, who would not be ashamed in his presence, who would not have pity on the joys which he experienced in his youth? Who is it that would ask Baldwin who he was and where he came from without feeling his ferocious nature mollified by his modest, sensible, and prudent answer? Expressing himself fluently in Armenian, he was known by everyone to possess sagacity, willpower, maturity, outward attractiveness, and all those characteristics of this life which show the magnanimity and excellence of princes. Now I think it superfluous to continue these words [of praise] any longer, so as not to be criticized by Baldwin's enemies, who continually slander him. "Alas, I must now speak of his unfortunate end and of the destructive path which we on many occasions advised him not to walk in, a path which he still obstinately followed, refusing to listen to our reasoning or to his own experience. We devoted all our time to telling him nothing except that which would benefit his soul, that is saving and protecting unfortunate Christians [like himself]; however, he rejected our advice. It was only this year that we on many occasions forewarned him of his impending destruction. Although it was very painful and difficult for us to tell him what others dared not say, nevertheless we hoped that, becoming frightened, he would change his evil ways and adopt humility, charity, and a non-malicious kindly attitude [towards people]. Indeed, he was not ignorant of the fact that the inexorable sentence of the righteous judge God must overtake now and in the future life all those whose hearts have hardened. Neither arrogant men nor heavenly angels are able to oppose God's will, for he is lord over both angels and men. The other weaknesses of the flesh, found in men because of their nature, are those which condemn them and bring them under judgement. It is people such as these who very often obtain mercy from the Lord who loves sinners and who came down from heaven to seek after th~ lost image, the stray sheep and thus bring these sinners to repentance. However, arrogant pride, extreme stubbornness hardness of heart lack of compassion-all these together with othe~ defects [of charac~ ter]-lead to sin. Those earthly men whom the demons dominate down here and who perform demonical works are counted with the demons on the terrible day of the impartial and just judgment of God.

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The righteous judge God does not forgive such hardened hearts as these, except those who are susceptible to con-ection: persons who on an occasion or on some pretext for a short while, with pangs of conscience, allow t~emselves to be led into the satanic and evil ways, but then become dIsgusted, confess with deep shame, and look for a means to escape from these demonic sins at an opportune time. "However, those who do not hasten [to repent] and do not quickly free themselves [from these sins], but on the contrary increase their sins day by day and remain unrepentant hour by hour, year by year, thinking that they can deceive God who cannot be deceived-persons such as these the Creator does not forgive. Yet first he warns them by chastisement-once, twice, and sometimes even more often-but when they harden their hearts against his admonitions, he does away with them and removes them from this life, so that evil will not grow and increase to his detriment and to the detriment of many others. All these words I have spoken are confirmed by Holy Scripture-the Old and New Testaments-for those who wish to look into them. The examples of repentant and condemned men are many, so we have considered it unsuitable and superfluous to put them in writing. Now in regard to this incorrigible and abandoned deceased leader, this irredeemable captive, this person who has disappeared from sight, a handsome young man, a brave and mighty warrior, an ingenious, wise, and prudent prince whose life was so short, this gallant and charming man carrying the name 8ire3 Baldwin: it would be a shame not to relate his ruin and not to publicly and frankly declare his errors, not in order to slander him, but in order that he might obtain from God complete remission for his sins. For we well realize that the more people conceal and hide their sins and ignominious secrets because they feel ashamed in the presence of man, the more they will be disgraced publicly [in the hereafter] before angels and men, both just and unjust. These people have existed from Adam until our day and stand hon-or-struck with fear on their faces, crazed and trembling before the awful and redoubtable tribunal of God. In this public assembly, in the presence of the Father of the universe, his only begotten Son the Word, and the Holy Spirit-the renovator of creation-there is no word, deed, or thought which remains hidden from the all-seeing knowledge of our Creator. This scene becomes very pitiful, heartrending, and one of irrevocable shame, to such an extent that when the frightful and awful sentence is pronounced, the souls of the sinners, filled with shame, remain in a state of disgrace and opprobrium throughout eternity without limit, end, or measure.

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Now all this is in accordance with the words of the great archangel [Michael] who, when speaking to the prophet Daniel, revealed the following: 'Some will be resurrected for [eternal] life, while others [will be relegated] to eternal opprobrium.'4 9. "Now as long as we publicly and frankly declare our sinfulness without false shame, without dissimulation, or without the pretext of removing our sense of shame-in other words a true and perfect confession and one worthy of the holy baptismal font-our sins will be remitted. If we are truly repentant, then all our sins will disappear, will be annihilated, will be washed away, and will no longer be found anywhere. For God, who is nonvengeful and compassionate, overlooks, forgives, and pardons those who in this manner wisely and willingly confess their sins in this world. 10. "Now, taking into consideration all these things and knowing the weaknesses of the beloved prince, I publicly declare and record in writing his errors, as if I attributed them to myself. For those who have so little affection for their friends that after death they forget or conceal either their faults or their good points are merely brute animals and friends of the flesh. On the other hand, we through our affection for him are concerned with the spiritual care of his soul, and if he had listened to us even a little, he would still be alive in both soul and body. However, because he hardened his heart, he forever perished in both existences. Thus I cry out in a lamenting voice: 'Listen, a nations and peoples of all tongues, especially you kings, princes, all you judges of the earth, and you who are in charge of important affairs and who have control over the management of temporal matters; listen and understand the errors of our beloved and illustrious prince. Now I come on his behalf and speak from his mouth as if it were mine, falling down on my knees in tears, first before God who knows my sins and then before all of you. [Listen] 0 princes, you my comrades in power; and my brothers, you soldiers-cavalry and infantry-against whom I have done many injustices, all you peoples who forcibly fell into my undeserved power twisted by sin. Because of the innumerable, endless, and merciless injuries and blasphemies I committed, I have ruined my life-an end which is both lamentable andtearful. For I never brought to mind the divine words which ceaselessly cried out to my ears muffled by sin words which said: "Never give anyone the opportunity in your life to curse you, for God who created him will hear the groans of his heart."

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Moreover, there are other precepts which forbid treacherous behavior and the coveting of the properties and possessions of our neighbor-his villages, arable lands, and territories; which command voluntary submission to princes higher than us, as we would submit to God and not to just a simple man; which forbid the injuring of anyone and the robbing of orphans, widows, and travelers; which forbid aggrandizement through violence, exactions, and rapine, or through the building of sumptuous edifices or city ramparts at the expense of the sweat of strangers, orphans, widows, and unfortunate peasants burdened with taxes; which condemn the slandering of friends and calumny inspired by an arrogant certainty of one's power, greatness, and wisdom; which prohibit the judging of the faults of others, as the Gospels talk of [looking at] the piece of straw [in another's eye] and neglecting to see the beam in one's own eye;l which enjoin basic respect, free of disobedience for the Creators law and for the saints and leaders of the church established as our judges by God; finally which condemn concupiscence and wallowing in corrupt sin. I am obliged to ceaselessly bring these precepts to mind at the moment of my death and to make an effort to grapple with them before leaving this world, precepts I have sworn to God many times to follow. " INow I heard the words written in Holy Scripture condemning all these sins so often from preachers that I learned them by heart. These same precepts were taught by the vardapet [BarseghJ in two languages and were ceaselessly pronounced in an unfaltering, changeless, and suitable manner. I say all these things to the best of my knowledge, solemnly making a confession in God's presence and yours, so that you might know that God has justly vented his unforgiving anger upon me. I know that he has mercilessly caused certain people to die without remission of sins when a war has ended and peace has been restored; moreover, he has imposed upon the feet and hands [of many] a desire to die. Those who deal treacherously with their friends or their troops and who speak with perfidious tongues or do wicked deeds will fall under the sentence of the Creator, who says: "Whoever sheds the blood ofa man, his blood will be shed in return'" also "Bloodthirsty and perfidious men shall not complete their liv~s"; al~o, "The Lord reckons the bl~,odthirsty an~ perfidious with the abominable and so destroys them. Moreover, It is written: "Do not covet the possessions of your friend and do not aggrandize yourself through wickedness, lest you suddenly, leave what you have evilly acquired." I also know that those magnificent

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palaces, sumptuous edifices, and cities built at the expense of exactions, rapine, sweat, and tears no longer hold their occupants. I know what St. Paul said about those who do not subject themselves to their superiors and who oppose their wills: they oppose not a man's commands but God's, because of which they shall merit the judgement of the unforgiving Lord, both here and in the life to come. I know that it is forbidden to accuse, judge, or slander anyone and to be boastful of one's greatness or wisdom, according to the words of the Lord: liDo not judge" or "Hypocrite, first take the beam out of your own eye, etc." 11. "'Now why should I enumerate one by one all the precepts condemning my sins, precepts written down in Holy Scripture which I am aware of and so realize my sinfulness before God? Because of such an awareness, I fall on my knees before God and confess all my sins, especially those of arrogance, hardness of heart, and inhumanity, together with my acts of rapine. Immaturity, hunger for power, and the vain seductions of this life deceived me. Nevertheless, even while committing all sorts of sins, I did not lose hope, nor did my heart remain unrepentant; rather I desired to completely abandon the vanities and seductions of this life. However, I did not drive myself to take to heart the admonitions of the Lord until the moment of my death. For previously I did not realize that his gentle admonitions were meant as a cure for me; now I have condemned myself and have justified the Creator, because in small ways-through bodily punishment, the premature death of my wife and children, my various associates, strangers, etc.-he admonished me, thus transforming my unpardonable evil acts into something good. Nevertheless, after having been admonished in this way, I still persisted (in my evil ways] and refused to correct myself, insolently and arrogantly hardening my heart and being completely unaware that the benevolent God was mercifully calling me to repentance in spite of my disobedience. I neither remembered nor brought to mind these ~admonitions], until I changed the benevolent mercy of the Creator mto wrathful anger against my person. Now I know, miserable as I am, that I shall be remembered as a person that has died and not as a person that is to return to life, since the Lord of both death and life is angered at me. Even the angels of heaven have turned their faces from me, thus taking away the assistance and mercy of the Creator from me. All men have developed a deep hatred for me, while my mother and father have abandoned me through their deaths. The

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their deaths. The children of my own flesh, my associates-comrades a~d soldiers---:all have dealt ~ith me ruthlessly. My neighbors, my fnend~, my ~hlldhood compamons, and my children have rejected me, becommg alienated from my love and completely forgetting about me. Everyone has come to detest me as if I were a stranger and has shunned me; moreover, they have abandoned me to die unremembered as an unransomed captive in the midst of the infidels. Thus 1 have been forgotten in the hearts of all as one who is dead, having been swallowed up, shattered, and destroyed like an earthenware jar. Now where is my hope, or what will the recompense be for the intolerable afflictions [I have been subjected to] in this life? There is no one who will have pity on my miserable soul in order to call me back to the living or remember my name among the dead. No, not one person will do these things for me. Thus everyone has come to despise me deeply. For. although I have publicly, frankly, and spontaneously revealed the wounds of my soul to all my brothers and to the whole universe, yet I have been neither relieved nor delivered. So I direct my supplications to my Lord and Creator, the unvengeful father of all, to God; and like a prodigal and debauched son prostrate before him who is both merciful and benevolent, I cry out saying: Heavenly Father, I have sinned against heaven and before you. I am not worthy of your ring, sandals, and ineffable tunic; yet do not separate me, do not remove me from all your earthly creatures, [leaving me] to die alone. If I am indeed a living being. reveal it to me and save me from destruction, for the depths of the abysses afe not secrets for you and you are able to resurrect a person from the dead. 0 Lord, 1 go to do penance right up to the last moment of my sinful life. For now I have truly recognized and learned [the effects oil your insufferable wrath, 0 my Creator, and how fearful it is to fall in the hands of the living God. If I have died in sin and been deprived of mortal life. then it is proper, 0 merciful God, that my sinful soul has remained for so long in torments and afflictions, forgotten in the prayers [of the living] and in the sacrifice [of the divine liturgy]. Show me mercy, and perhaps my miserable soul will be remembered and pitied. Do not bring upon me new and unheard of torments in the midst of the living and the dead, for you are the master over life and death, and so both life and death await your command either to bring me forth or to conceal me. I know, 0 Lord, that I have angered you by my innumerable and un~orgivable sins-by sins I have committed against you and agamst man, voluntarily and involuntarily, by thought, word, and deed, in my soul,

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breath, body, mind, and all my senses; moreover, I ~ave been ke~t in the fetters of sin all my life. Because of all thIS, once agam I prostrate myself before you, 0 compassionate, merciful, and benevolent God. Have pity on me, abandoned and dead, and preserve me whom you have created with your own hands; moreover, do not entrust your forsaken servant to the mercy of men. For love of me has disappeared from all hearts, pity for me has been extinguished in all minds, my name has been taken away from mankind, my memory has been effaced from the land of the living. You, 0 Lord, are angered against me; no one will take pity on me, for all living creatures wait upon you, the trnly compassionate and forgiving lover of man. In whom can I put my trust? My father and mother left me. My brother,1 for whom I had a genuine brotherly affection, 2 forgot his fondness for me. He was absorbed in the cares of the world and in earthly affairs, following my same wide, imprudent, and erroneous path; moreover, it never occurred to him to think about or care for his soul, notwithstanding my example of being an irredeemable captive and hopeless loss. 12. 'Now do not reject me completely, do not forsake me, do not leave me in this destructive state, 0 my God. My God, do not turn your face from me, do not punish me because of your anger, do not reprimand me because of your indignation, do not judge your condemned servant, and finally do not allow me to be afflicted with unseen torments in order to serve as an example to all of creation. I swear, heaven and earth and angels and men being my witness, that I will never again walk on the path leading to debauchery and destruction and will never again transgress your commandments; I swear to do all this, hoping that you will have mercy on me this time and forgive the many sins of my second period of dissoluteness, if I am allowed to return to the living at another time. However, if I have indeed been condemned to die [without any hope of redemption], then you must take pity on me, 0 benevolent and ever-merciful God' for in hell no one can acknowledge you and none of the dead can bles~ you. Show me to the righteous and reveal my unworthy soul to your worthy servants, so that through their prayers I may obtain mercy. For I know that at present no one at all thinks about me, who has be~n co~pletely forgotten in regard to your benevolence. 0 Lord, bemg gneved at me and tUrning their faces from me in anger heaven and ~arth and angels and men are provoked against me.' All of creation looks at me askance and menacingly, for death has fled from II

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me and life has departed from me. The earth, trembling at your frightful commands, did not receive me in its bosom and did not give me a place for my tomb, so that my name could be read over some plot of ground. Now, if the inanimate and irrational elements have detested and rejected me to this extent and have excluded me from the midst of creation, who is it among men who will have mercy on me? So turn away, 0 Lord, from your anger and incline your face to my sins; look at me favorably and benevolently. Yea Lord, yea Lord, Holy Father, yea Savior of the world, yea compassionate and benevolent Holy Spirit, have mercy on a pitiable person such as me. o Holy Trinity, by the intercession of the Holy Theotokos, by the prayers of the apostles, prophets, and all the saints who since the beginning of the world have been pleasing in your eyes, take pity on me who is lost and reveal me dead or alive, 0 God of the living and the dead, glory to you forever and ever, Amen.' 13. "Now we have drafted and written up this pleading confession and prayerful words on behalf of the abandoned captive and forgotten dead person, our beloved prince, Sire1 Baldwin. We do not cease to plead with the same voice, calling out to God and to his saints until they take pity and mercifully soothe our tormented mind, which has been subjected to all sorts of punishments because of his sins and ours. 0 you who hear this discourse against arrogance-a discourse we have written on behalf of him and concerning him in the form of a public, frank, and solemn confession (which is the proper thing for true penitents to do according to the precepts of the Creatorstrengthen yourselves against sin through confession before him .who knows the thoughts and actions of all men, so that, mollified, he might forgive you completely. 14. "You leaders and those of you who live under their authority and also you soldiers, do not disavow God and remain indifferent [to the fact] that the unsleeping eye of God, who is righteous in his judgement and who sees the punishment of this man, can spare you. Bring to mind the divine threat which states: 'The cypress laments because the cedar has fallen.' Listen to similar words as these spoken by the Lord to the incorrigible and disobedient Israelites: 'Do you think that those Galileans were worse sinners than all the other Galileans because Pilate had mingled their blood with their sacrifices, or do you think that those eighteen who were killed by the tower were worse offenders than all the people living in Jerusalem? I tell

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you, no, for unless you repent, you will all perish in the same manner. 11 15. "Now, knowing all this, watch over yourselves, 0 despots, 0 princes! For a very violent and impartial judgement awaits those who are despots, l both here and in the afterlife. You do not wish to listen to what Scripture says, and you do not openly declare your sins through a confession similar [to the one you came to hear]. Nevertheless, my words have been written down in order to glorify and assuage Baldwin and to serve as an admonition and reprimand to people [such as you]. Now all of Baldwin's sins have been forgiven, and he has been made whole through his ceaseless confession and afterwards through the shedding of his blood in the great battle. On that day he was cured of arrogance and deceit to such an extent and with such humility that he humbled himself before all, before his cavalry troops as well as his foot soldiers, speaking to them in gentle, amiable, and compassionate tenns. Moreover, he referred to all as sons of God and as his true brothers. He called the leaders, lords, and nobles by name. He trained his troops, exhorted them, emboldened them, and encouraged them as a victorious athlete and intrepid champion would. He made the rounds, visiting his troops, and strengthened them with his vigorous and awe-inspiring voice. He addressed everyone by name, [exhorting them] in the name of bravery and crying out: 'Long live our warriors, my brave soldiers! Long live the good fortune and days of grace given to us-a little more effort and we will gain the victory; do not shun, on the day of battle, from seeking a blessed death for the sake of Christ and dying in the defense of Christians.' In this manner he strengthened and reassured his soldiers placed outside the camp. Then, entering into the midst of their ranks, he first brought to task those who were ready to desert out of fear and those who were about to flee and hide; then he showered praise upon those who were brave. Moreover, he took away the weapons of the cowardly men and of those with stunted and withered hands; he seized and snatched these weapons from them and put them into the hands of valiant men. He gave to some and took from others. Mter all this, like a defiant lion, he ran off to another place. All night and all day his frightful roars and loud cries filled the camp from one end to the other, so that no ear was able to hear as brave a voice as Sire2 Baldwin's anyWhere else; moreover, no eye was able to see as rapid a moving about as his. However, his voice finally died out as well as his natural strength, when he was on

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his horse and his visor over his face became rusty-colored with the redne~s of the vapo~s of his heart-as was reported by some people. In thIS manner hIS hardness of heart and his arrogance were eliminated and effaced. 16. "The merciless nature of his heart was redeemed on that day, because by his compassion and commiseration he agonizingly suffered for those he saw perish miserably. It was because he wished to be with these that he also perished. The injustices to which he mercilessly subjected others he himself experienced from all his allies on that day of combat; for the leaders and all the troops who had come to his aid abandoned him at the most critical time of the battle and withdrew, no one taking pity on him or turning back to find out what had become of their supreme chief and illustrious soldier. It is quite obvious then that none of his troops perished or were captured with him and no one saw him. We cannot say that his death was due to the maliciousness or willfulness of his troops, but rather was caused by the necessity to expiate the faults and injustices which he had accumulated over a very long period of time; as we mentioned before, he found the opportunity for such an expiation on this day by becoming a victim of these very same faults and injustices. 17. liThe blood which had so profusely flowed at the time when the vile and perfidious Vasil1 came to this land was redeemed by the sole effusion of Baldwin's blood, which he willingly shed for the Christians who left the scene of action and were saved. All those who escaped openly declared that they were saved, first by the grace of God and secondly by the actions of the man Sire2 Baldwin. Now, seeing that he died in that battle, he has obtained remission of all his sins from the Lord, and on the frightful day of judgement, when all the righteous will receive their recompense, he will be crowned by God together with the pious princes and brave martyrs; for we know and believe that this is the fate of those among the Christians who fall in battle by the sword of the infidels. If he was still living and if his reputation for bravery was known, his fame would spread throughout the whole universe day after day, until the end of time. 18. "Now we have written this long disclosure concerning Baldwin so that none of his malevolent enemies and spiteful detractors will criticize or slander us for writing a foolish and sycophantic work. Of all the discourses we have spoken or written during his lifetime, none

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have been on his abandonment in death and irretrievable loss, As long as he was alive, he never heard any gentle or eulogizing words from us; on the contrary, we admonished and threatened him, so that he might continually feel remorse in his heart. Even if it happened1 that he was brought back to life or was still alive, he still would not grasp what we have written. Now we have recounted the day of the combat and his destruction, having obtained these details not merely from ten or twenty persons but from all, and especially from his enemies and from the Latin2 troops. The real reason for our prolixity is that we had a spiritual love for him, which is natural for those who serve God and which was reciprocated by him. After his death we felt obliged, in return for his unbounded love towards us, to show our love for this man who was snatched away from life. This celebrated and illustrious prince, whose domains extended from the city of Antioch to the confines of Melitene and who was lord over so many troops and regions, did not even have a tomb [in which to rest his soul]. At present he is not remembered among the dead, nor does he appear among the living. No one rings the bells for him; his name is not remembered in any church; divine liturgy is not said for his soul, nor is there even a simple commemoration of mercy on his behalf in this land. Necessities are not distributed to the poor-neither kids nor money. No one remembers him, no one takes pity on him. Moreover, during his lifetime he never had any tranquility or any joyful experiences; on the contrary, from the very beginning of his childhood days he experienced all sorts of tonnents, hallucinations, and pains, which continued through his youth. He became a victim of demons, his enemies, men with unbridled worldly power, and treacherous fellow-princes. Now he has perished through death without leaving a memory behind; moreover, his name and the love which he had has been effaced and removed from the whole world and from the hearts of both strangers and friends. 19. "When I see this bitter and cruel fate which has overtaken him, I become choked with tears and do not know what to do or how to help as I stretch out my hand to this beloved friend who is drowning. Seeing no one sympathetic to my grief, I have turned to God as my refuge, to him who alone is merciful and benevolent who does not desire the death of the sinner and does not rej oice o~er the loss of S?yone. Now, we have written this confession and these supplicatIOns on behalf of Baldwin and also on our own behalf Moreover in thi· . , s same manner and m all places we do not cease continually crying

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out ~n the presence of. the merciful and almighty God, who was angry at hIm and at us untIl he became reconciled through his mercy and revealed himself to this dead or living prince. Now I beseech all of you p~op~e who listen to this funeral oration, do not disdain, reject, or be Indifferent to our pleas on his behalf. Do not hold any rancor for this man who is no more, but pray to the supreme judge and creator God that he might have mercy on him and forgive the sins which he committed against both God and man. In this way the almighty creator God, through the intercession of the Holy Theotokos and the supplications of the holy saints, will have mercy on him and forgive all his sins, both great and small; finally the Lord will bless you in body and soul and will make you worthy of the kingdom of heaven together with all the saints in Jesus Christ our Lord, to whom be glory forever, Amen." 20. At the beginning of the year 598 [1149-1150] the prince of Antioch, the abandoned brother of Baldwin, was killed. His death was caused by the arrogance of his own people, who conceitedly resolved to war against the enemy without being certain of the conCUITence of the other Christian forces who were [in the East] at that time. Thus, not only were they crushed and their leaders annihilated, but a goodly number of Christians [were killedP 21. On this same day the son of Zengi, called Niir-ad-DIn1 by his own people, a name which according to their infamous religion signifies "the light of the faith," put some to the sword and led others into captivity, together with the important personages of the bloodbuilt city of Aleppo, who were accustomed to a life of ease. In the same year, when the Christians had no other illustrious personage over them than Count Joscelin, during this prince's rule once again the dread of infidel violence against the holy church increased. The ruler of the Ishmaelites, called Mas'iid,2 came forth on the Feast of the Holy Cross. Laying siege to the city of Marash, he captured it in a very short time, for the citadel did not have a garrison. He invaded the territory of T'il Aweteats', which today is called Tell Bashir, and as he passed through, put the inhabitants of all its districts to the sword. Many Muslims deceitfully swore to the Christians in the name of the great God [that they would not hanD. them in any way] and so got them to leave their stronghold, after which they led them all into captivity. The lord of the land, Joscelin, met up with Mas'iid near the town of Tell Bashir, but could not do anything against him.

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So Mas'ud returned to his country, taking with him the captives he had seized. 3 Once again the count made no preparations to countel' the enemy, neglecting to summon his cavalry forces and forgetting that he had ever been defeated. So he sent the remainder of bis troops with the benevolent and pious prince Vasil, brother of the catholicos and lord of Gargar, for the purpose of carrying provisions with his men and bringing them under cover. Now, when the Ishmaelites learned in advance [of this expedition], they marched forth under the command of their chief Kara Arslan, who was the lord of the territory of Handzit' and many other districts. The Muslims fell upon the Christian forces and made them all prisoners -about four hundred persons. They also took prisoner Vasil, the catholicos's brother, and brought him to the great fortress of Gargar , for his wife and children were there. The inhabitants of Gargar obtained a sincere oath from the emir concerning the captive Christian troops who were taken prisoner; he swore that they would be allowed to peacefully return to their country without their being subjected to any treachery. This despot, lured by the desire to possess this important place, did not hesitate to keep his oath and so had all [the fonner prisoners] conducted as far as Samosata under the diligent care of his troops. As for prince Vasil, the emir took him to his own country, treating the Armenian with great honor and giving him lands as if he were his own beloved brother. After this the Christian troops, weakened and in disorder, passed from Samosata to Kesoun. In the meantime the rumor spread everywhere that Joscelin (who at that time was regarded as the leader of the Christians), on route to Antioch in order to obtain aid for a campaign he was planning, alone of all his troops fell into the hands of the enemy through divine vengeance. In the Bame way in the days of old the son of David, fleeing from his father because of his evil intentions [against him], was punished at the behest of God [through his being trapped] by his own hair. David, who was pleasing in the eyes of God, was avenged, for bis rebellious son was suspended from the branches of a tree until one of the enemy pursuing him came and cut off his head with a sword.4 The same punishment befell Joscelin, since he also worked in opposition to the will of God. He was taken prisoner by the hideous and ferocious detester of Christ and brought to the city of Aleppo; all the Muslims far and wide were in ecstatic joy [over his capture]. Gravely imperiled by this capture, the Christian territories [in the East] were ruined, for they no longer had a leader on whom

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the remnants of their forces could lean for support. 6 22. In the year previous to this, on the 30th of January on Monday morning, frightful thunder and lightning fell from the sky, and the normal functioning of nature was disrupted. The cross which bore God and which the invincible champion of Christ, the sebastus1 Vasil, during his reign had placed on the dome of the Church of the Holy Resurrection at Karmir-Vank', burned like a [bright] flame. This was the fifth miracle which happened to this glorious cross, and it was not regarded by the sages as a good omen, but one presaging the ruin and destruction of the Christians-an eventuality which did indeed take place. 23. In this same year on the day of Pentecost, when everyone anticipated the coming of the Holy Spirit, the aforementioned sultan Mas'lld arrived at the head of a formidable army. Through the ringing of bells, the flashing of swords, and the clashing of myriads of lances, the sultan caused all of us onlookers who were in the town of Kesoun to tremble and quake. Terrified, the inhabitants immediately surrendered the town of Kesoun, after having obtained a guarantee of safety from Mas'lld and his son. Mter eight days the inaccessible and impregnable Behesni [surrendered], and the fourth day after this, the celebrated Raban. After this the sultan went to the territory ofTen Bashir, which he had ruined and devastated the year before. He remained here for a number of days, but was unable to be victorious over the place, for the count's son was in the town defending it with his father's troops; moreover, the inhabitants of the place were united behind him and, being greatly encouraged [by the whole situation], became strengthened in their will [to resist]. Even though the infidels used every means at their disposal, including the employment of war machines, [they were unable to defeat them]. So once again, beaten and grieved at not having taken the town, Mas'lld returned to his country. Now those territories, which he had taken from the Christians, he turned over to his son, whom he had designated as his successor and whose name was Kilij Arslan. 1 24. In the year 600 of the Armenian era [1151-1152], on the 23rd of the month of Nawasard, red snow fell in the district of Jahan. On this same day when red snow fell here, white snow mixed with ashes fell on the country of the Christians, as had happened the previous year.

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25. Mter this year the troops and townspeople who lived in Tell Bashir, after a year of patiently enduring all sorts of ~ardships, [found themselves in dire straits]. When the son of Zengl, who was the lord of Aleppo, learned of this, he marched against them with his troops. Now, because they had no hope of assistance from anywhere, the townspeople, obtaining an oath of amnesty, voluntarily surrendered the fortress-town of Tell Bashir. They also stipulated that the Christians who were in the town-whether Franks or Armenians-if they so wished, would be allowed to go to Antioch or to some other place and would be taken there unharmed under the specific orders of Niir-ad-Din. Niir-ad-Din faithfully carried out this agreement, as had Sultan Mas'iid and his son Malik; for in this matter these men were motivated by the desire to possess the land which they so easily took from the Christians, rather than by any sympathy for their faith or any love for them. 26. During the time of the younger Joscelin, a young man called T'oros l appeared, a person who had no other help except the strength of the solicitous Creator, who mercifully provides for mankind century after century in accordance with his own will, following the words of the apostle which state: "I have mercy on whomever I wish and harden my heart2 to whomever I wish." 3 As he did in regard to the blessed Paul, whom he called from on high to serve him in mind and deed, God did the same to this man. The generous will of God, who never refused to give the bounties of his mercy to anyone, took into consideration the hopes and efforts of T'oros, and so after a short while this Armenian prince gained control of his paternal lands. He was the son of the sebastus Leon, the illustrious and sagacious son of Constantine, son of :Ruben. Being mighty and valiant in battle, T'oros not only took possession of his paternal lands, but also gained control of more fortresses and towns than his predecessors had possessed. Seeing this [success], a certain Roman named Andronicus4 came to have a deep jealousy for T'oros, going so far as to refuse to recognize his title of Armenian prince. This man had been sent by the Greek emperor Manuel5 as governor of the great city of Tarsus ~nd of Mamistr.a. Since then he never ceased despising and harassmg the Armemans, who through God's foresight gathered around T'oros for support. Andronicus then made war on them and caused them to suffer a great deal. The Annenians in turn because of their affe~tion ~or and fear of the Greek empe~or, did' not dare battle agamst hIm, but rather ceaselessly pleaded with him to be allowed

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to maintain their allegiance to him [and to the empire]. Nevertheless, Andronicus refused to listen to the Armenians and arrogantly came and descended upon the town of Mamistra. Now T'oros beseeched him with many entreaties, saying: "I am a vassal of the emperor and of you; do not be angry [at us]." On the other hand, the inhabitants inside the town cried out: "We have with us the chains we used to imprison your father; we can fetter you with those very same chains."8 When this valiant man [Toros] was no longer able to tolerate Andronicus's arrogant and haughty attitude, relying on the strength of Christ who had raised him from insignificance to a position of some importance, he breached the walls of the town of Mamistra during the night. In the morning he went against the Greek forces in battle and, striking them, defeated them and put them to flight-about twenty thousand men. He consumed them with the sword and at the twinkle of an eye felled them all to the ground. At the height of the battle the Armenians took prisoner Oshin, the lord of Lambron, and Vasil, the lord of Bardzraberd and brother of Tigran,7 as well as many other officers [of the Greek army]; they despoiled them all, but alas let the cowardly Romans go. A great deal of blood was shed during this battle. So T'oros very easily gained control of the town of Mamistra, forcibly capturing it from this effeminate man; in this way he avenged his father, whom Andronicus had deprived of his hereditary lands and exiled together with his family to the West. Now this treacherous Andronicus, unable to accept the outrageous treatment he had been subjected to and also the loss of both his officers and troops, fled to the Greek emperor and complained of what the Armenian forces had done to him-a predicament which was no one's fault but his. In the meantime the great Taros, conducting the officers and other captives he had taken prisoner, peacefully entered his town, laden with a tremendous amount of gold and silver, various chattels, battle equipment which he had seized from the Greek troops, and numerous horses and mules. 8

27. After this great victory and prosperous situation [achieve~ by T'oros] calumnious Satan began to incite the powers that be agamst the A~enian forces. The Greeks, who never ceased seeking means to avenge [the affront to] the person of their caesar, sent a tremendous amount of money to Sultan Mas'ud, who was leader of aU the Muslims. This sultan, bribed by the numerous gifts of the Greeks, marched forth with a tremendous anny, first passing through his own

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territories and striking fear into the hearts of the Armenians [living there]. However through the grace of God the Armenian forces took courage and advanced towards the mountains separating t~eir territories from those of the infidels, feeling secure and not worrYIng about the tremendous number of the infidel forces. When the infidels saw the boldness of the Christians, surprised and amazed, they said: "What sort of men are these who expose themselves to death, coming against us to give battle?" Now, as these infidels were reflecting upon this situation, suddenly by an act of heaven the Turkish sultan sent envoys to the Armenian general T'oros,! saying: "We have not come to ravage your country; merely declare your obedience to us and return the territory which you forcibly seized to the Greek emperor, and we will consider you our beloved son." Hearing these words, the Armenians were filled with great joy and glorified the Lord of the universe, who had mollified the unbridled and imperious nature of the sultan to such an extent that now, treating them as his close comrades, [Mas'ud] sought an alliance of friendship with the Annenian troops. Mter having detained the sultan's messengers for a number of days, the Armenians sent him their envoy, who said: "We voluntarily undertake to submit to you as we would to a king, for you are not envious of our progress nor do you ravage our country; but to hand over our land to the Roman [emperor], that is impossible." When the sultan heard this, he was not disturbed; on the contrary, drawing up a treaty of peace and friendship confirmed by an oath, he had it sent to the Armenian troops through one of his messengers, thus scoffing at the Greek emperor and his money. So Mas'ud returned to his own country without harming anyone. Now all this occurred in the year 602 of the Armenian era [1153-1154]. 28. Three years after this the emperor sent various other gifts of gold and silver to the sultan-more than the previous time-and said: "Go, a?pease.the anger raging in my heart against the Annenians; demohsh theIr fortresses, set fire to their churches and command ~heir whole country be consigned to the flames-all s~ that the anger In my heart may subside." Having received these many gifts, the Bultan once more marched forth and came at the head of a larger army than before,. arriving at Mamistra and from there going to Anazarba. Not bemg able to accomplish what he had intended, he c~e to T~ll :aamdun and remained there for a number of days WIthout bemg able to cause any destruction. In the meantime the sultan sent one of his son Malik's chief officers, whose name was

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Ya'qub-a wicked and malicious man-to make an incursion into the territory of Antioch with a detachment of three thousand men. When Ya'qub's troops passed through a place called DUrn,l suddenly as if sent from heaven some of the Christ-like Templars2 together with Stephen, the brother of general T'oros, fell upon the infidels and annihilated all of them to the last man. Their chiefYa'ql1b, having received a lance through his liver, gave up his life after wailing cries and much suffering. When the [infidel] army learned of this, they trembled with fear; moreover, their horses were stricken with a disease from heaven, one which they themselves call tapax,3 and from which many more horses died than remained [alive]. Now, when the Turkish officers saw this, they all turned in flight, comrades not waiting for their fellows, and brothers for their brothers. Many of them cut the tendons of their horses and mules. Moreover, they threw away their arms while in flight and, cutting their way and passing through marshy areas and difficult places, took the wrong routes. Eminent ftlijibs 4 and a large number of chief officers fled on foot through fear of God on high, for they had no fear of men. In the meantime the Armenian troops had made incursions into infidel territory and so returned to their country laden with much booty. On their return the Armenians realized the unexpected service the fearfulness of the mighty God had rendered them, putting the infidels to flight and forcing them to retrace their steps, humiliated, defeated, and shamed-like the feeble fox escaping from the royal lion. So, trembling and quaking, the infidels ran, thinking that a great number of cavalry forces were after them in hot pursuit and were shedding a tremendous amount of blood; this is how the situation seemed to these fugitives. 5 Now a similar situation had occurred at the town of Nisibis, when Kavadh,9 the grandson of the Persian king Yazdgard, forgot the treaty of friendship which his forebears had made with the Christians and, full of rage, came with his Persian troops to ravage this country. Spending many days7 and employing a tremendous amount of effort, he demolished the fortifications of Nisibis. However, when his troops wished to penetrate the town, 10, they suddenly caught sigh~ of ~he holy patriarch James,s who was walking on the ramparts, looking like a king dressed in purple, surrounded by the heavenly hos~s, and carrying on his head a plank of Noah's ark. This plank was gwen to him by an angel to compensate for the fatigue he experienced climbing the mountain in order to see the ark. [Actually] the angel did not allow him [to reach his goal], but turned back this holy man

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of God to his own cOWltry, giving him the plank as a sign of affection, Now, when the Persian forces saw this spectacle, becoming horrorstruck, they were unable to approach the ramparts of the town, [the ramparts] which they had demolished. At the same time punishment [from heaven] came upon them. Swarms of bull-flies, wasps, and flies attacked their horses, causing them to lunge forward impetuously and break their reins; moreover, because of the density [of the insects], no one was able to control his horse. Thus an insignificant chastisement from heaven brought upon them a sudden calamity such as this, just as in former times the mighty right hand of God had struck the Egyptians on behalf of the Israelites. So, after this humiliating defeat caused by the grace of Christ and the prayers of the holy patriarch James, the Persian king turned back; for the Lord fulfills the desires of those who fear him. Now this incident is no different from the event which has occurred at present and which we have witnessed with our own eyes. [Returning to our original narrative], all the Turks moved against T'oros and his troops twice, but were unable to do anything, in spite of the bribes they had received from the Greek emperor to turn to ashes the cross and the church which were objects of outrage and contempt to them. If help had not arrived from the [mighty] arm which was displayed on the cross, our enemies would have been able to carry out the orders of the heretics, destroying the holy church and devastating our cOWltry from top to bottom. Now we have remained in peace, while they have departed in flight and in great humiliation, as we recounted previously. 29. Mter all this, when their malicious projects were not brought to fruition, they began to adopt a more peaceful policy. Kilij Arslan, who was placed on the throne of the sultanate1 by his father, the great sultan, [immediately devoted himself to executing this policy]. So the Annenians lived in security and happiness for a while, glorifying the most Holy Trinity in conjunction with ascetic and chaste bishops, holy priests, and groups of monks whose arms were alw~yS extended [to heaven in prayer]. Now, when the enemies of Christ began to penetrate the territories of T'oros in order to attack Tell ~amdiin- which occurred on the 16th of the month of Tre-a violent-sounding formidable wind arose. Many trees were pulled up b~ the roots, and hail fell on many areas, hitting grainfields and VIneyards. On the twenty-fIfth day of the same month of Tre another serious and Bevere calamity came upon the whole land, lasting for

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three (consecutive] nights and very much like what had happened at Nineveh. This fearful phenomenon began at the first hour of the night and lasted until dawn. Contrary to the usual functioning of nature in this season, a gloomy darkness appeared, very much like the obscure darkness which fell upon Egypt. The clouds collided, giving forth bursts of thunder just like solid and diamond-like mountains striking one another. Flashes of lightning enveloped the vault of the sky, and there was no portion of the heavens that did not have lightning accompanied by strong winds. Who would have been able to calmly witness with his own eyes these frightful and incessant convulsions of nature? In this manner, for three (consecutive] nights, people were seized with fear at this spectacle. Everyone-men, women, aged, and children-rushed into the houses of God, invoking the intercession of the Mother of our Lord and all the Saints with fear, bitter tears, and deep sighs. Finally merciful God took pity on his creatures and stopped this threat of [impending] destruction directed against the unrepentant and the befuddled unfaithful. Now this calamity occurred in the year 603 of the Annenian era (11541155]. Up to this point we have recounted what we have heard and seen with our own eyes.

30. Mter this, when the Turkish sultan (Mas'l1d] returned, humiliated, to his own country, he lived for only ten months, for the pleas of the innocent slain and hopeless captives reached the ears of the Lord of hosts. Falling sick, the sultan summoned his son Kilij Arslan and, descending from his throne, prostrated himself before his son in the presence of the important personages of his court. He placed his crown on Kilij Arslan's head and then expired, leaving his son all his vast territories. This occurred in the year 604 of the Armenian efa [1155-1156]. The [deceased] sultan also had two other sons, one of whom was generous to all and had a more comely face than his brother, the sultan. The sultan began to think. that perhaps this brother did not agree with him, and so he feared him; moreover, his brother's body had a stronger build than his. Encouraged by certain people, one night during a time of feasting and merriment, the sultan strangled and killed his brother. His youngest brother for a time submitted to him like a beloved son but [later], out of fear of him) fled to his own fortified towns of Gangra1 and Ankara and never again saw his brother. Not only did Kilij Arslan kill his brother, but also many of the important personages of his court, as well as some emirs, his father's chief minister2 Paghtain,3 and his father's khati. 4

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Now when the great emir Yaghi-Basan,6 who was the son of the emir n-Ghazi and lord of Sebastia and Cappadocia, saw what was going on he was not pleased with the sultan's actions. So, gathering to~ether a goodly number of cavalry forces, he entered the district of Lycandus6 and transported the Christians of the area to his territories by their own free will; moreover, he seized the fortified town of Larissa. Yaghi-Basan did all these things on behalf of his nephew, who had enmity towards Kilij Arslan. When all this became known to Kilij Arslan, he gathered together his father's forces, as well as a large number of cavalry troops, and marched against Yaghi-Basan. When the two armies came face to face, their misguided imams mediated between them over an extended period of time and thus prevented the two sides from battling one another. So for a time both sides made a feigned peace and returned to their respective territories. This situation lasted for two months, during which neither a treaty of peace was established nor a solution through combat sought. Now after all this YaghiBasan marched forth and secretly came to the district of Jahan, to its chief town Aplast'a. As the character of man becomes rooted in its evil ways from childhood, in like manner the sultan forgot the compassion that dominated his father's reign. So, hearing ofYaghi's march, Kilij Arslan eagerly and boastfully went forth to wreak vengeance on the land which had nurtured him. When Yaghi learned of his coming, he gathered together the whole population of the land-about seventy thousand persons-and took them to his territories by their own free will. The sultan was unable to catch up with Yaghi in this land, for the latter had taken a circuitous route in withdrawing with the Christians. Then the sultan entered the territory of Lycandus. The inhabitants of the area, disheartened because of his frightful and tough behavior, voluntarily went over to the side of the sultan, obtaining an oath from him that he would not lead away anyone who had come to his support. Now Yaghi-Basan, after having provided for the security of the people whom. he had transported to his territories, came and encamped agamst the sultan, the front lines of each army facing one anot~er. [O~ce again] their religious leaders prevented them from wamng agaInst one another. Nevertheless, after a number of days the .sultan, ~~l of rage, came against Yaghi in full force, but once ~gaIn the religIOUS leaders fell at his feet, beseeching him and saying: Do not exterminate the Muslims." Yielding to their entreaties, the sultan drew up a treaty of peace [which was discussed] article by

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article, but which did not stipulate the return of the expatriated Christians. Now the sultan agreed to this for the following reason. A certain man named Stephen, who was the brother of the sebastus T'oros, came on the scene; this man, motivated by human stupidity and treachery rather than by divine inspiration, was eager to recapture the Christian territories from the infidels. However, his brother would not give him any assistance, because his men had slaughtered many Christians and had plundered and deprived their compatriots of their property and possessions. These people did not in the least resemble Christians, who must look after one another, as they are taught in Scripture. It was because of all this that the sultan felt constrained to come to the territory of Kesoun, over which his father had gained control. The Christians, deprived of any assistance and having learned of his coming, fled to those places which were sparsely inhabited. The sultan, in turn, came and subjugated the area without resistance, thus bringing it under his domination. Moreover, he made peace with the king of Jerusalem, the lord of Antioch, 7 and the victorious T'oros and then peacefully returned to his realm. Now all this occurred in the year 606 of the Armenian era [1157-1158], at the beginning of the month of August. After this Kilij Arslan came to Berdus,8 which Stephen had taken by force and thus .acted treacherously towards his brother T'oros, and which as a gesture of friendship [T'oros] had handed over to the sultan without his brother's consent. The sultan freed all the cavalry and infantry troops stationed in the fortress, in recognition of T'oros's obedience and in recognition of his handing over the stronghold. 31. Previous to this, in the year 605 [1156-1157] on the 26th of November, an earthquake was felt throughout the whole land. Many Muslim towns on the confines of Arabia, near Aleppo, collapsed to their very foundations. However, the Lord has saved the Christians from any harm right up to the present. The tremors continued without interruption until the beginning of the following year, and it was impossible to reckon their number during the fourteen months [of the earthquake period]. 32. In the year 606 of the Armenian era [1157-1158] on the second of November a violent wind, accompanied by rain,l arose. In the various places it hit, vineyards and grapes, laid out to dry, were heavily damaged. N ow I will say a few words about the great and impregnable fortress-town of Behesni. When Stephen came to the

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territory of Kesoun with ineffective troops and against his brother's will, certain men called Qarmatians 2 joined up with him. Now the sebastus T'oros was advised not to reach the point of having to capture this fortress. We are not sure whether this advice had its origin in the solicitude of God or in the jealousy of his brother. The merciless and imperious despot, who was the lord of the fortress and whose name I won't even consider writing down, went against the orders of the sultan his sovereign, who had commanded him to treat the Christians with benevolence. On the contrary, he inflicted all sorts of afflictions and punishments, first on venerable priests and deacons and then on responsible heads of households, as well as on all the other Christian folk whom he tormented equally. Moreover, he imposed very heavy taxes on the inhabitants of the renowned Behesni. Thus no one could blame them when, in order to bring about the death of this malicious and despotic person, these inhabitants summoned Stephen, hoping perhaps to effect a plot against the hateful tyrant. However, this excellent plan came to naught, for a certain person, betraying the Christians, disavowed the oath which the inhabitants had taken among themselves and went and warned the wicked despot not to go to the public baths, where death awaited him. Never leaving his house, the tyrant heeded the man's advice, who thus saved his miserable life. Mter this, roaring like a ferocious animal thirsty for the blood of the innocent, this despot ordered all those he could get his hands on to be tied by their feet and hands and thrown down from a steep cliff. The Christians, witnessing the performance of this criminal act and remembering the great calamity which befell the city of Edessa, rushed to the side of the chief3 who had come to their aid. He stood opposite the fortress with his troops, contemplating the deaths which he was powerless to prevent. Then this commander took all the men and women-aged and childrenwith him. These people voluntarily abandoned their property and possessions, as well as their ancestral home in which from time immemorial they had been born and raised and in which they had been protected by pious rulers who treated them as their beloved children. So Stephen took these people, accustomed to a life of ease and comfort, and settled them in a disagreeable and inhospitable land. Finally, bringing to mind the ruin of the divinely-protected fortress of Behesni and the affiictions of the Christians the sultan, in keeping with his wise nature, used every means at hi~ disposal to replace the oppressor of the fortress-town. Mter this, due to the benevolence of the sultan, the inhabitants of the place gradually

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returned, and this formerly depopulated and plundered town now became inhabited once again. 33. What shall I say about the town of Kesoun, a word signifying "elegant?"1 For the lord of the town, who was appointed as its guardian and governor by the emperor, was unable to go forth from the place and repulse any enemy coming against it. He and all those under him, concocting a malicious plan, expelled from the town its venerable priests, illustrious personages, and responsible heads of households-including all the men [of the place], leaving behind only the women and children. The only kind act of this chief was that he had the families of these emigrants protected with care and without any suspicion. On the other hand, the exiles, instead of living in their high mansions or in their own homes, had to stay in villages and monasteries. Those who were able to go off somewhere roamed about and sat under the shade of trees or walls, waiting silently and inertly for death and enslavement. Such fear as this caused them to forget their exile and uneasy life. These extreme hardships lasted from the month of Mareri to July, right up to the arrival of the great sultan at Berdus, at which time the country recovered its tranquility, and people returned to their homes. At the behest of the great T'oros, Berdus was handed over to the sultan, the Armenian prince wishing to gain his friendship; this was done against the will of Stephen, whose valor had won the place from a certain Turk, who was a wicked man and a despiser of Christians and who was killed by Stephen. 34. Mter all this the sultan returned to his realm and deliberated with the high officials of his court about strengthening the peace he had made with the Franks and Armenians. Obtaining their assent in this matter the sultan once again sent his trusted envoys to Jerusalem, Antioch, and to T'oros in order to conclude an unqualified peace treaty consented to by both sides. All this was not a res~lt ?f the natural inclinations of the sultan's heart, for what has Chnst In common with Belial? Now the reason [for the sultan's actions] was [to gain support against] the son of Zengi, who was the lord of Aleppo and the husband of his sister. Mter Sultan Mas'ud's death, the son of Zengi, scorning the son whom the late sultan had eleya~ed to the throne of his realm, seized the territories of the Chnstlans and, crossing over the frontiers established by Mas'l1d, was able to capture the impregnable fortress-towns of Aintab and P'arzman,l together

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with all their [surrounding] villages.2 The sultan Kilij Arslan wrote him many times, saying: "Cease acting unjustly and return the territory which belongs to me and which my father established to serve as the border between me and you." However, the son of Zengi chose not to listen [to these complaints] and was more arrogant and insulting to this valiant nation than to the ruler of Persia. While this debate went on, the king of Jerusalem and the lord of Antioch, Reginald, found themselves in an extremely perplexing situation, However, he whose power and strength is higher than the heavens, who never lets anything out of his sight, and who never neglects the rod which he uses against sinners at the time when the righteous are in a state of hopelessness, it was he (from whose pure and just divine laws suddenly issued forth the order for punishment) who inflicted the son of Zengi with a severe and harsh malady. Experienced physicians were summoned from all nations, but were unable to find a cure for his malady, while day by day the wrath of God fell more heavily upon him. [In times past] the son of Zengi had been allied with Count Joscelin through a solemnly sworn treaty made in good faith. Nevertheless, he acted in a very pitiless and inhuman way with the count, behavior which was unheard of among all peoples and throughout all time; he made his friend prisoner, not by his own efforts in battle, but by plotting with others, and then, putting Joscelin in chains for a nine-month period, blinded the eyes of this illustrious man, who was invincible in many battles and lord over many territories. So blessing, thanks, and praise to the aU-holy judgment of God be on the lips of every Christian. 35. Now we return to those events we passed over in silence. In the year 602 of the Armenian era [1153-1154] the king1 who reigned in Jerusalem was eighteen years old and was the son of the count of Anjou, t~e F:ankish ruler. Almighty God, taking this [young] king under hIS wmgs, gave him a. great victory by delivering into his hands the impregnable, inaccessible, and infidel town of Ascalon. Th~ valiant Franks, together with their benevolent and saintly king, patIently endured all sorts of hardships for an entire year; moreover, many of them, including the Templars, came to merit the martyr's crown. So, after all these hardships the intercessor and hope of all the Christians-the Mother of our Lord-beseeched our Lord Jesus Christ to brin~ forth,a victory for those enduring patiently. Thus the town was dehvered 1Oto the hands of the king and the Templars on the feast day of the Assumption of the Holy Theotokos and through

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her intercession. 36. After this, having discovered treachery on the part of the infidel Turkish nation,l the benevolent king put a considerable number of them to the sword and thus made them pay for the blood of the Christians which they had shed; he expelled the remaining from the city, compelling them to settle outside the walls. So, instead of godless voices, the voice of the life-giving Gospels was heard in all places. Moreover, the redemptive cross was mounted on the tops of all the tall buildings as a sign of shame and destruction for the degenerate, dismal, and nefarious2 nations, but as a sign of pride and joy for us Christian faithful. Now, after this magnificent triumph, the Franks gave themselves a brief respite and then began to devote their attention to the city of Damascus. For at the beginning of the year 603 [1154-1155] the son of Zengi, who was the lord of Aleppo, arrived intending to gain control of Damascus by stratagem; however, the townspeople resisted out of concern for their children8 whom they had sent as hostages to Jerusalem, conforming to the orders of the king. Nevertheless, the son of Zengi entered and gained control of the city of Damascus by stratagem. 37. At the beginning of the year 604 [1155-1156] the son of Zengi, bribing the king of Jerusalem and the lord of Antioch with large amounts of money, induced them to accede to his evil designs and made an alliance with them. The two rulers consented to his invading those Christian territories which formerly had belonged to the Franks. So the son of Zengi arrived before the renowned and great city of Aintab with a large number of troops and laid siege to it without delay. Mter undennining and demolishing the walls, his troops entered the city and slaughtered a great many infidels and also took captive or killed many Christians. Mer this he sent messages to the governor of the territories of Raban and Kesoun, asking for the peaceful cession of these territories. However, his request was refused out of fear of the sultan. Then news reached him that the king of Jerusalem and the lord of Antioch had broken the treaty of peace they had concluded with him and were invading and ravaging his territories. So the son of Zengi quickly went to Aleppo and Damascus. However, he delayed a major confrontation for the reason that he was not strong enough to meet the Franks face to face in battle; on the other hand, the Franks were powerless to reduce the city of Damascus.

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38. At this point the king of Jerusalem resolved to ally himself with the Greek emperor Manuel through marriage. The emperor willingly acceded to this idea and sent the daughter 1 of his ~ather'a brother to the city of Jerusalem with an escort of one of his loyal cavalry regiments and a large amount of gold and silver. Moreover, the Roman emperor promised the king to personally come to the assistance of the city of Jerusalem and all the Christians. He did not delay [carrying out this promise], for immediately in the same year-the year 608 of the Armenian era [1159~1l60]-the Greek emperor came into the territories belonging to T'oros, territories which the Armenian prince had formerly taken from the Greek governor in Mamistra. Manuel had five hundred thousand troops under his command. Now, when T'oros first learned of the emperor's coming, he fled to his territory, taking with him his wife, his considerable wealth, and his nobles, together with their wives, children, and possessions. He came and took refuge in a rocky place called Tachik, a place which since times past no one remembered being inhabited or providing secure shelter. T'oros had forgotten the advice of the sage who said: "Do not contend with anyone who is higher than you." He did not station himself with his cavalry in one place, rather he wandered about in wild and bushy places, hoping for the mercy of the one on high and counting on the intercessions of the king of Jerusalem before the Greek emperor on both his behalf and that of the lord of Antioch, whom Manuel had appointed as his vicar. Actually the chief cause for their fearing the Greeks and feeling ashamed before them was that previously the prince of Antioch, provoked by T'oros, had invaded the island of Cyprus with a fleet, while the Armenian prince accompanied him with his own troops. Landing and finding the inhabitants nonchalant and unprepared [for defense], they treated them as the infidels would, devastating their towns and villages, depriving them of their homes and possessions, and maltreating many of the Greek clergymen, whose noses and ears they cut 011'.2 When the emperor and his high officials learned of this, they were deeply chagrined by what was done, but for the time being were .unable to do anything. Now, when the emperor arrived in Ma~U1s~ra and occupied the whole country-which happened at the begmmng of November-he did not harm any of the inhabitants of the lan~. H~wever, the king of Jerusalem held back from coming and con~ul~mgW1t~ the emperor on a suitable plan for defeating the nonChnstIan natIons and liberating the church, for he had no mind to redeem those taken captive [by the infidels].

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39. Finally the king of Jerusalem came, together with the soldiers of Christ-the Templars-and the lord of Antioch, who previously had come before the emperor, to apologize for the expedition against Cyprus. Then, in light of what has been said before, a large group of Christians gathered before the Greek emperor, entreating him with strong pleas to mollify his anger towards T'oros. Now, since the Greeks harbored a deep hatred against the Armenians, who nevertheless were beyond reproach, the Armenian prince feigned accepting the king of Jerusalem and the Templars as mediators and guarantors of his good faith. When T'oros came before the Greek emperor, he was at first excluded from Manuel's table. However, because of God's solicitude for the Annenian prince, the Greek emperor regarded him as having a charming and pleasing demeanor and so strongly reproached those who had slandered him. After remaining with Manuel for a few days, T'oros wished to go back to his home. The emperor gave him permission, on condition that he quickly return to the [imperial] camp. The Armenian prince, wisely taking cognizance of the needs of the [imperial] troops, on his return brought with him a large number of sheep, cattle, buffalo, and Arabian horses. He came before the emperor and presented him with these gifts at a suitable moment. Greatly amazed at the profuse amount of provisions [T'oros had brought], Manuel praised his farsighted sagaciousness in the presence of the chief Roman officers and the enemies of the Armenian prince. The emperor, in turn, gave T'oros a large amount of gold and silver garments befitting a king; moreover, he truly pardoned the Armenian prince's disobedience and rebellion against his imperial directives. T'oros, on his part, promised to unreservedly remain obedient and subject to the emperor's commands, a promise which he scrupulously carried out. 40. After this the two rulers,lthe invincible forces of the Templars, the lord of Antioch, and T'oros conceived of an excellent plan, one which all the Christian peoples piously and fervently adopted; [they all] resolved to either die or to free the hopeless captives imprisoned for a very long time in Aleppo and Damascus, cities built by blood. Beginning the march, the Christian army came t~ An~ioch and entered the city as if it owned the place. However, SInce It was not certain whether the townspeople would quickly submit to the Greek emperor, Manuel asked their chief citizens to giv~ up their sons as hostages. Making their submission, they voluntanly handed over all that the emperor had requested, lest the captives never be freed from

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servitude and they violate the oath taken at the tomb of the Redeemer and the promise given to the king of Jerusalem when he became allied to Manuel through marriage. Going forth with an immense number of troops, the Christians advanced, fulminating with rage like lions and trying to outdistance one another like eagles swooping down on a bevy of partridges. In this manner these courageous men roshed forth to invade and ravage the country of the Turks. The army reached a place called Balana,2 which is near the confines of Aleppo and a day's march from that city. All the Christians far and near were in ecstatic joy when they learned of the alliance of the faithful, fonned for the purpose of annihilating the infidels and delivering the Church of Christ-which was redeemed by his holy and precious blood-from the vile and onerous yoke of servitude. When the infidels heard the news of this and of the approach of the Christians to the borders of the Muslim territories, they became horror-struck. Completely seized by fear because of the [two] rulers, Nur-ad-Din, who was the lord of Aleppo and Damascus, sent envoys to the emperor, promising to hand over some ten thousand slaves taken from Christian captives whom he had treated mercilessly. He planned to free the slaves and wash away the spots and blemishes caused by their being mistreated; then, by sending them to the [two] rulers, he intended to ask to become subject to them as one of these slaves. However, the [two] rulers refused these conditions, telling the envoys that Nur-ad-Din would have to leave the country and go where they wished him to go, or else they would simply exterminate the whole population, including nurslings. It was quite obvious that the forces of the Christian faithful were proud and joyful, as if at a wedding. Now, while the Christians were involved in these matters, bad news in the form of a letter suddenly arrived from the imperial city, stating that there was a disturbance over the [imperial] throne and also containing information of other bewitched events, the causes of which we have been unable to ascertain as it was the work of the devil. In any case this was the real reason why the emperor came to an understanding with the prince [of Antioch] and why he gave back to T'oros the land he had taken from the Armenian prince, regarding all of this as a sufficient victory for himself.3 Indeed, we know from looking at past events and reading the chroniclers that the Greek emperors never worked for the deliverance of the Christians, but rather occupied themselves with ruining and seizing their cities and

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lands. It was because of these emperors that the Armenians left their country, that the infidels became strong, that they came and gained control of every area, that they first captured Arlsn and then Melitene, Sebastia, and the royal city of Ani; in this way the wicked Turks controlled everything up to the confines of the city of Constantinople. On the other hand, the courageous Franks came forth for the third time to deliver the Christians, but were ruined and defeated by the Turks through the treachery and perfidy of the Greek emperor-an event which we witnessed with our own eyes. If the emperor had come on behalf of the Christians, he did not have to tarry in Mamistra for a seven-month period. His father acted in the same way [when] he4 carried off Leon and the other Annenian chiefs. These [examples] are sufficient to show to those who are intelligent the actions of the Roman emperors and the deep hatred they have for the Annenians-something which we have spoken about [previously]. Finally it was the feeble and effeminate Romans who thought among themselves and then said to their emperor: "Do not listen to the Franks or Armenians; hasten back to your throne and you can return again when you wish." 41. When the orthodox [faithful] learned of this, their hopes of success were turned into inconsolable grief because of the departure of the Greeks. Countless times they pleaded with the emperor, but were unable to prevent him from leaving. They even begged him to stay three more days before Aleppo. However, he refused their just entreaties and instead sent envoys to the lord of Aleppo-who together with the inhabitants of the city was in a state of abject fearl-in order to conclude a treaty of peace and friendship. When the infidels heard this, they became ecstatic with great joy and were unable to give a suitable answer, thinking that the envoys had come for the purpose of spying. Mter having been given assurances by these envoys, they promised to carry out the bidding of the emperor. So, in keeping with the stipulations of their agreement, the infidels sent fIfty eminent Franks [from the captives they held]-men whom the wicked emperor had requested only for the purpose of appeasement. Thus countless captives, whom Christ had delivered into their hands-they who worship [God] imperfectly and who slander and judge us because of their envious and malicious hearts-were abandoned. Indeed, the Muslims never deceived us [like this, even] when they killed us. So the Greeks, consisting of an innumerable army, turned back, not like a mighty lion, but like a feeble fox. Like

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fugitives they reached the territories of the sultan Kilij Arslan. Now this sultan was not an instrument of Christ's vengeance upon the Romans, but merely was charged with making them expiate for the maledictions and blasphemies they heaped upon the orthodox [faithful] when they refused to bring aid to the church and to the captives. So the vile and obscure race of the Turkomans went after them as if after fugitives and slaughtered twelve thousand of the Romans, besides killing the emperor's father-in-law and seizing twenty thousand horses and mules. Because of this, deep antagonism developed between the Greek emperor and the sultan Kilij Arslan. Now it seems to my weak and feeble mind that nothing else imaginable explains the undermining of our hope for deliverance, except the hatred for us [on the part of the Greeks] and the prophecy of the holy man of God, the great Nerses our enlightener, who, through spiritual insight and the inspiration of the one on high, wrote in his true history about the Greek emperors who after a short while no longer paid attention to those things pertaining to war, but merely occupied themselves with levying taxes and having theological discussions. 2 42. Now under these circumstances the emperor shamefully returned [to Constantinople], while the pansebastus T'oros remained on his hereditary lands and, [protected] by the authority and the friendship of the emperor, 1 lived in peace and security. However, the lord of Aleppo, a torchbearer of his people, freed from the fear of a war and influenced by his evil brother and the Greeks who were in agreement with him, sent to the king of Jerusalem, requesting from him a four-month treaty of peace. Having bribed the king, [who was] an avaricious man, with a large amount of money and having 2 outwitted him in every way, the lord of Aleppo went towards Harran, which he previously had turned over to his brother Miran. At this point there were certain slanderers who said that when he was sick, his brother had wanted to kill him. The lord of Aleppo, believing these treacherous individuals, went against Harran with a fonnidable anny. After remaining there for two months, he captured it by assault, together with the neighboring territories of Raqqa9 and Edessa; moreover, he brought under his control all the places which ha~ formed! s?aken off his yoke. He came to the territory of Raban, whIch at thIS tIme belonged to the sultan, and captured it by assault. Then h~ went to Marash and captured this place also. Now, when the emIr who was the lord of Kesoun learned of the victorious successes of this despot, fearing that the lord of Aleppo might take

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his town also, he abandoned the sultan. Recognizing the suzerainty of the lord of Aleppo, the emir came to him while he was at Raban and the two marched together against Marash and Behesni. Th~ inhabitants of these towns were seized with terror, for they had no hope of assistance. These places were captured and their walls demolished. Thus the reason for the ruin of these territories was that the lord of Aleppo had made peace with the king of Jerusalem and [in this way] tricked him as one would a child. Now, while the lord of Aleppo was at Behesni, bad news reached him from Damascus, saying that, at the expiration of the treaty of peace, Franks from the forces of the Templars had come to ravage the land. So, going to Aleppo and Damascus, he gathered together a very large number of troops, intent on warring against the king of Jerusalem. 43. At the beginning of the year 609 [1160-1161] all the Turks gathered around the son of Zengi in Damascus, while the Franks united around the king of Jerusalem, both sides preparing to make war on one another. The two sides remained in this state [of preparedness] until the beginning of winter, but without engaging in combat. Finally they concluded a two-year treaty of peace among themselves, and then both sides dispersed and returned to their respective places. Likewise Kilij Arslan and Yaghi-Basan made peace with one another. The sultan handed over to the latter the town of Aplast'a and its surrounding territory, which formerly belonged to him and to his father [before him]; for during their conflicts with one another Yaghi claimed the area. During the same period the son of Count [Joscelin] was made prisoner and taken to Aleppo.l 44. In this same period, during the month of October, a certain emir named Miran, l the son of the emir Ibrahim, son of Sokman, who was the lord of many towns and districts including Khlat', Archesh, 3 Mush, Toghap'a, 2 and Mantskert, sent his father-in-law Atratin with many troops to Georgia. On the other hand, the forces of the Georgian king George4 and their supporters were intent on going forth and invading the Turkish territories. The two armies met one another in the district of Okht'is,6 and a violent battle occurred between both sides. The Georgians were victorious and put the Turks to flight, slaughtering many and taking prisoner three hundred of their officers. However, the Turks had wounded the command.er of the Georgian cavalry in the hand with an arrow, a~d h~ dismounted from his horse and sat down, for they had put pOlson 10 the

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wound. Now, at the rear of the Turkish army were Muslims who were Georgian by nation; these had joined the Turks, following the renegade Georgian Vasak, and had served them as guides. These [Muslim Georgians] came and surprised the dismounted cavalry commander, taking him prisoner and bringing him to the emir called Shah·i·ArmIn. 6 They did nothing more to this Georgian officer, who was called Kayi,7 than to take him prisoner. 45. In the year 610 of the Armenian era [1161-1162] the Georgian king George, the son of Demetrius, son of David, came against the great royal city of Ani during the summer season on a Monday. After encamping before the city for a day, he took it by assault on the following day, killing one thousand persons, both Christians and infidels. Mter placing a garrison of two thousand elite men in the city, he turned back victoriously and went to his kingdom. However, the lord of Khlat', called Shah-i·Armin, gathered together eighty thousand men and came and laid seige to the city of Ani. Now, when the Georgian king learned of this, he went against the infidels, slaughtered them, and put them to flight. On this day seven thousand of their men were killed, while two thousand five hundred captives were taken-including one hundred and frl'ty of their officers and [many] high-ranking emirs. Moreover, the Georgian king seized countless horses, mules, camels, tents, cuirasses, and other weapons too numerous to count, and also many sheep. The city of Ani was filled with so much wealth that what the inhabitants lost to the Georgians, they gained twofold, even selling a choice cuirass for two 1 danks. Mter a number of days the inhabitants of Ani went to the place where the battle was fought and, finding a large number of cuirasses in the grass, carried them off. The [Georgian] king performed an act of benevolence towards the city of Ani; for, when he captured the place, he gave forty thousand dahekans in order to buy back from his cavalry the captives taken at Ani-both Christian and infidel. Now all this occurred during the Fast of St. Gregory, which falls in the middle of the summer fasting season' it was at this time that the city of Ani was captured. Moreover, it ~as in the month of August that the emir Miran, who was the Shah-i-Armin, was slaughtered [together with his troops]. Three days later the moon darkened and took on the color of blood from evening until midnight; now the moon was in the fourteenth day of its course. 46. In this same year the lord of Antioch, who had the title of

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"prince" and whose name was Sire Reginald, went forth during the autumn season and descended upon the territory of Duluk,l while the Inhabitants were in seeming security. He extended his incursions up 10 the catholicos's fortress called TSOV,2 ravaging the surrounding areas and making prisoner the Turkomans he met within its confines. The prince had with him one thousand men-horsemen servants 3 . 4 ' mul e dnvers, and 1'nf:antry. On the other hand, Majd-ad-Din, Nur-, ad-DIn's second-in-command, who had previously gathered together ten thousand men, placed his vanguard in an ambush and surprised Reginald's men. All the Christians were either taken captive or killed, while the prince of Antioch together with thirty horsemen was taken prisoner. On this day four hundred men were killed. So Majdad-Din turned back and with great rejoicing and festivity entered Aleppo, conducting his prisoners before him; moreover, he brought the prince into the city, heaping [all sorts of] insults and profanities upon him.5 At the same time he sent the news of his success to Nurad-Din, who at that time was in Damascus collecting a large number of cavalry troops [in order to battleJ against the king of Jerusalem. When Nl1r-ad-Dln heard this news, he returned and ravaged the whole country up to Tripoli and also took captives whom he brought to Aleppo. Then he went against ~ariin,6 but was unable to besiege the town successfully because of the abundant rains [which fell at that time] and also because of his fear of the king of Jerusalem; for at that time the king had come from Antioch together with T'oros, the son of ltuben, and some Roman troops. However, when the king returned to Jerusalem and the others to their respective places, Nur-7 ad-DIn went and captured the impregnable fortress of Arzghan. Notwithstanding the oath [which he made to the inhabitants], he demolished and ruined the fortress and, taking captive the Christians remaining [in the placeJ, brought them to Aleppo. 47. In this same year the sultan Kilij Arslan went to the Greek emperor Manuel, accompanied by the emir Miran, the brother of No.rad-Din. After having received many gifts from the. emperor a~d having concluded a treaty with him whereby he promIsed to remam subject to Manuel until his own death, the sultan turned back and went to his own city, carrying with him the great amount of gold and silver [he had receivedJ. 1 48. At the beginning of the year 611 of our era [1l62~1l6.3] th: most praiseworthy vardapet Barsegh died and was buned m th

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Monastery of Drazark, where the tombs of holy vardapets like him are located. Here is where our narration ends and a [new] period begins. 49. In this same year Stephen, the brother of the great sebastus T'oros and the son of Leon, was killed through the treachery and plotting of the wicked dux} who strangled this brave and illustrious champion of the Christians. His brother, in turn, took blood revenge a thousand-fold from the Greeks on his behalf, for whose death that murderous dux was held responsible before God. 50. In this same year the renowned city of Dvin was captured by the Georgian king George. Through an assault he penetrated the city, pursuing the fleeing infidel forces who had made a sortie against him. The king turned them in flight and slaughtered them. When the remnants of the infidels in Dvin resisted the Georgians, [the latter] entered en masse through the gates of the city and ruthlessly slaughtered everyone [in their way], taking captives and burning homes. Mter this they returned to their country, laden with booty and captives.

NOTES AND COMMENTARY

NOTES AND COMMENTARY

Part I Section 1 1. The year 400 of the Armenian era corresponds to 951 A.D. and the year 611 to 1162 A.D. See n. 3 below. 2. In order to facilitate the annotation, the various parts and sections of the Chronicle, i.e. Part I section 1, section 2, section 3, etc., have been numbered. Thus the book and paragraph numbers are not original to the text, although the book and paragraph divisions are. 3. The Armenian era is usually calculated from the year 552 of the modern Christian era. However, since the Armenian calendar is not a fIXed one, the beginning of each year does not exactly correspond to that of the Christian era. For example, the year 401 of the Armenian era begins on April 2, 952, of the Christian era and ends on April 1, 953, of that era. 4. Matthew uses the word "Tachik" in making reference to the Muslims. In the context of the Chronicle, Muslim could mean Arab, Turk, or Persian. One may also render the term as "Saracen," though this word is not too commonly used today by scholars. 6. In the early years of Christianity Edessa was an important center of Syrian Christianity, hence the importance attached to it by Matthew, who calls it a "metropolitan see." In th~ Eastern church the bishop of an important Christian center is called a "metropolitan," the title "patriarch" being reserved for the bishops of the chief Christian centers. 6. Tigran, one of the most famous kings of Armenia, ruled in the first century B.C. Under him Armenia achieved its greatest territorial expansion; however, it is doubtful that this king built Edessa, for this famous Syrian city is much older than the first century B.C. Section 2. 1. When Matthew uses the word "Arab," he invariably means those Muslims who are not of Turkish or Iranian origin. 2. In Armenian both "city" and "town" are usually expressed by the same word, k'aghak'. I have used either term depending on the size or importance of the k'aghak' in question. 3. Whenever Matthew uses the word "Roman" or "Romans," he is referring to the Byzantines. This would, of course, be natural, since the Byzantines considered their empire a continuation of the Roman empire and called themselves Romaioi. However, occasionally Matthew does use the term "Greeks" in making reference to the Byzantines.

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4. The title of a high-ranking Byzantine official. The paracoemomenus (literally, "he who sleeps near the emperor") was, in effect, the Grand Chamberlain, usually a eunuch, and one who came to be greatly trusted by the emperor and had much influence at the imperial court, The person referred to here by Matthew is the paracoemomenus Basil, who with the great general, John Tzimisces, captured Samosata from the Muslims in 958. Basil was the son of Romanus Lecapenus, emperor from 920 to 944. 5. Words and phrases added to the text to elucidate it, but which are not part of the original Armenian, are enclosed in brackets. 6. Matthew is not correct when he says that the Byzantines held Samosata and were defeated by the Muslims. On the contrary, as can be ascertained from other contemporary historians, such as Michael the Syrian, Bar Hebraeus, Yahya of Antioch, and Theophanes Continua· teus, it was the Byzantines under John Tzimisces and the para· coemomenus Basil who defeated the Muslims and captured Samosata. Section 3. 1. Romanus II, son ofConstantine PorphyrogenituB, occupied the imperial throne during the years 959-963. 2. Matthew invariably uses the term Okianos (Gr. okeanos-"ocean") to refer to the Mediterranean Sea. 3. At this time (959-960) Egypt was ruled by a dynasty of Turkish origin, the Ikhshidrds (935-959), who had wrested control of the country from the 'Abbasids. 4. Matthew is correct in stating that the Muslims had possessed the coastal regions for 400 years; however, in the case of Crete, the Muslims first occupied the island in approximately 828 and therefore at this time had possessed it for only 120 years. 5. He was the emir of Aleppo. Section 4. 1. Most of the towns and cities mentioned by Matthew can be easily located by consulting the maps at the end of this book. However, there are some geographical names and places in Matthew's work not easily located; these will be noted and explained as the need arises. 2. These cities were not captured by the Muslims, but by the Byzantine general Nicephorus Phocas. However, the Byzantines were forced to abandon them, although later on they recaptured Anazarba. Matthew might be referring to the capture of both Aleppo and Anazarba by the I;Iamdanid Saif-ad-Daulah from the Ikhshidrds of Egypt, albeit in 944 (about eighteen years before this event). Section 5. 1. These would seem to be the troops directly under the marzpan, who during the period of Sassanid rule was the governor of those parts of

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Arme?ia under the rule ?f this Iranian state. The designation remamed through the medIeval period and appears to refer to those troops who were on a permanent and regular basis in contrast to the troops of the Armenian kings and princes who were ~alled forth only in times of crisis and danger, i.e., "the royal regiments." 2. In most cases, when Matthew uses the word "patriarch" in referring to the Armenian clergy, he means "catholicos," the title given to the supreme head of the Armenian church; this title is used also to designate the heads of the Georgian, Caucasian Albanian, and Nestorian churches. 3. The eatholieos Anania 1 (946-968). 4. Here Matthew has confused Gagik I (989-1020) with Ashot III (952977), his father. Ashot, not Gagik, was crowned on this occasion. ABhot had become king of Ani in 952, but was not crowned until this time.

Section 6 1. The Albanians (Arm. Aghuank'), sometimes referred to as the "Caucasian Albanians" and their country as "Albania," were a Christian people living in the Caucasus region, east and northeast of Armenia. They were christianized by the Armenians and dominated by the culture of that people. In time they disappeared from the pages of history. 2. A Caucasian people inhabiting the northwest corner of Georgia, along the Black Sea. In ancient times they were Christians, but later adopted Islam, to which religion some still adhere. 3. Whenever Matthew refers to the "Babylonians," he means those Muslims inhabiting and ruling lower Mesopotamia, that is, present·day Iraq. In this period the Buwayhids (945·1055), a dynasty of Iranian origin, ruled this area in the name of the almost defunct 'Abbasids. 4. Whenever Matthew refers to the "Persians," he means those Muslims inhabiting and ruling the Iranian plateau, that is present day Iran. Therefore the term "Persian" can refer to both Turks and Iranians here. In 'this period the Samanids (874-999), a dynasty of Iranian origin, ruled this area and Transoxiana (present day Soviet Central Asia) quite independently from the 'Abbasids. 5. The two apostles who, according to legend, began the christianization of Armenia and Caucasia in the frrst century A.D.

Section 7

1. Nicephorus II Phoeas, one of the greatest gener~ls of. the Byzantin.e empire, became emperor in 963 and occupied the Impenal throne untIl 969. 2. Matthew is referring to the I;Iamdanids, a dynasty ofArab o~gin which controlled parts of northem Mesopotamia and northem Syna between 929 and 1003.

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Section 8 1. John Tzimisces, a man of Armenian extraction (Arm. Hohannes Ch'mshkik) and one of the greatest Byzantine generals, later to become Byzantine emperor as John I Tzimisces (969-976). 2. Theophano, the widow ofRomanus II, married Nicephorus Phoeas after he was proclaimed emperor. 3. All the chroniclers who relate this event, except Michael the Syrian, say that Tzimisces did not kill Nicephorus with his own hands, rather that he had the help of a few accomplices, one of whom killed the emperor. The Byzantine chroniclers state that the patriarch Polyeuctes refused to crown Tzimisces unless he sent away Theophano and punished Nicephorus's murderers. On the other hand, the Coptic Arab chronicler Yahya of Antioch says that Tzimisces exiled Theophano because he was afraid that she might intrigue against him, while the Syrian chronicler Bar Hebraeus, who has no love for NieephoruB, exonerates the empress, maintaining that she was a pious woman, 4. Handzit' is located in the southern part of the region of Fourth Armenia, known in ancient times as Sophene (Arm. Ch'orrord Hayk', Tsop'kJ. Vasakawan is a small town in this district. In Armenian, the suffix awan refers to an unwalled town, while k'aghak' is used to refer to a walled or fortified town or city.

Section 9 1.. Matthew has his dates confused here. Gagik I, who reigned from 989 to 1020, certainly does not belong to this period, nor do his two sons who later became kings: John 5mbat III (1020·1040) and Ashot IV (1021-1039). Actually sections 9 through 15 describe events which took place later, in the early eleventh century. 2. Senek'erim-John (1003-1021). 3. The Artsrunis, together with the Bagratids, were the two most important dynasties of medieval Armenia. In linking the origins of this dynasty with the kings of ancient Assyria, Matthew is adhering to a very old Armenian tradition, a tradition which has no basis in reality. Armenians of the period tended to give their ruling dynasties ancient origins, perhaps hoping thereby to add to their prestige.

Section 10 1. A district located in the southern part of the province of Vaspurakan. 2. A mountain located in the province of Vaspurakan, west of Lake Van.

3. This monastery, situated on Mount Varag, was one of the most revered of medieval Armenia. Tradition has it that the cross on which Christ was crucified appeared on the mountain. Hence, the name given to the monastery, "Holy Cross," and the beliefthat this monastery contained the true crOSB on which Christ was crucified. The Armenian name of this monastery, literally rendered, is "The Holy Sign of Christ" (Surb

Nshan K'ristosi).

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4, "God" here refers to Christ, who in the Christian context is considered as "God incarnate." 5. This is the Greek term for the Virgin Mary (in Greek literally "the Bearer of God"-Arm. Astuatsatsin). ' 6. The dahekan is a unit of money, either of gold or silver, weighing about 4.5 grams. 7. George I (1014-1027). 8. Ashot and the Georgian prince. 9. One of the chief families of medieval Armenia. 10. The legendary founder of the Armenian nation. 11. The catholicos Peter I (1019-1058). Section 11 1. Abas I (984-1029). 2. Kars in this period was the capital of one of the Armenian kingdoms. 3. Gagik I (989·1020). 4. Gurgen I (982-989). Here again Matthew is confused, for Gurgen's reign comes a number of years before the death of Gagik and the conflict between his two sons, John and Ashot. The king of the Albanians at this time was David Lackland (989·1046/8). Cf. sec. 9, n.1. 5. This name refers to the Bagratid dynasty centered at Ani in the district of Shirak, which in tum is located in the province of Ayrarat. The Bagratids were a very powerful family in the medieval period. They had succeeded in establishing four kingdoms, each ruled by one of the members of their family: Ani, Kars, Lori, and Georgia. The kingdom of Ani was considered the most prestigious of the four, since it was the home of the dynasty and the most powerful. Section 12 . 1. Dvin became important in the period when the Sassanid dynasty of Iran dominated the eastern portion ofArmenia (third to sixth centuries A.D.). The city was made the residence of the Sassanid·appointed governors of Persian Armenia, who were called marzpans. After the Arab occupation of Armenia, Dvin became their administrative center. When the 'Abbasids declined, the city came under the control of independent Muslim emirs. 2. An emir of Kurdish origin who ruled over the cities of Dvin and Gandzak (mod. Kirovabad). Section 14 1. These are the Daylamites of Azerbaijan, a dynast~ of Ira;nian o~gin which came into existence after the breakup of the AbbasId empIre. 2. Due west of Lake Sevan, in the province of Ayrarat. 3. Translated literally, "the seven wolves man." 4, Cf. I Samuel 17.

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Section 15 1. This mountain cannot be exactly located; it is most probably situated in the district of Nig, close to the fortress of Bjni. 2. Cf. Genesis 4:8-16. Section 16 1. Originally this title referred to a high official of the emperor's household. Beginning in the tenth century, the domesticus took over the supreme command of the army when the emperor himself was not present in the field. Basil II (976-1025) established two domestics, one commanding the Byzantine army in the West (the Balkans) and the other commanding the Byzantine army in the East (Anatolia). 2. This general was a former officer in Nicephorus's army. He was made Domesticus of the East by the emperor Tzimisces and probably was of Armenian origin, as is attested by his name (Arm. Mleh). 3. Matthew is incorrect here, for Melitene had been captured earlier by the Byzantine general John Curcuas, in the first half of the tenth century. 4. Tigranakert, known to the ancients as Tigranacerta, was the royal capital of the Armenian king Tigran II (94-54 B.C.); however, it is not the same city as Amida, for its ruins are located west of Amida, on a tributary of the Tigris. 5. The exact location of this place is unknown. 6. The 'Abbiisid al-Muti' (946-974). 7. In this period the Hamdanid emir of Mosul, Abu Taghlib, controlled Amida. It was this emir's army that defeated the Byzantines. The Armenian historian Stephen Asoghik, Yahya of Antioch, and Bar Hebraeus relate this attack on Amida; however, the Byzantine historians, including Leo Diaconus, make no mention of it, though Leo does speak of Tzimisces' second Syrian expedition (this one being his first). Bar Hebraeus gives some interesting details about this campaign, stating among other things that the Byzantine commander was sent to MOBul and was kindly treated there by Abu Taghlib, for this emir did not wish to needlessly antagonize the Byzantines. 8. Tzimisces. 9. The western regions of the Byzantine empire, Le. the Balkans, Greece, Sicily, etc. 10. An attempt has been made here to preserve Matthew's vivid imagery, which is so common to Near Easterners; hence, the literal translation of the phrase, which could be better rendered and understood as "full of rage." Section 17 1. The regions east of the Byzantine empire, Le., eastern Anatolia. 2. Ashot III (952-977). 3. A district in the Bouthern part of the province of Siwnik.

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4. Matthew here is incorrect; the event described in this section occurred in 973, while Gurgen I ruled from 982 to 989. 6. Abas I (984-1029). Matthew's chronology is incorrect here. 6, Another mistake on Matthew's part. The ruler ofVaspurakan at this time was Ashot-Isaac (972-983). 7. A district in the province ofVaspurakan, south of Lake Van. 8. Matthew may be refeITing here to that region east of Armenia which originally was part of the Sassanid empire. If this be the case, then the region would be Persian-Armenia (the region around Lake Urmia) and Azerbaijan (the region due east of Lake Sevan). These areas were under the control of Muslim emirs during this period. 9. A district in the north-central part of the province ofTuruberan. 10. Vardapet is the title given to a celibate priest in the Armenian church who has attained a high degree of education. The title would correspond to the term "doctor," used to designate those in the Latin and Greek churches who were considered sound expounders of Christian doctrine. 11. Located in the province of Turuberan, due west of Lake Van. 12. A fortress in the district of Taron, near Mush. 13. Vahan I, 968-969.

Section 18 1. Literally translated, "Lord John" (Arm. Kiwrzhan). 2. Upper Mesopotamia. 3. Probably the ~amdanid emir of Mosul, Abu Taghlib. Cf. sec. 16, n. 7. 4. A town in the province of Fourth Armenia, located on a tributary of the eastern. Euphrates. 5, A town due west of Khozan, located on one of the tributaries of the eastern. Euphrates. 6. Matthew says that Tzimisces spared Amida because of its woman commander who was from the same area as he. Leo Diaconus, who states that Amida was spared because of the money and gold given the emperor by the inhabitants of that town, provides a more plausible explanation. Section 19 1. This title was used by the Bagratid kings of Armenia and was given to them by the 'Abbasid caliphs. The word is of Persian origin and means . "king of kings." 2. The "eastern lands" referred to here are not those of eastern PerSIa, but rather the newly acquired Byzantine territories of eastern ~atolia, which once were part of the "Persian" (Parthian and Sassanld) lands. Cf. sec. 6, n. 4. H ' 3. A famous bishop of Nisibis, living in the fourth century. e. IS considered one of the greatest saints of the Syrian and Armeman churches.

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4. The term literally means "the commander of the believers" and waS frequently used by the caliphs. The person referred to here is the Fatimid caliph (al-Mu'izz, 953-975). 5. Whenever Matthew speaks of the "Africans," he is referring to the Fatimids of Egypt. The Fatimids originated in Tunisia and in 969 succeeded in taking over Egypt and setting up a rival Shi'ite caliphate in opposition to the Sunnite 'Abba-sids. The dynasty ruled from 969 to 1171. At this time the Fatimids were attempting to gain control of the eastern Mediterranean littoral and Syria. 6. Those Muslim areas ofNorth Africa west of Egypt (i.e. Tunisia, Algeria.. Morocco) are referred to as al-Magrib, literally "the West." Since the Fatimids originated in Tunisia, they were called "Maghrlb Arabs." 7. A town between Homs and Damascus. 8. Leo Diaconus, Yahya of Antioch, and Bar Hebraeus make no mention of that part of Tzimisces' campaign conducted in Palestine, although they corroborate Matthew's account of the emperor's exploits in Syria (both in the interior and on the seacoast). Some historians believe that Matthew's account ofTzimisces' Palestine exploits is exaggerated, while others maintain its authenticity. 9. Baisan is a town south of Lake Tiberias and a little west of the Jordan River. It was the most important of the group of towns in that area collectively called "the Decapolis," literally "the five towns." 10. A town on the southern shore of Lake Tiberias. 11. The coastal region north of Caesarea. 12. A town on the coast north ofBeirut, known in classical times as Byblos. 13. The thematic troops (thematikoi) were drawn from soldiers in the various themes or militarized regions of the Byzantine empire. On the other hand, the garrison troops (taxatoi) were stationed in the cities and fortresses of the empire. 14. Armenian for "stone-faced" (Gr. lithoprosopon). 15. Actually neither side was victorious at Tripoli. Tzimisces was unable to capture the city, although he was strong enough to ravage the surrounding area. Tripoli was the only Fatimid stronghold which successfully resisted the Byzantines. 16. A port south of Latakia. 17. A port south of Jabala (Ar. Balunyas). 18. A fortress due south of Antioch (Ar. Sahyan). 19. Located in the mountains east of Latakia. 20. Matthew is referring here to Baghdad. 21. Probably referring to the 'Abbasid caliph in Baghdad. Of. n. 4 above. 22. More exactly, the Fatimid caliph's general in Syria. 23. Again Matthew exaggerates the situation. Tzimisces' goal (capturing Jerusalem and occupying all of Syria and Palestine) was not achieved; however, because of this campaign and its limited success, a tremendous amount of prestige was gained for the Byzantine empire.

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Section 20 1. Actually only parts of the eastern Mediterranean were in the hands of the Byzantines, while the entire hinterland of Syria and Palestine, except for parts of northern Syria, was still in the hands of the Muslims. 2. Leo Diaconus states that the sandals of Christ and the hair ofJohn the Baptist were obtained from Manbij (a town southwest of Edessa, located on the other side of the Euphrates), while the picture of the Savior was discovered in Beirut.

Section 21 1. The Armenian has anap'ort, a corruption of the Greek, anaphora (report). 2. An honorary title of the Byzantine court, literally meaning "the fIrst sword-bearer [of the emperor]." Originally this title was granted to an individual in the imperial court, but later was bestowed on various officials of the empire. 3. A district in the province of Upper Armenia (Arm. Bardzr HaykS). 4. After "Taron" the text reads "greetings and joy in our Lord," which makes no sense in this context. 5. Located in the district of Taron. 6. The Armenian reads k'arasun hazar sovollm (forty thousand obols), which makes no sense here. The Armenian historian N. Adontz considers it a textual corruption and translates it as "chrysobull" (a decree of the emperor bearing the imperial gold seal).

Section 22 1. 2. 3. 4.

Literally, "All-encompassing Leon," an honorific title. Constantinople. The location of this place is unknown. The text reads "you and I Sat," which makes no sense. The Jerusalem text has "likewise also 5mbat." I have followed the latter reading.

Section 23 1. In theory Basil II (976-1026) and Constantine VII (1025-1028) ruled jointly, but in actuality Basil was the sole ruler. Matthew's account of the coronation of Basil by Tzimisces is not corroborated in the other sources. 2. This account of the last days of the emperor Tzimisces seems to be a figment of Matthew's imagination, for it is not corroborated in either the Greek or Arabic sources, which state that Tzimisces was poisoned by the paracoemomenus Basil.

Section 24 1. Basil II (976·1025).

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Section 25 1. A name of Arabic origin meaning "father of the foreigner" (Ar. Abil-lGharib). Due to Arab influence during the Bagratid period, many Armenian noblemen adopted Arabic names. 2. Derenik-Ashot (93617-953), the king ofVaspurakan. It is quite evident that Matthew's chronology is incorrect. 3. The text reads "the mighty." The Jerusalem text has "the forces," which makes more sense here. 4. A type of red dye made from a small insect. Section 26 1. The Muslim emir of Her. 2. An Arabic word meaning "open place" or "public square." 3. Located in the extreme eastern portion of the province ofVaspurakan, north-northeast of Lake Urmia. Section 27 1. Matthew has the incorrect date here, for Anania I was catholicos from 946 to 968. 2. Vahoo I (968-969). Again Matthew's chronology is incorrect. 3. These two kings reigned in the early part of the twelfth century, not during this period. 4. Located northeast of Ani, near the Akhurian River. Section 28 1. Bardas Scelerus. 2. Matthew seems to harbor a deep disapproval of Scelerus, going so far as to say that he was defeated by the Armenians. Actually this is not true, for other sources indicate that a good deal of Scelerus's support came from both Armenians and Muslims. 3. When Scelerus was defeated, he naturally took refuge with the Muslims who sympathized with him. The Byzantine historian Michael Psellus says that Scelerus fled to the Muslims who, being afraid of hia numerous forces, put the rebel in prison. All the sources corroborate Matthew's account, except for his statement concerningthe role of the Armenians in the revolt. Yahya ofAntioch gives a particularly full and detailed account of the connections between Scelerus and the area around Antioch and north Syria. Section 29 1. This number is incorrect, for Vahan was catholicos for only one year. 2. Stephen III (969-972). Matthew's chronology is incorrect. Section 30 1. Mamlan was the Muslim emir of Azerbaijan. 2. Located in the province of Turuberan, north of Lake Van.

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3. An h~norary title of the Byzantine court, meaning literally "the guardIan of the palace." Originally this title was granted to an individual in the imperial court, but later was bestowed on various high officials of the empire. 4. David of Tayk' ruled a territory extending north and south from the Black Sea to Lake Van, and west and east from the Byzantine empire to Bagratid Armenia. He was considered one of the most powerful rulers of Christian Caucasia, although the Byzantines annexed his lands to the empire in 1000. 6, Cf. Isaiah 36 and 37. Section 32 1. The Armenian historian Stephen Asoghik's account of Mamlan's invasion of Armenia differs from Matthew's. According to Asoghik, there was no confrontation between Mamlan and David's forces; the emir merely ravaged the country and then returned to Azerbaijan. Section 33 1. Matthew here indicates that the two men had a common descent from the Arsacids, one of the early Armenian dynasties. 2. It is interesting that Asoghik does not mention David's death, although he has much praise for the man, while the Armenian historian Aristakes of Lastivert says that the assassination was carried out by the Georgian prince's soldiers, who mixed the poison in the chalice and finally smothered their chief. Section 34 1. Stephen died in 972. 2. The catholicos Khach'ik I (973-992). 3. Actually the letter sent by Theodore to Khach'ik invited the Armenians to join the Byzantine church. The Armenian catholicos declined the invitation and gave the reasons why. Matthew is not correct in saying that the Armenian reply was well received by the Greek metropolitan, for after all it was an out-and-out refusal to unite the two churches; however, it possibly could have gained a begrudging acceptance o~ the part of the Greeks, on the basis that it was a learned and well wrItten reply. Section 35 1. Matthew refers to Bardas Phoeas as Morauard or Mawroy Yard ("Black Rose"). . 2. Matthew is confused here; Phocas was not killed by Basil. After hIS defeat by the emperor in 989, he died under mysterious cir~umstance~. Both PselluB and Yahya ofAntioch state that, after Phoeas s defeat, hlB head was cut off and brought to Basil.

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Section 36 1. Matthew is referring here to Alusianus, the son of John Vladislav and king of the Bulgars (1015·1018). However, it is obvious that the person meant here is the great Bulgarian ruler Samuel (976-1014). Matthew's chronology is incorrect, for this event occulTed in 986.

Section 37 1. Basil's defeat occurred in 986, while his second campaign, which brought him victory over the Bulgars, began in 990. It is interesting to note that none of the Greek sources mention this defeat, while the Arabic source Yahya of Antioch does.

Section 38 1. Not six, but nineteen years. 2. Sargis I (992-1019).

Section 39 1. The Fatimids. Cf. Sec. 19, n. 6. 2. Actually the Fatimids launched two campaigns against the Byzantines and their Aleppine allies at Antioch, one in 992 and the other in 994. Both turned out to be resounding defeats for the Byzantines. Matthew apparently is referring here to the first campaign.

Section 40 1. Probably an emir in the service of the Fatimids. 2. Egypt.

Section 42 1. The king of Vaspurakan, Senek'erim-John (1003-1021).

Matthew's chronology is incorrect. 2. A district in the province of Ayrarat, located near the Hrazdan River.

Section 43 1. Irion was a priest attached to the emperor Justinian's court (sixth century), who tried to introduce a minor cOlTection into the calendar of Andrew of Byzantium. Actually this was the calendar developed by the church of Alexandria. 2. According to prescribed usage, Easter is to be celebrated on the first Sunday after the full moon. Following their own calculations, the Greeks reckoned the full moon to be on Saturday and so celebrated Easter on the following day (Sunday). On the other hand, the Armenians reckoned the full moon to fall on Sunday and so celebrated Easter on the following Sunday (seven days later). In the sixth century the Armenians and Greeks adopted two different methods for computing Easter. The only real difference between the two calendars was that four times every five hundred and thirty two years there was a

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difference of one week in the celebration of Easter, the two dates coinciding on the other years. This happened to be one of those differing years. It is interesting to note that the Armenians abandoned their method of calculating Easter in 1824, adopting that of the Greeks. Yahya of Antioch describes in detail this Easter controversy of 10061007, concluding that both methods of determining the date of Easter were equally defensible.

Section 44 1. Located in the district of Karin in the province of Upper Armenia. This monastery was founded in the tenth century by monks fleeing from persecution by the Greeks, who wished them to adopt the ways of the Byzantine church. 2. One of the most erudite Armenian savants of the time. He wrote a treatise on the calendar, only fragments of which have survived. 3, Matthew's chronology is incorrect here, for Gagik I (989-1020) was the Armenian king in Ani at this time and not John. Section 45 1. More correctly, khoylik, a disease characterized by bulbous sores on the body, with or without pus. Section 46 1. The Balkans. 2. Again, the reference is to King Samuel. Cf. sec. 36, n. 1. 3. Matthew's assertion that Basil poisoned Samuel is not supported by the other sources.

Section 47 1, The text reads "466" which would make it the year 1016-1017. Four variants and the Jerusalem text have "467," the correct date, since the Seljuks first began to penetrate the confines of Armenia in 1018. 2. The Seljuk. Turks. Section 48 1. One of Senek'erim's generals. 2. One ofthe contemporary Armenian historians, Thomas Artaroni, states that, when the Turks first appeared, they were defeated, although the Armenians in the long run were forced to give way. 3. The source of this quote is unknown. The allusion here is to the many Armenians who in the eleventh and twelfth centuries fled south into northern Syria and southwest into Cilicia, in order to escape the Seljuk invasions of their country. 4. Cf. Isaiah 5:28. The Jerusalem text (and Dulaurier's translation) break off here and omit sections 49, 60, 51, and the first part of 52. Cf. sec. 62, n. 3.

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Section 49 1. The text seems to be COlTUpt here. Perhaps Senek'erim gave up some of the monasteries, keeping the rest for his own use. The Armenian historian Thomas Artsruni says that the Armenian king built the Monastery of Varag, endowing it with all types of wealth. Perhaps it was monasteries such as this that the king wished to keep for his own use. 2. According to Artsruni, only fourteen thousand people departed with Senek'erim. Thus most of the Armenian population of Vaspurakan stayed behind. 3. It is more likely that Basil pressured the Armenian king to give up his lands to Byzantium. This was not a difficult thing to do in light of the recent Turkish incursions. Artaruni mentions nothing of Byzantine pressure upon the Armenians to give up their country, but rather states that Senek'erim appealed to Basil to come and take over his kingdom, which the emperor did, implying that Basil was doing the Armenian king a favor. Section 50 1. John-Smbat III (1020-1040). 2. The Byzantine historian George Cedrenus states that at this time John handed over the keys of the city of Ani to Basil. 3. George I (1014-1027). 4. Actually George had broken the peace made with Basil by invading the region of Tayk', considered to be part of the empire. 6. ij.at, Zoyat, and Liparit belonged to a famous medieval Georgian dynasty, the Liparitids. 6. Peter I (1019-1058). 7. Holy oil made of many different types offlowers. Only the head ofthe Armenian church, the catholicoB, can consecrate this oil. The oil is used during ceremonies dealing with blessings and consecrations. 8. A specially blessed cross the catholicos and other high-ranking clergy used in church ceremonies. 9. This is why the catholicos was surnamed Getadardz, literally translated IIRiver-Turner." 10. Actually Peter was sent to Basil by the Armenian king John in order to conclude a peace with the emperor and present him with a document promising the cession of the kings lands to the empire. The Armenian historian Aristakes of Lastivert states that this document marked the end of the Armenian kingdom. 11. Probably a monastery in the Amanus Mountains; there were many monks living in these mountains. Cf. Pt. II, sec. 48, n. 2. 12. A small part of the text seems to be missing after this point. Section 51 1. Matthew is mistaken; the correct date is 1019 for the death of Sargis

N OTES-PART I

2H7

and the installation of Peter. Cf. sec. 38, n. 2, and sec. 50, n. H. Nicephorus was one of Basil's generals. Another one of thc emperol"'~ generals, Xiphias, also rebelled against him. 3. John-Smbat III and Ashot IV. 4, The son of Senek'erim, former king ofVaspurakan. 6. There are two other accounts of the death of Nicephorus. Cedrt~mlM says that he was killed through the treachery of Xiphias, his cohort. while Aristakes states that his head was cut off by Senek'erim nnd taken to Basil. a This is Caesarea Mazaca in Anatolia (mod. Kayseri). 7, Both are small towns in Cappadocia near Caesarea. Their Greek names are Tzamandos and Gabadonia respectively. 8, Located in the district of Samtzkhe in the province of Gugark'. 9, Aristakes, in a very detailed account of this expedition, intercstingly attributes Basil's failure to the emperor's mistreatment of thc Anneniana, referring to the promise exacted from the Armenian king tJohn (Cr. sec. 74). 2,

Sectwn 52 1. Cf, Revelation 20:1 fr. 2. Strictly speaking, an abeghay is one who has forsaken the worldly life. Generally he is a monastic celibate priest of junior or lower rank. 3. The Jerusalem text resumes here, as does Dulaurier's translation. 4. One of the Bons of Noah, traditionally regarded as the ancestor of tlw African peoples. In this case the name is also used to refcr to the Turks.

Section 53 L Matthew's chronology is incorrect here. Basil died in 1025; the yenr referred to here is 1029·1030. 2. Matthew is confused. Actually Basil reigned for forty-nine years (97 (i.

1026).

Section 54 1. Matthew's chronology is incorrect here, for Senek'erim died in 1027. Section 55 1. Bagrat IV (1027-1072). The chronology is incorrect. Section 56 1. Constantine VIII (1025-1028). The chronology is incorrect. 2. The Greek sources say that Constantine neglected the affairs of the empire, preferring to devote most of his time and energy to amusements such as horse racing, the theater, gambling, parties, etc. On the other .hand, the Armenian and Syriac sources have nothing but praise forthlB emperor, referring to him as a pleasant and magnanimous man

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who brought peace to the empire. 3. Romanus III Argyrus (1028-1034).

Section 57 1. Psellus contrasts Romanus to the fighting emperors of the past, stating that the Byzantines were defeated at Aleppo notwithstanding their former greatness. He finds it hard to believe that the Byzantines could have left the field to the Muslims, something which (he says) the emperor also could not accept. 2. Bar Hebraeus and Aristakes both corroborate this statement of Matthew's concerning Romanus's religious attitude. The Syrian condemns him for persecuting the Syrians, while the Armenian, in a very detailed account, relates that the emperor not only persecuted both Syrians and Armenians, but also disdained them. Psellus, interestingly enough, states that Romanus was a very pious and religious man, but got too involved in insoluble religious questions and matters. 3. Bar Hebraeus says that Romanus's advance guard was defeated by one hundred Muslims and then withdrew and told the emperor that a very large Muslim force was advancing against his army. Frightened by this, Romanus fled. 4. The text reads "plain." Five variants have "land", which makes more sense here. One variant also adds the following: "to such an extent that even the emperor himself was separated from his troops, and no one really knew what had happened to him." 5. Located northwest of Aleppo, beyond the fortress of 'Azaz. Section 58 1. Naf?ir was of the Kurdish Marwanid dynasty (983-1096), which controlled some of the cities of upper Mesopotamia in this period. 2. Matthew uses the word rayis (Ar. ra'fs-prefect, chief commander). 3. The Jerusalem text has "Kurdish." 4. Matthew is referring here to the time when Edessa was an independent city under an Arab dynasty during the first century A.D. 5. Commander of the Byzantine frontier theme of Teluch, located north of Antioch. 6. The text reads "cities." The Jerusalem text has "territories," which makes more sense here. 7. A town located on the Tigris, northwest of Mosul. 8. The original Arabic of "Zura" cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. Likewise, the Arabic form of "Kutan," "Ahi," "Ahvar," "Ahlu," and "Vreayn" cannot be identified. 9. Modem Bitlis. 10. A town located on the Tigris, south of Baghdad. At one time it was a major city, serving as the capital of both the Parthian and Sassanid empires.

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11. A port located near the head of the Persian Gulf. 12. The exact location of this town is uncertain. Dulaurier says that it is somewhere in Iraq. Section 59 1. One variant adds: "When the emperor Romanus heard all these things which Maniaces had done, he rejoiced greatly; likewise, all the Christian faithful were filled with joy." 2. Located near Edessa. 3. The original Armenian reads kondoratsk'. The Armenian lexicographer S. Malkhaseants' gives "provision bearers/' yet says the word's meaning is not certain. 4. Located near the Euphrates, further up from Samosata. 5. Probably a village in the general area of Edessa and Ltar. 6. Probably a Muslim commander from the area. 7. A valley near Edessa. 8. Ashot IV (1021-1039) 9. Matthew is referring here to the Seljuk state established by Tughrul (1038-1063) after he captured Baghdad in 1055. This state had its center in what is today Iran. 10. Edessa was taken by the Muslims in the year 1086~1087. Hence Matthew is incorrect in saying that the city fell during the reign of Tughrul. Actually this event occurred during the time of the Seljuk sultan Malik-Shah (1072-1092). Section 61 1. Matthew's chronology is incorrect here, for Romanus died in 1034. 2. Matthew's account of the death of Romanus differs from that given by other source fl. The Greek sources, together with Aristakes, say that the emperor was drowned by his servants in collusion with his wife Zoe and the future emperor Michael. Psellus hints that Zoe might have first poisoned him, although he is not altogether clear about this. On the other hand, the Syrian chroniclers merely state that Romanus suddenly died. 3. Michael IV (1034-1041) 4. Romanus's wife Zoe. Section 63 1. A town near Sewawerak. 2. This brother of Michael was Constantine who, according to Cedrenus, was sent from Antioch with reinforcements to prevent the Muslims from capturing Edessa. He succeeded and was later appointed "Domesticus of the East." 3. Matthews account of the Muslim attack on Edessa is not altogether convincing. It is difficult to understand why the Muslims would return to their country after having heard that the Byzantine army sent

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against them dared not attack. Hence, Cedrenus's account makes much more sense. Bar Hebraeus basically corroborates Cedrenus's account when he says that, when Edessa was attacked by the Muslims, the Greeks gave up the city and fortified themselves in the citadel. The Muslims, unable to capture the citadel, departed after looting the city and taking many captives. However, the Syrian chronicler makes no mention of the Byzantine reinforcements from Antioch that ultimately saved the situation.

Section 64 1. The text reads "patriarch." Four variants have "vardapet," which is the correct form. 2. Cf. Matthew 22:11-14. 3. The reference here is to the First Crusade of 1098. 4. Five variants have "fifty." 5. Matthew most probably is referring here to the attempted revival ofthe Byzantine empire under Alexius I (1081-1118). 6. If one accepts the rather sure premise that Matthew is talking about the ephemeral revival of the empire under the Comneni (1081-1186), then it is quite obvious that the Armenian chronicler is grossly exaggerating this revival. For during this period the empire was unable to do much more than secure the coastal regions of Asia Minor from the Turks. Section 65 1. One variant has "in this same year." 2. Located near the northeastern corner of Lake Van. 3. Both Aristakes and Cedrenus relate this event, though differing from Matthew's account in some details. However, both mention that the town was finally captured by the Byzantine troops, something which Matthew is silent about. Section 66 1. The reason given by Matthew for the departure of the catholicos from his see is a superficial one. Actually Peter had been instrumental in arranging for the future takeover of the Bagratid kingdom of Ani by the Byzantines. This action naturally brought him many enemies in Armenia, and thus he dared not return to his see. So he went to Sebastia and there established himself near Senek'erim, the former king of Vaspurakan. After 1026 the catholicos tried to return to Ani, but was rebuffed. It is at this point that he decided to go to Vaspurakan. Matthew's chronology is incorrect here, for Peter went to Vaspurakan in 1030, not in 1038·1039 as the Armenian chronicler maintains. 2. The full name of this monastery is Dzoravank', and it is located in the district of Tosp (the area around the city of Van), in the province of

NOTES-PART I

3. 4. 5. 6.

301

Vaspurakan. The catholicos Nerses III (641-661). One variant has "seven". A famous Armenian monastery located in the district of Tashir, in the province of Gugark'. Five variants and the Jerusalem text add the following: "When his lordship Joseph heard this, he took the bishops of the country of the Albanians and came to reestablish his lordship Peter in the city of Ani."

Section 67 1. The Armenian historian Kirakos of Gandzak gives an account of this conflict between Peter and the Armenian nobles, although in much less detail than Matthew. His hatred for the anti-patriarch Deokoros (Dioscorus) is equal to Matthew's, if not greater. Section 68 1. A conspicuous loose cluster of stars in the constellation Taurus, consisting of six stars visible to the average eye. Section 70 1. Ashot IV (1021-1039). 2. Gagik II (1042-1046). 3. A guitar with a pear shaped, flat-backed body. Section 71 1. The Kurdish emir of Dvin. 2. The king of Lori (989-104618), located in the district of Tashir in the province of Gugark'. His last name literally means "landless," hence the anglicized appellation, David Lackland. David was a scion of the Bagratids of Ani. 3. The district around Ani, in the province of Ayrarat. 4. Matthew is probably referring here to 5mbat III (1019-?), the king of Siwnik'. a region south of Lake Sevan. This area was ruled by a dynasty (the Siwni dynasty), independent of the Bagratids. Kapan, located not too far from the Araks River, was one of the more important towns of the region. 6. Bagrat IV (1027-1072). Actually Bagrat was the king of both Iberia and Abasgia, making up what is known as the Kingdom of Georgia. Abkhazia was one of the regions of Abasgia and had been an independent state before this period. Abasgia is the western region of Georgia, while Abkhazia is the western portion of that region, bordering on the Black Sea. Section 72 1. A title used to designate the captain or commander of the Byzantine emperor's Varangian bodyguard (Gr. akoluthos).

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Section 73 1. Matthew is referring here to the promise Basil made to Senek'erim and his sons to respect their rights and treat them well, at the time when the emperor was given Vaspurakan. Cf. sees. 49 and 53. Section 74 1. Matthew is confused here. Ashot was the son of Abas, who was the brother of Ashot the Iron, who in tum. was the son of 5mbat. 2. Aristakes maintains that this written statement, given to Basil by John, was kept by that emperor and his successor Constantine VIII. On his deathbed Constantine had misgivings about keeping this document and so he summoned an Armenian priest and gave it to him, asking him to return it to John. However, this priest kept the document and later sold it to the emperor Michael IV. 3. Azat literally means "nobleman." Here it is used as pan of Sargis's name. 4. He was of the Siwni family, at this time an opponent of the Bagratid dynasty. Sargis exploited the dangerous situation the Bagratids were in by supporting the Byzantine claim to the kingdom of Ani. 5. The Armenian reads awan, which is the designation for an unwalled town. 6. The Siwni dynasty, of which Sargis was a member, claimed descent from Hayk, the legendary founder ofthe Armenian people; on the other hand, the Bagratids claimed descent from a noble Jewish family. Section 76 1. The Pahlavids were one of the more important medieval Armenian families; at this time they were staunch supporters of the Bagratids in the struggle of that dynasty against Byzantine encroachments upon their lands. 2. Literally translated, "Flower" (Gate). Section 77 1. Gagik II (1042·1045). 2. For the correct lineage, see sec. 74, n. 1. 3. Gregory Magistros, the nephew of Vabram Pahlawuni. Gregory was regarded as one of the most learned and erudite men of his time. 4. The text confusedly reads Marc'en, which perhaps is another name for the catholicos Peter. 5. Matthew is referring here to St. Gregory the Enlightener, through whose efforts Christianity was established in Armenia during the early part of the fourth century. 6. Cf. I Samuel 16. Section 78 1. Matthew is referring here to the Seljuk Turks.

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Section 79 1. Matthew is making a play on the word Dawit(h) (the Armenian form for "David"), da meaning "he" and vih meaning "abyss"-he (David), the abyss. Section 80 1. Michael IV (1034-1041). 2. Bulgaria - the area of the Balkans inhabited by the Bulgarians. Section 81 1. This emperor was Michael V (1041-1042). He was the nephew of Michael IV, who before his death made his nephew caesar; this was an honorary title of the Byzantine court, which in the case of the emperor'a son (or some other close relative) implied that he would succeed to the royal purple. 2. cr. Proverbs 26:27 and 28:10. 3. Alexis Studite (1025.1043). 4. The Greek sources, perhaps reflecting public sentiment, are unanimous in criticizing Michael and his family for their attempts to secure the imperial throne by resorting to every means possible. PselluB says that the emperor was hypocritical and had an erratic personality, prone to extremes of kindness and cruelty; moreover, he was unable to control his temper. Psellus concludes by saying that the emperor's character had nothing redeeming about it.

Section 82 1. The text reads "Samosata," but it should be "Salmast." 2. Located northeast of Lake Van, in the province ofVaspurakan. Section 83 1. Constantine IX. Monomachus (1042-1055). 2. Matthew is incorrect in saying that Maniaces died before the battle was engaged, for after the battle, in which the rebel was victorious, he accidentally was killed by a stray arrow. 3. Some of the Greek sources give a brief account of the revolt (Attaleiates and Glycas), while others go into more detail (Cedrenus, Zonaras, and Psellus). The latter three state that, after Maniaces' accidental death, his head was cut off and brought to the emperor. Interestingly enough, Bar Hebraeus gives a rather full, although incorrect, account of the revolt; he says that a certain eunuch named Christopher was sent against Maniaces with forty thousand men and defeated and killed the rebel. Of particular interest is the Syrian chronicler's very detailed and bizalTe description of how the captured rebels were treated. Another non-Greek source, Aristakes, in a detailed but inaccurate account of the revolt, states that Monomachus's armies were defeated three times by Maniaces; however, during the last battle the rebel was found dead,

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without even the mark of a weapon on his body. The Armenian historian attributes the strange death of Maniaces to his arrogance in wishing to rule by force and violence, rather than by the power and grace of God.

Section 84 1. Gagik II (1042-1045), Bagratid king of Ani. 2. All the Armenian lands. 3. The text reads "place." Three variants have "city," which makes more sense in this context. 4. These two towns are located in Cappadocia, a region in central Asia Minor whose chief city is Caesarea Mazaca (mod. Kayseri). However, their exact location is not known. Cedrenus gives the names of the themes turned over to Gagik by the emperor as Charsianon and Lycandron (Lycandus). 6. Aristakes gives a slightly different version of Monomachus's treacher. ous coercion of Gagik. He states that the emperor persuaded Gagik to come to him, swearing that he would confIrm the Armenian king on his throne. Gagik's confidant and strongest supporter, Vahran Pahlawun~ tried to dissuade him, but the king, listening to Sargis, went anyway, In the end Monomachus broke his oath to Gagik. Section 85 1. This man's name was Nicholas. 2. Four variants have AwghtJik. The exact location of this place is unknown. It is probably a town in the province of Tayk'. The Armenian Byzantinist, H. Bart'ikyan, maintains that it is the modern city of Olti, located due west of Kars in eastern Turkey. Section 86 1. Cf. Psalms 114:7. 2. Located in the western part of the province of Upper Armenia. 3. Modern Erzinjan. It was the chief town of the district of Ekegheata', 4. The text reads "heaven." Four variants have "earth," which makes more sense here. 5. Cf. Joel 2:1-3. Section 88 1. The Seljuk sultan, Tughrul 1(1038-1063). 2. The original Turkish of these three names cannot be ascertained; they have been left in the Armenian forms found in the text. 3. The areas in Mesopotamia inhabited by the Arabs. 4. Probably one of the tributaries of the upper Tigris. 5. The title of a Byzantine commander of a district or region. 6. Cedrenus says that the catepan Stephen was captured and sold as a slave in Tabriz, a city in northern Iran.

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Section 89 1. A commander of a regiment or corps of troops.

Section 90 1. The Greek sources and Aristakes make no mention of these last two expeditions against Dvin, but only of the first one.

Section 91 1. Originally an honorary title of the Byzantine court. Later this title was granted to many high officials of the empire. 2. Leo Tornices, a magnate of Armenian origin. 3. The chief city of Thrace, now called Edirne. 4. The text reads "rocks." The Jerusalem text has "riches," which makes more sense here. 5. Matthew's account of Tornices' revolt is in substantial agreement with the Greek sources except that the Armenian chronicler makes no mention of John Vatatzes, who also was involved in the rebellion and shared the leadership with Tornices.

Section 92 1. The text reads "at the sixth hour of the day." Five variants have "for the greater part of the day," which makes more sense here. 2. A bishop who is appointed by a diocesan bishop to assist him in the exerciee of his episcopal jurisdiction in a rural district. 3. The Armenian diminutive for "David." 4. The Greek sources give a rather full account of the sack of the town of Arlen by the Seljuks and, in agreement with Matthew, spe~~ of its tremendous wealth and opulence. Aristakes gives a very VlV1d ~nd graphic account of the destruction of the town by the Turks, emploYl~g a style which is intended to elicit from the reader sympathy for hIS suffering people. 5. This man's full name was "Catacalon Cecaumenus" and he was a famous Byzantine general of the period.

Section 93 1. 2. 3. 4.

Khach'ik II (1058·1065).

A Greek weight. One litra equals one pound.

Michael I Cerularius (1043-1058). ., . One variant has "a kentenarion of gold." A kentenano n IS eqUIvalent to one hundred pounds. . ch H 8 6. A high cleric who often succeeded to the patnar atte. d f ;fi7t:d appointed by the emperor with the patriarch's agreemen an u 1 the function of a liaison between the two.

Section 94

. ) 1. The Byzantine governor of Ani and Iberia (Georgia.

306 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

The Byzantine governor ofVaspurakan. Gregory Magistros. Located somewhere in the province of Ayrarat. The text reads "a great flood of blood." Five variants have "a great bloody marsh," which makes more sense here. The Armenian historian, Stephen Orbelian, agrees with Matthew that Liparit was betrayed by his own Georgians, while Aristakes says that it was the Turks who cut the tendons of the Georgian prince's horse. What today is northeastern Iran. Aristakes agrees here with Matthew, while both Cedrenus and Zonaras say that Liparit's release was negotiated by the emperor. There are substantial differences in the accounts of Liparit's engagement with the Turks and its outcome in Orbelian, Aristakes, Cedrenus, and Zonaras, except for the two Greek sources which agree with each other. Both Matthew and Aristakes place the blame for Liparit's defeat on the Byzantines. Aristakes blames Aaron for retreating from the battle and thus abandoning the Georgian prince to the Turks. In contrast to this, both Greek sources state that the Byzantine commanders, Aaron and Cecaumenus, threw back the Turks and then waited for Liparit to join them; however, when they learned that he was captured, they departed. Orbelian, interestingly enough, has nothing but praise for Liparit and gives a very detailed description of the Georgian prince's brave deeds against the Turks. He says that Liparit soundly defeated the Turks, but some of the Georgian nobles plotted against him and killed him. When the Turks heard this, they turned back and slaughtered the Georgians. The Armenian historian adds that, because of this defeat, the Armenians and Georgians fell under the Turkish yoke.

Section 95 1. A nomadic Turkic people, originally settled in southern Russia, the Pechenegs posed a great danger to the Byzantine empire in the eleventh century. 2. A general reference to the Turkic peoples of central Asia. 3. The text reads "Dark-Blond People" (Arm. Kharteshk~. These probably were the Magyars, an Ural-Altaic people who inhabited a portion of southern Russia in this period. 4. A Turkic people distantly related to the Pechenegs. Section 96 1. Probably a fortress in the same area in which Paghin is located.

NOTES AND COMMENTARY

Part II Section 1

Th~ text here inserts ahawor-"horrible," which makes no sense. Four vanants have "Lo" (Aha or), which is inserted at the beginning of the fiollowing sentence. 2. The ~eljuk Turks here are compared to the Elamites (Eghimnats'ik'), who In the Old Testament were known as a very sinful and unruly people. This comparison was very common among medieval historians. 3. The text reads "troops." One variant has "documents," which makes more sense in this context. 4. The Byzantines, Armenians, and Seljuk Turks. 1.

Section 2 1. Matthew is referring here to the Syrian Orthodox (Jacobite) church as opposed to the Byzantine Orthodox church. 2. The BYzantine Orthodox patriarch of Antioch. 3. There were various doctrinal and ritual differences between the two churches. Cf. sec. 30, n. 3. 4. Constantine I (324-337) under whom Christianity became a legalized religion in the Roman e~pire. 5. Cf. Genesis 19. 6. The Armenian historian Vardan Vardapet corroborates Matthew's acc0l;lnt of the earthquake ofAntioch, although differing in a few minor detaIls and giving a much shorter account. Vardan states that, because of the earthquake, ten thousand people died, including the Greek patriarch. He also says that four attempts were made to burn the Syriac Gospels, the fifth attempt succeeding, and compares the whole incident to Christ's crucifixion by the Jews. Section 3 1. The Seljuk sultan whose state was centered in present-day Iran. Cf. Pt. I, sec. 6, n. 4; sec. 59, n. 9; and sec. 88, n. 1. 2. Probably near Mantskert. The name, literally translated, means "Top ofa Rock." 3. Abukab was the tent guard of David ofTayk'. 4. Literally "Golden-Haired," probably the Armenian translation of his Turkish name. 5. A weight ofArabic origin, equivalent to about five hundred pounds CAr. Jidl). Actually, one Jidl is half the load carried by a beast of burden.

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6. Matthew uses the term "Frank" (Arm. P'rang) in referring to a European (one from the Latin West). This term is still used in the Near East in its Arabic form (Franji or Firanji) in referring to a European. In this period there were many Western (European) mercenaries, especially Normans, in the Byzantine army. 7. The siege of Mantskert is related in both the Oriental and Greek sources. Of the Greek sources, Attaleiates gives a short account of the siege, while Cedrenus gives a very full and detailed account which basically agrees with Matthew. The two Oriental sources dealing with the siege, Aristakes and Bar Hebraeus, give short accounts with slightly differing details. The Armenian historian Bays that Tughrul bypassed both Berkri and Archesh and directly went against Mantskert, while the Syrian chronicler states that the sultan, unable to take the town, seized the surrounding countryside.

Section 4 1. Matthew, interestingly enough, says very little here by way of criticizing Monomachus for his role in the takeover of the Armenian states by the empire-a role Matthew had earlier condemned (Pt. I, secs. 84 and 92). Yet the Armenian historian is far from systematically and unequivocally condemning Monomachus, something which his countryman Aristakes spares no pains in doing. Aristakes very graphically describes what he considers to be the emperor's true character. He calls Monomachus a glutton and a drunkard. Furthermore, he says that the emperor squandered all the money, which Basil II had previously accumulated for the defense ofthe empire, on whores, adding that when the whores of Constantinople no longer satisfied him) he began to import them from other areas. The Armenian historian concludes his diatribe against Monomachus by maintaining that this emperor, through his neglectful attitude, left the empire open to enemy attack and thUB was ultimately the chief cause of its demise. In sharp contrast to Aristak~B' condemnation ofMonomachus, the Greek sources have nothing but admiration for this emperor. Psellus praises him as a great general whose tried experience hindered the advance of the Turks and paved the way for ridding the empire of these infidels, Psellus goes on to eulogize the emperor's handsome appearance and concludes by saying that he had a very distinguished and glorious reign. The other Greek sources also praise Monomachus, although in not as effulgent a manner as PseUus. Cedrenus, interestingly enough, praises the emperor for his Bupport of monasteries. 2. Both Zoe and Theodora were daughters of the emperor Constantine VIII (1025~1028). 3. Michael VI (1056-1057), who was the patrieius Michael Stratioticus,Rn elderly and undistinguished soldier.

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Section 5 1. Later the emperor Isaac I Comnenu8 (1057-1059). 2. Actually the body of water between the Mediterranean and Black Seas ' i.e. the Bosphorus, the Sea of Marmora, and the Dardanelles. 3. A town across the Bosphorus from Constantinople (mod. Oskadar). 4. All the Greek sources give accounts ofComnenus's revolt and takeover of the empire, some in more detail than others. Even the Armenian historian Aristakes relates the event, placing special emphasis on the tremendous amount of slaughter on both sides and saying that such extensive killing had never been seen before. 5. A town in the region of the ancient city of Troy. 6. Literally, "The error returns from Gergetha." 7 • Actually the Pechenegs were defeated by Comnenus. The Greek sources say nothing of the incident described here by Matthew. Section 6 1. The text reads "505 [1056-1057]." The Jerusalem text has "507," which is the correct date. 2. Constantine X Ducas (1059-1067). 3. The commander of a them.e. From the seventh century on the Byzantine empire was organized into themes, or milita? regi?ns. " 4. The text reads "the unfaithful." Four variants have the d1sloyal, which makes more sense in this context. Section 7 1. Actually it was thirty-nine years (1019-1058). Section 8 1. The exact location of this town is unknown. . 2. Liparit IV, High Constable of Georgia during the rei~ of~e Geo~a~ king Bagrat IV (1027-1072). This man is the same LiPatt roen~oned on a number of previous occasions by Matthew (SeefPt· 't~8. L'P:t princes 0 the troe, 1 ) One of t he most powerful Georgian 94. . 'al Li aritid-Orbeli family, a was a member of the famous and mfluentl . P'd d t branch of the distinguished.Arm~nia~Man:ll:o:~ou:a:lilieTurkish 3. Both the Armenian and Synan ~lston~nsr~n some details. The two sack of Melitene, although varymg ~hght ~ Bar Hebraeus. prHent a Syrian chroniclers, Michael the Syn~~ h b'tanta and the lAck of very vivid picture of the massacre 0 e m ~ll to capture Melitene the city. They state that th,e Turks ~e:ol~sh~d when the emperor easily because its walls, ~avmg been e had never been restored. tlY Tzimisces captured the CIty, 8ubsequenh . habitanta' wealth was Both writers go on .to rev:lo:~er~~de d:eription of the horrible concealed and then glVe a s g Y ersons was lubjected. On ~he tortures to which one of thes~ we~lthV tak~s deals very briefly WIth other hand, the Arm.enian h1stonan 1S

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the Turkish attack on Melitene. He states that the city was defended by a garrison of Byzantine cavalry, which during the siege made a sortie against the Turks and was defeated. The Byzantines then fled, followed by a number ofthe inhabitants. Those remaining behind were slaughtered, and the Turks stayed for twelve days, pillaging the city and laying waste the surrounding countryside. Aristakes concludes, interestingly enough, by saying that the inhabitants of Melitene deserved the fate that they received.

Section 9 1. T'ornik was a member of the Mamikonid family. 2. Bar Hebraeus seems to give the only other account of this Armenian victory over the Turks, albeit a short one. He says that the victory was greatly aided by the severe winter in progress at the time. Section 10 1. Two variants add "in like manner this omen was meant for Armenia," 2. A measure of Hebrew origin. One k'or is equal to about thirty or forty bushels. Section 11 1. A measure of Roman origin (Lat. modi us). Four mod are equal to one peck. Section 12 1. A town south of Caesarea Mazaca, the modem Develi. 2. Literally, "good living [day]." In the Armenian church barekendan is the day before a period of fasting. 3. The Feast of the Transfiguration, one ofthe more important feasts in the Eastern. Orthodox calendar. Section 14 1. The city where the Fourth Ecumenical Council was held in 451 A.D. The Armenian church rejected the decisions ofthis Council as heretical. cr. sec. 30 and nn. 2. Aristakes gives the place as Tar~ntay. The location of this place is uncertain. Perhaps it is the town of Taranta, located on a tributary of the Euphrates, west of Melitene. 3. Both Aristakes and the Armenian chronicler 5mbat Sparapet relate the emperor's attempt to do away with the Armenian catholicate, the former giving a rather animated and detailed account of the catholicos Khach'ik's successful resistance to Ducas's demands. Aristakes further adds that the Greeks demanded that the Armenian church pay them tribute regularly, something which the catholicos absolutely refused to do.

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Section 15 1. The eighth month of the pagan Armenian calendar. This calendar, like the Julian, was divided into twelve months; however, unlike the Julian, it was not a fixed calendar-that is, the months would fall on different times of the year, depending on the year in question. In this year the month of Areg fell in March. In the medieval period this pagan Armenian calendar was used side by side with the one adopted from Rome at the time of the christianization of Armenia. Around the year 1116 an Armenian cleric, John the Deacon, revised the calendar on a fixed basis. Matthew does not adhere to this revised version of the calendar. 2. Actually a man's title meaning lithe general of Khurasan" (Pers. salar-"general"). 3. The original Turkish of the names cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. 4. Sa'id-ad-Daulah of the Marwanids, a Kurdish dynasty which ruled in Amida at this time. Cf. Pt. I, sec. 58, n. 1.

Section 16 1. Cf. Psalms 44:9-11.

Section 17 1. This is the Greek surname of the Norman mercenary Hervevios (Fr. Herve), who at this time was in the service of the Byzantines. Previously he had distinguished himself in the Sicilian campaign under the great Byzantine general Maniaces. 2. The original Arabic ofthis name cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. 3. The Armenian lexicographer S. Malkhaseants' says this is a type of horse. On the other hand, Dulaurier identifies it with the Turkish word kama-"dagger." 4. Bar Hebraeus gives a very brief account of the Byzantine attack on Aroida, merely mentioning that after a good deal of fighting, the Byzantines gave up the siege of the town and departed.

Section 20 1. Seljuk Bultan (1063-1072). 2. A region of southwest Persia, near the Persian Gulf. 3. A region of eastern Persia, bordering on India.

4. cr. Luke 21:23. 5. Gurgen II-Kvirik:e, Bagratid king of Lori and Albania (1046/8·108119). 6. The Georgian Chronicle gives a very detailed account of the relations between Alp Arslan and Kvirike, as well as some details on the sultan's marriage to the Christian princess. However, the Chronicle states that the princess was KVirike's niece and not his daughter, as Matthew maintains.

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7. Located in the province of Gugark', near the source of the Kura River.

Section 22 1. The Jerusalem text has "Armenian." 2. 5mbat II, Bagratid king of Ani (977-989). 3. A number of sources-Armenian, Syriac, and Greek-give accounts of the fall ofAni to the Seljuks. Aristakes' account basically agrees with that of Matthew, although the former does not seem to be as condemnatory of the Byzantines as the latter. Aristakes says that at first the Turks were unaware of the confusion and disunity within Ani, but when they realized what was going on, redoubled their attacks and finally captured the city, massacring all its inhabitants. The Armenian historian concludes by lamenting the capture of Ani and saying that such is the fate of cities which are built with the blood of aliens and which disregard the poor. The Syrian chronicler Bar Hebraeus in his account of the fall of Ani gives a description of the strength of the city and says that it contained seven hundred thousand houses and one thousand churches. He goes on to relate that, when the Turks despaired of capturing the city, through divine intervention one of its towers collapsed, after which they were able to enter and occupy Ani. The Byzantine historian John Scylitzes gives a different reason for the capture of Ani; he states that the Turks did not capture Ani until its commander, an Armenian named Pagratios (Arm. Bagrat), attacked them, after which their sultan was angered and so took the city. Section 23 1. Gagik-Ahas II, Bagratid king of Kars (1029-1064). 2. Matthew is confused here. Gagik was the son of Abas I, king of Kars (984-1029), who was a first cousin of 5mbat II, king of Ani (977-989). 3. The Greek name of this town is Zamanti (Tzamandos). The Armenian historian Vardan Vardapet says that three other towns were also given to Gagik by the Byzantines: Larissa, Amasia, and Comana. Amasia is located northwest of Sebastia, Larissa in the vicinity of Sebastia, while Comana and Zamanti are southeast of Caesarea Mazaca. 4. cr. Psalms 44:12 ff. Section 25 1. The text reads "good." Six variants have "painful," which makes more sense here. Section 26 1. Gregory II (1066-1105). 2. Gregory was known for his translations from Greek and Syriac. Thus he was surnamed Vkayaser-"a friend of martyrs"-for he translated, or had translated, a goodly portion of the Greek and Syrian martyrologies.

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Sfction 27 . J. Not the town southeast of Amida, but the town of Nifllbin ar-Rum on the Euphrates, west of Sewawerak. . . 2. Located in the vicinity of Edessa. 3. AByzantine honorary title, originally equivalent to uestitor, the tItle ~f the official in charge of the imperial wardrobe. The name of the vestts refen-ed to here is not known for certain. 4. His full name was Nicetas Pegonites. 5. A title of Latin origin, used in the Byzantine army in referring to a lieutenant or one second in command. 6. Probably in the vicinity of Edessa. 1. Probably one of the Catalan mercenaries in the service of the empire.

Section 28 1. A town on one of the tributaries of the Euphrates, north-northeast of Edessa. 2. Located north-northeast of Edessa. 3. A village between Edessa and Harran.

Section 29 1. A village in the vicinity of Edessa. Section 30 1. The text reads "year." Six variants have "period," which makes more sense here. 2. The patriarch of Constantinople, John VIII Xiphilin (1064~1075). 3. Christianity first entered Armenia in the first century A.D., but it was not until the early fourth century that it began to take root in the land. In this period the Armenian church began to maintain close contact with the other churches of the Roman empire, adhering to the church councils of Nicaea (325), Constantinople (381), and Ephesus (431). However, in the middle of the fIfth century the Armenian church, together with the Syrian and Egyptian churches, developed some disagreements with the Roman (Western) and Byzantine churches. The special focal point of these disagreements was the nature of Christ. The council of Chalcedon (451) had maintained that Christ had two natures, divine and human. The Roman and Byzantine churches adhered to this formula. However, the Oriental churches (Armenian, Syrian, and Egyptian) rejected the formula, maintaining that Christ had one nature, both divine and human, united and yet unconfused. Thus they refused to accept the decisions of Chalcedon. From this period on attempts were made by the Byzantines to gain the adherence of these Oriental Christians to Chalcedon and to the Byzantine church. It turned out that, in their opposition to Chalcedon, the Oriental churches were just as strongly motivated by cultural reasons as they were by religious reasons. They tenaciously held to their ethnic

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4.

5. 6.

7.

cultures and religious differences, some of which were quite insignifi. cant. On the other hand, the Byzantines, motivated by the desire to bring religious and cultural unity to the empire, continuously worked to bring the Oriental churches under the control of the Byzantine church, a goal which they never succeeded in accomplishing. Michael the Syrian gives a rather lengthy account of Ducas's attempts at pressuring both the Armenians and the Syrians to adhere to Chalcedon and, with it, the Byzantine church. The Syrian chronicler relates how his countrymen were ordered to adopt the ''heresy'' of the "Greek" church and then persecuted when they refused. He compares this persecution to that of the early Christians by the pagan Romans and goes on to say that in the past the Turks pillaged these Syrian Christians, but now the Syrians were being persecuted by the "Chalce· donians," something which in his eyes was both incomprehensible and unjustified. The chronicler tells how the Syrian metropolitan of Melitene, Mar Ignatius, was forcibly taken to Constantinople and compelled to defend the faith of his church, a feat which he very ably performed. However, when he refused to yield to the Byzantine demands, he was exiled to Macedonia. Gagik II, former king of Ani (1042-1045). Gagik was married to the daughter of David, the eldest brother of Atom and Abusahl. A village in Cappadocia (Gr. Kalon Pezat). Cf. Pt. I sec. 84 and n, 4.

Section 31 1. Cf. Matthew 5:37. 2. At this point the text has become so corrupt that it is impossible to draw any meaning from it. Here follows that section of the original text which is untranslatable: areal i vets' t'ewits'n ew t'ewots'n bats'anen zoch' skzbmamb ew zoch' kataradz ts'uts'anen ch'oriwk'n dzadzkut'eann ew hays emk' hastateal ew bawakanats'eal. Bart'ikyan, in his translation into Modern Armenian, has freely translated this fragment as "... surrounded by six-winged [seraphim], who without beginning or end fly round about [God with two] wings, while covering their faces [and feet] with four [wings]. Behold, this is what we believe and accept." Section 32 1. Cf. Psalms 33:6. Section 33 1. Cf. John 1:19. 2. St. John Chrysostom, one of the important theologians of the Eastern church (c. 347·407). 3. Cf. Genesis 18:1-9, where three angels appear to Abraham under the guise of three men.

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4. The text reads "third." The Jerusalem text has "second," which is correct.

Section 34 1. Five variants and the Jerusalem text add the following: "The evil Sabellius said that the three persons are one and are differentiated only in name; because of this we anathematize him with the rest and indeed let him be anathema." ' Section 35 1. Perhaps the patriarch of Constantinople, Sergius I (610-638), the great exponent of Monothelitism. 2. The text reads "who has the name of his father." Five variants have "who has an Armenian name," which makes more sense in this context. 3. Patriarch of Antioch (470-485/489). 4. Patriarch of Alexandria (441-451). Section 36 1. The text reads ".... concerning the union of God with man, separate from one another, which is not found in Holy Scripture." The translation given here is based on five variants and the Jerusalem text, which make more sense here. 2. A Greek Church Father (c. 213-c. 270). 3. Referring to the Church Fathers, (Gr. Thaumaturgos-Wonder Worker). 4. One of the Cappadocian Fathers (c. 330-c. 395). 6. St. Basil the Great, one of the Cappadocian Fathers (c.330-379). 6. One of the great Neoplatonist philosophers of the third century. Section 37 1. The text reads "that which is ahistorical." One variant has "that which is not worthy of honor," which makes more sense here. 2. The text reads "from the earth." Two variants and the Jerusalem text have "from heaven," which makes more sense here. Section 38 1. Cf. Luke 9:26. 2. Gregory Nazianzus (329-389), one of the Cappadocian Fathers. Section 39 1. The text leaves this word out; six variants include it. Section 40 1. cr. Luke 3:23. . 1 to th 2. cr. Leviticus 23:34-36. 3. A month of the Jewish calendar, corresponding apprOXlUlRte y e

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time between the months of September and October. 4. The text reads "month." Five variants have "day," which makes more sense here. 5. Cf. Luke 1:21-24. 6. The Jerusalem text- has "on the 10th." 7. That is, the Julian calendar. Section 41 1. This is the fast of five days preceding Lent (Arm. Arajawork'-"those [fast days] which precede [Lent]"). It is also known as "Fast of the Catechumens". 2. Cf. Jonah 3:5. 3. Cyril I (350/1-386). 4. The concubine of Abraham from whom he had a son called Ishmael, considered to be the ancestor of the Arabs. Cf. Genesis 16. 5. Located in the southwestern portion of the province of Ayrarat. 6. Probably the emperor Theodosius II (408-450). Section 43 1. The title used in the Eastern Orthodox church for the bishop of an important see. Section 45 1. Also known as Arkni or Arghana. Section 46 1. Located in Cappadocia. Section 48 1. Probably an emir in the service of the sultan Alp Arslan. 2. The Amanus Mountains, located due north of Antioch. Many Syrian, Greek,and Armenian monasteries were located on the slopes of these mountains. 3. Cf. Psalms 78:63 ff. Section 49 1. The sultan's chamberlain. This office originated at the time of the 'Abbasid caliphate. Originally the 1],tJjib's duty consisted ofintroducing accredited envoys and dignitaries into the caliphal presence, a function which naturally brought with it a tremendous amount ofinfluence with the caliph, or in this case, with the sultan. 2. Bar Hebraeus gives a short accoWlt ofGiimushtigin's attack on Edessa, saying that the dux of the city went out to battle against the emir, but was defeated and taken prisoner and later ransomed for twenty thousand dinars.

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Section 51 1. Matthew's chronology is incorrect here, for the following events occurred in late 1067 and early 1068. 2. Romanus was a member of the military aristocracy of Cappadocia. 3. Psellus, Scylitzes, Zonaras, and Glycas all give accounts of the empress's plan to make Romanus emperor. Psellus gives a very detailed description of Eudocia's plans and also of her consultations with him; he respects her judgement, although he has very little liking for Romanus. Scylitzes emphasizes the point that Romanus became emperor only after Eudocia realized the dangerous position the empire was in due to the ravages of the Turks; it was because of this that she became aware of the need for a strong military man as emperor. Section 52 1. The prophet Elijah. Cf. I Kings 17-19. 2. Cf. Matthew 3. 3. One ofthe early founders oferemitical monasticism, who lived in Egypt (c. 261-366 AD.). 4. Actually George became Gregory's coadjutor (1067). He was removed from this position in 1072. 6. The Amanus Mountains. 6. Two Armenian historians, Vardan Vardapet and Kirakos ofGandzak, relate the events connected with Gregory's temporary retirement from the patriarchal see, although differing with Matthew and with one another on a few details. Vardan says that the catholicos went to Constantinople to do translation work. After this, while on route to Jerusalem, he was diverted from his goal and instead went to Egypt, where he was greatly honored by its ruler and established an Armenian monastery there. Kirakos gives a rather full account of Gregory's peregrinations, stating that he traveled as far as Rome in order to venerate the bones of Peter and Paul. He says that, while the catholicos was returning to Constantinople, the ship he was on was blown off course and finally landed in Egypt. Here Gregory performed a miracle, and the ruler of Egypt was so impressed by this that he installed the catholicos on the See of St. Mark in Alexandria, making him patriarch of all the Christians in Egypt. Section 53 1. Romanus IV Diogenes (1068.1071). 2. Probably Normans. Cf. sec. 3, n. 5. 3. Both the Syriac and Greek sources deal with the capture of Manjib by the emperor, giving slightly varying accounts of the event. The Syriac sources markedly differ from Matthew in that they maintain that the Muslim town was taken after a violent assault and the inhabitants were slaughtered. On the other hand, the Greek sources more closely concur with Matthew's account. Scylitzes says that soon after Manjib

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was besieged, it capitulated and a Syrian named Petros Libellisios was appointed under Byzantine aegis as commander of the town, while the Muslim garrison was allowed to leave unharmed. Attaleiates gives a rather lengthy account of the taking of Manjib by the emperor, as well as a very vivid description of the siege of the town. The Byzantine historian maintains that the inhabitants finally capitulated and put their wives, children, and possessions at the mercy of the emperor, who magnanimously granted them their lives. Section 54 1. The original Turkish of this name cannot be ascertained and 80 has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. The Byzantine historian Nicephorus Bryennius calls Ktrich' Chrysoskoulos. The French historian C. Cahen maintains that Ktrich' is calledArisiaghi or Arisighi in the Arabic sources. 2. The Jerusalem text breaks off at this point, as does Dulaurier's translation. 3. This curopalates was Manuel Comnenus, the nephew of the former emperor, Isaac Comnenus (1057-1059). 4. Bryennius basically corroborates Matthews account ofKtrich's dealings with the Byzantines, although he does fill in some gaps in the Armenian historian's narration by stating that, when Manuel was defeated and taken prisoner by Ktrich', the curopalates promised to get aid from the emperor for the Turk's rebellion against Alp Arslan.

Section 55 1. The following six lines, beginning with "for an omen ..." and ending with "... the wicked Turkish forces," comprise the only portion of this section appearing in the Jerusalem text and Dulaurier's translation. 2. Cf. Luke 21:25. 3. Cf. Romans 3:23. 4. Cf. Romans 3:10. 5. The Muslims, more properly the Arabs, were regarded as descendants of the Ishmaelites. Cf. sec. 41, n. 4.

Section 56 1. The Jerusalem text resumes here, as does Dularier's translation. 2. The tenth month of the pagan Armenian calendar, beginning on the eighth day of May. 3. Matthew appears to be referring to the Bulgar king who ruled from 1015 to 1018. Cf. Pt. I, sec. 36, n. 1. 4. The Syrian chronicler Bar Hebraeus gives a rather interesting account of Alp Arslan's siege of Edessa. He says that the Turks besieged the city for many days and, being unable to take it, cut down its surrounding groves of trees and laid waste its gardens. Finally the townspeople offered the sultan a Bum of fifty thousand dinars ifhe would leave. He

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agreed to their terms, and was then asked to first burn his war machines as guarantee that he would not go back on his word. Alp Arslan agreed to this also but, when he burned his war machines, the townspeople refused to give him the stipulated money, and so he was forced to depart. The Syrian chronicler makes a point of saying that after this incident the inhabitants ofEdessa had nothing but contempt for the sultan.

Section 57 1. Probably the Aegean islands, Crete, and Cyprus. 2. A region of northwestern Asia Minor. 3. The Roman emperor, Julian the Apostate (361-363), who renounced his Christian faith and eventually was killed in a battle against the Sassanid Iranians. 4. The Greek sources refer to him as Trachoniotes or Tarchani{jtes. 5. The Arabic name of the place is az-Zahra. 6. The text reads "and also countless others." The Jerusalem tert has "and many captives were taken," which seems to make more sense in this context. 7. Michael VII Ducas (1071-1078). 8. His name was Andronicus. 9. Andronicus was the son of Constantine X Ducas and the brother of Michael. 10. Caesar John Ducas, brother ofthe emperor Constantine X Ducas. 11. The various Armenian, Syriac, and Greek sources give rather lengthy and detailed accounts of the battle of Mantskert and its aftermath. There is a remarkable degree of concurrence among these sources, even when the non-contemporary Arabic sources of the" battle are included. Among the Armenian sources Aristakes and Srobat are the most important, although 5mbat's account is an almost word by word repetition of what Matthew says, Aristakes praises Romanus, stating that the emperor's motives for undertaking the campaign were twofold: first. to check the Turks who he realized were a great danger to the empire (a fact which many of his contemporaries were not fully aware of) and second, to maintain his reputation as a military man. However, the Armenian historian does reserve some criticism for the emperor when he says that Romanus became puffed up once he assembled his tremendous army (it was for this reason that he rejected Alp Arslan's overtures of peace); Aristakes further adds that Romanus made the fatal mistake of dividing up his army. Continuing his narrative, he makes a point of saying that the emperor and the Armenian contingents ofhis army fought well, in spite of the fact that God was not with the Byzantines. After giving some details on the aftermath of Mantskert, the Armenian historian concludes by saying that the battle marked the beginning of the decline of the empire. Turning to the Syriac sources, we find a different emphasis. Both Michael the Syrian

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and Bar Hebraeus give a very detailed accoWlt of Romanus's capture by the Turks, albeit differing with one other a great deal. Michael says that the emperor was captured by a nephew of Alp Aralan, while Bar Hebraeua maintains that he waa captured by· a slave of one of the sultan's eunuchs. One or two more interesting points about these Syrian chroniclers. Michael makes a special point of emphasizing the heretical position ofthe Greeks, implying that the Armenian contingent fled from the battle, thus giving the victory to the Turks, because the Greeks continually pressured them to adopt their heresy. Bar Hebraeus, interestingly enough, evinces a good deal of sympathy for Alp Arslan, above and beyond the words of praise expressed on behalf of the sultan by the other Oriental historians and chroniclers. The Greek sources on the battle are quite numerous and full, Bryennius being the most informative and Attaleiates the most detailed. Bryennius, who was one of Romanus's generals at Mantskert, gives a great deal of detail on the plots against the emperor and the incidents leading up to his capture by the Turks. Attaleiates, in referring to Romanus's defeat, states that Michael Ducas (eldest son of the empress Eudocia and later the emperor Michael VII) spread the rumor that the emperor was dead, and thus blames him for the Byzantine debacle at Mantskert. Both Scylitzes and Glycas give a lengthy account of the meeting between Romanus and Alp Arslan after the capture of the former, including a rather interesting dialogue between the two; the sultan asks the emperor what he would have done if he had captured him (the sultan), and when Romanus replies that he would have killed him, Alp Arslan retorts that his intention was and still is to spare the emperor. Interestingly enough, both Michael the Syrian and Bar Hebraeus give similar accounts of this dialogue. The one Greek source which is extremely critical of Romanus is Psellus. He gives the emperor no credit whatsoever for his military exploits, stating that Romanus was merely content on undertaking campaigns against the Muslims without really achieving any constructive results for the benefit of the empire. He goes on to say that the emperor was aware of his (Psellus's) extensive knowledge of military matters and hence jealousy hindered him from advancing his career. Moreover, Psellus goes so far as to say that Romanus's ignorance of strategy and tactics at Mantskert caused him to lose the battle. The Byzantine man of letters concludes by maintaining that the emperor was incompetent and hence not fit to rule, while at the same time praising Michael Ducae (who succeeded Romanus on the imperial throne). Section 58 1. Located in what is now Soviet Central Asia, flowing into the Aral Sea. The river's modern name is Amu Darya. 2. A city in Soviet Central Asia, southeast of the Aral Sea. 3. Seljuk sultan (1072-1092).

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Section 59 1. A cowl-like piece of cloth fitting over the head. It is the sign of a celibate clergyman-bishop or priest. 2. A village near Kesoun. Section 60 1. A former general of the emperor Romanus Diogenes. In this period Philaretus had succeeded in gaining control of Cilicia, as well as the territories surrounding the cities of Antioch, Edessa, and Melitene. Ostensibly he ruled these areas in the name of the emperor, but in effect was quite independent of the empire. 2, Located southeast of Melitene. 3, One variant has: "I do not wish to see the face of him who summons me to submit to him." 4, A district in the eastern part of the province of Fourth Armenia. 5, Located north-northwest of Amida, on the Euphrates. 6, The original French of this name cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. Perhaps the original French is Raimbaud or Rimbaud. Dulaurier uses Raimbaud in his translation. Bart'ikyan suggests that the name might refer to Roussel de Bailleul, the Norman mercenary in the pay of the Byzantines. Section 61 1. The original Arabic ofthis name cannot be ascertained and so has been left. in the Armenian form found in the text. Perhaps the original Arabic is JAmr Bahr. 2, The monastery of St. John the Baptist in Taron. Section 62 1. The catholicos Peter I (1019-1058). 2. Actually Gregory did not give up the catholicate. Sargis occupied the see as co-catholicos in Roni for two years (1076-1077), after which he died. 3, Probably located around the upper reaches of the Pyramus River (Ar. Jai!uin), near Marash. 4. Barsegh I (1105-1113). Section 63 1. The Fatimid caliph al-Mustan~ir (1036-1094). 2, Gregory III (1113-1166). Actually Gregory II willed that his nephew Gregory succeed Barsegh as catholicos. Section 64 1. Actually it was seven years (1071-1078). 2. Six variants have "went into a monastery to become a monk." The text

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reads "and went into a monastery." 3. The majority ofthe sources dealing with Michael's reign are unanimous in their criticism of this emperor's administrative abilities. Glycas, Scylitzes, and Attaleiates all maintain that he was a poor and feeble administrator. Michael the Syrian gives as a reason for this shortcoming the emperor's tendency to remain isolated in his palace and listen to "lax" and "effeminate" advisors, while Bar Hebraeus says that the emperor's administrative laxity was due to a kidney disease. PselluB stands alone in showering praise upon Michael, lauding both his character and his administrative abilities. Psellus maintains that the emperor managed the finances of the empire assiduously, that he was a studious and scholarly person, and that he led a rather simple, ascetic life (which Matthew also maintains). Psellus concludes by saying that the empire was in very bad shape, but Michael was equal to the task of reviving it, a task which others were afraid to undertake.

Section 65 1. In fact, Botaneiates began his reign in 1078. 2. Nicephorus III Botaneiates (1078-1081). 3. Actually she was the sister of the Georgian king. She was known as Mary ofAlania. Alania (Ossetia) is a region in the north Caucasus and should not be confused with Albania (northwestern Azerbaijan). 4. George II (1072-1089). Section 66 1. The text reads "blacksmiths." Two variants have "spearmen." 2. The text reads "all the perfidious Romans together with the black· smiths." One variant has "all the perfidious and apostate Romans," which makes more sense here. Section 67 1. A Greek title meaning "overseer". The name of the epeiktes referred to here is not known. 2. Located south of Aleppo. Section 68 1. In fact Botaneiates occupied the imperial throne for three yearB. Section 69 1. Melissenus was not in fact installed as emperor. Actually he was merely a usurper. In reality Alexius succeeded Botaneiates on the imperial throne in 1081. Section 70 1. In this period there were a number of co-catholicoi and anti-patriarchs, two of which were Sargis and Theodore.

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Section 72 1. Alexius I Comnenus (1081-1118). Section 73 1. The Oriental Christians, in particular the Armenians and Syrians. 2. Cf. Exodus 14:21-31. 3. Cf. Exodus 16:13. 4. Cf. Matthew 3:10,7:19 and Luke 3:9. Section 74 1. Matthew's genealogy of Gagik is not wholly correct. See Pt. I, sec. 74, n.1. 2. The Byzantine governor of Tarsus. 3. Four variants and the Jerusalem text have Arzhias. 4. Three variants and the Jerusalem text have Kizistra. Kizistra is located southwest of Caesarea Mazaca. 5. This is the Armenian form of the Greek Pantaleon. 6. St. Nerses 1(353-373). 7. Both Vardan and Kirakos give accounts of Gagik's death, although differing in details from one another and from Matthew. Vardan says that Ablgharib put the youngest son of Gagik in prison. Gagik went to free him, but on route was choked by some Greeks. After this incident Ablgharib poisoned Gagik's Bon. According to Kirakos, the Armenian . king had gone on a hunt and was resting with only a boy attending him. He fell asleep, and Boon some Greeks found him and took him to their fortress. When Gagik awoke, surprised, he asked where he was. The Greeks, in turn, asked him where the metropolitan Mark was. After this they took the Armenian king and threw him down from the ramparts of the fortress. Section 75 1. Gurgen II-Kvirike (1046/8-1081/9). 2. Located due east of the city of Lori. 3. Actually Barsegh was made coadjutor at this time and became full catholicos only in 1105, when Gregory II (1066-1105) died. 4. One of the twelve apostles; according to tradition he began the chrlstianization of Armenian and Albania in the first century AD. 5. Two variants add: "where, since past times, a catholicos had not occupied the see of St. Gregory." Section 76 1. The exact location of this place is unknown. 2. The original Arabic ofthis name cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. 3. This emir was of the 'Uqailid dynasty, an Arab dynasty centered at Mosul (990-1096).

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Section 77 1. Literally, "the belted-one." 2. One variant has Arjk' t'uynk' (literally, "poisonous bears"). 3. Bar Hebraeus very briefly mentions the taking ofEdessa by Philaretus, but states that the city was captured from the Turks. Section 78 1. Seljuk sultan of Rum (1077-1086), considered the founder of the state. 2. A word of uncertain origin. Dulaurier believes it refers to the Antiochenes. 3. Bar Hebraeus, the Arabic historian Ibn-al-Athir, and the Byzantine lady of letters Anna Comnena give accounts of Sulaiman's capture of Antioch, although differing in their details. Bar Hebraeus puts emphasis on Philaretus's unjust treatment of the Antiochenes as an important factor in Sulaiman's takeover of the city, while Ibn-al-Athir attributes Antioch's fall to the departure of its Greek commander to Asia Minor, which in turn prompted the inhabitants to call in Sulai· man. On the other hand, Anna says that Philaretus decided to go over to the Turks and become a Muslim in order to maintain his hold on Antioch; his son, after a futile attempt to dissuade his father from such a course, went to Sulaiman and invited him to take the city. Section 79 1. In the Eastern church, the Sunday immediately preceding the beginning of Great Lent (Monday). Cf. sec. 12, n. 2. 2. A type of small fish (from Gr. tarixos-meat or fish preserved by salting, pickling, or smoking). 3. Literally "ofthe black·foot." Section 80 1. A monastery due east of the city of Lori. Section 81 1. According to Dulaurier, this town is located northeast of Aleppo. 2. Bar Hebraeus very briefly mentions Sharaf-ad-Daulah's defeat and death at the hands of Sulaiman, while Ibn-al-Athir gives a rather detailed account of the whole episode. The Arab historian says that Sharaf asked Sulaiman to give him tribute for the city of Antioch, as the Greeks before him had done. Sulaiman refused on the basis that his sovereign was the Seljuk sultan Malik-Shah and that he was not an infidel. Then, when this emir of Antioch invaded and pillaged Sharafs territories, the latter marched against him. In the ensuing battle Sharaf was deserted by his troops and killed while trying to save himself. Ibn-al-Athir ends by praising Sharaf as a just and benevolent ruler.

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Section 82 1. Four. variant~ and the Jerusalem text have Poltachi. The original Turkish of thls name cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. Section 83 1. Th~ text reads "according to the will of God or individual merit." Four vanants and the Jerusalem text have "according to the will of God or individual merit or even free elections." 2. Sahak I, Armenian catholicos (378-439). 3. Mod. Derbent, a city in the Dagestan Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, located in the eastern Caucasus region, on the Caspian Sea. 4. A people of Iranian origin, today inhabiting the central Caucasus region on either side of the Caucasus Mountains. Section 84 1. Brother of the Seljuk sultan Malik-Shah. 2. Bar Hebraeus, Ibn-al-Athir, and Anna Comnena give accounts of the defeat and death of Sulaiman at the hands of Tutush. Bar Hebraeus refers to Tutush as ~rtak Bdg (Artuk Beg). Ibn-al-Athir says that when Sulaiman was besieging Aleppo, the townspeople told him they would give him the city when he settled his account with Tutush. However, in the end Tutush defeated and killed Sulaiman and then took Aleppo for himself. Anna Comnena gives a different version of this episode. She says that, when Tutush saw Sulaiman's arrogance and that emir's takeover of Antioch, he marched against him. Sulaiman's troops were defeated and the emir fled. When Tutush's troops caught up with him, they asked that he return with them. Sulaiman refused and then killed himself. 3. The Fatimid caliph al·Mustan~ir (1036-1094). 4. The term literally means "Commander of the Armies," the title for the chief minister of the Fatimid caliphs. The chief minister at this time was Badr al.Jamall (1074-1094).

Section 85 1. Which Theodore Matthew is referring to here cannot be ascertained. 2. Bar HebraeuB, Michael the Syrian, and Vardan basically corrobor~te Matthew's account, all three either directly or indirectly bemoanmg Philaretus's action in becoming a Muslim. Bar Hebraeus goes so far as to say that Philaretus was never more than a nominal Christian. Section 86 . . h 1. The port of Antioch, located where the Orontes RIver flows mto t e Mediterranean (Ar. as-Suwaidiyah). 2. Caspian Sea.

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Section 88 1. Vardan, like Matthew, maintains that Buzan captured Edessa, while Ibn-al-AthIr says that Malik-Shah took the city and then gave it as a fief to Buzan. Bar Hebraeus also maintains that it was Malik-Shah rather than Buzan who took Edessa, although the sultan later gave the city to his lieutenant. 2. The first month of the pagan Armenian calendar. 3. Pers. salar-"general." 4. Four variants and the Jerusalem text have Khsulukh. The original Turkish of this name cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. Section 89 1. The text reads "the sultan," but most probably Buzan is the person referred to here. See below. Section 90 1. Alexius I Comnenus (1081-1118). 2. Matthew uses the term Hromayets'ik' Giterally, "Romans") here to refer to the Latins of the West, also referred to as "the Westerners." 3. Both Vardan and Anna Comnena give accounts of the Pecheneg invasion of the empire. Vardan, in his account, gives the exact same details as Matthew, although in a more condensed form. Also this Armenian historian, like his Edessene counterpart, talks of only one Pecheneg attack. On the other hand, Anna gives a very detailed account of the Pecheneg campaigns against the empire between the years 1087 and 1091, although making no mention of the specific attack against Constantinople ofsix hundred thousand Pecheneg troops together with their chariots, which both Matthew and Vardan recount, Section 91 1. Vardan fully corroborates Matthew's account of the beliefs and actions of this heretical Byzantine monk. Anna Comnena also speaks of a heretic that was in Constantinople at this time, although differing in details from both Matthew and Vardan. In fact the differences in detail are so great that we cannot be sure that the Byzantine writer is speaking of the same heretic which the two Armenian historians mention. Anna relates that a certain Nilos came to Constantinople. This man rejected Hellenic culture and reason and was able to win over a goodly number of eminent and distinguished people in the imperial city, including many Armenians. He maintained that the humanity of Christ was ultimately deified-in other words, that Christ in the end became full God rather than remaining the God-man. Nilos was finally condemned at a synod together with one ofhis supporters, a man called Blachernites. From the descriptions given by Matthew, Vardan, and Anna Comnena, it is probable that this heresy is Bogomilism, a belief

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that God is the father of two sons, the rebellious Satan and the obedient Jesus.

Section 92 1, Co-emperor of the Roman empire (364-378). 2. A former bishop of Maiyafariqin (ane. Martyropolis). 3. Yazdgard II, Sassanid ruler (438-457). 4. One variant has Hohan. 5. Nanan and the Chaldean king cannot be identified. Bart'ikyan translates "Chaldean" as "Jewish." Perhaps the reference is to Jonah's mission to the people of Nineveh and their ruler (cf. Jonah 1-3). Section 95 1. That is, the inhabitants ofEdessa. Abgar was purported to have been the ruler of Edessa at the time of Christ. Section 96 1. Anna Comnena speaks of Buzan's attempt to take Nicaea from another Seljuk commander, but makes no mention of his decision to capture Constantinople. Section 97 1. Both Vardan and Kirakos corroborate Matthew's account of MalikShah's death. However, Ibn-al-Athir gives a quite different account of the Seljuk sultan's demise. He says that during a hunt Malik-Shah gorged himself with an animal he had hunted and then, developing a high fever, died. Section 98 1. He succeeded his father as SeJjuk sultan (1092-1105). 2. Arslan-Argun, son of Alp Arslan and brother of Malik-Shah. 3. There seems to be a misprint here. The text should read Tap'ar. In the Arab sources he is known as Muhammad. 4. Located northeast of Samarkand, ~ear the upper reaches of the J axartes River (mod. Syr Darya). 5. A city south-southwest of Kabul, the capital of modem Afghanistan. Section 99 1. Anti-patriarch (1086-1087). See section 83, above. 2. One variant has "the vardapet James K'arabnets·i." Section 100 1. Gregory Nazianzus (329.389). 2. A famous monastery in the district of Arsharunik' (located in the western part of the province ofAyrarat).

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328 Section 101

1. Yaghi-Siyan, Seljuk governor of Antioch (1087-1098). 2. Ibn-al-Athir states that Tutush was able to get Yaghi-Siyan, Aksungur, and Buzan to submit to him as the new Seijuk sultan and to support him in his conflict with Berkyaruk over the throne.

Section 102 1. Matthew is probably referring here to Mesopotamia. 2. Na~Ir-ad-Daulah Ibrahim, 'Uqailid ruler of Mosul. 3. Ibn-al-Atmr says that after Tutush had captured and pillaged Nisibis, he wrote a letter to IbrahIm to allow him to pass on to Baghdad and to put his name in the khutbah (address delivered by the religious leader, in which intercessory prayer is offered on behalf of the ruling head of the state). When this request was not granted, Tutush marched against Ibrahim and defeated and killed him. 4. Ibn-al-Atmr gives the following reason why Aksungur and Buzan went over to the side of Berkyaruk. When the two armies met, Aksungur told Buzan that up to now they had fought on Tutush's side in order to bring about peace, but peace was not forthcoming. So the two emirs decided to join Berkyaruk, hoping by that to end the conflict over the succession of Malik-Shah.

Section 103 1. Vardan, like Matthew, praises Isma'll for his benevolent stance towards the Armenians. 2. The exact location of this place is unknown.

3. The text reads "the three men going forth from the camp." The Jerusalem text has "going forth from the camp accompanied by three men," which seems to make more sense in this context. 4. Ibn-al·AthIr gives a different account of Isma'1l's death. The Arab historian says that one day Isma'il was with Aksungur and Buzan and told them that he intended to kill Berkyaruk and take over the state. When Aksungur and Buzan heard this, they fell upon Isma'il and killed him, thus saving Berkyaruk.

Section 104 1. Ibn-al-AthIr gives a more detailed account of Tutush's encounter with Aksungur and Buzan. The Arab historian says that Aksungur and Buzan united their troops against Tutush and were joined by Kerbogha, the future emir of Mosul. When they met Tutush's army, part of Aksungur's troops deserted and the rest followed suit. Aksungur was made prisoner. When Tutush asked him what he would have done ifhe had taken him (Tutush) prisoner, Aksungur replied that he would have killed him. Hearing this, Tutush told Aksungur that he now would kill him and did just that. After this Tutush marched to Aleppo and defeated Buzan and Kerbogha, taking them prisoner. Then he

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a~~acked Harran and Edessa, and when the inhabitants of these two cItIes refused to surrender, he cut off Buzan's head and sent it to them; they then surrendered. The Arab historian concludes by saying that Aksu~gur was a great man and a benefactor of his people (the Aleppmes). a man who died defending his family and his sovereign (Berkyaruk). One of Ibn-al-Athir's compatriots. the historian Abu-lFeda, recounts the same episode, although in a shorter and more condensed form. T'oros. a former official of the empire was of the Byzantine Orthodox faith. ' Two variants and the Jerusalem text have Zorinak. The exact location of this place is unknown. The text reads "for the citadel was situated outside the city." Four variants and the Jerusalem text have "for the citadel was in the hands of the Persians," which makes more sense here. This citadel was named after the great Byzantine general Maniaces, who captured Edessa in 1032 from the Muslims.

Section 105 1. Sokman. Artukid ruler in Diyar-Bakr (Amida) (1101-1104). Section 106 1. This incident is also related by Vardan with basically the same details. On the other hand, Michael the Syrian states that it was Gabriel. the Armenian commander ofMelitene, who poisoned al-Faraj. AI-Faraj had come to Melitene; and Gabriel, first having outwitted him, took him to Edessa and there poisoned him. Section 108 1. The Seljuks of Anatolia (Rum) in contrast to the Seljuks of the East (Iran). 2. Kilij Arslan I. SeJjuk sultan of Rum (1092.1107). 3. An Armenian of the Byzantine Orthodox faith. 4. Vardan Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian give accounts of the Seljuk ~ttack on Melit~ne. Vardan basically agrees with Matthew in the details while the two Syrian chroniclers have their own versions. Bar Hebra~us says that Kilij Arslan sent envoys to Gabriel, telling this "accursed Greek" (Greek in faith) that if he surrendered he (Kilij) would have mercy on him, otherwise he would be destroyed. ~t that point a religious man standing nearby told the envoys that the CIty was strong and God was with it. After the departure of the envoys, for some reason Gabriel became angry and killed the religious man. In the end, when Kilij learned of the arrival of the Franks, h~ departed.. O? the other hand Michael the Syrian makes no mention of Gabnel s encounter with'the envoys or of the killing of the religious man, but simply states that when Kilij learned of the coming of the Franks, he

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abandoned the siege of the city and departed. However, the Syrian chronicler does add that Gabriel mistreated the poor to a greater extent than did the Turks. It is quite evident that both Bar Hebraeus and Michael had very little liking for Gabriel, perhaps because he was of the Byzantine Orthodox faith rather than the Oriental Orthodox faith. Interestingly enough, Matthew seems not to have had this bias against Gabriel.

Section 109 1. The text reads Hromayets'ik'. See sec. 90, n. 2. 2. Cf. Daniel 7:7. Section 110 1. The text reads Hromayets'ik'. See sec. 90, n. 2. 2. Cf. Psalms 44:23. 3. Cf. Isaiah 42:13. 4. Godfrey of Bouillon. 5. It was believed that Godfrey was descended from Charlemagne. 6. Baldwin (of Boulogne) I, later count of Edessa (1098-1100) and king of Jerusalem (1100-1118). 7. Roman emperor (69-79 A.D.). 8. Bohemond (of Taranto) I, later prince of Antioch (1099-1111). 9. Later regent of Antioch (1104-1112). 10. Raymond of Saint Gilles, count of Toulouse. 11. Baldwin (of Le Bourg) II, relative of Baldwin I; later count of Edessa (1100-1118) and king of Jerusalem (1118·1131). 12. Joscelin (of Courtnay) I, first cousin of Baldwin II; later count of Edessa (1118·1131). 13. The text reads Hromayets'wots' - "ofthe Latins <Westerners)." Cf. sec. 90, n. 2. Section 111 1. Actually the Bosphorus. 2. At this time Nicaea was in the hands of the Turks and was the capital of the Seljuk sultan Kilij Arslan. 3. Vardan, KirakoB, Ibn-al-Athir, Anna Comnena, and the Latin historian, William of Tyre, tell of the coming of the Fr~s, that is of the First Crusade. Vardan and Ibn-al-Athir give very short accounts of the event, while the other writers go into some detail. Kirakos is very critical of Alexius and the Greeks, saying that the Franks were harassed by them and even tricked by them. The Armenian historian goes so far as to state that the Greek emperor actually helped the Muslims and so was not a Christian, and concludes that many Franks died because of }lim. Anna gives a very detailed account of the arrival of the Franks in Constantinople and their relations with Alexius, and shows very little sympathy for these interlopers from the West.

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William of Tyre also gives a very full and detailed account of the relations between the emperor and the Franks. However, he sees things from the Latin point of view. He has no trust for the "wretched" Greeks and their "weak" empire, stating that the situation deteriorated when Greek emperors replaced the Latin rulers of the empire. Section 112 1. This second major encounter with Kilij Arslan was the famous battle of Dorylaeum. 2. Ibn-al-AthIr, Anna Comnena, and William of Tyre relate the capture of Nicaea and the encounter with Kilij Arslan. Interestingly enough, Anna states that Alexius decided not to accompany the Franks on their march through Anatolia for a variety of reasons: the Franks could not compare to his "Roman" troops, they were fickle, and they would sell their own families for their personal gain. Section 113 1. Constantine I (1095-1099), Rubenid prince of Cilician Armenia. 2. According to Dulaurier, a fortress in the Taurus Mountains in northern Cilicia. 3. According to Dulaurier, the southern portion of the district of Jahan. 4. The margin of the text has "the Frankish forces consisted of one hundred thousand infantry and one hundred thousand horsemen." Section 114 1. Dukak, son of Tutush, was Seljuk ruler of Damascus (1095-1104). 2. Actually Tughtigin was Dukak's regent. 3. Both Bazuni and Dahin were brothers belonging to the Hetumids, a rival family of the Rubenids. Section 117 1. Michael the Syrian and the Latin historians, William of Tyre, Fulcher of Chartres, and Albert of Aix, relate the coming of Baldwin to Edessa and his warm reception by the inhabitants of the city. Michael says that T'oros sent to Godfrey and promised him the city; Godfrey, in turn, sent his brother Baldwin, who then took over the rule of the city. William states that the governor of Edessa was weak and old, and so the people of the city with his concurrence sent for Baldwin. Both Fulcher and Albert corroborate William on this. 2. Not the Rubenid Constantine. Section 118 1. Where Gabriel ruled. Toros's wife was Gabriel's daughter. 2. A monastery in the district of Gelark'unik' (located on the southwestern corner of Lake Sevan, in the province of Siwnik'). 3. The Tuesday of the sixth week of Lent.

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4. Michael the Syrian, William of Tyre, Fulcher of Chartres, and Albert of Aix give accounts of the killing ofT'oros and the takeover ofEdessa by Baldwin. Michael's account is the shortest, where the Syrian chronicler simply says that T'oros was killed by the inhabitants of Edessa, and the Franks came and ruled the city. On the other hand, the three Latin historians, in particular William, go into a good deal of detail in describing how Baldwin gained control of Edessa. According to William, T'oros summoned Baldwin to share the rule ofEdessa with him and to take full control when the curopalates died. However, he changed his mind and merely wished the count to remain in his service. This, Baldwin refused to do, and he was preparing to leave the city when the inhabitants prevailed upon T'oros to accede to his original agreement. So Baldwin ruled Edessa jointly with the curopalates. However, soon the inhabitants realized that the count was superior to T'oros and so began to plot to kill the curopalates. Moreover, it was rumored that T'oros had wronged the inhabitants and had threatened them that, if they resisted him, he would call in the Turks. Under these circumstances the Edessenes attacked the curopalates while he was ensconced in his tower. T'oros asked for Baldwin's aid. The count attempted to help him, but the hatred of the people was so great that he was unable to do anything. Finally T'oros attempted to escape from the tower and was killed by arrows shot by the Edessenes. On the next day Baldwin very reluctantly and with protestation was made ruler of Edessa. Both Fulcher and Albert basically corroborate William's account, although the former emphasizes the point that the Edessenes viciously killed T'oros. Section 119 1. Kerbogha was the emir of Mosul and an autonomous vassal of the Seljuks of Iran. 2. William of Tyre states that Kerbogha's attack on Edessa delayed him to such an extent that his chances for defeating the Franks at Antioch were considerably lessened. Section 120 1. The sources, both oriental and occidental, relate that Antioch was delivered into the hands of the Franks from within, although they differ as to who the person or persons were. Bar Hebraeus says that it was a Persian named 'Ruzbah; Michael says they were two Armenians; Anna says it was one Armenian; William maintains it was a man named Firuz; the Arab chronicler of Aleppo, Kama.l-ad-Din, says it was an inhabitant ofAntioch called Zarrad; while the Arab chronicler of Damascus, Ibn-al-Qalanisl, says it was an armorer of Yaghi· Siyan-an Armenian name Nairouz.

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Section 124 1. Cf. Numbers 14:39-45. 2. A town northeast of Tripoli, near the Mediterranean coast. 3. The al-Aq~~ mosque. 4. Both the oriental and occidental sources emphasize the severe massacre of the inhabitants of Jerusalem by the Franks after the capture of the city. Bar Hebraeus, Ibn-al-Athlr, and Abu'l-Feda state that seventy thousand Muslims were killed in the al-Aq~a mosque alone. Section 125 1. Matthew is not referring here to the Scythia of the steppes of southern Russia, but to the Scythiaca regio, the desert southwest ofAlexandria. Nubia is located south of this area. 2. This was the Fatimid army coming up from Egypt. 3 . Near Ascalon. 4. Actually the Fatimid caliph was not present; his vizir al-Afdal was in charge. Section 126 1. Located in the western portion of the province of Ayrarat. Section 128 1. Vahka was Constantine's residence. 2. Located in the vicinity ofVahka. Section 130 1. Cf. Isaiah 36: 18-20. Section 132 1. The Latin sources do not agree with Matthew's account of Godfrey's death. They maintain that the duke's death was caused by a violent disease. On the other hand, both Ibn-al-Athir and Ibn-al-QalanisI say that Godfrey was killed by an enemy arrow while conducting the siege of Acre. Section 133 1. The official title for the governor of Cilicia, ruling in the name of the Byzantine emperor. Section 134 1. Malik-GazI, Danishmendid ruler (1097-1105). 2. The text reads "quite prepared." Three variants and the Jerusalem text have "quite unprepared," which makes more sense here. 3. Both the oriental and occidental sources corroborate Matthew's account

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of the siege of Melitene and Bohemond's capture, although varying slightly in the details. This is especially true of the two Syrian chroniclers, Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian. Bar Hebraeus says that when Bohemond heeded Gabriel's call for aid against the Turks, some Armenian lords-specifically Kogh Vasil and Ruben's sons-asked the Turks to ambush the Frankish count, for they feared the Franks would become their masters. So Bohemond was captured. Finally, when Gabriel began to rob and pillage the inhabitants in Melitene and the Turks renewed their attack, two of his soldiers, disgusted, let the infidels in. Nevertheless, Gabriel, who had played a role in Bohemond's capture, tried to stall the Turks by signaling to his wife ensconced in the citadel not to give it up. This so incensed the infidels that they killed him. Michael's account basically corroborates Bar Hebraeus, even in the details. Section 135 1. The text reads papios. In the Oriental Orthodox churches this title is used to refer to patriarchs and bishops. 2. Ibn-al-AthIr gives an account of the taking ofSarUj by the Franks, but differs substantially from Matthew. The Arab historian assumes that the town was in the hands of Sokman and says that the emir assembled troops in Sarilj in order to attack the Franks in Edessa. However, after attacking them, the emir was defeated. Then the Franks laid siege to Sariij and captured the town, killing and taking captive many of its inhabitants. Section 136 1. Cf. Jeremiah 4:6, 6:11, 46:20. Section 137 1. The Greeks, Latins, Syrians, Armenians, and Georgians.

NOTES AND COMMENTARY

Part III Section 1 1. cr. I Corinthians 14:30. 2. Nicholas III Kyrdiniates Grammaticus (1084·1111). 3. John IV or V (1091-1100). 4. Symeon II (1092-1099). 5. John IV (1062-1100). 6. Athanasius VII (1090-1129). Interestingly enough, Matthew gives the names of the Byzantine Orthodox patriarchs ofAntioch and Alexandria rather than the names of his coreligionists, the Oriental Orthodox patriarchs of these sees. 7. This chronology is based on the Byzantine era. Section 2 1. It should be "thirty-six," for Matthew here has reached the year 550 and his chronicle ends in 585. 2. Matthew here is referring to the silkworm. Section 3 1. The Jerusalem text has "twenty·seven." 2. See sec. 2, n. 1. 3. cr. Deuteronomy 32:7. Section 4 1. Tancred was regent of Antioch from 1101 to 1103 and 1104 to 1112. 2. According to Dulaurier, Sarvantikar, a fortress on the Pyramus River, located southeast of Anazarba. 3. The text reads "city." 4. Matthew, as well as the Latin sources, are unjustified in condemning Alenus and the Byzantines for having purposely led the Crusaders through desolate and dangerous regions. Actually, as is attested by Anna Comnena, the emperor advised the Crusaders to follow the old route southwest to Antioch, but they insisted on taking the more dangerous northern route across Asia Minor. Albert ofAix goes so far as to say that Raymond of Toulouse (Saint Gilles) was bribed by Turkish gifts, in order to lead the Crusaders through desolate regions. Section 5 1. William IX, duke of Aquitaine and count of Poitou.

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2. A governor or commander (Gr. eparchos). 3. Several of the sources, including Matthew, portray William as a haughty person who was insulting to the emperor. 4. The Armenian has potromn. This word is obviously of foreign origin. The exact meaning is uncertain; perhaps it could be related to the Greek ippodromia-"the races at the hippodrome."

Section 6 1. According to Dulaurier, this place is located in the vicinity of the town of Heraclea (located northwest of Tarsus). 2. Vardan, William ofTyre, and Albert of Aix give accounts of the count ofPoitou's arrival in Constantinople and the ultimate destruction ofhis army by the Turks in Asia Minor. Vardan basically corroborates Matthew's account, telling of the Crusader leader's arrogance and Alexius's perfidiousness. William states that, when the count ofPoitou arrived in Constantinople, he was well received by the emperor. "But, following the time·honored custom of the Greek race, he [Alexiua) envied the success ofthe Christians and meant to do them harm." The Latin historian goes on to say that the emperor sent envoys to the Turks, begging them to destroy the Westerners and thus prepared the way for their destruction. On the other hand, Albert says that the count was deceived and betrayed by Alexius's Turcopoles (the Turkish cavalry in the Byzantine army). Section 7 1. Perhaps a corruption of the Old French sans aveir (sans avoir)-" one not having [land]." 2. Located in the Lebanon Mountains, north-northwest of Damascus. Section 8 1. The text reads "changed them to five." Four variants and the Jerusalem text have "changed the six to five." Section 10 1. The text reads ''To those who truly love and profess the Holy Trinity." Three variants and the Jerusalem text have "To those who truly love Christ and profess the Holy Trinity." 2. Cf. Philemon, verses 4 and 5. 3. Cf. Luke 12:11-12. 4. Cf. I Corinthians 15:30-32. Section 12 1. AI-Afdal, Fatimid vizir (1094-1121), and Tughtigin, Turkish atabeg of Damascus (1104-1128). 2. The text reads "to his city of Acre." Two variants have "to his royal city," which makes more sense here.

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3. Actually Baldwin died in 1118. William of Tyre talks about Baldwin being seriously wounded while on an expedition, but does not mention the specific battle Matthew does. The Latin historian says that Baldwin laid siege to Acre, but because he did not have a fleet, was unable to capture the city. So he departed for Jerusalem. On the way he and his men were ambushed by brigands. The king killed many of them and put the rest to flight, but one of them wounded Baldwin with a spear, just missing dealing him a fatal blow. Baldwin recovered, but the wound turned out to be a chronic one until the very day he died.

Section 13 1. In contrast to Great Thursday (Maundy Thursday) before Easter Sunday, this is the Thursday in February commemorating the battle ofAvarayr in 451 AD. between the Armenians and the Persians, where the Armenian commander Vardan Mamikonian led his troops in defense of the Christian faith. Section 14 1. The ruler of Kesoun and Raban. 2. Both the oriental and occidental sources relate the episode of Bohemond's ransom, although with varying details. Vardan corroborates Matthew's account. On the other hand, Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian merely say that Danishmend brought Bohemond to Melitene and sold him for one hundred thousand dinars. William of Tyre states that Bohemond was released after four years, but makes no mention of the fact that Tancred contributed nothing to the ransom money (unlike Fulcher of Chartres and Albert of Aix, who make a point of emphasizing Tancred's refusal to contribute). Fulcher says that the people of Antioch, Baldwin of Edessa, and the Latin patriarch of the city wished to ransom Bohemond; finally they were able to ransom him for five hundred thousand gold pieces. Of all the sources, Albert gives the fullest account. He says that Bohemond offered Danishmend an alliance against Kilij Arslan in return for his freedom. The emir agreed, and the Latin patriarch of Antioch, Kogh Vasil, and Baldwin of Edessa raised the money for the ransom. After this the Seljuk sultan sent letters to Danishmend, condemning him for allowing Bohemond to be ransomed. Section 15 1. One of the lieutenants of ll-Ghazi, son of Artuk, later Artukid ruler of Mardin (1107-1122). Section 18 1. The Turkish governor of Mosu!. 2. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of the Frankish debacle near Harran. Ibn-al·Athir gives a particularly detailed

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account of the episode, although he as well as the other sources make no mention of the defecation incident before the town. The Latin sources generally follow the basic outline ofMatthew's account, and one of these (Albert of AU) gives a very detailed narration. Section 20 1. According to William of Tyre it was Hugh, count of Champagne. 2. The text reads "tyrant." Two variants and the Jerusalem text have "the last of his line," which seems to make more sense here. 3. That is, "knights." 4. Actually Bohemond did not, as Matthew says, return to the West in order to obtain reinforcements. In reality he had lost a good deal of territory to both the Muslims and the Byzantines and, seeing his career in the East ruined, decided to seek his fortune through organizing a new crusade, but this time against the Byzantines. According to William ofTyre, the person whom the former prince ofAntioch married on his retum was none other than the daughter of Philip I of France, Constance. However, the Latin historian mentions nothing of Bohemond's being coerced to marry her. Section 21 1. Anatolia. 2. Giimushtigin Ghazl, Danishmendid ruler (1105?-1134 or 1135). Section 23 1. Mu}1ammad, Seljik sultan (1105-1118). 2. The Kipchaks were a Turkic people, also known as the Rumans. Section 24 1. The Armenian T'at'ul. Section 25 1. Both these men were famous Armenian writers of the fifth-sixth centuries; Moses of Khoren and David the Invincible, the Philosopher, Section 26 1. Later the catholicos Gregory III (1113-1166). 2. The fourth month of the pagan Armenian calendar. 3. A monastery. Section 27 1. According to Dulaurier this is a town in the vicinity of Melitene. Section 28 1. Richard of the Principate (of Salerno), regent of Edessa (1104·1108).

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Section 29 1. Actually Bertram was Saint Gilles's son. He later became count of Tripoli (1109-1112). 2. The Arab historians, Ibn-al-Athir and Abu'l-Feda, give accounts of the circumstances under which Saint Gilles died. Both say that the Frankish count was killed when the ruler of Tripoli made a sortie and set fIre to the fortress he had built; at that time the count was on a roof which collapsed because of the fire. On the other hand, William of Tyre, although he mentions the death of Saint Gilles, gives no specifics as to how the count died. Section 30 1. The text reads Aplast'al, obviously a misspelling or misprint. Section 32 1. The feast kept on February 2nd in commemoration of the Virgin Mary's purification in the Temple, recorded in Luke 2:21-39. Why Matthew puts the date of the Purification on the 13th is incomprehensible, unless he is using a differed chronology. Section 33 1. Actually Tancred attacked Ridvan of Aleppo and defeated him. Section 34 1. Chavli Saqaveh, one of the Seljuk sultan's commanders, later governor of Mosul. 2. The Syriac and Arabic sources give accounts ofCh6kiirmish's defeat by Chavli, although varying in details. Bar Hebraeus says that when Chokl1rmish rebelled against the Seljuk sultan, he sent Chavli to deal with him. Chokl1rmish was defeated and later died in a pit in which Chavli had placed him. Michael the Syrian basically corroborates Bar Hebraeus, although giving a less detailed account. On the other hand, the Arab chronicler of Damascus Ibn-al-Qalanisi says that the Seljuk sultan sent Chavli to help the Muslims ofSyria against the Franks and asked ChOkiirmish to aid him in this undertaking. Ch6kl1rmish dallied, and so Chavli marched against him and defeated and killed him. Both Ibn-al-Athir and Abu'l-Feda, without going into much detail, state that ChtikUrmish was attacked and killed by Chavli. Section 36 1. Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian concur in giving a very interesting account of the circumstances under with Kilij died, the former being more detailed that the latter. Kilij was defeated by Chavli; yet he performed a very brave act by going into the enemy camp and smiting the hand of the standard bearer as well as Chavli himself. When Chavli and his ally, Ridvan ofAleppo, saw this bravery,

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they stirred up their men and caused Kilij's troops to flee. Kilij, left alone, drowned while attempting to cross a river on his horse which was weighed down by his armor.

Section 37 1. T'oros I, Rubenid ruler of Cilician Armenia (1100-1129). 2. Actually Toros was the son of Constantine and grandson of ~uben. 3. A village near Marash. Section 38 1. According to Dulaurier located not too far from ~Ii~n-Man~ur. 2. Two variants and the Jerusalem text have "uncle." 3. Literally "boy." 4. Two variants and the Jerusalem text have Tigran. Section 39 1. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of Baldwin's ransom, some in more detail than others. Generally speaking, the oriental sources-both Syriac and Arabic-emphasize the freeing of Baldwin on condition that he not only pay a sum of money, but also that he aid Chavli against the emir's enemies. On the other hand, the Latin sources merely emphasize the ransom money. Michael the Syrian gives a very interesting version of Baldwin's ransom. He says that the count's ransom was fixed at seventy thousand dinars. Joscelin obtained thirty thousand and gave himself as hostage to Chavli for the remaining amount. When Joscelin came into Chavli's presence, the emir was so impressed with the Frank's demeanor and actions that he progressively lowered the remaining amount of the ransom, until there was nothing left to be paid. Section 40 1. That is, bishop. Cf. Pt. II, sec. 136, n. 1. Section 42 1. A port located at the head of the Persian Gulf. Section 44 1. Actually it was seven years. 2. Actually Bertram was his son. Section 45 1. Sharaf-ad-Din Maudud, Seljuk general and successor to Chavli as governor of Mosul (1108-1113). 2. Not Sulaiman, but probably Sokman-al-Qutbr, Turkoman ruler of Khlat' (1100-1110). Dulaurier believes that Matthew here is referring to Muhammad, Seljuk sultan (1105-1118). Cf. sec. 23 and n. 1.

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Section 46 1. Located northwest of Harran. Section 47 1. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of the Frankish retreat from Edessa and the massacre of the Christians by the Turks. However, none of the sources gives any clear reason as to why the Franks retreated in the flTst place. Section 48 1. Ntir ad-Daulah Balik, former ruler of SaIiij, who later captured Aleppo from Sokman. Section 50 1. Lake Van. Section 51 1. This place (Ar. Tell Gauran) is located east-northeast of Edessa. 2. According to Dulaurier this town is located southeast of Bira. 3. According to Dulaurier, located southeast of Edessa. 4. Kurdish chief at Maragha, a town near the southeastern corner ofLake Urmia. 5. Governor of Hamadan, a city in Persia northeast of Baghdad. 6. Three variants and the Jerusalem text have "with many battle assaults." Section 54 1. The third month of the pagan Armenian calendar. 2. A village in the vicinity of Edessa. Section 55 1. According to Dulaurier, the 15th of June. 2. According to Dulaurier, this town (he calls it Thelmouzen) is located in the vicinity of Sarilj. Section 56 1. The Armenian literally reads "covered" (tsatsk'), hence "covered" or "fortified." Section 57 1. The Jerusalem text has "was established anew." 2. One of the important dynastic houses of medieval Armenia. Section 58 1. The Jerusalem text has: "the most faithful believer Tancred was poisoned, and so the count of Antioch died."

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2. Roger of Salerno, regent of Antioch (1112-1119). 3. Son of Constantine (not of ~uben) and brother of Toros. Later he became the Rubenid prince of Cilician Armenia.

Section 62 1. Matthew is confused here. The count of Tripoli at this time was Pons (1112-1137), the grandson of Saint Gilles. Actually Bertram, who was the count of Tripoli (1109-1112), was the son of Saint Gilles. 2. Both the oriental and occidental sources recount this encounter between the Franks and Muslims, although with varying details. Interestingly enough, William of Tyre, unlike Matthew, gives no indication of the king of Jerusalem being prideful and thus going into battle before the arrival ofthe troops ofAntioch and Tripoli; rather, the Latin historian gives as a reason for the king's action his impetuous nature. Section 63 1. Zahlr-ad-Din Tughtigin, Turkish atabeg of Damascus (1104-1128), 2. Perhaps a specific column in the portico. Dulaurier translates this as "a red column," although the text used here has a definite article. 3. None ofthe historians, oriental or occidental, is as specific as Matthew in relating the motivation behind Maudud's assassination. Bar Hebraeus says that there are two schools of thought as to who actually caused the emir's death; some say it was Ridvan ofAleppo who sent an "Assassin" (a member of the extreme Isma'i:lite sect, the Assassins-Ar. lIashfshim) to Damascus, while others say it was Tughtigin himself who, fearing he might lose possession of his city to Maudud, bribed someone to kill the emir. Both Abu'l-Feda and Ibn-al-AthIr also state that there are two schools of thought on the subject; some say that Batinites (an Isma'ilite sect) feared Maudud and so killed him, while others maintain that Tughtigin feared the emir's influence and so had a murderer kill him. William of Tyre merely states that the emir of Damascus was blamed for Maudud's death. On the other hand, Ibn-alQaliinisi, after giving a very detailed account of the assassination, says that Tughtigin was very sorry over the incident and did his best to help Maudiid, going so far as to bring in a physician to save the emir's life. Interestingly enough, both Abu'l-Feda and Ibn-al·Athir relate that, when Maudud fell under the assassin's knife, he was immediately taken to Tughtigin's home where he was urged to take something for his wound; however, he refused since he was fasting, even though his followers insisted. Section 64 1. Vardan gives an account of the catholicos's death, although varying in the details. He says that the accident took place in the Monastery of Karmir Vank'. While the catholicos was inspecting a house in the

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process of being built, a beam fell out of the hands of some workmen and hit him, fatally wounding him. 2. According to Dulaurier, located somewhere between Sis and Marash.

Section 65 1. The catholicos Gregory III (1113-1166). Section 66 1. Aksungur al-Bursuki, Seljuk governor of Mosul (1113-1114 and 11241126). 2. Mas'ud, later Seljuk sultan (1134-1150). 3. Artukid ruler of Mardin (1107-1122). 4. Nur-ad-Daulah Balik, nephew of Il-Gha.zl and later Artukid ruler of Aleppo (1123-1123). 6. The text reads "Sulaiman's son." One variant and the Jerusalem text have "the sultan's son," which makes more sense here. 6. Both Bar Hebraeu8 and Ibn-al-Atmr relate the arrival of al-Bursuki in upper Mesopotamia and his campaigns in the area. The Arab historian's account gives fuller details than does Matthew's, at the same time differing with some of the Armenian chronicler's facts. Ibnal-Athir says that al-Bursuki was made emir of Mosul and sent by the Seljuk sultan to fight the Franks. This emir forced Il-Ghazi to contribute troops to his campaign. Il-Ghazl would not join him, but sent his son Ayaz in his stead. After al-Bursuki's unsuccessful attack on Edessa, the emir took Ayaz into his custody in order to punish his father for not being present during the campaign against Edessa. Moreover, he devastated Il-Ghazl's territories. When Il·Ghazl leamed of this, he summoned Da'ud, the son of his brother Sokman (Artukid ruler of JIil)n Kaifii), to his aid. Both men marched against al-Bursuki, defeated the emir, and freed Ayaz. Section 67 1. Cf. Psalms 14:3; 63:3. 2. Cf. Psalms 104:32. 3. Armenian chant consists of eight tones, used on different days. The tone used on this day happened to be one of the more somber tones. 4. The Arab chronicler Kamal-ad-Dm says that the earthquake also hit the territory of Aleppo. 5. One variant and the Jerusalem text have Sis. 6. A monastery following the Basilian discipline of monasticism. 7. Not to be confused with the Roman Catholic Jesuit order. These monks were members of a Cilician monastery. Dulaurier calls them Jesueens. Section 68 1. Dry food, in contrast to wine and olive oil. 2. Located near Sis.

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Section 69 1. The text reads "of evil and abominable wickedness." One variant and the Jerusalem text have "of evil wickedness and abominable crimes," which seems to make more sense here. Section 70 1. The Turkish general Bursuk ibn-Bursuk, not to be confused with the Seljuk governor of MOBUI Aksungur al-BursukL Matthew here seems to have confused the two. 2. The eunuch Lu'lu', atabeg of Aleppo for the child Alp Arslan, son of Ridvan. Section 74 1. Armenian lord of Bira (to 1117). 2. The text reads or bnakeal er i Nzepn, which is untranslatable given the context. The Jerusalem text has "who had taken prisoner the bishop," which I have used here. 3. A town west-southwest of Ravendan. 4. According to Bar Hebraeus Constantine died during the earthquake of 1114-1115, having suffocated in the ruins and rubble of Samosata. Section 75 1. It is quite interesting to compare the different accounts of Baldwin's death as narrated by the various sources of the period. Ibn-al-QalanisI merely states that Baldwin died, having received a wound fighting the Egyptians. On the other hand, Ibn-al-Athlr says that the king of Jerusalem died from an old wound that reopened when he went swimming in the Nile. William of Tyre says that, after his attack on one of the cities of Egypt, Baldwin visited the mouth of the Nile where some fish were caught and cooked for breakfast. After the king finished his meal, he felt very sick. Moreover, on this occasion the pain in an old wound began to return. So under these circumstances Baldwin died. Fulcher of Chartres basically corroborates William's account, although with a more succinct presentation. On the other hand, Albert of Aix gives a different version, stating that the king was overseeing the destruction and burning of one of the Egyptian cities he had attacked and captured, when he became overworked and developed a fever; he died on the way to Jerusalem. 2. Eustace III, count of Boulogne. 3. As Baldwin II (1118-1131). 4. The Latin historians, especially William of Tyre, deal quite fully with the election of Baldwin as king of Jerusalem. William says that there were two parties involved in the election: one group wanted the dead king's brother, Eustace-who at that time was in the West, while the other believed that a king was needed immediately and Baldwin seemed to be a natural candidate. Baldwin was chosen when J08celin

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and the Latin patriarch tipped the balance in his favor. Eustace found out about the election on his way to the East and turned back, even though he was urged to continue on and contest the throne. On the other hand, Albert of Aix merely states that there was a great need to have someone on the spot who would be able to defend the land, and so Baldwin was elected. 5. William, like Matthew, emphasizes Baldwin's good character and religiosity, adding that the new king of Jerusalem was also wise in governing and skillful in war. He goes so far as to say that the king was so religious that he had callouses on his hands and feet from constant kneeling.

Section 76 1. In contrast to Matthew, the Arab historians praise the Seljuk sultan as a just, ethical, and virtuous ruler. 2. Tartar, khatun-"lady" or "woman." 3. None of the other sources relate the killing of the sultan's wife. 4. Sanjar, Seljuk ruler of Khurasan (1097-1156). 5. The text reads "a three years' march," which makes no sense here. 6. A city in Persia, southeast of Baghdad. 7. Seljuk sultan (1118-1131). 8. Also known as Tughrul II. Section 77 1. AI-Mustazhir, 'Abbiisid caliph (1094·1118). Section 79 1. The text reads "peoples." One variant and the Jerusalem text have "forces," which seems to make more sense here. 2. A town northeast of Aleppo. 3. The fifth month of the pagan Armenian calendar. 4. The sixth month of the pagan Armenian calendar. Section 80 1. Actually Alexius died in 1118. 2. According to Dulaurier these two passages are apocryphal. 3. John II Comnenus (1118-1143), 4. Literally "Born of the Purple" (from the descent of emperors). . 5. The Greek, Syriac, and Latin sources comment on the death ofAlexlUs, Anna gives a very detailed and impassioned account of the death ofher father the emperor. Bar Hebraeus says that Alexius was a wise and strong man and through his wisdom saved Constantinopl.e om the Franks while Michael the Syrian basically corroborates thIS VIew. In sharp dontrast to these writers and to Matthew, William of ~e I~as nothing good to say about the Byzantine emperor. ~e c~lls ~Im the worst persecutor of the Latins." However, the Latm hIstorIan does

n:

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have some positive things to say about Alexius's son: "The emperor was much more humane than his father had been, and, as his worth deserved, was far more acceptable to our people. His attitude towards the Latins was not entirely sincere, however, as the following pages will show." In reference to John, the Byzantine chronicler Nicetas Choniates says that he was a good administrator, a pious man, a generous giver, and a great builder; moreover, he was very disciplined, a great example to others, and quite austere in his private life.

Section 81 1. Baldwin I, not the present king. Section 83 1. The text reads "560," which is probably a misprint. 2. David III (1089-1125). 3. The text reads "barbarian." One variant and the Jerusalem text have "Arab," which makes more sense here. 4. Mazyadid Arab ruler of Hilla (a town south of Baghdad, near the Euphrates). Actually Dubais was the son of ~adaqah and is the person being discussed here. 5. Arabic rafzdht;. Probably Dubais was a Shiite. 6. The text reads "people." One variant and the Jerusalem text have "religion." Section 84 1. Located southwest of Tiflis. 2. Both Vardan and Michael the Syrian corroborate Matthew's account of the Muslim defeat at the hands of the Georgians. The Arab historians also relate this event, although with slightly varying details. Ibn-aI· QalanisI says that at first the Muslims defeated the Georgians but, when they pursued them into the passes of the Caucasus, the Geor· gians turned around and defeated them, killing many in the process. Kamiil-ad-Din basically corroborates this account. On the other hand, Ibn-al-Athlr states that during the engagement of the two armies two hundred of the Kipchak allies of the Georgians broke rank. The Muslims, thinking that they were about to come over to their side, were put off guard. Then the Kipchaks entered the front ranks of the Muslims and wreaked havoc among them with their arrows. When the Muslims stationed behind the front ranks saw what was happening, they too became disorganized and fled. Section 87 1. According to Dulaurier Balik was Il-GhiizI's brother's son and not his sister's son. 2. Galeran of Le Puiset, lord of Bira. 3. A town east of Kharberd, on the Euphrates.

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Section 89 1. A fortress northwest of Samosata, on one of the tributaries of the Euphrates. 2. The second month of the pagan Armenian calendar. 3. Interestingly enough, Bar Hebraeus places Baldwin's capture before that of Joscelin and Galeran. Section 90 1. The text reads "fortress." "Dungeon" makes more sense here. 2. Geoffrey the Monk, lord of Marash and regent of Edessa (1122-1123). 3. Actually he was besieging the town of Kaf'artiib, midway between Aleppo and Tripoli. 4. Both the oriental and occidental sources deal at length with the attempted liberation of Baldwin and the other Franks held prisoner by Balik, although with varying details. Bar Hebraeus says that some Armenian workmen of Kharberd, aware that there were very few soldiers garrisoning the fortress, gathered at the gates and feigned grumbling about their wages. Then, catching the soldiers off guard, they killed them and freed the Frankish prisoners. After this Joscelin went with an Armenian to get help from the Franks, but before he could return Balik had come and retaken the fortress, killing seventy Franks and Armenians. Michael the Syrian basically corroborates this account. On the other hand, Ibn-al-Qalanisi states that the Frankish prisoners, through a ruse, seized the fortress and freed themselves. Baldwin was freed for good, but Balik returned, recaptured the place, and put the other Franks back in prison. Kamal-ad-DIn says that the Franks, after consulting with some of the people in the area, took over the fortress. Joscelin urged that they all flee immediately, but Baldwin insisted that they stay and defend the place until help arrived. So J oscelin left to get help from the Franks. However, in the meantime Balik came and retook the fortress, killing the Franks and others who had helped them. Then he transferred Baldwin and Galeran to a prison in Harran. Ibn-al-Athir states that some Frankish soldiers deceptively presented themselves at the gates of Kharberd in the name of Balik, gained entrance into the fortress, and took it over. Baldwin escaped, but Balik returned and retook the place. William ofTyre seems to give the most detailed account of the episode. He says that some Armenians, either on their own or at the urging of Joscelin, resolved to liberate Baldwin. Fifty of them took an oath to achieve this goal. They dressed in monks' garbs and, carrying hidden daggers, gained access to the fortress by complaining to its commander that they had been mistreated. At this point in his narrative William states that some maintained that the Armenians came disguised as merchants selling cheap wares. Continuing, the Latin historian says that the Armenians, after gaining access to the place, killed the garrison and occupied the fortress. After this Baldwin sent Joscelin for aid. In the meantime

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Balik returned and promised Baldwin that he would free him and the other Franks if the fortress was handed over. Baldwin, sure of aid, refused; so Balik took the fortress. The king, his nephew, and Galeran were sent to Harran, but the fIfty Armenians were tortured and then killed; some were flayed alive, some were buried alive) while others served as targets for archery practice. Fulcher of Chartres basically corroborates William)s account, except that he states that Baldwin was freed after the episode in question, but was later recaptured by Balik while on an expedition.

Section 94 1. Located southwest of Titlis. 2. Capital ofthe region of the same name, located along the western shore of the Caspian Sea, east of the Caucasus. 3. Located southeast of Tillis. 4. Located northwest of Gandzak. 5. Dulaurier locates this place north of the Kura and west of Tillis. It is probably the modern town of Gori. 6. Demetrius I (1125-1155) (1155-1156). 7. One variant has Tot6re. Section 95 1. His name was Hassan. 2. One variant and the Jerusalem text have "including Joscelin)s chief cavalry officer." 3. Armenian Arewapasht. Originally those Armenians who refused to be christianized and kept their ancient pagan faith. In this period many of them were living in upper Mesopotamia, dispersed among the Muslims of the area. These people probably are the same as the Arewordik~) Mesopotamian Armenians who were sun-worshippers (but identifying Jesus Christ with the sun) until the time of Nerses Shnorhali (twelfth century), when they were converted to Orthodox Christianity. 4. Actually the Armenian has hechuk-"buttocks." 5. Artukid ruler of Mardin (1122-1152). 6. Most of the sources corroborate Matthews account of Balik's siege of Manbij and his subsequent death. However, both William ofTyre and Fulcher of Chartres give substantially different versions of the emir's death than do the other sources. William says that J oscelin attacked Balik as he was besieging Manbij. The count defeated Balik and, happening to meet up with the emir during the flight of the Muslim troops) slayed him and cut offhis head, not knowing that the man was Balik himself. Fulcher gives a slightly different version. He says that after his defeat, Balik was mortally wounded and so was unable to flee with his troops. Thus he died and his head was cut offby someone and brought to Joscelin, who rewarded the person.

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Section 97 1. Located northeast of Gargar. Section 98 1. The Muslim Rulers of Ani. 2. According to the Armenian historian Vardan Vardapet when Manuch'e died, his son Abii'l-Uswar took over. He was an efferinate and timid man and was intent on selling Ani for sixty thousand dinars to the emir of Kars. He went so far as to have the Muslim crescent brought back from Khlat' and put on the cathedral of Ani. Under these circumstances the Christians of the city summoned David and handed over the city to him. So after sixty years the cross once more was raised over the Cathedral of Ani. Section 99 1. Actually it was the doge of Venice, Domenigo Michieli (1117-1128). Section 100 1. The text reads "after six years." One variant and the Jerusalem text have "after six months," which seems to make more sense here. Section 101 1. Giimiishtigin Ghazi, Danishmendid ruler (1105?·1134 or 1135). 2. The exact location of this place cannot be ascertained. Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian give accounts of the siege and capture of Melitene. Both Syrian chroniclers give very vivid descriptions of the Buffering and afflictions the inhabitants of the city endured during the siege. Section 102 1. A town north-northwest of Aleppo. 2. A fortress south-southeast of Aleppo, on the Euphrates. 3. An Arabic word meaning "pilgrim" (to Mecca). 4. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of al-Bursuki's assassination, although with varying details. Bar Hebraeus relates that ten Isms!ilites (an offshoot of the Shiite Muslims) leaped on alBursuki as he was praying in the Great Mosque of Mosul. The emir killed three of them with his own hands, but then was killed by the rest. Michael the Syrian states that the emir was struck with a knife by an Isma'ilite while praying in a mosque, but the knife did not penetrate him since he was wearing a breastplate. Then, while the would-be assassin was being apprehended, he cried out to his other companions to "strike lower;" they struck al-Bursuki in the lower abdomen and he died. Ibn-al-Qalanisi, giving a very detailed account of the assassination says that the emir, while praying in the Great Mosque, was stabb:d by some Batinites (an Isma'ilite sect), but his

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coat ofmaH protected him. Then al-Bursukl took his sword and killed one of the assassins, but the others cried out "strike his head above" and killed him. Kamal-ad-Din says that the emir, as he reached his seat in the mosque, was attacked by eight persons dressed as dervishes. He was killed, even though he was wearing a coat of mail and was surrounded by a large group of people. Ibn-al-Athir gives a very interesting version of the assassination. He says that, on the night before he died, al-BursukI dreamt that he was attacked by dogs; he killed some of them, but the rest killed him. When on the next day the emir told his companions about the dream, they advised him to stay home. So at their insistence al-Bursukl stayed in and read the Quran, but after reading the passage saying "the command of God is irrevocable," the emir went to the mosque. As he was taking his seat, he was attacked by some men; he wounded three of them, but was killed by the rest. William of Tyre gives an entirely different version of the 8ssassination--<me which is closest to Matthew's account-when he says: "Some time later, however, the wicked Bursuqi, a son of perdition, was stabbed to death by his servants and other members of his household. Thus by his own acts he brought upon himself the natural consequences of his wickedness and reaped the fruit of his impiety."

Section 103 1. Artukid ruler of ~Ii~n Kana (1108-1144). Section 105 1. The Latin West. 2. William, agreeing with Matthew, says that the younger Bohemond was a very impressive individual. On the other hand, Michael the Syrian calls Bohemond a vainglorious person. Section 107 1. 'Imad-ad-DIn Zengi, Turkish ruler in Mosul and Syria (died 1146). 2. Taj-al-Muluk Bori, Turkish atabeg of Damascus (1128-1132). Section 109 1. An. allusion to the Babylonian king Belshazzar. Cf. Daniel 5. 2. Cf. Isaiah 1:8. 3. John II Comnenus (1118-1143). 4. Baldwin, lord of Marash and Kesoun. 6. Leon I, Rubenid prince of Cilician Armenia (1129-1137).

NOTES AND COMMENTARY

Continuation by Gregory the Priest Section 1 1. The title has been arbitrarily added. At this point a certain Gregory the Priest continues Matthew's chronicle. 2. John II Comnenus. 3. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of John's invasion of Cilicia, the Byzantine historian Nicetas Choniates giving the fullest and most detailed treatment. The Arab historian Kamal-adDIn relates a very interesting encounter between Leon and the emperor. When the Armenian prince came before John begging mercy, the emperor said to him: "Situated as you are between the Franks and the Turks, it is not good that you remain here"; then he sent Leon to Constantinople. 4. Na~ir-ad-DIn Mup.aromad, Danishmendid emir (c. 1134-1140). 5. Part of the Anti-Taurus chain. 6. Ar. Qal'at ar-Ram-"Fortress of Rome [the Romans]." A fortress westnorthwest of Edessa, on the Euphrates. 7. The Armenian reads tuk-"duke" or "dux." 8. Artukid ruler of I;Ii~n Kaifii (1144-1166/67). Section 2 1. The Armenian reads SirimaM, which according to Dulaurier seems to be close to Suri-"Syrian." However, according to Barl'ikyan the term refers to Mahuis, count of Duluk. Bart'ikyan's supposition seems more convincing. 2. Joscelin (of Courtenay) II (1131-1150). 3. Raymond of Poitiers (1136-1149). Section 4 1. Manuel I Comnenus (1143-1180). 2. Fulk, count of Anjou and king of Jerusalem (1131-1143). 3. The Armenian, Syriac, Greek, and Latin sources relate the death of John Comnenus. All maintain that he died while on a boar hunt, the majority (Smbat, Michael the Syrian, Choniates, Cinnamus, and William of Tyre) stating that the emperor was killed by a poisoned arrow that accidentally pierced his hand as he was drawing his bow to strike at a boar. On the other hand, Bar Hebraeus says that John was gored to death by a wild boar, while Vardan, like Gregory the Priest, merely mentions that the emperor died on a boar hunt without giving

352

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

any particulars. 4. Michael the Syrian and William of Tyre say that the king died while hunting hares, when he fell off his horse and hit the ground. Both Vardan and 5mbat mention the king's death but give no particulars, while Bar Hebraeus merely states that he went on a hunt and fell from his horse and died. 6. Baldwin III, king of Jerusalem (1143-1163). 6. Cf. Acts 6 and 7.

Section 5 1. According to tradition the Armenians were descended from J apheth, son of Noah, through Gomer, whose son was Togarmah (Arm. Torgam). 2. The Armenian has luys-"light" or "clarity." 3. Both the oriental and occidental sources have much to say about the siege and capture of Edessa. All emphasize the slaughter and destruction brought upon the city and its inhabitants. 5mbat, Bar Hebraeus, William of Tyre, and Michael the Syrian give rather full accounts; the three describe how the Muslims finally took the city by undermining its walls and towers through replacing portions of the rock foundations with wood and then setting fire to the wood, thus causing the ramparts to collapse. 5mbat says that, when the Muslims broke into the city, the inhabitants fled to the citadel, but the "wicked" commander of the place shut the gates and so the people were mercilessly slaughtered. On the other hand, Bar Hebraeus states that the commander of the citadel would not open the gates until the Frankish archbishop (who seems to have been in charge of the city's defense in Joscelin's absence) arrived. Unfortunately the archbishop was late in coming and, when he fmally did come, was killed by an arrow. According to some of the sources the role of the Frankish archbishop in the defense of the city seems to have been an important one; William condemns him for having great wealth and not giving a modicum of it for the defense of the city, saying that he indeed deserved the death he received; on the other hand, Michael the Syrian states that when Zengi demanded that the city surrender or be prepared for mass slaughter, the archbishop refused, certain that aid was forthcoming. The Arabic sources make a point of emphasizing that Zengi stopped the slaughter after a short while and immediately set himself to the task of providing for the security of the inhabitants and of rebuilding and protecting the city. 4. Edessa traditionally has been referred to as the "Blessed City" (the city blessed by God). 5. These words are apocryphal. 6. An allusion to the suffering of the Israelites in Egypt. Cf. Numbers 11:5. Section 6 1. There are slightly varying accounts of Zengi's death. The majority of

NOTES-CONTINUATION

353

the sources (Smbat, Bar Hebraeus, Ibn·al·Qalanisi Ibn-al-Athir Kamal-ad-Din, and Abu'l-Feda) state that the emir w~s assassinated by one or more of his household slaves or eunuchs. Ibn-al-Qalanisi says that the assassin was one of Zengi's eunuchs named Yaranqash a man of Frankish origin. Kamal-ad-Din calls him Yaruktash and gives two versions of how this eunuch killed the emir: some say that Zengi had angrily threatened Yaruktash and so the eunuch killed him' while others say that the emir woke fro~ a drunken sleep to find hi~ eunuch drinking his wine with some pages, threatened to punish him and went back to sleep, after which the eunuch and the pages decided to kill Zengi. Michael the Syrian says that the assassination of the emir was a result of a conspiracy hatched by one of his generals in concert with some household slaves. On the other hand, William of Tyre links the assassination of the emir with the lord of Qarat Ja'bar, who conspired with some of Zengi's household in order to have the emir killed. 3. The Jerusalem text has "who never had the future of any Christian destroyed."

Section 7 1. The Jerusalem text has "nothing resulted from it," 2. The unsuccessful attempt to retake Edessa is related in both the oriental and occidental sources, Bar Hebraeus, Michael the Syrian, and William of Tyre giving very full and detailed accounts of the episode. Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian state that it was the Armenians who secretly let the Franks into Edessa, while William says it was the Franks living in the city. On the other hand, Kamal·ad-Din states that the Armenians in Edessa planned the takeover of the city and called in the Franks. Michael the Syrian emphasizes the fact that after the unsuccessful attempt to retake Edessa, the city lost its former greatness and became deserted and desolate. 3. This and the following sentence are missing both in the Jerusalem text and the Dulaurier translation. 4. The following funeral oration (secs. 8·19) is left out of the Dul~urier translation but included in that author's excerpted translatIon of Matthew ~ the Recueil des Historiens des Croisades. The Armenian historian 5mbat Sparapet mentions this funeral oration on Baldwin which Barsegh sent to various districts in the area. A note appended to 5mbat's text says that the funeral oration, in the form of a letter, was directed chiefly to the Latin faithful, especially those around Antioch. Section 8 " 1. The Armenian has Hrovmayets'wots'-"of the Latins (Westemers) Cf. 2.

~~~Ik:~:i~:te;treads:

or dzerk' anp'opets'in zhastayelts' pndut'iwn

354

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

kartsets'eloy dzerats' hzorin, which is untranslatable. I have used the words added to the text in a footnote: "what hand struck down his solid strength and shortened the hand of this powerful man?" 3. The text reads "beloved." One variant and the Jerusalem text have "sire" (Arm. siri). 4. Cf. Daniel 12:2. Section 10 1. Cf. Matthew 7:3-4. Section 11 1. Raymond of Poitiers, prince of Antioch. 2. One variant and the Jerusalem text have "whom I embittered against me." Section 13 1. See sec. 8, n. 3. Section 14 1. Cf. Luke 13:1-5. Section 15 1. Dulaurier translates this as: "for a reasonable and impartial judgement awaits all those who are endowed with reason." 2. The text reads "beloved." Two variants and the Jerusalem text have "sire." Section 17 1. Probably referring to Vasil, the lord of Bardzraberd. Cf. sec. 26. 2. See sec. 15, n. 2. Section 18 1. The text reads "Even if it was opportune." The Jerusalem text has "Even if it happened," which seems to make more sense here. 2. The Armenian has Hrovmayets'wots'-"ofthe Latins (Westerners)." cr. Pt. II, sec. 90, n. 2. Section 20 1. All the sources blame Raymond for this defeat at the hands of Niir-adDin (see end of section 11) and the Muslims. Bmbat says that the prince of Antioch was arrogant, while William of Tyre calls him "rash" and "impetuous." On the other hand, Ibn-al-AthIr states that Raymond refused to listen to the advice of one of his Arab allies, when he was told not to attack the Turks since they were too numerous.

NOTES-CONTINUATION

355

Section 21 1. Nu.r-ad-Dln Ma}:l.mud, Zengid ruler of Syria (1146-1174). 2. Seljuk sultan of Rum (1116-1155). 3. Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian Bay that when the inhabitants of Marash surrendered to the sultan (Bar Hebraeus incorrectly calls him Kilij Arslan-Mas'ud's son) on condition that their lives would be spared, he went back on his word and killed many of them as they were on their way to Antioch. 4. Cf. 2 Samuel 18. 5. Both the oriental and occidental sources relate Joscelin's capture by the Muslims, although varying in details. All the sources state that the count was captured on the way to Antioch. 5mbat says that J 08celin stopped on the way to take care of his needs and, while he was attempting to catch up with his companions, hit a tree and fell down; the next morning he was taken to Aleppo by some shepherds. William of Tyre, on the other hand, states that the count was ambushed while stopping to take care of his needs. Michael the Syrian says that J osceHn and the men accompanying him met some Turks and, while they were fleeing from them, the count hit a tree and fell and then was captured. Of all the accounts, Ibn-al-Athir's is the only one that mentions JosceHn's capture as being planned by Nur-ad-Din himself. The Arab historian says that the Muslims placed spies near the count and, when he was hunting, captured him and later had him brought to the emir. Section 22 1. An honorary title of the Byzantine coun, later given to various dignitaries and officials of the empire (Gr. sebastos-"revered"). Section 23 1. KHij Arslan II, Seljuk sultan of Rum (1155·1192). Section 26 1. T'oros II, Rubenid prince of Cilician Armenia (1148-1168). 2. The text reads "make promises." 3. Cf. Romans 9:18. 4. Andronicus ComnenuB, Byzantine general and cousin of the emperor Manuel. 6. The Armenian has Kiwr-Manil"Lord Manuel." 6. According to Gregory the Priest's account, it seems that Toros was besieging Mamistra while Andronicus was attempting to relieve it. However, according to Brobat, Andronicus was besieging the Armenian prince in Mamistra. The Byzantine historian John Cinnamus corroborates Gregory the Priest's view when he states that, when Andronicus came to Cilicia, T oros was besieging Mamistra. 7. Both Oshin and Vasil were Armenian lords allied with the Byzantines.

356

a.

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

The Armenian, Syriac, and Greek sources deal with the Byzantine debacle in Cilicia at the hands of Toros. Both Vardan and Srobat corroborate Gregory the Priest's account of the episode, giving basically the same details as Matthew's continuator. On the other hand, the Syriac and Greek sources differ from the Armenian in their details. Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian say that the Armenians met the Byzantine army at the gates of Tarsus and defeated it, killing three thousand and causing the rest to flee by sea. The Greek sources dwell upon the ineptitude of the Byzantine general Andronicus. Choniates says that Andronicus was shamefully defeated when he stupidly divided his army into two parts. Cinnamus, on the other hand, says that the Byzantine general was a slothful man and given to all sorts of amusements and luxuries; T' oros, seeing his weakness, took advantage of the man and defeated him.

Section 27 1. Actually the prince T'oros. Section 28 1. Literally lithe Door" or "the Gate"- the Syrian Gates, a pass through the Amanus Mountains, north of Antioch. 2. The Armenian has Frerk'-"Brothers" (Fr. Freres). The Knights Templar was a military order dedicated to fighting the Muslims in the East. 3. An animal disease causing acute diarrhea (Ar. tabikh-"hot fever"). 4. Sometimes the title l),ajib was given to a general or military com· mander. 5. Both the Armenian and Syriac sources relate this debacle of Mas'l1d's army, although with varying details. Vardan says that Mas'l1d's general Ya'qiib was defeated by T'oros's brother Stephen, while Bmbat says that it was the Templars who caused his defeat. On the other hand, Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian state that the Armenian prince himself fell upon the Muslims and annihilated them. 6. Kavadh It Sassanid king (488·531). 7. The text reads "Causing a great deal ofplunder. Two variants and the Jerusalem text have "Spending many days," which seems to make more sense here. 8. James of Nisibis (early fourth century), bishop of Nisibis and a prominent figure in Syrian church tradition. II

Section 29 1. The Armenian has melik'ut'ean-"ofthe kingdom. Section 30 1. A town north-northeast of Ankara. 2. The Armenian has mets ishkhan-"great prince."

II

NOTES-CONTINUATION

357

3. The original Turkish of this name cannot be ascertained and so has been left in the Armenian form found in the text. 4. Perhaps this is the Arabic word qadi-'Judge." 5. Gregory the Priest incorrectly calls him Ya'qab Arslan. He was the Danishmendid emir of Sebastia. 6. Located due north of Marash, where the Pyramus River rises. 7. Reginald of Chatillon, regent of Antioch (1153-1160). 8. A fortress near Marash.

Section 32 1. One variant and the Jerusalem text add "and after the rain a torrential hail." 2. A branch of the Ismii'i:lite sect of Islam. 3. Stephen. Section 33 1. Perhaps this is an allusion to the Arabic word hasan-''beautiful''which can be construed (after an initial consonant change) to be the word Kesoun. Section 34 1. Also known as Marzban. Located north-northwest of Edessa on the other side of the Euphrates. 2. According to Michael the Syrian Kilij was barely able to defend his territories against the Danishmendids; so Nur-ad-DIn was able to take Marzban and Aintab without a fight. Section 35 1. Baldwin III, king of Jerusalem (1143·1162). Section 36 1. The text reads "the Scythian nation." The term is used by the Armenians to refer to the AUaic peoples of central Asia (Turks, Turkomans, Mongols, etc.). 2. The text reads yeghernat'iwn, which is untranslatable. One variant and the Jerusalem text have "nefarious." 8. The text reads "because of their unfortunate children." Two variants and the Jerusalem text have "out of concern for their children." Section 38 1. Her name was Theodora. 2. William of Tyre gives a detailed account of the invasion 8;lld pilla~g of Cyprus, although he makes no mention of~oros and hIS ~eman troops uniting with Reginald in the undertakmg of the expedItlon.

358

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

Section 40 1. The Byzantine emperor and the king of Jerusalem. 2. A ford north-northwest of Aleppo, at the 'AfrIn River. 3. Both the oriental and occidental sources tell of Manuel's withdrawal at the last moment. Vardan and 5mbat say that the emperor returned to Constantinople when he received some sort of news from the imperial city, the latter stating that Manuel used the news as a pretext to withdraw his troops. Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian say that the emperor, after receiving a report from Constantinople that there was a plot to establish someone else on the imperial throne, departed; the latter adds that the plot did not succeed. Cinnamus says that an agreement was established between Manuel and Nur-ad-DIn whereby the emir freed many Frankish noblemen and promised to help the emperor in his Asiatic campaign. However, Nur-ad-Dm broke his promise and began to barass the emperor's troops. At this point news of new events taking place in the West (Constantinople)-Cinnamus does not mention what these events were-arrived, and so Manuel was forced to withdraw. On the other hand, William ofTyre simply states that after the emperor had arranged with Nur-ad-DIn to have certain Franks freed, he returned to his country where the state of his private affairs necessitated his presence and immediate attention. 4. The Armenian text has lur, which is untranslatable in this context. One variant has "[when] he." Section 41 1. The text reads "melted away with fear." 2. Both the oriental and occidental sources give accounts of Manuel's expedition to Cilida and upper Mesopotamia (1158-1159), relating the occupation of Cilicia, the triumphal entry into Antioch, the reconcilia· tion with T'oros and Reginald, the meeting with Baldwin, the cooperation of the Byzantines, Franks, and Armenians against Nur-ad-Dln, and finally the withdrawal from Aleppo. Section 42 1. The text leaves out "of the emperor." Two variants and the Jerusalem text include it. 2. The Jerusalem text has "having fortified [himselfJ." 3. A town southeast of Aleppo, on the Euphrates. Section 43 1. Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian say that the son of Joscelin was continually plundering the territory of Aleppo, until Nur-ad-Dln laid an ambush for him and captured him. Section 44 1. Also called Sokman II, grandson of Sokman al-QutbI, Turkoman ruler

NOTES-CONTINUATION

2. 3. 4. 6. 6. 7.

359

of Akhlat (Arm. Khlat') (1100-1110). Sokman II ruled from 1128 to 1185. The exact location of this place is unknown. According to Dulaurier, perhaps Niir-ad-Dfu. George III (1156-1184). A town in the district of Tayk', modem Olti or Oltu. Sokman II. This emir came to have the title Shah-i-Armfn (liKing of Armenia") because he ruled over many regions of Armenia, especially around Lake Van. The Jerusalem text has Kagh-"lame."

Section 45 1. One dank is equivalent to an obol. Section 46 1. The Jerusalem text has "upon the territory of Alexius." 2. Or Tsovk'. Located east-northeast of Edessa, on the other side of the Euphrates. 3. The Armenian philologist H. Acharyan says this term (Arm. Tsluk) is derived from the Arabic word zlwq (fast, speedy). It is probably a derivative of the Arabic root zlq-"to slither, to look at someone disapprovingly." 4. The Armenian has Kharuantay, the meaning of which according to Malkhaseants perhaps is "mule driver," but not fully ascertainable. 6. William of Tyre gives a rather detailed account of Reginald's capture by the Muslims, although slightly varying in details from Gregory the Priest's narration. The count ofAntioch was told that there were many flocks and herds around the area of Marash, all of them defenseless. So Reginald set out with a large force and, when he reached the area, found it full of animals; the people of that area were Christians, while the Turks only occupied the fortresses. Reginald plundered the area, but on his way back, laden with booty, he met up with the governor of Aleppo, an ally of Niir-ad-Din. The Franks could have escaped by abandoning their plunder and fleeing, but they chose to stay and fight. After a brief resistance the Franks fled, leaving their booty, while Reginald was taken captive and led ignominiously to Aleppo. 6. A town located due east of Antioch, in the direction of Aleppo. 7. Located south-southeast of Antioch on the Orontes River.

Section 47 1. 5mbat, Bar Hebraeus, Michael the Syrian, and Cinnamus give accounts of Kilij's visit to Constantinople. Both Bar Hebraeus and Michael the Syrian say that the sultan, realizing that Ya'qub Arslan (his general) and the other emirs wished to get rid of him and install his brother on the throne in his stead, went to Constantinople to get Bupport from the emperor. There he was greatly honored by the Byzantines, remaining

360

MATTHEW OF EDESSA

in the imperial city for eighty days. The two Syrian chroniclers give a very fascinating description of how the sultan was honored by the emperor and his court. Cinnamus gives an equally interesting description of Kilij's stay in Constantinople. He says that Manuel desired to show the sultan the greatness of the imperial city. Accordingly the emperor arranged to have a procession from the Acropolis to Saint Sophia. However, the patriarch Luke (Luke Chrysoberges-10571170) was against having an infidel escorted to such a holy place as the cathedral. In the end an earthquake convinced the majority of people in the city that the patriarch was right after all. Section 49 1. The person in question was Andronicus Comnenus. See sec. 26.

Glossary and Maps Matthew's chronicle contains numerous place names, the most obscure of which have been identified in the commentary on the translation. The more familiar place names have been located on the two maps contained herein: a map of Historic Armenia during the Medieval Period and a map of Cilicia, Syria, and Palestine, 10-12th centuries. A glossary of the more important place names with their ancient-medieval or Armenian designations, followed by their present-day local equivalents, are included here. Aintab-Gaziantep (Turk.) Aleppo-I;Ialab (Arab.) Am.ida-Diyarbekir (Turk.) Antioch-Antakya (Turk.) Aplast'a(n)-Elbistan (Turk.) Aratsani-Murat Su (Turk.) Archesh-Erjish (Turk.) Arkni-Ergani (Turk.) Ascalon-'Asqalan (Arab.) Akhurian-Arpa Chai (Turk.) Baghesh-Bitlis (Turk.) Behesni-Besni (Turk.) Beirut-Bairiit (Arab.) Bira-Birejik (Turk.) . Caesarea-Qaisariyah (Arab.) Caesarea Mazaca-Kayseri (Turk.) ·Chorokh-Choruh (Turk.) Cilician Gates-Kiileh Boghazi (Turk.) Damascus-Dimashq (ash-Sha'm) (Arab.) Duluk-Diiliik (Turk.) Edessa-Urfa (Turk.) Erznka-Erzinjan (Turk.) Euphrates-Firat (Turk.) .. . Gandzak (Ganja)-Kirovabad (AzerbaiJam) Gargar-Gerger (Turk.) Her-Khoy (Khvoy) (Pers.) ai$n Kaifa-Hasankeyf (Turk.) ailil n Man~ur-Adiyaman (Turk.) Homs-I:Iim~ (Arab.)

Hromkla-Rum Kalesi (Turk.) Iconium-Konya (Turk.) Jazirat-Ibn-'Umar--Jezire (Jizre) (Turk.) Jericho-Atill&. (ar-Rip&.) (Arab.) Jerm-Botan (Turk.) J ordan-al-Urdunn (Arab.) Karin-Erzerum (Turk.) Kesoun-Keysun (Turk.) Kharberd-Harput (Elazig) (Turk.) Khlat'-Ahlat (Turk.) Lambron-Namrun (Turk.) Latakia-Ladhiqiyah (Arab.) Mamistra-Misis (Turk.) Mantskert (Manazkert) (Manzikert)-Malazgirt (Turk.) Mayafariqin-Silvan (Turk.) Melitene-Malatya (Turk.) Nazareth-an-Nafilirah (Arab.) Neocaesarea-Niksar (Turk.) Nisibis-Nusaybin (Turk.) Orontes-al-'Asi (Arab.) Ostan-Gevash (Turk.) Ptolomais-Akka (Arab.) Pyramus-Jeyhan (Turk.) Ramla-ar-Ramlah (Arab.) Ravendan-Ravanda (Turk.) Salmast-Shapur (Dilman) (Pers.) Samosata-Samsat (Turk.) Saru.j-Suriich (Turk.) Sarus-Seyhan (Turk.) Sebastia-Sivas (Turk.) Sewawerak-8everek (Turk.) Shaizar-Saijar (Arab.) Sidon-$aida (Arab.) Sis-Kozan (Turk.) Syrian Gates-Belen Boghazi (Turk.) Tell Bashir-Tilbeshar (Turk.) Tiflis-Tbilisi (Georgian) Tigris-Dijle (Turk.) Trebizond-Trabzon (Turk.) Tripoli-1'arabulus (Arab.) Tyre-$ur (Arab.) Vahka-Feke (Turk.) Yeraskh (Araks)-Aras (Turk.)

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Select Bibliography Allen, W.E.D. A History of the Georgian People. London, 1932. Arpee, L. A History ofArmenian Christianity. New York, 1972. Burney, C.A. and D.M. Lang. The Peoples of the Hills. New York, 1972. Byzantium-An Introduction to East Roman Civilization, ed. N.H. Baynes and L.B. Moss. Oxford, 1948. Cahen, C. Pre Ottoman Turkey. Oxford,1948. Cambridge History of Islam, ed. P.M. Holt, Ann K.S. Lambton, and Bernard Lewis, 2 vols. Cambridge, 1970. Cambridge Medieval History, ed. J.B. Bury, vol. IV. Cambridge, 1923. Cambridge Medieval History, ed. J.M. Hussey, 2nd ed., vol. IV. Cambridge, 1966-1967. Charanis, P. The Armenians in the Byzantine Empire. Lisbon. Der N ersessian, S.Armenia and the Byzantine Empire. Cambridge, 1945. Der Nersessian, S. The Armenians. New York, 1970. Dictionary ofthe Middle Ages, ed. Joseph R. Strayer, 13 vols. New York, 1982-1989. East of Byzantium, ed. N.G. Garsoian, T.M. Matthews, and R.T. Thomson. Washington D.C., 1982. Grousset R. Histoire de l'Armenie des Origines a 1071. Paris, 1947. Grousset R. Histoire des Croisades et du Royaume Franc de Jerusalem, 3 vola. Paris, 1934-1936. A History of the Crusades, ed. K.M. Setton, 2nd ed., 5 vols. Madison, 1969-1985. Krey, A.C. The First Crusade. Princeton, 1951. Lang, D.M. Armenia: Cradle of Civilization, 3rd ed. Boston, 1980. Lang, D.M. The Georgians. New York, 1966. Medieval Armenian Culture, ed. T.T. Samuelian and M.I. Stone. Chico, California, 1984. Minorsky, B. Studies in Caucasian History. London, 1963. Obolensky, D. The Byzantine Commonwealth. New York, 1971. Oldenbourg, Z. The Crusades. New York, 1960. Ormanian, M. The Church ofArmenia. London, 1955. Ostrogorsky, G. History of the Byzantine State, trans. J. Hussey. New Brunswick, 1957. Rice, T.T. The Seljuks. New York, 1961. Runciman, S. A History of the Crusades, 3 vols. Cambridge, 1951-1954. Segal, J .B. Edessa "The Blessed City." Oxford, 1970. Toumanoff, C. Studies in Christian Caucasian History. Georgetown, 1963. Vasiliev A.A. History of the Byzantine Empire. Madison, 1952. Vryonis: S. The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor. Berkeley, 1971.

Index Aaron, Byzantine governor of Ani and Iberia 78 Abas I, king of Kars 24 Abkhazes 23, 64, 134 Ablgharib, Armenian rnler of Bira 205,220 Ablgharib, Byzantine governor of Tarsus 144 Ablgharib, commander of DerenikAshot 35-36 Abu'I-Hajji, emir of Her 35-36 Abu'I-Uswar, Kurdish emir ofDvin 24, 63-64, 132 Abukab, tent-guard of David of Tayk' 51,55 Abusahl, son of Senek'erim-John 65,95,97, 110, 132-33 Acre (Ptolemais) 31 Adana 21, 135 Mricans (Fatimids of Egypt) 29, 31,40-41 MshIn, Muslim emir 124-25 ~ad-n, Kurdish chief 207 Aintab 242,270-71 Akhalk'alak. (town) 101 Akhuuian 77,102,104 Aksungur, emir of Aleppo 158, 16061 Aksungur al-Bursuki, governor of Mosul 215,234-35 Alar (town) 55 Albanians 64-65, 101, 151 Aleppo 20, 51, 132-33, 149, 151, 153,161,199,228,234 Alexius I Comnenus, Byzantine emperor 143, 155, 165, 185, 224-25 Alp Arslan, SeJjuk sultan 101, 102-

1M, 122, 130, 132-37 Amanus Mountains (Black Mountains) 46, 125, 167, 217 Amida 26,28,99, 100, 130, 218 Amir al.JuyUsh, see Badr-alJamali Anania I, catholicos 20, 36 Anazarba 20-21, 206, 241 Andronicus, Byzantine general 260-61,280 Andzewats'ik' (district of Greater Armenia) 35 Ani 20, 23, 46, 62, 66, 72-73, 102104,146,233,237,278 Antioch 40, 84-86, 141, 147, 14849,153,157,166-67, 170, 17172,237,242,274 Apahunik' (district of Greater Armenia) 37, 38 Apirat 24 Aplasat', Armenian nobleman 203 Aplast'a 197, 277 Arabs 19,160,202 Archesh 74, 86 Argina (town) 36, 123 Arjovit (district of Greater Armenia) 78 Arkni 80-81, 97 Armenia 158 Armenians 35, 41, 44, 45, 83, 96, 98, 104-5, 121-22, 132, 148, 154,160,187,263,269,275 Artsn (town) 76-77 Aroandanos, dux of Edessa 126 Arzghan (fortress) 279 al-Atharib (fortress) 206, 224 Ascalon 270 Ashot III, king of Ani 27, 29

368

INDEX

Ashot IV, king of Ani 22-23,63 Atom, son of Senek'erim-John 55, 65,95,97,110,132-33 Atrnerseh, Armenian nobleman 123 Aydzik' (fortress) 28 Ayrarat 68 Aytseats' (fortress) 33 'Azaz (fortress) 51, 222-23, 234-35 Aziz, see al-Mustan'lir Baalbek 29 Badr·al·JamalI, Fatimid general 152 Baghdad 37, 228 Baghesh 87 Bagrat, Armenian nobleman 220 Bagrat IV, Georgian king 50 Bagratids, dynasty 73 Bagrewand (district of Greater Armenia) 123 Baisan (town) 31 Bal-al-Ra'fs 52 Balduk, emir of Samosata 162,168 Baldwin I, count of Edessa 164, 168-70, 176-77 king of Jerusalem 187,191,203, 207,221,225-26 Baldwin II, count of Edessa 164, 177-78, 191, 192-94, 199,201203,207, 212-13, 219, 221 king of Jerusalem 221-22. 224225, 228-230, 232. 234-35 Baldwin III, king of Jerusalem 243, 270-71, 273, 276, 279 Baldwin, ruler of Marash and Kesoun 239,241,243-57 Balik, see Nur-ad-Daulah Balik Bardas Phoeas, Byzantine magate 39-40 Bardas Scelerus, Byzantine magnate 36-37 Barsegh, vardapet 245-57,279 Barsegh I, catholicos 140, 145-46, 150, 156·58. 192. 196, 211, 215,245 Basil II, Byzantine emperor 34, 36, 39-47,49,50

Basil, Byzantine commander of Mantskert 87 Basil, dux of Edessa 131 Basil, son of Abukab 105, 142-43, 146 Basil and Constantine, sons of Romanus II 21-22, 34 Basra 202 Bazuni, Cilician-Armenian prince 167 Behesni 229, 242, 259, 268, 277 Beirut 31,204 Berdus (fortress) 267,269 Berkri (town) 61, 86 Berkyaruk, Seljuk sultan 158, 160, 161, 170, 171, 195 Bertram, count of Tripoli 197,203, 204,207 Bira 215, 220 Bjni (fortress) 24 Black Mountains, see Amanus Mountains Bohemond I, prince ofAntioch 164, 167, 170-71, 176-77, 191-94, 220,238 Bohemond, son of Bohemond 237 Botaneiates, see Nicephorus III Botaneiates Bulgars 40-41,44,62-63 Bursuk ibn-Bursuk, governor of Ramadan 207,218-19 al-Bursuki, see Aksungur al· Bursuki Burzuya (fortress) 32 Buzii'ah (town) 223, 241 Buzan, Muslim emir 154-55, 15761 Byzantines, see Romans Caesarea Maritima 31, 175 Caesarea Mazaca 47,121 Chalcedon, Council of 97 Chavli Saqaveh, Muslim emir 199, 201 Ch'mshkatsakk' (town) 28 Chnchghuk, son of Khach'ik 69, 70 ChCikiirmish, emir of MOBul 193, 194, 197, 199

INDEX Ch'ortuanel, lieutenant of Liparit 79 Christ 113-18 Christians 37-38, 44, 59, 64, 74, 93-94, 98, 125-26, 143, 156, 205-6,257,268,274 Christmas, see Nativity Chrysopolis (town) 89 Chuash (district of Greater Armenia) 36 Church of the Holy Sepulcher 17879,274 Cilicia 21, 148, 166, 237 comets 41, 62, 124, 129, 168, 198 Comnenus, see Isaac I Comnenus Constantine VIII, Byzantine emperor 49-50 Constantine IX Monomachus, Byzantine emperor 70-72, 74-79, 81,88 Constantine X Ducas, Byzantine emperor 91, 97, 99, 104-5, 108-11, 120-21, 127 Constantine I, prince of Cilician Axmania 166-67,174-75 Constantine, ruler of Gargar 168, 220 Constantinople 33, 41, 45, 69, 71, 75, 77-78, 80, 89, 97, 106, 111, 120, 123, 127, 143, 158 creation 111 Crete 20 Cyprus 272 Cyrrhus (town) 51 Cyrus, vardapet 237 Damascus 30, 152, 271 Danishmend, see Malik·Gazi Danube River 105 Da'iid, son of Sokman 236 David III, Georgian king 227,231, 233,236 David, king of Israel 105 David, son of Senek'erim.John 4445,47, 50,55 David Lackland, king of Lori 6366,68 David of Tayk', Georgian ruler 37-

369

39,51 Dawatanos, dux of Edessa 99-101 Daylamites of Azerbajian, see Delumk' Delumk' (Daylamites ofAzerbaijan) 24 Demetrius I, Georgian king 231, 236 Derenik-ABhot, king ofVaspurakan 35 Dinar, Muslim emir 92 Diogenes, see Romanus IV Dioscorus, superior of Dzor 61-62 Drazark (monastery) 218, 237, 280 Ducas, see Constantine X Dvin 24,73·75,280 Dzor (monastery) 61 earthquakes 85,157,267 Easter 41-42, 187-88, 190-91 Edessa 19,28,41,51-55,91,107-9, 126, 130-31, 133, 142-43, 14647, 154, 157, 161-63, 168-70, 175, 177, 188, 190-91, 193, 197, 199, 201, 205, 209-10, 212-13,215,225,243,245 Eghishe, Armenian bishop 78 Egypt 140, 173, 221 Erznka 73 Erzurum 100 Ethiop~ 25,36,79,191 Eucharist (Holy Communion) 117, 124 Eudocia, wife of Constantine IX 127 eulogies 245-57 Euphrates River 126, 146, 205-6, 224 famines 19, 55, 94, 143, 144, 175 al-Faraj, Seljuk sultan 163 fasting 118-20 Fatimids, see Africans floods 191 Francopoulos, see Herve Franks 59, 87-88, 107-8, 138, 16467, 170-73, 178-79, 186-87, 197-98, 205-6, 212-13, 217, 221,243,269,275

370

INDEX

Fulcher, count of Sartij 177-78 Fulk, count of Anjou and king of Jerusalem 242 Gabadonia (town) 95 Gabriel, commander of Melitene 163, 176 Gagik I, king of Ani 20, 22 Gagik II, king of Ani 63, 67~68, 71-73,97,110-11,120,121-22, 124, 133, 144-45, 207 Gagik-Abas II, king of Kars 104, 107 Galilee, Sea of 30 Galeran, count of Sariij 220, 22830,232 Gandzak 151, 155 Gandzi, Armenian nobleman 61 Gargar 229,233,258 Genesareth (town) 31 Geoffrey, regent of Edessa 230,232 George I, Georgian king 46-47,50 George III, Georgian king 277-78, 280 George, vardapet and secretary to Gregory II 128, 137 George Meghrik, vardapet 218,237 Georgia 101, 226-27 Georgians 23, 46, 226, 277-78 Gergetha (town) 90 Ghazi, see Giiml1shtigin Gha.zr Ghazi, emir of Gandzak 226 Glak (monastery) 93 Godfrey of Bouillon 164, 167, 173, 175-76 Godhead 112-17 Gospels 84-85, 129 Greeks 42,68,80,86,96,144,165, 187, 208-9, 275 Gregory II, catholicoB 106-7, 12728, 137, 138-40, 150, 173, 188190, 195-96,245 Gregory III, catholico8 196, 215 Gregory, Byzantine governor of Vaspurakan 78, 173-74 Gregory the Enlightener, saint 107, 110

Gregory Magistros 56, 67-68, 74 Gregory Pahlawuni, Armenian savant 123 Gregory the Priest 242 Gulla.b (town) 109 Gl1ml1shtigin, general of Alp AsIan 125-27 Guml1shtigin Ghazi, Danishmendid ruler 194, 234 Gurgen I, Albanian king 24 Gurgen II Kvirike, king of lAp and Albania 101, 145 Gurgen, prince of Andzewats'ik' 22 Haghbat (monastery) 145 !:Iamdan, Muslim general 20, 28 !:Iarim (town) 279 Hark' (district of Greater Armenia) 27 Harpik, Armenian nobleman 8081, 89 Harran (town) 146, 193, 199, 202, 205, 276 Hasan, son of Khach'ik 69,70 Hehnuk, Armenian commander 100 Her 35, 69, 70 Heresies (of the church) 113·17, 156 Herve, Norman mercenary 99-101 Hilarion, Georgian archbishop 39 l;Iil'}n-Man~l1r 200, 211, 217 Holy Communion, see Eucharist Holy Spirit 112-14 Homs 29 Honi (town) 139, 142, 156, 163 Hfomkla 242 Ibrahim, general of Tughrul 76, 236 Ibrahim, see Nal'}ir-ad-Daulah Ibrahim Il-GhazI, ruler of Mardin 215,219, 223-228 Imad-ad-Din Zengi, Turkish ruler 237,243,244 Irion, Byzantine savant 187 Isaac I Comnenus, Byzantine em· peror 89-91

INDEX Isaiah, Old Testament prophet 45 Isfahan 161 Ishkhan, Son of Khach'ik 69-70 Isma'il, general ofBerkyaruk 158, 160-61 Isma'll, uncle of Berkyaruk 158 Jabala (town) 32 Jahan (district in Cilicia) 149 James, fourth-century bishop of Nisibis 29 James K'arap'nets'i, vardapet 110, 149 James ofSanahin, vardapet 110-11 J awakhk' (district of Greater Armenia) 101 Jerusalem 30, 42, 152, 172-73, 176-77,191,213,221 John I Tzimisces, Byzantine emperor 21-22, 27-28 John II Comnenus, Byzantine emperor 225, 239, 241-42 John, Albanian catholicos 20, 36, 37 John the Baptist 32-33 John the Evangelist 34,48 John Koze~n, vardapet 42,46,48, 56,60,151 John-Smbat III, king of Ani 22-23, 46, 48, 61, 63·64, 66 Joscelin I, count of Edessa 165, 193, 201-4, 207, 210, 225-26, 228-30, 232, 234, 236-38 Joscelin II, count of Edessa 242, 244, 257-58,270,277 Joseph, Albanian catholic08 62 Joseph, vardapet 42 Jubail (fortress) 31 Kara Aralan, ruler of ~~n Kaila. 242,258 Karmir-Vank' (monastery) 196, 211, 215, 238, 259 Kars 24,46 Katramide, daughter of George IGeorgian king 23 Kerbogha, see Berkyaruk Kesoun 211, 217, 226, 238, 241, 259, 267, 269

371

Khach'ik I, catholicos 39-40 Khach'ik II, catholicos 77, 91, 97,

106 Khach'ik, Armenian nobleman 6970 Khalid, Kurdish chieftain 100 Kharberd 138,229-30 Khetrik, emir of Berkri 61 Khlat' 134 Khusraw, Muslim emir 146 Kilij Arslan I, sultan of Rum 149, 163-65, 185·86, 199, 264 Kilij Arslan II, sultan of Rum 259, 265-69,276-77,279 Kogh Vasil, ruler of KeSOUD and Raban 192, 196, 200, 201, 205,211 Ktrich', Muslim emir 129, 132-34 Kupin (town) 109 Kuraysh, emir of Mosul 74,132 Kutulmish, general of Tughrul 76 Kurds 100 Kvirike, see Gurg~n II Kvirike Larissa (town) 266 Latins 164, 187 Leo Tornices, Byzantine magnate 75 Leon I, ruler of eilidan Armenia 212,219,222-23,239,241 Leon, commander of Tarlin 33 Leon, dux of Edessa 143 Leon, vardapet 33-34 Leon the Philosopher, Armenian nobleman 27 Liparit, Georgian nobleman 46, 7879 Lori (town) 101, 145 Lycandus (town) 266 Maghrib Arabs 29, 40, see also

Mricans Magyars 80 Ma\unl1d, SeJjuk sultan 222, 238 Mahuis, Frankish chieftain 232 Maiyafariqin 52, 94, 229 Majd-ad-DiD, general of N'iir-adDin 279 MAlik, see Tugbrul II (MAlik)

372

INDEX

Malik-Gazi, Danishmendid ruler 176-77, 191-92, 194 Malik-Mu:pammad, see Naf1ir-adDin Mul;1ammad Malik·Shah, Seljuk sultan 136-37, 152·53, 156, 158 Mamistra 21, 38, 217, 261, 272 Mamlan, emir of Azerbaijan 37 Manbij (town) 128, 232 Mandala, sons of 144.45, 208-9 Maniaces, Byzantine commander 52·55, 70-71 Mantskert 86·88, 130, 133, 135 Manuch'e, emir of Ani 233, 237 Manuel I Comnenus, Byzantine emperor 242, 260, 262, 272-76, 279 Manzikert, see Mantskert Marand (town) 137 Marash (town) 51, 149-50, 176, 195, 257, 277 Mardin (town) 192 Mark, hermit 196 Mark, metropolitan of Caesarea 121·122 Mary (Virgin Mary), see Theotokoe Mas'ud, sultan of Rum 257, 259, 262,265 Matthew of Edessa 83·84, 181-84 Maudud, See Sharaf-ad-Dln Maudud Mediterranean Sea 56, 89, 101, 143, 153, 165, 224 Melias, Byzantine general 26 Melissenus, Byzantine commander 89 Melissenus, claimant to the Byzantine throne 142-43 Melitene 26, 92-93, 173, 176, 231, 234 Mesopotamia 19, 175 Michael IV, Byzantine emperor 55, 62~63, 65, 68 Michael VI, Byzantine emperor 8990 Michael VII Ducas, Byzantine emperor 127, 135, 140-42

Michael, ruler of Gargar 233 Miran, see Sokman IT Miwron (holy oil) 46, 77 Monomachus, see Constantine IX Moses, Hebrew savant 43 Mosul 74,234 Mother of God, see Theotokos Mu:p.ammad, Danishmendid ruler 238-39 Mul;J.ammad (Tap'ar), Seljuk sultan 195,215,222 Muslims 19, 28, 51, 55, 267 al-Mustan~ir, Fatimid caliph 152 Nakhichevan (town) 104 Na~ir-ad·Daulah, Kurdish Marwanid ruler 52 Na~ir-ad-Daulah Ibrahim, ruler of Mosul 159·60 Na~ir-ad-Dfn Mu:tJ.ammad, Danishmendid emir 241-42 Nativity (Christmas) 118-19 Nazareth 30 Nicaea 158,165-66 Nicephorus II Phoeae, Byzantine emperor 21,27, 34 Nicephorus III Botaneiates, Byzantine emperor 140·42 Nicephorus "Crookneck," Byzantine magnate 47 Nicetas Pegonites, dux of Antioch 108 Nig (district of Greater Armenia) 24 Nisibis 29, 108, 125, 126, 159, 215 Nur-ad-Daulah Balik, ruler of Aleppo 206,215,228-230,232 Nur-ad·Dfn, Zengid ruler 257, 260, 269·71,274, 276-77, 279 omens 43,47,56-60,73,84,93,99, 124, 129, 150=51, 168, 172, 174-75,178-79, 199, 202, 206, 216,218,243,259,278 Oriental peoples 143-44 Oshin, Cilician·Armenian prince 167 Oshin, ruler of Lambron 261 Oxus River 136

INDEX Paghin (town) 74,80, 97 Parsama, officer of Pbilaretus 15254 Partaw (town) 151 Paul, superior ofVarag 15D-51, 159 Paul, vardapet 231 Payens, count of Sariij 212 Palestine 29, 32 Pechenegs 80,90,135,155 Peros, Byzantine commander 8081,89 Persians (Turks) 20, 55, 60 Peter I, catholicos 23, 46, 61-62, 67, 71, 77-78, 91, 106 Peter, superior ofVarag 245 Philaretus, Armenian ruler 137-39, 141, 145, 147, 149, 151-52 Philip, Albanian King 20 Phoenicia 29,32 plagues 43, 157 Poitou, count of, see William IX Porphyrogenitus, see John II Comnenus Prince of Princes, see Tat'ul prophecies, 48, 57-60, 150, 164, 172, 174, 178, 196, 199, 216, 259 Qal'at Ja'bar (fortress) 244 Qarmatians (Muslim sect) 268 Raban (town) 211,217,219,242, 259,277 Ramla 30 ~at and Zoyat, brothers of Liparit 46 Raymond of Poitiers, prince of Antioch 242,257 Raymond of Saint Gilles, count of Toulouse 164, 167, 171, 174, 184-85, 197 Reginald of Chatillon, regent of Antioch 270-71,273-74,279 Richard, regent of Edessa 176-77, 197,201 Ridvan, son of Tutush 162 Roger, regent of Antioch 212,214, 218,222-24 Romanopolis (fortress) 54,142

373

Romans (Byzantines) 40, 41, 60, 66, 67, 83-85, 96, 276 Romanus II, Byzantine emperor 20-21 Romanus III, Argyrus, Byzantine emperor 50-51, 54-55 Romanus IV Diogenes, Byzantine emperor 127·28, 132-33, 13435 Sacrament. see Eucharist ~adaqah, Arab ruler 227, 234 Sahak I, catholicos 150 Sahak., lord of Varazhnunik' 41 Saint Gilles, see Raymond of Saint Gilles ~i'ii,d_ad_Daulah, emir of Amida 99 Saint Peter (Greek cathedral at Antioch) 85 Saint Sophia (cathedral in Constantinople) 40, 45, 69. 77, 111, 123, 127 Saint Sophia (Syrian cathedral at Edessa) 53. 198 Salman, commander at Edessa 52-

54 Salmast 69-70 Samarkand 136 Samosata 19, 168, 217 Samuel, vardapet 39, 43 Sanahin (monastery) 61·62 Saone (fortress) 32 Sargis I, catholicos 40, 46 Sargis, co-catholicos 139, 142 Sargis, Armenian nobleman 66-67, 71 Sari 24 Sariij 177-78,210 Sasun (town) 93 Satan 48-49,57, 59, 155 Sebastia 45-46,65, 92,95-96, 129, 132-33 Senek'erim-John, king of Vaspurakan 22, 41, 44-46, 50, 65 Sewawerak 55, 100, 107 Shabal, emir of Edessa 51-52 Shah-i-Armin, see Bokman II Shaizar 218

374

INDEX

Shapuh, Armenian commander 4445,65 Sharaf-ad-Daulah, emir of Mosul 146, 149 Sharaf-ad-Din Maudud, Seljuk general 204-7,209-10,21214 Sidon 31 Simon, soldier of the family of Mahuis 242 Sokman, ArtOOd ruler 162, 167, 177,193-94 Sokman II, ruler of Akhlat 277-78, Slar-Khorasan, general of Tughrul 97-98, 107, 109 5mbat II, king of Ani 104 5mbat, dux of Edessa 147 Spramik, mother of Mkhit'ar 22, 27 Stephen III, catholicos 37, 39 Stephen, Albanian catholicos 145, 155,192 Stephen, brother of Toros 267-69, 280 Stephen, Byzantine commander 74 Sulaiman, emir of Antoich 151-52 Sulaiman, emir of the East 206-7 Sulaiman, sultan of Rum 147, 149 Syria 29,32 Syrians 53, 84-85, 154, 187-88 Tachat 61 Tancred, regent of Antioch 164, 176, 185, 193-94, 199, 201, 202,203,204,206,207,211-12 Tap'ar, see M~ammad (Tap'ar) T'at'ul, By~antine commander at Marash 176,195,220 Taron (district of Greater Armenia) 28, 93 Tarsus 21, 144 Tarkhaniat', Byzantine magnate 134 Taurus Mountains 93, 166 T'awblur (town) 97 Tell I;Iamdun (fortress) 264 Tell Bashir (fortress) 168, 176, 207, 225, 258-60 Templars 263, 271, 273, 277

Tep (fortress) 109 Thaddeus and Bartholomew 110 Theodora, daughter of Constantine VIII 88 Theodore, co-catholicos 142, 14950, 156, 163 Theodore, metropolitan of Melitene 39 Theotokos (Virgin Mary) 113, 115, 118, 119 l1berias 30,214,225 l1flis 228 Timurtash, ruler of Mardin 232 T'lkuran (fortress) 207 T'lkhum (fortress) 74, 97, 99, 101, 107, 125, 130 T'onrawan (district of Greater Axmenia) 69-70 Tornices, see Leo Tornices T'ornik, Armenian nobleman 93 T'ornik, lord of Sasun 137-39 T'oros I, ruler of Cilician Armenia 200, 206, 208-9, 219 T'oros II, ruler of Cilician Armenia 260-64,267,269, 272-73, 27676,279 T'oros, bishop at Honi 245 T'oros, ruler ofEdessa 161-63, 166, 168·70, 175 T'orosak, lord of Tlpagh 80 Trebizond 46 Trinity 112, 114, 116, 118 Tripoli 31,160,185,194,197,203 Tughrul I, Seljuk sultan 74,76,79, 86,95,99,129,143,228 Tughrul II (Malik), Seljuk sultan 222,226-27 Tughtigin, emir of Damascus 167, 214,219,234,236,238 Turkomans 276, 279 T'urk', commander of Damascus 30 Turks 44-45, 49, 59, 83, 96, 99, 129,143,202,223-24,227,276 Tutush, son of Alp Arslan 130 Tutush, sultan of Damascus 16162, 159, 161-62 Tyre 233

INDEX Tzimisces, see John I Tzimisces 'Utair, emir of Edessa 51-52 Uzes 80, 105, 135 Vahan I, catholicos 28, 36-37 Vahka 174 Vabram, see Gregory II Vahram Pahlawuni, Armenian commander 66-67, 74 Valania (town) 32 Varag (monastery) 22,35,50 Varazhnunik' (district of Greater Armenia) 41 Vasak, commander ofBjni 24-25 Vasak, dux of Antioch 141 Vasil, ruler of Bardzraberd 261

375

Vasil, ruler of Gargar 258 Vasil, son of Kogh Vasil 219 Vaspurakan 44·45, 61, 69, 206 Virgin Mary, see Theotokos William ]X, duke of Aquitaine and count of Poitou 185-87 Ya'qub, general of Mas'ud 263 Yaghi-Basan, Danishmendid ruler 266,277 Yaghi-Siyan, emir of Antioch 154, 158, 161-62, 167, 170-71 Yusuf, emir of Erzurum 101 Zengi, see Imiid-ad-Drn Zengi Zoe, daughter of Constantine VIII 50, 68-69, 88