Front Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. i-xiv Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486449 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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AJSreview VOLUME FIVE 1980
Editor FRANK TALMAGE University of Toronto
Associate Editor BENJAMIN RAVID Brandeis University
Managing Editor CHARLES BERLIN Harvard University
Editorial AdvisoryBoard ALEXANDER ALTMANN Brandeis University
ARNOLD J. BAND University of California at Los Angeles
LAWRENCE V. BERMAN Stanford University
DAVID R. BLUMENTHAL Emory University
MARVIN HERZOG Columbia University
STANLEY ISSER State University of New York Albany
MICHAEL A. MEYER Hebrew Union CollegeJewish Institute of Religion Cincinnati
ALAN MINTZ Columbia University
ROBERT CHAZAN Ohio State University
HERBERT DAVIDSON University of California at Los Angeles
MARVIN FOX Brandeis University
LLOYD GARTNER Tel Aviv University
SHELOMO DOV GOITEIN Institute for Advanced Study Princeton
DAVID WEISS HALIVNI Jewish Theological Seminary of America
HARRY M. ORLINSKY Hebrew Union CollegeJewish Institute of Religion New York
RAYMOND P. SCHEINDLIN Jewish Theological Seminary of America
ISMAR SCHORSCH Jewish Theological Seminary of America
MARSHALL SKLARE Brandeis University
HAYM SOLOVEITCHIK Yeshiva University
JEFFREY TIGAY University of Pennsylvania
AJSreview VOLUME FIVE 1980
ASSOCIATION FOR JEWISH STUDIES CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS
? COPYRIGHT 1980 ASSOCIATION FOR JEWISH STUDIES
Publication of the AJSreview has been made possible by a grant from the National Foundation for Jewish Culture. The Association is grateful for the Foundation's support and encouragement.
ISSN 0364-0094
MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
TABLE OF CONTENTS [ENGLISH SECTION] Maimonideson the Fall of Man LAWRENCE V. BERMAN .......................
1
The forms of interpreting sacred texts are many, and, of course, the concept of sacred text is fluid and part of a process depending on the attitudes of society which change over time. For Maimonides, an important method of interpretation was the philosophical mode. In order to get a better understanding of what Maimonides understood by that method of interpretation, Chapter Two of the First Part of his Guide of the Perplexed on the fall of man is examined in terms of structure and content. Then, the principle underlying the possibility of the philosophic mode of interpretation of the Hebrew Bible according to Maimonides is discussed. Finally, the general place of the philosophic mode of interpretation within the general theory of the interpretation of literature is touched on briefly.
Samael,Lilith,and the Conceptof Evil in EarlyKabbalah JOSEPH D AN ..............................
17
The description of the divine world as a mythical struggle between good and evil is one of the basic symbols of the kabbalah, and a detailed mythology based on it is found in the Zohar late in the thirteenth century. The main source of the Zohar on this subject is a treatise by Rabbi Isaac ha-Kohen, called "On the Emanation on the Left," written in Spain at the beginning of the second half of the thirteenth century, a generation before the Zohar. The problem studied here is: What were the sources of Rabbi Isaac's myth of evil? Rabbi Isaac described Samael and Lilith as a pair, being the central powers in the Emanation on the Left. It seems that the literary development which brought forth this formula began with the myth of Lilith as presented in the satirical Pseudo-Ben Sira (tenth century?) and later revisions of that work which were known in Europe in the eleventh century and included a description of a sexual relationship between Lilith and a "Great Demon," who was later identified as Samael. Both Lilith and Samael in these stories are not principles of evil; this transformation probably occurred only in the work of Rabbi Isaac. When describing the levels of the spiritual world, Rabbi Isaac discussed a sphere he called "third air" which is the source of both prophetic visions and "use" of demons. This concept seems to be derived from the writings of Rabbi Judah the V
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Pious and Rabbi Eleazar of Worms, the Ashkenazi Hasidim, early in the thirteenth century. In their works, however, there are no dualistic or mythical elements; these were probably added by Rabbi Isaac. Rabbi Isaac formulated the myth of the evil worlds which were destroyed before this world was created, a myth which became a central motif in the kabbalah. It seems that this too is derived from the works of the Ashkenazi Hasidim, though it was Rabbi Isaac who added the mythology and the dualism. It should be noted that among such additions and elaborations by Rabbi Isaac we also find a detailed messianic myth which was rare if not absent among previous kabbalists.
The FirstPair(Yose ben Yoezerand Yose Ben Yohanan) or the Home of a Pharisee JUDAH GOLDIN ............................
41
In Pirqei 'Avotsayings attributed to the First Pair (zug) of Pharisaic Sages, Yose ben Yoezer and Yose ben Yohanan, three things are to be noted: First, that like the sayings attributed to teachers before and during the period of the five zugot and afterward to the five famous disciples of Yohanan ben Zakkai, the sayings of the two Yoses are presented in stylized form, in three clauses or phrases or items-which suggests that they are components of essentially one chief emphasis, rather than three separate, independent exhortations. Second, that beginning with the First Pair down through Yohanan ben Zakkai's disciples, all (with one puzzling exception) formulate their statements as address in terms of second person singular-suggestive of a master's address to his disciples or to those who are his followers. Third, that to both members of the First Pair there is attributed a concern with the home, the kind of home their disciples or followers should create; but the home advocated by the former Yose differs from the home advocated by the latter Yose. Thus different expectations are reflected by the respective authors of the two sayings. The insistence that the home of those accepting rabbinic authority must combine the features of home both Yoses plead for, comes to us from the tannaite period, from the days of Simeon ben Yohai, though it may be a bit earlier too. The analysis presented in the paper here is intended as continuation of the studies of PA teachings in Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, Vol. 27, Studies and Texts III, ed. A. Altmann, and the Harry A. Wolfson Jubilee [Hebrew] Volume.
The Descriptionof FormativeJudaism:The Social Perspective of the Mishnah'sSystem of Civil Law and Government JACOBNEUSNER ........................... Mishnah's division of Damages presents a complete and systematic account of a theory of Israelite civil law and government. While drawing on diverse materials of earlier ages, beginning, of course, with the diverse Mosaic codes themselves, Mishnah's system came to closure after the Bar Kokhba War. Like its account of the Temple and its cult, Mishnah here speaks of nonexistent institutions and prohibited activities. There being no Israelite government, Mishnah's legislation for a high
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priest and Temple, a king and an army, speaks of a world which may have been in times past (this is dubious) but did not exist at the time of the Mishnaic discourse on the subject. The division of damages is composed of two subsystems which fit together logically, one on the conduct of civil society-commerce, trade, real estate, the other on the institutions of civil society-courts, administration. The main point of the former subsystem is that the task of society is to maintain perfect stasis, to preserve the status quo, and to secure the stability of all transactions. In the interchange of buying and selling, giving and taking, torts and damages, there must be an essential equality of exchange. No one should come out with more than he had at the outset. There should be no sizable shift in fortune or circumstance. The stable and unchanging economy of society must be preserved. The aim of the law is to restore the antecedent status of a person who has been injured. When we ask whose perspective is represented in a system of such a character and such emphases, we turn to examine the recurrent subject-matter of the division's cases. The subject of all predicates, in fact, is the householder, the small landholder. The definition of the problems for Mishnah's attention accords with the matters of concrete concern to the proprietary class: responsible, undercapitalized, overextended, committed to a barter economy (in a world of specie and currency), above all, aching for a stable and reliable world in which to do its work.
A Reevaluationof a MedievalPolemicalManuscript .......................... JOELE. REMBAUM Fragment A2 of MS Or. 53 of the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale in Rome, though only five folios in length, provides the student of medieval Jewish history with fresh insights into the development of Jewish anti-Christian polemics. The manuscript appears to have been written in response to heightened anti-Jewish propaganda that emerged in Northern France as a result of the visit to that area by Paul Christian in 1269. The work is a compilation of arguments against Christianity drawn from the polemical traditions of Northern France, Germany and Provence. It also contains excerpts from the so-called Vikkuab ha-RaMBaN, the Hebrew account of the debate on the Talmud held in Barcelona in 1263. Analysis of the material indicates that the manuscript does not contain the record of a face-to-face disputation between Paul Christian and a Jew named Menabem, as has been suggested. Arguments assumed to be related to such a meeting can be traced back to extant literary sources that predate the 1260s. Of particular interest are the passages from fragment A2 that were adapted from the Sefer ha-berit of Joseph Kimbi, written about 1170, and the so-called Vikkuabha-RaDaQ, written in the early thirteenth century. MS 53 A2, written in the last third of the thirteenth century, represents the earliest extant evidence for use of the Kimbi and the pseudo-Kimbi material in later polemical literature. The appearance of the Provengal Kimbi arguments in this Northern French manuscript also points to the movement of traditions from the south into the north and sheds new light on the geographic patterns of cultural development in thirteenth century France. Fragment A2 also contains almost verbatim parallels to anti-Christian criticism found in Nizzachon vetus, including traces of German linguistic influence.
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The Freethinker,the Jews,and the Missionaries: George Houston and the Mysteryof Israel Vindicated D. SARNA ........................ JONATHAN In 1820, a volume entitled Israel Vindicated,written by "An Israelite," was published in New York City. It was the first Jewish polemic composed in response to the founding of a missionary society, the American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews, and it remained influential throughout the nineteenth century. The author of this work, however, has never been identified. Nor has the volume itself received the attention it deserves. This article attempts to fill both of these lacunae. Section one describes and analyzes Israel Vindicated. It places the work within the context of its times, and compares it to other, more traditional anti-Christian polemics. Section two outlines the postpublication history of Israel Vindicated.Soon after it appeared, some New Yorkers attempted to have the work banned, and its author exposed and punished. Later, the work was variously invoked by Jews and Judeophobes alike, though, of course, for different purposes. In section three, the author of Israel Vindicatedassumes center stage. A review of old and new evidence leads to the conclusion that the work flowed from the pen of freethinker George Houston, assisted probably by his Jewish printer, Abraham Collins. Finally, section four analyzes the motivations of George Houston and his Jewish supporters. As is shown, this was far from the first time that Jews joined forces temporarily with other, sometimes hostile minority groups in pursuit of self-interest. Adversity makes strange bedfellows.
[HEBREWSECTION]
On the Historyof the Interdictionagainstthe Studyof Kabbalahbefore the Age of Forty MOSHEIDEL.............................. The paper reviews briefly the relevant views on the age of forty as found in the Talmud and in the Arab tradition, views which are the background of the later development in the Middle Ages. Afterwards the philosophical discussions on the age of forty found in the writings of Moses ibn Ezra, Jehuda ibn Abbas, Shem Tov Falaquera, Levi ben Abraham, Nissim of Marseilles, Prat Maimon and Isaac Aboab are analyzed. The views of authors like Falaquera and ibn Abbas might have influenced the first kabbalistic restrictions against divulging secrets to students who had not yet reached the age of forty. Such restrictions occur in a work of R. Moses ben Simeon of Burgos and in the school of Abraham Abulafia. Special emphasis on the interdiction against revealing certain kabbalistic secrets can be found in the works of R. Shem Tov ibn Gaon who related it to his teacher R. Solomon ibn Adret. A number of kabbalists of the fourteenth, fifteenth and sixteenth centuries knew about this interdiction and it was influential also among pupils of R. Isaac Luria. Two last important occurrences of the subject discussed above appear in a document
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CONTENTS dictated by a court of the rabbis of Frankfurt to R. Moses Hayyim Luzzatto and signed by him, during the polemics against the Frankists. The appendix deals with some kabbalistic commentaries on the talmudic dictum "Restrain your children from higgayon" (Berakhot 28b).
A Fragmentof a SecularPoem of JudahHallevi DAN PAGIS ...............................
'ln-* n -vlwnrnw] , [,•n m-n'n,
Among Yehudah Hallevi's poems which have come to light since H. Brody's edition of the Diwan (1894-1930), the great majority are liturgical and only very few are secular poems. Here a new fragment of an unknown secular poem by Hallevi is published according to two Genizah manuscripts, T-S NS 96.18 and MC IV 1364. The T-S manuscript, our main source, is a single torn sheet, which contains the first three lines (written as six hemistichs) and traces of the fourth. It explicitly attributes the poem to Yehudah Hallevi. The verso contains the end of a known piyyut by Abraham Ibn Ezra and two anonymous poems (one of them homonymic) whose unusual meter and awkward phrasing seem to point to a later period. Hallevi's poem, "Shalom lekha shemesh be-'et hillo" (Peace upon you, radiant sun) is a panegyric addressed to a patron or friend. It starts in medias res with highflown eulogies, dispensing with the introduction often found in other poems of this genre. With regard to style and meter the fragment is adroitly written; however, its imagery and attitude are largely conventional. The patron or friend is extolled as a sun, a star, a mast and a cedar tree-all of which are conventional materials in panegyrics. Moreover the images are linked only by their common subject and not at all on the metaphorical level, and the formulation is impersonal. These traits were very common to contemporary panegyrics, one of the more conventional genres of the school, but Yehudah Hallevi usually took care to interweave the images in various subtle ways. Of course, he may also have done this here, in the lines that did not survive-probably the greater part of the poem. The text is printed with a commentary that includes parallels from Hallevi's and Moses Ibn Ezra's poetry illustrating the more conventional imagery.
SimeonBarMegas:A JewishPoet in ByzantinePalestine JOSEPH YAHALOM .......................... No hint of the existence of this poet was evident until Menahem Zulay discovered his poetry some forty years ago among remnants of the Cairo Geniza MSS. Because his work consists of weekly liturgical compositions written in accordance with the triennial cycle followed in Palestine in ancient times and because Byzantium is the ruling government mentioned in his poetry, Zulay considered him to be Yannai's "mate." As shown in this study Simeon must indeed have known Yannai's work and even followed his example. However, Simeon himself introduced some structural developments in the form of the 'Amidah composition known as Qedushta. Most interesting is the fifth poem in his Qedushta to Gen. 44:18 on the theme of Joseph and his
XD
X
CONTENTS brothers. In his dramatic exposition he even outdoes that of Yannai, his master, intended for the same week. A full critical edition of Simeon's poetry based on about fifty Geniza MSS which is now in print (Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities) will be of importance for a better understanding of ancient Palestinian poetry and spiritual life. His poems are of great significance also in that they contain the oldest known parallels to ancient Palestinian midrash literature.
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NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS
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1
quiescent a not transliterated •ab 3 v g ,ag d ?,, n h 1 v (where not a vowel) Sz n
n m in o s p f $ ,
" "
r
l sh v s n, n t
Ut 'y n.k kh VOWELS
---
a a
e 1
So u
eo
O0
ei
a vocal sheva-e silent sheva-not transliterated
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The transliterationscheme for Yiddishfollows. Hebrewwords in Yiddish are to be transliteratedaccordingto standardYiddishpronunciation, e.g., nin = toyre.
x not transliterated sa So b ? Sv I g t d n h 0,1 u 11 v -1 oy T z
WTzh
n kh U t t tsh (consonant)y (vowel)i
,, ey n ay k l, . kh
t1
0, n m i, n i s se p D, f y,r ts
1 k
" V W n n
r sh s t s
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Maimonides on the Fall of Man Author(s): Lawrence V. Berman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 1-15 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486450 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:18 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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MAIMONIDES ON THE FALL OF MAN by LAWRENCEV. BERMAN StanfordUniversity The formsof interpretingsacredtexts are many.In the civilizationof the pagan Greeks, the works of Homer and Plato servedas springboardsfor interpretationof variouskinds.In Judaism,it was the Pentateuch,the rest of the HebrewBible, and the talmudicliterature;in Christianity,the Old and the New Testaments;and in Islam,the Qur'in and traditionalliterature.Of course,the conceptof sacredtext is fluid and partof a processdependingon the attitudesof society which change over time. In the Jewishtradition,with whichwe are concernedmore particularly, one thinks of the distinctionbetweenpeshat and derash,the literaland the nonliteral.Within the literal one could also include the critical historical interpretationof the meaning of a text.' In late medievaltimes one also NOTE: A preliminaryversionof this paperwas deliveredat the annualmeetingof the Association for JewishStudiesin 1975.An abstractwas publishedin theAssociation for JewishStudies Newsletter,no. 17, June, 1976,p. 13. 1. Cf. E. D. Hirsch, Jr., Validityin Interpretation (New Haven and London, 1967), in generaland with respectto the use of meaningand interpretationas technicalterms.On interpretationas a fundamentalcategoryof Jewishintellectualhistory,see SimonRawidowicz,"On in his Studiesin Jewish Thought,ed. N. N. Glatzer(Philadelphia,1974),pp. Interpretation," 45-80. I did not find WilhelmBacher'sDie BibelexegeseMosesMaimuni's(Budapest,1896) (Hebrew translationby A. Z. Rabbinowitz,Ha-RaMBaMparshanha-miqra[Tel Aviv, 1931/2]) of use in this study. I hope to discussthe forms of interpretingsacredtexts more generallyon anotheroccasion with full bibliographicalreferences.
1
2
LAWRENCE V. BERMAN
speaksof remez,identifiedwith the philosophicalmode, and sod, identified with the mysticalmode. This fourfoldclassificationmightwell be basedon Christianmethods of interpretingscripture.2 Maimonideswouldobviouslyacceptthepeshal,the literalmeaning,as a valid method of interpretation,althoughexactly how literal one can be is He might possiblyenlargeit to includethe also a matterof interpretation.3 critical-historicalsince some of his investigationsand interpretationsof the Biblebetraya keen historicalsense.The actionsof God, includingthe commandments,are purposefuland one can discovertheirmeaningthroughan examinationof their function in their environment.4 The ethical homiletical approach which is characteristicof midrash, Maimonidesobviouslyrecognized.This is the time-honoredway of givinga text significance.Certainof the materialto be found in the rabbinicmidrashimhe interpretedas being philosophicalin nature,so that one could separateout the formsof literaryinterpretationto be appliedto the midrash itself. Maimonidesrejectedthe interpretationsof the mystics. He was profoundly unsympatheticto mystical "excesses." Seeing the Torah, for example,as the mysticalnameof God was somethingthat wouldstrikehim as foreign.5 Of course,for Maimonides,an importantmethodof interpretationwas the philosophic mode. In order to get a better understandingof what Maimonidesunderstoodby that method of interpretation,let us examine ChapterTwo of the First Partof the Guideon the fall of man. Herewe have 2. See GershomScholem,Kabbalah(New York, 1974),pp. 168-74 (especiallypp. 172-74) and idem, "TheMeaningof the Torahin JewishMysticism,"in OntheKabbalahandIts Symbolism(New York, 1965),pp. 32-86. 3. See Leo Strauss, "Spinoza on Interpretation," Persecution and the Art of Writing(Glen-
coe, 1952),pp. 142-201.
4. See Guide, 3:25-26; Leo Strauss, "How to Begin to Study The Guideof the Perplexed," in
Moses Maimonides,Guideof the Perplexed,trans.ShlomoPines(Chicago,1963),pp. xxxiiixliv, but cf. below n. 14. 5. See Guide, 1:62. See also his Responsa, ed. Joshua Blau, 3 vols. (Jerusalem, 1957),
1:200-1. The negativeattitudeto Shi'urQomahin his responsumrepresentsa development
from the time he wrote his Commentaryon the Mishnah. See his commentary on Pereq Heleq in Joseph Qafib, ed., Mishnah 'im perush Mosheh ben Maimon: Neziqin (Jerusalem, 1964), p. 213, n. 42. See also Alexander Altmann, ed. and trans., Epistle on Shi'ur Qoma [by Moses of Narbonne], in Jewish Medieval and Renaissance Studies (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), p. 232, n. 37.
Blau'stranslationof lamardqall by lo bashavtime-'olamis not necessarilycorrect.It couldalso havea presentmeaningin MiddleArabic.See J. Blau,Diqduqha-'aravitha-yehudit(Jerusalem, 1961),p. 142.
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MAIMONIDES ON THE FALLOF MAN
an excellentexampleof the philosophicgenreof the interpretationof Scripture.Aftercompletingour examination,I then shall try to addressmyselfto the question of the principleunderlyingthe possibilityof the philosophic mode of interpretationof the Bible accordingto Maimonides.My concluding remarkswill be addressedto the generalplace of the philosophicmode of interpretation. I
First, let us examinethe structureof the chapterand then its meaning, section by section. I find that the chapterhas six parts,only the last not subdivided.I give the structureas follows:6 I. Prefatoryremark(p. 23.19-27 Pines; p. 15.22-28 Joel) a. Generalintroduction(p. 23.19-22 Pines; p. 15.22 Joel) b. Prefatorystatement(p. 23.22-27 Pines; p. 15.23-28 Joel) 6. In what follows, Pines refersto Maimonides,Guideof the Perplexed,trans. S. Pines (Chicago, 1963), and Joel to the edition of Salomon Munk'sArabic text by IssacharJoel, Daldlatal-bd'irin(Jerusalem,1939).I also referthe readerto the acuteanalysisof this chapter "MoralRadicalismand 'Middlingness'in the and relatedmaterialin StevenS. Schwarzschild, Ethics of Maimonides," Studies in Medieval Culture 11 (1978): 65-94 (esp. 73-75). In general, I
find Schwarzschild's analysiscompelling.However,I am unableto agreewith him that Maimonidesposits a sphereof ethicalactivitywhichis essentiallyrationalin nature.To the very end, Maimonidesholdsto the doctrinethatethicalandpoliticalmattersbelongto the category of "generallyacceptedthings"(see Guide,2:33, Pines,p. 364;Joel, p. 256). However,it still remainsto be clarifiedexactlywhatthe relationshipis betweenthe naturalorderandtheethical and politicalorderwhichis to be bridgedby the imitationof the actionsof the Deity. On the otherhand,I also do not agreewithMarvinFox's conclusionin his "MaimonidesandAquinas on Natural Law," Dine'Israel 3 (1972): xxxv (cf. also Schwarzschild,p. 87, n. 65) that "Maimonides,findingno rationalgroundfor moraldistinctions,avoidsthe dangersof social chaos by returningto the HebrewBibleandthe rabbinictradition."It seemsto me thata more fruitfulapproachto this problemwouldbe the investigationof the sourcesof moralandethical of Aristotle'sdepictionof the prudent behaviorin Alfarabi'sand Maimonides'understanding man in his NicomacheanEthics(see below).A veryinterestingandsuggestivearticleconnected intimatelywith the theme taken up here has appearedrecently.See WarrenZev Harvey, "Maimonidesand Spinozaon the Knowledgeof Good and Evil,"'lyyun28 (1979):167-85(in Hebrew).In the courseof his argumentmuchof the materialwe have discussedhereis taken up. In addition,Spinoza'sview on the interpretationof the fall of man is expounded.A main point of this articleis that the knowledgeof good and evil, "generallyacceptedthings,"is not somethingaccessibleto the intellect,but ratherto the imaginationand, accordingly,the practical intellectis not mentionedspecificallyany place in the Guide.Here we have the opposite view to that of Schwarzschild.However,Harveymentionsas well that Maimonidesin the
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II. An anonymousobjectionto the story of Adam's fall (pp. 23.28-24.11 Pines; pp. 15.28-16.8 Joel) a. Objection(pp. 23.28-24.6 Pines;pp. 15.28-16.5 Joel) b. Supportinganalogy (p. 24.6-11 Pines; p. 16.5-8 Joel) III. Maimonides'reply(pp. 24.12-25.25 Pines;pp. 16.8-17.3 Joel) a. Rhetoricalpreface(p. 24.12-20 Pines;p. 16.8-13 Joel) b. Answerproper(pp. 24.20-25.25 Pines;pp. 16.3-17.3Joel) IV. Supportto Maimonides'reply (p. 25.25-36 Pines;p. 17.3-10 Joel) a. Support(p. 25.25-31 Pines;pp. 16.26-17.3 Joel) b. Supportof support(p. 25.31-36 Pines;p. 17.3-10 Joel) V. Explanationof verse in Job and applicationto Genesis story (pp. 25.36-26.21 Pines;p. 17.10-22 Joel) a. Explanation of verse in Job (pp. 25.36-26.10 Pines; p. 17.10-14 Joel) b. Applicationto Genesisstory(p. 26.10-21 Pines;p. 17.14-22 Joel) VI. Concludingexclamation In reflectingon the sections of the chapter,I see the third and fourth partsas hangingtogetherflankedon eitherside by two sections.The second sectionis the oppositeof the fifth, as we shallsee, in the sensethat the objector posits that Adam startsout as a beast accordingto the plain meaning, whereasin Maimonides'view he ends up as a beast. Both the first and the last sections are very short and there seems to be no obvious relationship betweenthemexceptthat they serveto introduceand concludethe interpretation. The structureis triangularin nature,rising to a climax in section three and then subsidingwith supportingmaterial.More important,the action moves from those thingsbetterknownto us, from receivedopinion, to philosophicalvalues. Once the point is made, a gradualdescentthrows
Guide,1:53(Pines,p. 121.9-13;Joel, p. 82.4-7) does recognizethat one of the functionsof the rationalfacultiesis to rule(yasas)cities,thus implyingthat intellectmayknowgood and evil. Harvey'ssolution to this difficultyis to say that once the imaginationknows good or evil actions or intentions,it may employ the intellectto distinguishbetweenthem. For further elaboration,see Harvey'sarticle.What he does not take into account,along with SchwarzEthics.Seebelowreferencesin schild,is the caseof the prudentmanin Aristotle'sNicomachean n. 30. I must leave full treatmentof this subjectfor anotheroccasion.
ON THE FALLOF MAN MAIMONIDES
5
light on othermaterial.But let us now look morecloselyat the text,point by point. In section one, Maimonidesremarksthat every Hebrew,7i.e., every Hebrewspeakerfor whom the Genesisstory was intended,knew that 'elohim was an equivocalnoun, capableof meaningthe Deity, angels,or rulers governingcities. Maimonidesderives support for his statementfrom the Aramaictranslationof Genesisby Onqelos,the Proselyte,thatin the crucial versefor his interpretation,Andye shallbe as 'elohim,knowinggoodandevil (Gen. 3:5), 'elohim8means rulersof cities. Having laid this premisedown, which is the key to his interpretationof the fall of man, Maimonidesproceeds to put the question. Beforegoing on to analyzethe secondpart, it seemsimportantto point out that Maimonidesis fulfillingthe first of the two purposesof the Guide which he mentionsspecificallyat the beginningof the Introductionto the Guide:the explanationof the variousmeaningsthatbiblicaltermsmay have. They may apparentlybe takenin one sense,whereasthey shouldbe takenin some othersense. Hereobviously,and this is the mistakeof the objector,the term 'elohimhas been taken to referto the Deity, or possibly the angels, whereasMaimonidesstatesit shouldbe takenin the senseof rulersof cities. It is an equivocal term. The secondpartof the chapterbeginsby expoundingthe objectionof the objector,a learnedman (rajul'ulmOi,a man of the sciences,but not a man of the religioussciences.9Let us examinethe positionof the objectorand its 7. The use of the word 'ibrdnfhereis striking.I understandit to meanHebrewspeaker.He is quite consciousof the fact that the traditionalknowledgeof Hebrewhas been interrupted. Therefore,he impliesthat one of the difficultiesin understandingthe biblicaltext is simply semantic,i.e., the range of meaningseasily accessibleto the ancient Hebrewis not easily accessibleto us. 8. Onqeloshas "andyou shallbe likegreatones, decidingbetweengood andevil."I believe that Maimonides'interpretationrestson the word"deciding"(bakimin)for his interpretation. For rulers,he usesthe wordBukkdm.Cf. also, for example,Exodus21:6for 'elohimin thesense of "judges."Maimonidesdoes not mentionGenesis3:22, "And the Lord God said, Indeed, man has becomelike one of us to knowgood andevil,"whichon the faceof it clearlyconflicts with his interpretationof 'elohim.It is typicalof Maimonidesthat he alludesto the allegorical characterof the storyof the fall withoutgoing into details,as he statesclearlyat the beginning of his introductionto the Guide:"But if we explainthese parablesto him or if we draw his attentionto their being parables,he will take the right road and be deliveredfrom this perplexity"(Pines, p. 6; Joel, p. 2.27-29). 9. Comparethe way Maimonidesbegins his Treatiseon the Art of Logic: "Some lord
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underlyingassumptions.Basing himself on the apparentmeaning of the text,'0he thinksthat the primarypurpose'"was that Adamshouldbe as the other animals.When he disobeyedhe receivedthe greatperfectionpeculiar to man, the capacityto distinguishbetweengood and evil. This is man's noblestcharacteristic;in virtueof it, men are constitutedas substances.It is thereforea matterof surpriseto the objectorthat man'sdisobedienceshould be rewardedwith a perfectionwhich he did not have before, intellect,12 ratherthan be punished.This is the end of the first part of this section. In the secondpartof the objection,the objectorbringsan analogyto his understandingof the biblical narrative.In his view, the narrativecan be comparedwith the story of a man who disobeyed and committedgreat crimesand in consequenceunderwenta metamorphosis,becominga starin heaven.Whatwe havehereis an attempton the partof the objectorto make the biblicalmythinto a pagan,perhapsgnosticmyth."3The objectorimplies that the biblicalnarrativeis no betterthan one of the pagan mythswhich extol rebellionagainstthe decreeof the gods. Therefore,the Torahteaches that unethicalconductis rewarded.The objectortakes a strongpositionin his attack on the biblicalmyth. Maimonides,consequently,takes a strong tone in answeringhim. (sayyid)of the legal-religioussciencesaskeda man(rajul)who theorizesaboutthe art of logic, etc." For bibliographicalreferences,see my "SomeRemarkson the ArabicTextof Maimonides' Treatise on the Art of Logic," Journal of the American Oriental Society 88 (1968):340-42.
10. Zdhir al-nayS.Pines translates"clear sense." The objector asks accordingto the apparentmeaning,while Maimonidesanswersaccordingto the inner meaning(bdiin). 11. Al-qa$dal-awwal. 12. See Alfarabi,Risdlahft 'l-'aql,ed. MauriceBouyges(Beirut,1938),for an examination of the differentsensesof the wordintellect('aql).The beginningof Alfarabi'sepistleis left out of ArthurHyman'stranslationin Philosophyin theMiddleAges,eds. ArthurHymanandJ. J. MaimonWalsh(Indianapolis,1973),pp. 215-21. Thistreatiseis importantfor understanding ides' conceptof the intellect.For contrast,see GeorgeHourani,IslamicRationalism(Oxford, 1971),for an extensivetreatmentof the rationalityof 'Abd al-Jabbar,an eleventh-century Mu'tazilitetheologian. 13. S. Munkin his notesto his Frenchtranslationof the Guidethinksof storiesof Nimrod, who revoltedagainstGod, constructedthe Towerof Babel,and who was said to have been placedin heaven,identifyinghim withthe constellationof Orion.See alsoJulianthe Apostate, "Againstthe Galilaeans,"in his Works,trans. W. C. Wright,3 vols. (Cambridge,Mass., 1913-23),3:327;HansJonas,TheGnosticReligion,2d rev.ed. (Boston,1963),pp.91-94. Jonas remarks that "Gnostic allegory, though often ...
conventional ...
is in its most telling
instancesof a verydifferentnature.Insteadof takingover the valuesystemof the traditional myth, it proves the deeper'knowledge'by reversingthe roles of good and evil, sublimeand base,blestand accursed,foundin the original"(pp. 91-92 andsee pp. 93-94 withreferenceto the gnosticviewof the serpent).In this light,the objectorwishesto makethe biblicalmythout to be a gnostic myth.
MAIMONIDES ON THE FALLOF MAN
7
Letus nowproceedto the thirdpartof the chapteropeningwithMaimonides'rhetoricalintroductionto his answer.I call the introduction is not interestedin meetingthe argurhetoricalbecausein it Maimonides his prestigeby attackinghis mentsof the objector,but triesto undermine becausehe is usedto readinghisHeaccuseshimof superficiality character. areextremely unimportoryandpoetry-twogenreswhichforMaimonides withthe Theobjectoris concerned tantandperhapsdownright pernicious.'4 the sensesis the markof body ratherthanwiththe mind.Overindulging alsocriticizestheobjectorforsayingthe unphilosophic man.'5Maimonides firstthingthatcomesto mindandthisis oneof themarksof themanof the 16 multitude.
answerto the objecthenproceedsto givehis substantive Maimonides before thefallwasnot tor.Quiteto thecontrary,Maimonides Adam argues, animal-he wastheepitomeof rationalman,beingconcerned an irrational with truthand falsehood,the pursuitof theoreticalperfection.He was a turnsintoa philosophical In factthebiblicalnarrative allegory philosopher. withmuchthe on the modelof the Ijayyibn Yaqzinstoryof IbnTufayl'7 samepoint.Thesolitarylifein whichreasonhascontrolis thebestone for withthematerialworldandin its thrallis manas an ideal;beingconcerned a disaster.It represents a descentintothecaveawayfromtheheadyregions of purethought.IbnTufaylalso makesthe samepoint.IJayy,thesolitary enterssocietygovernedby a virtuousreligion,onlyto philosopher-mystic, In the Guide be disappointed, so thathe returnsto a lifeof contemplation. of "civilized" life.It is curiousthatat theend thereis thesamedowngrading of the Guide,Maimonides the politicaldutyincumbenton the emphasizes Is this an expressionof the latenttensionin the outlookof philosopher.'" 14. For Maimonides'attitudeto historyand its relationto the prevailingJewishattitude,
see Bernard Lewis, History: Remembered,Recovered, Invented(Princeton, 1975), pp. 23ff. but
cf. above n. 4.
15. See Guide, 2:40 end.
16. See Alfarabi,Compendium LegumPlatonis,ed. FrancescoGabrieli(London,1952),p. 3 (Englishtranslationin Ralph Lernerand Muhsin Mahdi, MedievalPoliticalPhilosophy.A Sourcebook[Glencoe, 1963],p. 84). 17. See Ibn Tufayl,flayy b. Yaq7an,ed. and trans.Leon Gauthier(Beirut,1936)(partial English translation in R. Lerner and M. Mahdi, Medieval Political Philosophy: A Sourcebook,
pp. 134-62). 18. See my "The PoliticalInterpretationof the Maxim:The Purposeof Philosophyis the Imitationof God," StudiaIslamica15 (1961):53-62, and my forthcoming"Maimonideson PoliticalLeadership,"to be publishedin a volumeof essayson the Jewishpoliticaltradition, edited by Daniel J. Elazar.
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Maimonidesbetweena politicaland apoliticalattitude?Or perhaps,rather, it is the Torahof Moseswhichitselfis the key to the controlof the appetites so that one may then be able to rise to the heightsof metaphysicalspeculation and thus to recapturethe pristine,originalessenceof man as expressed in pardes(Paradise),the contemplationof the truth.19 Maimonidesthen bringstwo proofs for his interpretationof the story. The firstis that man is madein the imageof God, and the only way thatthis statementcan have meaningaccordingto Maimonides,as he has shown in the previouschapter,is to say thatthereis some similaritybetweenthe intellect of man and God, understoodas intellect.20The secondproof,or indication, is that Adam was given a commandment.This indicatesthat he had practicalwisdom, as well as theoreticalwisdom. The theoreticaland the practicalwere a unity in him, since everythingwas orderedto a life of the mind.21
The fall of man consistedin a changeof priorities,froman interestin the things of the mind to becominginterestedin the things of the body; from beinga philosopher,a masterof his passions,to becominga beastin human form,masteredby his passions;frombeinga solitarythinker,to becominga rulerof cities, beinginformedby the imaginationonly.22Man was not concernedwith truth and falsehoodbut ratherwith good and evil, with those thingsgenerallyaccepted,to use Maimonides'terminology.Whatis the distinction that he has in mind? The distinctionherelaid down is familiarin Aristotelianphilosophy.In Aristotle we find a general distinctionbetween demonstrativesyllogisms based on true premises and dialectical reasoning based on generally
19. For the meaningof pardesin the thoughtof Maimonides,see my "Maimonides,the Discipleof Alfarabi,"IsraelOrientalStudies4 (1974):164, n. 30, and 167, n. 44, with references quoted there. See below n. 26 and see also Harvey,"Maimonidesand Spinoza ..." (referenceaboven. 6), p. 171who takesessentiallythe samepositionwithrespectto the function of the Mosaic law and its rabbinicdevelopment. 20. Cf. S. Pines,"Translator'sIntroduction,"in Maimonides,Guideof the Perplexed,pp. xcvii-xcviii. 21. Thushe was not interestedin sexualactivity,whichcan only be a distractionandis disIntroduction," p. lxii. The gracefulin Maimonides'view. See referencesin Pines,"Translator's sameis trueof HIayy.He lives the solitarylife and achieveshappinesswithoutsexualactivity. 22. See Guide,2:36and 37, for a descriptionof prophecywhichfitsAdam.In fact,according to Maimonides,imaginationdid not enterin Moses'prophecy(Guide,2:36end and 2:45 end) andthus Adamand Moseswereidentical,the differencebeingthatAdam,beforethe fall, representsthe idealfor man,not livingin society,whileMosesrepresentsthe idealfor manliving in society.
MAIMONIDES ON THE FALL OF MAN
9
acceptedopinions which are probable,but not certain.Here we see Maimonidesusingthis distinctionbetweenreasoningbasedon differentassumptions and applyingthe one to the sphereof theory,of truthand falsity,and the other to action. Action, he implies,the goal of choicebetweengood and evil, cannot be qualifiedby truthand falsity,but only by good and evil. To put it anotherway, theoryis the realmof fact in whichone can seekwhether one opinionis validand anotherinvalid;the sphereof actionis that of value, which by its very natureis subjective.The idea that the area of moralsand ethicsis not certainin comparisonto the theoreticaldisciplinesis mentioned by Aristotle and is related to the distinctionbetweenphysis and nomos stressedby the sophists.23 Accordingto Aristotle,generallyacceptedopinionsare those whichare generallyacceptedas knowneitherby all or by the majorityor by the wise-by all of the wise or the majorityor by the most famousand distinguishedof them.24Thesepremisesarethe basisof dialecticalarguments.Thus,previous to the fall, Adamwas not concernedwith mattersrelatingto valuesbut only with the truth. In itself the commandmentnot to eat of the fruitof the tree representsfor Maimonidesthe values of the philosophicaltraditionwhich he followed,i.e., not to be concernedwith the fleshbut ratherwith the spirit of philosophicalinquiry.And once he had reachedthat state, therewas no need for him to occupy himself with the realm of ethics and politics. However,from being a little lower than 'elohim(herehavingthe meaning of the angels, i.e., the separate intelligencesor perhaps God25), he becamelike 'elohim,heremeaningthe "rulersof cities,knowersof good and evil." That is, instead of being concernedwith the theoreticalintellect,he was concernedwith mattersin which imaginationplays a largepart. Here, Maimonidesindicatesthat the meaningof the biblicalmyth is that the true happinessof man consists in the theoreticallife; being wholly concerned with the political is a distortionof man's true nature.Paradise(gan 'eden, The sense of values one pardes)is identicalwith theoreticalspeculation.26 gets from this initialexplicationof the fall of man is the tensionbetweenthe ideal life for man which is the theoreticallife and life in the cities not
23. See Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 1.3.1094b13ff., with W. F. R. Hardie, Aristotle's Ethical Theory (Oxford, 1968), pp. 32ff. 24. See Aristotle, Topics, 1.1.100b21. 25. See Guide, 1:68, and reference in n. 20 above. 26. It is interesting to point out that pardes is cognate with English "paradise," since they have the same ultimate origin. See above, n. 19.
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informedby intellectualvirtue,whichis essentiallycorrupting.This tension is one whichrunsthroughoutthe Guide.One shouldcontrast,however,as I havehintedabove, the beginningof the Guidewith its emphasison the life of the mind and the consequentdowngradingof the life of man in societywith the end of the Guidein which Maimonides,after havingdescribedthe four perfectionsof man, goes on to talk about the imitationof God whichcomes afterwardand is politicalin nature,thus elevatingthe life of actionto a very highplane. However,this kindof politicalactivityis that informedby philosophicalperfectionand insight into the natureof the universe,whereasin the allegoryof Adam, his fall seems to have been rathersteep. That is, he turnedaway from the truthsof metaphysicalspeculationto be enslavedby the imaginationso that the only kind of politicalrealmwhichwas possible for him was that which belonged to political states which had only the physicalwell-beingof mankindin view, not a divine state whichtook into account both the physicaland intellectualwell-beingof the citizens.27One may detect the elementsof a dramaof salvationhere. The fall story symbolizesman'scoming underthe powerof the imaginationfrom an original idyllicstate in whichhe was completelydevotedto truthand falsehood,not being concernedwith good and evil actions. With the fall, man became enthralledby his animal nature;he becamelike the beasts that speak not, i.e., do not reason.The storycontainedin the Pentateuchillustratesthe way in which a proper concern for the theoretical life was made possible, throughthe efforts of individualslike Abrahamwho preparedthe way for the teachingof Moses to be promulgated.The Torahis intendedto trainthe beast in man to be obedientto the demandsof the theoreticaland practical intellect.Idolatryrepresentsthe subservienceof man to his imagination.The fact that Maimonidesacceptsthe interpretationof 'elohimto meanrulersof cities shows clearlythat the Adam story is to be taken as a philosophical allegory.28 Here, we see Maimonidesaccomplishingthe second purposeof the Guide,explainingvery obscureparablesoccurringin the works of the prophets,but not explicitlyidentifiedas such.29It is not to be taken in its apparent(gdhir)senseas the objectorwished,but in its hidden(bdlin)sense. Here one might ask, how is it possiblefor Adam to have fallensince he 27. See Guide,2:40. 28. The Adamstoryis to be takenas a parable(mathalor laghz),whichis the methodused by Pythagoras,Plato, Empedocles,and the prophets.See my reviewof Alfarabi,Utterances Employed in Logic, in Oriens 23-24 (1973-74): 511-13.
29. See Guide,Introduction,beginning.
MAIMONIDES ON THE FALL OF MAN
11
How doesthe incorruptible was so firmlyconcernedwithcontemplation? Herewehaveto answera questionwitha question.What becomecorrupt?30 thenis the roleof Eveandthe serpentin the story?It is curiousthatMaimonidesdoesnotmentionthemhere.FromsomehintsintheGuideonecan piecetogetherwhat his conceptionof Eve was and whatrole she playsin the
matterandinthisMaimonides is followingthe story.Sheseemsto represent withPlatoof identifying matterwithwoman.Theflawin traditionidentified manis thathe is composedof matterandit is matterwhichpreventshim from being a purelydisembodiedintelligencewhich is his true destiny.The serpentseems to be imaginationwhich is not controlledby reason. Thus,
on the man'sfallresultsfrommatterandimagination whicharecontinually alert to break down the hold of intellect upon them.31The allegorical characterof the narrativeappearsas well from here. Once Maimonidesgives his answerhe proceedsto the fourthpart of his
whichis essentiallyan attemptto supporthis allegorical interexplanation pretationwith a remarkon the meaningof the Hebrewword for "open"
in thestoryandthefactthatit neednotbe takenin a literalsense. occurring
Therefore,the meaningof the verse "And the eyes of both of them were opened, and they knew that they were naked,"is that "Theythen became
alertto the fact that beingnakedwas to be consideredan evil matter." Thefifthpartof the expositionopenswitha versefromJob.Maimon-
ides states that he will give the significance(ta'wtl)and meaning of (shar.h) the verse. That is to say that in this case the nonliteraland the intended meaningof the verseare the same.This portionof the explanationfalls into two parts. First Maimonidesgives his explanationof the verseand then he returnsto the Genesisnarrativeto show how his interpretationof the verse from Job is impliedthere.Thus, the versein Job "He changeshis face and Thou sendesthim forth"is takento referto man'schanginghis directionin 30. Adam in his prefall state represents the ideal for Maimonides, and he is the temperate man who does not have excessive or evil desires, not the self-restrained man who controls his desires. See Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, 7.2.1146a 10-16; Maimonides, Introductionto 'Avot, Chap. 6, ed. Qifib, p. 392; and Herbert Davidson in his "Maimonides' Shemonah Peraqim and Alfarabi's FuSal al-Madant," Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 31 (1963): 34-37, 43-45. See in general, R. A. Gauthier, L'e'thiquedaNicomaque, 2 vols. (LouvainParis, 1970), 2:236-38 and especially p. 596. Thus, how can the temperate man become intemperate is another way of phrasing the question. 31. See Guide, 1:6 and 17 and 2:30 (pp. 355-57 Pines; Joel, pp. 249-51 with commentaries [esp. Munk ad locum who sums up the prevailing interpretation]). See further Harvey, "Maimonides and Spinoza .. ." (above n. 6), p. 171, n. 33 who also mentions the minority position that the snake represents the appetitive faculty. He brings some evidence to support this view.
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disobedienceto his true nature,and for this reason,as punishment,he was expelledfrom his tranquilstate. Whenman disregardedhis truenatureand becameengrossedin things of the flesh, from being a man concernedwith theoreticalmatters,he becamelike the beaststhat speaknot; that is, he lost the exerciseof his rationalcapacitywhichis relatedto speech.The idea here seems to be that were man to have kept closer to his nature,he would not have had to strugglewith nature for his livelihood. He would have been satisfiedwith the simplefoods of a state of nature.Once he was concerned with the body, he was cursedwith havingto eat unsuitablefoods only after toil and labor,whichcould only deflecthim fromhis goal of contemplation. Only a life foundedon the asceticcontemplationof the eternalvirtuesgives man the necessarytime and leisureto indulge in mattersof the mind. Maimonidesends this sectionwith a versefromPsalms,"Adamunable to dwellin dignity,is like the beaststhat speaknot."32Adam finallyendsup an irrationalanimal.Thus, the last line of Maimonides'total answercompletelyreversesthe objector'sunderstandingof the biblicalmyth.The objector thoughtthat the plain meaningof the scripturalstory was that man had startedout as an irrationalanimal,disobeyed,and becamemoral man, the highestthing one could become.Maimonides,on the contrary,is concerned to show that the biblical narrativeaccepts the premise that man's true natureis contemplative-man qua man is philosophical.The fall consisted in man'slosing his understandingof his truepriorities.Finally,he endedup as an irrationalanimal-man controlledby his passions-a completereversal from the objector. The chapterends with the somewhatenigmaticprayerwhichI translate literallyas follows:"Praiseto the masterof the will, the aim and wisdomof whose will cannot be apprehended."33 The meaning of this exclamatory I is not obvious. with certainmedievalcommentators suggestalong prayer that Maimonidesis underliningthe ultimatedifficultyin understanding why man should have a dual nature, and have to struggleso hard in orderto 32. Ps. 49:13.
33. "Aim" is in the singularin the Arabic and Pines' translationshould be corrected accordingly."Aim"and "wisdom"bothreferbackto "will,"not to "Master."I havetherefore translatedthe phraseawkwardly,but, I hope, intelligibly,in orderto makethis clear.In connectionwith the termfor will, mashl'ah,see AbrahamNuriel,"TheDivineWillin the Guide" (Hebrew),Tarbiz39 (1970):39-61; andA. Altmann,"TheReligionof the Thinkers:FreeWill and Predestinationin Saadia,Babya,and Maimonides,"in Religionin a ReligiousAge, ed. S. D. Goitein(Cambridge,Mass., 1974),pp. 35-51. See also Schwarzschild, "MoralRadicalism ." (referenceabove n. 6), p. 91, n. 99.
13
MAIMONIDES ON THE FALL OF MAN
havethe properconditionsfor his truenatureto havefulldevelopment.34 Maimonides believesthatwemustyetpraisetheauthorof thisdramain any case becauseof whatwe apprehendfromhis actionsrevealedin nature. II Afterhavingexaminedin detailMaimonides' of the fallof explanation manas philosophical allegory,I shouldnowliketo discussbrieflywhether thereis a fundamental hisphilosophic mode validating principleunderlying of interpretation. The principalquestionis why shouldtherebe a philosophicmeaning What assuranceis therethat there underlyingthe storiesof Scripture? shouldbe anyphilosophicmeaningthere?Generallyspeaking,forphilosophersfor whomthe revealedTorahoccupieda specialplaceit wasimpossiblethattruthshouldconflictwithtruth.Therefore, it wasunderstood that whenevertherewasa conflictwithreasonone oughtto interpretthe text. Thisrightof interpretation extendedthroughout the Hellenistic worldand continuedinto the periodof medievalMiddleEasterncivilization. In thecaseof Maimonides, however,therewasa deeperunderlying position whichwas muchmoredefiniteand rigorousthanthe one described above.On anotheroccasion,I havetriedto showhow Maimonides is the in Alfarabi the of between disciple relationship philosophy,religion,jurisOneof thebasicinsightsof theAlfarabian underprudence,andtheology."3 of the betweenphilosophyandreligionis thatsystemstanding relationship aticthinking,whetherof a demonstrative, dialectical,or sophisticalnature precedesspecificreligionsin time.I thinkthatwehaveto takeAlfarabiseriouslywhenhe stipulatesthatthinkinghasto precedeindividual religionsin time.Hemeansto saythatreligionis theexpression of a specificsophisticated worldviewin populartermsfor the multitudeof men.Therefore there can be demonstrative, and Of dialectical, sophisticalreligions. course,one can thinkof societiesin whichphilosophydid not precedereligion,rather theoppositewasthecase,suchas Islam.In thiscase,Alfarabiusestheconcept of crosscultural borrowing.Religionswhichhavebeenprecededby 34. See the commentarieson this passage,especiallythat of Shem Tob in Maimonides, Morehnevukhim(Warsaw,1872),pp. 17b-18a. 35. See my "Maimonides, Disciple of Alfarabi," (reference above n. 19). See also Muhsin
Mahdi, "Alfarabion Philosophyand Religion,"PhilosophicalForum4 (1972):5-25.
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LAWRENCE
V. BERMAN
thought systemscan be borrowedby one culturefrom another,and philosophicalsystems,not necessarilyidenticalto the originalmodel for the religion, can be then borrowedor developedin the particularsociety. It seems clearthat Maimonidesacceptsthis scheme.Thisexplainswhy he insiststhat the prophetsare both philosophersand statesmen,for a philosophicworld view has to inform the religious dimension.The reason why there is no independentphilosophictraditionin Jewryis to be explainedby the fact that this traditionhas become lost for variousreasons.36In any case, with respectto our problemhere,it is quiteclearwhy theremustbe a philosophic meaningto Scripturebecauseit representsin popularform the teachingof philosophyand was composed by a philosopher.Of course, the Torah is couchedin termsappropriateto the understandingof the peopleof its time. It is for this reasonthat it is so difficultto understandthe originalintention of Scripturewhich became obscureover the course of time.37 This theory,put forwardby Alfarabiand adoptedby Maimonides,is an attemptat understandingthe mythswhicharefound in the sacredscriptures of the pagan Greeks, Jews, Christiansand Muslims. III I should like to concludeby brieflytryingto raisesome questionsabout the validityof Maimonides'interpretationof Scripture.I should not like to attemptan evaluationof Maimonides'attemptsince that would involvean analysisof Maimonides'purposein interpretationwhich we have touched on briefly,an attemptat determininghow well he accomplishedhis purpose, and then a comparisonwith other interpretationsof the Adam story. When we talk about validationof something,we imply that theremust be some externalcriterionby means of which we can measurethe truthor falsityof what we are tryingto validate.Our firstquestionmust then be: Is there any criterionby means of which we can validatevaryinginterpretations of a specific literarytext? In his book, Validityin Interpretation,E. D. Hirsch, Jr., has argued forcefullyfor the intendedmeaningof the author as the criterionfor the validityof varyingor disparateinterpretationsand I referthoseinterestedto
36. See "Maimonides,Discipleof Alfarabi,"pp. 166-67. 37. See above, n. 7.
MAIMONIDES ON THE FALL OF MAN
15
his book for a thoroughgoingdiscussionof the variousfacets of the problem of validation.Otherwise,one mighthave to compareworksof literature to picnicsin whichthe authorbringsthe wordsand the readerthe meaning. Therefore,in order to evaluate Maimonides'interpretationhere, we would have to have an interpretationof the meaningof the myth in accordance with the willedmeaningof the author.Exactlywhat the implications of this are for Sacred Scripturein general has not been spelled out so far as I know. Hirschhimselfstates and I quote:"Theprincipleof subsuming implicationsunderthe author'swilledtype is a genuinelyuniversalprinciple and extendsalso to the interpretationof sacredscripture.But I prefer to let anyonewho is at home theremakethe extensionsfor himself.That is easily done, I think, if we rememberthat the requirementsof validityare everywherethe sameeven thoughthe elementsof interpretationvarywidely with different intrinsic genres . . ." (p. 126). So far as I know, no one has
reallydone that. In the case of Maimonidesone would have to investigate the Adam story in an attemptat understandingthe significanceof the story with respectto the willed meaningof the author, were that possible. One could, it seemsto me, also examineinterpretationsin orderto rulethemout, but this would be verydifficultwithoutfirstestablishingwhatinterpretation or interpretationsmost plausiblycameclosest to whatwe could understand as the author'sintention. If we approachMaimonideswith Hirsch'scriteria,I thinkthat Maimonides would say that the scripturalgenre is that of philosophyfor the masses expressedthroughthe mediumof symbolicstories.The interpretationwhich Maimonidessuggests,I think he would argue,is the willedintentionof the author of the myth. The best way to attack Maimonides' position in Hirsch'stermsis to say that Maimonides'mistakewas that he mistook the genreof the biblicaltale. Werewe able to establishthat the Biblebelongsto a differentgenre, we would be well on the way to destroyingthe rationale for Maimonides'philosophicalinterpretationof Scripture.
Samael, Lilith, and the Concept of Evil in Early Kabbalah Author(s): Joseph Dan Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 17-40 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486451 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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SAMAEL, LILITH,AND THE CONCEPT OF EVIL IN EARLY KABBALAH by JOSEPH DAN Hebrew University
One of the major problems in the study of early kabbalah is the difficulty in distinguishing between old traditions used by kabbalists and new ideas presented in their writings for the first time. Early kabbalists often pretended to be using books and treatises by ancient authorities, a pretense which is usually characterized as pseudepigraphy; however, there can be little doubt that some kabbalists in the Middle Ages did have access to old traditions, transmitted orally or in writing, which they used to mould their own mystical attitudes, and the attempt to distinguish between the old and the new is, in most cases, very difficult, if not outright impossible. The main problem is that scholarly study can never prove a negative; one can do one's best to prove that a certain writer had such and such a source before him, but one can never conclusively prove that a writer did not know a certain text or idea. Still, it is the duty of scholarship to try to follow the development of ideas, themes and symbols, and to suggest, with the help of close textual analysis, to what extent a certain writer followed ideas and texts, and to surmise carefully what his original contribution was. In this paper an attempt is made to clarify both the sources and the original contribution to the mythological concept of evil as developed by Rabbi 17
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Isaac ben Jacob ha-Kohen in Spain in the second half of the thirteenth century. The major text to be considered is Rabbi Isaac's treatise on evil, entitled "A Treatise on the Left Emanation," published by Gershom Scholem in 1927.' In this text a kabbalist, for the first time after three generations of the development of the kabbalah, presented a comprehensive concept of evil, based on extreme dualistic attitudes, characterized by Scholem as "gnostic," which indeed bears close phenomenological resemblance to the ancient systems of the Marcionites, the Ophites and even the Manichaean gnostics. A significant detail in this system is that here, for the first time in a dated Jewish work, Samael and Lilith are described as husband and wife in the realm of the Satanic power, a concept which was later incorporated into the Zohar and became one of the most popular and well-known chapters in Jewish myths concerning evil. The following analysis is divided into two parts: the first is an attempt to discover two types of sources which were used by Rabbi Isaac-mythological sources and theological sources; the second part is an attempt to point out the reasons for Rabbi Isaac's mythological attitude and his relationship to other kabbalists, both earlier and later. In this fashion, a conclusion might be reached concerning the role of mythological elements in the development of early kabbalah.
The sixth chapter in Rabbi Isaac's "Treatise on the Emanations on the Left"2 is opened by a list of the "princes of jealousy and hatred," that is, the
active powers of evil influencing the world, the first of which is Samael. After describing seven such "princes," Rabbi Isaac states: "Truly I shall give you a hint, that the reason for all the jealousies which exist between the princes mentioned above, and the [other, good] princes which belong to seven classes, the classes of the holy angels which are called 'the guardians of the walls,' the reason which evokes hatred and jealousy between the heaven-
1. The text was published by Gershom Scholem, "Qabbalot R. Ya'aqov ve-R. first benei R. Ya'aqov ha-Kohen," Madda'ei ha-Yahadut 2 (1927): 244-64, as a part of the Yih.aq study of the kabbalah of Rabbi Jacob and Rabbi Isaac ha-Kohen. (The study was also published as a separate book [Jerusalem, 1927], from which it is quoted here; the treatise on the Left Emanations appears on pp. 82-102.) 2. Scholem, Qabbalot, pp. 89-90 (pp. 251-52 in Madda'ei ha-Yahadut).
SAMAEL, LILITH, AND THE CONCEPT OF EVIL
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ly powers and the powers of the supreme host, is one form3 which is destined for Samael, and it is Lilith, and it has the image of a feminine form, and Samael is in the form of Adam and Lilith in the form of Eve. Both of them were born in a spiritual birth as one,4 similar to the form of Adam and Eve, like two pairs of twins, one above and one below. Samael and the Eve the Elder, which is called the Northern one,5 they are emanated from below the Throne of Glory, and this was caused by the Sin."6 The author goes on to explain the disaster caused by the sin of Adam and Eve in the Garden of Eden, which, according to his description, caused sexual awakening among the two pairs of "twins," an awakening in which the snake, called here Nahasiel or Gamliel,7 took part. The result was that the snakes became "biting snakes," that is, Evil came into its own, and began to express itself. Several elements in this myth are new, unknown from any previous Jewish source, especially if other motifs, found in parallel passages in this treatise are used to explain this description.8 But it seems that the first one to be considered should be the joining of Samael and Lilith as a pair, analogous to Adam and Eve. It is a fact that both Samael and Lilith are major figures in earlier Jewish traditions, but nowhere are they mentioned as a pair in a dated work before this passage in the second half of the thirteenth century.9 Since talmudic times Samael was regarded as the archangel in charge 3. Hebrew: Surah, here probably meaning "a spiritual being," form as opposed to matter. 4. Hebrew: toladah ruhanit du-parSufim, a creature which is at first male and female together (see Genesis Rabbah, 8:1), and then divided into separate beings. 5. See Scholem's note (Qabbalot, p. 89, n. 4). Samael is identified with the north not only because of the biblical tradition that evil comes from the north, but also because of the possible reading of his name as "left," which is identical with north (if facing east). His spouse, therefore, receives the feminine form of "north." 6. My translation was prepared with the assistance of Mr. E. Hanker of Berkeley, California. 7. These names are in fact identical, because the snake (nahash) had the form of a camel (gamal) before he was cursed; this midrashic tradition was included in the Book Bahir, sec. 200, based on Pirqei de-Rabbi 'Eli'ezer, chap. 13-both serving as the basic source for Rabbi Isaac's description of the story of the Garden of Eden. 8. Some further descriptions of Lilith are translated below. 9. A serious problem concerning the development of this idea is related to a medieval text of magic, Sidrei de-Shimmusha Rabbah, published by G. Scholem in Tarbiz 16 (1945): 196-209. It is quite clear that the author of that text knew that Samael and Lilith were related, and there are several other points which suggest a close relationship between it and Rabbi Isaac's treatise. However, the chronological problem has not yet been solved, and it is impossible to decide with any amount of certainty whether Rabbi Isaac used ideas which were known some time before him and reflected in the "Shimmusha," or that the author of the "Shimmusha" made use of some motifs he found in Rabbi Isaac's treatise.
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JOSEPH DAN
of Rome, and therefore a satanic figure-especially in the mystical literature known as the Heikhalot and Merkabah literature'0-though originally he was one of the fallen angels mentioned in the Book of Enoch." The concept of Samael developed in the early Middle Ages. In the late midrash, Pirqei de-Rabbi 'Eli'ezer, he is one of the participants in the drama of the Garden of Eden, as he is also in the first kabbalistic work known to us-the Book Bahir.'2 But nowhere in these detailed descriptions is there a hint that he has a wife or a feminine counterpart, and Lilith is not to be found. The history of Lilith is even more complex. She seems to have been an ancient Near Eastern goddess, mentioned in the Bible'3 and she is characterized several times in talmudic literature as a danger to infants.14 A very unclear tradition in the midrash seems to hint that Lilith was Adam's first wife before the creation of Eve, and that from this union demons were born." In all these sources, however, Samael is never mentioned. How, then, did Samael and Lilith become man and wife in the treatise by Rabbi Isaac ha-Kohen? Part of the answer to this question may be found in the famous source of most of the legends concerning Lilith-the Alpha Betha of Ben Sira, which should properly be called "Pseudo-Ben Sira," a narrative work in Hebrew written late in the gaonic period. This book was recently studied in detail by Eli Yassif, who prepared a critical edition of the text, using dozens of manuscripts.'6 One of the most important conclusions reached by Yassif is that two versions of the work exist, one closer to the original and another, known in Europe since the eleventh century,'7 which was edited and enlarged by a
10. Samael's role as a power of Evil is especially prominent in the section of Heikhalot Rabbati (Adolf Jellinek, Beth ha-Midrash, 6 vols. [Leipzig, 1853-77], 3: 87) which describes the martyrdom of ten of the mishnaic sages, as well as in the separate descriptions of this martyrdom in the treatise on the Ten Martyrs (see my The Hebrew Story in the Middle Ages [Hebrew] [Jerusalem, 1974] pp. 62-69). 11. The development of the image of Samael is described in detail by G. Scholem in his Kabbalah (Jerusalem, 1974), pp. 385-89 (and see the detailed bibliography there). 12. Sec. 200 (the last section; in Scholem's edition-sec. 140). 13. See Isa. 34:14. 14. See Reuben Margulies's collection of the talmudic and midrashic traditions in his Malakhei 'Elyon (Jerusalem, 1945), pp. 235-37. 15. This tradition was preserved in Midrash Avkir and elsewhere; see G. Scholem, Kabbalah, p. 357 (and the detailed bibliography there concerning Lilith, pp. 360-61). 16. Eli Yassif, "Pseudo Ben Sira, The Text, Its Literary Character and Status in the History of the Hebrew Story in the Middle Ages" [Hebrew], 2 vols., Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University, 1977. 17. The later version is the one found in Bereshit Rabbati by Rabbi Moses ha-Darshan.
SAMAEL, LILITH, AND THE CONCEPT OF EVIL
21
later compilator. This distinction between the two versions, proved conclusively by Yassif, can shed some light on the history of Lilith and how she became Samael's spouse. The early version of Pseudo-Ben Sira tells the following story: WhenGod createdHis world and createdAdam, He saw that Adam was alone, and He immediatelycreateda woman from earth, like him, for him, and namedher Lilith.He broughther to Adam, and they immediatelybegan to fight: Adam said, "You shall lie below" and Lilith said, "You shall lie below, for we are equal and both of us were [created]from earth."They did not listen to each other. When Lilith saw the state of things, she utteredthe Holy Name and flew into the air and fled. Adamimmediatelystood in prayer before God and said:"Masterof the universe,see that the woman you gave me has alreadyfled away."God immediatelysent threeangelsand told them: "Go and fetch Lilith;if she agreesto come, bring her, and if she does not, bringherby force."The threeangelswentimmediatelyandcaughtup withher in the [Red] Sea, in the place that the Egyptianswere destinedto die. They seized her and told her:"If you agreeto come with us, come, and if not, we shalldrownyou in the sea."She answered:"Darlings,I knowmyselfthatGod createdme only to afflict babieswith fatal diseasewhen they are eight days old; I shall have permissionto harmthem from their birthto the eighthday and no longer;whenit is a malebaby;but whenit is a femalebaby,I shallhave permissionfor twelvedays."The angelswould not leave her alone, until she swore by God's namethat wherevershe would see them or theirnamesin an amulet,'8she would not possess the baby [bearingit]. They then left her immediately.This is [the story of] Lilith who afflicts babies with disease.'9 It seems that every reader of this story in the Middle Ages was puzzled by one question: Why did the angels leave Lilith alone? They were ordered by God to bring her back to Adam, and for an unstated reason they were convinced by her speech not to do so. But it is not just an unclear narrative point: in the story as stated in this version one might easily come to the conclusion that these three exalted angels were bribed by Lilith by the promise
18. These three angels are Sanoi, Sansanoi and Samanglof, mentioned in the text of Pseudo-Ben Sira. Many attempts have been made to explain these names by the use of several oriental languages. It seems to me that they could have been created by the author of this work as a parody on the angelology of the Heikhalot literature (which often used names like Sansaniel, etc.). 19. Yassif, "Pseudo-Ben Sira," pp. 64-65. This version is close to the one published by David Friedman and S. D. Loewinger in Ve-zot li-Yehudah (Budapest, 1926), pp. 259-60.
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that she would never harm babies protected by them or by their names on amulets-and this might very well have been the author's point.20 It is not surprising, therefore, to find that the editor of the later version, the one which became known in Europe, changed this part of the story. When describing the encounter between Lilith and the angels in the Red Sea, he wrote: "They tried to take her back, but she refused. They asked her: 'Why don't you want to go back?' She told them: 'I know that I was created for the sole purpose of making babies ill from their day of birth until the eighth day, when I have permission, and after eight days I have no permission. And if it is a female, [this is so] for twelve days!' They said to her: 'If you do not come back we shall drown you in the sea.' She answered: 'I cannot return because of what is said in the Torah-"Her former husband who sent her away, may not take her again to be his wife, after that she is defiled,"21 that is, when he was the last to sleep with her. And the Great Demon has already slept with me.'"22 The author goes on to describe the agreement between Lilith and the angels. It is quite obvious that the editor of this version was confronted with the difficulty concerning the behavior of the angels, and supplied a halakhic reason for why Lilith could not return to her former husband. For this reason he added a new hero to the story, the Great Demon (ha-Shed ha-Gadol), whose sole function is to serve as a pretext for Lilith's being unable to return to Adam, since she was defiled by somebody else. The "Great Demon" is a new term, unknown in previous Hebrew sources, but it is quite natural that he could not remain unnamed for long. Jewish tradition usually named the archdemons, as it did the archangels. There was only one possible name for this "Great Demon" added to the text of Pseudo-Ben Sira by the later editor, and that name was Samael. This was the only demonic name associated
20. The question of the meaning of this story depends on one's attitude toward the character of the Pseudo-Ben Sira. I still maintain that this is a satirical, and somewhat heretical, collection of stories by a religious anarchist (see my Hebrew Story, pp. 69-78), although Yassif regards them as usual folktales. (Compare also S. T. Lachs, "The Alphabet of Ben Sira: A Study in Folk-Literature," Gratz College Annual of Jewish Studies 2 [1973]: 9-28). It is my intention to analyze the problem in detail elsewhere; but it is necessary to point out here that the whole story does not make sense if it is not understood as an expression of Lilith's bitterness toward God for the role assigned to her (in talmudic literature) of a baby-killer. 21. Deut. 24:4. Naturally, this whole "halakhic" discussion does not have any basis in actual Jewish law. 22. Yassif, "Pseudo-Ben Sira," pp. 23-24. This version is similar to (but not identical; the "great demon" is missing) the one published by Moritz Steinschneider in his edition, Alphabetum Siracidis (Berlin, 1858), p. 23.
SAMAEL, LILITH, AND THE CONCEPT OF EVIL
23
with the drama of the Garden of Eden, as described in the Pirqei de-Rabbi 'Eli'ezer and strengthened, in the eyes of the early kabbalists, by the inclusion of that description in the text of the Book Bahir.23It is impossible to decide exactly when and where Samael was identified with the "Great Demon," and whether Rabbi Isaac ha-Kohen had any part in that process. But there can be no doubt that it was Rabbi Isaac who gave the story of Samael and Lilith a new mythological dimension, uplifting it from the level of narrative gossip, as it was in the edited version of Pseudo-Ben Sira, and made it a part of cosmic, and even divine, history. The following passage is one example of his treatment of this subject: And now we shall speakabout that thirdAir.24The mastersof tradition25 said that a traditionwas transmittedto their fathersthat this Air is divided into threeparts,an upperone, a middleone, and a lowerone. The upperone was given to Asmodeus,26 the greatking of the demons,and he does not have permissionto accuseor causeharmexcepton Mondays,as the mastersof the traditionhad mentioned.And we, with the help of our Creator,shallexpand in this treatise[on this subject]to the extentthatwe can. Now Asmodeus,even thoughhe is called"thegreatking,"is subservientto Samael,and he is called "thegreatprince,"whencomparedwiththe emanationsabovehim, and "king of kings"when comparedwith the emanatedpowersbelow him. And Asmodeus is governedby him and serveshim. The GrandOld Lilith27is the mateof Samael,the greatprinceand the greatking of all demons.Asmodeus,the king of the demons,has as a mateYoungerLilith.The mastersof this traditiondiscuss and point out manywonderfuldetailsconcerningthe formof Samaeland the form of Asmodeusand the image of Lilith, the bride of Samael and of Lilith, the bride of Asmodeus.Happy is he who meritsthis knowledge.28 The author goes on to describe a lower pair of a demon and his mate, and associates these couples with some of the most cruel afflictions of this world, including leprosy and hydrophobia, in a very detailed description. The way this myth was constructed is clearer in another chapter of that treatise: 23. Bahir, sec. 200 (and Pirqei de-Rabbi 'Eli'ezer, chap. 13). 24. Concerning these "airs," see below. 25. The author here constantly uses the term "qabbalah," which I did not translate as "mystical" but, in the sense that the author seems to try to convey, ancient tradition. 26. Concerning Ashmedai, see Margulies, Malakhei 'Elyon, pp. 215-21; G. Scholem, "Yedi'ot badashot 'al 'Ashmedai ve-Lilit," Tarbiz 19 (1948): 165-75. 27. Lilit sabbeta rabbeta. 28. Scholem, Qabbalot, p. 93 (Madda'ei ha-Yahadut, p. 255).
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In answer to your question concerning Lilith, I shall explain to you that
most importantpart. Thereis a traditionreceivedfrom the early sages who made use29of the Use of the Lesser Palaces30 which is the Use of Demons3'
which is like a ladderby which one can transcendto the variousdegreesof prophecyand theirpowers.32In these sourcesit is explainedthat Samaeland Lilithwereborn as a hermaphrodite,33 just like Adamand Eve, who werealso born in this manner,reflectingwhat is above.34This is the accountof Lilith whichwas receivedby the sagesin the Useof the Palaces.The ElderLilith35is the wife of Samael.Both of themwereborn at the same hour,in the imageof Adam and Eve, intertwinedin each other. And Asmodeus,the great king of the demons,has as a wifethe YoungerLilith,the daughterof the king, whose name is Kafzefoni,36and the name of his wife is Mehetabeldaughterof and theirdaughteris Lilith.This is the exact text of whatis written Matred,"3 in the chaptersof the LesserHeikhalot38 as we havereceivedit, wordfor word and letter for letter. And the scholars in this science have a very esoteric tradition from the ancient sages who found it stated in those chapters that Samael, the greatest prince of them all, is very jealous of Asmodeus the king of the
demonsbecauseof this Lilithwho is called Liliththe Maiden,39who is in the form of a beautifulwoman from her head to her waist, and from the waist down she is burningfire; like motherlike daughter.40 This paragraph clearly states Rabbi Isaac's sources, connected with the Aramaic mystical text describing Rabbi Akiba's ascent to the Heavenly Palaces, the Heikhalot Zutartei.4' Since this text is known to us in several
29. Shimmusha, meaning: magical use.
30. Shimmushade-heikhaleizulartei. 31. Shimmushade-shedei. 32. Meaningthatthe "magicaluse"of the "airof demons"is connectedwiththeprocessof attainingprophecy;see below. 33. See above, n. 5. 34. Meaningthatthe creationin thiswayreflectsthebisexualityin thestructureof thespiritual, or even divine, worlds. 35. It should be noted that in this section,as in severalothersin the treatise,the author turnsto the Aramaiclanguageto expressthe great, ancienttraditions.He relieshere on the ancientmysticaltext, HeikhalotZutartei,whichwas reallywrittenmostlyin Aramaic,but of courseit does not contain any hint of the materialreferredto by Rabbi Isaac. 36. The element "Sefoni"seems to be the meaningfulpart of this name (i.e., from the north-evil). 37. See Genesis36:39.Thekingsof Edommentionedin thischapterwereinterpretedas evil powersin later kabbalah,especiallyin the Zohar. 38. See above, n. 35, and below, n. 41. 39. Lilit 'ulemta. 40. Scholem,Qabbalot,pp. 98-99 (Madda'eiha-Yahadut,pp. 260-61). 41. This work is found in several manuscripts, and was partly published in Solomon
SAMAEL, LILITH, AND THE CONCEPT OF EVIL
25
versions,it is easy to discoverthat RabbiIsaac'srelianceon it is completely apocryphal.Even if one may suggest that portions of this early mystical work were lost, it is still inconceivablethat such a fascinatingstory was included in it (or anywhereelse, for that matter), and no other source botheredto mentionit until Rabbi Isaac cited it. Therecan be little doubt that the languageof this paragraphis intendedto enhance Rabbi Isaac's credibilityconcerningthe previousdescriptionsof the Liliths, the mother and the daughter,and their relationshipswith their husbands,the kings of the demons. A mythologicalnarrativewas createdhere, most probablyby Rabbi Isaac himself,who made use of variousmaterialswhich werebefore him but changedtheir charactercompletely.The ancientstory concerning Lilith being Adam's first wife was not suitable to Rabbi Isaac's purposes becauseSamaeldid not take any significantpartin it. He usedthe lateredition of the Pseudo-BenSira to introduce Samael into the story, not as Lilith'ssecondhusbandbut as her originalmate,creatinga kind of parallelism betweenAdam and Eve and Lilithand Samael.This principleof parallel pairs was carried both forward and backward-reflecting the bisexual nature of the divine world (God and the Shekhinah)as well as the lower demonic pairs, like Lilith and Asmodeus or Kafzefoni and Mehetabel. As RabbiIsaac'sconceptof the divineworldis mythicaland dynamic,so are his views concerningthe demonic world;an element of strife is introduced by the fight of Samaeland Asmodeusover the YoungerLilith.This mythis carriedon in a subsequentdescriptionuntil RabbiIsaac'smainconcern-the final battle betweengood and evil-is reached.42 The possibilitythat furthersourcesof RabbiIsaac'smythconcerningthe demons will be discoveredhas to be taken into account, but even so it is quite clear that it was Rabbi Isaac who mouldedprevioustraditionsinto a new narrativemyth, expressinghis vision of the world and contributingto his theology. III An attempt to clarify Rabbi Isaac's mysteriousreferenceto the "third air," and the "air of the use of the demons"43leads us to anothergroup of Musajoff's Merkavah Shelemah (Jerusalem, 1926), pp. 6a-8b. Several sections were translated by G. Scholem in his Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah Mysticism and Talmudic Tradition (New York, 1960). 42. See below. 43. See above.
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sourceswhichhelpedRabbiIsaaccreatehis mythologyof the evil powersthe theologicalworksof the AshkenaziHasidim.Rabbi Isaacmentionedin his treatiseat least twice that he had connectionswith the Jewishsages in Germany,44and it seems that in the second half of the thirteenthcentury severalkabbalistsemphasizedsuch a connectionas a sourceof theirteachings.45This is not surprising,since the mastersof this pietisticmovement were respectedthroughoutthe Jewishworld becauseof theirethicalteachings, their interpretationsof the prayers,their pronouncementson Jewish law, and their direct connection with early traditions received from the east.46These traditionshad an elementof magicalknowledgeand the performanceof miracles,associatedwith severalof the ancestorsof Ashkenazi Hasidism,47and reflectedin Rabbi Isaac's treatisein the story about the magicalflightof Rabbi Eleazarof Wormsridinga cloud.48 It is no wonder, therefore,that the AshkenaziHasidim,especiallyRabbiJudahthe Pious(d. wereregard1217),and his disciple,RabbiEleazarof Worms(d. ca. 1230),49 ed by Rabbi Isaac and by some other kabbalistas an authoritativesource for esotericknowledge,with some emphasison magicaland demonological aspects of that tradition. Whileit is quiteclearthat the conceptsof the various"airs"betweenthe earth and the divine world reflectthe influenceof termsfrom the Book of
44. Rabbi Isaac stated that he and his brother met in Narbonne with a disciple of Rabbi Eleazar of Worms (see Scholem's introduction to the texts, Gnosticism, p. 8), and among other things he tells a hagiographic story about Rabbi Eleazar (chap. 10, p. 92). This story is told immediately after the statement concerning the use of the "demon's air" for the purpose of prophecy. 45. A clear example of such an attitude toward the Ashkenazi Hasidim is to be found in the "Epistle of Worms," included by Rabbi Shem Tov Ibn Gaon in his kabbalistic treatise "Baddei ha-'Aron" (written in Palestine early in the fourteenth century), MS Paris 840. These examples attest to the fact that kabbalists in Spain used the reputation of the Ashkenazi Hasidim as great mystics and recipients of ancient traditions to enhance their own credibility. 46. Especially via Southern Italy; the arrival of Rabbi Aaron ben Samuel of Baghdad in Italy in the eighth century is regarded as the source of Ashkenazi hasidic prayer mysticism. See my The Esoteric Theology of the Ashkenazi Hasidim [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1968), pp. 13-20. 47. Rabbi Aaron of Baghdad is presented in the Megillat 'Abima'a$ as a magician as well as a mystic. A summary of these traditions is to be found in my paper: "The Beginnings of Jewish Mysticism in Europe," The WorldHistory of the Jewish People: The Dark Ages, ed. Cecil Roth (Tel Aviv, 1969), pp. 282-90. 48. Scholem, Qabbalot, p. 92. It should be noted that this story not only praises Rabbi Eleazar for his piety and his supernatural knowledge, but also states that he failed once in reciting the right formula, fell off the cloud, suffered injury, and remained crippled until his last day. 49. Concerning the date of his death see my Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature [Hebrew] (Tel Aviv-Ramat Gan, 1975), p. 69.
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Creation(SeferYeSirah)and the commentarieson that book, especiallythat of Ray Saadia Gaon,so upon Rabbi Isaac ha-Kohen, the connection betweenthe "thirdair"and both prophecyand demonologyposes a serious problem. In Rabbi Isaac's work, the demons representcosmic and divine elementsof evil, while in the sizableliteratureof the AshkenaziHasidimon this subjectone cannot find any dualisticelement:the demons representa natural power which is an integral part of the created world, and their actions conform to the decreesof God exactlyas do those of angels.5'Still, there is a connection between Rabbi Isaac's myth and the Ashkenazi hasidic speculations,for it was the pietists in the late twelfth centuryand the earlythirteenthwho stressedthe link betweenvisionsof demonsand the phenomenonof prophecy. Several discussions of problems concerning prophecy in Ashkenazi hasidic esoteric literaturedeal with a phenomenontraditionallycalled in Hebrewsarei kos ve-sareibohen,52"the princesof the glass and the princes of the thumb."The termrefersto a universalpracticeof divination,using a thin layerof oil spreadupon a brightsurface,whichmay be a pieceof glass, a sword,a mirroror even a fingernail-all materialsoften mentionedin this connectionin Hebrewdescriptions.The beliefwas that demonscan be compelledto revealthemselveson such surfaces,and when they are askedquestions by a professionalsorcerer(usuallya non-Jew)theymustrevealsecrets. This practicewas usedto solve manyeverydayproblems,most often to find lost articlesor to catch a thief (generallyto revealwherestolen goods were hidden).53The sorcereror the witch would receivea request,the owner of the lost goods would usuallyparticipatein the ceremony,andwhenthe right demon,who was responsiblefor that areawas broughtby the forceof incantations, an answerwould be revealed. This common practiceseems to have been very well known in medieval
50. This stratification of "airs" or "winds" is based on Sefer Yesirah, chap. 1, secs. 9-10. Following Rav Saadia, Rabbi Eleazar of Worms in his commentary (Przemysl, 1883) described this heirarchy in detail (see especially p. 3c). 51. See my Esoteric Theology, pp. 184-90. 52. See Samuel Daiches, Babylonian Oil Magic in the Talmudand Later Jewish Literature (London, 1913); Joshua Trachtenberg, Jewish Magic and Superstition, (New York, 1939), pp. 219-22, 307-8; and my study, "Sarei kos ve-sarei bohen," Tarbiz32 (1963): 359-69 (reprinted in Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature, pp. 34-43). 53. The Ashkenazi Hasidim also used some more "prophetic" means to achieve this; compare the story told by Rabbi Judah the Pious concerning the discovery of a thief in Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature, pp. 10-12.
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probablyafterit had been broughtfrom the east to Europeby Germany,54 the Arabs.The AshkenaziHasidimreferto it as a commonplaceoccurrence which does not have to be describedand discussedin detail;no doubt the readerswere familiarwith it. The problem,however,is that of the relationship between this elementaryform of magic and prophecy.It seems that here the AshkenaziHasidim found an unnoticedelementin this practice which conformedeasily to their theology. The key detail in this magicalpracticewas that neitherthe sorcerernor the personrequestingthe practicecould see the demonsin the thin layerof oil. The demon could be seen only by a child, a small boy or a virgingirl. The adultssurroundingthe brightsurfacedid not see anything,but the child would describein greatdetailwhat he saw in the oil-a demon dressedin a certainmannerhavinga certainidentifyingmark.Oftenthe sorcererwould instructthe child to send that demon back and ask anotherone to come, until the right demon appeared.The ability of the child to perceivethings hiddeneven from professionalmagicianswas the key to the successof the whole practice. This detail was the cause for the intensive interest of the Ashkenazi Hasidimin this practice,becauseit seemedto illustratethe centralproblem in theirconcept of prophecy.The pietistsreliedupon the famousdictumof Rav SaadiaGaon, who statedthat whatthe prophetshad seenwas a created angel, called the divine Glory (kavod).55But only one faction among the medievalesotericistsacceptedSaadia'sview;othersheld differentopinions. Some claimedthat the whole processof prophecyis an internal,psychological one, and no element of external revelationis involved;the prophets describedtheir dreamsand theirinnerthoughtswhen they describeddivine revelation.Others-and these include the main teachersof the Ashkenazi Hasidicschool, like RabbiJudahthe Pious and RabbiEleazarof Wormsheld, following Rabbi AbrahamIbn Ezra's interpretationof prophecy,56 that the prophetsdid indeedsee a divinerevelation,and the revealedpower is called the divineGlory. But this Gloryis not a createdangel,but a divine power, emanatedfrom God, a spiritualbeing which is not bound by the laws of creation.
54. Lynn Thorndike, History of Magic and ExperimentalScience, 8 vols. (New York, 1923), 2: 161, 168, 320, 354, 364-65, and 1: 774. Compare Rashi to Sanhedrin 67b and 101a. 55. Dan, Esoteric Theology, pp. 104-18. 56. In the twelfth chapter of his Yesodmora, as well as in his commentary to Exod. 33; see Dan, Esoteric Theology, pp. 113-16.
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Thiscontroversy, whichholdsa centralplacein theesoterictheologyof the Ashkenazihasidicmovement,57 broughtinto discussionas a central themethemagicalpracticeof sareikosandsareibohen,becauseat leasttwo viewscould be supportedby the procedureof this divinatorypractice.Those who believedprophecyto be an internal,psychologicalprocessclaimedthat the demonsinvokedin this way haveno realexistence,they arenothingbut dreams and imaginaryvisions, even though many people believe in their materialexistence. Others, like Rabbi Judah and Rabbi Eleazarclaimed that this practiceprovesconclusivelythat prophecyis a real phenomenon, but that the revealedpoweris divineand not created.In biblicaldescriptions of propheticvisions there are some occurrencesin which one person-the prophet himself-did see something-while other people standing beside him did not see anything,as in the case of Elishaand his servantwhen the city was surroundedby chariotsof fire."5This proves, accordingto them, that the visioncould not be natural,becausenaturalphenomenacan be seen eitherby all or by no one, being subservientto naturallaw; divinepowers can have supernaturalrevelationof a selectivekind, revealingthemselvesto a certain person while remaininghidden from others. Thus Rabbi Judah and Rabbi Eleazarprovedthat Rav Saadia'sconceptof createdGlory was insufficientin explaining the process of prophecy, and only Ibn Ezra's descriptionof the divine,emanatedGlory can explainthe facts.To this they addedthe factthat God implanteda miraclewithinthe createdworldwhich can serveas a proof of this concept,59namely,the fact that only a child can see the demons when divination is practiced, while all others standing aroundsee nothing;what can be done by everycommonwitch can also be performedby the divineGlory, and thereforeneitherthose who claim that prophecyis an imaginaryprocessnor thosewho claimthat a createdangelis revealedcan be right. When Rabbi Eleazarexplainedthe creationof the throne of Glory, he wrote:60"Anotherreasonfor its creationis for visions, for it is seen by the 57. Dan, Esoteric Theology, pp. 129-43, based on the detailed discussion in the first part of Bodl. MS Opp. 540, part of which was published in Dan, Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature, pp. 148-87. 58. Dan, Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature, pp. 165-66; 2 Kings 6:15-17. 59. This is one example for the use of a basic Ashkenazi hasidic theological idea, that God's miracles were implanted in the world to teach the righteous God's ways; see Dan, Esoteric Theology, pp. 88-93. 60. Hlokhmatha-nefesh (Lemberg, 1876), p. 18c-d (the pagination in this edition is completely arbitrary and wrong; this page is marked as p. 20. In the Safed edition, reprinted exactly
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prophets in visions which include a divine message ...
and the Creator
changesthe visions accordingto His will.61 I shall give you an example,as they evoke sarei bohenwith a child and he sees in them what his master wishes.The Creatorcreatedvisions,to teachthe prophetsthe contentof His decrees .. . And among the philosophers62 there was a controversy about
sarei bohenand sarei kos. Some of them said that the supervisingangel63 entersinto the heartand createsthoughtsin a person'sheartand the child's, whichtakesformin his and changeshis thoughtsandgiveshim knowledge64 mind like a thief and the stolen goods, and he sees everything,but he really does not see anything." After reviewingthis attitude,Rabbi Eleazargoes on to compareother interpretations,as does RabbiJudahthe Piousseveraltimes in his theological works.65In one place RabbiJudahbringsthis practiceas one exampleof the principleof zekher'asahle-nifle'otav,the principlethat states that every miraculouspower of God has a "sign"or "remnant"in the worldto prove God's powers66and concludes:"Do not be surprisedbecauseGod's voice entersthe prophet'searsand is not heardby othersaroundhim, for it is like a persontalkinginto a tube, the otherend of whichis in someoneelse'sear, and, whenhe talksinto it, one hearsand the othersdo not hear.In the same way one sees divinevisionsand othersdo not. Is it not truethat somepeople see in the fingernailand in the sarei kos and othersdo not see?In the same way do not be surprisedabout the visions of the prophets.For it is like a mirror, one can look into one and see everythingthat is in the opposite direction;so it is withsareikos andsareibohen-everythingtheysee theysee like a person looking into a mirrorseeing a reverseimage."''67 The AshkenaziHasidimused the analogyof this magicalpracticeconcerningseveraltheologicalproblems,but the comparisonto prophecyis the word for word and line for line, the paginationhas beencorrected,and this is the pagination used here). See Dan, Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature, pp. 39-41.
61. Accordingto the author, the changesin the visions are supernaturaland therefore reflectdivine characteristics. 62. "Philosophers"in this text means"sages,"includingJews,andhas nothingto do with Greek,Arabicor evenJewishphilosophy,to whichthe AshkenaziHasidimwerein fierceopposition. See Dan, Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature, pp. 31-33.
63. Accordingto theirconceptof divineprovidence,thereis a supervisingangel(memunneh), who directsthe fate of each person;see Dan, EsotericTheology,pp. 235-40. 64. The readingof this sentencein the manuscriptis doubtful. 65. See Dan, Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature, pp. 41-43. 66. Dan, Esoteric Theology, pp. 88-93. 67. Dan, Studies in Ashkenazi Hasidic Literature, pp. 171-72.
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most frequentand insistentone. It is quiteclearin the writingsof thesepietists that they never imagined an actual connection existing between the realmsof demonsand magicand the propheticphenomenon;all theirefforts were directedat analyzingthe analogybetweenthis practiceand prophecy, based upon their monisticconcept that the world of demons is an integral part of the world createdby God, refutingany possibilityof a dualisticattitude. When seeking a source for Rabbi Isaac ha-Kohen'sdescriptionof the "demonic air" which is describedas the "air of prophecy"one cannot neglect the possibility that the Ashkenazi Hasidim's analogy somehow turnedinto fact in Spain, two generationsafter Rabbi Judah'sand Rabbi Eleazar'sworkswerewritten.It is quite clearfrom RabbiIsaac'sreferences to the AshkenaziHasidimthat he was not a directdiscipleof their school, and those ideasof theirswhichdid reachhim did so throughintermediaries, about whom we have no definiteknowledgewhetherthey really knew this esotericdoctrinefrom a first-handsource.It seemsprobable,therefore,that the informationthat reachedthe Spanishkabbalistwas far from accurate, and RabbiIsaaccould interpretit to meanthat thereis an actualconnection betweenthe processof prophecyand magicaldivinationby the revelationof demons.If this was so, it was possibleto concludethat the propheticvision and the "use" (shimmusha)of demons originate from the same cosmic source, the "third air" in his mythicaldescription. It shouldbe notedthat the differencebetweensareibohenandshimmusha de-shedeicould be much smallerthan it seems if we take into accountthe possibilitythat RabbiJudahthe Pious and his disciplesdid not speakabout sarei bohenbut about shedeibohen,that is, not "Princesof the Thumb"but "Demonsof the Thumb."The Hebrewletterscan easilybe confused,and in one homileticaldiscussionby RabbiJudahof the talmudicsectionreferring to these powers it is evident that he read "demons"and not "princes."68 It is probable, therefore,that Rabbi Isaac used inaccuratetraditions originatingin the schools of the AshkenaziHasidimto describehis concept of the world and the place of demonsin it. It is possible,therefore,that he used the same sources,in a similarcreativeway, to devise his myth of the 68. A homily by Rabbi Judah the Pious (Bodl. MS Opp. 540, fol. 84v) explains the leshad ha-shemen ("a cake baked in oil") in Num. 11:8 as referring to these "princes," so that it is clear that he called them "shedim" and not "sarim." Prof. E. E. Urbach kindly informed me that in the commentaries in medieval halakhic literature concerning the relevant passages in Sanhedrin (above, n. 54), the halakhists often refer to "shedim."
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"destroyedworlds,"which, unlike the "air of the use of demons" has a crucial place in his concept of evil and the creation of a mythological demonology.
IV Rabbi Isaac ha-Kohenbegan his story of the originsof evil by describing a detailedmyth concerningthe "destroyedworlds,"worldswhichwere created before our world but could not exist. The importancewhich he attributesto this myth is clearfromthe long openingstatement,tellinghow this tradition had reached him: "Now we shall turn to speak about the systemof the evil powerswhich are in heaven,of those whichwerecreated and then annihilated suddenly. When I was in the great city of Arles, mastersof this traditionshowedme a booklet, a veryold one, the writingin it beingroughand differentfromour writing.It was transmittedin the name of a great rabbi and a gaon called Rabbi Mapliab,for the old gaon, our RabbiPelatiah,was fromthe holy city of Jerusalem,and it was broughtby a great scholarand Hasid called RabbiGershomof Damascus.He was from the city of Damascusand lived in Arles about two years,and people there told storiesabout his greatwisdomand wealth. He showedthat booklet to the great sages of that age, and I copied some thingsfrom it-things which the sages of that generationhad understood,for they werenot familiarwith that particularwriting like those earlier sages who learned it from that scholar and Hasid."69 After this story, which does not includeeven one name or fact that can be verifiedby any other source,RabbiIsaac describesthe emanationof the first evil powers from a curtainbelow the third sefirahin the kabbalistic system, which he calls, like many early kabbalistsbefore him, Teshuvah (repentance).The firstthreeevil worldsto be emanatedweredestroyed,and Rabbi Isaac'sdiscussionof this is basedon the talmudicand midrashictraditions about the earlierworlds-the one in the midrashstatingthat before God createdthis world he used to create other worlds and destroythem70 and the talmudictraditionabout the generationswhich were annihilated, 69. Scholem,Qabbalot,pp. 86-87. 1903), 70. GenesisRabbah9:2,ed. JuliusTheodorandChanochAlbeck(Berlin-Jerusalem, p. 68 and compareEcclesiastesRabbah3:11.
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974 in number.7 Rabbi Isaac even goes furtherin homileticaltreatmentof the subject, by ascribingnames to the princes ruling these lost worlds-Qamtiel,Belieland 'Ittiel,namesderivedfromthe versein Job whichserved as a basis for the talmudichomily.72 The basic elementsof this myth weretaken, therefore,fromwell-known Hebrewhomiliesin popularsources.The majornew twist given to the myth by Rabbi Isaac is centeredon one element,which is completelynew here; those previous worlds or generationswere evil, and they were destroyed (nimbu,qummelu-the termsusedby the midrash,whichseemto be used by Rabbi Isaac in the sense of "inverseemanation."Their emanation was because they were much too evil. It is impossibleto state that reversed73) they were destroyedbecause they contained a satanic element, for Rabbi Isaac'sdescriptionof our world stressesthe existenceand the power of the satanicelementin it; the destructionwas caused by their being totally evil, whereaswhen our world was createdsome angelic and good powers were emanatedas well. When seekingRabbi Isaac'ssourcesfor this myth we must concentrate on these two motifs:the identificationof the destroyedworlds and generations as evil, and this evil as the causeof theirdestruction,while the existing world containssome good besidethe evil element.Such a homily,containing exactlythese motifs, is containedin Rabbi Eleazarof Worms'klokhmat ha-nefesh.74 The subjectdiscussedby Rabbi Eleazaris the purposeof the creationof the world: Why did He createthe world, for the Creatordoes not need the createdand has no benefitfrom them, so why did He createthe world?Beforeanything
wascreatedtherewereonlyHe andHisnamealone,andHe existedwithout BeforethecreationHe anycreatedbeing,so whydidHe needHiscreatures? did not need them [and he does not need them now]? The truthis that God did not createthe worldfor His own sake,for He has
no benefitfroma worthlessworld,but He said:"If I shouldcreatea world 71. Hagigah 13b-14a. 72. Job 22:16. 73. According to Rabbi Isaac (Scholem, Qabbalot, p. 88), they were emanated as spiritual worlds, and their end came in a spiritual manner, like the burning tip in an oil lamp which is plunged into the oil in order to stop its burning. 74. Ilokhmat ha-nefesh, p. O1c-d.
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without the Evil there will be no wonderif the creatureswill be as Ye•er75 good as the MinisteringAngels;76and if I put into them a strongEvil Yeger, they mightbe unableto overcomethis YeSer.Still, I mightfind two righteous peopleamongthem,like David."He thus createdworldsand destroyedthem, for He did not find righteouspeople like David ... and when He saw that there were no such righteousas David, He destroyedthem. He said:"Thefactthatthereis not even one good personamongall theseis becauseI createdthe EvilYeSertoo strongin them .. ." andthe Creatorsaid: "The reasonwhy I createdsuch a strongYegerin them is, that if two [righteous] are found, He would be ungratefulif he did not createthem. But he said: I createdit too strong,thereforethere is no good in them;I shall now create human beings with anotherYeSer,the Good Yeeer. Rabbi Eleazar's extensive homily includes references to many verses which he interprets as describing the destroyed worlds, and he goes on to analyze the destroyed generations, and the evildoers of the period of the deluge. His main argument is quite clear, relying to a certain extent on the midrashic treatment of the subject, but expressing some of the most important theological concepts of the Ashkenazi hasidic movement. Righteousness, according to these pietists, can be measured only by means of the opposition which one has to overcome; there can be no righteousness where the only drive is a good one. For this reason, the angels are not regarded as righteous. If so, ideal righteousness, the highest possible religious achievement, is one which is demonstrated against impossible odds, without any divine help, like a created person who has only an Evil YeSerin him and still succeeds, to some extent, to overcome it and be righteous (this might be the reason why the example of righteousness given is David; it cannot be doubted that he had a very strong evil inclination). The fact is that creation by Evil YeSeralone did not produce even one such person; still, God had to create these unsuccessful worlds, for he could not damn them into nonexistence before the evil was performed. If even two righteous persons were to overcome all the obstacles and do some good in those evil worlds, God would have been ungrateful if he did not create them.77 The creation of our world is therefore described as a compromise, a
75. That is, in a perfectway. 76. This is based on the text in Genesis Rabbah,chap. 3, sec. 9. 77. Similarideas were expressedelsewherein the thirteenthcentury,as in the mystical "SeferHa-bayyim"(MSS Brit. Lib. Or. 1055,Munich209). See Dan, EsotericTheology,pp. 230-35 and compareSeferha-yashar(Venice,1544),chap. 1.
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reluctantone, by God. He decided to add a Good YeSerto help human beingsbecomerighteous.This, of course,degradestheirrighteousness,for it is now achievedwith divinehelp, and not by overcomingmaximumdifficulties. Still, this compromiseis the only way to createa worldthatcould exist, after the repeatedfailuresof the previousperiod. Obviously,accordingto Rabbi Eleazara world cannot exist unless there are in it at least two righteous persons.(It is possibleto surmisethat suchexistenceis dependentalso on the extent of their righteousness,which is smallerin our world than it could have been in the Evil Yeserworlds;it means, paradoxicallyenough, that the powers of existence of this world are lesser than in the ancient destroyedones; if one of those could exist, it would have been much more valid than our own.) Rabbi Eleazar'sinterpretationof the mythof the destroyedworldsis one accordingto which God tried at firstto create"ideal"worldswhichwould be completelyevil, and thus would be able to produceideal, completerighteousness.Failingin that, he createda mixedworld,in whichgood and evil are combined,and whichsuccessfullyproducesfrom time to time righteous personswhichjustify its existence.It is quite clearthat thereis no traceof a dualisticattitudein Rabbi Eleazar'stheology. Evil comes from God directly, and it fulfills a divine function. The extent of evil in every phase of the creationis decidedby God, accordingto his divineplan,whichis a perfectly good one-to produce righteousness.Evil is a necessarymeans to bring and to righteousnessforward,to test it in the most difficultcircumstances,7" justify the existenceof the world by it. Rabbi Eleazar'sachievementin this formulationincludesan explanationof the evil characterof this world:it is necessaryfor the sake of the righteous,who could not otherwiseshow their truenature.But this explanationof the meaningof evil does not includeany dualistic or gnostic inclination. This theology includes the basic elements of Rabbi Isaac ha-Kohen's myth of the destroyedworlds:The previousworldswerecompletelyevilthey were destroyedbecauseof theircompletelyevil nature.The theologyis radicallydifferentfrom Rabbi Eleazar's,for Rabbi Isaac does not offer an explanationas to why these worlds should have been evil accordingto the divineplan, but it seemsthat one can safelysurmisethat RabbiIsaac'smyth was producedunderthe impactof Rabbi Eleazar'sradicaltheology,which was given a completelynew twist in the frameworkof Rabbi Isaac'smytho78. See my discussion of their ethical attitude in Hebrew Ethical and Homiletical Literature [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1975), pp. 121-45.
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logical concept of evil, which is so different from Rabbi Eleazar's instrumental one. Rabbi Eleazar's system does not include an element of strife, except the struggle within the soul of the Hasid who is trying to become righteous. Rabbi Isaac's myth is based to a very large extent on descriptions of mythical struggle: Thesesouls,79whichare angelicemanations,existedpotentiallywithinthe depth of the Emanator,hiddenfrom everything,but beforethey could come out of theirpotentialexistenceinto reality,anotherworldwas emanated,from strange forms and destructiveappearances.The name of the ruler of this emanation,a princeover all its forces,is Qamtiel.Theseare the CruelOnes, who beganto rebukeand to disruptthe emanation.Immediatelythereexuded a decreefrom the Princeof Repentance,who is calledKaroziel,0?who is also called the Echo of Repentance,and said: "Masokhiel,Masokhiel,"8 destroy what you have createdand collect your emanationsback to you, for it is not the wish of the King of Kings,blessedbe He, that theseemanationswill exist in the worlds.They returnedand wereannihilated;in the same way that they were emanated they atrophied. Scholars explained this process by an example-like a stringsaturatedin oil whichis burningby the oil it constantly absorbs;when you wish to turn it off, you sink it into the oil whichmakesit burn;the same oil which makes it give light turns it back to nothing. After this, anotherworld was emanated,from strangeforms and foreign appearances,the nameof the rulerof theiremanationand the princeof their forcesis Beliel.Thesewereworsethan the firstones in rebukingand disrupting all kindsof emanation,untila decreecame forth fromthe King of Kings, and theywereannulledin a momentlike the firstones.Afterthata thirdworld was emanantedfromstrangeforms,strangerthan the firstand the second;the name of its rulerand princeof theirforcesis 'Ittiel.Theseareworstof all. It is theirwishand ambitionto be on top of the divine,to distortandcut the divine tree with all its branches,untiltherecamea decreefromthe divineWill that it will be annihilatedlike the first and second ones, and it was decreedand decidedthat such an emanationwill neveragaincome to the world'sair, will never be rememberedor mentioned.Theseare the worlds about which the ancient sages said that God was creatingworlds and destroyingthem."2
emanations. 79. Meaning: spiritual
80. From the Hebrewkaroz,crier. 81. From the Hebrewmasakh,curtain. 82. Scholem, Qabbalot, pp. 87-88.
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The differencebetween this mythical descriptionand Rabbi Eleazar's homily is as clearas the similarities.Rabbi Eleazar'smonismis replacedby a stark dualismin this realm,and the relativelysystematicinquiryinto the problems of the creation and divine providence is replaced by an unexplainedmyth, visionaryratherthan explanatory.Still, the idea that the destroyedworldswereones of unmitigatedevil, whichcausedtheirdestruction, to be replacedby a world in which good and evil are combined, is based on Rabbi Eleazar'sspeculation. V The comparisonbetweenRabbi Isaac ha-Kohen'streatiseon the "Left Emanations"and those sourceswhich we can identifywith some extent of certaintydoes not diminishthe impact of Rabbi Isaac'soriginalconcepts, but ratherenhancesit. Thesesourcesdo not constitutebasicelementsof his mythologicalworldview,but only materialsusedwhenbuildingthe innovative kabbalisticsystem which was destinedto have a major impact upon later kabbalists,especiallythe authorof the Zohar. Thoughone can never be certainthat most of the relevantsourceshave been found and properly analyzed, the three clear examplesdescribedabove can at least offer the major outlines of the structureof Rabbi Isaac's use of previous sources. These outlines seem to suggest that Rabbi Isaac did rely on previous materialin secondarymotifs,whereashis basic attitudescannot be found to date in any known Hebrewwork. If this is the situationat the presentstage of the study of Rabbi Isaac's theology, the main questionsremain:WhatdroveRabbiIsaacto createthis novel attitude toward the world, creation, Satan, Samael, Lilith, demons, divination, and the destroyedworlds?What is the underlyingmythicalor mysticalvisionwhichbroughtforth this new combinationof oldermaterial, paintedin daring,new colors?In other words:What is the basic difference between Rabbi Isaac's concept of evil and that of all other Jewishwriters before him? In chapter nineteen of his treatise, after the detailed descriptionof Samael and Lilith and the fight between Asmodeus and Samael over the "YoungerLilith," Rabbi Isaac states: It is saidthatfromAsmodeusandhiswifeLilitha greatprincewasbornin
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heaven, the ruler of eighty thousand destructivedemons, and he is called IJarbade-'AshmedaiMalka ("The Swordof the King Asmodeus"),and his name is Alpafonias,83and his face burnslike fire. He is also calledGorigor,84 of Judah,who is calledGurAryeh [for]he antagonizesand fightsthe princes85 Yehudah.And from the same form from which that destroyerwas born, anotherprincewas born in heaven,86from the source of Malkhut,87who is called IJarbadi-Meshiba("The Swordof the Messiah"),and he too has two names, Meshibieland Kokhviel.88Whenthe time comes, and God wishesit, this swordwill come out of its sheath,and the prophecieswillcome true:"For My sword hath drunk its fill in heaven;behold, it shall come down upon Edom."89"Thereshall step forth a star out of Jacob,"90amen. Soon in our time we shall have the privilegeof seeingthe face of the righteousmessiah,we and all our people.9' In the last paragraph where the myth of Samael and Lilith is developed, Rabbi Isaac states: I shall now teachyou a wonderful,unknownthing.You alreadyknowthat Evil Samael and Wicked Lilith are like a sexual pair, who by means of an receive an emanationof evil and wickedness,one from the intermediary92 other, and emanateit onwards.I shall explain this relying on the esoteric meaningof the verse:"In thatdaythe Lordwith His soreandgreatandstrong sword will punishleviathanthe slant serpentand leviathanthe tortuousserpent"-meaning Lilith-"and He will slay the dragonthat is in the sea."93As thereis a pureleviathanin the sea and he is calleda serpent,so thereis a great impureserpentin the sea, in the usual sense of the term. And it is the same above [in the divine world], in a secret way. And the heavenlyserpentis a blind prince,94who is like an intermediarybetweenSamaeland Lilithand his butit seemsthatit mightcontaintheHebrew 83. Theformofthisnameis quitemysterious, of thispower. element,penei'esh("fieryface"),whichis includedin thedescription 84. TheHebrewelementgur("cub")is evidenthereas a scionof Judah. in the singular. 85. It shouldbe "prince" 86. The author follows the same structure of parallel births, as he had stated concerning Adam and Eve and Samael and Lilith. 87. "Malkhut," Kingdom, has here a double meaning, both as the tenth sefirah in the kabbalistic system and as a symbol of the Kingdom of Judah. 88. Based on the verse in Numbers 24:17 which was interpreted as referringto the messiah. 89. Isaiah 34:5. 90. Numbers 24:17. 91. Scholem, Qabbalot, p. 99. 92. This term is used here in a derogatory sense-an intermediary who leads one to sin. 93. Isaiah 27:1, and compare Bava Batra 74b. See Scholem's note, Qabbalot, p. 100, n. 5. 94. Samael's name is obviously interpreted here by Rabbi Isaac as derived from suma =blind.
SAMAEL, LILITH, AND THE CONCEPT OF EVIL
39
nameis Tanin'iver (BlindSerpent)... andhe is theonewhobringsaboutthe unionbetweenSamaeland Lilith.If he werecreatedin the fullnessof his thewholeworldinonemoment... When hewouldhavedestroyed emanation thereis a divinewish,and the emanationof Samaeland Lilithdiminishes achievedbytheBlindPrince,theywillbecompletely theemanation somewhat the annihilated by Gabriel, princeof power,whoinvokeswaragainstthem with the help of the princeof mercy,then the esotericmeaningof the versewe have quoted will come true.95
The concludingparagraphsof the treatisedealexclusivelywith this same subject.The final destructionof the powers of evil, Samael, Lilith and the serpent,by messianicpowers,and a glowing descriptionof messianictimes, after evil has been overcome,conclude the treatise. If we try now to answerthe questionsposed at the beginningof this section, we have to take into accountthe full scope of the myth told by Rabbi Isaac. In this way it will becomeevidentthat Rabbi Isaac did not combine the motifs he borrowedfromearliersourcesto producea new descriptionof the creation,or even to explainthe existenceof evil in the world in the past and in the present.The myth he presentedin this treatiseis a coherentone, startingwith the powersof evil whichprecededthe creationand concluding with the descriptionof the messianicvictory over evil. One of the basic characteristicsof this myth is the consistentattemptto produce parallelisms,to describe all existence in terms of two similar antagonisticpowers. This is evident both within the realmof evil-Asmodeus and Samael,the OlderLilithand the YoungerLilith-as well as in the relationsbetweenthe evil powersand the good. The Swordof Asmodeusis reflectedin the Sword of the Messiah;the pure leviathanis reflectedin the evil leviathan, and so forth. Even the creation of Samael and Lilith is a parallelto the creationof Adam and Eve. Rabbi Isaac did not hesitateto departradicallyfrom the content of his sourcesin orderto achievethis, as he did in this last detail, forsakingthe myth of Lilithas Adam'sfirstwife in order to be able to present a complete parallelbetweenthe two pairs. This basic attitudebringsinto focus the meaningof the title of the treatise, a meaningeasily neglectedbecausethis idea becameafter Rabbi Isaac one of the most famous characteristicsof kabbalistic thought-"Left Emanation,"called by the Zoharsilra 'abra(= "TheOtherSide,"meaning Evil).96Rabbi Isaac'sconcept of two systemsof divineemanations,similar 95. Scholem, Qabbalot,pp. 101-2. 96. "Other"in the Zoharicterminologyconcerningevil meansboth "left"and"evil,"while
40
JOSEPH DAN
in many details but one of good and one of evil, was not an idea standing alone, but an integralpart of a mythologicalworldviewwhich felt that all existenceis governedby the antagonismbetweenpairs of similarstructure and conflictingcontent. This attitudecan be found in almost every paragraph of this treatise. As the examplestranslatedabove show, these pairs are in continuous conflict, both within the realmof evil and betweenthe evil systemand the good one. It seemsthat in this mythologythe parallelpairsshouldby nature fight each other, and that this strugglewill not cease until one side is completelyannihilatedand true unitywill reignin the divineand earthlyworlds. Thus, it is not just a dualisticmythology,but one which is markedby an internalstructurewhich necessitatescontinuousstruggle. It seems that the outcome of this strugglemight be the key to the main drivebehindthe creationof this myth,namely,the messianicvictoryand the annihilationof evil. It should be stressedthat this treatiseby Rabbi Isaac can be regardedas the first Hebrewapocalypseto be writtenin medieval Europe,and certainlyit is the firsttreatmentby a kabbalistof the messianic motif in any detail. The dualisticcharacterof the work, its gnostic undertones and its starkdemonologicalmythologyare meansto expressthe basic apocalyptictheme:the strugglebetweengood and evil will come to its conclusion when the messianicswordis raisedand destroysthe powersof evil. The historyof thesepowersis told in detailin orderto lay the foundationsof the story of the final victory over those powers. Messianismwas not the mainsubject,northe mainconcern,of kabbalistic writersin the firsthundredyearsof the kabbalah,nor even in the writings of nonkabbalisticauthorsof that period.The originalvision of RabbiIsaac should be seen againstthis background,and his main innovationshould be seen as a whole: a mythologyof evil expressinga messianicapocalypse."
silra, "side," refers to the system of emanations. See G. Scholem, Kabbalah, pp. 122-27, and Isaiah Tishby, Mishnat ha-Zohar, 2 vols. (Jerusalem, 1949), 1: 288-92. 97. It is possible to compare this process to a somewhat similar one which occurred several centuries before Rabbi Isaac, namely, the description of the evil power, Armilos, in the Book of Zerubbabel (see Yehudah Even-Shmuel, Midreshei ge'ulah, [Jerusalem-Tel Aviv, 1954], pp. 56-88, and compare my discussion in The Hebrew Story in the Middle Ages, pp. 33-46). In this case too we have a mythical description of an evil power, the son of Satan and a beautiful stone statue in Rome, who became the spiritual as well as political leader of the world and threatened to destroy the people of Israel. The original mythology of the power of evil is closely connected with the emergence of a new mythology of the messiah and a detailed description of messianic victories.
The First Pair (Yose ben Yoezer and Yose Ben Yohanan) or the Home of a Pharisee Author(s): Judah Goldin Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 41-62 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486452 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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THE FIRST PAIR (YOSE BEN YOEZER AND YOSE BEN YOHANAN) OR THE HOME OF A PHARISEE by JUDAH GOLDIN Universityof Pennsylvania To Professor Louis Finkelstein who led me to the world of Pirqei 'Avot and still leads. I No studentof Pirqei 'Avotor 'Avotde-RabbiNatan(hereafterPA,ARN) can have failedto observethat the sayingsof the Sagesin the firstchapterof PAand the sayingsof the disciplesof Yohananben Zakkailinsidethe second I am grateful to the American Council of Learned Societies for the grant which made possible my study of the Pirqei 'Avot (PA)manuscripts at the Bodleian, and thus the preparation of the present paper. The 'Avot de-Rabbi Natan (ARN)edition referred to throughout the following pages is that by Solomon Schechter (Vienna, 1887; reprint ed. New York, 1945 and 1967). DS = Diqduqei soferim (talmudic variant readings), by Raphael Rabinowitz (New York, 1976). T plus a number following it (e.g., T 20) refers to a Bodleian PA manuscript in the numbering of Charles Taylor in his Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (cf. n. 5, below). Whether the Pairs are historical or historicizations has no bearing on this paper; what is attributed to these teachers is what we are analyzing. NOTE:
1. And perhaps also of Yohanan ben Zakkai himself, if we adopt the reading of his saying
41
42
JUDAH GOLDIN
chapter are transmittedin a style distinguishedby threeness.Occasional seemingdeparturesfrom this style have been plausiblyexplainedby reference to the readingsof ARN or to variantmanuscriptreadings.2We may safely say, therefore,that the triadiccharacterof all these sayings reflects stylization,3resortto a particularrhetoricalform for statementsfrom the earliestspokesmenof the OralTorah(the 'AnsheiKenesetha-Gedolah,ca. 250 B.c.) down through Yohanan ben Zakkai's best known disciples (at the end of the first and beginningof the second centuryA.D.), before and afterthe destructionof the Temple.(Eventhat catastrophecould not block the advanceof the uninterruptedcontinuityof the oral tradition.)And if each of the sayings exhibits "three"clauses or phrasesor items or other kindsof threefold,it may verywell be that not threeseparate,independent, unrelatedthings,but one principalconcern,formulatedin the stylizedmanner is being underscored. Not always,of course.The Mishnahis perfectlycapableof taking"three things" strictly and literally, as can be seen, for example, in M. BeiSah 2:8/'Eduyot3:12,or 'Eduyot2:5 or 2:7-8 or Shabbat2:7 or in that long list of threes and classificationscompiledin the twenty-fourthchapterof M. Kelim. But this does not eliminate the possibility that there are "three things"with a singlelaw or objectivein mind:note M. 'Eduyot2:6. "Three things,"in otherwords,in halakhiccontextsare likelyto meanthreethings literally;but the expressioncan also referto three cases governedby one law, or to the thought that "the world is establishedby three things"(PA 1:18)-three termswhose aim is to emphasizeone basic idea. Antigonusof Soko said (PA 1:3):"(a) Be not like slaveswho servetheirmasterfor the sake
in Version A OfARN (p. 58), thus: "(a) If thou hast wrought much in thy study of Torah, take no credit for thyself, (b) for to this end wast thou created: (c) for men were created only on condition that they study Torah." Contrast the reading in PA2: 8, beginning. Note also Version B, pp. 58, 66. On 'asah torah, cf. Shraga Abramson, "Mi-leshon bakhamim," Leshonenu 19 (5714): 61ff. 2. Cf. David Hoffmann, Die erste Mischna (Berlin, 1881-82), pp. 26f. (Hebrew version, Berlin, 1913, p. 33); Louis Finkelstein, Mavo lemassekhtot Avot ve-Avot d'Rabbi Natan (New York, 1950), p. 42; Judah Goldin, "Mashehu 'al beit midrasho shel Rabban Yobanan ben Zakkai," in Harry A. WolfsonJubilee Volume,3 vols. (Jerusalem, 1965), Hebrew vol., pp. 72ff. 3. Cf. Chanoch Albeck, Mishnah, Nashim (Jerusalem, 1954), p. 342, top. Perhaps under the influence of Isa. 6:3 or Ezek. 21:32. See now a suggestion for an interesting new example, Yaakov Sussman, "The Boundaries of 'Eretz Israel' " (Hebrew), Tarbiz45 (1976): 250, n. 258. On the subject of stylization, cf. also H. A. Fischel, Rabbinic Literature and Greco-Roman Philosophy (Leiden, 1973).
THE HOME OF A PHARISEE
43
of an allowance;4(b) be ratherlike slaves who serve their masterwith no thoughtsof an allowance;(c) and let the fearof Heavenbe upon you." The last clause is what the first two were headedtoward. "On three things the age [or, the world]stands"(PA1:2):it is on threepillarsthat the particular age or the whole world rests. Judah ben Tabbaisaid (PA 1:8):"(a) Do not play the part of chief justice;5(b) and when there are litigants standing beforethee, look upon them as likelyto be guilty;(c) but when they depart from thy presence,look upon them as likelyto be innocent,as soon as they have acceptedthe sentence."Three clauses with one intention, to remind judges "on the bench" how to behave. II It should be noted that in the block of PAsayings to which we have referred,there occurs a change which deservessome attention.In the first three mishnayotof the first chapterof PA the exhortationor observationis eitherin the second personpluralor in impersonalgeneralterms.Thus,the 'Anshei Keneset ha-Gedolahsay, Hevu (be), plural, ha'amidu(raise), 'asu (make);Antigonussays, 'Al tihyu(Be not), plural, 'ella hevu(but be), and let the fear of Heaven be upon you (plural, 'aleikhem).Simeon the Righteous spoke of the age or world(ha-'olam):6 a generalstatement,an observation (doubtlesswith homileticalovertones).However,from the momentwe come upon the sayingsof the first Pair,everythingis exhortationin second personsingular(on 1:11,see below;I am unableto explainthe exceptionin R. Joshua's"generalized"sayingin 2:11).A shift frompluralandgeneralto second person singular,and a well-nighconsistent singularat that, must reflectsomethinghappeningin the cultureof a society, and I would like to put it this way:the firstthreePAsayingsare addressedto (Jewish)societyat
4. Cf. E. J. Bickerman, "The Maxim of Antigonus of Socho," Harvard Theological Review 44 (1951): 153-65. 5. For this translation, cf. Julius Theodor's note in Gen. R. 50:3, p. 519, to line 5; Charles Taylor, Sayings of the Jewish Fathers (New York, 1969), "Notes on the Text," p. 137; E. Y. Kutscher, Words and Their History (Hebrew, Jerusalem, 1961), pp. 90-91. With "accepting the sentence," contrast Adam's behavior, in Pesiqta Rabbati (ed. Meir Friedmann, Vienna, 1880), p. 26b (Resh Laqish), after sentence was passed. On what is expected of relatives of convicted persons, cf. M. Sanhedrin 6:6. 6. Cf. Judah Goldin, "The Three Pillars of Simeon the Righteous," in Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 27 (1958): 43ff.
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JUDAH GOLDIN
large,so to speak. The sayingsmay indeedbe directedto a particularaudience at the outset, but that audienceis regardedas representativeof the whole communityregardlessof differentiationsor affiliations.You, plural, do this or that. The fundamentalpillarsof this age or the worldare the following-a generalstatementaddressedto all who might care to listen. But beginningwith the first Pair, it is consistentlythou, thee, thine, thy, as though one weretalkingnot just to an audienceat largebut to membersof one's own circle or professionor party, almost with an intimacy, with directness,with a message especiallyappropriateto those who share the speaker'sconvictions.This is how a masteraddresseshis disciplesor colleagues.Thus, the pluralof PA 1:11is no exception.It is a directwarningto the bakhamim,the scholars:Bewareof what you say, lest you and your disciples meet with disaster(and the name of Heaven be profaned). (Obviously we are not commentinghere on the additionalsayings of Hillel in chapter1 or on the closingsayingsof this chapteror on the "interruption"in the first part of chapter2 before 2:8.) In other words, if this is true, Yose ben Yoezerand Yose ben Yohanan may be the first (or be rememberedor imaginedas the first)leadersof the document,PA.7 pharisaicparty,quoted in this eminentlypharisaic-rabbinic It has been observed by other scholars also that in Antiquities13.171ff., whenJosephusintroducesthe threefamoushaireseis,he is in the midstof his account of affairs underJonathanthe high priest.8The descriptionof the sects follows immediatelyupon the report of the renewed treaties with Rome and Sparta (13.163-70) in 143 B.C.. Why Josephus should have insertedthe passageon the sects at this point is not clear.9Nevertheless,this does not allow us to say that the Phariseescameinto beingat that moment. But it does allow us to say that though inchoatelygroupswere formingfor about two or threedecadesbeforethat, from about 170B.C.on-when attitudesbeganto hardenmoreand morebecauseof the deterioratingbehavior of hellenizers,the Syrian offensive against the Jewish religion, and the reversesand successesof the Maccabeanwars-by the time of Jonathan, 7. Note the very beginning of PA 1:1 on the transmission of the oral plus the written Torah, as recognized by the commentators. 8. Cf. Emil Schiirer, Geschichtedesjaidischen Volkes, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1898-1902), 2: 388; Louis Ginzberg, "Meqomah shel ha-halakhah," in 'Al halakhah ve-'aggadah(Tel Aviv, 1960), p. 22; Louis Finkelstein, The Pharisees (Philadelphia, 1962), pp. 606ff.; idem, Haperushim (New York, 1950), n. 119 (pp. 33f.). But see also idem, Pharisaism in the Making (New York, 1972), pp. 175-86. 9. Cf. J. A. Goldstein, I Maccabees (New York, 1976), pp. 65-66, 170.
45
THE HOME OF A PHARISEE
and certainlyby the time of JohnHyrcanus,thereweredistinctparties,crystallized and organized, their main beliefs on certain issues standing out clearly as platforms,and in debate with each other.1'Inevitably,however, was alwaysto there was debatealso withineach party:"argumentativeness be true of the rabbinicacademies,as of all academies. At some time betweenapproximately165 and 130 B.C.,the two Yoses served as leadersof the pharisaichairesis.Thanks to PAand ARNwe can recover, I believe, what these teachers-leaderswere concernedwith and Let us for the presentconsiderthe urged upon their disciples-followers.12 statementsof the first Pair. III Yose ben Yoezersaid: "(a) Let thy home be (yehibeitkha;Codex Kaufmann: beitakh)a meeting-place(beit va'ad)for the Sages, (b) and be thou coveredwiththe dust [stirredup] by theirfeet,(c) and thirstilydo thou drink their words" (cf. Isa. 55:1).'3Three clauses to one end. Whatis the theme?The kind of home a Phariseeought to make,according to Yose ben Yoezer,for, as we shall see shortly,thereis anotherview of the matter.The home of a Phariseeought to be a beit va'adfor the men of bokhmah,the men of learning,the scholars,the teachers.Indeed,the host ought to regardhimself as subservientto them, humblythirstingfor their words as they hold forth. A beit va'adis an indoor locale wherepeople are in the habit of assembling or meetingfor some purpose.In our own age and circlewe mightsay, "Let'smeet at the FacultyClub,"and a beit va'adwould bejust that:people met at a spot which had been selectedor had become known as a favorite And truly that is all, as we can tell from the commentin meeting-place.14 Mekhilta, Kaspa 4 (ed. J. Z. Lauterbach,3 vols. [Philadelphia,1933-35], 3:180), on the verse (Exod. 23:13), "'Make no mention of the names of 10. Cf. S. W. Baron, Social and Religious History of the Jews, 16 vols. to date (Philadelphia and New York, 1952), 2:38ff. and notes ad loc. 11. Cf. Louis Ginzberg, "Meqomah shel ha-halakhah," pp. 22ff. 12. Cf. Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1972), s.v. "Avot." 13. PA 1:4. The translation "home" is deliberate, to state that our concern is not with real estate property, but with chez toi. In Bodleian MS Opp. Add. 4to, 62 (Neubauer 1065), fol. 107v, Yose ben Yohanan is quoted first and then Yose ben Yoezer (momentary scribal lapse?). 14. Cf. Abba Bendavid, "'Al sifrei 'atiqot: Beit She'arim," Leshonenula-'am 23 (5732): 248.
46 other gods."5 ...
JUDAH GOLDIN
[This teaches] that you are not to make it [i.e., the place
wherethe god is housed]into a beit va'ad,"a placethat servesas a [familiar] meetingplace. Scholarshowever have a favoritemeeting-placeof their own, the beit midrashor ha-midrash(a term possiblyin existenceas early as the time of Sirach:Ecclus.,ed. Segal, p. 358), the academy.Since for the Sagesno getting-togetherfor any purposeis as significantas a gatheringtogetherfor the studyof Torah,whenthey wantto referto theirmeeting-place,they speakof it as the meeting-place,beit ha-va'ad;and this reading(for scholars'meeting-place)is consistentin our sources despite the readingthat appearson occasionin our printedtexts as well as in the KaufmannCodexof the Mishnah (Sotah 9:15/23). The evidenceis presentedin the note at this point.16It is even possiblethat the more frequentbeitha-va'adderivesultimatelyfrom Yose ben Yoezer'shaving spoken of a beit va'adfor the bakhamim,beit va'ad, not yet beit ha-va'ad.Besides, "beit ha-va'adfor the bakhamim" might almost seem redundant. What kind of home should a discipleof Phariseescreate?Accordingto Yose ben Yoezerit shouldbe a placewhereas a rulescholarscongregate;or, as ARNsays, "A person'shome ought to be readyto receivethe Sages and 15. Equals the "gods of others," i.e., of gentiles; cf. Saul Lieberman, Tosefta Ki-Fshutah, Shabbat (New York, 1962), p. 294 and n. 35 ibid. 16. The biblical expression (Job 30:23) is beit mo'ed; the same occurs in The Warof the Sons of Light Against Sons of Darkness, ed. Yigael Yadin (Hebrew, Jerusalem, 1955), p. 272 (3:4). The reading beit ha-va'ad as reference to scholars' meeting-place: B. Sanhedrin 97a, and so too Haggadoth hatalmud (Jerusalem, 1961, photocopy of ed. Constantinople, 1511), p. l1 2b (citing R. Judah ben Batyra). The reading of M. Sotah 9:15 = B. T. Sotah 49b, beit va'ad, should be beit ha-va'ad as in Haggadoth hatalmud, p. 80a; note also Massekhet Derekh 'Eres, ed. Michael Higger (New York, 1935), p. 244. Sotah 9:131 and Sanhedrin 11:165 of Jacob ibn Habib, 'Ein Ya'aqov(New York, 1955) also read beit ha-va'ad. T. Megillah 3(4):5, ed. Saul Lieberman, p. 354, similarly, beit ha-va'ad (and note also Tosefta Ki-Fshutah, pp. 1168-69). On the reading meqom ha-va'adin B.T. Sanhedrin 31b, cf. DSad loc. (that the MS reading is le-veit ha-va'ad). The reading meqom ha-va'ad in M. Rosh ha-Shanah 4:4 occurs also in Codex Kaufmann, MSS Parma and Paris, and ed. W. H. Lowe (Cambridge, 1883); in ed. Naples the whole statement of R. Joshua ben Qorhah is omitted, but is quoted immediately (li-meqom ha-va'ad) in the commentary which follows. See further J. N. Epstein, Mavo le-nusab ha-Mishnah (Jerusalem, 5708), pp. 488-89. On beit ha-va'ad and beit ha-midrash, cf. Louis Ginzberg, Commentary on the Palestinian Talmud (Hebrew), 4 vols. (New York, 1941-61), 3:175. Cf. Gedalia Alon, Studies in Jewish History (Hebrew), 2 vols. (Tel Aviv, 1957-58), 2:299-300. On Immanuel of Rome's use of the saying "Let thy home be a meeting-place for the Sages," cf. his Mabbarot, ed. Dov Jarden, 2 vols. (Jerusalem, 1957), 2:392, line 214.
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THE HOMEOF A PHARISEE
disciplesandthedisciplesof disciples,as it is whena mansaysto another,'I shallawaittheeat suchandsucha place.'""7ThehomeYosebenYoezeris advocatingis a place where Sages, disciples,and disciplesof disciplescon-
gregate,in otherwords,a well-known"salon"for the intellectualel1ite. They all (= of all grades,but all identifiedas the intellectuals)know where to go.
IV of hiscolleague,YosebenYohanan,perIf it werenotforthestatement haps this would not stand out so clearly.The latter,Yose ben Yohanan,is also describingan ideal home to his disciples-followers,yehi beitkha(Codex
in elseis uppermost Kaufmann: beitakh),"Letthyhomebe,"butsomething hismind.Onceagaintherewillbethreeclausesto oneend,in secondperson be singular."(a)Letthyhomebe wideopen,(b)andlet thepoor('aniyyim) membersof thy household,(c) and talk not overmuchwithha-'ishah."'1 And that is all. This is how ARN, p. 33, readsand how PAreadoriginally;but beforewe analyze this saying, we must note that PA 1:5, as it already reads in the
as follows:"[Oneis not to KaufmannCodex,continuesafter"ha-'ishah"
talk overmuch]with his own wife, they (the Sages)said,"9all the more then
with another'swife.20Hencethe Sagessaid:So long as a mantalksoverhe bringsevil upon himself,neglectsthe studyof muchwith ha-'ishah,2' in what he inheritsis Gehenna." and the end Torah, The very style of this addition-first, commentaryon ha-'ishah,that it 17. Version A, p. 27; Version B, p. 28.
18. Cf. Xenophon Oeconomicus3.12. 19. Cf. Albeck, Mishnah,Neziqin(1953),p. 493 (on 1:5). 20. For similarconstruction,cf. M. Bava Batra9:7. 21. The additionin Codex Kaufmannof "whenhis wife is niddah,menstruant,"although followedby severalauthorities,is not to be adopted(cf. S. Schechterin his Introductionto ARN pp. xvii-xx, and Appendix4). That readingis itself an attemptto makesenseout of the third clause of ben Yohanan'ssaying. (Thereadingbe-'ishtoniddahis reportedas a Rashior Frenchversion.Is it possiblethatthis reading,an attemptat softeningthe impactand brusquenessof the acceptedreading,is due partlyto fearsof heresy?Avoidingovermuchtalk with one'swifeeven whenshe is not niddah, mightwell leadto moreand morewithdrawalfromhis wife.In the firsthalf of theeleventhcentury in ChristianFranceand then again in the twelfthcentury,attackson traditionalmarriage-Bogomilism, Catharism-were a real dangerto the EstablishedChurch;and perhaps beyondthe Churchtoo a threator influencewas felt.Thissuggestionis tentativeof course,for the subjectrequiresthoroughinvestigationby a medievalist.)
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refers to one's own wife (note the third person!),that one is not to talk overmuchwith her, and then furthercommentaryon the precedingcomment,why such conversationis fatal22-is alreadydeparturefromthe recurring mannerof speakingof the PAsayingsof the early Sages.This is strikingly preservedin ARNversionA (p. 35) wherethe whole passage"evenwith one's own wife, all the more .
..
another's wife" and so on to "what he
inheritsis Gehenna,"is actually presentedas commentary23 on Yose ben Yohanan'sthird clause, not as part of the Mishnahtext. The commentaryitself requiresexaminationbeforewe returnto Yose's own saying, Talk not overmuchwith ha-'ishah.If this were a referenceto womenin general,whatis the meaningof "overmuch"?Whatbusinesshas a man holding conversationsat all with women other than his wife?In late tannaite times, the BabylonianR. Aha(i) ben R. Josiah was to say that anyone who keeps staringat women will in the end fall into the transgression (of adultery).24 Accordingto the Sages,to stareat a woman'sheel is to on a calamitous decree, defective children.25Conversationswith bring womenlead to whoring.26True,thesestatementsdo not come fromas early a period as that of the first Pair. Nor are they always Palestinian.But the view they reflectis as early as Sirach(ca. 200-180 B.C.): Do notlookuponanyone"forbeauty, Anddo not sit in the midstof women;
22. Note threenessin the rhetoricheretoo: "(a)he bringsevil uponhimself,(b) neglectsthe study of Torah,and (c) in the end what he inheritsis Gehenna." 23. Note the way VersionA,p. 35, puts it: "'And talk not overmuchwith ha-'ishah':even with his own wife, and needlessto say with his fellow'swife! For so long as a mantalks overmuch with ha-'ishah, he brings evil ...," etc. No word of "they [the Sages] said," or, "hence the
Sages said." Note the readingin VersionB, p. 35, end paragraphof chap. 15. 24. B. T. Nedarim20a;Kallah,ed. MichaelHigger(New York, 1936),p. 193;Derekh'EreS, ed. Higger,p. 276. Whatcausedthe downfallof fallen angels:Kallah,p. 230. 25. Derekh,EreS,ibid.;B. T. Nedarim,ibid. Is thereanyconnectionbetweenthis viewand that in VersionAOfARN,chap. 31, p. 92, whichassociatesman'sheelswiththe angelof death? Cf. L. Ginzberg in J. Goldin, The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan (New Haven, 1955), p.
204, n. 30. ProfessorSaul Liebermanonce called my attentionto this interpretationin R. JosephRosen, ZaphnathPaneah:see ed. M. M. Kasher(Jerusalem,1961),pp. 116ff.ad ARN, and cf. notes ibid. 26. Derekh'EreS,ibid.;cf. the readingin IsraelAl-Nakawa,Menoratha-ma'or,ed. H. G. Enelow,4 vols. (New York, 1932),4: 56. And notethe warningto a scholar(talmidbakham)in B.T. Berakhot43b, towardbottom (cf. DSad loc.). 27. But cf. the Hebrew(SeferBen Sira ha-Shalem,ed. M. Z. Segal [Jerusalem,1953],pp. 284, 287).
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49
for from garmentscomes the moth, and from a woman comes woman'swickedness. Betteris the wickednessof a man than a woman who does good; and it is a woman who brings shame and disgrace.28 Do not look intentlyat a virgin,29 lest you stumbleand incur penaltiesfor her ... Do not look around in the streetsof a city, nor wanderabout in its desertedsections. Turn away your eyes from a shapelywoman, and do not look intentlyat beauty belongingto another; many have been misled by a woman'sbeauty, and by it passion is kindledlike a fire. Never dine alone with another man's wife, nor revel with her at wine; lest your heart turn aside to her, and .. . you be plungedinto destruction.30 The first interpretation of "talk not overmuch with ha-'ishah" is consequently correct, that it is a reference to one's own wife31 (all the more, then, to someone else's wife). And therefore Yose ben Yohanan deliberately says, "Talk not overmuchwith ha-'ishah, the wife," and not, "Talk not with thy wife"-that would be preposterous, not virtuous. Once this early pharisaic teaching becomes a popular saying, it may cease to be restricted to its original intention and will be generalized-if one wishes to be witty or sarcastic. Thus,32when R. Yose the Galilean (but cf. DS and note ad locum) asked R. Meir's wife for directions to Lydda and used too many words, she could reprimand him, One must not talk overmuch with ha-'ishah, with a woman; it's enough to say, "How to Lydda?" But more pointed is that comment upon the first comment now included in the PA mishnah, that he who talks overmuch with ha-'ishah is his own enemy, for he will be neglecting study of Torah and in the end Gehenna will be his
28. Ecclus. 42:12-14. Segal, p. 287, calls attention to Josephus, Contra Apionem 2.201 (see LCLed. 1:372, n. 4). 29. Act as Job acted? Version A of ARN,pp. 12-13; Version B, pp. 8-9. 30. Ecclus. 9:5, 7-9. 31. Cf. Samuel ben Isaac Uceda, Midrash Shemuel (New York, 5708), p. 18, line 8, quoting Abarbanel (for this spelling, cf. S. Z. Leiman, "Abarbanel and the Censor," Journal of Jewish Studies 19 [1968]: 49, n. 1); but Abarbanel also relates the statement to giving of charity. 32. B. T. 'Eruvin 53b (bottom).
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JUDAHGOLDIN
inheritance.Here a new motif has been introduced,neglectingthe study of Torah and its terribleconsequences.33 But the single thought of Yose ben as is we shall of Yohanan, see, somethingelse. this Why ambiguity,however,whetherone shouldavoid long conversations with one's wife or withwomen,that is, why shouldit even be necessary to spell out that ha-'ishahin our mishnah equals "his own wife"?The answeris, the ambiguityis not in what Yose ben Yohanansaid; it is in the word 'ishah,which means "woman"but also "wife,"and only context discloses the precisemeaning(and sometimesdoes not). It would be going too far awayfrom the evidenceto say that only ha-'ishahis usedwhen "wife"is intended.A few examples:In M. Yoma 1:1R. Judahsays that a weekbefore Atonement Day, among other arrangementsmade for the high priest, another wife, 'ishah(woman?-but ha-'ishahha-'aberetwould be clumsy and misleading)is preparedlest his wife ('ishto)die. Better:M. Gittin 3:1:a bill of divorcementnot writtenspecificallyin name of the wife ('ishah).Or, M. Yevamot6:6-If a man was marriedto a woman('ishah= wife) for ten yearsand she bore no children.M. Nedarim 10:6,a wife ('ishah)he himself acquired,a wife ('ishah)whom Heaven has led him to acquire.There are other examples (e.g.,
PA
5:5, "No 'ishah ever miscarried ..."), a number
possibly even more strikingthan these. On the other hand, ha-'ishah,the 'ishah,is again and again favoredas expressionfor "wife."Ha-'ishahcan be interpretedas "woman"(cf., e.g., M. Rosh ha-Shanah1:8;M. Sanhedrin6:4, "The Sages say, You hang a man, not a woman,ha-'ishah),"even as 'ishahcan referto a wife, as we just observed.But at least in the Mishnahmany of the ha-'ishahinstancesseem to referto women in marriage.For example(to choose from well known mishnayot),M. Yevamot15:1,"husbandand wife who went overseas"(lit., ha-'ishah,wife ... and her husband);Qiddushin 1:1, "a wife is acquired 2:1, "the 'ishahis betrothed";'Eduyot8:5, "R. Aqiba (ha-'ishahniqneit");34 reported ... that ha-'ishah may be remarried on the testimony of one wit-
ness [that the husbandhas died]." This is not intendedas a statisticalsummaryof word frequency,or anythinglike that-which cannoteven be arrivedat by meansof a concordance alone (useful,of course,as that is!):note, for example,whenC. Y. Kasovsky in the Mishnah Concordancevocalizes be-'ishahand H. Yalon (in the 33. Cf. above n. 23. 34. Cf. D. H. Weiss, "The Use of m3iin Connection with Marriage," Harvard Theological Review, 57(1964): 244ff.
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THE HOMEOF A PHARISEE
Mishnah,ed. Albeck-Yalon)vocalizesba-'ishah(Ketubbot8:1, bis; Hullin 4:7; Parah 5:4; Miqva'ot 9:2; Niddah 2:5, 6; 5:7; Nega'im 6:7; Zavim 2:1; Bekhorot3:1). Thereare similardisagreementsbetweenthemin connection with le-'ishahand la-'ishah.35 Ha-'ishah,then, that is, 'ishahwith the definitearticle,does often referto "wife";and in our particularMishnah,PA 1:5,that meaningis insistedon, made explicit, rightlyas we have seen, by the first part of that early comment. V "Yehibeitkha,let thy home be," Yose ben Yohanan also, like his colleague, had begun his sentence.He too, in other words, seeks to teach his discipleswhat one's home ought to be like. Unlike his colleague,however, he underscoresthat a home ought to be invitingnot only to the 61ite,to the scholars;on the contrary,let thy home be wideopen, in otherwords,open to all. Hospitalityis extendedeven to nonscholars,36 to any who seek to enter, even to the poor, but not exclusivelyto them. We will returnto the poor shortly. Probablyeveryonedevoted to improvementof human conduct has at one time or anotherbeseechedhis audienceto practicecharity.37Yose ben 35. Yevamot14:1;Ketubbot5:2;Sotah 3:8-note Codex Kaufmann;Gittin 8:8, bis; Qiddushin2:1, 3:1, 2, 5, 6, 10;BavaBatra3:3 (contextsupportsYalon);10:1(ditto); 10:7(ditto); Horayot 1:7, bis; 'Arakhin6:2, Keritot 2:4. In these Yalon readsla-'ishah,while Kasovsky readsle-'ishah.On callingattentionto the significanceof the definitearticlein "related"nouns, cf. TosefotYomTov ad M. Ketubbot1:1,s.v. "betulah."And in the commentaryof R. Joseph ibn Shoshan-fourteenthcent.; cf. JewishEncyclopaedia, s.v. "Ibn Shushan"--BodleianMS Mich. 265, [Neubauer385], fol. 44v) there is explicitemphasisthat ha-'ishah,becauseof the definitearticle,refersto wife, "for if referenceis to other women,what sense does overmuch make?" 36. Note the high praise for "entertainingguests" by a numberof Amoraimin B. T. Shabbat127a(and in nameof R. Yohanan,enlargementof M. Pe'ah 1:1;cf. SeligmannBaer, Seder 'Avodat Yisra'el [Redelheim, 1868], pp. 38-39).
37. Evencynicsand BernardShawdo not advocatecruelty,thoughthey may quarrelwith the popularnotionof whatconstitutescharity.PlutarchMoralia235E("Sayingsof Spartans," 56), quotesthe following:"A beggar(epaitis)askedalmsof a Spartan,who said, 'If I should and for this unseemlyconduct give to you, you will be the morea beggar(mallonptOcheuseis); of yourshe who firstgaveto you is responsible,for he thusmadeyou lazy.'" (Seealso Artemidorus Oneirocritica3.53 [trans.R. S. White, (Park Ridge, New Jersey,1975),pp. 171-72].) And yet (235F,60), "Onlyin Spartadoes it pay to growold"! Respector reverencefor the old has nothingto do withcharity,of course.Butat leastit revealsthe possibilityof civilizedattention to othersexistingwithoutthe presenceof compassionfor the unfortunate.
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Yohananis no exception(cf.Isa.58:7),buthe hassomething moreinclusive
in mind, particularlysince in his time (the same is doubtlesstrue of other times)therewerethose who mighttakeexceptionto his point of view.Sirach (Ecclus.11:29,34) says:"Do not bringeveryman into yourhome,for many are the wilesof the crafty."... Receivea stranger(allotrion)into your home and he will upset (diastrepsei)you with commotion (tarachais),and will estrangeyou from your family (t6n idiunsou)." Yose ben Yohananon the contrarysays, "Let thy home be wide open," ratherthan open only to a favoritegroup, or ratherthan shut to strangers. In its commentaryon the clause "Let thy home be wide open," ARN(in both versions,p. 33) applies the teachingto treatmentof the poor. "This teachesthat a man'shouseshouldbe wide open to the north,south,east and west, like Job's, who made four doorwaysto his house.39And why did Job make four doorwaysto his house?So that the poor wouldnot be troubledto go all aroundthe house [seekingthe entrance]:one coming from the north could enterin his stride,one comingfromthe south couldenterin his stride, and so in all directions.For that reason Job made four doorwaysto his house."40
thisis not an unreasonable thatis, Thoughpicturesque, interpretation, thata person'shomeshouldin thatYosebenYohananis eagerto emphasize everyway welcomethe poor.4'Thatben Yohananhas the poor in mind,one mightargue,can be seen in his secondclause,"andlet the poor be members of thy household, ve-yihyu'aniyyimbeneibeitekha."
38. Cf. B. T. Yevamot 63b and B. T. Sanhedrin 100b (see Ben Sira, ed. Segal, p. 75, on what he numbers 11:36), and note that in Sanhedrin this view is said to be the view of Rabbi (Judah the Prince) also! In The New Yorker,July 23, 1979, p. 37, Ved Mehta reports his father quoting the following Punjabi saying to his mother: Those who have not been born of your blood Come into your house And separate the real blood brothers. 39. The prooftext is provided by Version B of ARN(p. 33), Job 31:32, "My doors [dity, i.e., delatai] I opened to the wayfarer." My former student, Mary Rose D'Angelo, once observed that there was also a play on words here, dlt (dalet) = 4 and dlt (delet) = door. In several MSS at the Bodleian (Mich. 507 [ol. 665], fol. 4r; see also T 25 [5b] and T 26) the commentary adds that the poor may be enabled to enter in one door and go out another, so that those standing by the entrance may not see him leave, to his embarrassment. See also ARN,p. 138, line 14 from bottom. 40. Cf. L. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, 7 vols. (Philadelphia, 1909-38), 5:248, n. 223. 41. Note also Tobit 2:2 (or 4:7ff.), dated fourth century B.c. by E. J. Bickerman, Studies in Jewish and Christian History, 2 vols. (Leiden, 1976), 1:55.
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53
Nevertheless,the way the two versionsof ARNproceedto interpretthe latterclause suggeststhat somethinglike a retreatfromsuchunderstanding of that second clause is being recommendedby them. For on the second clause of that saying which speaks of the 'aniyyim becoming part of one's menage, both versions immediatelyenter their respectivereservations.VersionA declaresthat the 'aniyyim,the poor, are not actuallyto be "membersof thy household,"and VersionBdeclaresthat the term 'aniyyimin that sentenceis not a referenceto the "poor,"but to the duty of the members of the household to be humble and soft-spoken, "let the membersof thy household be humble." 'anavim,42 If thereforethe secondclauserefersin some fashionto 'aniyyim,it is not simplyrepeatingwhat the firstclauseurged.Both versionsof ARN are at one in this. The first clause may well have the poor in mind in some sense-if a home is to be open to all without distinction,a word about the poor (the world's most uninvitedgenerally)is certainlynot out of place. If the poor are not to be membersof my householdactually,let thembe so treatedas to keep them talkingof the generosityof my hospitality;if the membersof my householdare not actuallyto be poor but humble,then the poor arrivingat my door must and will be receiveddecently. But nothingcompelsus to assumethat the secondclauseis no morethan a repetitionof the thoughtof the firstclause:even ARN, in its understanding, triesto distinguishsomehowbetweenthe two, as we havejust noted.On the contrary,the first is a plea to open one's door to all ("Letthy home be wide open"), without distinctions;that is all it says. And the second is a special 42. See BDBon 'nw and 'ny (pp. 776-77). On Version A of ARNalso undertaking interpreta-
tion of 'nw,cf. ibid.,p. 34. Of course,I am not denyingthatbnybytk(bneibeitekha,on whichcf. E. Y. Kutscher, Hebrew and Aramaic Studies [Jerusalem, 1977], p. 92 [of Hebrew part]) has the meaning of "servants, stewards," as both PAcommentators (e.g., Vitry, Maimonides, etc.) and
modernscholarssay (e.g., E. Z. Melamed,"Li-leshonahshel massekhet'Avot,"Leshonenu20 [5716]:110-11; H. L. Ginsberg,Koheleth[Hebrew,Tel Aviv-Jerusalem,1961],p. 68; W. F. Bulletinof theAmerican Albright,"Abramthe Hebrew:A New ArchaeologicalInterpretation," Schoolsof OrientalResearch,no. 163 [October1961],p. 47 and nn. 54-56). Note how the amoraRabaquotesthe sayingin B. T. BavaMeSi'a60b. But that neednot alwaysbe the case: note the expressionin the contextof VersionAOf ARN,pp. 34-35 (top). On beneibeito = his wife,cf. S. Lieberman,ToseftaKi-Fshutah, to Pesabim,p. 627, lines48-49. In his Commentary the Mishna Shabbat (Jerusalem, 1976, p. 384), Abraham Goldberg notes the meaning "guests."
For the expressionbrbyy,see Lev. R. 25:8,p. 584,line 5 and note, ad loc. andcf. S. Lieberman, ad loc., pp. 877-78. See furtherE. Y. Kutscherin FranzRosenthal,ed., AnAramaicHandbook, 2 vols. (Wiesbaden,1967), vol. 1, pt. 2, p. 55b, and again Kutscher,Hebrewand Aramaic Studies, p. 66. For Persian title vispuhr =
Hebrewpart.
Aramaic, bar baita, ibid., p. 16 of
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JUDAHGOLDIN
appeal on behalf of the poor when they come my way, or a plea to us, householderand family,to behavewithoutarrogancetowardthe poor:then even our dogs won't harm a soul!43 This finally bringsus back to the thirdclause, "and talk not overmuch with [thy] wife." Conversationwith one's wife reflectswhat is going on insidethe home.44The questionis, whatspecificallydoes Yose ben Yohanan have in mindwhenhe addsthis statementto the precedingtwo?One answer we have alreadymet above, that talking and talkingwith a wife interferes with the study of Torah (and Gehennais inheritedas a result). But such interferenceis surmountable:let a man escape to where he cannot be disturbedor distracted(cf. ARN,chap.21, p. 74, "theconversationof children," and the readingin Schechter'snote 10), and not come home till his studies exhaust him. (Cf. B.T. Sanhedrin26b, R. Hanan/Yohanan:Ds ad locum; Maimonides,Code, "Nashim,'Ishut" 14:1.)And maybe this is impliedby the sages of the exhortationclosing PA 1:5, but they do not say it. In any event, this warning against long conversationbecause it interfereswith Torah study-although it occurs in our printedand manuscriptMishnah texts-is not, however,what Yose ben Yohanansaid, but what VersionA (not VersionB!) of ARN says. There is no mention of Sages or disciplesor study or academyor Torah in Yose ben Yohanan'sown saying. What is more, the explanatoryreflectionon neglectingto study Torah may even have come into being from an effort to harmonizethe teachingof the latter Yose with the teachingof the former Yose.45 Tryingto makesenseout of that saying,Mahbzor Vitry(ed. SimeonHurwitz [Niirnberg,1923],p. 468), rightlyrejectingthe readingbe-'ishtoniddah, 43. Versiona of ARN,p. 33. Likemasterlike dog! (Beastsbelongingto saints,saintlylike theirmasters:VersionAOfARN,p. 38.) On openingthe doorsto richandpoor alike,cf. Samuel ben Isaac Uceda, MidrashShemuel,p. 17, nine lines from bottom. 44. Note also the expressionin M. Yoma 1:1,beitozo 'ishto(his house-home= his wife). See also R. Yosein B. T. Shabbat118b(towardbottom).A scholar(talmidhakham)shouldnot be conversingwith any woman (even his wife, his daughter,his sister) out of doors: B. T. Berakhot43b, bottom;and cf. DSad loc. (Thisdoes not appearin Derekh'EreS,ed. Higger,p. 116.) "Scholaris,qui loquiturcum puella, non praesumiturdicere Pater Noster" (Adriaan Beverland, 1654?-1712,
The Law Concerning Draped Virginity [Paris, 1905], pp.
132-33 quoting Baldo). 45. Thatsuch attemptsat harmonizationoccur,can be seen in ARNB, secondparagraph,p. 28, on "Letthy homebe a meeting-placeforthe Sages,"comparedwithARNA, p. 33, lines2 and 3 of the commenton "Andlet the poor be membersof thy household."Note a scriballapsein MSBodleianOpp.245 (ol. 422)(Neubauer390),fol. 21v,"Letthy homebe wideopen, a meetng-placefor the Sages!"
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says that talkingovermuchwith one's wife, "idlechatter,"leads to frivolity and sexual desire. Maimonidesproceeds along similar lines: "It is well known that for the most part conversationwith women has to do with sexual matters." But if these had beenYose ben Yohanan'sconcerns,it is difficultto see a connectionbetweenthe first two clauses and the third. Open thy house to all, let the poor enjoy thy hospitality(or, let the membersof thy household be modesttowardthe poor);and don't converseat lengthwith thy wife.This sounds dissonant.If one begins with thoughts about hospitalityto others, does that lead him to talk about making or not making love to his wife? Littlewonderthat Samuelben Isaac Uceda (MidrashShemuel,p. 18) is led to the "possible" suggestion (ve-'efsharii lomar) that a man might refrainfrom invitingguests to his house because(a) he wishes to spend as much time as possiblewith his wife alone, or (b) he suspectsthat the guests might be attractedby his wife! RabbiSamuel'shunchis right.Thereshould be a connectionbetweenthe three clauses. But surelythere is still another possiblethought,less farfetchedin my opinion,accompanyingthe themeof the hospitablehome, to demonstratethat the threeclausesbelongtogether. The classical host of Scripture-and in their discussion of Yose ben Yohanan'ssaying, both versionsof ARNreferto him-is Abraham.46He is eagerto entertainthe threemen who appearin the heat of the day. A little into water, a morselof bread,he says to them. But he hurries(va-yemaher) the tent and says to his wife, "Quicknow (mahari),threemeasuresof choice flour!" (One measureper guest?)"Knead and make cakes!"Not another word. Then he runsto see to it that moreis prepared,and the attendingservant also hurries(va-yemaher). Swiftnessis of the essence.Whenit comes to 46. ARNspeaksof Abraham'shospitalityto all, and how he surpassedJob in hospitality: how he ran forth looking for guests;how he servedthemwith dishesthey neverbeforetasted (couldnot afford)!Themidrashon Abraham'sentertainingthe threewayfarers(Gen. 18:1ff.)is in Mekhilta,'Amaleq3 (ed. Lauterbach,2:178and parallels). The indefatigableemphasison charityand hospitalityin Judaism(and later,Christianity too) in Greco-Romancenturies,is notjust reliefof thepoor for reasonsof policyor politics,or quid pro quo beneficence.(The phenomenonof publicgifts to the state, or polis or even some collegia to establishfunds and foundations,etc., is an entirelydifferentsubject;see A. R. Hands, Charities and Social Aid in Greece and Rome [London, 1968]. See especially his Chapter
5 on the poor.) Emphasisobviouslyreflectsthe need to emphasize,that people may not be respondingspontaneouslyas they should.Nevertheless,the tirelessrhetoricrevealswhat has becomea fixedvaluewithina moral"system."In this, even a scholarmay have to be'taughta lesson or two: Lev. R. 9:3, pp. 176ff.Cf. n. 54 below.
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entertainingstrangers,the commandto Sarahis brief,evenperemptory,and he hastens to provide the rest.47 This, it seems to me, is what Yose ben Yohananhas in mind:as in the case of that model host, Abraham,let all who come thy way be welcome;as for the poor, entertainthem properly,well; and with the lady of the house, let thy speechbe briefandto the point:quick,preparethe food. Thatis what beitkha,thy home, should be like. VI From the sayingsof the two Yoses, the first of the five Pairs,we learn what the early pharisaicmastersin the first half of the secondcenturyB.C. were concernedwith:yehi beitkha,let thy home be of a certaincharacter. For Yose ben Yoezerit should be a place wherethe savantsare in the habit of assembling.Thatthe wife mighthave a role in the home,he does not even mention-because that is irrelevantto his chief preoccupation.What his attitudewas regardinghospitalityto the poor, we do not know, for he has not told us. But evidentlyhe did feel stronglyabout instructinghis students and followersthat the properhome is a placewhichthe intellectualelite frequent. The voice is the voice of the aristocracyof learning.Let hoi polloi keep out. (And in his commentaryad locum, R. JonahGerondi [thirteenth cent.] insists that scholarswould assembleonly in the house of the distinguished, not just any house!) As to Yose ben Yohanan,he seems to be protestingagainst this view. But even if he is ignoringit, or is unaware(?)of it, his attitudeis, Thy home is to be open to all, even to the poor of course-but whoeverthe guest, from far or near,poor or otherwise,receivehim as FatherAbrahamreceivedthe threetravelers(who in his eyes wereno morethanwanderingBedouins,idol worshippers).48The proper household welcomes everyone, not only the scholars.The poor, the not-poortoo, should be treatedhospitably;and be 47. This view is perhapsin the back of the mind of Joseph ibn Shoshan(n. 35 above): u-vi-qesarah (the husbandis to speakbriefly).In VersionB of ARN,p. 126,one view has it that women are lazy (dawdlers)and the prooftextofferedis that of AbrahamorderingSarah, to "Quicknow, threemeasures"(etc.).Note how in B. T. BavaMeSi'a87a the Abraham-order Sarahof Gen. 18 is interpretedas supportfor the view thatwomenarelessgenerousthanmen (cf. Sifrei Num. 110, p. 115), and this is referredto by Samuelben Isaac Uceda, Midrash Shemuel,p. 18, lines 12ff. But this is not what I am drivingat. 48. Cf. the Mekhiltareferencein n. 46, above.
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brief(ratherthanlong-winded) in instructing theladyof the houseto serve the company. Once the originalmeaningwas forgotten,49 other explanationswere boundto appear.A favoriteone for PA(so preoccupiedwith studyof Torah
in manyof its sayings:2:2,7, 8a [beginning], 12, 16;3:2b,3, 6, 7b, 8, 9, 17, thewholeof thesupplemen18;4:5, 10, 13, 14,20;5:12,15[andpractically tarysixthchapter]),wouldalmostcertainlybe in termsof admonishment against behaviorthat might lead to neglect or slackeningof Torah study.
oneshouldnottalkovermuch withhiswife:it divertsfromstudy. Therefore, Butas ARNrevealsin bothversions(pp. 34-35), stillotherinterpretations arepossible(althoughsomereadingsremainunclear).Note well:no longer mentionof neglectingTorahstudyandinheriting Gehenna!VersionAsuggeststhatif at the academyone hasfallenout witha colleague,or hasnot beenshownproperrespect,he is notto go andtell hiswife;theendof such tale telling is a disgraceto all concernedand leads to his being held in con-
temptby his wife.VersionB warnsa man not to bragto his wifeof the honorshe has enjoyedat the academy:it comesto no good (he ceasesto makethe effortto improve,growsself-satisfied?). Or,not to tellhiswifeof he has had with someone else: before quarrels you knowit, everyoneis in involved insultsandmutualrecriminations, evenpassersby. Or(apparently: the text is euphemisticand mutilated),to bewarelest his wife becomea
Or,to learna lessonfromSamsonwho hussyandthe manbe disgraced.5" 49. Cf. J. Goldin, "Of Changeand Adaptationin Judaism,"Historyof Religions4 (1965): 282-83, 285-86. 50. The followingis a tentativetranslationand interpretationof the passage: "Anotherinterpretation of 'Do not talkovermuchwiththe wife':[for]he bringsdisgraceon himself.How so? In the first week [of their marriedlife?],she comes to wherehe is. [Subsequently,?]whenshe hearshimcominginto the courtyard,shegoes into a room [and]fromthe roominto the triclinium[i.e., a roomwiththe couchesfor dining,in the interior:cf. the imagery - PA4:16].He followsafterher,andin his presenceshe "uncovers"herheadand he entersinto long conversationwithher.Whatcausedhimto disgracehimself?His havingenteredinto long conversationwith her."Cf. also the translationand interpretationby AnthonySaldarini,The Fathers According to Rabbi Nathan, Version B (Leiden, 1975), p. 110.
Somethinglike a man'slosingfaceseemsto be involvedhere-at firstthe husbandplaysthe dominantrole, but by prolongingconversationwith his wife, the text implies (or seems to imply),that she gets the upperhand and he has to beg for her favors.A woman,of course,is not to "uncover"(cf. TheTorah[Philadelphia,1962],Lev. 10:6,note)herheadin public(cf. M. Ketubbot7:6;M. BavaQamma8:6;see also SamuelKrauss,Talmudische Archdologie,2 vols. 2 vols. [Tel-Aviv,1945],vol. 2, pt. ha-Talmud, [Leipzig,1910],1:651,n. 874, and Qadmoniyyot 2, 274-78); but the expressionhereseemsto suggestthat she is brazenin her demandson her husband(not waitingfor him to make the properoverturesor forcinghim to sue at length). Unfortunately,severalspecificpointsarestill unclearto me. Goingfromroomto roomandthe
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metwithdisasterbecausehe talkedtoo muchto hiswife.All theseexplanationshavethisin common:theyareno longerawareof theoriginalmeaning of YosebenYohanan'ssaying,andaregropingfor an answerto the question, Whyshouldnot a mantalk at lengthwithhis own wife? VII
I am unableto locateanythingin Hellenisticliteraturewhichcorrespondsto this"Letthyhomebe,"althoughit maybe hidingsomewhere,51 and althougheven if it did or does exist, it wouldin no way diminishthe significanceof the teachingsof our two Sages.Xenophon'sOeconomicus is not of an earlier is but concerned with an different only period, altogether theme:How to breakthe old (young)girl in! He also is not preparedto hold long conversationswith his wife, the generalrulewith Atheniansat least in the ClassicalPeriod.52The attitudeof the pharisaicSagesand laterof most Tannaimand Amoraimis very likely not radicallydifferent.(The second person singularin PAis masculine;it is the man one addresses.But this is probablymerelystylistic,even as it is in our speech. Until one gets accustomed to it, "chairperson"sounds prim, and Hebrewhas no neuter.)Like Thales or Socrateswho could be gratefulto Fortunefor being born a man husbandfollowingafterher, may also be partof the humiliationhe is subjectedto, and long conversationmay referto the husband'sentreating. 51. And yet, cf. Semonides(seventhcent. B.C.as translatedby M. Arthurin S. B. Pomeroy (Goddesses, Whores, Wives, Slaves [New York, 1975]), p.52, lines 3-4: "For whosever wife she
is, she won't receivegraciously//Intothe house a friendwho comes to visit."(In the Oxford Bookof GreekVerse,chosenby GilbertMurrayet al. [Oxford,1954],pp. 161ff.,theselinesare not included.) 52. Cf. above, n. 18;and cf. C. Taylor,Sayings, 1:140,top. Note also W. K. Lacey, The Family in Classical Greece (Ithaca, 1968), pp. 158 (bottom)ff., 167ff. See also Pomeroy, God-
desses,p. 74. Thoughhe speaksof the Romanwoman("TheSilentWomenof Rome"),Sir M. I. Finley'sessay in his Aspectsof Antiquity([London, 1977],pp. 124ff.)is instructivealso for oursubject.In TheNew Yorker,loc. cit. (n. 38 above),VedMehtaquotesa Punjabiquatrainhis fatherrecitedto his mother: Yoursis a life withouthelp, The same is your story: Milk underyour veil, Always waterin your eyes. A suggestionhas beenmadeto me orallythatentertainingin the ordinaryGreekhomewas unlikelybecauseGreek houses were small. But surelyordinaryhouses in Judea and Jewish Palestinewere hardlymore spaciousthan their Greekcounterparts.
THE HOMEOF A PHARISEE
59
andnot a woman(DiogenesLaertius1:33),a JewcouldthankGodthatHe concernof Yose Butthisis nottheimmediate hadnotmadehima woman.53 ben Yohanan. In her studiesof "womenin classicalantiquity,"S. B. Pomeroyhas times,"Thelegalandeconomicresponsibilipointedout thatin Hellenistic ties of [wealthyandaristocratic women]increased,butpoliticalgainswere moreillusory"(p. 125).Shegoes on (p. 130):"Not only in Egyptbut in more womenwereparticipating otherareasof the Greekworldrespectable Peripatetic activelyin economicaffairs."(Not so in Athens.)Nevertheless, philosophers"theorizedthat moreeducationwould turnwomeninto rather lazy, talkative busybodies(cf. R. Eliezerin M. Solah 3:4 and Albeck, p. 383). Even the upper class, to which one would naturallylook for an endorsementof schooling for women, did not educate its daughters"(p. 131).And in a Neopythagoreantext quotedby ProfessorPomeroy(p. 135), we read, "A woman must live for her husband ... thinking no private thoughtsof her own ... must bearall that herhusbandbears.. ." and more of the same. There are sentencesin this short treatisethat do reflecthusband-wiferelationsin the home, but basicallyit is the woman'sconductthat author is ordering(the injunctionsare addressedto her), not formulating what a home should be. Thereis, needlessto say, such a thing as entertainingfriends,and when possiblemany friends,even lavishlywhen the occasioncalls for it. Thereis furthermorebenefaction,setting up funds for the benefitof fellow citizens and for the acquisitionof a reputationas a generous and public-spirited person, as a philanthropist.But this subjectis differentfrom ours.54 Rostovtzev55is right to insist that even in Hellenistictimes the Greek continuedto be a homopoliticus("especiallyin the mothercountry");he too however acknowledgesthe growing emphasison individualism,especially 53. T. Berakhot6(7):18,ed. Saul Lieberman,p. 38;see also ToseftaKi-Fshutah, p. 120,and now also NaphtaliWieder,"'Al ha-berakhot'goy, 'eved,'ishah,''behemah,''u-vur,'" Sinai85 (1979):97-118. 54. As we said above, n. 46, secondparagraph(see also n. 55, end). See especiallyHands, Charities,chaps. 3-6. Here may well lie the crucialdifferencebetweenpharisaiccharityand Hellenistic(-Roman):in the former,all sorts of personsare to be invitedin; cf. VersionB of ARN,p. 34. 55. M. I. Rostovtzev, Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World,2 vols. (Oxford,
1964),2:1118-21(I owe this referenceto ProfessorJ. FrankGilliam).For a pictureof domestic felicityby a firstcenturyA.D.Stoic,cf. C. E. Lutz,"MusoniusRufus,"in YaleClassicalStudies 10(1947):96-101; but still no wordaboutinvitingothersto sharewithfamily.Wearenot talking of invitingfriends,but of others = strangers,anyone in need.
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by the "dogmaticphilosophiesof conduct."These could provide the individualwith guidancefor familylife56amongothernecessaryrelations.But a specificprescriptionfor the ideal characterof the individualhome is still wanting. Whatwas therein Judeaof the firsthalf of the secondcenturyB.C.which promptedleading pharisaicsages to encouragetheir disciples to create a particularkind of home life whichincludedentertainmentof othersas well, scholars,or scholarsand nonscholarstoo? To my knowledge,nothingrelevant appearsthus far in the literatureof the Dead Sea Scrolls (and that includesthe TempleScroll).57I have only guesses, and none of them satisfactory,becausethey are no more than guesses. Perhapsthis concernwith the Jewishhome is a byproductof the diffusedindividualismof the Hellenistic worldat large.Perhapsit is a reactionagainstthe spreadinghellenization of uppersocial classes among the Jews in pre-Maccabeanand Hasmonean times:not fromsuchis the pharisaicJewto choose his exampleof the proper home (note also VersionA OfARN,p. 26; JosephusAntiquities18.12).Perhaps it is anti-Sadducean-welcomebakhamim,the scholarsdevotedto the Oral Torah; or, all men (unlike Sadduceeswho "even among themselves [are] ratherboorish in their behavior, and in their intercoursewith their peers are as rude as to aliens")."5Perhapsit is meant to discouragetoo active participationin public life and insteadto encourageone to cultivate his private,moral life59wherehe can or might accomplishwhat he undertakes to do. Be the reasonor the combinationof reasonswhat it may, the sayingsof the two Yoses revealwhat early pharisaicleadershave set their minds on, the home the Phariseeis to make for himself;and alreadyat the outset we can detect what was to be true later too of the successorsof the Pharisees, the Rabbis;that is, agreementon the fundamentalbut differentinterpretations thereof.Both Yoses insistthat the privatehomeis of greatimportance,
56. See also Plutarch Moralia 769 ("A Dialogue on Love," pp. 23-24). 57. Nevertheless, see Damascus Covenant 6:21, but see also Louis Ginzberg, An Unknown Jewish Sect (New York, 1976), p. 202. Reference to pagans giving alms in Late Antiquity, in anecdote, in The Wisdom of the Desert Fathers, trans. Benedicta Ward (Oxford, 1975), p. 38, no. 131. 58. Josephus War 2.166 (LCL2:387; and on "peers," cf. Thackeray's note b ibid.). As for early emphasis on Oral Torah, cf. J. Goldin in Alexander Altmann, ed., Biblical Motifs (Cambridge, Mass., 1966), pp. 138-46, 149-56. 59. Note later Shemaiah in PA 1:10, Version B of ARN,p. 46, first part of second paragraph. And note the variety of explanations of why one should "love work," in Version A, pp. 44-45.
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but one believesthat it is to be a centerfor scholars,the new and emerging intellectualaristocracy;while to the other such exclusivenessis unsatisfac-
tory,for to himhospitality-theunrestricted reachingout to the members
of society-is whatwill makefor the properkind of host and modesty,unit-
andaffiliatesof other ing richandpoor,scholarandnonscholar (Pharisees sects too?), family and those knocking on the door. Two independent courses are here drawnup, that of Torah study and that of acts of lovingkindness(as gemilutbasadimwas to be redefinedlater).Whatis paramount for one sage is not paramountfor the other.60 VIII However,it was Rabbi Simeonben Yohai in the second centuryA.D.perhapseven some earliersage-who noted that the two courses have to intersect,possiblyto overlap.6'"RabbiYohanansaid in the name of Rabbi Simeon ben Yohai: What is the meaningof the verse (Isa. 32:20),'Happy shall you be who sow by all waters, who send out cattle and asses to pasture?'[This:]Whoeverengagesin studyof Torahand acts of lovingkindness is worthyof the inheritanceof two tribes[Josephand Issachar]... For sowingis a referenceto naught but charity(sedaqah)"--hereequatedwith "acts of lovingkindness":note the Hosea versenow to be quoted, in full"as it is said (Hosea 10:12),'Sow charity(sedaqah)for yourselves;[reapin accordance with lovingkindness(besed).']And Water is a referenceto naughtbut Torah,as it is said [Isa. 55:1],'Ho, all who are thirsty,come for water.'"62
60. Miss Rhoda Grady suggeststo me that in his sayingYose ben Yoezerspeaksof the home in termsof receiving,whereasYose ben Yohanantalksof the homeas a placeof giving. As to gemilutbasadim,cf. the referencein n. 6, above. 61. I am not referringback to the sayingof Simeonthe Righteousin PA1:2,for he is not speakingof Torah and gemilutbasadimin their later sense (cf. again the referencein n. 6, above).As for Shammai'ssaying(PA1:15),note the meaningof qeva'in both versionsof ARN (pp. 47 and 56)-hence, despite the third clause which may or can be an aspect of gemilut basadim(ARN,pp. 48, 57), the first clause is not speakingof studyof Torah. 62. B. T. Bava Qamma 17a, end of chap. I (see ibid. on the two tribes).Al-Nakawa, Menoratha-ma'or,first chapter(on sedaqah,charity),opens with this passage. For furtherthought:Thoughthe name Yose is not uncommonboth in literarytexts and inscriptions,is it coincidenceor is it significantthat both leadersare called Yose (or, Yosef); that the one who wantsthe hometo be a meeting-placefor scholarsis fromSeredah,whilethe one who wants the home to be wide open is from Jerusalem?Is theresome remote,however slightconnectionbetweenthe popularnameYose and that soubriquetformula(M. Sanhedrin
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7:5),"Yose[God]damnYose?"(Cf. J. N. Epstein,"Li-leshonnezirut,"SeferMagnes[Jerusa(the pious one of lem, 1938],p. 11.)Was Yose(f)ben Yoezerknownas basidshe-bi-khehunah the priesthood,M. Hagigah2:7), becausethough a priest he esteemedthe sages?But see ZachariasFrankel,Darkheiha-Mishnah(Warsaw,1923),pp. 33-34 and Albeck, Mishnah, Neziqin,p. 485. RabbanYohananben Zakkaicalledhis disciple,R. Yose the priest,basid(PA 2:8). Coincidence?Note the secondclausein his saying,PA2:12:What of R. Yose Qatunta, 3 vols. [Lonwhoeverhe was (M. Soiah9:15;cf. AaronHyman,ToldothTannaimVe'Amoraim, don, 1910],2: 741-42)?
The Description of Formative Judaism: The Social Perspective of the Mishnah's System of Civil Law and Government Author(s): Jacob Neusner Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 63-79 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486453 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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THE DESCRIPTIONOF FORMATIVEJUDAISM: THE SOCIAL PERSPECTIVE OF THE MISHNAH'S SYSTEM OF CIVIL LAW AND GOVERNMENT by JACOBNEUSNER Brown University The Judaismwhich predominatedfrom the earlycenturiesof the Common Era to the presenttime, called "rabbinic,"or "Talmudic,"or simply "Normative"and "Classical,"takes shapein the firstand secondcenturies, to be sure drawingheavilyupon the heritageof the antecedentmillennium, beginningwith Scriptureitself. In its formativeperiod,documentedin particular by the Mishnah(ca. A.D.200), however,that kind of Judaismfor which the Mishnahis the first canonicaldocumentafter the Scripturesis hardlyTalmudic(by definition,the Talmudscomingthreecenturieslater)or rabbinic.Whilethe Mishnaiccompilationsarerich in allusionsto teachings bearingnames of people with rabbinicaltitle, in fact those substantiveand characteristicinterestsof rabbinism,in the study of Torah, the interplay betweenthe exegesisof Torah and the doctrinesof their own day; the principal institutions of rabbinism,the court-systemand the master-disciple circle;the evocative symbols of rabbinism,Moses "our rabbi,""study of Torah,"and the like-none of these is materiallyrepresentedin the constructionsof the Mishnahitself. Indeed, the Mishnah'spicture of the Israelitegovernmentis centered 63
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upon the then nonexistentinstitutionsof high priestand Temple,on the one side, and king and army,on the other.That"constitution"containedwithin tractateSanhedrinomits all referenceto the kind of authoritywhichstands behindthat and all the othertractates,the rabbias we knowhim in his smallclaimscourtand amonghis disciples.Statedsimply:the headof the Israelite governmentof the Mishnahis not a sage but a high priestand a king.True, the Mishnahknows that the conduct of the high priest and of the king is determinedby the Torah taught by sages; the law of the (sages') Torah governs. But the fact remainsthat the Mishnah'sframerscannot imagine themselvesin chargeof the institutionsof Israelitelife. By contrastthe two Talmudsknow that "the rabbis"indeed are the decisorsof all things not only in fact but also in form.It follows that,whateverthe perspectivesof the Mishnah'ssystemof civil law and government,these do not on the surface speak in the interestsof a class of sages and bureaucrats,thoughthey most assuredlytake for grantedthe predominanceof those interests. Determiningthe social perspectiveof the Mishnaic system is complicated by the obvious fact that all we have is the documentitself.We do not know a great deal about who receivedand obeyed the Mishnah,how (if at all) its laws were enforced, what people outside of the circles of sages thought of the view and law of the Mishnahas it pertainedto them. Nor have we ampledata about the class systemand structureof the Jewsof the Holy Landof the time in whichthe Mishnahcameto closureand thereafter. So, if we are to gain successin any measure,(for this stage of the work) it can only be to shape a theoryof the perspectiveof the document.But that theory must for the momentstand untestedby the facts of the context and circumstance,eitherof the peoplewho standbehindthe document,or of the society which was supposedto be governedby it. It follows that for now all depends upon how we read the document itself. Whatthen will be probativefor an accountof the class perspectiveof an ancientlaw-codeseemsto me not some detailor other,but the character of the whole. True,a law-codedeeplyinterestedin returningslavesto their owners may be thought to be a law-code expressiveof the interestof the owner,not the slave. But by itself that fact does not lead veryfar. Unlesswe have in hand some generalrules,provedrelevanthere,for makingsense of law-codeswhich reflect the interestsof slaveholders,we are left with the simple,essentiallyopaquefact that the code in handreflectsthose interests. We know no moreaboutthat code, let alone aboutthe societybehindit and the world view and way of life containedwithin it, than we did beforewe askedabout runawayslaves.The realworkis to uncoverthe social perspec-
THE DESCRIPTION OF FORMATIVE JUDAISM
65
tive of the code as a whole, to describethe code'slarge-scaleperspectiveand to attemptto relatethat to the worldviewof the people apt to standbehind it.
For the discoveryof the paramounttraits of the code of civil law and government presented by the Mishnah's fourth division, that called Damages, I shall undertaketwo forms of description. First, I shall rapidly survey the tractatesand their topics, surely the necessaryfirst step. Second, at some length I shall try to show what seems to me the most profoundand generativeconcernof the civil law of the Mishnahby simply describinghow that law is organized.I cannotthink of more neutral,therefore moreprobative,evidencethanthe schemeof layingout the topics,with only passingattentionto what is said about those severaltopics. In the very mute fact that the Mishnah'sframersput things in one framework,rather than in some other, I shall claim to uncoverdeeplyembeddedevidenceof their most criticaland their fundamentalconvictionsabout society. As we shall see later on, a mere outline of the topical unfoldingof Bava Qamma, Bava Meqi'a,and Bava Batra,the three tractates(which are really one) of civil law, will provide that fundamentalfact, that basic logic and sense of appropriatenessand self-evidence,out of which the social concernsof the framerswill become obvious and against which all details of the law will take on meaning.This resortto traitsof gross redactionfor the social interpretationof the fine points of the law constitutesthe methodologicalproposal of this ratherpreliminaryreport. I The Mishnah'sSystem of Civil Law and Government The division of Damages is comprisedof two subsystems,which fit togetherin a logical way. One partpresentsrulesfor the normalconductof civil society-commerce, trade, real estate, and other mattersof everyday intercourse,as well as mishaps,such as damagesby chattels and persons, fraud, overcharge,interest,and the like, in that same context of everyday social life. The other part describesthe institutionsgoverningthe normal conductof civil society,that is, courtsof administration,and the penaltiesat the disposalof the governmentfor the enforcementof the law. The two subjects form a singletight and systematicdissertationon the natureof Israelite
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as the Mishnah societyandits economic,socialandpoliticalrelationships, them. envisages Themainpointof thefirstof thetwopartsof thedivisionis expressed in thesustainedunfoldingof thethreeBabas,BabaQamma,BabaMeSi'a,and BabaBatra.As we shallsee,it is thatthetaskof societyis to maintainperfectstatus,to preservetheprevailing situation,andto securethestabilityof all relationships. Thepointis so that,in theinterchange of buyingandsellandlending,therebeanessentialequality ing,givingandtaking,borrowing of exchange.No partyin theendshouldhavemorethanwhathe hadat the outset,andnoneshouldbe the victimof a sizableshiftin fortuneandcircumstance.All parties'rightsto, and in, this stable and unchanging Whentheconditionof a personis economyof societyareto be preserved. so far as law will the secure therestoration of theantecedviolated, possible ent status. An appropriate appendixto theBabasis at 'AbodahZarah,whichdeals with the orderlygovernanceof transactionsand relationshipsbetween Israelitesocietyandthe outsideworld,the realmof idolatry,relationships whicharesubjectto certainspecialconsiderations. Thesearegeneratedby the fact that Israelitesmay not derivebenefit(e.g., throughcommercial fromanythingwhichhas servedin the worshipof an idol. transactions) commericaltransactionssufferlimitationson accountof Consequently, extrinsicconsiderations of cultictaboos.Whilethesecoverboth special occasions,e.g., fairsandfestivalsof idolatry,andgeneralmatters,thatis, whatIsraelitesmaybuyandsell,themainpracticalexpression andillustrativeexercisesof principles of thematterpertainto wine.TheMishnahsupposesthatgentilesroutinelymakeusefor a libationof a dropof anysortof wineto whichtheyhaveaccess.It is thereforetakenforgrantedthatwine overwhichgentileshavehadcontrolis forbiddenfor Israeliteuse,andalso thatsuchwineis prohibitedfor Israelitesto buyandsell.Thisothermatwith the gentileworld,with special ter-ordinaryeverydayrelationships reference to tradeandcommerce-concludes whatthe Mishnahhasto say about all those mattersof civil and criminallaw whichtogetherdefine withinthe Israelitenationandbetweenthatnation everydayrelationships andall othersin the worldamongwhom,in Palestineas abroad,theylive sideby side. The other part of the divisiondescribesthe institutionsof Israelite andpolitics.Thisis in twomainaspects,first,thedescription of government theinstitutions andtheirjurisdiction, withreference to courts,conceivedas bothjudicialandadministrative agencies,and,second,theextensivediscus-
THE DESCRIPTION OF FORMATIVE JUDAISM
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sion of criminalpenalties.Thepenaltiesarethree:death,banishment, and flogging.Therearefourwaysby whicha personconvictedof a capitalcrime maybe putto death.TheMishnahorganizesa vastamountof information on whatsortsof capitalcrimesarepunishable bywhichof thefourmodesof execution.That informationis allegedto derivefromScripture.But the factsaremany,andtherelevantversesfew.Whatthe Mishnahclearlycontributesto thisexerciseis a first-ratepieceof organization andelucidation of availablefacts.Wherethefactscomefromwedo notknow.TheMishnah tractateSanhedrin furtherdescribes thewayin whichtrialsareconductedin both monetaryandcapitalcasesandpaysattentionto the possibilitiesof perjury.Thematterof banishment bringsthe Mishnahto a ratherroutine restatementof what is extensivelydescribedin Scripture.The crimes conpunishableby floggingand applicationof thatmodeof punishment cludethe discussion. Thesematters,workedout at Sanhedrin-Makkot, aresupplemented in two tractates,bothemergingfromScripture.LeviticusChaptersFiveand Six referto variousoathswhichapplymainly,thoughnot exclusively,in courts.LeviticusChapterFourdealswitherrorsofjudgmentinadvertently madeandcarriedoutby thehighpriest,theruler,andthepeople;theMishnahknowsthattheseconsiderations applyto Israelitecourtstoo. Whatfor Leviticusdrawsthe two chapterstogetheris theircommoninterestin the whichis owingfor violationof the ratherdiversematters guilt-offering, underdiscussion.Now in tractatesShebu'otandHorayotthe materialsof LeviticusChapterFive-SixandFour,respectively, areworkedout.Buthere it is fromtheviewpointof theoathor erroneous ratherthanthe instruction, culticpenalty.Intheformerinstancethediscussion is intellectually imaginative andthorough,in the latter,routine.Therelevanceof the wholeto the issuesof Sanhedrin-Makkot is obvious.Forthematterof oathsin themain enrichesthediscussionof theconductof thecourts.Thepossibilityof error is principally in thecourtsandotherpoliticalinstitutions. So thefourtractateson institutionsandtheirfunctioningforma remarkably unifiedand cogent set.
Letus nowturnto the detailedaccountof whatis to be expectedin the eightusabletractatesof the division.We shallignoretwo miscellaneous ones, 'Abotand 'Eduyot,*tackedon but essentiallyoutsideof the frameworkof the divisionof Damagesor any otherdivisionof the Mishnah. *Thisis not to suggestthat these two tractateshave no place at all in the presentdivision. On the contrary,given the ambitionof the framersof the divisionof Damages-to providea
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A. The rulesof civilsociety 1. Baba Qamma Damageby chattels:assessingdamageswhenthe cause is one'sproperty, animate or inanimate.The ox in particular.Damages done in the public domain. The ox in particular.The ransom and death penalty for the ox. Damagesdone by the pit, crop-destroyingbeast, and fire. Damage done by persons:theft.Twofold,fourfoldand fivefoldrestitutionin the case of theft. Penaltiesfor assault.Penaltiesfor damagesdone to property;restitutionof stolen goods. 2. BabaMeSi'a The dispositionof other people's possessions,with specialreferenceto restorationof what someone has lost: conflictingclaims on lost objects; returningan object to the originalowner. Rules of bailmentin the case of conflicting claims. Commercialtransactionsof an illicit character:overtrue value and fraud;usury and tradingin charge and misrepresentation; futures;subterraneanforms of usury. Licit commercialtransaction:hiring workers;rentals and bailments. The mutual obligations of worker and employer;rentals; bailments. Licit transactionsin real estate: landlordtenant relationships;the landlord'srelationshipswith a tenant farmerand sharecropper.Miscellanies:payingworkerspromptly;takinga pledgefor a loan. Real estate:joint holdersof a common propertyand their reciprocal obligationsand rights. 3. BabaBatra Real estate: the mutual responsibilitesand rights of joint holdersof a common property(continuedfrom Baba MeSi'a);not infringingupon the propertyrights of others;establishingtitle to a field throughusucaption; transferringrealestate and movablesthroughsale (as distinctfromusucaption). Licit commercialtransactions:conditionsof the irrevocabletransfer complete account of an Israelitepolitical system-the function of 'Eduyot, as a kind of miniature-Mishnah, coveringthe large numberof topics treated in other divisions of the document-is not difficultto discern.Its presenceallows the divisionto standby itself,complemented,as it is, withan epitomeof the restof the document.'Abot,of course,providesa fine pictureof the largerintentof the law, the sort of societythe Mishnahwishesto build,with its successivestatementsof how people should behave.
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of movables.Unstatedstipulationsin commercialtransactions.Inheritances and wills;othercommercialand legal documents.The preparationand confirmationof commercialdocuments,writs of debt, and the like. 4. 'AbodahZarah Commercialrelationshipswith gentiles:prohibitionsprecipitatedby the adventof a gentilefair or festival;goods of gentilesprohibitedeven in ordinarycommerce;goods prohibitedfor Israeliteuse but permittedin ordinary commerce.Idols:generalprinciples;the 'asherah;Merkolis(Hermes);nullifying an idol. The prohibitionof use and of commerceapplyingto libation wine, that is, to all wine of gentiles. B. The institutionsof civil society 1. Sanhedrin The Israelitecourtsystem:variouskindsof courtsand theirjurisdiction. The court of threejudges and commercialtransactions;the court of twentythree and criminalprocedures;the court of seventy-oneand political decisions. The headsof the Israelitenation and the court system:king and high priest.Propertycases:choosingthejudges,examiningthe witnesses,making a decision.Capitalcases:the differencesfrom propertycases;the layout of the sanhedrin;examining the witnesses, making a decision. The death penalty.The four modes of executionand how they are administered:stoning, burning,decapitationand strangulation.Those liable to deaththrough the four modes of execution, respectively. 2. Makkot Perjury:how witnessesare penalizedfor perjury,e.g., flogging and receiving the penalty they planned to inflict on the accused.The penalty of banishment:those who are sent into exile, the cities of exile. Flogging:those who are flogged, the mannerof flogging. 3. Shebu'ot The considerationsof LeviticusChapterFive: uncleannessof the cult and its Holy Thingsand the guilt offering,oaths:Oathsin general,the rash oath, the vain oath, the oath of testimony, and the oath of bailment. The
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oath imposedby the judges for use in settlingcourt cases. Oaths and bailments:concludingconundrum. 4. Horayot The offering brought because of an erroneous decision inadvertently madeby a courtand inadvertentlycarriedout by the community.The offering broughtby the high priestwho has unwittinglydone what is contraryto the commandmentsof the Torah.That broughtby the rulerundersimilar circumstances. Individual, anointed priest, community: the penalties thereof. II The TopicalArrangementof the Mishnah's Tractatesof CivilLaw The three Babasas a whole are in two distinctparts,of equal size, each consistingof fifteenchapterscoveringfour topicalunits.The thirtychapters breakpreciselyin the middle.Whenwe surveythe entireconstructionof the three Babas,what we see is a perfectlysimpleset of eight units.Thesemove from abnormalevents (Units I-IV in the followingoutline)to normalones (units V-VIII). The tractatesbegin with damagesdone by chattelsor by a humanbeing, thefts and other sorts of misappropriationof the propertyof others, with special attentionto how we restoreto a state of normalitythe propertyand person of the injuredparty. This large unit on damagesand compensationrunsthroughthe whole of BabaQammaand into the middle of Baba Megi'a,down throughM. B.M. 5:11.The second half of the three tractatescovers normalevents-labor relationships,rentalsand bailments, then a huge unit on real estate transactions,and, finally, attentionto inheritancesand estates. That the intent is to produce two complementary constructions,coveringwhatwe may call, generallyabnormalor illicit,then generallynormal or licit, transactions,is shown by the correspondenceof Unit IV, illicit commercialtransactions(overchargeand usury),and Unit VII, licit commercialtransactions(the legal transferof goods, unstipulated conditionsand how they are enforced).This overallplan may also explain why we have two distinct treatmentsof bailments,III.C, on damagesto bailments,and V.C, E, on the responsibilitiesof the bailee. The following outlineprovesthe correctnessof thesestatements.Referenceis madeonly to
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the relevantpericopae;a mere allusionto the key wordsof each one would take up too muchspace,relativeto the propositionat hand.The readermay refer to the text or translationto verify the facts on which the outline is based. BabaQamma I. Damagesdone by Chattels.1:1-6:6 A. The fundamentalrules of assessing damages when the cause is one's property,animateand inanimate.The ox. 1:1-2:6 B. Damages done in the public domain. 3:1-3:7 C. Exercisesand illustrationson the ox. 3:8-4:4 D. The ransom and the oeath penalty for the ox. 4:5-5:4 E. Damages done by the pit (M. 1:1). 5:5-7 F. Crop-destroyingbeast (M. 1:1). 6:1-3 G. Damages done by fire (M. 1:1) 6:4-6 II. Damagesdone by persons.Theft.7:1-10:10 A. Penaltiesfor the theft of an ox or a sheep,in line with Ex. 22:1-4. B. Penaltiesfor assault. 8:1-7 C. Penalties for damages to property. Restoring what is stolen. 9:1-10:1 BabaMeSi'a III. The dispositionof otherpeople'spossessions.1:1-3:12 A. Conflictingclaims on lost objects. 1:1-4 B. Returningan object to the original owner. 1:5-2:1 C. Rules of bailmentin cases of damages. 3:1-12 IV. Illicit commercialtransactions.4:1-5:11 A. Overchargeand misrepresentation.4:1-12 B. Usury. 5:1-11 V. Hiring workers.Rentals and bailments.6:1-8:3 A. The mutual obligationsof workerand employer.6:1-2 B. Rentals. 6:3-5 C. Bailmentsunder normal circumstances.6:6-6:8 D. The mutual obligationsof worker and employer.7:1-7 E. Bailments. 7:8-8:3
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VI. Real estate. B.M. 8:4-10:6. B.B. 1:1-5:5 A. Prologue.8:4-5 B. Landlord-tenantrelationships.8:3-9 C. The landlord'srelationshipswith a tenant farmerand sharecropper. 9:1-10 D. Miscellanies:Payinglaborerspromptly.Takinga pledge.9:11-13 BabaBatra E. Jointholdersof a commonproperty.B.M. 10:1-6. B.B. 1:1-6 F. Not infringingthe propertyrights of others. 2:1-4 G. Establishingtitle to a field throughusucaption.3:1-8 H. Transferringreal estate (and movables)throughsale. 4:1-5:5 VII. Licit commercialtransactions.5:6-7:4 A. Conditionsof irrevocabletransferof goods. 5:6-11 B. Unstated stipulationsin commercialtransactions.6:1-7:4 VIII. Inheritancesand wills. Other commercialand legal documents. 8:1-10:8 A. Inheritance.8:1-9:10 B. The preparationand confirmationof commercialdocuments,e.g., writs of debt. 10:1-6 C. Concludingmiscellanies.10:7-8 The orderand simplicityof the plan for the entiresequenceof the tractateof the civil law, torts, damages,realestate and commericaltransactions,in all of theirdiversityand complexity,are striking.The plan of the whole is elegant as the framersof the threetractatesobviouslywantedit to be. Thegoal of the systemof civil law is the recoveryof the prevailingorderand balance, the preservationof the establishedwholenessof the social economy. This idea is powerfullyexpressed in the organizationof the Babas, whichlists, as we have seen, first,abnormal,and,then, normaltransactions. The framersdeal with damages done by chattels and by human beings, thefts and other sorts of malfeasanceagainst the propertyof others. The Babasin both aspectspay closest attentionto how the propertyand person of the injuredparty so far as possibleare restoredto their priorcondition, that is, a stateof normality.So attentionto torts focusesupon penaltiespaid by the malefactorto the victim,ratherthan upon penaltiesinflictedby the court on the malefactorfor what he has done. When speakingof damages, the Mishnah thus takes as its principal concern the restoration of the for-
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tune of victimsof assaultor robbery.Then the framerstake up the complementaryand correspondingset of topics, the regulationof normal transactions.Whenwe rapidlysurveythe kindsof transactionsof specialinterest, we see from the topics selected for discussionwhat we have alreadyuncoveredin the deepeststructureof organizationand articulationof the basic theme. The other half of this group of three tractatespresentslaws governing normal and routine transactions,many of them of the same sort as those dealt with in the first half. Bailments,for example,occur in both wings of the tripletractate,first,bailmentssubjectedto misappropriation,or accusation thereof,by the bailiff,then, bailmentstransactedundernormalcircumstances. Under the rubricof routinetransactionsare those of workersand householders,that is, the purchaseand sale of labor, rentalsand bailments; real estate transactions,and inheritancesand estates. Of the lot, the one involvingrealestatetransactionsis the most fully articulatedand coversthe widest rangeof problemsand topics. The Babasall togetherthus providea complete account of the orderlygovernanceof balancedtransactionsand unchangingcivil relationshipswithinIsraelitesocietyunderordinaryconditions. III The Social Perspectiveof the Mishnah'sSystem of CivilLaw and Government The characterand interestsof the divisionof Damagespresentcompelling, indeedprobativeevidenceof the largerprogramof the philosophersof the Mishnah. Their intention is to create nothing less than a full-scale Israelitegovernment,subjectto the administrationof sages. This governmentis fully supliedwith a constitutionandbylaws(Sanhedrin,Makkot).It makes provisionfor a court-systemand procedures(Shebu'ot,Sanhedrin, Makkot),as well as a full set of laws governingcivil society(BabaQamma, Baba MeSi'a,Baba Batra)and criminaljustice (Sanhedrin,Makkot).This government,moreover,mediatesbetweenits own communityand the outside("pagan")world.Throughits systemof laws it expressesitsjudgmentof the othersand at the sametime defines,protects,and defendsits own society and social frontiers('Abodah Zarah). It even makes provision for procedures to expiate its errors(Horayot). The (then nonexistent)Israelitegovernmentimaginedby the secondcen-
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tury philosopherscenters upon the (then nonexistent)Temple, and (then forbidden)city, Jerusalem.For the Templeis one principlefocus. Therethe highestcourt is in session;therethe high priestreigns.The penaltiesof law infringementare of three kinds, one of which involves sacrifice in the Temple.(The othersare compensation,physicalpunishmentor death.)The basic conceptionof punishment,moreover,is that unintentionalinfringement of the rulesof society, whether"religious"or otherwise,is not penalized but ratherexpiatedthroughan offeringin the Temple.If a memberof the people of Israelintentionallyinfringesagainstthe law, to be sure, that one must be removedfrom society and is put to death. And if there is a claim of one memberof the peopleagainstanother,that mustbe righted,so that the prior,prevailingstatusmay be restored.So offeringsin the Temple are given up to appeaseHeavenand restorea whole bond betweenHeaven and Israel,specificallyon those occasionson whichwithoutmaliceor ill will an Israelitehas disturbedthe relationship.Israelitecivil society without a Templeis not stable,not normal,and not to be imagined.And the Mishnah is above all an act of imaginationin defianceof reality. The plan for the governmentinvolvesa clearcutphilosophyof society,a philosophywhichdefinesthe purposeof the governmentand insuresthat its task is not merelyto perpetuateits own power. What the Israelitegovernment,withinthe Mishnaicfantasy,is supposedto do is to preservethat state of perfectionwhich, within the same fantasy, the society to begin with everywhereattainsand expresses.This is in at least five aspects.Firstof all, one of the ongoing principlesof the law, expressedin one tractateafter another,is that people are to follow and maintainthe prevailingpracticeof their locale. Second, the purposeof civil penalties,as we have noted, is to restore the injuredparty to his prior condition, so far as this is possible, ratherthan merelyto penalizethe aggressor.Third,thereis the conception of true value, meaningthat a given objecthas an intrinsicworth, which, in the course of a transaction,must be paid. In this way the seller does not leave the transactionany richerthan when he enteredit, nor the buyerany poorer (parallelto penaltiesfor damages).Fourth, there can be no such thing as usury, a biblical prohibitionadopted and vastly enrichedin the Mishnaicthought,for money("coins")is whatit is. Any pretensethatit has become more than what it was violates, in its way, the conceptionof true value. Fifth, when real estate is divided,it must be done with full attention to the rightsof all concerned,so that, once more,one partydoes not gain at the expenseof the other. In these and manyother aspectsthe law expresses its obsessionwith the perfectstasis of Israelitesociety. Its paramountpur-
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pose is in preservingand insuringthat that perfectionof the divisionof this world is kept inviolate or restoredto its true status when violated. There are two sides to this philosophy, its social foundations and its metaphysicalaspirations.These are not to be divided when we speak of stasis and uncoverthe pervasivejudgmentthat the way things are, the way the goods of this world are divided,is the way thingsmust be kept. We now speak of people with a sizable stake in the status quo. So we have to ask about that class in Israelitesociety of the mid-secondcenturywhich will have invested its best energiesinto constructionof a great system of the imaginationdevoted to the preservationof the status quo. The interestsof the documentand the characterand definitionof the recurrentproblemsit selectsfor attentionleave little room for doubt that its perspectiveis that of the householderin a courtyard-the subjectof most predicates.He is the proprietorof an estate, howevermodest, ownerof land, howeverlittle. He also is a landholderin the fields,an employerwith a legitimateclaimagainst lazy or unreliableworkers,the head of a family,and the managerof a small but self-containedfarm. He is someone who gives over his property to craftsmenfor their skilled labor, but is not a craftsmanhimself.He also is someonewith a keeninterestin assessingand collectingdamagesdone to his herds and flocks, or in paying what he must for what his beasts do. The Mishnah speaks for someone who deems thieveryto be the paltry, petty thievery("oh! the servants!")of watchmenof an orchardand herdsmenof a flock, and for a landowner constantly involved in transactionsin real property. The Mishnah'sclassperspective,describedfromits topics and problems, is that of the undercapitalizedand overextendedupper-classfarmer,who has no appreciationwhatsoeverfor the interestsof those with liquidcapital and no understandingof the role of tradingin commodity futures.This landedproprietorof an estate of some size sees a bushelof grain as a measure of value. But he does not concedethat, in the provisionof suppliesand sustenancethrough the year, from one harvestto the next, lies a kind of increaseno less productivethan the increaseof the fields and the herd. The Mishnahis the voice of the head of the household,the pillarof society, the model of the community, the arbiter and mediator of the goods of this world, fair, just, honorable, above all, reliable. The Mishnahthereforeis the voice of the Israelitelandholding,proprietary class (compareSoviet Viewsof TalmudicJudaism.Five Papersby Yu. A. Solodukhoin EnglishTranslation, editedwith a commentaryby thiswriter [Leiden,1973:E. J. Brill]).Its problemsare the problemsof the landowner,
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the householder,as I said, the Mishnah'sbasic and recurrentsubjectfor nearlyall predicates.Its perspectivesare his. Its senseof whatis just and fair expresseshis sense of the givennessand cosmicrightnessof the presentcondition of society. EarthmatchesHeaven.The Mishnah'shope for Heaven and its claim on earth,to earth,correspondingto the supernaturalbasis for the natural world, bespeak the imagination of the surviving Israelite burgherdomof the mid-secondcenturyLandof Israel-people deeplytired of war and its dislocation, profoundlydistrustfulof messiahs and their dangerous promises. These are men of substance and means, however modest, aching for a stable and predictableworld in which to tend their crops and herds, feed their families and workers, keep to the natural rhythmsof the seasons and the lunarcycles, and, in all, live out their lives within strong and secureboundaries,on earth and in Heaven. That is why the senseof landedplaceand its limits,the sharpline drawn betweenvillageand world,on the one side, betweenIsraeliteand world, on the second, and betweenTempleand world,on the third,evoke metaphysical correspondenceswhichwe notice in theirfull expressionin the division of AppointedTimes. Israel,Temple,village form a trilogy, in perfectcorrespondence,a deep communion.The Mishnah'sdeepest limns are locative, not utopian.Theseareto be preservedand defendedin all of theirexistent, fully realizedperfection.Changeabove all is a threatto the stability, and thus to perfection,to the continuity,of this worldof perfectcorrespondences between Heaven and earth. Now when we turn away from the Mishnah'simaginedworld to the actualcontext of the Israelitecommunityafter Bar Kokhba,we are able to discernwhat it is that the Mishnah'ssages havefor rawmaterials,the slime they have for mortar,the bricksthey have for building.The archaeological evidence of the later second and third centuryrevealsa thrivingIsraelite communityin Galilee and surroundingregions, a communitywell able to constructfor itself synagoguesof considerableaestheticambition,to sustain and supportan internalgovernmentand the appurtenancesof an abundant life. What that means is that, while the south was permanentlylost, the north remainedessentiallyintact. Indeed, it would be on the sturdy and secure foundationsof that stable communityof the northernpart of the Landof Israelthat Israelitelife for the next threeor four hundredyears-a very long time-would be constructed. So whenthe Mishnah'ssagescast theireyes out on the survivingIsraelite world, theirgaze must have restedupon that thingwhichhad endured,and wouldcontinueto endure,beyondthe unimaginablecatastrophebroughton
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by Bar Kokhba and his disruptivemessianicadventure.Extantand enduring was a world of responsible,solid farmersand their slaves and dependents, the men and women upon the backs of whom the Israeliteworld would now have come to rest.They, theirchildren,slaves,dependentscould yet make a world to endure-if only they could keep what they had, pretty much as they had it-no more, but also no less. Theirswas not a society aimed at aggrandizement.They wantedno more than to preservewhat had survivedout of the disorderlypast. That is why the Mishnah'sis not a system respectfulof increase.It asks no more than that what is, is what to be. The Mishnahseeksthe perfectionof a worldat rest,the preconditionof that seal of creation'sperfectionsanctifiedon the seventhday of Creationand perpetuallysanctifiedby the seventh day of Creation. But if the philosophersof Israelitesociety spoke about a real world, a world in being, the values of whichwere susceptibleof protectionand preservation,the boundariesof which were readilydiscerned,they also defied that real world. They speak of location but have none. For Israelitesettlement in the Land then was certainlynot contiguous.There was no polity resting on a homogeneoussocial basis. All Israel had was villages, on a speckledmap of villagesof many peoples.Therewas no Israelitenation,in full charge of its lands or Land, standingupon contiguousand essentially unitedterritories.Thislocativepolityis builtupon utopia:no one place.The laws of administeringthe conflictsand quarrelsof the Israelitecommunity, as laid forth in the Babas, representpotentiallyimportantforce for order. Those on the largerinstitutionsof government-Sanhedrin,high priestof a Temple,and king-do not. For the Sanhedrincan have been preciselyas real as the Templeand king. Therewas no Sanhedrin,just as therewereno Templeand no king.The nasiof latertimeswas no moreto be confusedwith the nasi of Horayot and of Scripturethan was the Roman emperorto be deemedthe king of kings of kings.The point needs no amplification.Sages imaginea governmentout of the materialsof the distantpast, formedfrom Scriptureand perhapstheirown dim recollectionsof what mighthave been done, but above all, made out of theirown vivid hopes of how things must be done at some point in an undifferentiated future.This act of imagination is the penultimategestureof defiance.The ultimateone is forminga locative system in no particularplace, speaking nowhere about somewhere,concretely specifyingutopia. So we have two differentsorts of things,formingone cogentsystem.It is a system perchedon the precariousedge betweenhow things are and how sages want or imaginethem to be. Out of Scripturecome manylaws on the
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civil conflicts of a vigorous village society. From other sources,including logic and imagination,come otherlaws on that and relatedtopics. So far as Scripturecan help, it is a rich source of information.But the system of Damagesas a whole is not Scripture'sand does not pretendto be. It is an accountof practicalthingsin a theoreticalframework,concretecases which revealsignificantprinciplesof social intercourse,on the one side, and practical things which describethe institutionsof society, on the other. The formernot only are practicalbut can havebeen practiced.The lattercannot have been other than impractical,in the contextof the Israelitepoliticalsetting of the time of the Mishnahand a long time thereafter.Perhapswe find in the Babas a descriptionof how things are;we certainlymay rely on the Mishnah'saccountof the law for a pictureof how ordinaryaffairswouldbe workedout in time to come. So far as the people of Israelfound it possible to decide the little thingsleft in theirpower,they would look to the Babas and appropriatematerialsin otherpartsof the Mishnahfor rulesgoverning those small matters.But we surelyfind in Sanhedrin-Makkotand in other relevantmaterialsa descriptionof a perfectworld which never had been, was not in beingin the time the Mishnah'sframersthoughtit up, and never wouldcome into being,not then, not ever.Thatis the curiousfact aboutthis division of Damages,its incapacityor disinterestin distinguishingbetween fantasy and practicality. And yet it is in that dazed perception,that hazy perceptionof what is and what might have been or may one day be, that we find the measureof the state of mind of the mid-secondcenturyphilosopherswhose work is beforeus. For the Mishnah'ssages confrontedso granda disasteras Israel had neverknownbefore.BarKokhbabroughtabout the decisiveend of the cult-centeredworld begunat Sinai. No wonder,then, that at everyappropriate opportunitythe Mishnah'ssages should have linkedthemselvesto the revelationof Sinai. But no wonder,too, that they undertookthe monumental task to make a whole new world, a world which, claiming merely to repeat the old, in fresh languagespoke about new things to a generation lacking all precedent,bereft of all bond to the past. Once more we referin our own mindsto the impacton the imagination of the Mishnah'sframersmade by the ultimate,irrevocableend of Temple, cult, sacrifice,and even of Jerusalem.No longerto be denied,this finalresolution of the enduringsymbiosisof people, cult, now-forbiddencity, and Land,presentedthe greatthinkerswith a problemof thought,of discovery of the weightand meaningof analogy,of explorationof newmodesof reflection on new thingsin a new contextand for unpredictableconsequences.It
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whichaboveall posesthequestionof theage. is thisutterlackof precedent of beingonlyintellectuals were To this taskof thoughtandinterpretation suited.But,in the Mishnah,theyshowus theirpower. Thereweretearsin 70,buttherethenwasyethope.TheMishnahis nota It is a statementbeyondtheendof ancienthope, documentof lamentation. therefore lookingbackward, speakingof the perfectfuture.No wonder, then,that it findsnew language,to speakof unprecedented subjects,in a newway,addressedto a newcontext,for a newpurpose.Andno wonder, is aboutold,enduring either,thatits principalstatement things,itsprincipal withpreserving theimaginedstatus andgenerative conceptionis concerned quo. The Mishnah'sprimaryconvictionis focuseduponthe attainmentof sanctificationin a worldpast time, a worldmade perfectthroughthe on earth,of stasisandthecomplementarity whichwould accomplishment, in constitutecreation'sperfection andprovoke Heaventheresponseof sanctification.The Temple'sruinsceaseto smoulder.Jerusalemis no longer. Thusthe heavensand the earthwerefinished,andall the host of them.Andon
theseventhdayGodfinishedhisworkwhichhehaddone.Andherestedonthe seventhdayfromall his workwhichhe haddone.So Godblessedtheseventh day andsanctifiedit, becauseon it Godrestedfrom all his workwhichhe had done in creation.
A Reevaluation of a Medieval Polemical Manuscript Author(s): Joel E. Rembaum Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 81-99 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486454 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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A REEVALUATIONOF A MEDIEVAL POLEMICAL MANUSCRIPT by JOEL E. REMBAUM University of Judaism
In 1935EphraimE. Urbach,in his "Etudessur la litteraturepolemique au moyen-age,"'providedthe studentof Jewishhistorywith manyvaluable insights into the nature of medievalJewish-Christianrelations.The basis for Urbach's study, MS Or. 53 of the BibliotecaNazionale Centralein Rome, is a collectionof Jewishanti-ChristianpolemicalmaterialfromthirteenthcenturyFrenchand Germansources.Urbachdividesthe manuscript into three main fragments,Al, A2 and B.2Of the three,A2 is the smallest, consistingof five folios (21r-25v).In 1974this text was publishedby the late Judah Rosenthal.3Importantconclusionshave been drawnfromthese five pages, including the suggestionthat they contain the record of a debate betweena Jewish apostate, Paul Christian,and a FrenchJew, Menahem.4 There is reason to suggest that the materialcontainedin this manuscript requiresa reevaluationof certainof the conclusionsheretoforepresented. 1. Ephraim E. Urbach, "Etudes sur la litterature pol6mique au moyen-ige," Revue des etudes juives 100 (1935): 49-77. 2. Urbach, "Etudes," p. 51 and passim. 3. Judah Rosenthal, "Vikkuab dati bein bakham be-shem Menahem u-vein ha-mumar ve-ha-nazir ha-dominiqani Pablo Kristi'ani," Hagut 'ivrit be-'ameriqa 3 (1974): 61-74 (hereafter, R.). 4. Urbach, "etudes," p. 56; R., p. 61. See also Judah Rosenthal, "Sifrut ha-vikkuab haanti-noSerit 'ad sof ha-me'ah ha-shemoneh 'esreh," 'Areshet 2 (1960): 142-44; idem, ed., Sefer Yosef ha-meqanne (Jerusalem, 1970), p. 30 (Hebrew) (hereafter, S. Y.).
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This studywill offera numberof new textualcommentsdemonstratingthat the importanceof A2 lies in factorsdifferentfrom those previouslynoted. The fragmentbegins with the following introduction: '12 T'fl2 IVI '1p
3DI3lMZ5n5V 2fl~r '5Kfl11 fVPu121 Mltl1.15l11 5P
fl'lfln'T flMZ15'"I1?
(Bediligentin studyingTorah,andthisis whatyoushouldrespondto an 'epiqoros.It is now5029(=-1269),andan apostatehascomefromMontpellier, the secretsof theTorahandheretically thehomiliesof revealing interpreting our Talmud.He has alreadyheld a disputationwith RabbiMosesben Nahmanbeforethe kingof Aragonin Barcelona.) This is a straightforwardstatementof a historicalevent:In 1269the apostate who disputedwith Nahmanidesin Barcelonacame fromMontpellierto the writer'splace of residencein France.The apostatewas Paul Christian, an active missionizeramong the Jews of Spain and France.6The material that follows on fol. 21 of MS 53 is a series of argumentsexcerptedfrom Nahmanides'recordof the 1263 Barcelonadebate (the so-called Vikkuah ha-RaMbaN, the "Disputation of Nahmanides"), including additional points not found in the Nahmanidestext.7 The first clauseof this prefaceis adaptedfrom Mishnah'Avot 2:14. Its purposehere is to encouragethe readerto prepareto respondto the challenges of a Christiandisputant.The argumentsthat follow are intendedto providethe preparationfor accomplishingthis goal. This phraseis similarly employed by Joseph ben Nathan Official in his Sefer Yosefha-meqanne (France,about 1250)and by the anonymousauthorof the LiberNizzachon vetus(Germany,thirteenthcentury [?]).8 The additionsfound in the "Disputation"synopsisare of interest.They and havetheseelements areclusteredtogetheron fol. 21r of the manuscript9 in common: 1) Whilethey begin with questionsraisedby Paul, as noted in 5. MS Or. 53, Rome,BibliotecaNazionaleCentrale,fol. 21r,(hereafter,MS 53);R., p. 62. 6. R., p. 62, especiallynn. 1-5. 7. See the Nahmanidesaccountin J. C. Wagenseil,Telaigneasatanae(Altdorf,1681),pp. 2 vols. (Jerusalem,1973), 23-60, and in C. B. Chavel,ed., KitveirabbenuMoshehbenNabrman, 1:302-20. 8. S.Y., p. 15 and LiberNizzachonvetus,in Wagenseil,Tela,pp. 186, 189. (Subsequent referenceswill be to pagesin Wagenseil.)On the datesandprovenancesof theseworkssee S. Y., pp. 16-17 (Hebrew),and see n. 54 below. 9. R., pp. 62-63, and see nn. 5, 8, 9, 11.
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the answersthatareoffereddifferfromthoseof Rabbi the "Disputation," a jussive Moses.2) Threeof the answersbeginwiththetermyeshle-hashiv, suggestinga retortshouldthereaderbe confrontedby a polemizingChristian.Thisdidactictenoris consistentwiththatof theprefaceandit is similar notedon fols.22rand24rof fragment to thetoneof a numberof arguments other than the "Disputation."'This usage in from sources material A2, differsfromthe pasttenseforms('anah,heshiv,va-ya'an) generallyusedin of theNahmanides material.Apparently, ourcompilerprethe summaries ferredexplanationsof his own, or fromotherextantsources,to thoseof Nahmanidesand did not hesitateto includethemin his epitome. Certainof theseeditorialadditionsparalleltraditionsthatcanbe traced to sourcesthat antedatethe 1260s.In the responsesto the christological of Genesis49:10our writerarguesthat this versedoes not interpretation Jesus' messiahshipbecausethe kingdomof Judahendedbefore predict doesmakea similarpoint,it is not his Jesus'coming.WhileNahmanides the primaryargument."However, argumentthatJesuscamemanyyears afterthe end of the royaldynastyof Judahis a centralissuefor Joseph Kimhiin his Seferha-berit(SouthernFrance,about1170).12Moreover,the authorof A2 placesJesus'comingin the daysof QueenHelena.Thisis a traditionextractedfrom the ToledotYeshusources.The spellingn,~,, foundin ourmanuscript, appearsin a numberof ToledotYeshuversions.' notioninyetanotherof Rosenthalhasnotedthepresenceof a ToledotYeshu 10. R., pp. 65, 70. 11. Chavel,Kitvei,p. 304. 12. Frank(Ephraim)Talmage,ed., Seferha-beritu-vikkubzei RaDaQ 'imha-noserim(Jerusalem,1974),pp. 35-36. Thetext of the Seferha-beritwas firstpublishedin the Milbemetbovah (Constantinople,1710), pp. 18a-38b. (Subsequentreferenceto the Sefer ha-beritand the Vikkuabha-RaDaQwill be to pages in Talmage,Sefer ha-berit,hereafterS.H.) See, also, Frank Talmage,ed., The Book of the Covenantof JosephKimbi(Toronto, 1972),pp. 9-19, regardingthe date and placeof compositionof Seferha-berit.This argumentis also foundin a work by Kimbi'scontemporary,Jacob ben Reuben;see JudahRosenthal,ed., Milhamothashem (Jerusalem,1963), pp. 50-51, 54-55. See, in general,Adolf Posnanski,Schiloh.Ein Beitragzur Geschichtedes Messiaslehre(Leipzig,1904). 13. On ToledotYeshu,see SamuelKrauss,Das LebenJesunachjadischenQuellen(Berlin, 1902),pp. 40 (andsee n. 21), 70, 183-84, 231-32 and passim.Toledotyeshuelementsarerarely incorporatedinto medievalJewishanti-Christian polemics.TheJewishpolemicistspreferredto confront Christianitywith argumentsdrawn from authentic Christian traditions. Some examplesof this infrequentuse of the Toledotyeshuin the polemicsare: Vikkuabha-RaDaQ,in S.H., p. 91; Nizzachonvetus,p. 239;Milbemetmievahof Meirben Simeonof Narbonne,in MS 2749, Parma,BibliotecaPalatina,fols. 94r, 96v-97r,139v.On the MilbemetmiSvahsee J. E. Rembaum,"TheInfluenceof SeferNestorHakomeron MedievalJewishPolemics,"Proceedings of the AmericanAcademyfor JewishResearch45 (1978): 167-68, n. 54.
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JOEL E. REMBAUM
our writer'sinterpolations.'4Finally,in his criticismof the Christianclaim that the "SufferingServant"of Isaiah 53 is Jesus, the compilerargues:If JesuswereGod, how could he be calleda servant?Thispoint was attributed to Joseph Bekhor Shor (twelfth century)in a comment on Isaiah 53 recordedin the Sefer Yosefha-meqanne.'5 It appearsthat our writerwas aware of extant polemicaltraditionswhich he used as the basis for his interpolations. The subjectmatterand style of the discussionson fols. 22r-25vof fragment A2'6 are considerablydifferentfrom the content and format of the Nahmanidesepitome. For example,in the second part there are no references to talmudicliterature,the sourcefor most of Paul's argumentsand Rabbi Moses' responses.As opposedto the issue of Jesus'messiahship,the dominantthemeof the "Disputation"summary,the notionsof Jesus'divinity and saving powers come to the fore in the subsequentfolios. In the courseof these argumentsan awarenessof Christiantheologyand New Testament traditions is in evidence. Moreover, the structureof the PaulNahmanidesdebate in the manuscriptis consistentlyone of the min, the sectarian(Paul), asking and the Rabbi (Moses) answering.In the second part we find numerouspassages in which a Jew initiates a discussionor raises a criticism. We have alreadyseen that the usage of yesh le-hashivis an anomalyin the firstpartof the manuscriptandcan be linkedto the compiler'sinterpolations, whereasit fits betterinto the style of the secondsection.The samecan be said for the term "pD. This root, which can be understoodto mean "hereticallyinterpret,"is found in the prefaceto the manuscript'7but does not appearin the selectionsfrom the "Disputation."It does occur in the second part of the manuscript,along with the term ino.'8These words are found throughoutthe Sefer Yosefha-meqanne and the Nizzachonvetus,as is the phrase katuv lahem, which precedesthe citations of New Testament traditionsin our manuscript.'9 14. R., p. 63, n. 8. 15. S.Y., p. 79; S. R. Driverand AdolfNeubauer,TheFifty-thirdChapterof IsaiahAccord2 vols., reprinted. (New York, 1969),1:68.The sameargumentis ing to theJewishInterpreters, found in the Milbemetmisvah,fols. 112vand 158v;Driver-Neubauer,Fifty-thirdChapter, 1:323. 16. R., pp. 64-74. 17. See n. 5 above. 18. MS 53, fols. 24r, 25r; R., pp. 70, 72. see S. Y.,pp. 29, 31, 33, 34, 19. MS 53, fol. 22;R., pp. 65-67. Regardingthe use of ,porin
REEVALUATION OF A MEDIEVAL POLEMICAL MANUSCRIPT
85
If thefirstsectionof A2is taken,essentially, fromonesource,thesecond is an eclecticcompilationfroma varietyof sources. partof the manuscript Thiswillbecomemoreclearin theanalysispresented below.Theonlyeclecticsectionin theepitomeof the"Disputation" is thesegmentcontaining the compiler'sadditions. Rosenthaltakesnoteof the factthatat the conclusionof theNahmanidesmaterial,on fol. 21v,thereis a lacunaseparating the bodyof the text from what followson fol. 22r.20Whetherthis representsan intentional demarcation by thescribeor anerroron hispartis not clear.Eitherway,it createsan indicationin thetextthatcoincideswitha conclusion fortuitously that is tentativelysuggestedas a resultof the analysisup to this point: A2 is a compilationof a numberof literarysources,dividedinto Fragment two discretesections. The first segment, fol. 21, is a synopsisof the "Disputation of Nahmanides,"with interpolations,to be designatedA2'. The secondsegment,fols. 22r-25v,is a compendiumof polemicalpassagesculled from a variety of sources, to be designatedA22. Beforeresumingthe examinationof the text of our manuscript,the matter of the identityof the writershouldbe brieflydiscussed.Suchan identification is very difficult. Two names, Asher and Menahem,appear in the manuscriptprefacedby the term ne'um;this word seems to designatethe writerof the passageto whichit is appended.Thus,Asheris associatedwith a discussionon fol. 22r2lrelatingto the issue of the Jewishexile. Similarly, Menahemis twice linked to a series of argumentson the subjectof verus Israel, found on fol. 25v.22The obvious problemis that it is all but impossible to determinehow much more of the materialprecedingthese namesis to be associatedwith them. Thereare also referencesto RabbiNathan ben JosephOfficial,23to Rabbi Asher24(probablythe sameAsher noted above)
43, 69 and passim;Nizzachonvetus,pp. 70, 81, 94, 98, 157, 174and passim.On the use of 3inD on, see S. Y, pp. 125, 130-32 and passim;Nizzachonvetus,pp. 188,221, 231, 235 and passim. See also the terms used in the other segmentsof MS 53, publishedby Judah Rosenthal: "Biqqoretyehudit shel ha-beritha-badashahmin ha-me'ahha-shelosh'esreh,"in Charles Berlin,ed., Studiesin JewishBibliography, HistoryandLiteraturein Honorof L EdwardKiev (New York, 1971), Hebrewsec., pp. 123-39; "Pirqeivikkuab,"in Salo W. BaronJubilee Volume,3 vols. (Jerusalem,1974),3:357, 360, 362 and passim. 20. R., p. 64, n. 27. 21. R., p. 65. 22. R., pp. 73-74. 23. MS 53, fol. 22v;R., p. 66. 24. MS 53, fol. 25r; R., p. 72.
86
JOELE. REMBAUM
andto RabbiAaron.25 These,however,arecitedbythecompilerandtellus his of The nothing identity. onlyhintwecanextractfromthesenamesis that thewriterof A2 wasa JewfromNorthernFrancewhowasfamiliarwiththe Officialfamilypolemicaltradition.Wecanmakethisassumption sincethree of the namesmentionedwereeithermembersof or associatedwith that Moreover,thenatureof the linguisticandstylisticelementsof the family.26 wouldtendto reinforcethis conclusion. manuscript Thehypothesis thatfragment A2is a compilation of literarymaterialcan demonstrated the foundin A22. be conclusively an of by analysis arguments This segment,like A2', containsmaterialfrompolemicalworkswritten criticismprepriorto the 1260s.At variouspointsin the anti-Christian sentedin A22the authoremploysthe debateformat,a commonfeatureof In oursourcethe disputantsare the genreof medievalliterarypolemics.27 to a Christian,andthe designatedthe min,the sectarian- herereferring thebeliever- a Jew.A comparison of thefollowingpassage,from ma'amin, fol. 22v of fragmentA22, with a selectionfrom JosephKimbi'sSefer is that the min-ma'amin formatof our manuscript ha-berit,demonstrates elsewhere. a of which were taken from the Thus, purely literarydevice,parts witha Jewishrespondent, associationof theminwithPaulandthema'amin Menahem,as has heretoforebeensuggested,28is unwarranted. A22:
Sefer ha-berit: ?
-1xv
.1 v
D
'9D
i
3m
-p~n~q P ?t -inxkP Irqx 39l n0 agw m -131m ,'1•1•K7Ihln,.' ', 3 3 Dr TV 3'31 .'13 p)tlmn,'61K ) K OKIl T, vy, 1 "D, I ,'1:1,1 ,'T)=•6,1:1 ,I ;D,'l 1,r .i'~l,'1 'I TK 1:1 D,'V3? DK ': DV3=, ,rnv 03? Y DK' 1'31 V 0'v1' T'K 0;,'2W,113 V nnx ... 'fl,921 PV13? D0?IK ,117,l,'110,21K, XI 3Y '3K ... :,T'X1 "IK .10t 1 •It t' •v p,'l,:gx ?vm-?awiy Panivqmnr. , T1?/ nll~h'l b1o3-1006 D13T"IW316D 13'11INZ 'D ?3 q)K mv' ar.1,93,9Y 13,9a'V3?? nnp armV'qv r anix ln 13,9D.1-1 1mm 1'9 intn
ron-.
6
irn
inmr
x
wn
muny13
25. MS 53, fol. 23v;R., p. 69, n. 53. 26. On the Officialfamilyand RabbiAaron'squotingRabbiNathanOfficialin his Bible commentaries,see R., p. 61, especiallyn. 9; S. Y, pp. 16-28 (Hebrew),especiallyp. 23. Urbach, "etudes,"pp. 58-60, has alreadynotedthat A2 was writtenin Franceand that the writerwas associatedwith the Officials.However,as notedin the text of the presentstudy,the identification of our writerwith Menahemis far from certain. 27. Talmage, Book of the Covenant, p. 20.
28. In S. Y., p. 30 (Hebrew),Rosenthaldescribesour manuscriptin the followingwords: ' m inp rtwrrl m=n m *3nD) ro r1 (mnua3 ') r r3
(''n'vo
REEVALUATION OF A MEDIEVAL POLEMICAL MANUSCRIPT
•r11 :Tpi't
1 '9I,
.11V 13'9 D
1 .1z1
*w
':i
oth'lS
iso
ormlrldll
87
k in ptw-o odn
12z 051-z12-I 3' 11?1 (The ma'aminsaid: Y pwillrecog-nn , flhUnix 131P5 1 T'1X
..
I' 1 2t?3M1V, '111 53fl5r
1'21TI:3 r153 fl'-2T 121l13 "1
the faith in the Creator,may He bel
'~
': 1K l 1 K11
n dny .. owh'cnnyo cn• noit
o"nppre
n 1Trryr'lion ,r ,1D wriavln1 trywnI,
through proper faith and goodn deeds, and that faIth is only comm-101 On 01313V v•l: 0"15Z
1 arrmolwy•lr
plete and correct [with]good deeds (The ma'aminsaid: Know that all (The ma'aminsaid: You will recog- the good which areman achieves rn in nize and admit that the essence of being partnerswith each other.The ite faith in the Creator,may He be worknsand faith. If I can attnribute
blessed, and worship of Him is to act through proper faith and good deeds, and that faith is only complete and correct [with] good deeds and, similarly, good deeds are only with correct correctfaith, the two completewith two faith, the complete being partners with each other. The min said: I admit that this is all true and irrefutable, but, as for you, you do not have correct faith. And even though you do practice some good
who rob peopleon the highwaysand hangeyes. themYou and sometimes gougeany out their cannot establish of these with respect to the Jews. of
these
with
respect
to
the
Jews.
29. R., p. 67. Urbach, "Etudes," p. 66, allows for the possibility that this passage was not from a face-to-face debate. 30. S.H., pp. 25-26.
88
JOEL E. REMBAUM
deeds all this is worthless,because faith is the total essence and deeds are secondary.The ma'aminsaid: I will now beginto establishthatJews practice good deeds, as is readily evident. Behold, the Jews, young and old alike, study Torah. They accustom their sons from youth to study and to go to synagogue.He removesobscenityfrom his mouth, accustoms him to proper language and warns him against swearing falsely. They guard their daughters from being wanton whores and [teach them] to hide themselves from men. There is no open unchastity among them. They do not dig throughwalls to steal, and they do not rob people on the highways. But you, every one of you speaks obscenely.You swearby your deity, his head, his mouth, his hands, his feet, his eyes and all his body, even his nakednessand his shame. Your daughtersare wanton,some of them dwelling in the "tent of whores." There are thieves and bandits among you. The Jews are pious in their actions and take pity on their brethrenso that they do not have to go knockingon doorsbegging.They bring the poor into homes to feed them, to give themdrink,to provide them with their tithes and to marry off their daughters. They redeem captives. They observe Sabbaths and festivals accordingto the law, but you do the opposite.)
These Jews and Jewesses who are modest in all their deeds, raisetheir children, from the youngest to the oldest, in the study of Torah.If they hear a vile word fromthe mouth [of a child], they beat him and chastise him so that he would no longer swear with his lips. They train him too to pray every day. If they hear that he has become accustomedto swearing,they will keep him from [doing] so. Their daughters, with modesty, are not to be seen about nor found wantonlike the daughters of the gentiles who go out everywhere to streetcorners ... I tell you
furtherthat whenevera Jew stops at the home of his fellow for a day or two or [even]a year, he will take no paymentfor food from him. This is so with all the Jewsin the worldwho act towardtheir brethrenwith compassion. If they see their brothera captive,theyransomhim;[if] naked, they clothe him and do not allow him to go about begging.They send him provisionsin secret... No one can deny that all these good traits whichI mentionedare found among the Jews and [that] their opposites [are found] among Christians.Further, the Jews keep their Sabbaths and festivals conscientiously . .)31
31. Talmage, Book of the Covenant, pp. 32-33.
89
REEVALUATION OF A MEDIEVAL POLEMICAL MANUSCRIPT
Joseph Kimhi's work was writtenabout 1170. Like our author, he intended his work to be an aid to Jews confrontedby polemizingChristians. He, too, ostensiblywrotethe piecein responseto a requestfroma student,32 and, in employingthe debate format, used the termsmin and ma'aminto referto the disputants. A comparisonbetweenthese two passagesfrom A22 and Seferha-berit revealsno less than fifteencommonelementsin the argumentation:1) Both faith and acts are necessaryin Judaism.2) Jewsdo not steal. 3) Christians are known to be bandits. 4) Jews teach Torah to young and old alike. 5) Jewish children are strictly reprimandedif they engage in vile talk. 6) Jewishchildrenregularlyattend synagogue.7) Jewishchildrenare cautioned againsttakingfalse oaths. 8) Jewishgirls are taughtpropermorals. 9) Christiangirls are wanton. 10) Jewsprovidefood and lodgingfor other Jews. 11) Jews provide charity to the poor, thereby 12) preventingthem from havingto knock on doors and beg for food and sustenance.13) Jews redeem Jewish captives. 14) Jews observe the Sabbath and festivals; 15) Christianshowever,do not. A22'sdependenceon Seferha-beritfor this passageis furtherdemonstratedby similaritiesin terminology.Both works use, in similarcontexts,termssuch as: 'emunahnekhonah,hirgille-hitpallel, melastim ha-beriyyot ba-derakhim,le-hahbziqbe-yad ha-yehudim, .bozer While it could be argued that such terminology (sho'el) 'al ha-petahbim. simply representstraditional Hebrew usage, the extent of the linguistic similarity,when consideredalong with the thematicand contextualparallels, cannot be dismissedas coincidental. The "debate"in fragmentA22continueswith the minraisingthe issueof Jewishmoney-lendingand respondingto the answerof the ma'aminwith a referenceto Christianhermits(w'~~,x-o1));33the discussionthen turnsto the issue of Jesus'incarnation(fol. 23r). This sequenceof themes,includinga referenceto hermits,is identicalto the continuationof the text of Seferhaberit.34Moreover,the respectivediscussionsof the incarnationin the two sources display a similarityof both thought and language. A22: .1=1
5?D11
-*1
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Sefer ha-berit: On=
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32. S.H., p. 21. 33. MS 53, fol. 22v;R., p. 68, especiallyn. 47. 34. S.H., pp. 27-29. The Seferha-beritdoes not havethe specificterm"hermit,"butrather the following description: 5'iD n - nim r' =in Ptfinn)i m 5n1 In twi 01 1 DI .
•
nnn•-i-ncw
90
JOELE. REMBAUM
.15
n'm
nm
pmt'lLr
1w,
arm1"
(They say that He enteredthe belly of a woman, was born, ate, drank, defecated, urinated and was born throughthe womb as are othernewborns, and that His mother gave birthto Him in detestablefilth. And they call her [?].This diminishesthe dignityof the greatnessof His sacred glory. They also associateHim with all sorts of shameful things. For each of these they are worthy of death.)
n?3nirmo ,nS
p:33 Tnmraimvz:3,=Tvx
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(How shall I believe that this great inaccessible Deus absconditus needof a woman, the womb lesslyentered the filthy, foul bowels of a female, compelling the living God to be born of a woman, a child without knowledgeor understanding,senseunable between less,right distinguish his handtobelieve and that thisdefecating grleft, and urinating,suckinghis mother's breasts from hunger and womb of athirst woman, that he shouldengagein all foul and miserablehuman practices?Thus I do not professthis belief which you profess, for my reason does not allow me to diminishthe greatness He has of God, be He His for be exalted, not lessened He glory, norinating, sucking exalted, hasHe reduced His splendor,be He extolled ... If this faith [of theirs]is not true,however, wow me to them and to those who woe
35. MS 53, fol. 23r, R., p. 68. 36. S.H., p. 29.
to
them
and
to
those
who
91
REEVALUATION OF A MEDIEVAL POLEMICAL MANUSCRIPT
believein it, who diminishthe greatness of the high and exalted Lord and who lessen His glorious splendor.37 The author of our manuscripthas appropriatedmaterial from Sefer haberit. Note the parallelsin theme: 1) The enteringinto a female'swomb. 2) The physical filth associatedwith Jesus' birth. 3) Jesus' need for food and drink. 4) Jesus' passing water and excrements.5) The diminutionof God's glory. 6) A warningto those who believein the incarnation.One can also cite certaintermswhichoccurin both texts:she-nikhnasbe-veten'ishah, mam'ityeqar gedulat kevodo,him'it kevodoyit'alleh, or hisseryeqaroyitnasse. While these types of argumentsagainstthe incarnationare common the selectionof theseparticularpoints,with in Jewishpolemicalliterature,38 theiremphasison the diminishingof God's glory and the resultantimpending doom, coupledwith the similarityin languagewould againseemto rule out random coincidence. Yet anotherexampleof the dependenceof A22on Seferha-beritcan be found in the following presentationsof Christiancriticismof JewishBible exegesis. A22: ni
i1"1"lOfl• 132'? -jD
wilp
nurn
n,93n
Sefer ha-berit:
...
I.2'=1 P ,'I1 ?Dm
lfD
im
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axlPYYn
anx
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37. Talmage, Book of the Covenant, pp. 36-37. 38. Similar arguments are made in the following polemics: Abraham Berliner, ed., Sefer Nestor ha-komer (Altona, 1875), p. 1; Vikkuah ha-RaDaQ, S.H., pp. 86-87; Nizzachon vetus, pp. 40, 163-64; Milbemet miSvah, fols. 26v-27r, 89; Moshe Perlmann, ed., Ibn Kammana's Examination of the Three Faiths (Berkeley, 1971), pp. 86-87. An early version of this criticism can be found in Porphyry's Against the Christians (third century); see M. V. Anastos, "Porphyry's Attack on the Bible," in Luitpold Wallach, ed., The Classical Tradition(Ithaca, 1966), pp. 436-37. See also Macarius Magnes's notions on mother's blood and milk in Anastos, "Porphyry," p. 441. 39. MS 53, fol. 24r; R., p. 70. 40. S.H., pp. 37-38.
JOEL E. REMBAUM
92 (The minimhereticallyinterpret... and say to us: You gnawat the bone, but we eat the meat and the marrow inside. For the biblical text taken literally is the body and the bone, but the allegoryis the spiritand the marrowis figura. We interpretspiritually, accordingto allegory.)
(The minsaid:You understandmost of the Torah literally while we understand it figuratively. Your whole readingof the Bibleis erroneous for you resemble him who gnaws at the bone, while we [suck at] the marrowwithin.)41
Note the similarityin argumentationand terminology.In both sourcesthe Jewishresponsethat follows emphasizesthat the prophetstaughtthe law to Israelliterally.The writersgo on to explainthatwherethe literalmeaningof the Bibleconformsto the dictatesof reason,that meaningis to be accepted. When the literalmeaningdoes not coincidewith a rationalunderstanding, then, and only then, can a figurativeinterpretationbe sought.Both authors incorporatean exampleof a ship on the ocean to clarifytheirpresentations. This exegeticalapproach,with its stresson the necessityof the reasonableness of the literal sense of the biblicaltext in combinationwith a qualified acceptanceof figurativeor allegoricalinterpretation,is typicalof Provenqal Jewishexegesis.42The Seferha-beritis a productof that tradition.Therecan be little doubt that the compilerof A22 had Seferha-beritmaterialbefore him which he reworkedand incorporatedinto his compilation. The suggestionthat fragmentA22be viewedas a collectionof arguments drawnfromextantpolemicalliteratureis furtherreinforcedby the presence 41. Talmage, Book of the Covenant, pp. 46-47.
42. On the Provenqaltheoriesof exegesissee AbrahamGeiger, "Ma'amar'al R. Yosef
Qimbi," in Ludwig Geiger, ed., Abraham Geigers nachgelassene Schriften (Berlin, 1877), p. 11; idem, " Toledot ha-RaDaQ," in 'Osar nebmad, 2 (1857): 157-73, especially p. 168; Louis Finkelstein, ed., The Commentaryof David Kimbi on Isaiah (New York, 1926), pp. xvii-xcvi, especially
is discussed;S. W. Baron,A Socialand xxiv, whereDavid'suse of his father'sinterpretations Religious History of the Jews, 16 vols. to date (New York, 1952-1976), 6:280-81, 467-68; Frank Talmage, David Kimbi: The Man and the Commentaries(Cambridge, Mass. and London, 1975), pp. 54-134, especially pp. 118-25. The author of the MilhbemetmiSvahtakes this exegeti-
cal approachone step furtherby applyingit to the understandingof talmudicpassages;see MilhemetmiSvah,fols. 215v-216v.The Provengalmethod of interpretationdiffersfrom the exegesisof the NorthernFrenchschools,with theiremphasison the interplayof twUand9rr; see Samuel Poznanski, Perush 'al yebezqe'el u-terei 'asar le-rabbi 'Eli'ezer mi-Belgeni (War-
saw, 1913),pp. IX-CLXVI,especiallypp. XX, LXV-LXVI.Even JosephBekhorShor, who criticizedthe Christianallegoricalapproach,did not set down guidelinesfor the correct applicationof allegory,as did the SouthernFrenchcommentators;see Poznanski,Perush,p. LXIX.
93
REEVALUATION OF A MEDIEVAL POLEMICAL MANUSCRIPT
in the manuscriptof materialsimilarto yet anotherwork,the so-called Vikkuabha-RaDaQ.43 On fol. 24 we read a critique of the christological
a word-for-word renditionof of Psalms22 thatis practically interpretation the first section of the Vikkuahb. A22: T393,9tlgu
n
lwgn?Dnrlw
N1 3XI
ix
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Vikkuahb:
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ix1
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I ?Y r I ox ,lrl5N Y 71'97 LXn '93XMY1 n ran'Dan 1113n Y M76W.1 OXIT?Dn 1'9X -.&TIM, n nl-n.TWl 5 -.1V ?Y ox .n1•xN~1,N xD rn'ra ll•~'m,•Nn n•,•= na.,,•113=,nx n lnt•n nrlxrlpIx 1'K --IYlV X?, ? n~r "l-.K,' OXy ?r tDl
Y
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44.1I rftK •IK 1,-IX
I-,X 13XI
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nx
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XrI-1 3-iyn3 41.nj-.ft-.
(The ma'amin asked: When Jesus prayedand said, "Saveme from the lion's mouth," in the psalm, "My God, my God, why have You desertedme?,"was it his will to be saved or not? If you say that he wanted [to be saved], did he forget that he came down to sufferpain, or did he change his mind. If you say
nyl x 1I Y 1 rtKY.1 nl1r:",1' InYluts Y piY 1'y
113"K -i,"I nx rl"1n wrl? ?lr;l';
a1wn
r
rivirb
?y
9-r
r~wi
9n
I
-. rin
wnn3
wq
pry rqunrl?
LIvqrrqrl
onxi
arvoix
113Iyy nl-?yn
-.iuiwa
nx
I13y -)D
Ihjn
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Y=l~;~~a
13,gx
p~iYlyt
X,
ox
?ivqw
In
nl-?yn
iv~n oxi
awwn
my
([Thus] says [the author]:I ask you: When [Jesus] prayed, "Save me from the lion's mouth"in the psalm [beginning]"My God, my God, why have You forsaken me?", did he wish to be saved or not? If you say that he wished, he either forgot or regrettedthe condition upon which he descended[to earth] in order to
43. See Frank Talmage,"An HebrewPolemicalTreatise,Anti-Catharand Anti-Orthowas firstpublishedin the dox," HarvardTheologicalReview55 (1967):323-48. The Vikkuah. bovah,pp. 13a-18b. Milhbemet 44. R., p. 71. 45. S.H., p. 83.
94
JOEL E. REMBAUM
he did not wish to be saved,then he was a fool to prayfor that whichhe did not want. Also answerme this: Did he pray concerningthe flesh or concerningthe divinity?If you say that he prayedconcerningthe flesh, how did his prayerhelp him?And if he prayed concerningthe divinity, divinity does not need to be saved. Furthermore,did he have the power to save himselfor not?If you say he had the power,why did he cry out to others?And if he lackedthe power, where was his divinity?)
sufferaffliction.However,if you say that he did not wish to be saved, [he was a fool, for] anyone who prays for somethinghe does not want is a fool. I ask further:Did he pray for the salvation of his flesh or of his divinity?If you say the flesh, then his prayerwas of no avail. If you say the divinity,divinityneedsno salvation. I ask you further:Whenhe was shoutingfor salvation,could he save himself or not? If you say that he could, he is to be considereda fool, for whoever can save himself does not shout for salvationby someone else. If he could not savehimselfand shouts, he is to be considered a weakling. Now, since you say that his divine nature united with the flesh,all of him [including]his divinity weakened.)46
The similaritybetweenthesetwo passagesis clear,but it does not stop here. After a passageconcerningthe natureof Jesus'soul, the Vikkuahb proceeds to criticizethe Christianinterpretationof Psalms2:8:"Ask of me, and I will makenationsyourheritage,and the worldyourpossession."The questionis raisedas to whetherthis verserefersto Jesus'materialnatureor to his divine nature.If it alludesto the formerthen it could not be truesinceJesusnever ruled. If it is stated with regardto the latterit would also be untrue,since x5 anwiK1xn , 1nan' Irn xin *ln • , nothingcould be given to God: ,in.im.r ,i•
n vS x an
i"v•ub x Inx.47The same argument, in somewhat different
words,follows in A22afterthe sectiondiscussingPsalms22. It is worthnoting that in both A2 and the Vikkuabthe psalmsarecited in the sameorder. Thereis a third section of A22that has its parallelin the pseudo-Radaq source.A seriesof challengesto Jesus'Davidiclineageis raised,includingan argumenton the matterof inheritinga pedigree. 46. Talmage, "Hebrew Polemical Treatise," p. 338. 47. S.H., pp. 83-84.
95
REEVALUATION OF A MEDIEVAL POLEMICAL MANUSCRIPT
A22: X?
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(And furthermore,how does it help to trace Jesus' lineage through his mother? One's lineage is traced only throughhis father,as it is said, "Every man by his own standard, under the bannerof his patriarchal house." Similarly,the daughterof a priest marriedto a non-priestdoes not eat terumah,and her children are unfit for the priesthood.)
i,
(I shall demonstrateto you further that your words are nonsense. A man does not establish his lineage from his mother'stribebut from his father's.It is so stated in the verse "each with his standard,under the bannerof his ancestralhouse."It is clear that if a daughterof a priest marrya nonpriest,she is not allowed to eat of the priestly offerings,nor are her sons eligible for the priesthood.)50
In the courseof these discussionsof Mary'sties to the Davidicline the term is used in both sources.Since our writer,in anothercontext, uses the n•,' termaTgnwhen referringto Jesus'mother,51his employingnKn' in this passage is furtherevidence of a link to the traditionsfound in the Vikkuab. These parallelswith the Vikkuahb ha-RaDaQdemonstrate,even more conclusively, that fragmentA22 is a composite work. It is difficult to ascertainif these A2 sections were adaptedfrom the pseudo-Radaqpiece itself or if the compilersof both works had a third source before them. Any definiteconclusionsregardingthe dependenceof A22 on the Vikkuabmust be suspendedpendinga clarificationof the identity of the latter, which is itself a compilationof differentsources.52This 48. MS 53, fol. 22r; R., p. 66. 49. S.H., p. 85. 50. Talmage, "Hebrew Polemical Treatise," p. 339. 51. See MS 53, fol. 22; R., pp. 65, 66, 67. These passages compare favorably with arguments noted in the Nizzachon vetus; see the discussion below and nn. 54-59. 52. Geiger, "Toledot ha-RaDaQ," p. 165, and Talmage, "Hebrew Polemical Treatise," pp.
96
JOELE. REMBAUM
caveatnotwithstanding,it can hardlybe suggestedthat the Vikkuabtook its materialfrom MS 53-A2, since our source,compiledduringor after 1269, postdatesthe Vikkuab,which was probablywrittenin the early 1200s.53 A22also containsmaterialthat appearsin the Nizzachonvetus.54 On fol. 22 of our manuscriptare three arguments,employingpassages from the New Testament,which criticizeJesus'messiahshipand divinity.The first55 is a refutationof Jesus'Davidicgenealogy,basedon Matthew1:1-16. This segmentis almost identicalto a critiquenoted on pp. 186-87 of the Nizzachon.56The secondpassage,citingMatthew13:53-58,emphasizesthatJesus himselfrecognizedhis humanoriginsin that he did not deny beingthe son of Joseph and having siblings.57The parallelis found in the Nizzachonon pp. 202-4. It is also in fragmentB of MS 53, on fol. 52. The thirdsection challengesthe legitimacyof the Trinitariandoctrineon the basisof Matthew 28:16-20 where Jesus states that he was given kingshipover heaven and earth.58The parallelsare found in the Nizzachon,pp. 218-19, and in MS 53-B, fol. 56v. Since it is likely that MS B and the Nizzachonvetusare the works of GermanJewsand since a Germanicterm, rnrimu (?), appearsat the conclusionof this segmenton fol. 22v59one can suggestthat our compiler adaptedthis section from Germanpolemicaltraditions.These tradi323-26, haveraisedquestionsregardingthe authorshipof the Vikkuah.Others,suchas Baron, History,5:339,n. 38, have acceptedthe notionthat David Kimbiwas involvedin its compilation. 53. On the date of the Vikkuab,see the literaturecited in n. 52, above. 54. The placeof originanddateof the Nizzachonvetushas beenthe subjectof considerable scholarlydiscussion;see Urbach,"Etudes,"pp. 60, 72;H. H. Ben-Sasson,ed., A Historyof the JewishPeople(Cambridge,Mass., 1976),pp. 555-58; AlbertEhrman,"Confessionof Sin to a Priestin the SeferNitzabonYashanNoshan,"Journalof JewishStudies28 (1977):194;MordechaiBreuer,Sefernigfahonyashan(RamatGan, 1978),pp. 21-23; DavidBerger,TheJewishChristian Debate in the High Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 1979), pp. 32-37. The many references
to Germansettingsand the manyGermantermsthroughoutthe workwouldtend to support the suggestionthatthe workcomesfromGermany.The sameholdstruefor the materialin MS 53-B, almost all of which appearsin the Nizzachon;see Urbach,"Ltudes,"p. 77. 55. R., p. 65.
56. The readeris remindedthat pagesnoted are accordingto the Wagenseileditionof the Nizzachon;see nn. 7 and 8 above. 57. R., p. 66. 58. R., p. 67.
59. R., p. 67, especiallyn. 39. See n. 54 aboveon the Germanoriginsof this material.The parallelpassagesfromthe Nizzachonand MS 53 havenot beenincludedin this study,sincethe similaritybetweenargumentsfound in the Nizzachonand in our manuscripthas alreadybeen pointedout by Urbach,"etudes,"passim,andby Rosenthal,R., passim.Theparallelswiththe Seferha-beritand the Vikkuabha-RaDaQwereincludedbecausethe presenceof suchmaterial in MS 53 has not heretoforebeen noted.
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tions could havebeentakenfromthe Nizzachonitselfor froma polemicthat servedas a sourcefor the Nizzachon.We are again facedwith a problemin determiningdependence,this time resultingfrom questions regardingthe date of the Nizzachonvetus.This issue is discussedin note 54, above,and we will not attemptto resolveit in this study. Still, it is clearthat fragmentA22 is a compositepiece.Additionally,our manuscriptprovidesfurtherproofof the close associationbetweenthe polemicistsof NorthernFranceand their counterpartsin Germany,as noted by Urbach and Rosenthal.60 To summarize,we have rejectedthe theorythat MS 53, fragmentA2 is a recordof a single live debate. Rather,we suggest that the manuscriptis a literaryworkfrom NorthernFrancecomprisedof two sections:A22,a compilation of polemicaltraditions,appendedto A2', an editedepitome of the Nahmanidesdisputation.A22'sbeing a compilationof varioussourcescan be deducedfrom the presencewithinit of materialfromthe Seferha-beritof ha-RaDaQ,both of which antedate the Joseph Kimhi and the Vikkuahz to the and the Nizzachonvetus. parallels manuscript It is likely that Paul Christian'svisit to France in 1269 served as the impetusfor the compilationof A2. It was intendedas a manualfor coping eitherwith Paul's argumentsor with the increasein Christianpropaganda that surely followed in his wake. Robert Chazan has noted that Paul's activities in Northern France resulted in a variety of steps being taken against the Jews in the area, includingthe enforcementof "Jew Badge" legislationand the requiringof Jews to attendsermonsdeliveredby ChrisIn writinghis tract,our authorwas conformingto a pattern tian preachers.61 that beganwith earlierJewishpolemicalwriterswho similarlyrespondedto increasesin anti-Jewishpressure.This pattern continued throughoutthe MiddleAges, resultingin the creationof a corpusof Jewishliteraturethat can be defined as a literarygenre unto itself: the anti-Christianpolemic. From a literarypoint of view fragmentA2 is significantfor a numberof reasons.It shows us that the Seferha-beritwas used in NorthernEuropeby writers outside the narrow circle of the ProvenqalKimhi family.62Our manuscriptalso demonstratesthat materialheretoforefound only in the Vikkuabha-RaDaQwas employed in other anti-Christianpolemics. Fur60. Urbach, "Etudes," passim; S. Y., p. 15 (Hebrew). 61. Robert Chazan, Medieval Jewry in Northern France (Baltimore, 1973), pp. 149-53. 62. On the limited use of Sefer ha-berit see L. I. Newman, "Joseph ben Isaac Kimbi as a Religious Controversialist," in Jewish Studies in Memory of lsrael Abrahams (New York, 1927), p. 370; Talmage, Book of the Covenant, pp. 18-19.
98
JOEL E. REMBAUM
thermore,A2 adds to our awarenessof the use of Officialand Nizzachon vetusmaterialin thirteenthcenturyFrance,and our manuscriptaffordsus new insightsinto the themes,style, terminologyand compositenaturethat are characteristicof medievalFranco-Germanpolemics.63FragmentA2 is also valuableas evidencefor the patternsof movementof Jewishculturein WesternEuropeduringthe MiddleAges. As we have seen, the manuscript contains Provenqalcritiquesof Christianitythat flowed into the Northern Europeanschools.64 It is importantto note the role playedby the Official familyin this processof transmissionof traditions.The compilersand interlocutorscitedin fragmentA2 havebeenlinkedwith this importantfamilyin the thirteenthcenturyNorthernFrenchJewishcommunity,who emigrated from the South of Franceto the North and eventuallybecameassociated 63. On the compositenatureof the Nizzachonvetusand the Sefer Yosefha-meqannesee Urbach,"Ltudes,"p. 77, and S. Y.,pp. 13-15 (Hebrew).See, also, Rembaum,"SeferNestor Hakomer,"p. 181, n. 110. 64. There are three additionalargumentsin A22 that are similar to points raised in SouthernFrenchpolemics.In MS 53, fol. 23v,(R., p. 69), we read: innp: 1w "w rnn t* =-n n TxK axionDm iK' i•~ x .nnffl. Thiscompareswiththe followingfrom ni'nomnpn7 a5 '•' ain -r n n1 nix nnx inr3ain n & Sefer ha-berit, S.H., p. 24: It ~v ornn .,n xn .7•,j nx •t•vinv ,o-a o• Immediatelyfollowingthis passagein A22the writerarguesthat Jesuscould only bringsalvation to Catholics,sinceJews,Muslimsand Albigensiansdo not acceptthe dogmaswithregard to Jesus and are, accordingly,doomed. The referencesto Albigensiansand Bougresin this argumentalludeto the Christiandualistsof the late twelfthandthirteenthcenturies,who were dominantin SouthernFranceandwerefoundscatteredthroughoutWesternEurope;seeR., p. 69, n. 52. This point is somewhatakin to a criticismof Jesus'messiahshipfound in the Milbemetmisvah.On fol. 42v the authorattacksthe Christianclaimthat Jesusis the messiahby arguingthat the messiahwill bringpeaceto the world;however,the followersof Jesuswage war,even amongthemselves.He goes on to say that the messiahis supposedto leadthe world to a singlebeliefin God;instead,therearereligiousdisputesbetweenRomeandByzantiumand betweenCatholicsand "heretics,"as well as those holdingother beliefs,who are considered lost. The identity of the hereticsis clarifiedby a referenceto them (using the same term, it on fol. 215r,wherethey aredescribedin thesewords:tnx1m~v tnnnt WT1,'vKx) mmx ranut Here, too, we have a clear allusionto the SouthernFrenchdualists. The thirdparallelis also with the Milhemetmisvah.In A22,fol. 25v,(R., pp. 73-74), the Christians'claimto be the new Israelis challengedwith this argument:If they are Israelwhy did God dissociatethemfromthe Hebrewlanguageandalphabet,throughwhichtheworldwas created,prophecywas givenand the wordof God was writtendown?In the MilbemetmiSvah, n r ox inx Ifn pv5: imnm fol. 103r,we read: Wjx P xinn pvwn nny•,oP:,7,x 'n• " "nm ,almn•3 The similarityof these argumentsis not preciseenoughto determinewith certaintyif any dependenceexists.However,we mayhavehereanotherindicationof an interchangeof polemical ideas betweenSouthernand NorthernFrancewhich warrantsfurtherstudy.
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wascomprised withtheTosafisticcircles,whosemembership of scholastics It is reasonable fromboththeFrenchandGermanJewishcommunities.65 to propose that families such as the Officials, coming as they did from the South, were the purveyorsof ProvenCalpolemicalargumentsin Northern France. The introductionof such polemics into the scholarly circles of NorthernEuropecontributedto the sophisticationof the Tosafistswho, in the course of their attemptsto define the relationshipbetweenthe Jewish and Gentile communities,developed a considerabledegree of familiarity with Christiancivilization.
65. See n. 26, above. On the contacts between the Tosafists in France and Germany see Ephraim E. Urbach, Ba'alei ha-tosafot (Jerusalem, 1955), pp. 141-94, 285-99, 401, 410-11, and passim.
The Freethinker, the Jews, and the Missionaries: George Houston and the Mystery of "Israel Vindicated" Author(s): Jonathan D. Sarna Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 101-114 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486455 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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THE FREETHINKER, THE JEWS, AND THE MISSIONARIES: GEORGE HOUSTON AND THE MYSTERY OF ISRAEL VINDICATED by JONATHAN D. SARNA Hebrew Union CollegeJewish Institute of Religion
On November29, 1820a remarkablebook was publishedin the city of New York. The author called himself "An Israelite"and his book Israel Vindicated.As the subtitle explained,the work was "a refutationof the calumniespropagatedrespectingthe Jewishnation;in whichthe objectsand views of the AmericanSociety for Amelioratingthe Conditionof the Jews are investigated."The originalsubtitle,preservedin deposit records,contained eight additional words-"and reasons assigned for rejecting the Christianreligion."But these words were dropped from the book's title page before publication.Someone presumablyhad second thoughts.' NOTE: I am gratefulto ProfessorAlexanderAltmannfor his commentson an earlierdraftof this paper,and to the NationalFoundationfor JewishCultureand the MemorialFoundation for JewishCulturefor their generoussupportof my research.
1. Israel Vindicated;Being a Refutation of the Calumnies Propagated Respecting the Jewish Nation in which the Objects and Views of the American Society for Ameliorating the Condition of
the Jews are Investigated(New York, 1820).A Londonedition was publishedin 1823.I am gratefulto Mr. WilliamMathesonof the Libraryof Congressfor providingme with a copy of the deposit recordsfor this volume.
101
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JONATHAN D. SARNA
Even with its muted subtitle, Israel Vindicatedremaineda vigorous polemicalwork. The first Americananti-Christianpolemic by "An Israelite,"2it continuedto attractnotice throughoutmost of the nineteenthcentury. In 1863, Rabbi Isaac Mayer Wise sought informationabout Israel authorand family.He thoughtthat such an illustriouspersonVindicated's age "ought to have a place in the history of AmericanJudaism."3But nobody had any information.Today,Israel Vindicatedand its authorhave still not receivedthe attentionthey deserve. I Christianefforts to convert AmericanJews date back to the earliest years of the Jewish communityin America.Individually,usually on their own initiative,churchmenand laymenapproachedJews,arguedwith them, and beggedthem to immersein the baptismalfont. Organizedmissionsto the Jews developedonly much later,influencedby the growthof European Jewishmissions,especiallythe London Jews' Society, and America'sown frenziedreligiousrevival,the SecondGreat Awakening.In 1816,following the end of the 1812 war with England, two missions to the Jews were formed: The Female Society of Boston and the Vicinity for Promoting Christianityamongthe Jews,andthe AmericanSocietyfor Evangelizingthe Jews. The latter organization,renamedthe AmericanSociety for Melioratingthe Conditionof the Jews(ASMCJ), obtaineda New YorkStatecharter
in 1820.4
2. An earlier work by a Christian responded to missionary Joseph S. C. F. Frey's tour of America, Tobit's Letters to Levy; or a Reply to the Narrative of Joseph Samuel C. F Frey. Submitted to the Consideration of Christians of Every Denomination Whether He is What He Describes Himself to Be, A Converterof Jews (New York, 1816). The unidentified Tobit supported Christian teachings, but opposed active missions. Several other polemical works were imported: David Levi, Letters to Dr. Priestly (New York, 1794); idem, A Defense of the Old Testament (New York, 1797; Philadelphia, 1798);Jacob Nikelsburger, Koul Jacob in Defense of the Jewish Religion (New York, 1816; Boston, 1817) and Letters of Moses Mendelsohn [sic] to Deacon Lavater (New York, 1821). For other polemical works, see A. S. W. Rosenbach, An American Jewish Bibliography (New York, 1926) and its supplements. 3. American Israelite 10 (1863): 77. 4. Charles L. Chaney, The Birth of Missions in America (New York, 1976); David Max Eichhorn, Evangelizingthe AmericanJew (New York, 1978); Max Eisen, "Christian Missions to the Jews in North America and Great Britain," Jewish Social Studies 10 (1948): 31-66; Marshall Sklare, "The Conversion of the Jews," Commentary 56 (Sept., 1973): 44-53; A. E. Thompson, A Century of Jewish Missions (Chicago, 1902); Louis Meyer, "Hebrew Christian
THE FREETHINKER, THE JEWS, AND THE MISSIONARIES
103
America'ssmallJewishcommunity-about3,000strong-felt threatened by the AmericanSociety for Melioratingthe Condition of the Jews. The society claimedonly to be interestedin "Jewsas do alreadyprofessthe Christianreligion, or are desirous to receive Christianinstruction."But
Jewsbelievedthatthe realobjectwas"theconversionof ournationto the
Christianfaith." Since Secretaryof State John Quincy Adams was vicepresidentof the ASMCJ,JohnJay'sson Peterwas its treasurer,and manydistinguishedchurchmenand businessmenservedas directors,Jewishconcern
can easilybe understood.5
Israel Vindicatedwas the firstpublicJewishreactionto the missionaries.
the 110pagevolumeconsistedof thirty-two lettersfromNathan Ostensibly, Joseph in New York to his friend,Jacob Isaacs, in Philadelphia.In fact,
bothnameswerefictitiousandthelettersservedmerelyas a literaryconceit.
The real aims of Israel Vindicatedwere to investigatethe "objects and
views"of the ASMCJ,andto refutethe Christianreligion.
Israel Vindicatedchargedthe ASMCJ with misrepresentingboth Judaism
of missionaries, anditself.It attackedthe smugself-righteousness andridiculed the presumptionthat Jewswere "in a degradedand uncultivated state."It termedevangelization to thetruespiritandmeaningof "contrary It thentriedto provethatevangelization, the constitution." not amelioration was the ASMCJ'Strue aim. Confrontingits adversarydirectly,Israel Vindicated printedexcerptsfromASMCJ writings,andthecompletelistof the society's officersand directors.It called missionaries"youths ... of a low
originand of indolenthabits... enemiesof labourandthe pursuitof an honestcalling."It confidentlypredictedthat "in dueseason"all the missionizers would "be scatteredabroad ... and driven as chaff before the wind."6 Brotherhood Unions and Alliances of the Past and Present," Minutes of the First Hebrew Christian Conference of the United States-July 28-30, 1903 (New York, 1903), pp. 16-31; Jacob R. Marcus, The Colonial American Jew (Detroit, 1970), pp. 935-47; Lee M. Friedman, "The American Society for Meliorating the Condition of the Jews and Joseph S. C. F. Frey," Early American Jews (Cambridge, Mass., 1934), pp. 96-112; Lorman Ratner, "Conversion of the Jews and Pre-Civil War Reform," American Quarterly 13 (1961): 43-54; and S. Joshua Kohn, "Mordecai Manuel Noah's Ararat Colony and the Missionaries," American Jewish Historical Quarterly 55 (1965): 163-98 detail the American situation. Harold J. Abrahams, "The Priestly-Levi Debate," Transactions of the Unitarian Historical Society in London 12 (1961): 1-19; and Harvey W. Meirovich, "Ashkenazic Reactions to the Conversionists, 1800-1850" (forthcoming) show parallel developments in England. I am grateful to Rabbi Meirovich for providing me with a copy of this article. 5. Israel Vindicated, pp. 4-5. 6. Ibid., pp. vi, v, 91, 95.
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The idea that missions violated the constitution and were thus unAmericanmarkeda new departurein Jewishanti-Christianpolemics.Never beforehad Jews argued(or been able to argue)that nationallaw-the first amendment'sfreedomof religionclause-supported their claims. But this was the only new argumentin Israel Vindicated.Otherwise,"An Israelite" followed Moses Mendelssohn and Richard Price (he cited neither) in demandingpluralismratherthan meretolerance:"If any man tells me that he will toleratemy opinions,this impliesthat he claimsthe powerof restraining them. Hence the origin of persecution,which is only the offspringor child of toleration."He called for all to have the rightto think,and insisted that men "nevercan be made to think alike."7 "An Israelite"realizedthat even tolerancehad not been extendedto Jews by all the states. He lamentedthat constitutionalprinciples"whichall the stateshad recognized"were"so easily invadedby particularstates."He pointedout that Marylandand Massachusettsstill demandedreligioustests fromall those who desiredto hold publicoffice.Implicitly,he suggestedthat missions were not the only stain on America's fabric of freedom. Yet, instead of calling on non-Jewsto rectify matters,he called on his fellow Jews to "rouse from the lethargyinto which our nation has been so long plunged."He realizedthat Jews,ratherthanChristians,werethe most likely readersof anti-Christianpolemics. Exploitingthe opportunity,he encouraged his "brethren"to vindicatethemselves,to defendtheirjust rights,and to expose the "vile machinations"oftheir "enemies."' Attackson the ASMCJ and its missionariestook up the openingand closof Israel Vindicated. The remainingchapters,some seventy-five ing chapters the of a contained book, percent fieryanti-Christianpolemic.Fullyexploiting his "right to think," the author of Israel Vindicatedheaped scorn on Christian intolerance. He then proceeded to reexamine "Nazarene" accountsof Jesusand the apostles.Using extrabiblicalsourcesand a critical methodology,he deniedthat Jesuswas the messiahand ridiculedthe story 7. Ibid., pp. 100-1. For other examples of the constitutional argument, see "Of the House of Israel's" letter in Evening Post (March 15, 1829); Occident 3 (1845): 42; 5 (1847): 499; and Isaac Leeser, The Claims of the Jews to an Equality of Rights (Philadelphia, 1841), pp. 4, 11, 14. On toleration, see Alexander Altmann, "The Philosophical Roots of Moses Mendelssohn's Plea for Emancipation," Jewish Social Studies 36 (1974): 200-2; and more generally Encyclopedia of Philosophy, s.v. "Toleration." 8. Israel Vindicated,pp. 99, 110; cf. Stanley F. Chyet, "The Political Rights of the Jews in the United States: 1776-1840," American Jewish Archives 10 (1958): 14-75; and Edward Eitches, "Maryland's Jew Bill," American Jewish Historical Quarterly 60 (1971): 258-79.
THE FREETHINKER, THE JEWS, AND THE MISSIONARIES
105
of the resurrection.He even wonderedaloud whether"the person called Jesusof Nazarethreallyexisted."Thislast questionled "An Israelite"into a long analysisof the Gospels, one which predictablyendedwith the verdict "that the gospels and other books of the Nazareneshave been forged and fabricated,"besidescontaining"principlessubversiveof the true character of the Deity, and of the happinessof man."9 The remainingchaptersof Israel Vindicatedconsist of a lengthy,discursive responseto a conversionistlectureon the Jewsdeliveredby the ASMCJ'S president,Elias Boudinot. "An Israelite"impatientlyrebuttedBoudinot's proof texts and attackedthe allegoricalmethod of interpretationwhichthe eighty year old former statesmanallegedly adopted. He belittled Boudinot's claims regardingChristianity'shigherlevel of morality,and tried to refutethe ASMCJ leader'schristologicalinterpretationof history.Finally,he advised missionariesto put their own house in order. He pointed up the manydivisiveconflictswithinChristendom,and the sorryrecordof persecutions whichthe churchhad still to overcome.He concludedthat "theefforts of the Nazarenes to spread their faith ... must fail."'•
was writtenby "An Israelite,"and claimedto AlthoughIsrael Vindicated for the Jewish it speak people, was not based on traditionalJewishsources. LaterAmericanJewishpolemicsheavilyreliedon the worksof IsaacOrobio de Castro and Isaac Troki. "An Israelite,"however,hardlyknew of these works;indeed,he lamented"that therewere so few worksextantof Jewish writersin whichthey assignedtheirreasonsfor rejectingthe Messiahof the Christians.""Israel Vindicatedwas ratherbased on the worksof deists and freethinkers.Through its pages marched the words of John Toland, Anthony Collins, and Paul Henri Thiry baron d'Holbach. The authorof Israel Vindicatedrecognizedthat some of his sourceswere inappropriatefor a Jewish polemic. In one case he apologized for his copious quotations from Ecce Homo; or a Critical Inquiry into the History
9. Israel Vindicated, pp. 29, 38, 41. 10. Israel Vindicated, p. 110. 11. Israel Vindicated, p. 2. On p. 20, "Rabbi Orobio" is quoted, but only second hand. Later works, especially Benjamin Dias Fernandes, A Series of Letters on the Evidencesof Christianity (Philadelphia, 1859) and Selig Newman, The Challenge Accepted; A Dialogue Between A Jew and A Christian. The Former Answering a Challenge Thrown Out by the Latter Respecting the Accomplishment of the Prophecies of the Advent of Jesus (New York, 1850), were more heavily based on traditional Jewish polemics. For a convenient survey of disputation literature with an extensive bibliography, see Frank E. Talmage, Disputation and Dialogue: Readings in the Jewish-Christian Encounter (New York, 1975).
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of JesusChrist,an adaptationof Holbach'santi-religioustractwhichwill be furtherdiscussedbelow: "AlthoughEcce Homo, dear Isaacs, is levelledas muchagainstour nation,and our law as againstthe Nazarenes,and, on that accountcannotbe respectedby a descendantof Abraham;yet, as it contains many pertinentremarks,which, independentof all religiousdistinctions, cannot but be acceptableto everyinquireraftertruth,I have hithertomade extractsfrom it when I consideredthem illustrativeof the point underdiscussion;a practiceto whichI shalladhereuntilI haveclosedthis correspondence."'2 "An Israelite"was not, however,alwaysso cautious.On one occasion, he describedhow the Pharisees"adopteda thousandridiculoustraditions, and a mode of explainingthe sacredtext which subvertedthe literalmeaning, and substitutedin its place a mysticalor allegoricalsense."He strongly advocatedthe Sadduceeanmode of interpretation,"the literalmeaningof the words." He paid no heed to the antitalmudicimplications of his remarks.For him, as for the earlyAmericanJewishcommunityin general, the Talmudwas a closed book."3Suchknowledgeof Judaismas "An Israelite" exhibitedcamefrom Englishlanguagesources,manyof them not written by Jews at all. "An Israelite"invoked the works of deists and freethinkerspartly becausethere were no other suitableworks available. II Although advertisementsfor Israel Vindicatedappearedin New York newspapersas early as December, the work attractedlittle notice until "Moralist"attackedit in the New YorkCommercialAdvertiserof February 28, 1821."Thereis nothingto excite alarm ... in the publicationof infidel or Jewishopinions,if therebe a reasonablepresumptionthat the objectis to discovertruth,""Moralist"averred.The trouble,he thought,was that "An 12. Israel Vindicated. p. 52. See below, sec. III. 13. Israel Vindicated, p. 12. For Mordecai Noah's view of the Talmud as an excrescence filled with "many crudities," see New York Enquirerfor the Country (June 15, 1827). In the Occident 3 (1845): 34, Noah wrote: "Shut the Talmud and open the Bible." Isaac Harby's views on "rabbinic interpretations" are reprinted in Joseph L. Blau and Salo W. Baron, eds., The Jews of the United States 1790-1840: A Documentary History (New York, 1963), p. 564. The reigning Christian view is expressed in the influential North American Review 60 (1845): 354, 357, 359, 364. Isaac Mayer Wise describes the ignorance of Jewish sources which he found among American Jews in the 1840s in his Reminiscences (Cincinnati, 1901), pp. 23-24.
THE FREETHINKER, THE JEWS, AND THE MISSIONARIES
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Israelite"did not "thoroughlyunderstandthe christian religion." From ignoranceor malice he therefore"shamefullyinsulted"the Christiancommunityas a whole. "Moralist"hoped that the anonymousauthorwould be "distinctlypointed out to public scorn and contempt."'4 AbrahamCollins, the publisherof Israel Vindicated,enteredthe frayto defendhis author.Writingin the New YorkPost (the Commercial Advertiser refusedhim space),Collinsinsistedthat he had actedto protecthimselfand Israel"fromthe mischiefarisingfrom false and maliciousreports."Instead of "scornand contempt,"he asked for "justice"and "fairness."He urged Christiansto read both sides of the question,and challengedhis opponents to prove him wrong:"If I am wrong,prove me to be so, calmly,coolly and completely,and not by scourging."'5 "Moralist"and Collinsagreedon the basicrightof an Americanto publish works offensiveto the majorityof citizens.Thoughthey disagreedover what constituted an appropriateresponse to such material, they both implied that the proper governmentalresponsewas silence. Neither man even consideredthe possibilitythat "blasphemous"works should be censored. In the eyes of many Americans,however, Christianity(Protestantism), moralityand publicorderwereinextricablyintertwined.One of these threegreat pillarscould not be attackedwithout mortallyendangeringthe other two. "Moral Jews" could be recognizedwithout threateningthis closed system.Americansmerelydubbedthem "good Christians,"and held them up as examplesfor their brethrento imitate.Ratherthan invalidating the Christian-moral-orderlink, Jewish "good Christians"thus actually reinforcedit. An attack on Christianity,on the other hand, did threaten moralityand well-being.In the view of manyAmericans,the perpetratorof such an attack deservedto be punished."6 "Meritedpunishment"was preciselywhat the CommercialAdvertiser
14. National Advocate (December 30, 1820); Commercial Advertiser (February 28, 1821), reprinted in New York Spectator (March 2, 1821). 15. New York Evening Post (March 10, 1821); Columbian (March 8, 1821). 16. Robert Handy, A Christian America: Protestant Hopes and Historical Realities (New York, 1974), pp. 30-42; John W. Pratt, Religion, Politics and Diversity: The Church-State Theme in New York History (Ithaca, 1967), pp. 121-157. Gotthold Ephraim Lessing's famous line, "What makes me for you a Christian, makes yourself for me a Jew," Nathan the Wise, trans. Bayard Q. Morgan [New York, 1955], act iv, scene 7, thus had radical implications. This is not surprising considering Lessing's deistic views. More commonly, Jews were pleased to be known as "good Christians." Mordecai Noah once actually used this term about himself (Mordecai Noah to William Seward [February 4, 1841], Historical Society of Pennsylvania).
108
JONATHAN D. SARNA
demandedfor AbrahamCollins. Though it admittedthat he was not the authorof Israel Vindicated,it thoughtthat as publisherof "one of the most infamouspublicationsthat everdisgraceda moraland religiousnation,"he ought to take the blame.New Yorkjuristsstill debatedwhetherblasphemy was or was not punishableundercommon law. No one had actuallybeen convictedof the crimesince 1811.Butif legalgroundsdid not sufficeto convict AbrahamCollins-"if the blasphemerand infidelareallowedto scatter their poison through the country"-then the CommercialAdvertiser believedthat the laws should be amended.'7 The Commercial AdvertisercarefullydistinguishedAbrahamCollinsand "An Israelite"from all otherJews. First,it questionedwhether"An Israelite" was an Israeliteat all. As we shall see, its doubts were well founded. Then it took pains to point out that "the most intelligentand respectable Jews" of its acquaintancehad "absolutelydisclaimed"Israel Vindicated. Instead, they acknowledged"the excellence"of the Christian"systemof morals" and had only praise for Jesus' "distinguishedtalents and eloquence." In short, the CommercialAdvertiseridentified "intelligentand respectableJews" as those who recognizedthe virtuesof Christianity.On the other hand, the Jew who publishedan anti-Christiantract was a blasphemerwho meritedimprisonment. AbrahamCollinsescapedindictment.The debateover Israel Vindicated soon gave way to more importantissues. But the volume surfacedagain in November1822.This time, insteadof beinga JewishweaponagainstChristian missions,it servedas a Christianweapon againstthe specterof rising Jewishpower. For the firsttime in the historyof New York,a Jew,MordecaiM. Noah, was runningfor the post of sheriff.His opponentwas a Christian,a director of the ASMCJ. Noah's religionbecamea majorissue in the campaign."8 On election day, the EveningPost headlinedits columnwith the words "Israel Vindicated." It then embarkedon a description-completewith long quotations-of "An Israelite's"work: "the most daring,impious and indecent attackupon the christianreligionthat has everyet appeared."Of course,the 17. Commercial Advertiser (March 13, 1821) reprinted in New York Spectator (March 16, 1821); Pratt, Religion, Politics and Diversity, pp. 137-38. 18. Jonathan D. Sarna, "Mordecai M. Noah: Jacksonian Politician and American Jewish Communal Leader-A Biographical Study" (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1979), pp. 91-97. Earlier studies of Noah include, Isaac Goldberg, Major Noah (Philadelphia, 1938) and Robert Gordis, "Mordecai Manuel Noah: A Centenary Evaluation," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society 41 (1951): 1-25.
THE FREETHINKER, THE JEWS, AND THE MISSIONARIES
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Post in no way connectedNoah to the volume's"profaneand impiousdoctrines."But it did warnJewsin generalnot to "abuse"the "privileges"that New York accordedthem: "Let them refrainfrom open and outrageous attacksupon the religiousfaith of this community;let them not seek to rob the wretchedof their last and only comfort, in the hour of sickness,indigence, and everyafflictionwhichflesh is heirto; let themnot ruthlesslytear away that prop which alone supportsthem when every other hope fails; deprivethem not of that consolation which the doctrinesthat have been taught from their infancy afford, which they have never once thought of doubting,and whichare calculatedto smooththeirfarewellpillow.This is a wantonspeciesof cruelty,whichno society,who duly regardsthe welfareof its members,can ever tolerate."The Post let its readersdraw their own conclusions.19
MordecaiNoah correctlypointedout that the Post attackwas aimedat Whetheror not these prejudicesactu"pushingon religiousprejudices."20 his caused election defeat cannotbe known.But the implicasubsequent ally tions of the Post attackwent far beyondthe election.Jewslearnedthat as a minoritygroup they faced dangersin attackingthe majoritythat the majority did not face in attacking them. EffectiveJewish polemics could be wrenchedout of context and luridlydisplayed.By unitingthe Jewishcommunityand strengtheningit internally,Jewsjeopardizedtheirrelationswith Christianneighbors. Polemical "vindications"frustratedChristianhopes for rapidJewishconversion.They emphasizedJews'cohesivenessand alien status. Many early Americans, like many proemancipationEuropeans, wanted Jews to assimilatecompletely.They viewedaliens as potentialsubversives-and threatenedto treat them accordingly. AmericanJews continuedto grapplewith the missionaryproblemfor manyyears.Some elementsof the communityadvocatedsilence.Theydealt with Christianson a daily basis and fearedto offendthem. Defendersof the faith, on the other hand, demandedvigorous responses:"not to defend Judaismwould be considereda tacit acknowledgementthat it was indefensible, or at least that we thoughtso."21 For a time, Isaac Leeser,ministerof Philadelphia'sMikve Israel synagogue and later editor of the Occident, sought a middleground.Heavilyinfluencedby Moses Mendelssohn'sdisinclination to enter into religious controversy,"he called for "equalityof 19. Evening Post (November 5, 1822). 20. National Advocate (November 6, 1822). 21. The Jew (ed. Solomon Jackson, 1823-25), p. vii.
110
JONATHAN D. SARNA
rights,"and endeavoredto explainJudaismin orderto disabuseChristians "of any unfoundedsuspicionsthey might be inducedto adopt concerning us." Leeserknew about Israel Vindicated,and once brieflyquoted it in a footnote. But he generallylamentedthe stronglanguageof earlypolemicists and called for "gentlertones." Much to his disappointment,his calls for tolerancedid not scare missionariesaway.22 IsaacMayerWise,the fatherof AmericanReformJudaismand editorof the AmericanIsraelite, had no patience with Leeser's gentle strategy. Becauseof upbringingand temperament,his attitudetoward Christianity was far more militant.He describedhis antimissionarystanceas that of "a malicious,bitingpugnacious,challengingand mockingmonsterof the pen." Not surprisingly,he took considerableinterestin Israel Vindicated.In late in the Israelite.He later 1863,WisereprintedsectionsfromIsrael Vindicated defendedthe work againstthe strenuousobjectionsof Cincinnati'sWestern ChristianAdvocate.As far as Wise was concerned,"An Israelite's"letters were "remarkableepistles."He only lamentedthat so little was knownconcerningtheir authorship.23 III Today, little more has been revealedabout the authorshipof Israel Vindicated.In the absenceof otherinformation,most of those who havenoticed the book at all have concluded, as Isaac Mayer Wise concluded, that "AbrahamCollins is named as publisherand proprietorof the copyright and it appearsthat AbrahamCollins was also the author."24 Collins was a
22. Mendelssohn, "Letter to Lavater," in Alfred Jospe, Jerusalem and Other Jewish Writings (New York, 1969), p. 114; Leeser, Claims of the Jews, p. 4; idem, "Preface" to Dias Fernandes, Letters on the Evidencesof Christianity,p. iii. Leeser mentioned Israel Vindicatedin his Jews and the Mosaic Law (Philadelphia, 1834), p. 241; cf. below n. 29. More generally, see Maxine Seller, "Isaac Leeser: A Jewish Christian Dialogue in Ante-Bellum Philadelphia," Pennsylvania History 35 (1968): 231-42. 23. Wise, Reminiscences, p. 272; American Israelite 3 (1857): 370; 10 (1863): 77, 284, 300, 332; 17 (May 12, 1871), p. 8; James G. Heller, Isaac M. Wise, His Life Workand Thought(New York, 1965), pp. 142-44, 170, 652-57; Albert H. Friedlander, ed., "The World of My Books, by Isaac Mayer Wise," in Jacob R. Marcus, Critical Studies in American Jewish History (Cincinnati, 1971), 1: 173-75. 24. American Israelite 17 (May 12, 1871), p. 8. See also Hyman Grinstein, The Rise of the Jewish Communityin New York1654-1860 (Philadelphia, 1945), pp. 385, 585; Blau and Baron, Documentary History, p. 758.
THE FREETHINKER, THE JEWS, AND THE MISSIONARIES
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New YorkJewishprinterwhoplayedan activerolein theHebrewBenevowhenit was lent Society.As we haveseen,he defendedIsraelVindicated attackedby the New York CommercialAdvertiser.But had Collins written the bulk of this work, he would surelyhave called himselfauthor. In fact, when registeringthe book he called himselfmerely"proprietor."Furthermore, Collins independentlyproduceda differentanti-Christianpolemic, The Voiceof Israel,Beinga Reviewof TwoSermonsPreachedin the City of New York,by theRev.Mr. Spring,andtheRev.P. N. Strong.AlsoAn Examinationof the PrinciplesandEffectsof the ChristianReligion(1823).The Voice of Israel divergesso markedlyfrom Israel Vindicatedthat the two books could not have been writtenby the same author.25Collins may have suppliedinformationto "An Israelite."Indeed,the realauthoradmittedthat he "lately acquiredthe knowledge of some facts" which altered his earlier views.26But if Collinshelped"An Israelite,"he did not sympathizewith his freethoughtdoctrines.In his own tract, he paid substantiallyless attention to works such as Ecce Homo. The Libraryof Congress,as well as a varietyof otherauthorities,attributes Israel Vindicatedto George Houston. This attributionis almost certainly based on the New York PublicLibrary'scopy of the work. A manuscriptnote on the title page of that volumereads:"No Israelite,but George Houston.""27 Unfortunately,this ascriptioncreatesmore problemsthan it solves. Who was GeorgeHouston?Whywouldhe have writtenIsraelVindicated?Why, as a non-Jew,would he have called himself "An Israelite"? These questionshave never been answered. George Houston(? -1840?)was a minorAmericanjournalist,and one of America'sleading,but unrecognized,freethinkers,Bornin Britain,he associated himselfwith London deists, helpedto edit WilliamCobbett'sPolitical Register, and publisheda modified translationof Holbach's Histoire critiquede Jesus-Christ.This appearedin Edinburghin 1799underthe title 25. Meager information on Collins may be found in Grinstein, New York, pp. 385, 552 and Blau and Baron, Documentary History, p. 758. Collins's Voice of Israel is a piece of unrecorded Judaica Americana found in Yale University's Sterling Library. Abraham Collins also wrote the introduction to the American edition of John Oxlee, ThreeLetters Humbly Submitted to the Consideration of his Grace the Most Reverend the Lord Archbishopof Canterbury.. . (Philadelphia, 1843). It is not certain whether this Collins is identical with the Collins of Israel Vindicated. 26. Israel Vindicated, p. 97. 27. Catalogue of the Astor Library (Cambridge, Mass., 1887), p. 1814; Samuel Halkett and John Laing, Dictionary of Anonymous and Pseudonymous English Literature (New York, 1971 [1926-34]), 3: 178.
112
JONATHAN D. SARNA
Ecce homo! or, A criticalinquiryinto the historyof Jesus Christ;beinga rationalanalysisof theGospels.In 1813,Houstonrepublishedhis translation in London, an action whichled to his convictionon chargesof blasphemy. After payinga 200 pound fine and servingtime in Newgate prison, he left England for the United States, charges of scandal swirlingaround him. From 1817,when he arrivedin America,until his death, Houston engaged in journalism,freelancewritingand freethought.WhenMordecaiNoah was appointedsheriffin 1821,Houston becameassistanteditor of the National Advocate,Noah's newspaper.He lost the job, presumablyafter Noah lost the shrievaltyelection,and laterassistedon variousothernewspapers,most notablythe New YorkHerald.On his own, he publishedthe highlypraised weekly, the Minerva(1822-25); several volumes entitled National Tales (1825); and the Correspondent (1827-29),an importantfreethoughtnewspaper. He also participatedin several highly publicized debates on the meritsof Christianity.Houstonhad a son, George,who becameajournalist. His deaf-mutedaughter,Janet, attendedthe PhiladelphiaAsylum for the Deaf and Dumb-an innovativeschool directedby DavidG. Seixas,the son of ShearithIsrael's famous minister, Gershom Seixas. According to the Beaconof January25, 1840,Houston"diedin North Carolinawherehe had journeyedto edit a paper for his son."28 George Houston clearly had various ties with the Jewishcommunity. But this hardlydemonstratesthat he authoredIsrael Vindicated.More substantialevidenceon this point is providedby Ecce Homo.No Americanedition of this work appearedin print until 1827. Houston's banned 1813 Englishedition may havecirculatedin New York,but this is not likely.Yet, the author of Israel Vindicatedhad a copy in front of him when he wrote. 28. The only secondary account of Houston that I know of is the brief account in Albert Post, Popular Freethought in America 1825-50 (New York, 1943), pp. 44-48, 78, 90, 92, 122, 181. I have pieced together a more complete sketch based on the following: London Times (November 15, 1814); New YorkEvening Post (July 10, 14, 1817; January 30, 1821); Columbian (January 31, February 3, 1821); National Advocate (April 25, 1822; January 15, 1823);S. B. H. Judah, Gothamand the Gothamites(New York, 1823), pp. x, xii, 75-76; EveningPost (February 3, 1823; October 3, 1823; November 11, 1823; May 28, 1824); George Houston to Edward Holden (October 15, 1824), Miscellaneous Manuscripts, New York Historical Society; New York National Advocate (November 28, 1825); New York Herald (November 19, 1835; January 14, 1836; October 10, 1836); EveningStar (November 13, 14, 1837); New YorkHerald (November 14, 1837); New York Weekly Herald (June 13, 1840), p. 212; John Neal, American Writers. A Series of Papers Contributedto Blackwoods Magazine, ed. by F. L. Pattee (Durham, 1937), p. 118; Oliver Carlson, James GordonBennett: The Man Who Made News (New York, 1942), pp. 121-24; and Morris U. Schappes, ed., A Documentary History of the Jews in the United States 1654-1875 (New York, 1971), pp. 605, 614.
THE FREETHINKER, THE JEWS, AND THE MISSIONARIES
113
The only copy known to have existed belonged to George Houston himself.29 A furtherlink betweenHouston and Israel Vindicatedmay be found in In an article on "Judaismversus Christianity," Houston's Correspondent. one "Levi"quotesentiresectionsboth fromIsrael Vindicatedand fromEcce Homo without any attribution.30 Again, this is circumstantialevidenceand proves nothing save plagiary,but it is highly suggestivenonetheless. Contemporarycomments also hint at links between Houston and Israel Vindicated. The Commercial Advertiser, in describing the work,
wrote: "It purports to have been written by 'An Israelite';but we have strong reasons to believe-nay we are warrantedin asserting-that it was not written by an Israelite." Mordecai Noah declared absolutely that "the
author is a Christian;and though his religious feelings may be a little warped, he is a man of... honour and morality."The best proof of all, however,comes from the pen of Isaac Leeser.In an overlookedarticlein London's Voiceof Jacob,Leeserwrote:"The Societyfor the Conversionof Jews ... flourishedawhile before my arrivalin this country.About that time it was attacked .
. .
by a person named Houston, and a Jew, Abraham
Collins."31
IV It seemsunlikelythat philosemiticfervormotivatedGeorge Houston to take up the cudgelson behalfof the Jewishpeople. Both his Correspondent and his Ecce Homo containedanti-Jewishmaterial.Besides, Houston was far too poor to compose books for purelyaltruisticreasons.And if he had been altruistic,he would have signed his name and kept his originalantiChristiansubtitle. In all probability,leadingJewspaid Houston to writeIsrael Vindicated. They realizedthat he was highlyqualifiedto countermissionaryarguments. They also realizedthat if Houston's courageous"vindication"backfired, 29. Israel Vindicated,pp. 19, 23, 30, 33, 35, 36, 52, 53, 55, 80 contain the more important quotations from Ecce Homo. 30. Correspondent4 (1828): 375-79: cf. Israel Vindicated,pp. 33-34, 81. A different "Levi" letter from Correspondent3 (1827): 18, 19 is reprinted in Blau and Baron, Documentary History, pp. 771-73. 31. Commercial Advertiser (March 13, 1821) reprinted in New York Spectator (March 16, 1821); National Advocate (November 6, 1822); Voice of Jacob (May 27, 1842), p. 143.
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JONATHAN D. SARNA
was writthey could alwaysclaimwithperfecthonestythat IsraelVindicated ten by a Christian.It is neverthelessinterestingthat Jews were preparedto make commoncausewith a freethinker-a man with as muchcontemptfor Jewishbeliefsas for Christianones.32Probably,AmericanJewsweremotivatedby the sameimpulsethat motivatedJewsand otherminoritygroupsin previouseras: self-interest.In the MiddleAges, persecutedJews occasionally allied themselveswith a varietyof Christianheretics-notwithstanding theiroften fanaticalideologies.EighteenthcenturyJewsmadesimilarunofficial alliances with deists, although, in many cases, deists too harbored fierce anti-Jewishhatreds.33The fact that American Jews momentarily unitedwith a freethinkershouldthus not occasionmuchsurprise.Adversity makes strangebedfellows. Even if in their battle againstmissionaries,AmericanJews sought and acceptedhelp from various persecutedand stigmatizedgroups, they generally preferredto identify with the prestigiousand powerful Protestant establishment.They tried to conform; they yearnedfor acceptance;they hesitatedto jeopardizetheirsocialpositions.Yet,theyrefusedto be coerced, and generallyspeaking,they continuedto remainJews. Whenthreatened, most reactedstronglyand with the best ammunitionavailable-regardless of whetheror not this deprivedthem of Christianesteem.In 1820,the best ammunitionavailablewas Israel Vindicated.Later,the communityhad far more effectiveweapons at its disposal.
32. At least one Jew, C. C. C. Cohen, prominently identified himself as a freethinker. See Schappes, Documentary History, pp. 187-94. 33. David Berger, "Christian Heresy and Jewish Polemic in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries," Harvard Theological Review 68 (1975): 287-303; Daniel J. Lasker, Jewish Philosophical Polemics Against Christianity in the Middle Ages (New York, 1978), pp. 164-65; Isaac Barzilay, "The Treatment of the Jewish Religion in the Literature of the Berlin Haskalah," Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 24 (1955): 39-68, esp. 49-50; Moshe Pelli, "The Impact of Deism on the Hebrew Literature of the Enlightenment in Germany," Journal of Jewish Studies 24 (1973): 127-46, also found in 18th CenturyStudies 6 (1972): 25-59; and Shmuel Ettinger, "Jews and Judaism in the Eyes of British Deists in the Eighteenth Century," Zion 29 (1964): 182-207.
לתולדות האיסור ללמוד קבלה לפני גיל ארבעים Author(s): משה אידל Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 1-20 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486456 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:19 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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שריד משיר חול לרבי יהודה הלוי Author(s): דן פגיס Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 21-24 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486457 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:20 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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שמעון בירבי מגס הפייטן ויצירתו Author(s): יוסף יהלום Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980), pp. 25-37 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486458 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:20 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact
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Back Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 5 (1980) Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486459 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:20 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].
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AJSreview VOLUME FIVE 1980
ASSOCIATION FOR JEWISH STUDIES CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS