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Applied Linguistics Review 2 2011

Applied Linguistics Review 2 2011 Editor

Li Wei

De Gruyter Mouton

ISBN 978-3-11-023932-4 e-ISBN 978-3-11-023933-1 ISSN 1868-6303 ISSN online 1868-6311 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ” 2011 Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin/New York Typesetting: PTP-Berlin Protago TEX-Production GmbH, Berlin Printing: Hubert & Co. GmbH & Co. KG, Göttingen ⬁ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com

Editor

Associate Editors

Li Wei Department of Applied Linguistics & Communication University of London, Birkbeck College 26 Russel Square, Bloomsbury London WC1B 5DQ UK E-mail: [email protected]

David Block University of London, Institute of Education Bencie Woll University College London Itesh Sachdev University of London, SOAS

International Advisory Board Keiko Abe Kyoritsu Women’s University, Japan

Alex Housen Vrije Universiteit Brussel, Belgium

Kingsley Bolton City University of Hong Kong, China

Andy Kirkpatrick Hong Kong Institute of Education, China

Vivian Cook Newcastle University, UK

Claire Kramsch University of California, Berkeley, USA

Donna Christian Center for Applied Linguistics, USA

Mayouf Ali Mayouf University of Sebha, Libya

Annick De Houwer University of Erfurt, Germany

Tim McNamara University of Melbourne, Australia

Patricia Duff University of British Columbia, Canada

Ben Rampton King’s College London, UK

Diana Eades University of New England, Australia

Elana Shohamy Tel Aviv University, Israel

Yihong Gao Beijing University, China

David Singleton Trinity College Dublin, Ireland

Ofelia Garcia City University of New York Graduate Center, USA

Anna Verschik Tallinn Pedagogical University, Estonia

Susan Gass University of Michigan, USA Fred Genesee McGill University, Canada Nancy Hornberger University of Pennsylvania, USA

Terry Wiley Center for Applied Linguistics, USA Lawrence Zhang National Institute of Education, Singapore

Contents

Li Wei Editor’s note

ix

Suresh Canagarajah Translanguaging in the classroom: Emerging issues for research and pedagogy

1

Massimiliano Spotti Modernist language ideologies, indexicalities and identities: Looking at the multilingual classroom through a post-Fishmanian lens

29

Kingsley Bolton Language policy and planning in Hong Kong: Colonial and post-colonial perspectives

51

Lin Pan English language ideologies (ELI) in Olympic Beijing

75

Andy Kirkpatrick English as a medium of instruction in Asian education (from primary to tertiary): Implications for local languages and local scholarship

99

Siân Preece Universities in the Anglophone centre: Sites of multilingualism

121

Anne Pauwels Risking or boosting masculinity? Men’s language choices in multilingual settings

147

viii

Contents

Larissa Aronin, Muiris O´ Laoire and David Singleton The multiple faces of multilingualism: Language nominations

169

Raphael Berthele On abduction in receptive multilingualism. Evidence from cognate guessing tasks

191

Annick De Houwer Language input environments and language development in bilingual acquisition

221

Margo DelliCarpini The role of phonemic awareness in early L2 reading for adult English language learners: Pedagogical implications

241

Piia Varis, Xuan Wang and Caixia Du Identity repertoires on the Internet: Opportunities and constraints

265

Crispin Thurlow and Adam Jaworski Tourism discourse: Languages and banal globalization

285

Jeff Bezemer, Alexandra Cope, Gunther Kress and Roger Kneebone “Do you have another Johan?” Negotiating meaning in the operating theatre

313

Editor’s note LI WEI

The inaugural issue of Applied Linguistics Review was published in June 2010. All the evidence suggests that it has been very positively received. Some of the articles have not only been cited by other researchers but also made onto the reading lists for students. This second volume includes another ﬁne selection of articles on a range of topics in applied linguistics, from critical analysis of classroom interaction and language teaching ideologies to tourism discourse and interactions in the operating theatre. Together the articles demonstrate the breadth and strength of applied linguistics as a ﬁeld of transdisciplinary, critical enquiry. This year we received a lot more articles than we could possible include. It is always a shame not to be able to accept all the submissions. But we do want to ensure high quality of the published articles. I am very grateful to the contributors for the most interesting work they present in their articles. I am also grateful to my co-editors, especially David Block, for their work in putting this volume together. Several of my immediate colleagues at Birkbeck have reviewed the papers for this volume, along with other invited reviewers and members of the advisory board. Brigid O’Connor acted as the copy editor. I thank them all. As ever, the work by the staff at the Mouton ofﬁce must be acknowledged. Without their enthusiasm, this publication would not have been possible. London January 2011

Modernist language ideologies, indexicalities and identities: Looking at the multilingual classroom through a post-Fishmanian lens MASSIMILIANO SPOTTI

Abstract This paper focuses on the construction of immigrant minority pupils’identities in a regular multicultural primary school classroom in the Netherlands. It presents three ethnographic data sets. The ﬁrst set features the evaluative discourse of a Dutch medium primary school teacher and it focuses on the ways in which this class teacher indexes pupils’ identities on an axis of (linguistic) disorder versus order on the basis of an attributed monolingual upbringing. The second set features the evaluative discourse of Moroccan girls of both Berber and Arabic-speaking origin. Although the Dutch language is a given in their lives, their identity belongings are strongly anchored on the axis of purity versus impurity, established on the basis of their language skills in the immigrant minority language. The third set features a sabotage move perpetrated by two pupils of Turkish background, who assert the validity of ’international’ languages as opposed to their home language and who use ‘fake’Arabic to escape the pressure exerted on them by the classroom researcher. The paper concludes by proposing a revisited understanding of multilingualism that can give justice to the complexity of the pupils’ own sociolinguistic repertoires and identity performances. This renewed understanding is based on a post-Fishmanian awareness that sees language use and identity construction as polycentric semiotic performances not necessarily bound to groups. Key words: Identity, multilingualism, Fishman, immigrant pupils, primary education, the Netherlands, interpretive ethnography

1. Introduction Cultural and linguistic diversity in Dutch mainstream society have been the object of heated public and political debates for decades, with increased attention being paid to the need for integration (more recently addressed as ‘participa-

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tion’) of immigrant minority group members within mainstream Dutch society. This integration is marketed and sold as something to be achieved through the means of Dutch alone (Extra and Spotti 2009). As a result of immigration, the Dutch educational system has also been confronted with complex new patterns of multilingualism and the identities of immigrants and their offspring, and primary education is one of the institutionalized environments in which monoglot policing has taken place. That is, it is one of the institutional environments in which government policy has enabled the Dutch language, rather than being side kicked by immigrant minority languages, to be the only language of instruction in the curriculum (Bezemer and Kroon 2007). This situation, however, is in sharp contrast with the ﬁndings of ethnographic research that reconstruct a discontinuity between monoglot language policies and the heteroglot language repertoires of immigrant minority pupils (cf. Bezemer 2003; Spotti 2006). With the above as backdrop, this paper focuses on the construction of immigrant minority pupils’ identities in a regular multicultural primary school classroom in the Netherlands. It presents three ethnographic data sets. The ﬁrst set features the evaluative discourse of a Dutch medium primary school teacher and it focuses on the ways in which this class teacher indexes pupils’ identities on an axis of (linguistic) disorder versus order on the basis of an attributed monolingual upbringing. The second set features the evaluative discourse of Moroccan girls of both Berber and Arabic-speaking origin. Although the Dutch language is a given in their lives, their identity belongings are strongly anchored on the axis of purity versus impurity, established on the basis of their language skills in the immigrant minority language. The third set features a sabotage move perpetrated by two pupils of Turkish background, who assert the validity of ‘international’ languages as opposed to their home language and who use ‘fake’ Arabic to escape the pressure exerted on them by the classroom researcher. The paper concludes by proposing a revisited understanding of multilingualism that can give justice to the complexity of the pupils’ own polylingual sociolinguistic repertoires and identity performances. The central concepts here are modernist language ideologies, indexicality, and identity. Together, these three concepts help construct a viable conceptual pathway for the study of identity construction. It is therefore necessary to outline my understanding of these three concepts at the outset of this paper.

2. Modernist language ideologies, indexicality and identities Modernist language ideologies are belief systems that have served, and still serve, nation-states and their institutional ramiﬁcations – such as education – in

Modernist language ideologies, indexicalities and identities

31

setting up and perpetrating national order (Baumann and Briggs 2003; see also Silverstein’s 1996, 1998 work on a culture of monoglot standard). Modernist language ideologies present languages as codiﬁed in speciﬁc artefactualised linguistic objects: grammars, dictionaries etc. (Blommaert 2008) – that have a name (e.g. Dutch, Turkish, Arabic, etc.), and whose speakers have clearly deﬁnable ethnolinguistic identities, i.e., ‘I am a speaker of language X and therefore I am a member of group Y’. These ideologies, seen as contributing to the maintenance of national order, revolve around two tenets: the establishment of a standard or norm for language behaviour that is common to all inhabitants of a nation-state, and the rejection of hybridity and ambivalence in any form of linguistic behaviour. Of these two closely related tenets, the former is the goal towards which the latter is seen to contribute. That is, the rejection of hybridity is embedded in the search – whether in writing or in pronunciation – for a ‘standard’ (see Agha 2003 for a comprehensive explanation of the emergence of Received Pronunciation of English [RP] as a product of characterological discourses). The standard is presented as the norm and, as such, is sold and marketed as the uncorrupted variety of the ofﬁcial/national language and often associated with the righteous moral values of its users (see Agha 2003: 231–273). Finally, given that languages are understood as ﬁnite entities bound by syntactical rules and grammars, their usage can be assessed. From this it follows, then, that there will be language users whose use of language can be evaluated as better than that of others. As for education, categorising pupils on the basis of how skilful they are in the usage of the standard variety, or even in the usage of the school variety of a certain language, holds deep implications for identity construction. This leads us to the concept of indexicality. Any bits of language that someone uses carry an ideological load in that, in addition to their referential meaning, they also carry either pragmatic or social meaning (i.e. have ‘indexicality’). In other words, any bits of a language that one uses are potentially subject to evaluation against the standard/norm from others who inhabit the same socialisation space. A poignant example of this indexicalisation process is the evaluation of accents, which can be embedded in people’s discourse on language use (e.g., ‘he speaks like a farmer’ or ‘he surely is from the capital’), and that are drawn on grounds of – often implicit – shared complexities of indexicality within a certain centering institution (see Dong 2009: 72–73). For instance, an accent can be evaluated as ‘funny’ because it indexes distance from the authorised standard accent which in turn is an index of prestige and constructs the identity of those performing it as an identity of someone who is ‘well schooled’. Indexicality is therefore the connective cement that links language use to social meanings, and all this is done through institutionally authorised evaluative discourses. This means that in any act of

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language use, there is always identity work involved and that indexicality points to the grassroots displays of ‘groupness’. Consequently, every utterance, even when not explicitly about identity, is an act of identity performance. This leads us to the third and ﬁnal concept of the conceptual framework employed here: that of identity. Space constraints do not allow for a complete review of the concept of identity (see Block 2006; Dong 2010; Joseph 2003; Spotti 2007). For the present purpose, it should sufﬁce to pin down three things. First, identity is not something that someone possesses. Rather, it is something that someone constructs in social practice within a space of socialisation. Second, identity is not monolithic. Instead, it consists of a series of performative acts that take place according to the socialisation space one occupies. We can therefore talk of ‘identities’ instead of ‘identity’ and identities are constructs that are built on the basis of semiotic resources at one’s disposal within a certain socialisation space. Third, identities are inhabited as well as ascribed. Inhabited identities refer to self-performed identities through which people claim allegiance to a group. Conversely, ascribed identities are attributed to one by others on the basis of evaluative criteria that make one either well-ﬁtted or ill-ﬁtted for a socially circumscribed category (e.g., ‘the good neighbour’, ‘the bad student’, ‘the college beauty’, ‘the nerd’; see also Goffman 1981). How do modernist language ideologies, indexicalities, and identities work together, then? Borrowing from Bakhtin (1981: 293), in any stratiﬁed urban society, languages, the connections between language varieties and the identities of different groups are not as straightforward as modernist language ideologies would have us to believe. Varieties are indexes of diverse, often conﬂicting, symbolic meanings of social, cultural and ethnic belongings. More simply put, the bits of language that someone uses are not only a means for the direct expression of someone’s intentions but they are also objects that index identity belonging both in one’s own eyes (inhabited identity) and in the eyes of others (ascribed identity). Language(s) and their words therefore carry an ideological load (see Rampton 2005: 75) because they are subject to the values at play at the time and in the space in which they are uttered (Blommaert 2005: 222–223). It is according to the centring institution that someone is either part of, or tries to gain access to, that one’s identity is constructed as that of a ‘good’ (insider) member or a ‘bad’ (outsider) member. This is done on the basis of either how successfully, or unsuccessfully, one manages to embrace the complexity of indexicalities present within that speciﬁc socialisation space. The evaluative discourses that construct identities result from either the respect or trespass of situated language norms. These, in turn, revolve around the central values of the centring institution in which bits of language have been deployed. A case in point would be a pupil

Modernist language ideologies, indexicalities and identities

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learning standard Dutch who, engaged in mapping graphemes onto phonemes in a primary school classroom, fails to use standard Latin script and, consequently, is assessed as having ‘sloppy’ orthographic skills, (mis)recognised as having ‘faulty’ literacy skills and, ﬁnally, ascribed the identity of an ‘illiterate’ pupil (see Blommaert, Cleve and Willaert 2006). The phenomenology of super-diverse migration movements that makes up for a new form of diversity that impinges upon the group oriented diversity that has characterized (Western) Europe from the 1970s onwards, shows that mobility of people involves mobility of linguistic and semiotic resources. It follows, that a sedimented understanding of language and identity as ﬁnite entities, and an understanding of language use according to sedentary patterns is now complemented by ‘translocal’ forms of language use (see Jacquement 2005). The combination of both holds unexpected sociolinguistic effects and it has outreaching consequences for people’s identity performances.

3. The study The study was part of a larger interpretive ethnographic inquiry on identity construction in one Dutch and one Flemish multicultural primary school classroom. Both case studies aimed at analysing evaluative discourse ethnographically to understand how immigrant minority pupils’ identities are constructed in the discourse authored by policy documents, school staff members and pupils, as well as in classroom interactions. The data consists of ﬁeld notes, long open-ended interviews with staff members, focused group discussions with the pupils and audio recordings of classroom interactions. Approximately 55 hours of classroom interactions were observed and audio taped. The observer never sought to actively participate in the classroom interactions. Interviews followed the plot of the ‘long open-ended interview’ (McCracken 1988), and they were structured around general topics like the educational and professional background of the teacher, the knowledge that s/he held of the pupils’ sociolinguistic background, of their ethno-linguistic, cultural and religious belongings as well as about events that were observed during the unfolding of the classroom’s daily life. The ﬁrst interview was conducted with the classroom teacher after a week’s visit in the classroom and another three interviews were conducted either to further elucidate the teacher’s evaluative discourse (indicated below with ‘S02’) or to gain the retrospective view of the teacher on the taped classroom episodes. Central to the analysis here are also the focused group discussions carried out with the pupils (below indicated with ‘GD01’). The groups were formed based on the quantity of contact that pupils

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had with each other. The discussions turned out to be friendly chats where pupils could express their views on topics that emerged from the questionnaires administered to them to gather some initial information on their ethnic, linguistic and religious belongings and from the ﬁeld notes drawn during the observation period. All discussions took place in the afternoon, mainly in the schools’ staff room and lasted between 30 to 45 minutes for each group. The discussions were all audio taped and the pupils were made aware that the audiotape recorder was on as the group ‘chat’ started. Their discussions touched upon various topics. Starting from the pupils’ knowledge of their parental patterns of migration, the discussion moved to the exploration of the pupils’ own understanding of their identity belongings. As in the interviews with staff members, my position in all the discussions was limited to giving them prompts and asking them to either expand on or clarify their statements. I showed my curiosity in what they had to say and tried to limit, when needed, the intervention of the more talkative ones to allow each group member to participate. As for classroom interactions, a pool of the recordings was selected and transcribed1 from the synopsis drawn out of the ﬁeld notes and audiotapes. These were thought to have the potential to be selected as incidents that shed light on how identities of immigrant minority pupils are constructed in interaction and contribute to construct “a description so that others may see what members of a social group need to know, understand, interpret, and produce to participate in appropriate ways” (Green and Bloome 1997: 186). The transcriptions of the recordings are presented in English, with the Dutch text underneath in italics. These transcriptions were combined together with the ﬁeld notes gathered during the observation time for a tentative analysis and interpretation along the lines of the ‘key incident approach’ (Erickson 1986; Kroon and Sturm 2000). As Erickson (1986: 108) points out in illustrating the meaning of the term ‘key’: [a] key event is key in that the researcher assumes intuitively that the event chosen has the potential to make explicit a theoretical ‘loading’. A key event is key in that it brings to awareness latent, intuitive judgments the analyst has already made about salient patterns in the data. Once brought to awareness these judgments can be reﬂected upon critically.

The reviewing of the pool of incidents initially selected on the basis of the researcher’s intuitive assumptions has given way to a ﬁrst tentative analysis that was then either discarded or taken further in a more coherent and deeper analysis and interpretation of the incident in hand.An incident is selected as ‘key’in that it represents tangible instances of the working of the cultural ecology (the normal) of a certain sociocultural space and of its social organization. Its analysis has

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helped to shed light on how identities are performed in the discourses present in the classroom under investigation (cf. Guba and Lincoln 1989: 176; Polanyi 1989). 3.1. The school, the classroom and the pupils The data that I present here were collected in the school year 2004–2005 at St. Joseph’s Catholic Primary, a regular multicultural primary school in Duivenberg, a medium-sized city of approximately 200,000 inhabitants in the south of the Netherlands. At that time, the school had a high concentration of immigrant minority pupils and an exclusively Dutch-speaking teaching staff. On February 15th 2005, Form 8a at St. Joseph’s Catholic Primary amounted to eighteen pupils in total, eight boys and ten girls. The age of the pupils ranged from eleven to thirteen years due to some pupils having repeated one or more school years. None of the pupils had been enrolled during the ongoing school year; thirteen of them had attended St. Joseph’s Catholic Primary since Form 1. All pupils reported to be of immigrant minority background. According to the school register, all pupils but one had been assigned an educational weight of 1.902 i.e. they were all registered as pupils in need of additional educational support as a consequence of their parents’ low educational and socio-economic background (the ‘norm’ for educational weight being 1.0). The exception is Walid, who has an educational weight of 1.0 and whose parents were both born in Morocco and are highly educated. All pupils reported to speak a language other than or another alongside Dutch at home. Concerning the country of birth of the pupils, thirteen out of the eighteen pupils were born in the Netherlands. Out of the remaining ﬁve pupils, three were born in the Dutch Antilles, one in BosniaHerzegovina and one in Morocco. Half of Form 8a came from the Moroccan immigrant community and of these pupils only Walid and Khalid were born to parents of Moroccan Arabic-speaking background, while the rest was born to Berber parents. Among the latter, Hajar – born in the Netherlands to a father of Arabic-speaking background and a mother of Berber background – understands and speaks Berber. However, her network of classroom friendships claims to address her mostly in Moroccan Arabic. Afﬁfa was the only pupil born to a second-generation Moroccan Arabic-speaking father and a ﬁrst-generation Moroccan Arabic-speaking mother. In order to gather information on the home languages present in the classrooms under investigation, all pupils have been asked by their class teacher to ﬁll in a home language survey (cf. Broeder and Extra 1998). Table 1 reports the home languages, gender and names of the pupils as gathered from the home language survey carried out in this class. All names of the pupils are ﬁctive.

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Table 1. Gender, names and home languages of the pupils in Form 8a Boys Khalid Soﬁan Roble Cemal Walid; Zakariya Joshwa Osman

Girls Samira; Lemnja; Siham Rhonda ¨ Ozlem Hajar; Afﬁfa Lejla Meryem Micheline

Home language(s) Dutch and Arabic Dutch and Berber Dutch and Papiamentu Dutch and Somali Dutch and Turkish Dutch, Arabic and Berber Dutch, Bosnian and Croatian Dutch, Papiamentu and English Dutch, Turkish and Arabic Dutch, Papiamentu, English and Spanish

The data gathered from Form 8a home language survey are not in agreement with the annotations made in the class register by the Form 8a class teacher. She, in fact, relied on her own ‘well-educated guess’ about the pupils’ (supposed yet untapped) ethnic afﬁliation and home languages as well as on the information given in the pupils’ enrollment forms. The gender, names and home languages of the pupils as they appeared in the class register are reported in Table 2. Table 2. Gender, names and home language(s) of the pupils following Form 8a register Boys Osman Walid; Zakariya Joshwa Roble Cemal

Girls Afﬁfa Samira; Lemnja; Siham Lejla Rhonda ¨ Meryem; Ozlem Micheline

Home language(s) Dutch Dutch and Moroccan Dutch and Bosnian Dutch and Papiamentu Dutch and Somali Dutch and Turkish Dutch, Papiamentu and English

The class register does not report any information on Hajar, Khalid and Soﬁan. It also indicates that Osman, born in the Netherlands to Turkish parents, and Afﬁfa, born in the Netherlands to a second-generation Moroccan father and a ﬁrst-generation Moroccan mother, only have Dutch as their home language. Further, while the home language survey indicates Berber as one of the home languages for eight pupils of Form 8a, in the class register the home language of these pupils is given under the umbrella term ‘Moroccan’. The class register also does not report the use of any language other than Turkish for the pupils coming from the Turkish group. In the home language survey, though, Arabic

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is also mentioned by half of the pupils with a Turkish background who attend Qu’ran classes at the weekends.

4. Multilingualism through a modernist lens: the class teacher Miss Sanne, the class teacher of Form 8a, is 23 years old. She was born in Duivenberg to Dutch native parents, she holds Dutch nationality and she has lived in Duivenberg all her life. Sanne was brought up in a multicultural neighborhood. In Sanne’s view “there is simply nothing special about foreign people; they are just, you know, they live here too” (S03: 57) and she believes that her way of thinking about foreigners has been strongly inﬂuenced by her upbringing as she learned that “we all live here (. . . ) we live in the Netherlands and we have to do it all together with each other [. . . ]” (S03: 59). In recalling her primary school experience that started in 1986, she states that there were indeed a few children from immigrant minority groups in her class, but not so many as at St. Joseph’s, and that they were all just able to get on with each other. Miss Sanne’s statement ‘I have not a single Dutch child in my class’ is used as an explanation for why her pupils perform worse than those pupils at other schools in Duivenberg. The lack of parental qualiﬁcations and these parents being non-native Dutch are the basis for Miss Sanne’s own reasoning in explaining St. Joseph’s extra investment in the Dutch language with a particular focus on vocabulary. We now move further in the analysis of Miss Sanne’s evaluative discourse and we encounter the cases of two pupils, i.e. Mohammed and Lejla, whose language attributions marked the opposite ends of the ascriptive category ‘immigrant minority pupil’. 4.1. Mohammed Miss Sanne starts with Mohammed, a thirteen-year-old Somali child who was in Miss Sanne’s class during the previous school year. At that time, Mohammed, who had been in the Netherlands since he was eight years old, “was ﬂuent in the Somali language” (S02: 314). However, in Sanne’s discourse, proﬁciency in the Somali language turned out to be detrimental to Mohammed’s Dutch language development because: Sanne: So he had (. . . ) when he was eight so he had to learn a second language Dus die heeft (. . . ) toen ie acht was heeft ie dus een tweede taal moeten leren Max: (hmm) Sanne: and the Somali language has a different sentence structure (. . . ) en Somalische taal heeft een andere zinsopbouw (. . . )

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At the age of eight, Mohammed was already ﬂuent in Somali – his mother tongue – and he had to learn Dutch as a second language. As Miss Sanne reports in the coordinate phrase that follows (318), the Somali language has a different sentence structure to Dutch. This has led Mohammed to use Somali syntax in Dutch and to always speak ‘in twisted sentences’, i.e., abnormal sentences compared to standard Dutch or, at least, the local variety of Dutch spoken in the city where the school is located. Mohammed’s difﬁculties in speaking Dutch ‘properly’ are explained with the syntactical interference hypothesis where the second language learner inappropriately transfers structures of his ﬁrst language to the second. Miss Sanne adds: Sanne: And if you get it also at home, because that mother, she, of course, was also having problems with that [Dutch language: MS] herself En als je dat ook van thuis uit, want die moeder, die was, natuurlijk, daar ook mee aan het stoeien Max: (hmm) Sanne: and that father too, he also spoke hardly any Dutch. en die vader ook die sprak ook nauwelijks Nederlands Max: (hmm) Sanne: so he could not hear it properly from home either so he (. . . ) yes he used let’s say the Dutch language with the structure Dus hij kon het ook niet van thuis uit goed aanhoren dus hij (. . . ) ja hij gebruikte zeg maar de Nederlandse taal met de opbouw Max: (hmm) Sanne: from the Somali language. vanuit de Somalische taal. (S02: 323–329)

Mohammed not only uses ‘twisted sentences’ in Dutch because his language use is based on the structure of Somali, a language that uses SOV-order in its main clause in comparison with the Dutch SVO-order (cf. Saeed 1999). Also, as introduced by the causative conjunction ‘so’, both Mohammed’s parents are responsible for the syntactical interference between the two ﬁnite linguistic entities that in the dichotomy presented by the teacher are part of Mohammed’s repertoire, i.e., Somali and Dutch. The father, in fact, spoke no Dutch and the mother also ‘suffered’ from Somali sentence structure in her use of Dutch. The

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parental lack of Dutch proﬁciency has consequences for Mohammed’s identity, as the lack of Dutch in the home is indexical of a pupil with a language disadvantage. 4.2. Lejla Miss Sanne’s discourse dealt also with Lejla, an eleven-year-old girl born in Bosnia- Herzegovina to Bosnian parents who came to the Netherlands when she was three years old. Miss Sanne explains: Sanne: Lejla is also (. . .) let’s see she has lived here ever since she was three or so, therefore also still really very young when she already . . . . . . ?? a new language (. . .) look and small children can pick up a (. . .) another language really easily that is simply, yeah, scientiﬁcally proven. Lejla die is ook (. . . ) even kijken die woont hier al sinds dat ze drie is of zo dus ook nog heel erg jong dat ze al een nieuwe taal (. . . ) kijk en kleine kinderen kunnen heel makkelijk een andere taal oppikken dat is gewoon, ja, wetenschappelijk bewezen Max: (hmm) Sanne: And indeed she is also better at Dutch than other children and that is also because her parents have also just spoken Dutch at home from the beginning. En zij is ook inderdaad beter in het Nederlands dan andere kinderen en dat komt ook omdat haar ouders ook gewoon vanaf het begin af aan hier gewoon ook thuis Nederlands praten. (S02: 443–445)

In the utterances above, Lejla is in an advantaged position in picking up a second language because she came to the Netherlands at a very young age. Further, Miss Sanne tries to obtain objectiveness for her claim. In the utterance ‘look and small children can pick up a (. . .) another language really easily’, she uses the imperative ‘look’ to substantiate the evidence of her claim. Further, she calls upon the critical age hypothesis, implying that a putative language learning function is much more developed in younger children who approach the learning of a second language more easily than those who approach a second language at an older age (see Singleton 1994, 1–29 for a comprehensive discussion of the age factor in second language acquisition). Not only is the age at which Lejla came into contact with Dutch relevant; her parents’ language behaviour is also now regarded as a key element in Lejla’s ‘good’ language development. It is noteworthy that Lejla’s parental language behaviour is accompanied by the adverb ‘simply’. The use of this adverb may indicate that the practice of

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speaking Dutch at home is regarded by Miss Sanne as nothing more than what parents should do by default with their children at a young age. However, at home, Lejla and her parents have a language repertoire that includes Croatian, English, Dutch and Bosnian, the latter being the language Lejla denotes as her language, and in which she claims to have both passive and active literacy skills that she reports to use for verbal exchanges with her younger siblings and with her parents. Miss Sanne therefore looks at Lejla’s multilingual repertoire through a monolingual lens that sees one language in the home, that is Dutch, being key to Lejla’s being ‘good’ at Dutch. This is in contrast to Mohammed whose parents’ Dutch, or the lack thereof, caused him to use a ‘twisted’ sentence structure and therefore deviate from the ‘standard’form of expression. However, in terms of their institutional identities, the sociolinguistic difference between the repertoires of these pupils is erased as they are both categorised as 1.90, i.e. as pupils who are almost twice as ‘heavy’ to teach compared to a pupil with Dutch-native parents.

5. Multlingualism through a modernist lens: the Moroccan girls In spite of Miss Sanne’s general view about the poor results of her pupils in Dutch, the immigrant minority pupils’language use in Form 8a showed a marked preference for Dutch in daily language exchanges both within and outside the classroom. Arabic and Berber, being the most popular home languages in the classroom, of course also had their own space, although mostly outside formal instruction time. During a gym lesson, for instance, when the girls were playing handball, one could indeed ﬁnd a more prominent rate of home language use than in the classroom, and, as can be expected, Arabic and Berber were popular in derogatory exclamations and imperatives such as ‘pass me the ball’. The marked preference for Dutch was quite different when the girls were engaged in a focused group discussion concerning the diacritics of identity belonging, i.e. language use and ethnic afﬁliation. The discussion I had with them unfolded as follows: Lejla:

Max:

Them live in the Netherlands also and are a hundred percent Moroccan too. Hun wonen toch ook in Nederland en zijn ook honderd procent Marokkaans. Is that so girls? Is dat zo meisjes?

[The other girls agree loudly]

Modernist language ideologies, indexicalities and identities Max: Lemnja:

Max: Hajar: Lemnja: Hajar: Lemnja: Max: Hajar:

Lemnja: Hajar:

41

Yeah right, behave properly. Ja hallo, doe normaal. What do you mean a hundred, what do you mean a hundred, a thousand right? Wat honderd wat honderd, duizend of niet? A thousand percent Moroccan, what do you mean? Duizend procent Marokkaans, hoe bedoel je? Simply. Gewoon. A million. Miljoen. My whole life. M’n heel leven. Uncountable. [At the same time as Hajar] Ontelbaar. Uncountable Moroccan? Ontelbaar Marokkaans? Oh no, oh no, one percent is for Dutch as I speak I do talk that mostly. Oh nee, oh nee, één procent is voor Nederland want ik spree ik praat dat wel het meeste. Yes one little percent then. Ja één procentje dan. One comma zero zero percent. E´en komma nul nul procent.

(GD01: 05–017)

Lejla compares her own ‘being Bosnian’ with her fellow classmates, stating that even though they were born in the Netherlands, these girls are also ‘a hundred per cent Moroccan’. When the girls, who are all of Berber origin, react to Lejla’s statement they all voice an outspoken, i.e., more than a hundred per cent, afﬁliation to the umbrella term Moroccan: ‘what do you mean a hundred, a thousand right?’, ‘all my life’, ‘uncountable’. This unquantiﬁable afﬁliation to being Moroccan is tempered by the role that Dutch has in these girls’ everyday lives. Hajar, in fact, admits that Dutch is the language she speaks the most and this leads her to attribute ‘one comma zero zero percent’ to Dutch; a point also raised by Lemnja who states ‘one little percent then’. When dealing with the role of Berber and Arabic in Form 8a, Lemnja and Hajar eagerly explained the difference between these two languages and how they came to be the languages of Morocco. After that, the discussion continued as follows: Max:

Yes and then the Arabs came there. So you speak Berber? Ja en dan de Arabieren zijn daar gekomen. Dus jullie spreken Berbers?

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Massimiliano Spotti Siham: Yes. Ja. Lemnja: Pu[:]re Berber. Pu[:]re Berbers. Hajar: Pu[:]re Berber. Puu[:]r Berbers. Siham: They, they are half Arabic they are (. . .) [Looking at Samira and Lemnja] Zij, zij zijn half Arabisch zij zijn ( . . . ) Hajar: I, I, I (. . .) Ik, ik, ik ( . . . ) Samira: Half Berber. [Shouting out] Halve Berbers. Hajar: I, I, I am, I speak them [Berber and Arabic MS] both. Ik, ik, ik ben, ik spreek ze allebei. Max: Hey, hey, hey, hey, can I say something myself? Hey, hey, hey, hey, mag ik zelf iets zeggen? Lemnja: No. Nee. Hajar: I am one hundred percent Berber but I simply speak Arabic because I cannot speak Berber that well. Ik ben honderd procent Berber maar ik spreek gewoon Arabisch want ik kan niet zo goed Berbers. (GD01: 183–193)

In the discussion above, Siham ascribed the identities of Lemnja and Samira, but not that of Hajar, as ‘half Arabic’. In response to Siham’s identity ascription, Samira counteracts with ‘half Berber’. At the opposite end, Hajar – who in the beginning also claimed to be ‘pure Berber’ – has to defend her Berber afﬁliation. She explains the cause of her language use and disentangles a limited proﬁciency in Berber, compensated with the use of Arabic, from being ‘less Berber’. Being ‘pure’ Berber is therefore coupled with being a user of the Berber language alone, while the speaking of Arabic and/or a limited knowledge of Berber, as in Hajar’s case, is seen as not ‘pure’. Hence the category ‘they are half Arabic’. Contrary to what one could expect for immigrant minority group members, we see that the discourses proposed by these girls are constructed within a modernist ideology of language use and national/ethnic belonging. The macro language politics at play in the Maghreb world are thus being (re)proposed within the verbal micro-interactions of this super-diverse group of pupils giving way to processes of identity misrecognition, sanctioning and contestation. For instance, Samira, who was ascribed by Siham as ‘halfArabic’, objects to being constructed

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at the periphery of the Berber group and reiterates her ‘Berber Arabic’ afﬁliation where the use of Berber ﬁrst and Arabic second may be done with the purpose of contesting Siham’s initial ascription of her as ‘half Arabic’. Hajar, instead, stresses with her upset remark that she has been ascribed as not Berber. In contrast to other research on the language use of Moroccan youngsters (Jaspers 2005: 287), the link between Arabic and Berber was strongly emphasised by the girls in question. The use of Berber and the link between monolingualism and being ‘pure Berber’ is an act of identity performance that is assessed, weighed and measured socially. In this case, though, the social measurement does not happen on the basis of language hierarchies along a majority versus minority divide. The status of Arabic and Berber and the need to express competence in Berber might be a reaction product to the symbolic hierarchy that exists between these two codes in the Maghreb world (De Ruiter, Saidi and Spotti 2009) and within the local immigrant minority community in Duivenberg, to which these two girls belong. However, as one of the girls points out in the discussion, Berber is no match for Arabic in the existing religious and pan-Arabic political frameworks, and the fact that Arabic is usually spoken in cities as opposed to the rural areas – where most of the parents of these pupils originate from – can be a reason for the low appreciation that Arabic has and for the identity ascription as ’half-Arab’ of those girls who either do not know or have a limited proﬁciency in Berber.

6. Escaping from the modernist lens of authority We now come to the third data set which features a conversation between myself and two boys, Osman and Cemal, both of Turkish immigrant minority background. The conversation focused on these pupils’use of Turkish across different institutional environments and it unfolded as follows: Max:

And do you, do you do that often, Turkish, at school? En doe je, doe je dat vaak, Turks, op school? Osman: Yes. Ja. Max: Oh. Osman: At break. In de pauze. Max: Yes? [Turning to Cemal] So do you also speak Turkish with everyone because it makes you look very tough? Ja? Dus spreek je ook met iedereen het Turks want het maakt je heel stoer?

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Massimiliano Spotti Cemal: It is not tough. Het is niet stoer. Max: No? Nee? Cemal: Not for me. Simply it [Turkish: MS] is a normal language. Voor mij niet. Gewoon is normale taal. Max: It is simply a normal language. Het is gewoon een normale taal. Cemal: If it was English it would have been a bit tough perhaps, it is a famous language. Als het Engels was een beetje stoer misschien, het is een beroemde taal. Max: Oh that is what you mean. Oh zo. Cemal: Or French, and Turkish is not so well-known so (uh) (. . .) yes (. . .) Of Frans, en Turks is niet zo beroemd dus (uh) (. . .) ja (. . .) (GD01:349–362)

Community languages are often referred to as a we-code that (in this case) places the pupils who speak these languages in an advantaged position compared to those with a they-code (cf. Gumperz 1968), i.e., in this case, all the pupils who do not have a knowledge of Turkish. However, in Cemal’s case Turkish is addressed as ‘simply it is a normal language’ because it is not so ‘famous’ or ’well-known’ as English or French, both ’international’ languages. In Cemal’s discourse, the macro- politics of language are encapsulated in a micro-discursive practice of language ranking and of construction of order (Foucault 2007). In other words, Cemal is presenting a hierarchical ranking of the languages that he thinks do count there, and leaves Turkish in the neutral position as he addresses it as a ‘normal language’. This (implicit) denial of the we-code character of Turkish, though, surprises the researcher and is in conﬂict with what happens in the following episode between Osman, Cemal and myself before the beginning of a physical education lesson. The conversation proceeded as follows: Max:

So then do you speak a bit of Moroccan? Zo dan spreek jullie een beetje Marokkaans? Osman: No, no a real Turkish man speaks only just Turkish. Nee, nee een echt Turks man spreekt alleen maar Turks. Cemal: Shouf shouf habibi. [Giggles] Shouf shouf habibi. Osman: Yes, shouf shouf habibi. [Giggles] Ja, shouf shouf habibi. [They both tie their shoelaces and run off to the gym hall laughing: MS]

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The sentence ‘No, no, a real Turkish man speaks only just Turkish’may indicate a patrimonium-loaded connotation that, as reported in the home language survey, corroborated the fact that Osman only spoke Turkish with his father (cf. Pujolar 2001: 137). However, contrary to the language practice just claimed by Osman for ‘a real Turkish man’, Cemal utters the Arabic words ‘shouf shouf habibi’. These words, apart from being (‘incorrect’) Arabic, have an emblematic function in that they call upon something like Arabic – they are in fact the title of an, at the time, popular Dutch TV comedy on the lives of three young men of Moroccan ancestry in a city in the Netherlands who run into all kinds of adventurous situations that are mainly connected to their immigrant condition in a Dutch environment. Further, in agreement with Cemal, Osman utters the same ‘Arabic’ sentence, after which they run off to the gym hall laughing. Cemal and Osman’s linguistic practice therefore can be interpreted as nonauthentic (Jaspers 2005: 116) because it is incongruent with what, following Osman, a ‘real Turkish man’ would do languagewise, i.e., speak Turkish only. The use of a semiotic artefact, i.e., an emblematic ‘Arabic’utterance that belongs to the youngsters’ knowledge of a speciﬁc piece of Dutch popular culture, may instead be interpreted as an example of language sabotage employed to take off the pressure exerted on the boys by the authority, i.e., the gullible researcher who is exploring their linguistic practices. At the same time the episode shows that, although there is no explicit policy regulating them, immigrant minority languages and hybrid forms of semiotic expression(s) that go beyond straightforward ethnic afﬁliations do play a role in the institutionalized everyday life of these pupils. As such, ‘shouf shouf habibi’ could be qualiﬁed as an authentic expression of late modern mixed language repertoires in which languages are no longer artefactualised matters and where languages are not exclusively bound to speciﬁc immigrant groups (see Rampton 2006) but can be and are actually used ad libitum.

7. Discussion and conclusions Multilingualism has been the ﬂagship of sociolinguistics for decades. This has entailed advancing the claim that, in general and in principle, multilingualism and the preservation of ethno-linguistic identities is a positive thing. Furthermore, sociolinguistics has addressed human beings as users of either one or more languages or language varieties, with language(s) being understood either as distinct denotational codes or linguistic systems and their users studied on the basis of the question who speaks (or writes, or signs) which language (or language varieties), to whom, when, where and possibly to which end (see Fish-

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man et al. 1968; Fishman 1972, 1989). This approach was valid in that it has given way to powerful notions such as language maintenance, language loyalty, language shift, language (repertoire) change, language death, etc. Furthermore, it has paved the way towards the study of language use and of identity construction as a matter of the internal organization of particular speech networks. Building on these notions, some sociolinguistic research has focused on the use of immigrant minority languages in the homes of immigrant minority pupils, advocating their use to be evidence for the ethnolinguistic vitality of groups (Extra and Yaˇgmur 2004), or on the role that a language or one of its varieties plays in a given nation. Certain varieties have also been seen as endangering the existence of other less powerful languages (i.e. indigenous minority languages), and ofﬁcial languages as hindering the language rights and the display of ethnolinguistic identities of minorities (Das Gupta 1970; Huss 1999; Svonni 2008). The sociolinguistics of this era has produced an understanding of multilingualism and its identity byproducts as an agglomeration of fairly neat monolingualisms that can be linked to certain groups. In other words, it has addressed monolingualism as a majority thing and multilingualism as a minority thing. Moreover, this branch of sociolinguistics has tackled multilingualism as a problem that it should address for the beneﬁt of (immigrant) minorities and their identity maintenance, and with an eye to the maintenance of the national order. This kind of sociolinguistics seems to have failed to address the grassroots realities of multilingualism and identity construction in three ways. First, it has not managed to solve the tension between immigrant minorities’ own linguistically heterogeneous repertoires and the general tendency in education to see immigrants contributing positively to mainstream society by learning the language of the majority, preferably in its school variety. Second, it has missed noticing that institutional ideologies of homogeneity are also part and parcel of the discourses of immigrant minority group members themselves when dealing with their identity diacritics, i.e., language use and ethnic belongings. Third, it has overlooked the fact that crossing, hybridity and ambivalence in language use and identity construction are an endemic condition of pupils inhabiting (urban) globalised educational environments. What I hope to have illustrated here is that modernist language ideologies are not only top-down phenomena (i.e. appropriated only by the majority to attribute certain identities to minorities). Rather, micro-crystallisations of these ideologies can be found both in discourses of the majority (e.g. certain pupils’ Dutch is poor because at home their parents do not use Dutch only), as well as minorities (e.g. one is not a ‘pure’ Berber because one does not have a ‘good’ knowledge of Berber and, consequently, is ascribed the identity of a ‘half-Arab’). As the conversation between Osman, Cemal and myself illustrated, linguistic

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diversity is not to be seen as directly related to group membership alone and that an (ethnic) group and an (ethnic) identity now seem to be a great deal less clear and less relevant than what they have been in the past two and a half decades of sociolinguistic research (see also Rampton 2006: 17). These ﬁndings therefore not only question the assumptions of institutional key ﬁgures about the identities of their immigrant minority pupils; more generally, they suggest that not all forms of multilingualism are productive and empowering. Some – accordingly to the institutional space – are unwanted, disqualiﬁed, and actively endangering to people. We should therefore look at language use and identities through the lens of a post-Fishmanian awareness, addressing the two as polycentric semiotic performances confronted with the demands of speciﬁc language and identity markets set in speciﬁc times and spaces where different, often conﬂicting, orders of indexicalities are at play.

Notes 1. The transcription uses (. . . ) for a pause, (-) for an abrupt stop, [:] for emphasis, [xx] for inaudible fragment, and [text MS] for a comment. 2. In 2005, the Dutch educational system used to assign to each pupil an educational weight. A pupil born to Dutch parents and raised in the Netherlands was assigned an educational weight of 1.00. A pupil with at least one of his parents having been born abroad and where the household breadwinner would be a manual labourer, was assigned a 1.90. That is, this pupil is almost twice as heavy a burden on the educational system as a pupil of Dutch origin.

References Agha,Asif. 2003. The social life of cultural value. Language & Communication 23. 231– 273. Bakhtin, Mikhail. 1981. The dialogic imagination. Austin: University of Texas Press. Bauman, Richard & Charles Briggs. 2003. Voices of modernity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bezemer, Jeff. 2003. Dealing with multilingualism in education. Amsterdam: Aksant. Bezemer, Jeff & Sjaak Kroon. 2006. “You don’t need to know the Turkish word”. Immigrant minority language teaching in policies and practice in the Netherlands. L1 – Educational Studies in Language and Literature 6(1). 13–29. Blommaert, Jan. 2005. Discourse. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Blommaert, Jan. 2008. Artefactual ideologies and the textual production of African languages. Language & Communication 28(02). 291–307.

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Blommaert, Jan, Lies Creve & Evita Willaert. 2006. On being declared illiterate: Language-ideological disqualiﬁcation in Dutch classes for immigrants in Belgium. Language & Communication 26(1). 34–54. Block, David. 2006. Multilingual identities in a global city. London stories. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. Broeder, Peter & Guus Extra. 1998. Language, ethnicity and education. Case studies on immigrant minority groups and immigrant minority languages. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Das Gupta, Jyoritinda. 1970. Language conﬂict and national development. Berkeley: University of California Press. De Ruiter, Jan Jaap, Saidi Redouan & Massimiliano Spotti. 2009. Teaching minority languages: The case of Arabic in Europe. Report for the DG Education and Culture. PLUSVALOR Project (144368-2008-IT-KA2-KA2MP; www.plusvalor.eu). Dong, Jie 2009. The making of migrant identities in Beijing: Scale, discourse, and diversity. PhD Thesis defended at Tilburg University. Dong, Jie. 2010. The making of migrant identities in Beijing: Scale, discourse, diversity. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Erickson, Frederic. 1986. Qualitative methods on research on teaching. In Merlin Wittrock (ed.), Handbook on research on teaching, 119–161. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. Extra, Guus & Kutlay Yaˇgmur. 2004. Urban multilingualism in Europe: Immigrant minority languages at home and school. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Extra, Guus & Massimiliano Spotti. 2009. Language, migration and citizenship: A case study on testing regimes in the Netherlands. In Gabrielle Hogan-Brun, Clare MarMolinero & Patrick Stevenson (eds.), Discourses on language and integration: Critical perspectives on language testing regimes in Europe, 61–82. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Fishman, Joshua. 1972. The sociology of language: An interdisciplinary social science approach to language in society. Rowley, Mass.: Newbury House Publishers. Fishman, Joshua. 1989. Language and ethnicity in minority sociolinguistic perspective. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Fishman, Joshua, Robert Ferguson & Jyoritinda Das Gupta (eds.). 1968. Language problems of developing nations. New York: Wiley. Foucault, Michel. 2007. Security, territory, population: Lectures at the College de France 1977–1978. Basingstoke: Palgrave MacMillan. Goffman, Erving. 1981. Forms of talk. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Green, Judith & David Bloome. 1997. Ethnography and ethnographers of and in education: A situated perspective. In James Flood, Shirley Brice Heath & Diane Lapp (eds.), Handbook of research on teaching literacy through the communicative and visual arts, 181–202. New York: Macmillan. Guba, Egon &Yvonne Lincoln. 1989. Judging the quality of fourth generation evaluation. In Egon Guba and Yvonne Lincoln (eds.), Fourth generation evaluation, 228–251. Newbury Park, CA: Sage.

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Gumperz, John. 1968. The speech community. International encyclopedia of the social sciences, 381–386. London: MacMillan. Huss, Leena. 1999. Reversing language shift in the far north. Linguistic revitalization in Northern Scandinavia and Finland. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Studia Uralia Upsaliensia 31. Uppsala. Jacquement, Marco 2005.. Transidiomatic practices: Language and power in the age of globalization. Language & Communication 25. 257–277. Jaspers, Jürgen. 2005. Linguistic sabotage in a context of monolingualism and standardization. Language & Communication 25. 279–297. Joseph, John. 2003. Language and Identity: National, Ethnic, Religious. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Kroon, Sjaak & Jan Sturm. 2000. Comparative case study research in education: Methodological issues in an empirical-interpretive perspective. Zeitschrift f¨ur Erziehungswissenschaft 3(4). 559–576. Polanyi, Livia. 1989. The American story: A cultural and structural analysis. Norwood: Ablex Publications. Pujolar, Joan. 2001. Gender, heteroglossia and power. A sociolinguistic study of youth culture. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Rampton, Ben. 2005. Crossing: Language and ethnicity among adolescents. Manchester: St. Jerome. Rampton, Ben. 2006. Language in late modernity: Interaction in an urban school. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Saeed, John Ibrahim. 1999. Somali reference grammar. Wheaton, MD: Donwoody Press. Silverstein, Michael. 1996. Monoglot ‘standard’ in America: Standardization and metaphors of linguistic hegemony. In Donald Brennels & Ronald Macaulay (eds.), The matrix of language, 284–306. Boulder: Westview. Silverstein, Michael. 1998. Contemporary transformations of local linguistic communities. Annual Review of Anthropology 27. 401–426. Singleton, David. 1994. Introduction: A Critical Look at the Critical Period Hypothesis in Second Language Acquisition Research. In David Singleton & Zsolt Lengyel (eds.), The Age Factor in Second Language Acquisition, 1–29. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Spotti, Massimiliano. 2006. Constructing the other: Immigrant minority pupils’ identity construction in the discourse of a native Dutch teacher at a Dutch Islamic primary school. Journal of Multicultural Discourses 1(2). 121–135. Spotti, Massimiliano. 2007. Developing identities. Amsterdam: Aksant. Svonni, Mikael. 2008. Sámi in the Nordic Countries and Russia. In Durk Gorter & Guus Extra (eds.), Multilingual Europe: Facts and policies, 233–249. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Massimiliano Spotti, [email protected], has defended his doctoral thesis on the construction of immigrant minority pupils’ identities in multicultural primary school classrooms in the Netherlands and Flanders in 2007. At present, he is a researcher at Babylon, Centre for Studies of the Multicultural Society at Tilburg University. He also covers the post

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of researcher within the FiDiPro (Finland Distinguished Professor) scheme, at the Department of Languages, University of Jyv¨askyl¨a. His current research activities include Dangerous Multilingualism, Language Testing Regimes (Extra, Spotti & Van Avermaet 2009) and Institutional Responses to Superdiversity.

Language policy and planning in Hong Kong: Colonial and post-colonial perspectives KINGSLEY BOLTON

Abstract Hong Kong ceased to be a colony of Britain on June 30th , 1997, thus entering a new stage of its development and evolution as a uniquely-constituted city state and urban metropolis. The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China (HKSAR) inherited a linguistic ecology that owed much to its previous existence as a British colony, where the Chinese language had had no de jure status until 1974. From 1995, the stated policy of government has been to promote a “biliterate” (Chinese and English) and “trilingual” (Cantonese, Putonghua and English) society, and various measures have also been taken to promote the use of Chinese as a medium of instruction in schools. Immediately after the change in sovereignty, Putonghua became a compulsory school subject for the ﬁrst time. This paper will examine the issue of language planning and policies partly from an historical perspective, but also through a consideration of current policies and practices across a range of domains, including government, law and education. One major conclusion that emerges from this discussion is that, from a language policy perspective, the relationship between Chinese and English in the Hong Kong context is potentially far less contentious than that between Cantonese and Putonghua.

1. Introduction Although questions of language policy and planning have received much attention in Hong Kong over the last two decades or so, these issues continue to engage both academic commentators and the wider population. Perhaps one major reason for this has been the speed of economic, political and social change in modern Hong Kong society, which, between the 1960s and 1990s, saw Hong Kong transform from a colonial backwater to a post-colonial global city. This

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chapter attempts to review current issues in language planning from a number of perspectives. First, the chapter starts with a brief survey of language planning from the perspective of sociolinguistics, proceeds to a discussion of the history of language planning and policies in colonial Hong Kong, and then focuses on contemporary language policies in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of China.

2. Language planning theories and their relevance to Hong Kong According to Mesthrie, Swann, Deumert and Leap (2000), the term “language planning” was originally coined by the Norwegian-American sociolinguist Einar Haugen (1959), and might be broadly deﬁned as “all conscious efforts that aim at changing the linguistic behaviour of a speech community” (Mesthrie et al. 2000: 384). The same author also explains the term “language policies”, as referring to “the more general linguistic, political and social goals underlying the actual language planning process” (Mesthrie et al. 2000: 384). An obvious problem here, however, is the similarity of the two terms, “language planning” and “language policies”, which are frequently used in overlapping fashion. More explanation is offered by Spolsky and Lambert (2006) who attempt to disambiguate these two expressions. For them, language policy may be explained thus: The language policy of a speech community [. . . ] consists of the commonly agreed set of choices of language items – whether sounds or words or grammar – or language varieties – whether codes or dialects or named languages – and the beliefs or ideologies associated with those choices. It can be found in language practices and beliefs or in formal policy decisions such as laws, constitutions, or regulations. (Spolsky & Lambert 2006: 561)

In contrast, “language planning” (or “language management”) may be deﬁned as follows: Language management, planning, engineering, cultivation and treatment are actions taken by formal authorities such as governments or other agencies or people who believe that they have authority, such as parents, teachers, or academies, to modify the language choices made by those they claim to have under their control [. . . ] Language management itself has three components: the development of explicit language plans and policies, their implementation (by rules or laws or resource allocation), and the evaluation of results and effects. (Spolsky & Lambert 2006: 561)

There seems to be agreement that the term “language policy” seems to have a broader application in referring to the more general beliefs, considerations

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and ideologies relating to the orientation of such decision-making bodies as governments and educational authorities. The term “language planning” is thus more speciﬁcally applied to the actions of such decision makers. Spolsky and Lambert further note that most analyses of language policies and planning have been concerned with examining “formal, governmentally backed activities at the national or regional level aimed at controlling language knowledge and use within a country or region” (Spolsky & Lambert 2006: 562–563). Following Kloss (1969), they also highlight the distinction between “status planning” versus “corpus planning”, while also accepting Cooper’s (1989) addition of a third-level of “acquisition planning”. For Kloss, status planning referred to the choice of ofﬁcial and national languages, etc., while corpus planning concerned itself with the establishment and regulation of particular aspects of language, such as dictionaries, grammar and writing systems. Cooper’s (1989) notion of “acquisition planning” was crucially concerned with “the determination of which languages should be taught to those who do not speak them and how” (Spolsky & Lambert 2006: 563). Perhaps what is most typical of the kind of approach adopted by Spolsky and Lambert, however, is the underlying assumption that functional models can adequately account for, and usefully illuminate, the kinds of choices made by governments in language planning, in terms of principles, procedures and processes. Language policy/planning (LPP) studies, as an area of sociolinguistic research and practice, began to achieve prominence in the 1960s, and were often associated with language surveys in developing nations, particularly those in the early stages of post-colonial independence (Fishman, Ferguson & Gupta 1968). Other sociolinguists, including Cooper (1989), Neustupn´y (1970), and Kaplan and Baldauf (1997), among others, followed Fishman in attempting to build rational models of language planning suitable for implementation in the developing world and other multilingual settings. In broad terms, these were often written as almost apolitical structural-functional explanations of the dynamics of decision-making, in those societies under discussion. From the 1990s onwards, however, new approaches to language planning were clearly visible, characterised by a strong interest in issues related to language and inequality and inﬂuenced by critical and postcolonial theory. Thus, for such scholars: Linguistic theories adopted by language planners, rather than being neutral, objective, scientiﬁc tools, were viewed [. . . ] as detrimental to the development of equitable language policies in complex multilingual settings. This realization led to a rather broad calling into question of received ideas about the nature of language itself, and of the degree to which scholars of language were perpetuating assumptions that had the effect of rationalizing the support of colonial languages,

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Kingsley Bolton and concomitant economic interests, at the expense of indigenous languages and local economic development. (Ricento 2006)

In this context, scholars such as Tollefson (1991), Phillipson (1992), and Pennycook (1998) have done much to promote critical perspectives on language, greatly extending earlier sociolinguistic approaches by promoting an explicit awareness of issues relating to inequality, power and the politics of language.

3. Language planning in Hong Kong: the historical context For much of its recorded history, language planning in Hong Kong was a byproduct of the British colonial system, which governed Hong Kong between 1842 until 1997. During most of that period, English was not directly challenged as the language of government and law in Hong Kong society until the era of late colonialism from around 1970 until 1997, when issues of language planning and policies were brought into sharp focus through a number of debates on language issues, as well as through government legislation and interventions. Such debates and interventions have continued to the present, although the reuniﬁcation of Hong Kong with China has added a number of new complexities to such issues, including, not least, the relationship between Hong Kong language planning and policies and those of mainland China. During the First Opium War, in January 1841, the island of Hong Kong was ceded by the Chinese government to the British. The following year, this was ratiﬁed by the Treaty of Nanking, and the British trading and missionary community that had previously taken residence in the Portuguese enclave of Macao soon transferred to the island. From 1842 to 1845 the population of the island grew remarkably from around 5,000 to more than 20,000, reaching 40,000 by 1853, and topping 120,000 by the early 1860s. The vast majority of such immigration into Hong Kong came from neighbouring Guangdong province, and were typically classiﬁed as belonging to four distinct groups: the Punti, “locals”, i.e. “Cantonese”; the Hakka; the Tanka, boat dwellers; and the Hoklo, from eastern Guangdong province (Munn 2001: 71). In 1860, the British annexed the Kowloon Peninsula and, in 1898, added an additional swathe of its hinterland known as the “New Territories”, so that, by the early twentieth century, British Hong Kong had come to include all three territories, which together constituted the territorial entity of colonial Hong Kong throughout most of the twentieth century, until the celebrated 1997 “Handover”, which ﬁnally returned sovereignty over Hong Kong to the People’s Republic of China.

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British colonial language policy has been explained by a range of historical commentaries of varying accuracy and perspectives. In the post-colonial imaginary, British colonial language policy worldwide has been linked to a blatant linguistic imperialism which sought to impose the language of the imperial power on colonised communities in Africa, Asia and elsewhere (Phillipson 1992, 1994). Other, more nuanced, accounts have explained British colonial language policy in terms of strategies of divide and rule, pointing to the British predilection in many colonial territories for reserving English-medium education for an elite, and propagating “vernacular” education for the masses (Pennycook 1998). In its bluntest form, the Phillipson/Pennycook perspective on colonial language policy has seen the spread of English as a tool of colonial control and subjugation, either explicitly and overtly through the imposition of English, or, more subtly, through the establishment of systems of parallel languages in such societies. A related argument is that – in many former colonies – the legacy of such policies has extended to the present, through the “deep and indissoluble links between the practices, theories and contexts of ELT [English Language Teaching] and the history of colonialism” (Pennycook 1998: 19). The critical perspectives of both Phillipson and Pennycook have inﬂuenced discussions of the history of language policies put forward by a number of local scholars in recent years, including Tsui (2004) and Hopkins (2006). A rather different picture has emerged from recent research by others, who have attempted to provide a much more detailed picture of the development of the colonial educational system, including the work of Sweeting and Vickers (2005, 2007) and Evans (2008a, 2008b), following Brutt-Grifﬂer’s (2002) reconceptualisation of British colonial language policy as an historically “contested terrain”, where local elites often campaigned or negotiated for access to English-medium education. For example, what emerges from Evans’ careful (2008a) discussion of language policy in Hong Kong between 1855 and 1900 is the picture of a complex patchwork of government Chinese, government Anglo-Chinese, aided Chinese, aided English, and aided Anglo-Chinese schools. Within this system, moreover, by far the largest enrolments were in the aided Chinese schools. For their part, Sweeting and Vickers (2005) also emphasise the complexity of the nineteenth century school system in the colony, noting that for a number of decades “there was no top-down imposition of a clear, consistent language policy”. Later, after the government’s Central School (which later became “Queen’s College”) was founded, both Chinese and English were used as instructional languages for a number of years, which also mirrored the situation in many missionary schools in the territory. Sweeting and Vickers also report that vernacular education expanded substantially in the ﬁrst decades of the twentieth century, and that educationalists and government spokesmen

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repeatedly acknowledged the importance of both languages in the education system. The work of Evans and Sweeting in retrieving the historical record is crucial in providing some kind of balance, not only to the discussion of the history of language issues in Hong Kong, but also as a key to the present. So far, only part of this project has been completed. For example, whereas their work has now done much to illuminate the complexity of government policies on language education in the nineteenth century, very little detailed work (to my knowledge) has been carried out on the inﬂuence of missionary and religious schools in Hong Kong, which have deployed both Chinese and English in various types of schools in the territory.1 Indeed, a detailed historical narrative of language education in Hong Kong remains to be written, although recent work by local historians such as John M. Carroll has emphasised the collaborative nature of colonialism, and the role played by local Chinese elites in policy-formation in many key areas of society (Carroll 2007). Despite the lack of a clear historical narrative of high colonial history in Hong Kong, a greater clarity arguably exists for the period from the 1960s until the 1990s, an era that could broadly be described as “late British colonialism”. During the 1970s, after the disturbances of the Cultural Revolution in China and social unrest and riots in Hong Kong in 1966 and 1967, the government began to give greater recognition to the Chinese language. In 1974, Chinese was recognised as a co-ofﬁcial language in the territory, while, around the same time, the colonial authorities also established a system of free, compulsory primary and secondary education, as well as extensive systems of public housing and public health. Until the 1970s, the English language had been the sole ofﬁcial language of government, the ofﬁcial language of law and, de facto, the more prestigious medium of secondary and university education. The Ofﬁcial Languages Ordinance of 1974 established that Chinese and English would thenceforth “enjoy equality of use” and, subsequently, measures were taken by the government to promote this policy. A decade or so later, after the negotiations between Beijing and London determined the arrangements for the 1997 “Handover”, the position of Chinese was further strengthened by the publication of The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, Article 9 of which stated that: “In addition to the Chinese language, English may also be used as an ofﬁcial language by the executive authorities, legislative and judicial organs of the Hong Kong Administrative Region” (Chinese Government 1992: 7). In 1995, the Hong Kong Government announced that its new language policy would be “to develop a civil service which is ‘biliterate’ in English and Chinese and ‘trilingual’in English, Cantonese and Putonghua” (Lau 1995: 19), an ofﬁcial

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policy statement which is still in force. In the run-up to 1997, an increasing proportion of Cantonese was used in Legislative Council speeches, and since then the Legislative Council has almost exclusively used Cantonese to conduct its affairs. Since the early 1990s the government has been trying to establish training courses in Putonghua for Hong Kong civil servants but, at present, Cantonese, rather than Putonghua, is still the dominant variety. Similar changes have taken place in the legal system in Hong Kong and, from the late 1980s to the mid-1990s, amendments to the Ofﬁcial Languages Ordinance have promoted “legal bilingualism” in the law courts. In December 1995, the ﬁrst civil High Court case was heard in Putonghua and, in August 1997, the ﬁrst criminal case was conducted in Cantonese in the High Court (Cheung 1997, 2000). Immediately before the 1997 change of sovereignty, there was widespread concern that the post-colonial period would see the immediate downgrading of English and the rise of Putonghua in key ofﬁcial domains. As is discussed in the next section, an abrupt change in language policy and management has not occurred in Hong Kong, at least in most domains of society. However, one major change in policy that did occur immediately before July 1997 concerned education, when, shortly before the transition, the colonial Hong Kong government formulated a new policy on the “medium of instruction” for secondary schools. On March 22nd , 1997, it was announced that approximately only 100 secondary schools (some 22 per cent of the total of 460) would be allowed to use English as a teaching medium and that punitive measures (e.g., a maximum ﬁne of $25,000 and two years in jail), might be used against school principals who did not follow the instructions of the government (Kwok 1997). This policy has been largely maintained since 1997, although, very recently, it has been amended to provide more opportunities for the use of English, not least in order to prepare secondary school students for what is a predominantly English-medium university system. Notwithstanding such recent changes, the adoption of a new “ﬁrm” policy in promoting Chinese was the most visible change in language policy at the end of the colonial period, although it might also be argued that the adoption of Putonghua as a compulsory school subject – which occurred around the same time – is likely to have even more lasting consequences.

4. Current language planning and policies in Hong Kong Problems of investigation and interpretation of language policies in Hong Kong are not only conﬁned to the historical past but also extend to the present. In certain settings, including the European Union in recent years, language policies are explicitly articulated, set down and disseminated through public documents,

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reports and regulations. In Hong Kong, however, this has rarely been the case and, in the contemporary HKSAR, there are few (if any) documents that set out an ofﬁcial language policy for all the major domains of society in a cohesive and principled fashion. Instead, there are a number of diverse laws and policy statements that have been issued by government (and continue to be issued) in the colonial and post-colonial period that have combined to shape language planning practices since 1997. Such practices have evidently been moved by circumstances or by public opinion, at times leading the government to respond, in an immediate pragmatic fashion, to the political pressures of the day. 4.1. Language planning in the Hong Kong government In Hong Kong, ofﬁcial language policies now regulate which languages are used in government ofﬁces in the HKSAR, although these policies changed signiﬁcantly during the decades before 1997, in the immediate period before the transition from British to Chinese rule. The deﬁnition of what the ofﬁcial languages are, and decisions about ofﬁcial language policies in Hong Kong are determined in part by the Basic Law governing Hong Kong, which provided a “mini-constitution” for the territory before the change of government. The Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China has two articles that deal speciﬁcally with language policies and planning, Articles 9 and 136: Article 9 In addition to the Chinese language, English may also be used as an ofﬁcial language by the executive authorities, legislature and judiciary of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region. (Chinese Government 1992) Article 136 On the basis of the previous educational system, the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall, on its own, formulate policies on the development and improvement of education, including policies regarding the educational system and its administration, the language of instruction, the allocation of funds, the examination system, the system of academic awards and the recognition of educational qualiﬁcations. (Chinese Government 1992)

The Decision of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress on the English Text of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China is also relevant (Adopted on 28 June 1990): The 14th sitting of the Standing Committee of the Seventh National People’s Congress hereby decides that the English translation of the Basic Law of the Hong

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Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China which has been ﬁnalized upon examination under the auspices of the Law Committee of the National People’s Congress shall be the ofﬁcial English text and shall be used in parallel with the Chinese text. In case of discrepancy between the two texts in the implication of any word used, the Chinese text shall prevail (cited in Ghai 1999: 570).

In addition to the legal provisions made for the use of Chinese and English in the Basic Law, the government has also, in a number of statements, summarized its policy as that of trilingualism and biliteracy, which refers to the promotion of trilingualism in Cantonese, English and Putonghua, and biliteracy in written Chinese and English. Interestingly, this policy began in the 1990s, with particular reference to the use of languages in the civil service in the 1990s, but, by 2002, this had been extended to the general population, so that an ofﬁcial report of the Education Committee in 2002 states that “[t]he language policy of the HKSAR Government is to enable students and the working population to be biliterate (in Chinese and English) and trilingual (in Cantonese, Putonghua and English)” (HKSAR Government 2002). Indeed, throughout the last thirteen years, the formula of “trilingualism and biliteracy” has received support in numerous government and educational pronouncements, although, to my knowledge, no fully detailed report or fully comprehensive rationale of this policy has been ofﬁcially published. The promotion of the policy of “trilingualism and biliteracy” involves the government in accepting the use of all three languages at the spoken level, as well as a great deal of translation of documents and ofﬁcial papers. This work is carried out by the Ofﬁcial Languages Division of the Civil Service Bureau of the HKSAR government, whose website states its responsibilities as providing translation, interpretation and editing services to Government bureaux and departments as well as: developing the institutional arrangements for the use of ofﬁcial languages in the Civil Service, including setting guidelines, reviewing Civil Service language practices, and providing language advisory services to bureaux and departments; promoting the effective use of the ofﬁcial languages, in particular Chinese and Putonghua, in the Civil Service [. . . ]; monitoring the use of the ofﬁcial languages and the implementation of the language policy in bureaux and departments” (HKSAR Government 2010).

Within the Government, one of the most important institutions is the Legislative Council (Legco), the body that is responsible for discussing and approving the laws of Hong Kong. The Legislative Council occupies a place at the heart of the political process, although, in theory, it is independent of government and

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the civil service. In compliance with the ofﬁcial language policy of the Hong Kong government, all proceedings in Legco are translated into a variety of languages.At present, the vast majority of debates and discussions in committees take place in Cantonese but, at the spoken level, are routinely translated from Cantonese into English by simultaneous interpreters so that members of Legco and members of the public listening to the debates have access to translation. Today, only very occasionally is English or Putonghua heard in the Legco chamber, and on almost all occasions Cantonese is the sole language of spoken communication (Government translator, personal communication, May 18 2010). The vast majority of linguistic work that takes place in Legco involves not spoken communication, but written communication, as all debates and subsequent reports of debates (the Hansard or “proceedings”) are recorded in two versions, a Chinese version and an English version. The body that has the responsibility of carrying out these translations is the Translation and Interpretation Division of the Legislative Council Secretariat, which is responsible for the production of the Hong Kong Hansard, and is also responsible for translating questions, motions, papers, minutes and other Council papers (Legislative Council 2010). According to an interview with one of the Chief Translators of the Secretariat, around 80% of the documents written for the Legislative Council are currently drafted in English, and then translated into Chinese, so that English very much remains the default written language of government (Government translator, personal communication, May 18 2010). 4.2. The languages of the legal system The government’s language policy also regulates the languages used in written statutes and in the law courts. Prior to the 1980s, English was the sole and dominant language of the legal system in Hong Kong. Now the government is ofﬁcially committed to a bilingual legal system, and in 1998, a Committee on Bilingual Legal System was set up to advise the Government on bilingualism in the legal domain and how the goal of a bilingual legal system could be achieved. On the Department of Justice website, it is stated that, in light of Article 9 of the Basic Law, “both Chinese and English therefore have a part to play in the language of the law” (HKSAR Government 2010b). Speciﬁc policies are stipulated for the Common Law, Statute Law and the law courts as follows: The common law The principles of the common law are to be found in the judgments of the courts, both in Hong Kong and in other common law jurisdictions around the world.

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The language in which those judgments have been delivered over the years is almost exclusively English. There are hundreds of thousands of reported cases which form the basis of the common law, and it would obviously be impractical to attempt to translate these into Chinese. While in future there is likely to be an increasing number of judgments in Hong Kong delivered in Chinese, English will continue to be the only medium in which the majority of judgments from overseas is reported. Statute law In keeping with the Basic Law’s provisions on bilingualism, all legislation in Hong Kong is enacted in both Chinese and English, and both versions are accorded equal status. Thanks to the bilingual legislation programme begun in 1989, authentic Chinese texts have been completed of all pre-existing legislation which had been enacted in the English language only, and Hong Kong’s statute book is now entirely bilingual [. . . ]. The courts In July 1995, the Ofﬁcial Languages Ordinance (Cap 5) was amended to enable any court to use either or both of the ofﬁcial languages in any proceedings before it as it thinks ﬁt; to enable a party or his legal representatives or a witness in proceedings in a court to use either or both the ofﬁcial languages, or such other language as the court may permit; to provide that the decision of a court to use one of the ofﬁcial languages in any proceedings before it, is ﬁnal; and to empower the Chief Justice to make rules and issue practice directions to regulate the use of Chinese language in the courts. Efforts are being made on various fronts to improve the use of Chinese in the higher courts. A Practice Direction on the use of Chinese in the Court of First Instance has been prepared by the Judiciary. Training for bilingual judges has also been introduced, including the provision of courses on Chinese judgment writing skills. No matter whether English or Chinese is used in the proceedings, everyone has a right to use the language of his choice to give evidence. The court will arrange interpretation facilities. (HKSAR Government 2010b)

From the above, we can see that three main concerns are articulated. The ﬁrst concerns the role of English in the “common law” system, which is the norm in the UK, and other English common law systems, such asAustralia, New Zealand, etc. The second concern is with the written laws (“statute law”) of the HKSAR, where it is stated that “all legislation in Hong Kong is enacted in both Chinese and English, and both versions are accorded equal status”. The third concern relates to the language of the courts and the expressed desire to improve the use of Chinese in the higher courts. However, despite the aim of providing legal proceedings in “either or both of the ofﬁcial languages”, at present, Cantonese is the dominant language of the lower courts, while English still remains the major language of the higher courts.

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A recent study by Ng (2009) has examined the use of Cantonese and English in Hong Kong courts in great detail. Ng notes that it was only in 1987 that the Ofﬁcial Languages Ordinance was amended to state that “all ordinances shall be enacted and published in both ofﬁcial languages” (cited in Ng 2009: 71), and that it was not until 1989 that the ﬁrst Bilingual Ordinance was enacted. Since the early 1990s, a massive project to translate the statutes of Hong Kong has taken place, a remarkable process involving the translation of more than 19,000 pages of legislation (Ng 2009: 72). Despite this, even today, the vast majority of court documents and judgements are written in English, as are most legal reference books and case law records. At the spoken level, in theory, Chinese enjoys equal status with English, but in practice, there is a clear hierarchy in Hong Kong courts. This hierarchy goes from the lowest courts (the Magistracies), through the District Courts (Criminal and Civil), to the Courts of First Instance (Criminal and Civil), to the Courts of Appeal (Criminal and Civil), and ﬁnally to the Courts of Final Appeal (Criminal and Civil). Ng’s analysis indicates a clear asymmetry in legal bilingualism in the Hong Kong law courts: Cantonese is used with decreasing frequency as one moves up the court hierarchy, and it is totally absent in the Court of Final Appeal. In a parallel manner, the presence of English exhibits an inverted pyramidal distribution. English is used less frequently in the lower courts but retains its strong presence in the higher courts. Horizontally, there is a growing practice of mixed-language trials in the Court of First Instance and the District Court. Cantonese is used when witnesses are examined, but English remains the language of choice when law is debated (Ng 2009: 253).

4.3. The languages of education As has been the case in many other multilingual societies, issues related to the choice of languages to be used in schools have been controversial and sensitive, as it is here that ordinary citizens are most likely to perceive their lives directly affected by language policy. In Hong Kong, the history of the “medium of instruction issue” in the modern era dates back most immediately to the early 1970s, when the British colonial administration attempted to introduce a policy of using Chinese as the medium of instruction. In 1973, the government published a “Green Paper”, or policy proposal, on language education, which asserted that: The medium of instruction bears signiﬁcantly upon the quality of education offered at post-primary level. Pupils coming from primary schools where they have been taught in the medium of Cantonese have a grievous burden put on them when

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required to absorb new subjects through the medium of English. We recommend that Chinese become the usual language of instruction in the lower forms of secondary schools, and that English should be studied as the second language (cited in Gibbons 1982: 117).

After the publication of the 1973 Green Paper, the government met strong opposition from parents and schools about such plans to introduce Chinese Medium Instruction (CMI). Following these protests, the government backed down from pressing ahead with Chinese-medium instruction, and issued a 1974 White Paper which decided on a laissez-faire approach to the medium of instruction issue. The school system that then evolved from the 1970s until the early 1990s was one with around 90 per cent of primary schools teaching through Cantonese, and a similar percentage of secondary schools claiming to be “English medium” (or “Anglo-Chinese”). In reality this meant that school textbooks in most schools were overwhelmingly written in English, while at the spoken level the amount of English used varied greatly according to the type of school and the abilities of staff and students. This so-called laissez-faire approach generally continued until March 1997, when the government introduced a policy of “ﬁrm guidance” to schools. As reported above, the new policy then established a system where around 75% of secondary schools were required to teach through Chinese (CMI schools), and some 25% were permitted to teach through English (EMI schools), if they could demonstrate the feasibility of so doing. This policy was consistently promoted by the Education Bureau of the HKSAR government for around ten years after 1997, and was even re-afﬁrmed by a government report of December 2005, despite frequent challenges by parents and schools who felt disadvantaged. In 2008 and 2009, however, a signiﬁcant shift in government policy began, which resulted in a new report on Fine-tuning the Medium of Instruction for Secondary Schools (HKSAR Government 2009). Essentially, the report moves away from the “ﬁrm guidance” policy of 1997, to provide for greater ﬂexibility about how language management will take place in individual schools. According to the recommendations of the report, “schools will no longer be classiﬁed into CMI [Chinese medium instruction] schools and EMI [English medium instruction] schools” and “[t]heir [. . . ] teaching modes will become more diversiﬁed, including all CMI, CMI/EMI in different subjects and total EMI immersion”. This, it is claimed, “allows schools more ﬂexibility in using EMI for one or more subjects for different classes”. Thus, it is expected that “the choice and number of subjects taught in EMI would likely vary between classes within individual schools as well as among schools”, and that “MOI arrangements in schools will become more diversiﬁed” (HKSAR Government 2009: 5).

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This “ﬁne tuning policy” goes into effect in autumn 2010, and the media have already reported that a number of schools are planning to switch from Chinese- to English-medium instruction (Yau 2009a). This loosening of government policy seems to have been motivated by a number of factors, including the desire of the business community to maintain Hong Kong’s competitiveness as a centre for international commerce and ﬁnance, the pragmatic need to prepare students for a university education (in a society where most of Hong Kong’s universities are ofﬁcially English-medium),2 as well as a groundswell of public opinion from many local parents. Despite this, given the complicated dynamics of education in the HKSAR, whatever policy is implemented is likely to encounter resistance from some quarter, and this change of direction has already attracted criticism from a number of leading educators (Yau 2009b). 4.4. Cantonese and Putonghua One key aspect of language planning in Hong Kong has a direct bearing on the educational debates discussed above and is, indeed, at the heart of many sociolinguistic issues in Hong Kong society. That is the relationship between Cantonese and Putonghua. The status and functions of the Cantonese language are unique to Hong Kong, which has been described as “the greatest Cantonese city that the world has ever seen” (Harrison & So 1997: 12). Many local linguists have been less concerned about the tension between English and Chinese than a potential conﬂict between Cantonese and Putonghua. The widespread use of Cantonese in Hong Kong society, in high domains as well as low, is obviously at odds with the ofﬁcial policy in China, which promotes Putonghua, together with simpliﬁed Chinese characters instead of the “full characters” used in Hong Kong and Taiwan. Cantonese may be a mere “regional dialect” in the PRC, but Hong Kong is the Cantonese-speaking capital of the world. In many senses, Cantonese is the essential community language. Given the wide use of the language in education, religion, the print and broadcast media and government, “the status of Cantonese is much higher than is normally thought and cannot be simply brushed aside as the ‘vernacular”’ (Sin & Roebuck 1996: 252). In stark contrast, the PRC’s ofﬁcial language policy since 1956 has included the “uniﬁcation of the Chinese language”, the promotion of Putonghua, the removal of illiteracy, the propagation of simpliﬁed characters, and the promotion of the ofﬁcial romanization system of pinyin (Bolton & Lam, 2006: 350). In October 2000, the national government published a new law, entitled The Law of the National Commonly Used Language and Script of the People’s Republic of China, which stipulated that: “Schools and other educational organizations

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will take Putonghua and standard Chinese characters as the basic language and characters to be used in teaching and study” (Rohsenow 2004: 41; Zhang &Yang 2004: 154). Such laws have taken effect in most other Chinese cities, including Guangzhou, where an estimated 5–6 million people out of a population of 12 million have in-migrated from other parts of China, thus adding to a process of language shift away from Cantonese in the community (Lai 2009). Ironically, many of the Hong Kong government’s pronouncements in support of Chinese-medium instruction in the period immediately after 1997 emphasized the beneﬁts of “mother tongue” education along the same lines as the renowned 1953 UNESCO report that valorized mother tongue education in schools. However, one issue regularly occluded in language debates is that “mother tongue education” (in its vernacular European sense), simply does not exist in many regions of China. For many of China’s students, Putonghua is a “second language”, and, in many regions, children learn a “home dialect” before going to school, which is often very different from Putonghua, for example, Cantonese, Fukienese, or Shanghainese. But national language policy is quite clear, and has only a limited acceptance of regional dialects and minority languages in educational and other ofﬁcial domains. In the context of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), whose systems of government and administration are expected to “converge” with those of mainland China in another 40 years, the question may be not whether Putonghua will be introduced as an ofﬁcial teaching medium, but when. Debates on the desirability of increasing the use of Putonghua have already surfaced among local educationalists, and such discussions are regularly reported in the press. Even more important is the fact that, in 1998, Putonghua became a compulsory subject in all Hong Kong schools, and today more and more children than ever before are now learning Putonghua as a second (or third) language. Whether that means that eventually Putonghua will displace Cantonese in the more formal domains of language use is a question of a good deal of speculation and, in this context, the domain of education is particularly sensitive. In 2003, the government-backed Standing Committee on Language Education and Research (SCOLAR) published the Action Plan to Raise Language Standards in Hong Kong, where it stated that its policy on the teaching of Chinese in schools included endorsing the Curriculum Development Council’s long-term goal of teaching Chinese Language in Putonghua, and encouraging schools to try using Putonghua to teach Chinese Language (SCOLAR 2003). However, the action plan stopped short of urging a “ﬁrm policy” to promote the language, conceding that “further studies on the conditions required to ensure a successful switch and prevent negative outcomes” (SCOLAR 2003). At present, attempts to extend Putonghua to teach Chinese within the public school system have

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achieved only limited success, but there is always the possibility that – in an altered political climate – the government may attempt to implement this policy more strenuously. At present, however, in spite of some initiatives to promote Putonghua in schools and discussions concerning the use of the national language in other domains, it is evident that the majority of Hong Kong people have a strong attachment to Cantonese, and Putonghua still has only a limited range of functions in present-day Hong Kong (Zhang & Yang 2004). The extent to which the status and functions of Cantonese in Hong Kong may become highly contentious in the coming years became clear in the summer of 2010 when language debates surfaced in both Hong Kong and across the border in Guangzhou. In early July, reports began to surface in the South China Morning Post of a push by the authorities in Guangzhou to switch the language of a number of prime-time TV programmes in Guangzhou from Cantonese to Putonghua before the Asian Games were hosted there in November 2010. It was at that time that the Guangzhou’s People’s Political Consultative Conference submitted a proposal to the local government on Monday to order the city’s most popular television station, Guangzhou Television (GZTV), to replace the use of Cantonese by Putonghua on its main channels (He 2010). The same report also noted that: With 110 million people, Guangdong has rapidly become the most populous province. But most of the recent increase has been migrant job-seekers, and now half its residents do not speak Cantonese. [. . . ] Guangzhou, the provincial capital, once spearheaded the mainland’s economic reform. But rivals such as Shanghai and Beijing have caught up and even surpassed it. The dialect seems strange to outsiders. [. . . ] There is a two-pronged attack on Cantonese – internal migration on the one hand, and the government policy of a ‘common language for a uniﬁed country and harmonious society’ on the other. (He 2010)

On Sunday, July 25, 2010 matters came to a dramatic head in Guangzhou when several hundred Guangzhou residents took part in a (reportedly amiable and lowkey) street demonstration at the exit of Guangzhou metro’s Jiangnanxi station against the proposed language switch. According to reports, most of those who participated were young people under the age of thirty (Zhai andYu 2010). Such a street demonstration, however amiable and good-natured, was dramatic in the sense that any unauthorized gathering of people in China is typically viewed as a cause for alarm, and the fact that few if any similar demonstrations in support of regional dialects in China have ever taken place previously. Immediately following the Sunday demonstration, a representative of the Guangzhou city government responded by asserting that “it had no plan to marginalise the use of Cantonese or replace it with Putonghua”. The spokesman, a Mr Ouyang,

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then went on to claim that the campaign in support of Cantonese had been orchestrated by “people with ulterior motives” (Zhai, 2010). One week later, a second demonstration took place in support of Cantonese at People’s Park in Guangzhou and a nearby shopping area on August 1, involving hundreds of people. This time the authorities deemed the gathering “illegal”, and arrested at least 20 people for “legal questioning” and simultaneously took measures against Internet blogs and discussion groups (Lau, 2010). On the same day, a small demonstration involving some two hundred people took place in Hong Kong in order to express solidarity with pro-Cantonese activists across the border. Following this, however, the situation was defused and at least temporarily resolved when the Head of the Communist Party in Guangzhou announced an apparent climb-down from the proposed restrictions on Cantonese television on August 4. Referring to a report from the ofﬁcially-sanctioned China News Service, the South China Morning Post announced that: “Communist Party Chief Wang Yang told a meeting on Wednesday to mark the 100-day countdown to the Asian Games that there was no question of Cantonese being banned”, suggesting that there had been a misunderstanding which had been exploited by “people who have ulterior motives” (Yu 2010). Following this apparent climbdown, it appears that the Guangzhou authorities backed away from their plans to restrict broadcasting in Cantonese and, in the event, the Asian Games took place without further linguistic controversy throughout November 2010. However, this remains an issue that is likely to re-surface, not only in Guangzhou but also in Hong Kong. Indeed, for many Hong Kong people, ofﬁcial attitudes to linguistic diversity reﬂect attitudes to a much wider range of social and political issues. Commenting on these events, the Hong Kong journalist, Stephen Vines, relates the recent controversy about Cantonese to the authoritarianism of the Beijing government and issues of Chinese identity, arguing that “China has demonstrated [the government’s] determination to curb or even destroy the linguistic diversity that exists in the nation”, and that ‘[i]n Guangdong, home of Cantonese, the language battle is accelerating’ (Vines 2010). He goes on to argue that: Cantonese enhances a sense of identity. It is this that scares the rulers in Beijing; ofﬁcials across the border are already accusing the defenders of Cantonese of having ‘ulterior motives’. [. . . ] Authoritarian governments have great difﬁculty with diversity; they see it as undermining their authority and sowing the seeds of discontent. Even quite innocent manifestations of local pride and regional identiﬁcation are frowned upon unless ofﬁcially instigated and approved. [. . . ] Ofﬁcials, like the born-again patriots who run Hong Kong, strive to demonstrate their proﬁciency in the national language, wearing it as a badge of loyalty. And there has been a constant battle against the development of local languages in

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Kingsley Bolton literature and the mass media. [. . . ] Anyone challenging this process is quickly labelled a ‘splittist’ in the wonderful language of Maoism. This is a serious charge and is thrown about indiscriminately at both those who genuinely desire to split from Beijing, such as Tibetans, and at others who are happy to be in the Chinese state but seek a stronger sense of local identity [. . . ] there is a sullen suspicion of anyone showing the smallest sign of asserting anything other than ofﬁcially approved forms of identiﬁcation with the state. This makes the nation inﬁnitely poorer, not more united. (Vines 2010)

5. Conclusion In many other contexts for language policy, the crucial questions have concerned the choice and cultivation of national and ofﬁcial languages in the post-colonial context. As is evident from the preceding discussion, the situation in Hong Kong is rather different. Modern Hong Kong was essentially founded by refugees ﬂeeing from the control of a Communist regime and the horrors of the Cultural Revolution, and the identiﬁcation of Hong Kong people with the national language of the PRC is tempered by the experience of the last six decades. For orthodox language planning, Hong Kong may appear to be an exceptional case, as Tsui notes: With China’s resumption of sovereignty over Hong Kong, the Chinese language, being the national language, should enjoy a much higher status. The people of Hong Kong should have a stronger awareness of Chinese identity. The adoption of Chinese as the medium of instruction in the majority of the schools should enhance the status of the Chinese language, as well as strengthen the national identity of Hong Kong people and their patriotic sentiments. Consequently, the community should be less resistant to this policy [. . . ] this has not proved to be the case. Whereas most former colonies have been eager to establish their national identity upon decolonization [. . . ] this does not seem to have happened in Hong Kong. (Tsui 2004: 108–109)

The essential reason for this, as Tsui concedes, is that language policy in the HKSAR has been decided by the political agenda set for Hong Kong in the transition to its “reuniﬁcation” with mainland China. In this context, neither traditional language policy theorizations nor the standard critical responses appear to offer easy solutions. Some thirteen years into the post-colonial experience, little on the surface of Hong Kong society seems to have changed. English still enjoys high prestige as a co-ofﬁcial language of government and law, and as the dominant language of higher education and the business community. Cantonese enjoys an unequalled

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status in many domains of high and not-so-high use, including the Legislative Council, the mass media, popular culture, and much else. Putonghua has yet to be heavy-handedly imposed as the language of national and ofﬁcial power on China’s most dynamic and prosperous southern city, which is still enjoying the beneﬁts of the “one country, two systems” policy, devised by Deng Xiaoping. In this context, however, for many Hong Kong people the notion of “mother tongue” education may evoke fear of the imposition of the “big brother tongue”, as there is widespread suspicion that Cantonese-medium education may segue into Putonghua-medium education at some point in the not-too-distant future. Post-colonialism in the Hong Kong context has its own speciﬁc characteristics, and as Carroll has commented, “[a]lthough Hong Kong has returned to China, it has not been de-colonized”. Instead, he argues, “it has been re-colonized with the metropole simply shifting from London to Beijing” (2007: 192). That may be true, but as yet the full weight of metropolitan and national policies, including language policy, has not been felt in Hong Kong. Viewed from this perspective, the vitality of Cantonese as a community language (layered with a measure of English) is a touchstone for continued lifestyle of a city-state whose identity combines a unique blend of colonial modernity, global capitalism and diverse contacts with Asia, Europe, North America and the world. The Draft Agreement on the future of Hong Kong signed by the Chinese government in the 1980s promised the territory “a high degree of autonomy”, according to a policy of “one country, two systems”. It remains to be seen how long this autonomy will survive in many spheres of society, including key societal settings, such as government, law, education, and media, which are so crucially linked to the cultural and linguistic identity of the Cantonese-speaking Hong Kong people.

Notes 1. The role of religious schools in Hong Kong continues to be important to the present day, and a number of Catholic, Protestant, and other religious organizations still run signiﬁcant numbers of primary and secondary schools in the society. This is a state of affairs greatly in contrast with neighbouring Guangdong and other parts of China, where missionary schools operated in large numbers throughout the Republican period, but closed their doors or were re-organised after the Communist Party came to power in 1949. 2. Hong Kong has seven government-funded universities: City University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Baptist University, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, Lingnan University, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, The University of Hong Kong. In addition, there is a tertiary-

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Kingsley Bolton level educational institute, The Hong Kong Institute of Education. The Chinese University of Hong Kong is ofﬁcially a bilingual institution, while the language policy of The Hong Kong Institute of Education stipulates the promotion of trilingualism and biliteracy. All other institutions are ofﬁcially “English-medium”.

References Bolton, Kingsley & Agnes S. L. Lam. 2006. Applied linguistics in China. In Keith Brown (ed.), Encyclopedia of language and linguistics [2nd edition, Vol. 1], 350–356. Oxford: Elsevier. Brutt-Grifﬂer, Janina. 2002. World English: A study of its development. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Carroll, John M. 2007. Edge of empires: Chinese elites and British colonials in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Cheung, Anne. 1997. Language rights and the Hong Kong courts. Hong Kong Journal of Applied Linguistics 2. 49–75. Chinese Government. 1992. The basic law of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of the People’s Republic of China. Hong Kong: One Country, Two Systems Economic Research Institute. Cooper, Robert L. 1989. Language planning and social change. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Evans, Stephen. 2008a. Disputes and deliberations over language policy: the case of early colonial Hong Kong. Language Policy 7. 47–65. —. 2008b. The introduction of English-language education in early colonial Hong Kong. History of Education 37(3). 383–408. Fishman, Joshua A., Charles A. Ferguson & Jyotirindra Das Gupta. 1968. Language problems of developing nations. New York: Wiley. Ghai, Yash P. 1999. Hong Kong’s new constitutional order: The resumption of Chinese sovereignty [2nd edition]. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Gibbons, John. 1982. The issue of the medium of instruction in the lower forms of Hong Kong secondary schools. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 3. 117–28. Government translator. 2010. Interview with translator, the Legislative Council, Hong Kong. Interview. May 18, 2010. Harrison, Godfrey & Lydia K. H. So. 1997. The background to language change in Hong Kong. In Sue Wright & Helen Kelly-Holmes (eds.), One country, two systems, three languages: A survey of changing language use in Hong Kong, 8–17. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Haugen, Einar. 1959. Planning for a standard language in Norway. Anthropological Linguistics 1. 8–21. He, Huifeng. 2010. Cantonese faces fresh threat in its birthplace. South China Morning Post. July 7, 2010: 1.

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HKSAR Government. 2002. Progress Report on the Education Reform (1): Learning for Life, Learning Through Life. (15 May 2010). —. 2009. Education Bureau Circular No. 6/2009: Fine-tuning the Medium of Instruction for Secondary Schools. (15 May 2010). —. 2010a. Ofﬁcial Languages Division website. (15 May 2010). —. 2010b. Department of Justice website. (15 May 2010). Hopkins, Mark. 2006. Policies without planning? The medium of instruction issue in Hong Kong. Language and Education 20(4). 270–286. Kaplan, Robert B. & Richard B. Baldauf. 1997. Language planning from practice to theory. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Kloss, Heinz. 1969. Research possibilities on group bilingualism: A report. Quebec: International Center for Research on Bilingualism. Kwok, Shirley. 1997. New rule will halve schools using English. South China Morning Post. March 22, 1997: 7. Lai, Chloe. 2009. Linguistic heritage in peril. South China Morning Post. October 11, 2009: 12. Lau, Chi-kuen. 1995. Language of the future. South China Morning Post. September 18, 1995: 19. Lau, Mimi. 2010. ‘Legal questioning’ of journalists defended. South China Morning Post. August 4, 2010: 4. Law, Sau Wah 2002. Language planning in Hong Kong. Unpublished BA dissertation, The University of Hong Kong. Legislative Council. 2010. (15 May 2010). Mesthrie, Rajend, Joan Swann, Andrea Deumert & William L. Leap. 2000. Introducing sociolinguistics. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Munn, Christopher. 2001. Anglo-China: Chinese people and British rule in Hong Kong, 1841–1880. Surrey: Curzon Press. Neustupn´y, Jir´ı V. 1970. Basic types of treatment of language problems. Linguistic Communications 1. 77–98. Ng, Kwai Hang. 2009. The common law in two voices: Language, law, and the postcolonial dilemma in Hong Kong. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Pennycook, Alastair. 1998. English and the discourses of colonialism. London: Routledge. Phillipson, Robert. 1992. Linguistic imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ricento, Thomas. 2006. Language policy: Theory and practice: An introduction. In Thomas Ricento (ed.), An introduction to language policy: Theory and method, 10– 23. Oxford: Blackwell.

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Rohsenow, John S. 2004. Fifty years of script and written language reform in the P. R. C. In Minglang Zhou (ed.), Language policy in the People’s Republic of China: Theory and practice Since 1949, 21–43. Boston: Kluwer Academic. SCOLAR. 2003. Action Plan to Raise Language Standards in Hong Kong. (15 May 2010). Sin, King-Kui & Derek Roebuck. 1996. Language engineering for legal transplantation: Conceptual problems in creating common law Chinese. Language and Communication 16. 235–254. Spolsky, Bernard & Richard D. Lambert. 2006. Language planning and policy: models. In Keith Brown (ed.), Encyclopedia of language and linguistics [2nd edition, Vol. 6], 561–575. Oxford: Elsevier. Sweeting,Anthony & EdwardVickers. 2005. On colonizing “colonialism”: the discourses of the history of English in Hong. World Englishes 24(2). 113–130. —. 2007. Language and the history of colonial education: The case of Hong Kong. Modern Asian Studies 41(1). 1–40. Tollefson, James W. 1991. Planning Language, Planning Inequality. New York: Longman. Tsui, Amy B. M. 2004. Medium of Instruction in Hong Kong: one country, two systems, whose language? In James W. Tollefson & Amy B. M. Tsui (eds.), Medium of instruction policies: Which agenda? Whose agenda?, 97–106. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum. Vines, Stephen. 2010 Why Cantonese threatens Beijing’s language of power. South China Morning Post. July 31, 2010. [Accessed from South China Morning Post, www.scmp.com]. Yau, Elaine. 2009a. Parents ﬂock to schools that will switch to English. South China Morning Post. January 5, 2009: 1. —. 2009b. Rethink policy on MOI, says expert. South China Morning Post. 28 March 2009. Yu, Verna. 2010. Guangdong chief speaks up for Cantonese. South China Morning Post. August 6, 2010: 4. Zhai, Ivan. 2010. Guangzhou blames people with ulterior motives for pro-Cantonese campaign. South China Morning Post. July 29, 2010: 6. Zhai, Ivan & VernaYu. 2010. Pro-Cantonese rally to hop the border into HK. South China Morning Post. July 27, 2010: 1. Zhang, Bennan & Robin R. Yang. 2004. Putonghua education and language policy in postcolonial Hong Kong. In Minglang Zhou (ed.), Language policy in the People’s Republic of China: Theory and practice since 1949, 143–162. Boston: Kluwer Academic. Kingsley Bolton, [email protected], is Chair Professor of English in the Department of English at City University of Hong Kong and Professor English Linguistics at Stockholm University, Sweden. He has delivered plenary papers and invited lectures

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at conferences in Asia, Europe and the US, and has published widely on language and society, English across Asia, and language and globalization. His publications include a monograph on the history of English in China, Chinese Englishes: A Sociolinguistic History (Cambridge University Press, 2003), and World Englishes: Critical Concepts in Linguistics (six volumes, co-edited with Braj B. Kachru, Routledge, 2006). From 2003– 04, he served as Elected President of the International Association for World Englishes (IAWE), and, from January 2011, he will be co-editor of the Wiley-Blackwell journal, World Englishes.

English language ideologies (ELI) in Olympic Beijing LIN PAN

Abstract Academic positions vary greatly as regards attitudes towards and expectations of global English around the world. In this paper, I focus on the English language learning context in China and use data collected during the period when Beijing was preparing for and hosting the 2008 Olympic Games (2006–2008) to examine how English and the study of English are perceived and accessed by learners engaged in teaching and learning English outside formal educational institutions, namely, Olympic community English classes and English corners. In particular, I will explore, via interviews and group discussions, the reasons underlying learners’ voluntary choice of English learning; their perceptions of the status of English relative to Chinese in a globalizing context, the potential inﬂuence English imposes on Chinese language and culture, and the signiﬁcance of English to Chinese society. My research ﬁndings show that my informants associate English (learning) with multiple beneﬁts to life and career; they express a strong conﬁdence that English will not be a threat to the Chinese language and culture and they claim that English is useful to the development of China both now and in the long run. In this paper, I posit that my informants’ opinions reﬂect a view of the social world from a particular historical, economic or political perspective or several perspectives combined and I relate their positions on the global spread of English in China to issues of language ideologies. I believe that the nonlinguistic socio-economic, social-historical and socio-political factors exert a crucial role in the emergence of dominant ideologies. Hence, besides presenting and interpreting the prevailing English language ideologies as captured in the discourse of my research respondents, in the last part of the paper, I will explore the possible social, cultural and political factors which caused the ideologies of language to emerge and the implications borne out by these ideologies in the context of China’s ongoing globalization.

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Key words: English language ideologies, globalization, civilian discourse, 2008 Beijing Olympics, China

1. Introduction Academic positions manifest profound divergence as regards attitudes towards and expectations of global English. On the one hand, there are informed assertions that the global spread of English is natural, neutral and beneﬁcial (Brutt-Grifﬂer, 2002; Crystal, 1997; Graddol, 2006). On the other hand there are claims that global English is detrimental in that it brings about social stratiﬁcation, exclusion and problems associated with education, literacy, and language rights (Bamgbose, 2000; Brock-Utne, 2001; Phillipson, 1992; Phillipson and Skutnabb-Kangas, 1996; Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000; Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson, 1995). This issue of the spread of English is particularly relevant in the context of China. As a society that has been aiming to open up and modernize itself since the end of the 1970s, China has witnessed a meteoric rise in the popularity of English in recent decades, and the learning of English outside compulsory educational settings has ﬂourished to the point where it has become a phenomenon worthy of scholarly attention. While the sociolinguistics of language identity and English language ideology in China has attracted the attention of some researchers in recent years (Du, 2001; Du, 2005; Jin and Cortazzi, 2003; Lo Bianco, Orton and Yihong, 2009; Xu, 2005), my research concentrates on the period when China was preparing for and hosting the 2008 Beijing Olympics. I anchor my research in this ‘moment’ because I view this period (2006–2008) in China, especially in Beijing, as one that experienced accelerated social change and my hypothesis is that social change transforms and generates new discourses and ideologies. Hence, in this paper, I use data collected during this period to examine the ways in which English and the study of English are perceived and accessed by those engaged in teaching and learning English outside formal educational institutions, namely, Olympic community English classes1 and English corners2 which are independent of ofﬁcial educational regulations. This paper features group discussions and interviews. The research respondents include working professionals as well as retired senior citizens.3 Though they come from distinct backgrounds, they all voluntarily chose to learn English in their spare time. My research questions centre upon such themes as the meaning of English and English learning for Chinese people, the inﬂuence which English has brought about and will bring to Chinese language and culture and the signiﬁcance of English to Chinese society in general. To get a

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view on the above questions, I spent three months (July to September 2008) at English corners and Olympic English classes when Beijing was preparing for and hosting the Olympic Games and talked to the English learners there. I then conducted in-depth group discussions and interviews with four learners who were interested in sharing their stories and opinions and helping me with my research. To choose interview extracts, I identiﬁed thematic patterns, concepts, and shifting meanings arising from the interviews and group discussions, then categorized them according to their recurring themes. I then selected extracts from different categories based on my research questions and adopted thematic and content analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006; Burr, 1995). In analyzing each interview extract, I followed Gee’s (1999) principles of dissecting discourses data and arranged all extracts into stanzas and lines (see extract 1 to 4 in section 3 for example). Each line is supposed to carry a piece of new and salient information and is numbered separately. There is often a pause, slight hesitation, or slight break in tempo after each line in speech (Gee, 1999). The letters ‘a’ and ‘b’ after some line numbers indicate that they contain the same information and belong to the same line. However, as the information embraced within a single line of speech is very often too small and limited to capture all that a speaker wants to say, I grouped a set of lines into a stanza. According to several scholars (Gee, 1986; 1991; Hymes, 1996; Scollon and Scollon, 1981), a stanza is a set of lines devoted to a single topic, event, image, perspective or theme. Therefore, whenever there are more than two topics or issues addressed in one extract, it is divided into stanzas and each stanza is named according to its theme. In this way, each speciﬁc theme which arises in the interview is foregrounded to facilitate thematic and content analysis.

2. English Language Ideologies Gramsci, Althusser, and Bourdieu used concepts such as hegemony (Gramsci, 1971; 1988), symbolic power, misrecognition (Bourdieu, 1991) and ideological state apparatus (Althusser, 1971; 2004) to elaborate upon certain ideologies and especially language ideologies, recognizing ideology as common sense or a form of ‘invisible’ power (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 23) which routinely manipulates social life. I see English language ideologies as sets of ideas, sometimes manifested as discourse, that either support or critically question the spread of English as a global language. The sets of ideas usually present views of the social world from a particular historical, economic or political perspective and demonstrate a critical and political awareness of the effects of the global spread of English. In other words, different from the individualistic nature of attitudes towards the

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global spread of English, English language ideologies represent perspectives which have become accepted modes of knowledge and thought by a particular group to such an extent that they have lost much of their ideological appearance by having become naturalized, or simply common sense. With regard to English language ideologies, ﬁrst there are views which see the spread of English as inherently good for the whole world. These views usually trumpet the beneﬁts of English over other languages, suggesting that English has both intrinsic (the nature of the language) and extrinsic (the functions of the language) qualities superior to other languages (McCrum, MacNeil and Cran, 2002). This type of ideology is categorized as colonial-celebration. Second is instrumentalism that regards English language as a gatekeeper to the modernization of a state and the acquisition of social and economic prestige for individuals. As the world’s foremost auxiliary language by now, English is viewed as a linguistic capital (Bourdieu and Passeron, 1977) that is easily convertible to other forms of capital, such as educational qualiﬁcations and higher education. This view is quite often voiced from what Kachru deﬁnes (2006) the Outer and Expanding Circles, where people regard English as a window to the world and a tool that empowers them, after having been previously oppressed by western imperialism and hegemony. Another set of ideas which is believed to form the dominant framework in TESOL is that the spread of English is natural, neutral and beneﬁcial, as long as it can coexist in a complementary relationship with other languages. Pennycook (2000) uses the term “laissez-faire liberalism” to summarize this general stance. Laissez-faire liberalism suggests that everyone should be free to do what they like with English, to use English in beneﬁcial ways and to use other languages for other purposes. It claims that we should neither engage in ideological nor political discussions of language and that we should make freedom of choice our central mode of understanding. On the other hand, there are ideologies critical of the global spread of English. One of the earliest discussions of this is by Cooke (1988) who has described English as a ‘Trojan horse’, arguing that it is a language of imperialism and of particular class interests. Phillipson and Skutnabb-Kangas have further developed this idea by introducing two concepts: linguicide and linguicism. They deﬁne linguicide as “the extermination of languages, an analogous concept to (physical) genocide” (1995, p. 83) and “linguicism” is used by Skutnabb-Kangas (1988; 1998) to express her view towards the inequitable allocation of language rights. She argues that it represents a sort of “linguistic racism” (1988, p. 13; 1998, p. 16) and “ideologies, structures and practices are used to legitimate, effectuate and reproduce an unequal division of power and resources (both material and immaterial) between groups on the basis of the language they speak” (1995, p. 83). Based on this major concern, three subcategories of ideas are fur-

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ther illustrated: language ecology, linguistic imperialism and language rights. From the language ecology point of view, the problem with the spread of English is a complex disruption of the ecology of languages. The view of linguistic imperialism (Phillipson, 1992) argues that English penetrates or invades local spaces and disturbs the ecological balance that exists between people, language, culture and their environment, as it supports a global system of world trade which advantages the centre (rich and powerful) countries and disadvantages the peripheries (poorer countries). In addition, Tsuda (1994) and Phillipson and Skutnabb-Kangas (1996) insist that a linguistic human rights perspective should form the cornerstone of an ecology of a language paradigm whereby it is proposed that the “right to identify with, to maintain and to fully develop one’s mother tongue(s)” should be acknowledged as “a self-evident, fundamental individual linguistic human right” (Skutnabb-Kangas, 1998, p. 20). The above review examines the varied views of the spread of English exhibited in different societies around the world and puts them into different ideological categories. Although they all hold water from their own particular angles, neither is sufﬁcient to elucidate the complexity of ideological ramiﬁcations of the spread of English in a particular locality. This paper takes the stance that the divergent English language ideologies are a result of the different perspectives taken which could be attributed to the unique social contexts and historical experiences of a particular locality. The paper also posits that quite often different layers of ideologies are intertwined simultaneously and the ideologies may evolve and become transformed through time in different localities. In this spirit, in the following sections I will investigate the language ideologies and implications present when China was preparing for and hosting the Olympic Games, 2008.

3. The Data As part of my research, I was ﬁrst interested in ﬁnding out why both retired citizens and professionals still working devote their spare time to learning English voluntarily and what English means to them. My research ﬁndings showed that my respondents endowed English and the learning of English with multiple values and beneﬁts, relating English and English learning to the improvement of the quality of their lives, self-fulﬁlment, facilitation of communication, attainment of mutual understanding and career development. The extracts from interviews and group discussions reproduced below are what I was told when I engaged my informants in conversations about their perception of the multiple values embedded in learning English.

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“English improves my life quality of life and keeps me up to date.” Extract 1 is part of a discussion with two retired individuals at the English corner at Chaoyang Library. This English corner was set up in 2004, three years after the successful bid for the 2008 Olympics. Since then, Chaoyang library has been organizing whole-day English teaching and practice programmes every Saturday (the Olympic English class on Saturday morning and the English corner on Saturday afternoon, both open to everyone and with ‘learning English for the Olympics’ as a goal). The discussion took place on a Saturday afternoon when a number of people were practising their oral English. The two major interviewees involved were a man, Ma, in his late 40s and a woman, Wu, in her 70s. Both of them had been attending this English corner for one year and three years respectively. The interview questions centred on why Chinese people, especially retired people, want to learn English. Learning English was positively labelled by the two interviewees as a means to improve their quality of life, to understand and learn from the outside world and a way to keep up with the present times. Extract 1: 1a 1b 2 3 4 5 6 7a 7b 8a 8b 9

Stanza 1: English is for pastime and job hunting Researcher: I want to ﬁnd out why we Chinese put so much effort into learning English. I am interested in this question and at the same time confused by it. Don’t you think we are kind of crazy about the language? Ma: Yeah, yeah, yeah Researcher: Why is it so? Is it really useful to people? Ma: I feel many people treat it as a pastime, especially when they are old. But for you young people, I guess it is for job hunting, employment and so on. Here, I feel many old people want to improve their quality of life.

10 11 12 13 14a 14b 15a 15b

Stanza 2: Learning English to understand the world Researcher:(surprised) Wow, to improve the quality of life? Ma: Yeah, that is what I think. Researcher: Can we improve the quality of our lives by learning English? Ma: Actually, it is to enrich their spare time. Now, English is everywhere, even in (Chinese) songs, so if we do not learn English, I feel we cannot understand the outside world. Through learning English, you can learn from their (foreign countries’) strong points/strengths to

English language ideologies (ELI) in Olympic Beijing 15c 16

overcome our own weaknesses. There are many aspects in foreign countries that you can learn from.

17a 17b 18 19 20 21 22a 22b 23

Stanza 3: using English to promote Chinese culture Researcher: Well, do you think we also have some good aspects that they can learn from? Ma: Yes, of course. Our traditions can also be promoted by using English. You should use English to communicate with them. I feel if we understand English, our life quality of life will be different. You know, you get to know something different, such as foreign culture, ways of life, they are all different (from ours).

24a 24b 25 26 27 28a 28b 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37

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Stanza 4: Learning English to understand the world (a senior lady joined the group) Researcher (turning to the senior lady): So can you tell me why you want to learn English? What’s the use of English in your life and in your work? Wu: Now, in China, in Beijing, we are opening up to the world on the street, many words are in English, we are like illiterates. Like illiterates who come to the city (if we don’t understand English). Others: Yes, true. (nodding and agreeing). Wu: I am like a blind man. Ma: In the 50s or 60s, if you did not know Chinese characters, you were illiterate, now you are illiterate if you do not know English. Just now we said English is to improve our quality of life, now it is – Wu: When the country had just been liberated, we learnt Chinese characters by posting the word, say ‘ﬂour’ on the ﬂour jar, posting the word ‘rice’ on the rice jar, we are now using the same method in learning English.

The above extract is subdivided into 4 stanzas according to its themes. In stanza 1, Ma identiﬁes the difference in attitudes towards English between the young people and the senior ones. He portrays English learning in a positive way since the status of English is associated with the improvement of his quality of life. Such an enthusiastic attitude is in sharp contrast to the preceding eras when learning English was frequently labelled with negative connotations and access to English was often denied by the State (see section 4 for details). It seems, with globalization and accompanying social changes taking place in China, this newly available language choice becomes for him a key to a new, “enriched”

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life, an empowering addition to his linguistic repertoire and indispensable for accessing all the indexicalities of the language. I would argue that his gracious embrace of English language, therefore, is not an individualistic free choice but an act aligned with the dynamics within the broader social discourse. Later in stanza 2, Ma further comments on the importance of English: “Now, English is everywhere, even in (Chinese) songs, so if we do not learn English, I feel we cannot understand the outside world.” The interviewee ﬁrst points out that English facilitates communication with the world and learning English helps towards a mutual understanding between people and countries. In addition, his words reveal that the cultural inﬂuence of English, which is fast making inroads into Chinese society, has become a driving force for him and possibly other older people to opt for English courses. Also worth noticing is the perspective Ma adopts. Confronted with the cultural inﬂuence of English, instead of raising protests against what some have called a cultural or ecological threat (Mühlhäusler, 1996; Phillipson and Skutnabb-Kangas, 1996; Skutnabb-Kangas, 2000; Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson, 1995), he takes a relatively neutral or even passive stance with his somehow apologetic confession ‘I feel we cannot understand the outside world’. He dichotomizes the world into “China and the outside world”, and indicates that he feels English is a tool helping him link the two. Similar to Ma’s comments, in stanza 4 (line 24–37), the female interviewee Wu also admits the inﬂuence of English in China and says that now China is opening up to the world, and English words are seen everywhere on the streets. She then compares herself and her group of learners to ‘illiterates’ and ‘a blind man’, and confesses that they use the same method and put in the same amount of effort to learn English as they learnt Chinese when they were young. This point of view can be better understood in relation to globalization and China’s efforts towards internationalization as indicated by ‘China is opening up to the world’. Here again, research respondents knowingly anchor their individualistic choices within the macro, all-encompassing context of globalization, which has determined English learning as an imperative both necessary and inevitable. Through their self-depiction of becoming ‘illiterates’ and ‘a blind man’, they take on an implicitly subordinate role by exalting the signiﬁcance of English over that of Chinese. Here, it is clear that the power of the language is often determined by its advantages of communication or practical values; the speaker is attracted to the power of English and is oriented towards it (Calvet, 2006; De Swaan, 2001). In line 15, stanza 2, Ma’s utterance “through learning English, you can learn from their strong points to overcome our own weaknesses” reveals that English is regarded as an instrument for self-improvement. In a similar way, this instrumental view is voiced again in line 17 of stanza 3, by his comment: “our

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traditions should also be promoted by using English” and “you should use English to communicate with them”. The instrumental nature of his words echo , a slogan used “learning from the barbarians to check them” ( , for English a century ago) and ‘using foreign things to serve China’ ( advocated by Mao Zedong, former Chairman of P. R. C., in the 1960s). It seems that in the long evolution of the ideological history of English in China, the nature of instrumental ideologies still remains unchanged in essence (this point will be further addressed in section 4). “I like English and it will be beneﬁcial for my job and career.” Extract 2 is from an interview with Ni, a young professional. She works for a well-known architectural design company in Beijing. She had already graduated from university but she was very enthusiastic about English learning and kept attending part time English courses and English corners. I was very curious about the reasons behind her enthusiasm and wanted to explore what learning English meant for her as a young and enterprising professional. Extract 2:

1 2 3a 3b 4a 4b 5a 5b 6a 6b 7a 7b 8 9

10a 10b 11a 11b 11c

Researcher: You have continued learning English. Is this for your career or – Stanza 1: the signiﬁcance of English learning Ni: Out of interest, actually. Studying English in itself can bring many advantages. You can make a lot of friends, and it opens a lot of windows for you. Also, once you know the language, and have a good command of it, it is convenient for communicating. No matter whoever you are with, if you have enough vocabulary, you will have better comprehension and better ability for expressing yourself. I also feel that you’ll have a special skill which nobody has except you, like CCTV9 news anchors – look at their bearing, their ease, I envy them very much. I feel that if I could speak as ﬂuently, then it would be my strength. I really want to have such a skill, but I feel I stopped. I discontinued so my English is no longer ﬂuent now. — Stanza 2 English brings beneﬁts to my career — But I sometimes think that if my English was good, it could offer me the best opportunities. You know, if your English, especially your spoken English I have no problem with reading or writing English, but if I could speak good English,

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11d

then I . . . . I will be appreciated by my company. Researcher: you mean promotion?! Ni: Yes, yes. I will have a special skill. The boss would say “ emm, you are special” and he will notice you. But I feel I haven’t shown myself . . . . Now I am looking after an American design company. Everytime they come, I go to receive them, and they have very good relations with our general manager. Our company is a hierarchical one – one layer on top of another, it’s very conservative, very much like a state-owned enterprise. The general manager won’t know – Well, he will know that I am the project manager for design, but he will not know that you have good English. He does not understand you. But suppose my English is good, When they come, I don’t need a translator, they speak English and I speak English, we can communicate smoothly – isn’t that beneﬁcial to me?! —

12a 12b 13 14 15a 15b 16a 16b 17a 17b 17c 17d 18a 18b 18c 18d

19a 19b 20a 20b 20c 20d 20e 20f 21a 21b 21c 21d 22

23a 23b 23c 24a 24b 25 26a

Stanza 3: English helps me to make friends Ni: Actually my English was good When I went with you to the class in 2002, I felt that my spoken English was good at the time I could speak with foreigners. I was an architect’s assistant, an assistant to an American architect. Then I could speak good English, My colleagues in the design company were all very kind to me. Emm, they might have felt I was a new-comer and they might have felt I was very special, so every time they were doing something, they would say, “Ni, come here,” they would ask me to join them. At the time I was very young, and I felt very happy with them. — Stanza 4 English is a passport I feel people should be special, because when you have such special qualities, it is like having a passport. It brings a lot of opportunities and a lot of friends. Otherwise, if we are all the same, it makes no difference whether we make friends with you or with others. Besides, I feel it is a skill. If you have invested so much already and you have spent so much time,

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then you should continue doing it. And for you, it is an accomplishment. That’s what I think. I’m not sure where this will take me but I hope I can gradually improve.

In the above extract, Ni ﬁrst illustrates the importance that English holds for her, reﬂecting on how it could be of value for her career and for enhancing her social network. She expresses her unconditional longing for a good command of English which is evident by her repeated use of positive adjectives and phrases throughout the four stanzas. These include ‘it opens a lot of windows’, ‘it is convenient for your communication’, ‘better comprehension’, ‘better ability’, ‘special gift’, ‘ease’, ‘strength’ in stanza 1; ‘best opportunity’, ‘be appreciated’, ‘special’ and ‘good’ in stanza 2; ‘special’ in stanza 3 and ‘special’, ‘a passport’, ‘a skill’, ‘self-attainment’and ‘elevate yourself ’in stanza 4. As previously stated, the particular use of the word ‘special’ is very prominent and is repeated ﬁve times in all four stanzas. Accordingly, Ni’s generous admiration of English TV news anchors in stanza 1, her frequent use of positive words and phrases in addition to the constant repetition of ‘the word special’ points to her earnest yearning for a good command of English. The way she portrays the beneﬁts of English naturally link to Bourdieu’s concept (1992) of symbolic capital. Bourdieu sees symbolic capital as a crucial source of power, the value of which is derived from its scarcity. The acquisition of symbolic capital not only results in possession of the capital itself, but also in the accumulation of prestige, recognition and authority. In the same way, Ni regards English competence as a ‘special skill’- a symbolic capital the acquisition of which would bring her not only the skill itself but also the derivatives such as job promotion, friends, colleagues’ recognition, together with such valuable intangibles as elegance and gracefulness. In short, for Ni, the possession of good English communication competence will certainly lead to improvement of both her social and economic positions, difﬁcult to obtain otherwise. The above two extracts have illustrated the signiﬁcance of English learning from the perspectives of retired citizens and a young professional. Given the fact that my research respondents associate multiple beneﬁts with English and English learning for both themselves and the country as a whole, I started to wonder about the inﬂuence of English on Chinese language and culture, that is, how much faith do they have that learning English will affect Chinese language and culture? And if there is an inﬂuence, is it going to be positive or negative? This research question surfaced as I recalled the 1980s when China put into effect the Reform and Opening-up policy, when English was still regarded as a

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source of “spiritual pollution” (‘jingshen wuran’ in Pinyin or ) and the social-cultural values which English represented were avoided to a great extent in learning and teaching (An, 1984;Yue, 1983). I wanted to explore whether or how much the “linguicide” and “linguicism” ideologies (Phillipson and SkutnabbKangas, 1995; Skutnabb-Kangas, 1988; 1998) hold true for the English learners in the Olympic classes. And when I enquired in my interviews whether English is perceived as a threat to Chinese language and culture, most respondents gave negative answers. In most cases, my interviewees’ well-deﬁned conﬁdence with regard to Chinese language and culture was clearly unmistakable. The following group discussion with Ma and Wu provides such an example. “Your root is Chinese.” Extract 3:

3a 3b 4

Stanza 1: English is simpler and advanced Ma: There are many road signs, many are in English, English is simpler than Chinese. Researcher: Many road signs are in English. Will this be a threat to our Chinese language? Wu: If they are advanced, we should learn together, improve together. You don’t know it so you should learn it. The problem is that we are too old.

5a 5b 5c 6a 6b 6c 7a 7b

Stanza 2: It is impossible for English to become a threat Ma: This issue was once discussed in a debating contest. A teacher said we Chinese have ﬁve thousand years of civilization, so it is impossible (for English to become a threat). Wu: For example, Hong Kong and Taiwan, These places wanted to reduce the Chinese elements for many years but failed. Your root is Chinese. Our ﬁve thousand years of civilization are respected by foreigners.

8a 8b 9a 9b 10a 10b 11a 11b

Stanza 3: English and Chinese are complementary Wu: Also, while there may be 16 meanings for one English word. There may be more than 40 meanings for a similar word in Chinese. If you’ve reached a certain level and need to translate them into Chinese, then it depends on your Chinese language skills, not your English skills. Ma: Also I feel studying English is not a case that one diminishes the other, but rather that they are complementary. Sometimes, English is not as rich as Chinese, and Chinese can complement English.

1 2

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But Chinese is not as simple as English, not as concise as English. So they are complementary. But not a threat to each other.

Extract 3 is divided into three themes in three stanzas. In the ﬁrst stanza, Ma and Wu note their positive opinion about English language by saying that ‘English is simpler than Chinese’ in line 2 and English is seen as an ‘advanced thing’ in line 3a. The words ‘simpler’ and ‘advanced’ demonstrate an appreciative attitude towards English language as the celebrators (McCrum, MacNeil and Cran, 2002) view the spread of English to be inherently good, in that it both has intrinsic advantages in terms of the nature of the language (suggested by the word ‘simpler’) and extrinsic beneﬁts in terms of functions (by ‘advanced things’) that are superior to other languages. Then in stanza 2, with regard to the inﬂuence of English on Chinese culture, Ma declares that English could never become a threat as ‘the Chinese language and culture have ﬁve thousand years of civilization’. Wu also supports Ma’s opinion by quoting the situation in Hong Kong and Taiwan as further examples. According to her, the roots of a person or a nation cannot be changed (line 6c) and she reinforces her argument on the solidity of Chinese roots by commenting that ‘our ﬁve thousand years of civilization is respected by foreigners’. By presenting foreigners’ respect towards Chinese culture as a counterargument, she makes the point that there is no reason for the Chinese to despise or abandon their own culture. These points are further elaborated and strengthened in stanza 3. First, for Wu, translation skills signify a person’s language competence, and her prioritizing the mother tongue over English in achieving good translation ﬁts well with her argument that ‘your root is Chinese’ and this will not change. Ma in lines 10a and 10b also dismisses the idea that English could be a threat to Chinese and makes it clear that studying another language does not necessarily lead to the decline of the mother tongue, as languages could complement each other. The ideology reﬂected is that though English is important, the Chinese “national language is – the primordial foundation of national culture and the matrice of the national mind” (Hobsbawm, 1990, p. 51). Thus, the correlation between national language and national identity is well depicted. The above extract elucidates the point that instead of regarding English as a threat to Chinese language and culture, my respondents tend to think about English in a more constructive way. This made me reﬂect on the role of Olympic English classes. Why did my respondents, more often than not, generate positive discourse on English and learning English? What are their objectives for learning English, outside the mainstream education system and not compulsory? And how do they see the signiﬁcance of English to Chinese society? The extract that

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follows is selected from the interview with Zhao, one of the advocates of the English Speaking Association of Chaoyang District, in which she explains to me the objectives of the training in the Olympic class and voices her opinions about the signiﬁcance of English in Chinese society in the long run. “The Olympics as a goal was not enough. – (We) did not want to stop learning English after the Olympics.” Extract 4: 1

2a 2b 3a 3b 4a 4b

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12a 12b 12c 12d 13

14 15

Stanza 1: Studying English for the Olympics Zhao: In fact the objectives of our classes are very clear: they are held for the Olympics. Researcher: Then how about after the Olympics? Zhao: At the very beginning, we thought that the environment for learning English wasn’t there, so we wanted to create such an environment. When we created the environment for learning, we needed to have an important objective, aimed at the Olympics. But when we were working towards this goal, we felt that the Olympics as a goal was not enough. Stanza 2: Studying English to go beyond the Olympics Zhao: So we needed to revise our aim. Our original class did not want to stop learning English after the Olympics. What could we do? We should train volunteers; we should meet our social need for volunteers, for example, in museums, exhibition centres, hospitals, schools, etc. they perhaps need people with such aspirations. Schools might need the experience of such people. Museums and exhibition centres need translators. For example, foreigners come to China and become very interested in Chinese things but if there is no one to explain these things to them, there are many who will not understand them. Therefore it is only by talking to them that these things will become clear. So that is our next training target. Researcher: Oh, so it was like that in the beginning. The Olympics served as an opportunity to implement these training classes. But after the training got started, you discovered a long-term goal. Zhao: Yes, when we ﬁrst started training, we did not have such a long-term goal. Now as the training goes on, the goal grows bigger and bigger. Researcher: Actually it is [

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Zhao: [Step by step Researcher: Therefore we can say that the Olympics is an opportunity, a platform to enable us to cast our vision beyond this.

Zhao, along with several other retired citizens, advocated the learning of English after the successful bid for the Olympics. With the help of their neighbourhood committees, they set up an English speaking association in Chaoyang District and opened more than 20 Olympic English classes afﬁliated to it; as Zhao explains in line 1, all of the classes were opened for the Olympics. In fact, according to the ofﬁce of the Beijing Speaks Foreign Languages Programme (BSFLP), Olympic English classes sprouted up across Beijing to ensure that by 2008, 5 million inhabitants in Beijing, that is, 35% of Beijing regular inhabitants, are prepared to help foreigners when Beijing hosts the Olympic Games. As revealed in stanza 1 of the above conversation with Zhao, the Vice-Chair of the Chaoyang English Speaking Association, clariﬁes that although ‘all of the classes were for the Olympics’, their initial idea to open them was to ‘create an English environment’. This means that the Olympic English classes were originally conceptualized as only a bridge to create an environment for English learning as their idea of ‘learning and practising English’ came before the goal of ‘learning for the Olympics’. Moreover, in stanza 2, Zhao says that ‘they realized that the Olympics could only be a short term goal and they don’t want to stop learning English after the Olympics’. In order to sustain their English learning environment, they re-targeted other social needs. This view of ‘English beyond the 2008 Olympics’ as a long term goal, in a similar manner, was ofﬁcially voiced by Chen Lin, a renowned professor of ELT in China and an adviser for the ofﬁce of the Beijing Speaks Foreign Languages Programme (BSFLP). He explained, ‘We learnt English for 2008 but we should not stop at 2008. We should “go beyond 2008”, as Beijing will be more open and active in international communication after the Olympics’.4 He also said that ‘I feel a greater signiﬁcance of learning English is that it changes the way people think, that ‘the Olympic English mania’ has made Beijingers more open-minded. In other words, the Beijingers no longer remain defensive about their own language but they get to know another language and culture and communicate with another culture with good intentions.” Worth noticing is the convergence of thoughts between Chen Lin, an ofﬁcial representative, and Zhao, a civilian representative, in that both attribute the learning of English to be of instrumental value for having international communication and possibly going international. In addition, Chen’s labelling of the signiﬁcance of learning English goes explicitly against the ideologies reﬂected in some other parts of the world, such as Africa (e.g. Zambia, Tanzania), some parts of Asia (e.g. India, Sri Lanka)

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(Kachru, 1990) and/or some European countries (e.g. France) (Flaitz, 1988), where voices proliferate to protect their national language against the invasion of English, and to minimize the cultural and ideological inﬂuence that English will exert on people’s minds. The positive signiﬁcance attributed to learning English from both ofﬁcial and civilian levels and the overlapping tone between the civilian and the ofﬁcial discourses are worthy of further examination, which I will attempt in the following section.

4. Multi-layered ideologies and their contextual implications As stated earlier in section 2, English language ideologies are sets of ideas, sometimes taking the form of discourse, that either support or critically question the spread of English as a global language. In the above section, by examining the discourses of the language learners, I have explored the different layers of English language ideologies in contemporary China when the Olympic Games were due to take place in Beijing. The matrix of opinions expressed about learning English ﬁt into several ideological categories as we distinguished earlier in this paper. First, there is a wide array of ‘instrumental views’, exempliﬁed by words such as ‘English improves the quality of my life and keeps me up to date’. In addition, young professionals see English as a passport to their job and career and English language competence is regarded as a gatekeeper towards a better quality of life, easier and better communication with the world and more promising career prospects – a “linguistic capital” to use Bourdieu’s term (1977). Furthermore, it is not uncommon to ﬁnd a celebrative attitude among respondents/interviewees, who tend to view the spread of English as inherently good for the whole world, and that English has both intrinsic (the nature of the language) and extrinsic (the functions of the language) qualities superior to other languages (McCrum, MacNeil and Cran, 2002). In parallel, the view of laissez-faire liberalism, which sees the spread of English as natural, neutral and beneﬁcial, is also somewhat ubiquitous among my interviewees, exempliﬁed by remarks such as ‘your root is Chinese’, ‘it is impossible (for English to become a threat)’, and they see ‘studying English, not that one diminishes the other, but rather that they are complementary’. Additionally, the data shows that some impact of English in China is clearly felt by people, as in ‘now, English is everywhere, even in (Chinese) songs –’ and ‘China is opening up to the world, and English words are everywhere on the streets –’. However, many interviewees showed great conﬁdence in the integrity and prosperity of Chinese language and culture. In contrast to the movement of remedying the wrongs of language hege-

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mony, to advocate the right of all people to speak the language of their choice, to ﬁght ‘language imperialism’ abroad and ‘linguicism’ at home, and to strengthen ‘language rights’ in international law as proposed by some scholars (Cooke, 1988; Day, 1985; Skutnabb-Kangas and Phillipson, 1995), the conﬁdence of my research respondents is exhibited by their remarks on the impossibility of English becoming a threat when faced with a civilization of 5,000 years and ‘the roots of a person or a nation will not be changed’. It could be argued that the English language ideologies discussed and summarized in the previous analysis echo Kachru’s (2006) notion of “the Outer and Expanding Circles of English speaking and learning countries”. However, I would counter-argue that despite apparent similarities, the social, cultural and historical factors which inform China or other countries vary and are often distinctively unique. That is, people’s ideologies of English in China may be attributed to its unique social context and historical experiences. This is because, as made clear earlier, language ideologies are contextualised sets of beliefs about languages. In other words, they are cultural and political systems of ideas about social and linguistic relationships (Gal and Irvine, 1995; Irvine, 1989). Following this line of thinking, the ways in which languages are used and thought about by a particular person are never just about languages but also about community and society (Woolard, 2004) and the world as a whole (Calvet, 2006; De Swaan, 2001; Wallerstein, 2000; Wallerstein, 2004). As non-linguistic socio-economic, socio-historical and socio-political factors play a crucial role in the emergence of dominant language ideologies, a context-speciﬁc discussion and interpretation seems to be in order. Therefore, at the end of the paper, I will relate the English language ideologies I summarized above to China’s speciﬁc social-historical background and will locate the ‘right time and moment’ for the ideologies of language to emerge while explaining their implications. Firstly, in general, my informants expressed open-minded attitudes toward learning English, which can be categorized as either instrumental, celebratory or laissez-faire. At the national level, English is perceived as a necessary means for helping the nation open up further, a valuable resource for realising its modernisation programme, and an important cornerstone of international competition. On a personal level, proﬁciency in English is seen as a key to a host of opportunities: to enter and graduate from university, to go abroad for further education, to secure desirable jobs in public and private sectors, and to be eligible for promotion to higher professional ranks. Consequently, English proﬁciency is associated with superior national, social and economic prestige. These layers of meaning of English learning indisputably relate themselves to the impact of globalization and China’s determined drive for internationalization in recent decades, as people’s discourse is a way to show how they perceive

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globalization and their discourse itself becomes a facet of globalization (McKay and Bokhorst-Heng, 2008). English gained momentum in China from the 1970s and since then has enjoyed a high level of prestige into the 21st century, mostly arising out of China’s need for modernization and economic development. The state’s full embrace of English in various sectors has also generated ideological changes in people as they become increasingly convinced of the indispensability of English to China’s development. The positive discourse about English made by my research respondents to a great extent bespeaks the swift socio-economic changes China has gone through. The value package of English places itself in sharp contrast to the previous eras when English was constantly associated with “barbarism”, “imperialism and colonialism” in the late 19th century and early 20th century, and “a language of our enemy” when the People’s Republic of China had just been founded in the 1950s and 1960s (Adamson, 2004; Lam, 2005; Pan, 2010). Therefore, learning English is not only encouraged by the State as a means of accelerating modernization and internationalization, but it is also seen at a more personal and individualistic level as symbolic capital to attain brighter career prospects and a better life style. All the above serves as an explanation for the heavy emphasis placed on the beneﬁts English brings in people’s discourse. Secondly, with regard to the impact of English on Chinese language and culture, the responses are, more often than not, centred upon conﬁdence towards the integrity of Chinese language and culture, the adaptive learning attitude and the desire to improve the Chinese economy and promote Chinese culture via English. As previously stated, this response appears to be in conﬂict with the well-founded view of ‘linguicide’ and ‘linguicism’, which is used to explain inter-lingual relationships in many parts of the world. Nevertheless, a close examination of the history of China’s educational interactions with foreign countries in general (Lam, 2005), and foreign-language teaching in particular (Jin and Cortazzi, 2003; Pan, 2007) reveal constant swings between selective introduction and prohibition of foreign culture. A period of selective exposure was always followed by a swing back to the prohibition of foreign values and beliefs or the substitution of foreign culture with Chinese culture, when the state was concerned that fundamental Chinese values and beliefs were being jeopardised by the inﬂux of foreign ones. Hence, the cultural and ideological inﬂuence of English has always been reduced to a minimum. As summarized by Adamson (2002, p. 231), “China has had a strategy to mitigate undesirable cultural transfer in place since the mid-nineteenth century: a policy of controlled and selective appropriation, to use English for the purposes of state building, while maintaining cultural integrity.” This ‘selective appropriation’ tradition, in addition to China’s efforts in recent decades at internationalization, offers a way

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to interpret why my informants, no matter whether young or old, are conﬁdent, optimistic and are willing to adapt when learning English. Last but not the least, as already noted, the State identiﬁes the mother tongue languages as being the languages of cultural identity and ethnic cohesion, and English as the language of commerce, global connectedness and modernization. With the nation’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the successful bid for the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games in 2001, the popularity of English has reached new heights amongst government policy makers, educationalists and the Chinese public. Nevertheless, both civilian and ofﬁcial discourses overlap in that the signiﬁcance of English learning is ‘going beyond the Olympics’ and helping to equip society for a more modernized China. Such instances of overlapping may be better understood within the power and cultural power framework of China today. According to Blommaert (2008), when the cultural power exercised by the ruling class is no longer perceived as power, but has become the normal state of things and has begun to organise people’s lives in a way that is no longer perceived as oppressive, irrational or questionable, it becomes hegemonic power. Blommaert’s idea can be traced to Bourdieu’s (1991, p. 23) elaboration of “symbolic power” and “misrecognition” and Gramsci’s (1971, p. 377) concepts of “consent” and “hegemony”. For Bourdieu, the term “symbolic power” refers not so much to a speciﬁc type of power, rather to an aspect of most forms of power as they are routinely deployed in social life. In addition, he points out that symbolic power is “invisible” power which is “misrecognized” as such and thereby “recognized” as legitimate (Bourdieu, 1991, p. 23). To interpret the concept of power in Gramsci’s terms (1971), it is a form of hegemony exercised by the ruling class to make their ideas the most natural and dominant ones for that society and develop and maintain consent. Hence, cultural power is not exercised coercively, but routinely. People consent to particular formations of power because the dominant cultural groups generating the discourse represent them as “natural” and “legitimate” (Gramsci, 1971, p. 377; Mayr, 2008, p. 13). By generating consent (‘legitimacy’) among the population, the more legitimacy the dominant groups have, the less coercion the ruling class need to apply. The same applies to the way the State has been propagating the use of English in Chinese society in recent decades, as the functional usefulness of English to the nation as a whole is placed at the forefront, overshadowing its less instrumental implications. Therefore, individuals, as products of power, perceive it as legitimate and accept the language as a thing that is “for their own good” (Blommaert, 2008). We thus see that cultural power is functioning in its least overt physical form, that is, in the routine ﬂow of day-to-day life and day-to-day discourse.

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Notes 1. Olympic English classes were gradually set up in different residential communities in Beijing after China’s successful bid for the Olympic Games in 2001. They were usually advocated and organized by enthusiastic (retired) residents, sponsored by local resident committees as free venues and where English was taught by volunteer English teachers. The goal of Olympic English classes was to prepare the local citizens to become Olympic language volunteers and to otherwise improve the quality of residents’ language ability. There were no compulsory textbooks. 2. English corners were locations where people from various walks of life gathered together, usually once a week, to practise English. They were usually loosely organized in that no local authority was involved and people were free to join and leave. The only principle unanimously observed is that English, not Chinese, should be used in conversations. 3. Consent forms were signed before each interview and group discussions. All research participants are kept anonymous and pseudo names are used in this paper. 4. July 31st 2008, Xinhua New Net, last traced on 08 January 2009 http://news.xinhuanet.com/olympics/2008-07/31/content 8869032 1.htm

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Brock-Utne, Birgit. 2001. Education for all – in whose language. Oxford Review of Education, 21 (1), 115–34. Brutt-Grifﬂer, Janina. 2002. World English: A Study of Its Development. Clevedon Buffalo Toronto: Multilingual Matters Ltd. Burr, Vivien. 1995. An introduction to social constructionism. London: Routledge. Calvet, Louis-Jean. 2006. Towards an ecology of world languages (Andrew Brown, Trans.). Cambridge: Polity Press. Cooke, David. 1988. Ties that constrict: English as a Trojan horse. In Alister Cumming, Antoinette Gagn´e & Janet Dawson (eds.), Awareness: Proceedings of the 1987 TESL Ontario Conference, 56–62. Ontario: TESL Ontario. Crystal, David. 1997. English as a global language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Day, Richard.R. 1985. The ultimate inequality: Linguistic genocide. In Nessa Wolfson and Joan Manes (eds.), The language of inequality, 163–181. Amsterdam: Mouton de gruyter. De Swaan, Abram. 2001. Words of the world: the global language system. Cambridge: Polity. Du, Hui. 2001. The globalisation of the English language: Reﬂections on the teaching of English in China. International Education Journal, 2 (4), 126–133. Du, Hui. 2005. False alarm or real warning? Implications for China of teaching English. Journal of Educational Enquiry, 6 (1), 90–109. Flaitz, Jeffra. 1988. The ideology of English: French perception of English as a world language. Berlin, New York and Amsterdam: Mouton de gruyter. Gal, Susan. and Irvine, Judith. 1995. The boundaries of languages and disciplines: how ideologies construct difference. Social Research, 62, 967–1001. Gee, James. P. 1986. Units in the production of discourse. Discourse Processes, (9), 391–422. Gee, James. P. 1991, A linguistic approach to narrative. Journal of narrative and Life History, (1), 15–39. Gee, James. Paul. 1999. An introduction to discourse analysis: theory and method. London: Routledge. Graddol, David. 2006. English Next: why global English may mean the end of English as a Foreign Language. Plymouth: British Council. Gramsci, Antonio. 1971. Selections from the prison notebooks of Antonio Gramsci. London: Lawrence and Wishart. Gramsci, Antonio. 1988. An Antonio Gramsci reader: Selected writings, 1916 - 1935. In David Forgacs (ed.). New York: Scholcken Books. Hobsbawm, Eric. J. 1990. Nations and Nationalism Since 1780. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hymes, Dell. 1996. Ethnography, linguistics, narrative inequality: towards an understanding of voice. London: Taylor & Francis. Irvine, Judith. T. 1989. When talk isn’t cheap: Language and political economy. American Ethnologist, 16, 248–267.

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Jin, Lixian. and Cortazzi, Martin. 2003. English language teaching in China: A bridge to the future. In Wah Kam. Ho and Ruth Y. L. Wong (eds), English language teaching in East Asia today. 131–145. Singapore: times academic press. Kachru, Braj. B. 1990. The alchemy of English: the spread, function, and models of non-native Englishes. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press. Kachru, Braj B., Kachru, Yamuna, and Nelson, Cecil L. 2006. The handbook of world Englishes. Malden, MA: Blackwell Publication. Kachru, Yamuna. and Nelson, Cecil. L. 2006. World Englishes in Asian contexts. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Lam, Agnes. 2005. Language education in China: policy and experience from 1949. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Lo Bianco, Joseph, Orton, Jane. and Gao, Yihong. 2009 (eds). China and English: globalisation and the dilemmas of identity. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Mayr, Andrea. 2008. Language and power: an introduction to institutional discourse. London: Continuum. McCrum, Robert, MacNeil, Robert and Cran, William. 2002. The story of English. (New and rev. / ed.). London: Faber and Faber and BBC Books. McKay, Sandra L. and Bokhorst-Heng, Wendy D. 2008. International English in its sociolinguistic contexts: towards a socially sensitive EIL pedagogy. New York and London: Routledge M¨uhlh¨ausler, Peter. 1996. Linguistic ecology: language change and linguistic imperialism in the paciﬁc region. London: Routledge. Pan, Lin. 2007. Book review: Language education in China: policy and experience from 1949. Language Learning Journal, 35 (1), 131–133. Pan, Lin. 2010. English Language Ideologies in China: a synchronic and diachronic perspective. London: Institute of Education, University of London PhD thesis. Pennycook, Alastair. 2000. English, Politics, Ideology: From Colonial Celebration to Postcolonial Performativity. In T. Ricento (ed.), Ideology, politics, and language policies: focus on English (Vol. 6, 107–120). Amsterdam; Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publication. Phillipson, Robert. 1992. Linguistic imperialism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Phillipson, Robert & Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove 1995. Papers in European language policy. Roskilde: University of Roskilde ROLIG-papir 53, 1995. Phillipson, Robert. and Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. 1996. English only worldwide or language ecology? TESOL Quarterly 30 (3), 429–452. Scollon, Ron. and Scollon, Suzie. 1981. Narrative, Literacy, and Face in Interethnic Communication. Norwood: Ablex. Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. 1986. Multilingualism and the Education of Minority Children. Linguicism rules in education, 42–72. Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. 1998. Human rights and language wrongs – a future for diversity? Language Sciences. 20 (1), 5–28. Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. 2000. Linguistic genocide in education or worldwide diversity and human rights? Mahwah, N. J.; London: Lawrence Erlbaum.

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Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove. and Phillipson, Robert. 1995. Linguicide and Linguicism. in Robert Phillipson and Tove Skutnabb-Kangas (eds), Papers in European language Policy, 83–91. Roskilde: Roskilde Universitetscenter, Lingvistgruppen. Tsuda, Yukio. 1994. The diffusion of English: its impact on culture and communication. Keio Communication Review, (16), 49–61. Wallerstein, Immanuel M. 2000. The essential Wallerstein. New York: New Press. Wallerstein, Immanuel M. 2004. World-systems analysis: an introduction. Durham: Duke University Press. Woolard, Kathryn A. 2004. Is the past a foreign country?: Time, language origins, and the nation in early modern Spain. Journal of Linguistic Anthropology, 14 (1), 57–80. Xu, Zhichang. 2005. Chinese English. What is it and is it to become a regional variety of English? Perth, Australia: Curtin University of Technology PhD thesis. Yue, Ping. 1983. Preventing ideological pollution. Beijing review. 24 (22). Lin Pan completed her PhD at the Institute of Education, London in 2010. She is interested in language and globalization, multilingualism, and English language teaching in China. She now teaches at Beijing Language and Culture University. [email protected]

English as a medium of instruction in Asian education (from primary to tertiary): Implications for local languages and local scholarship ANDY KIRKPATRICK

Abstract This article will review and critique the general trends towards the signiﬁcant increase in the teaching of English and the use of English as a medium of instruction in education throughout East and Southeast Asia. I shall focus on two levels. First I shall discuss the situation as regards the role of English in primary schools and then consider its role in tertiary education. I shall argue that the trend towards the ever earlier introduction of English into the primary curriculum, along with the push for the relevant national language, is not only pedagogically ill-advised for the great majority of primary school children in the region, but also represents a serious threat to local languages and, perhaps most importantly, to children’s sense of identity. The increasing trend towards English–medium programmes at the tertiary level also threatens local languages and the status and value of knowledge and scholarship written and disseminated in languages other than English. At the same time, ‘indigenous’ knowledge disseminated through English, while it may reach an international audience, may be essentially reframed through being translated into English. I shall conclude with recommendations designed to encourage multilingualism in local languages at the primary level and the implementation of bilingual policies at the tertiary level. Keywords: language education; multilingualism; English as a medium of instruction; local scholarship

1. Introduction This article will review and critique the general trends towards the signiﬁcant increase in the teaching of English and the use of English as a medium of instruction in education throughout East and Southeast Asia.

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In almost all countries of Asia, English has now become a core course in primary schools. Indonesia is an exception, where English remains an optional subject at primary level, but even there parental demand means that primary schools are required to offer English. Indonesia is also currently experimenting with international standard schools, known as SBIs from their Indonesian acronym sekolah bertaraf internasional. These SBIs use English as a medium of instruction for maths and science, theoretically from primary 4 but, in effect, often from primary 1. Throughout the rest of Asia, English is a compulsory subject in primary school and is gradually being introduced earlier and earlier into the curriculum. For example, in China it is now ofﬁcially introduced at primary 3, but many schools, especially those in urban areas, teach English from primary 1. In some countries it is even a medium of instruction in primary school. This is currently the case in Malaysia and the Philippines, for example, where maths and science are taught through English from primary 1, although both countries have recently announced changes in this regard, which will be discussed below. Brunei primary schools will teach maths and science through English from 2011. In Singapore schools, English is the medium of instruction for all subjects, other than foreign languages (Kirkpatrick 2010). At the tertiary level, the number of programmes offered through English is increasing across Asia, especially, but not exclusively, at the postgraduate level. This is partly explained by the desire of universities to internationalize, and, as I shall argue below, ‘internationalization’ can often mean ‘Englishization’. In the next section, the situation with regard to language education and the role(s) of English in primary schools and the consequences of this will be considered. I shall then consider the role of English as a medium of instruction at the tertiary level and conclude with recommendations designed to help maintain multilingualism at both the primary and tertiary levels.

2. English in Primary Schools I shall use, as a starting point, the situation in the ten countries which make up the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). These are, in alphabetical order, Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Vietnam. Of these countries, ﬁve (Brunei, Malaysia, Myanmar, The Philippines and Singapore) were once colonies of English speaking nations, three (Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam) were part of the French colonial enterprise, Indonesia was a Dutch colony and only Thailand escaped colonisation. These varied colonial histories have had an effect upon

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the role of English in each, with the former colonies of Great Britain and the United States retaining a strong institutional role for English (with the exception of Myanmar). However, English has replaced French and Dutch as the ﬁrst ‘foreign’ language in the school systems of the other ex-colonial nations and English is also the ﬁrst foreign language taught in the Thai school system. I have described the role of English in ASEAN in detail elsewhere (Kirkpatrick 2010), so here brieﬂy mention that the ASEAN Charter, which was signed in February 2009, gives English a privileged status, making it the sole ofﬁcial working language of the group. This is one explanation why countries such as Cambodia and Vietnam have adopted English in place of French as their ﬁrst foreign language. Other reasons for the privileging of English are familiar and include the desire of nations to participate in and beneﬁt from internationalization and the knowledge economy (Rappa and Wee 2006). In addition to seeking to participate in internationalization, nine of the ten countries of ASEAN achieved independence only relatively recently and are thus also each seeking to establish a distinct national identity. The adoption and promotion of a national language is a natural and effective way of doing this. This explains why, in Indonesia and the Philippines to take just two examples, the respective governments have expended so many resources into establishing their national languages, Bahasa Indonesia and Filipino. Both countries are richly multilingual. Some seven hundred languages are spoken in Indonesia (Hadisantosa 2010) and more than one hundred in the Philippines (Galang 2000). Both have national language institutes (the Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembanan Bahasa in Indonesia and the Komyson sa Wakang Filipino in the Philippines), one of whose tasks has been to promote and modernize the national languages (Alisjahbana 1976; Gonzalez 2007). In this, Indonesia has probably been more successful than the Philippines. Reasons for the relative success of the Indonesian people’s acceptance of Bahasa Indonesia include the fact that it is based on Malay, a language which was spoken by only a tiny (3%) minority of the population, and thus was not seen to privilege a powerful group. Indeed this was one reason why Javanese, the language of the powerful and spoken by 75 million people, was not chosen to be the national language. In contrast, Filipino is based on Tagalog, the language spoken in and around the capital, Manila. This explains why many Filipinos are still not comfortable with the idea of a Tagalog-based language as the national language. For example, many Cebuano speakers – who themselves outnumber Tagalog speakers – prefer to speak English rather than Filipino as a language of national communication. This may be more a question of attitude than linguistic proﬁciency. As the Filipino scholar Tupas, himself a speaker of two Visayan languages, Aklanon and Ilongo, points out, Filipino is the national language and “it is now more of an issue of atti-

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tudes, not inability, to speak the national language” (2007:32). One measure of the success of the national language is based on the number of speakers. The table below (adapted from Montolalu and Suryadinata 2007: 48) shows, over a period of twenty years, the shifting percentages of Indonesians reporting that they are ﬁrst language speakers of particular languages. Table 1. Vernacular Language Speakers in 1980, 1990, 2000 Language Javanese Sundanese Madurese Batak Minangkabau Balinese Buginese Indonesian (BI ) Others

1980 40.44% 15.06% 4.71% 2.12% 2.42% 1.69% 2.26% 11.93% 17.48%

1990 38.08% 15.26% 4.29% 1.97% 2.23% 1.64% 2.04% 17.11% 17.11%

2000 34.70% 13.86% 3.78% 1.91% 2.06% 1.42% 1.91% 34.00% 4.57%

The ﬁgures for the seven local languages listed here appear relatively stable. What is remarkable is the increase in those who reported that they consider themselves ﬁrst language speakers of Bahasa Indonesia (from 11.93 percent in 1980 to 34 percent in 2000) and the drop from 17.48 percent in 1980 to 4.57 percent of those who consider themselves speakers of vernacular languages other than the ones listed. This would suggest that many of the 700 or more languages of Indonesia are under increasing threat. We can probably safely assume that the relative increase in ﬁrst language speakers of BI and decrease of speakers of vernaculars will have been maintained over the most recent decade. Note that the ﬁgures for BI represent those who see themselves as ﬁrst language speakers. This increase in ﬁrst language speakers of BI can be attributed to social and geographical mobility, and the increase in inter-ethnic marriage associated with this. Children of ‘mixed’ marriages who ﬁnd themselves living in urban areas will tend to develop BI as a ﬁrst language, especially as this is the language of education. The success of BI as a national language has done much to establish a sense of pan-Indonesian identity among the population. On the other hand, its very success as a national language has had a negative inﬂuence upon many local languages. This negative inﬂuence is greatly exacerbated by the adoption of English as the ﬁrst second language taught in the school system. Apart from anything else, the inclusion of English into the primary curriculum is always at the expense of another subject. A local language is the most commonly sacri-

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ﬁced subject. As Hadisantosa reports in her evaluation of the new SBI schools “. . . with (the) emerging and mushrooming demand for English, schools then drop the local language in order to give more time to the English teaching. As a result, in the long run, children and the younger generation can no longer speak the local language. This is culturally and linguistically pitiful” (2010: 31). Remembering that Indonesia remains the sole nation which does not make English a compulsory subject, this pattern is replicated in even starker relief throughout Asia. For example, Vietnam has recently embarked on its ‘National 2020 English Initiatives’ under which all primary school graduates are to achieve a level of English equivalent to the Common European Framework of Reference (CEFR) scales of A1 or A2 and all college graduates should have a working knowledge of English. (Hung and Duzdik 2010). While it is encouraging to see some move away from the more traditional Anglo-based testing tools, such as TOEFL or IELTS in the adoption of the CEFR scales (the plan is to adapt these to the Vietnamese context, but this has not yet taken place), the programme remains extremely ambitious. It will require the re-training of 62,000 secondary English teachers alone. An indication of the challenge lies in the fact that of the 250 EFL teachers tested in a trial project (and where the test used was the TOEFL) only 28 scored more than 500 (the very minimum required by some Englishmedium universities) and more than 50 scored less than 350 (a level equating to basic literacy only). One reason, but not the only one, for the recommendation below that the primary school should focus on local languages is that there simply are not enough primary level teachers with adequate English proﬁciency to be able to teach English. Consider, for example, the scale of the problem in China, where English is a compulsory subject from primary 3. It is impossible to estimate the number of primary schools in China, but the assumption that there are enough qualiﬁed and linguistically proﬁcient English teachers to be able to provide quality English language teaching in all of them is unrealistic. If there are insufﬁcient teachers to teach English as a subject in primary schools, there is an even more serious shortage of subject-specialist teachers who are expected to teach maths and science through the medium of English. At present, in addition to Singapore, both Malaysia and the Philippines expect primary 1 children to learn maths and science through English. The problems associated with this have recently been recognized by both governments. Malaysia has announced a radical change of policy and that maths and science will be taught through the national language, Malay, from 2012. Reasons for this change include the realization that many children from the lower socio-economic classes and rural areas were failing these subjects and that there were not enough qualiﬁed teachers with adequate proﬁciency in English to teach them. The then Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister is reported in the Star newspaper of July 7

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2009 saying that ‘Only 19.2 percent of secondary teachers and 9.96 percent of primary teachers were sufﬁciently proﬁcient in English’. Two quotes from the debate over the medium of instruction controversy, recorded in the New Straits Times of 21 March 2009, help illustrate the different points of view. The ﬁrst comes from a Chinese Malaysian, who remarks: They (the students) can’t even understand English; how can you make them study Science and Maths in English?

The second quote comes from an opponent to the ﬁrst speaker, an ethnic Malay who nevertheless defends the use of English over Malay, arguing that, unlike Mandarin and English, Malay (Bahasa) is not an international language, which is why the policy of using English as a medium of instruction (PPSMI) needs to stay: Mandarin is an international language, that’s where the Malays are at a disadvantage. Because Bahasa is not an international language, that’s why we are ﬁghting and want PPSMI to be retained, because it’s an advantage to the Malays.

The argument that, as English is the language associated with modernization, it needs to be used to teach subjects like maths and science, is common. But, as I think most readers will agree, science and maths are cognitively demanding subjects and are therefore best taught in the learner’s ﬁrst language. As Bernardo has eloquently argued in proposing the learning of maths and science through local languages in the Philippines, “there seems to be no theoretical or empirical basis. . . to obligate the use of English in teaching mathematics’ and that, ‘there are clear and consistent advantages to using the student’s ﬁrst language. . . at the stage of learning where the student is acquiring the basic understanding of the various mathematical concepts and procedures” (2000:13). Many researchers support this position in arguing that cognitively complex subjects should not be taught through a foreign language until the learner has achieved a certain level of proﬁciency in the language. Some three decades ago, Cummins (1981) showed that migrant children to Canada required between 5 and 7 years learning English before they could use it successfully as an academic language. It is worth noting that, in the Canadian context, the children had much more access to English than students in Asian schools. Benson has similarly suggested that “being taught an academic content through the L2 represents a multiple burden for the learner” (2008:2) Many Filipino children are faced with this multiple burden. The Philippines has, since 1975, implemented a bilingual education policy (BEP), through which children learn maths and science through English, and other subjects through Filipino. But as reported above, Filipino is, in effect, Tagalog, the language of

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Manila, by another name. This means that a child from the Cebu region, whose ﬁrst language might be Bohol and whose second might be Cebuano, arrives in primary 1 having to learn in two new languages. This, along with research that showed the efﬁcacy of mother tongue education (e.g., Walker and Dekker 2008), is why the Philippines government has recently announced that the use of the vernacular as a medium of instruction will be allowed from primary 1 to primary 3 in certain circumstances. This is to be welcomed, although most experts would argue that three years is not enough – at least ﬁve years is required (cf SkutnabbKangas et al. 2009) – and the new policy is too new for any evaluation of it to be made. The only place in East and Southeast Asia where it is ofﬁcial policy to use the local language rather than the national language as the medium of instruction in primary education is Hong Kong. This is because, in contrast to the rest of China, Hong Kong can decide on the medium of instruction. In China itself, the national language law is clear in prescribing the national language, Putonghua, as the sole medium of instruction, although national minorities are allowed to use their respective languages as an MoI in primary schools (Kirkpatrick and Xu 2001). This has meant that Hong Kong has adopted Cantonese, the mother tongue of the overwhelming majority of the population, as the medium of instruction in primary schools. However, the increasing inﬂuence of China coupled with an increase in migration from China to Hong Kong, has meant that there is now pressure for Putonghua to become a medium of instruction, and some schools are currently trialling the teaching of Chinese subjects through Putonghua rather than Cantonese. English is also exerting increasing pressure in this regard. I shall consider the inﬂuence on this of the majority of Hong Kong’s universities only offering English medium education in the next section, but, not unnaturally, the universities’ language policies see parents demanding English medium education, especially at the secondary school level. This has led to the current government ‘ﬁne-tuning’ the existing secondary school policy which only allowed English medium education in about 25 percent of all secondary schools, the remainder being Chinese medium. This was an unfortunate policy as, apart form anything else, it led to Chinese medium schools being seen by parents as less prestigious than English medium ones. However, instead of insisting that all schools become multilingual sites, the government’s new ﬁne tuning policy means that the current Chinese medium schools which can meet certain criteria connected with student and staff quality, their linguistic proﬁciency and the availability of resources, will be allowed to teach subjects and classes through English. Our research (Kan et al. 2010) shows that the immediate result of this will be an increase from September 2010 in the number of lower secondary maths and science classes – to the tune of six hundred – being taught through

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the medium of English. This seems short-sighted in the extreme. Students who had previously been successful in their learning of maths and science through Chinese will now have to learn these subjects through English. Teachers who successfully taught these subjects through Chinese will now have to teach them through English. And why? To satisfy parental demand for English medium classes. In this section I have provided a necessarily selective review of the situation with regard to the teaching of English in primary schools across East and Southeast Asia. What is common across all systems is that the perceived need for a nation’s citizens to learn the national language and English as the international language has led to an increasingly early introduction of English into the primary curriculum, sometimes as a medium of instruction, and almost always at the expense of local languages. This has resulted in a number of unfortunate consequences. Not only is the early introduction of English likely to fail, as there simply aren’t enough qualiﬁed and linguistically proﬁcient teachers available either to teach it as a subject or to teach subjects through it, it also means that there is no place for the children’s mother tongue or other local languages in the primary curriculum. It is hard to overestimate the damage that this seemingly far-sighted policy of modernization and internationalization is inﬂicting upon the lives of children and upon local languages. The drop-out rates of children, especially around primary 5, are alarming. The table below is adapted from the UNESCO report entitled Education for All by 2015. It identiﬁes a number of challenges facing certain ASEAN countries. It is noteworthy that the recommendations made by UNESCO to help overcome these challenges all require an increase in multilingual or multicultural education.

Table 2. Education for All: Challenges and Measures Country

Main challenges

Measures to help

Cambodia

reduce low levels of develop bilingual education reduce low levels of survival to grade 5 reduce low levels of survival to grade 5 reduce low levels of survival to grade 5 decrease number of children out of school

survival to grade 5

Indonesia Laos Philippines Vietnam

add mother tongue education for early grades develop multilingual materials make curriculum ﬂexible to allow for cultural diversity develop bilingual education for ethnic minorities

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With regard to the problems surrounding the maintenance of local languages inherent in language policies that focus on the national language and English, a recent UNESCO report, Safeguarding Endangered Languages, predicts that half of the world’s languages are under threat (http://www.unesco.org/culture/ ich/index.php?lg=en&pg=00136). These consequences are all the more tragic as there is now a large amount of research which shows that not only does mother tongue and multilingual education (MLE) beneﬁt the children, including, most importantly in this context, their ability to learn other languages such as English later, but the adoption of MLE naturally revitalizes local languages (Cenoz 2009, Skutnabb-Kangas et al 2009, Benson 2008). In other words, using local languages in the primary school provides a win-win result. Children do better in all subjects and local languages are maintained. I return to this in the ﬁnal section of this article, but here turn to consider the role(s) of local languages and of English and their consequences for tertiary education in East and Southeast Asia.

3. English in Tertiary Education 3.1. The European Experience As Asia has adopted trends ﬁrst seen in Europe, this section begins with a brief review of the current situation in Europe. The aim of a study commissioned by the Academic Cooperation Association (ACA) was to identify the number of programmes which were being taught in English at universities across continental Europe and to compare the results with an earlier study undertaken by the same authors (Wachter and Maiworm 2008; Maiworm and Wachter 2002). The 2008 study identiﬁed 2,400 English-medium programmes, with programmes being deﬁned as full degree courses at both Batchelor’s and Master’s levels which were taught entirely in English. Subject specialist courses in English were excluded. The study also found that the majority of these programmes were being offered in northern Europe, with 774 in The Netherlands, 415 in Germany, 235 in Finland and 123 in Sweden, with the majority of the programmes being postgraduate. The Swedish ﬁgures have been challenged by Phillipson (2009) who points out that data from the Swedish Ministry of Education show that as many as 480 of the 680 MA degrees available in Sweden are taught in English. The numbers provided in the 2008 study don’t give the overall percentage of programmes that are being taught in English, but they do indicate a substantial increase in the number of programmes taught in English identiﬁed in the earlier 2002 study which found only 700 of these. This increase from 700 to 2400 has led

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one scholar to suggest that, “it seems inevitable that English, in some form, will deﬁnitely become the language of education” (Coleman 2006:11). This increase in English-medium programmes is one consequence of the Bologna Declaration of 1999 which established a European Higher Education Area (EHEA) in which the forty six member countries would undertake “to reform the structures of their higher education systems in a convergent way” (http://ec.europa.eu/education/ policies/educ/bologna/bologna.pdf; accessed 9 October 2010). This ‘convergence’ and the move to the internationalization of higher education has encouraged the use of English as a common medium, leading Phillipson to argue that, “What emerges unambiguously is that in the Bologna process, internationalization means English-medium higher education” (2009:37). The possibility of being swamped by English-medium programmes has not gone unnoticed and many countries have put in place language policies designed to ensure that local languages remain as the media of instruction. For example, the 2006 Declaration on a Nordic Language Policy was signed by the ﬁve Nordic countries with the aim of implementing bilingual language polices in higher education (http://www.norden.org/en/publications/publications/ 2007-746; accessed 9 October 2010). It is also important to point out that the number of English-medium programmes on offer in southern Europe, while increasing, remains relatively small. I now turn to consider the situation in East and Southeast Asia. 3.2. East and Southeast Asia In Asia, the internationalization of higher education has been primarily characterized by Asian students travelling to ‘western’ countries to obtain degrees. Over 90 percent of the 2 million international students are shared between the United States, Britain, Australia, Germany and France (Howe 2009:384). The majority of these students come from Asia. This has proved an extremely lucrative business for the providing institutions. At the same time, the countries from which these students come experience two forms of loss. First, they lose hard currency, as the international students need to pay fees and for their cost of living overseas. Second, they also experience a brain drain, as many international students choose to remain in their host countries after graduation. It is not surprising then that many Asian countries are now trying to set up local education hubs in order to attract fee-paying students on the one hand and to offer an alternative to their own students on the other. Malaysia has been relatively successful in this (Gill 2004). There are now over one hundred colleges which have some form of twinning arrangements with overseas universities. Typically these offer the ﬁrst two or three years of a degree course in Malaysia, with the

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student only having to travel to the host country for the ﬁnal one or two years of their programme. Some overseas universities have established campuses in Malaysia, where the students can undertake their entire degree. Malaysia itself, however, has set up its own private universities – there are now twelve. These include those set up by public companies, such as the Petronas University of Technology, established in 1997 by the national oil company to offer science and engineering courses. The medium of instruction is English and the university’s journal, Platform, publishes articles in English. Another is Tunku Abdul Rahman University, which offers an English-medium education to students who can afford the fees. An indication of how widespread the increase in English-medium education is comes from the fact that some Malaysian medical students are now choosing to do their studies in a number of Russian universities (including the Moscow Medical Academy, the Volgograd State Medical Academy and Nizhny Novgorod State Medical Academy) who now offer these degrees through the medium of English, but at around a quarter of the cost of comparable degrees offered by Australian and British universities. The competition is no longer solely restricted to the traditional providers. Japan has something of a reputation for being reluctant to diversify and internationalize, other than to try to explain to the world what it means to be Japanese. It remains a “highly ethnocentric and gendered society” (Howe 2009:386) and ranks last in the list of OECD nations with regard to the number of foreigners (and women) in higher education. Yet, the President of the nation’s top-ranked university, the University of Tokyo, has announced that, “universities have to internationalize for the sake of diversity . . . People who are part of the same culture and language can no longer really develop intellectually” (McNeill 2007 cited in Howe 2009:387). The extent to which cultural and intellectual diversity is the overriding motivation in the push to internationalize can be questioned, however. Although Knight (2008) has listed four potential motivations for universities to internationalize – namely, political, economic, cultural and academic – as we have seen, the ﬁnancial motivation is very strong and, in the case of private universities in Japan, international students are seen as a way of ﬁlling the places left empty by a falling Japanese population of the relevant age group. Waseda, a prestigious private university in Tokyo, will, beginning in the academic year 2010–2011, offer nine English-medium degrees, some at BA and others at MA levels, in subjects such as politics, economics, science and engineering. Waseda is one of the thirty Japanese universities participating in a nationwide internationalization project (http://www.waseda.jp/seikei/seikei/english/admission/ index.html, accessed 11 October 2010).

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China is the major provider of ‘international’ students, and it is not surprising that it is also moving to increase the number of English-medium courses. As mentioned earlier, the National Language Law of China limits the medium of instruction in schools to the national language, Putonghua (Mandarin), with the exception of certain national minority languages. Parental demand for Englishmedium courses is high however, and some secondary schools, especially those in wealthy urban settings such as Shanghai and Xian, are experimenting with teaching content subjects through the medium of English. They have to refer to these as some form of ‘special English’ courses in order not to be seen to be breaking the law. In these classes, content subjects are taught by English teachers, with less than satisfactory results (Hoare 2010). At tertiary level, on the other hand, no such restriction exists. Indeed universities have been encouraged by the leadership to consider offering English-medium programmes. Zhu Rongji, the then Premier of China, visited the School of Economics and Management of Beijing’s prestigious Tsinghua University in 2001 and announced that, “I hope all classes will be taught in English. I don’t worship foreign languages, but we need to exchange our ideas with the rest of the world” (China Varsities to Teach in English). China’s University and College Admission System (CUCAS) (http://www. cucas.edu.cn/, accessed October 11, 2010) provides a list of Chinese universities which offer degree programmes through English. These include more than thirty which offer some form of English-medium business degree and some forty which offer medical degrees in ‘western’ medicine through English. Some also offer courses in aspects of traditional Chinese medicine through English, an issue to which I will return. I will now discuss the situation in Hong Kong in some detail, as it provides an example of where English-medium education dominates the tertiary sector, at the expense of Chinese and at the expense of the government’s own language policy. The Hong Kong government’s language policy aims to see its citizens trilingual (in Cantonese, English and Putonghua) and biliterate (in Chinese and English). In order to achieve this laudable aim, Cantonese is the medium of instruction in most government primary schools. As pointed out earlier, this makes Hong Kong the only place in Asia where the national language or English is not a main medium of instruction at the primary level. However, the government’s trilingual-biliterate policy is undermined by the language policies adopted by the university sector. Six of Hong Kong’s government-funded universities are English-medium. Only one, the Chinese University of Hong Kong, is ofﬁcially bilingual and only one, The Institute of Education, is ofﬁcially trilingual. Not surprisingly, therefore, parents are desperately keen to ensure that their children study through English at the secondary level. Those that can afford it, send their

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children to the schools of the English Schools’ Foundation (ESF), which were originally established to cater for the children of expatriates. This tendency to enrol one’s children in private English-medium schools can be seen throughout Asia. “To actually forsake the public school system that teaches in your own language for the private one that teaches in English is an increasingly common phenomenon” (Wang 2007: xiv). Before the ‘handover’ of Hong Kong back to China, the secondary school language policy had been left to the schools themselves. As a result, almost all offered – or claimed to offer – English medium education (Johnson 1994). In effect, however, many of these schools taught through what has been called a ‘textual explanation’ approach (Luke and Richards 1982:50) by which subject teachers spent the majority of class-time translating the English language textbooks into Cantonese. I myself observed classes of this sort in the late 1970s, where teachers would translate the textbooks and children scrawl down the Chinese characters in the margins. The policy of allowing secondary schools to choose their own medium of education was altered just before the 1997 handover. Under the new policy, only schools which met a set of criteria based on student ability, the linguistic proﬁciency of teachers and the availability of certain resources could set themselves up as English –medium schools. This led to only 114 out of a total of 460 secondary schools being English-medium. The remainder were to teach through Chinese. This new policy was not popular with parents. As indicated earlier, the fact that the policy led parents to perceive that the Chinese-medium schools were academically inferior to the English-medium ones was one cause. A second was that parents still wanted an English-medium education, as the universities taught through English (Kirkpatrick and Chau 2008). After years of campaigning, the government relented and agreed to ‘ﬁne-tune’ the policy. The ﬁne-tuning meant that Chinese-medium schools which could satisfy the criteria outlined above could offer classes through English. The immediate result of this, as reported earlier, has been a signiﬁcant increase in the number of subject courses, especially in maths and science, that are now being taught in English. This is potentially damaging for these students, as recent research ﬁndings indicate that students in Chinese-medium schools who take their ﬁnal school exams in Chinese fare better in all subjects, with the exception of English, than those who have switched to study these subjects in English (Hong Kong Institute of Educational Research, 2005). In concluding this section, the adoption of English-medium education by six of Hong Kong’s eight government-funded universities appears short-sighted in the extreme. Hong Kong has the opportunity, personnel and resources to internationalize education in a truly bilateral way. Hong Kong, despite the current

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government’s attempt to market it as ‘Asia’s World City’ is, in essence, a Chinese city. It has the opportunity to showcase Chinese scholarship, culture and languages. “We should move beyond the so-called established order dominated by the Anglo-Saxon paradigms and instead develop systems and standards that could preserve national heritage and promote rich cultural traditions” (Mok 2007:447). Hong Kong could be leading the way in developing multilateral international higher education. This would include promoting local scholarship and knowledge and it is this issue to which I now turn.

4. The Anglicization of Scholarship As well as increasingly becoming the international language of instruction and assessment in higher education, English has long been dominant as the language of international scholarship. English is “by far the most important language of scientiﬁc and scholarly conferences” (Ammon 1996:26). Ammon (1996) also reports that the European Science Foundation’s working language is English as is the language of the Foundation’s journal, Communication. More than 90% of the information in the Science Citation Index (SCI) “is extracted from journals in English taken mostly from English language journals” (Truchot 2002:10). To show just how widespread publication in English has now become, even the journal Association International de Linguistique Appliqu´e has, despite its French title, only published articles in English since 2003. The move towards publications in English, “has already reduced multilingualism in the ﬁeld, and may eliminate the status of any other language as an international language of science” (Hamel 2007:66). The need to publish in English is exacerbated by the way universities in Asia reward and recognize the publications of their academic staff. It is common to ﬁnd universities in the region insisting that staff publish only in journals listed in the Science Citation Index (SCI) or the Social Science Citation Index (SSCI). This almost inevitably requires publication in English. It also undermines the status and role of local journals and publishing in local languages. Generally speaking, the reward for publishing in English in approved journals is far greater than publishing in local languages in local journals. For example, Chinese academics earn much more from publishing in English in SCI journals than they do for publishing in Chinese in local languages, even though the local language journal might be a far more appropriate place for their publication and where it is likely to be read by far more people than in the SCI journal. This is a point which needs further elaboration. It is commonly assumed that publishing in English in international journals assures the author of a wide readership. This is

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simply not the case. Countless articles in countless journals go unread, as many academics checking their citation indexes can attest! In contrast, however, an article published in Chinese in a local journal can be assured of a readership of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands. It is also much more likely to have real impact. The privileging of English in this way may also be undermining the status and prestige attached to knowledge written in languages other than English. For example, the requirement that doctoral theses include primary source material seems to have been discarded. I have noted that, in my own ﬁeld of applied linguistics, students from Mainland China writing PhD theses in universities in Australia, the UK or the US seldom make reference to scholarship written in Chinese, even though there may be a rich tradition of Chinese language scholarship on the topic. Whether this is because their supervisors or possible examiners are not able to read Chinese or whether they are not advised or encouraged to make use of the scholarship written in their own language, I am not sure. But either way, it is an alarming trend and one which appears to be caused by the privileged position of English as a language of scholarship. The requirement to disseminate knowledge through English may also radically alter the nature of the knowledge being disseminated. For example, a study on the transmission of traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) through English found that TCM should more appropriately be called modern Chinese medicine (MCM) (Kirkpatrick 2009). TCM is characterized by ambiguity and diversity (Hsu 1999, Scheid 2002), characteristics that have been excised from what now passes as TCM. A brief look at the problems involved in the translation of an apparently simple but fundamental concept of TCM, qi, also illustrates the problems associated with translating fundamental concepts of ‘indigenous’ knowledge into English. Translations of qi include: ‘that which makes things happen in stuff’; ‘stuff in which things happen’; ‘energetic conﬁguration’; ‘a conﬁguration of energy’; ‘(ﬁnest matter) inﬂuences’; ‘emanations’; ‘vapours’

(Scheid 2002:48).

The increasing role of English in higher education is not, therefore, simply limited to its use as a medium of instruction and assessment. It is also increasingly used as the international language of scholarship and the dissemination of knowledge. This further threatens the status and role of local languages and knowledge written in languages other than English. In the conclusion, I draw

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some recommendations that may help revitalize the place of local languages and knowledge.

5. Conclusion and Recommendations This article has described and illustrated the growth of the role and use of English in education in Asia, with the situation at primary and tertiary level being given prominence. It has shown that throughout Asia, English is being introduced earlier and earlier into the primary curriculum, sometimes as a medium of instruction and always at the expense of local languages. This, combined with the emphasis placed on the need for children to learn their respective national language, means that children are often unable to learn through their mother tongue or other local languages at great sacriﬁce to their own personal development and the vitality of local languages. One cause of the increasing demand for English at the primary level, is its perceived role as the language of internationalization and modernizaton and its associated role as the lingua franca of the internationalization of higher education. This, in turn, threatens the role of languages other than English as languages of education, scholarship and the dissemination of knowledge. In this ﬁnal section, I shall make some recommendations which might help the revitalization of local languages at both primary and tertiary levels. 5.1. Recommendations for the Primary Level The major recommendation for primary education in Asia is that the primary school should focus on local languages. This will, no doubt, raise an outcry among parents who feel that they want their children to learn English and that the earlier they learn it the better. All things considered, it is true that young children ﬁnd it easy to learn languages. But the conditions and resources need to be adequate, the teachers need to be qualiﬁed and linguistically proﬁcient and the language to be learned needs to play an identiﬁable role in the speech community. For the vast majority of Asian primary school children, few, if any, of these conditions are met. Instead they are ‘taught’ English by teachers whose own level of English is low, who may not be trained and in schools that are inadequately resourced and where there is a dire shortage of appropriate language teaching materials. The result is that these children are condemned to failure. The fact that English has usually displaced the local language from the classroom further means that they are deprived of the opportunity of learning their own mother tongue, again at great sacriﬁce to their personal and cogni-

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tive development. This is why I argue that it is so essential for the primary school to invest in local languages. As many scholars of multilingual education have demonstrated (cf, for example Cummins 1981; Benson 2008; Cenoz 2009 Garcia 2009; Skutnabb-Kangas et al 2009), providing primary school children education in their own mother tongue sees them perform well in all subjects. Fluency in the mother tongue also allows them to build bridges to ﬂuency and literacy in other languages. That is to say, ﬂuency in the mother tongue and the national language will help the children in their later learning of English. This can be left until secondary school, where the likelihood of there being linguistically proﬁcient qualiﬁed teachers, adequate resources and appropriate teaching materials is far greater. In this context, it is important to point out that, in Europe, the current policy is that children should learn their ﬁrst language + two. While one of the ‘two’ is almost always English, the policy is aimed to ensure that all children grow up trilingual. No such policy exists in Asia. 5.2. Recommendations for the Tertiary Level The ﬁrst recommendation for universities in Asia is that they develop and implement bilingual language policies which are designed to revitalize the local language as a language of education. The Nordic countries offer possible models. For example, Sweden and Denmark have set targets of ‘parallel competence’ in English and Swedish/Danish (Phillipson, in press). Preisler has argued for a system of ‘complementary languages’ in tertiary education whereby “the two languages will be functionally distributed within the individual programme according to the nature of its components” (2009:26). In the context of Hong Kong, this means that the six universities which currently operate an English-medium only language policy would be required to introduce bilingual policies. The second recommendation is for universities in Asia to work together to establish new ‘centres’ for journal publishing. There is no reason why Asian universities could not combine resources to set up bilingual journals, publishing in the respective national language and English. At the same time, they need to promote local scholarship and knowledge by publishing in local languages and, if need be, to provide translations of these publications in English. In summary, the recommendations can be very simply stated in the following way: that the primary school focus on local languages; that the tertiary sector implement bilingual policies for teaching and publishing.

In this way, local languages can be revitalized at the primary level, while allowing children the opportunity to learn through the local languages to their great

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beneﬁt, sense of identity and cognitive development. Local languages can be used to disseminate local knowledge andAsian universities can create conditions for higher education to become multilateral and multilingual. This would allow local languages and English to play complementary roles in education.

References Alisjahbana, Takdir S. 1976. Language planning and modernisation. The case of Indonesian and Malaysian. The Hague: Mouton. Ammon, Ulrich. 1996. The European Union. Status Change During the Last 50 Years, In Joshua Fishman, Andrew Conrad & Alma Rubal-Lopez (eds.) Post-imperial English, 241–267. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.. Benson, Carol. 2008. Summary overview. Mother tongue-based education in multilingual contexts. In Caroline Haddad (ed.), Improving the quality of mother tonguebased literacy and learning. Case studies from Asia, Africa and South America, 2–11. Bangkok: UNESCO. Bernardo,Allan B. I. 2000. The multifarious effects of language on mathematical learning and performance among bilingual/bilinguals?: a cognitive science perspective. In Ma Lourdes Bautista, Teodoro A. Llamzon & Bonifacio P. Sibayan (eds.), Parangalcang Brother Andrew: a festschrift for Andrew Gonzalez on his sixtieth birthday, 303–316. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines. Cenoz, Jasone. 2009. Towards Multilingual Education. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. China varsities to teach in English. 2001, September 20. Reported in the South China Morning Post and cited in Web Pages of the Straits Times Interactive, http://straits times.asia1.com.sg/home (accessed August 15 2009). Coleman, James A. 2006. English-medium teaching in European higher education, Language Teaching, 39.1–14. Cummins, Jim. 1981. Age on arrival and second language learning in Canada: a reassessment. Applied Linguistics 1.132–49. Galang, Rosita G. 2000. Language planning in Philippine education in the 21st century: toward language-as-resource orientation. In Ma Lourdes Bautista, Teodoro A. Llamzon & Bonifacio P. Sibayan (eds.), Parangalcang Brother Andrew: a festschrift for Andrew Gonzalez on his sixtieth birthday, 267–276. Manila: Linguistic Society of the Philippines. Garcia, Ofelia. 2009. Bilingual education in the 21st century: A global perspective. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell. Gill, Saran Kaur. 2004. Medium-of-instruction policy in higher education in Malaysia: nationalism versus internationalization, in James Tollefson and Amy Tsui (eds.), Medium of instruction policies – Which agenda? Whose agenda? 135–152. Mahwah, New Jersey: Lawrence Erlbaum.

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Gonzalez, Andrew. 2007 Language, nation and development in the Philippines. In Lee Hock Guan & Leo Suryadinata (eds.), Language nation and development, 7–16. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Hadisantosa, Nilawati. 2010. Insights from Indonesia. In Richard Johnstone (ed.), Learning through English: policies, challenges and prospects, 24–46. London: British Council. Hamel, Rainer Enrique. 2007. The dominance of English in the international scientiﬁc periodical literature and the future of language use in science.AILA Review 20. 53–71. Hoare, Philip. 2010. Content-based language teaching in China. Contextual inﬂuences on implementation. Journal of Multilingual and Multicultural Development 31,1. 69–86. Hong Kong Institute of Educational Research, The Chinese University of Hong Kong. 2005. Further evaluation on the implementation of the medium of instruction guidance for secondary schools (2002–2004): executive summary. http://www.edb.gov.hk/ FileManager/EN/Content 1914/es14 further%20eval%20on%20the%20imp%20of %20the%20moi%20(2002–2004).pdf (accessed October 11 2010). Howe, Edward R. 2009. The internationalization of higher education in East Asia: a comparative ethnographic narrative of Japanese universities, Research in Comparative an International Education, 4, 4.384–392. Hsu, Elisabeth. 1999. The transmission of Chinese medicine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Hung, Nguyen Ngoc & Duzdik, Diana L. 2010. A call for collaboration: Vietnam’s National English 2020 Initiatives. Paper given at the International Conference on Innovations in ELT, SEAMEO RETRAC, Ho Chi Minh City, 23–24 September. Johnson, Keith. 1994. Language policy and planning in Hong Kong. Annual Review of Applied Linguistics 14. 177–199. Kan, Vincent, Lai, K.C., Law, Agnes and Kirkpatrick, Andy. (forthcoming). Fine-tuning Hong Kong’s medium of instruction policy. Hong Kong: Research Centre for Language Education and Acquisition in Multilingual Societies, Hong Kong Institute of Education. Kirkpatrick,Andy. 2009. English as the International Language of Scholarship, in F. Shariﬁan (ed.) English as an international language, 254–270. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Kirkpatrick, Andy. 2010. English as a lingua franca in ASEAN: a multilingual model. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Kirkpatrick, Andy and Chau, Michael. 2008. One Country, two systems, three languages: a proposal for combining Cantonese, Putonghua and English in Hong Kong’s schools, Asian Englishes,11, 2. 32–45. Kirkpatrick, Andy & Xu, Zhichang. 2001. The new language law of the People’s Republic of China. Australian Language Matters 9(2). 14–18. Maiworm, Friedhelm and Wachter, Bernd. 2002. English-language-taught degree programmes in European higher education. Bonn: Lemmens.

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Mok, Ka Ho. 2007. Questing for internationalization of universities in Asia: critical reﬂections, Journal of Studies in International Education, 11, 3/4.433–454. Montolalu, Lucy & Suryadinata, Leo 2007. National language and nation-building: the case of Bahasa Indonesia. In Lee Hock Guan & Leo Suryadinata (eds), Language nation and development, 39–50. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Phillipson, Robert. 2009. English in higher education. Panacea or pandemic? Angles on the English-Speaking World, 9. 29–57. Phillipson, Robert. In press. Language policy and education in the European Union. In Nancy Hornberger (ed.) Encylopedia of language and education, In Stephen May (ed.) Vol 1 Language policy and political issues in education. Dordrecht: Springer. Preisler, Bent. 2009. Complementary languages: The national language and English as working languages in European universities. Angles on the English-Speaking World, 9.10–28. Rappa, Antonio & Wee, Lionel. 2006. Language policy and modernity in Southeast Asia: Malaysia, Singapore the Philippines and Thailand. New York: Springer. Scheid, Volker. 2002. Chinese medicine in contemporary China. Durham: Duke University Press. Skutnabb-Kangas, Tove., Phillipson, Robert., Mohanty Ajit & Panda Minati. 2009. Multilingual education: concepts, goals, needs and expense: English for all or achieving justice. In Tove Skutnabb-Kangas, Robert Phillipson, Ajit Mohanty & Minati Panda (eds.) Social Justice through Multilingual Education, 320–344. Bristol: Multilingual Matters. Truchot, Claude. 2002. Key Aspects of the Use of English in Europe. Strasbourg: Council of Europe. Tupas, Ruanni. 2007. Go back to class: the medium of instruction debate in the Philippines. In Lee Hock Guan & Leo Suryadinata (eds.), Language nation and development, 17–38. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. UNESCO. 2007. Education for all by 2015. Will we make it? Oxford: Oxford University Press (http://unescdoc.unesco.org/images/0015/001547/15473e.pdf) (accessed August 15 2010). Wachter, Bernd and Maiworm, Friedhelm. 2008. English-taught programmes in European higher education. Bonn: Lemmens Walker, Stephen and Dekker, Diane. 2008. The Lubuagan mother tongue education experiment (FLC). A report of comparative test results. Manila: Summer Institute of Linguistics International. Wang Gungwu. 2007. Keynote Address. In Lee Hock Guan & Leo Suryadinata (eds.), Language nation and development, ix-xvii. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Andy Kirkpatrick is Chair Professor of English as an International Language at the Hong Kong Institute of Education (HKIEd) and Director of the Institute’s Research Centre into Language Education and Acquisition in Multilingual Societies. His research interests include the development of regional varieties of English, with a particular focus on

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Asian Englishes. He is editor of the Routledge Handbook of World Englishes (2010), and author of English as a Lingua Franca in ASEAN: the Multilingual Model (Hong Kong University Press 2010). Email: [email protected]

Universities in the Anglophone centre: Sites of multilingualism1 ˆ PREECE SIAN

Abstract This article sets out to examine the increasingly complex linguistic ecology of universities in countries in the Anglophone centre. As universities in these settings have responded to operating in a globalised world, recruitment of students and staff who are multilingual and/ or bi-dialects has signiﬁcantly increased. However, the diverse and rich linguistic resources that have been brought into the sector are largely ignored or treated as problematic. My intention is to raise linguistic diversity as an issue that needs greater debate and research in these universities, to problematise the monolingual ethos and practices of much of the sector, and to make the case for imagining universities in these settings as sites of multilingualism. This is in the interests of maintaining discourses that represent higher education as in the public good, in which universities have a vital role to play in contributing to the development of pluralistic, multicultural and multilingual societies at national, regional and global levels, in educating “critical citizens of the world” (Giroux 2004: 17), and in promoting an “ethos of personal growth that better represents what humanity might become” (Gibbs et al. 2004: 191).

1. Introduction During the past few decades a mass system of postsecondary education has developed practically across the globe. UNESCO (2009) reports dramatic increases in the student population, with numbers rising from 28.5 million in 1970 to 150.6 million in 2007. A key driver in this expansion has been globalisation, that is the “observable ongoing process of the increasing and ever-more intensive interconnectedness of communications, events, activities and relationships taking place at the local, national or international level” (Block 2006: 3).

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Altbach et al (2009: ii) observe the interconnectedness of globalisation in relation to higher education, commenting on how the sector is being shaped by the increasing integration of national economies, information technology and knowledge networks together with the spread of English and “other forces beyond the control of academic institutions”. In universities in Anglophone centre settings, this interconnectedness is also shaping the language or linguistic ecology, which I use in this paper to refer to the cohabitation of an array of languages and dialects in the institution, by fostering the conditions for the growth in recruitment of staff and students from culturally diverse populations around the globe. This is particularly the case in countries that have traditionally been regarded as forming the Anglophone centre, here taken to be the English-dominant nations of the United States, the United Kingdom, Anglophone Canada, Australia and New Zealand. As universities in these countries have expanded, their linguistic ecology has evolved to include the linguistic repertoires of both socalled native speakers of English and bi- and multilingual users of English. The linguistic ecology spans a heterogeneous staff-student population from a range of linguistic minority communities in the Anglophone centre as well as a multitude of English-knowing bi- and multilinguals from around the globe who have been attracted to study and work in Anglophone centre institutions. The linguistic repertoires of this population reﬂect diverse social, cultural and educational traditions and, in many cases, the “superdiversity” (Vertovec 2006) of urbanised communities around the globe. However, universities in the Anglophone centre appear to have taken a largely myopic stance to these developments. There is often a mismatch between the monolingual ethos and ideology of institutions and the linguistic diversity of their staff and students. As Kaplan and Baldauf (2009: 43) point out, the attention of educational institutions is commonly “riveted on the national/ ofﬁcial language and perhaps, one or two larger minority languages in the polity”. In the case of Anglophone institutions, this riveting of attention has meant a ﬁxation on English and a monoglot ideology (Silverstein 1996), in that universities make efforts to preserve the use of standardised varieties of Anglo-American English and use these prestigious varieties along with disciplinary literacy practices as a “critical tool” (Blommaert 2010: 173) for positioning students and staff as “‘in’ or ‘outside’ normalcy” (ibid: 165). This has contributed to the linguistic repertoires of bi- and multilingual students being problematised (Ruiz 1984), rather than being treated as multilingual capital (Eversley et al. 2010), and solutions being sought for ﬁxing what are deemed to be language deﬁciencies. This problem-solution stance adopts an atomistic approach to linguistic diversity, in which the language and literacy practices of the academic community are compartmentalised and taught discretely, separated both from the subject of

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study and from the linguistic repertoires of bi- and multilingual students and staff. Research into language and identity in higher education in Anglophone centre countries illustrates that this problematising approach to linguistic diversity often results in bi- and multilingual students being positioned as in need of language remediation and being required to take programmes of English language and academic writing (see e.g. Marshall 2010; Martin 2010; Preece 2009, 2010; Simpson and Cooke 2010). This research illustrates ways in which institutional othering of multilingual students often exacerbates feelings of stigmatisation and encourages an oversimpliﬁed view of how to address the language needs of a diverse body of students. While there is clearly a role for specialised English language teaching in universities in the Anglophone centre, studies such as the ones above suggest that provision needs to be underpinned by robust institutional policies on linguistic diversity that are sensitive to the complexities of the linguistic ecology of the institution and informed by bi- and multilingual education. Shohamy (2006: 173) contends that “monolingualism is a myth detached from reality that must be recognized as such by educational systems”. This paper aims to contribute to the debunking of this myth in higher education by examining ways in which the linguistic ecology of universities in Anglophone centre countries has become more diverse as a result of globalisation. I ﬁnd the ecology metaphor generative for this discussion. According to Mühlhäusler and Fill (2001: 3), ecological approaches are concerned with examining “the diversity of inhabitants of an ecology” and ﬁnding ways of sustaining this diversity. In this paper, I am concerned with making linguistic diversity visible in Anglophone centre universities and also with increasing its status. Creese and Martin (2003: 1) also observe that ecological perspectives require an “exploration of the relationship of languages to each other and to the society in which these languages exist [including] the geographical, socio-economic and cultural conditions in which the speakers of a given language exist, as well as the wider linguistic environment”. Here then, I am concerned with taking a more holistic approach to linguistic diversity than is usually the case in the sector, and treating it as a resource to be maintained and utilised, rather than a problem to be eradicated. I start by outlining how the global higher education stage has not only facilitated the spread of English in the higher education sector, but also created the conditions for the diversiﬁcation of the linguistic ecology in universities in the Anglophone centre. Using the UK as an example, I then look at the linguistic ecology at the macro level by examining how the internationalisation agenda, that is the policies and practices that universities implement in response to oper-

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ating in a global environment (Altbach et al 2009), has facilitated the increased movement of students and staff across national boundaries. Following this, I draw on data from my study of language and identity in higher education in the UK (Preece 2009) to illustrate how the access agenda, that is the policies and practices of universities to increase the recruitment and retention of students from underrepresented groups of the domestic population, has affected the linguistic ecology at the micro level of the classroom. I approach bi- and multilingualism as socially constructed concepts that, as Blackledge and Creese (2010: 6) assert, “have different meanings across different spaces and times”. There are various deﬁnitions of bi- and multilingualism that reﬂect different research traditions (see Kemp 2009 for an overview). In this paper, I follow Grosjean’s (2010: 4) deﬁnition of bilinguals as “those who use two or more languages (or dialects) in their everyday lives” to refer to university students who routinely experience their lives in more than one language, and, in most instances, in more than one variety of English. Viewed within the context of universities in the Anglophone centre, this usually involves a prestigious variety of standardised English and a non-prestigious vernacular variety or World English.

2. The Global Higher Education Stage Altbach et al (2009) comment on the ways in which universities are now operating on a global higher education stage. Within a system of global higher education, English has become an exceptionally powerful language. Altbach et al (2009: ii) depict its spread as “unprecedented since Latin dominated the academy in medieval Europe”. In a similar vein, Crystal (2004: 37) argues that English has become “the normal medium of instruction in higher education in many countries – including several where the language has no ofﬁcial status”. Others take a much more critical stance to the spread of English in the sector. Phillipson (2009: 201) asks whether there is “now an assumption that English is the default medium of higher education, hegemonically projected as being ‘normal’?”. In Phillipson’s view, the rise of English as the dominant language of academia is anything but normal. Rather it has been engineered to serve the wider social, political and economic forces of capitalism, in which universities, particularly those in the Anglophone centre, are increasingly run as corporate concerns in the global marketplace. Altbach et al (2009) argue that globalisation has increased the tension between the strongest universities, regarded as centres of higher education due to their international reputation for research and excellence, and those on the

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periphery. Institutions regarded as centres are mainly located in the Englishdominant countries of the United States, the United Kingdom, Australia, Canada and New Zealand, and some non-Anglophone industrialised nations, such as France and Germany. According to Altbach et al, the centre-periphery binary has been exacerbated by the ways in which universities are competitively ranked on an international scale. Those institutions at the top of the international ranking generally use English for teaching and research, have signiﬁcant levels of research funding and offer a wide range of programmes in different disciplines. A look at the world university rankings in 2009, for example, reveals that out of the top 200 universities in the world, 119 were located in the Anglophone centre, with 71 in the United States, 28 in the United Kingdom, 9 in Australia and 8 in Canada (Times Higher Education 2010). This system of ranking allows those universities at the top to occupy powerful positions on the global higher education stage and to exert signiﬁcant inﬂuence on attitudes to language and literary practices in the sector. At the same time as globalisation has facilitated the spread of English in higher education, it has also created the conditions for the linguistic ecology in universities in the Anglophone centre to diversify. These conditions have been fostered by the sectors’ response to operating in a globalised world, in which policies have been implemented to increase both the numbers of international students and the numbers of domestic students from under-represented groups in the national population. These policies are often referred to as the internationalisation and access (widening participation) agendas respectively. As will be discussed, these agendas have impacted on the linguistic ecology in Anglophone centre universities by facilitating the increase in numbers of bi-, multilingual and/ or bi-dialectal users of English. 2.1. The internationalisation agenda Altbach and Knight (2007) refer to the policies and practices that higher education institutions have set in place to deal with operating in a globalised world as internationalisation and comment on how the implementation of the internationalisation agenda is increasing the mobility of academic staff, students, higher education programmes and institutions across the borders of nation states. They argue that internationalisation is compounding existing centre-periphery inequalities between universities (see also Altbach 2004, Friedman 2005, Odin and Mancias 2004, Phillipson 2009). They point out that while internationalisation creates a “two-way street” (p. 291) between universities in different parts of the world, the process is largely regulated by Anglophone countries, and, to a smaller degree, other major industrialised nations in the EU, such as France and

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Germany. One consequence is that the vast majority of the 2.5 million students who are currently studying overseas have migrated northwards, from countries in Asia, Latin America and Africa, to institutions located in the Anglophone centre; this trend is predicted to continue with the number of international students rising from 2.5 million to around 7 million by 2020 (Altbach et al 2009). Universities in the Anglophone centre largely control this process by regulating admissions to their home institutions and exporting their own programmes of study southwards (via distance learning and off-shore campuses located on the periphery). This state of affairs seems set to continue given the ﬁnancial rewards for universities and the current crisis in public funding. The growth in student mobility has impacted on the linguistic ecology in many universities in the Anglophone centre. Taking the UK as an example, in 2008/9, the number of non-UK students in UK higher education institutions rose by 8.2 per cent from 341,790 to 369,970. Non-UK students represented just over 15 per cent of the total student population and this proportion is expected to rise. Nearly 250,000 students came from countries outside the EU, while just over 100,000 were from EU countries other than the UK (Higher Education Statistics Agency 2010). Table 1 illustrates the region of domicile for non-UK students in UK universities and demonstrates that there have been increases in student numbers in UK universities from all regions of the world, with the exception of South America and unknown EU countries. Drawing on Kachru’s (1992; 1985) model of World Englishes, many of these students are from the Outer and Expanding Circles. For example, in 2008–9 Indian students formed the largest cohort in UK universities

Table 1. Region of domicile of non-UK domicile students 2007/8 and 2008/09 in UK Higher Education Institutions (Higher Education Statistics Agency 2010) Region of domicile Other European Union Other Europe Africa Asia Australasia Middle East North America South America Non-European Union unknown Total non-UK domicile

2007/8 112,150 12,070 32,295 137,485 2,285 16,690 22,810 4160 1845 341,790

2008/9 117,660 13,745 35,180 150,755 2,310 19,325 24,610 3590 1800 369,970

% change +4.9% +13.9% +8.9% +9.6% +1% +15.8% +7.9% −13.7% −2.4% + 8.2%

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from an Outer Circle country, with 34,065 students2 , whereas Chinese students formed the largest contingent of students from a country in the Expanding Circle with 47,035 students3 (Higher Education Statistics Agency 2010). Students from the Outer Circle in UK universities primarily come from postcolonial settings in which English is generally regarded as a second and/ or ofﬁcial language and is used in a variety of domains. It is highly likely that many will have received some or all of their compulsory education in English-medium schooling. In these settings, indigenous varieties of English have evolved that have de-Anglicised Standard British English by incorporating localised or nativised grammatical, phonological, lexical/ idiomatic and discourse features of their own (Jenkins 2003; Platt et al. 1984). On the other hand, students from countries in the Expanding Circle come from settings in which English is more likely to be perceived of as a foreign language that more exactly conforms to the norms for standardised varieties of Anglo-American English. The use of English in this Circle is often portrayed as restricted to international, rather than intranational, domains. Given the global spread of English, however, it is questionable whether the differentiation between the roles of English in the Outer and Expanding Circle countries is still fully viable. Over a decade ago, Crystal (1997: 56) commented that the distinction between English as a second and foreign language had ‘less contemporary relevance’ than previously and that English was in greater use in some places in the Expanding Circle than in some of its traditional bases in the Outer Circle. This point has been widely taken up and there have been a range of studies into the nativisation of English in countries in the Expanding Circle (see e.g. Berns 2005; Bolton 2002; Lowenberg 2002; Rista-Dema 2008; Seargeant 2005; Velez-Rendon 2003). Lowenberg (2002) also points out that students from countries in the Expanding Circle are increasingly studying English in Outer Circle settings where they are learning the norms of Outer Circle standardised varieties of English. He observes how these Outer Circle norms are inﬂuencing the development of nativised varieties of English in the Expanding Circle. The debate on World Englishes suggests that students from various countries in the Outer and Expanding Circles may well be bringing a diversity of English dialects into universities in the Anglophone centre as part of their bi- and multilingual linguistic repertoires. As shall be discussed, however, localised varieties of English rarely receive a warm welcome in universities in Anglophone centre settings. A similar picture of linguistic diversity emerges from the other EU students (i.e. non-UK) within UK institutions. Many of these students can also be regarded as bi- or multilingual users of English. Many come from European countries with two or more ofﬁcial languages either at the state or regional level.

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Similarly to the literature on the Expanding Circle, there is a body of literature documenting the spread of English in member states of the European Union outside the UK and Ireland (see e.g. Berns 1995; Berns 2005; Lowenberg 2002). This literature illustrates how different national and regional varieties of European English are evolving. This suggests that the cohort of European students in UK universities are bringing diverse linguistic repertoires into the sector that include European varieties of English, the 22 ofﬁcial languages of the EU other than English, the indigenous regional and minority European languages and the heritage languages of immigrant communities in Europe. Finally, it is questionable whether international students in UK universities who are from other Anglophone centre countries are monolingual native speakers of English. Philippson (2009: 202) warns against the “discourse of historical amnesia” that hides the multilingualism and diversity of English-dominant countries, such as the UK and the USA. Given the high levels of cultural and ethnic diversity in settings in the Anglophone centre, it is perfectly possible that a sizeable proportion of students migrating between Anglophone nations are also bi- or multilinguals. So far, I have discussed how the linguistic ecology in universities in the Anglophone centre has been affected by the increasing recruitment of international students (and EU students in the case of the UK) who are bi- or multilingual users of English. This has been driven by internationalisation policies that are encouraging cross border movement of students, largely from periphery to centre institutions, the majority of which are located in the Anglophone centre. In the following section, I look at the access agenda and discuss how this is affecting the linguistic ecology at the micro level of the classroom. 2.2. The access agenda Allen et al (2005) comment on the attempts that governments in OECD countries have made over the last few decades to improve access to higher education for non-traditional students, that is individuals from underrepresented groups in the domestic population. In the Anglophone centre this agenda has contributed to signiﬁcant increases in the numbers of domestic students who are multilingual and/ or bi-dialectal users of English of some sort. This body of students is composed of the ﬁrst, second, third and subsequent generations of minority ethnic groups, the African American and Latino communities in the United States and, to a much more limited degree, the indigenous peoples of Australia, the United States, Canada and New Zealand. These students span a range of different socioeconomic backgrounds, from working class families to those from more socially elite and afﬂuent professional backgrounds.

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While the access agenda has its roots in social justice, globalisation has reframed the debate on access to higher education in neoliberal economic discourses. In this scenario, access to higher education is framed in terms of meeting the needs of industries in the global marketplace by providing a highly educated and skilled workforce. Allen et al (2005: 2) comment that, “[h]igh-modernity or late- or post-modernity means that the industrial heartlands of countries such as the UK and USA have been devastated and, in order to compete in an increasingly tough global market, knowledge and professional skill development are important to the future of our societies”. In the UK, this “economizing of universities” (McLean 2006: 45) can be seen by placing universities in the Department for Business, Innovation and Skills (BIS). This Department is composed of ten management groups,4 which not only compete for funding but have the collective mission to “[build] a dynamic and competitive UK economy by: creating the conditions for business success; promoting innovation, enterprise and science; and giving everyone the skills and opportunities to succeed. To achieve this it will foster world-class universities and promote an open global economy” (Department for Business Innovation and Skills 2010). Universities are expected to “[create] a highly-skilled workforce” that is capable of establishing an “enterprise culture where everyone with talent is inspired to turn ideas into successful enterprises” in the free market (ibid). Within the UK, the drive towards skilling the workforce has impacted on the linguistic ecology in universities by encouraging a rise in the numbers of students from non-traditional backgrounds, many of whom are from working class linguistic minority communities. To examine how this is affecting the linguistic ecology at the micro level of the classroom, in the following section I turn to data from my study of language and identity in higher education (Preece 2009).

3. Multilingual classrooms I conducted my study with 93 ﬁrst-year undergraduate students from a range of linguistic minority groups while they were taking an academic writing programme at a post-1992 university in London. This programme, on which I was a lecturer, had been established to improve the retention of students from widening participation backgrounds. In this case, the majority came from backgrounds that have traditionally been categorised as working class on the basis of occupation. There was also very little history of higher education among the students’ parents and elders. Students were enrolled on the programme based on the results of an academic literacy test taken during induction. Most were required to attend the programme rather than opting into it as a free

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choice. The data were gathered over a period of two years and consist of audiorecordings of group work interaction in the classroom and interviews of key participants, ﬁeld notes from classroom observations and reﬂections on classroom events, an open-ended questionnaire and information from the student record system. The linguistic repertoires of the participants in the study included English along with a variety of Creoles and heritage languages in use among members of the Caribbean, South Asian and African communities in London. Some participants were migrants who had been born and educated in Outer Circle settings and had arrived in the UK as young adults. A few came from countries in the Expanding Circle where they had studied English as a foreign language at school. These participants had been in Britain for a short period of time, had come with the intention of studying, following which they were likely to return to their home country. However, most were the children of settled minority ethnic communities in the UK, many of South Asian heritage. Generally these participants had received all or the majority of their compulsory schooling in the British state system and were aged 18–21. While the institution did not acknowledge the participants’ diverse linguistic repertoires in any formal or systematic manner, the participants drew attention to these when given opportunities to do so during the research. An example of this comes in the following extract that was audio-recorded in the classroom, in which four participants, Kavi (aged 21), Sita (aged 19), Tano (aged 23) and Hibba (aged 22) are discussing what languages they use at home and with their friends. K = Kavi, S = Sita, T = Tano, H = Hibba5 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

K: S: K: T: K: T: K:

8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13.

H: K: T: H: K: H:

I spe- I can speak Tamil/ sort of yeah right can you speak any language? I can speak Tamil wha- what language is that? that’s a Sri Lankan language obviously yeah/ I can speak my Ghanaian [language so yeah [Ghanaian language/ he can speak THREE langua[ges [I speak FOUR languages [FOUR languages [oh::: [Arabic er Urdu/ Hindi right and Punjabi

Universities in the Anglophone centre: Sites of multilingualism 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25.

K: H: K: H: K: S: H: K: S: T: H: K:

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can you write/ can you/ can you write them? yeah yeah you’re writing them all? yeah I can WRITE in Tamil but not fully ﬂuent I’m ﬂuent in that [I can/ I can [you can read? yeah I can read I’m [ﬂuent in that [proper proper reading? like if I gave you a newspaper would you read it from cover to cover? yeah/ I can read some articles (xxx) NOT how I read English (classroom data)

The interaction takes on the tone of a sociable sparring contest in which the participants compete with each other for who speaks the most languages and who is the most multiliterate. The interaction opens with Kavi presenting himself as a Tamil speaker, although he mitigates this with the comment ‘sort of ’(turn 1). Sita’s utterance and laughter (turn 2) have a teasing quality. Her ability to tease Kavi about his level of expertise in Tamil comes from their shared heritage as part of the Tamil diaspora in London. Both of their families had sought asylum in the UK as a result of the civil war in Sri Lanka with Kavi arriving in the UK at the age of 11 and Sita being British born. A series of exchanges then follow between Tano and Kavi (turns 3–7) in which Tano, a mature Ghanaian student who had been the UK for two years at this point, establishes Kavi’s heritage culture and represents himself as speaking “my Ghanaian language”. His decision not to name the languages in his linguistic repertoire may have been motivated by his perception of his interlocutors’ knowledge of Ghana and its linguistic complexities. Nonetheless, Kavi has ascertained something of the linguistic diversity that Tano brings to their group as he announces that Tano speaks three languages (turn 7). The raised volume of ‘three’ and the tone of this utterance suggest that Tano’s multilingualism is to be admired. At this point, Hibba, a British Asian, interrupts (turn 8) in what appears to be a competitive move, to position herself as speaking more languages than Tano, which she then goes on to list (turns 11, 13). The tone of Tano’s ‘oh’ (turn 10) sounds ironic and similarly to Sita’s utterance (turn 2) may have been an attempt at playfulness. This is followed by a series of exchanges (turns 14–25) in which levels of literacy are compared. The interaction is largely controlled by Kavi and Hibba as they weigh up which of them has the greatest level of expertise in their heritage languages. While Hibba claims to be literate in four languages, Kavi concedes

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that he has a greater command of reading in English than in Tamil. While it seems likely that Hibba’s greatest expertise is also in English, her claim to have mastery of four languages may have been a strategy for jockeying for position among her peers. Within this group, this appears to have been successful, as her claims went on to earn her the admiration of the group. Throughout the interaction, the participants adopt a multilingual positioning. Their shared experiences as multilinguals appears to facilitate group sociability and construct linguistic diversity as a natural part of daily life. The portrayal of linguistic diversity as a normal part of everyday life was evident throughout the data. However, a variety of positions were adopted towards this diversity that illustrate the participants’ afﬁliation towards the languages and dialects in their linguistic repertoires within the setting of the academic writing programme and the institution more widely. These positions were ﬂuid, with participants sometimes adopting seemingly contradictory positions. I have discussed elsewhere (Preece 2010) how these positions can be expressed along a continuum of weaker afﬁliation to heritage languages/stronger afﬁliation to English and weaker afﬁliation to English/stronger afﬁliation to heritage languages. In this paper, I will focus on a number of positions that the students adopted in relation to their linguistic repertoires that appear helpful for considering the needs and identities of heterogeneous groups of multilingual students in universities in the Anglophone centre. These positions are English as L2, separate bilingualism, ﬂexible bilingualism, separate bi-dialectalism and ﬂexible bi-dialectalism. 3.1. English as L2 A key position for several of the participants was English as L2, which can be placed towards the weaker afﬁliation to English/ stronger afﬁliation to heritage languages end of the continuum. As might be expected, migrants commonly adopted this position, particularly if they had arrived in the UK in their late teens and early adulthood. Akinwole illustrates this well. After growing up in Nigeria, where he attended English-medium schools, he migrated to the UK at the age of 19 to join his mother. On arrival, he spent ﬁve years working and studying, before he was able to progress into university. In interactions about his linguistic repertoire, Akinwole displayed strong afﬁliations to Yoruba, depicting this as his ‘local language’, and much weaker afﬁliations to English. As Eversley et al (2010) list Yoruba as one of the top-ten languages in London, it is possible that local is a reference to Akinwole’s everyday life in areas of London populated by the Yoruba community rather than a reference to his life back home in Nigeria. Akinwole expressed the view that:

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I never feel comfortable speaking in English with my family and friends because I always feel that I am in a formal setting and environment (Akinwole, questionnaire).

Akinwole presents himself as ambivalent to using English at home and with his Yoruba-speaking friends. His association of English with formality suggests that he primarily associates it with institutional settings, perhaps learned during his schooling in Nigeria. A similar picture emerges from students who can be classiﬁed as 1.5 generation. These students migrated to the UK part way through their compulsory schooling and as Marshall (2010: 43) contends, they often inhabit ‘liminal spaces, living in two worlds, somewhere between ﬁrst- and second-generation immigrant’. One student who exempliﬁes this is Geet. Geet (aged 19) spent his early childhood in Kenya, using Gujarati at home and English and Swahili at school. When he was eight, his family sought asylum in the UK and Geet made the transition from Kenyan schooling into the British education system. After arriving in the UK, Geet also attended a Gujarati complementary school to maintain and improve his oral and written literacy. On comparing Gujarati and English, he claims that: I have noticed . . . when I am . . . with my friends, say at work, . . . if they speak Gujarati then I will speak Gujarati as well. When I am talking [in] that, I’m more calm and I’m actually more easy going . . . When I speak with people just with English, I sometimes stutter . . . I might not . . . really have the words to say, they are difﬁcult (Geet, Interview 1).

Despite living in the UK from a young age, Geet positions English as his L2. He presents himself as having difﬁculties with expressing himself in English and claims that spoken interaction that has to be conducted in English only remains as a source of anxiety. Geet goes on to claim that his main motivation for speaking English is to improve his proﬁciency: I have Gujarati friends [at university] but they don’t usually speak Gujarati that much so . . . I’m always speaking English . . . so I can improve my English . . . I mean . . . if I always speak to people [in] English, I’m able to improve my English. But at home . . . I have my Gujarati mother tongue language (Geet, Interview 1).

Classroom observations indicated that Geet was often marginalised during group work, particularly when interaction involved witty repartee. As Geet found it almost impossible to participate in the peer group banter of his British-born peers, his silence became the subject for jokes at his expense. As I have discussed (Preece 2006, 2009), adopting the position of English as L2 may have assisted Geet in negotiating social relations with his peers. By adopting Gu-

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jarati as his mother tongue and English as his second language, Geet was able to position himself as possessing communicative competence in Gujarati and a person worthy of respect among his peers. This position also enabled him to mitigate the problems that he was having with his academic work by allowing him to explain these in relation to being a language learner. 3.2. Separate bilingualism Separate bilingualism (Creese et al. 2008) was a commonly adopted position for the majority of the participants in the study. This can be placed midway along the continuum of weaker afﬁliation to heritage languages/ stronger afﬁliation to English and stronger afﬁliation to heritage languages/weaker afﬁliation to English and gives the impression of equality and balance between languages. Separate bilingualism indicates a view of languages as discrete and bounded entities that are used in different domains and need to be kept apart. This separation has been described in various ways, such as the two solitudes (Cummins 2005) and parallel monolingualism (Heller 1999, 2006). Drawing on Gravelle (1996: 11), Creese and Blackledge (2010: 105) observe how separate bilingualism “represents a view of the multilingual/bilingual student/teacher as ‘two monolinguals in one body’”. An example of this comes in the following extract of interview data with Saba (aged 18), a British Pakistani, who uses English, Urdu and Punjabi, in which we are discussing the associations that she makes with these languages. Saba is typical of the British born participants in that she had received very little sustained schooling in her heritage languages. To tell you the truth the language that you speak at home . . . obviously there is more tradition comes into it, culture comes into it, religion comes into it, which is good ‘cause obviously you need to like . . . keep a hold of your tradition and your culture and stuff like that, which is good, so your language Punjabi, Urdu comes into that. English . . . obviously you are in the country everyone speaks it you have to know it . . . the outside world is more based on . . . English . . . and I think that our language our mother tongue is for like home and your family and keeping the traditions, stuff like that (Saba, Interview 1).

In this interaction, Saba makes a clear distinction between the languages in her linguistic repertoire, demarcating Punjabi and Urdu for the domain of her family and English for use in the “outside world”. She constructs Punjabi and Urdu as maintaining the cultural and religious traditions of her heritage culture a