AJS Review Volume Seven-Eight 1982-1983

Front Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. i-xii Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of t...

Author: Frank Talmage

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Front Matter Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. i-xii Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486402 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

AJSre vie w VOLUME SEVEN-EIGHT

1982-1983

Editor FRANK TALMAGE ofToronto University

AssociateEditor BENJAMIN RAVID Brandeis University

Editors Consulting LLOYD P. GARTNER Tel-Aviv University NAHUM M. SARNA Brandeis University

EditorialAdvisory Board

ALEXANDER ALTMANN Brandeis University ARNOLD J.BAND ofCalifornia University at Los Angeles LAWRENCE V. BERMAN Stanford University DAVID R. BLUMENTHAL EmoryUniversity

ROBERT CHAZAN Queens College

HERBERT A. DAVIDSON

ofCalifornia University at Los Angeles

TODD M. ENDELMAN

Indiana University

MEYER S. FELDBLUM

YeshivaUniversity

MAR VIN FOX Brandeis University SHELOMO DOV GOITEIN forAdvanced Institute Study Princeton DAVID GORDIS

ofJudaism University

STANLEY ISSER

StateUniversity ofNew York Albany

IVAN G. MARCUS

JewishTheologicalSeminaryofAmerica

MICHAEL A. MEYER HebrewUnionCollegeJewish Institute ofReligion Cincinnati ALAN L. MINTZ ofMaryland University JACOB NEUSNER BrownUniversity DAVID R. RUDERMAN

of Maryland University

RAYMOND P. SCHEINDLIN

JewishTheologicalSeminary ofAmerica

MARSHALL SKLARE

BrandeisUniversity

HAYM SOLOVEITCHIK

YeshivaUniversity

JEFFREY TIGAY

ofPennsylvania University

YOSEF HAYIM YERUSHALMI

Columbia University

AJS President, JANE S. GERBER CityUniversity ofNew York

AJS Executive Secretary, CHARLES BERLIN

HarvardUniversity

AJSreview VOLUME SEVEN-EIGHT 1982-1983

ASSOCIATION

FOR JEWISH STUDIES

CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS

? COPYRIGHT 1983 ASSOCIATION FOR JEWISH STUDIES

Publicationof thisvolumeof AJSreviewhas been made possibleby grants fromtheNational FoundationforJewishCulture,the S. H. and Helen R. ScheuerFamilyFoundation,theDorot Foundation,and theJoyG. UngerleiderPhilanthropicFund. The Associationis grateful fortheirsupportand encouragement.

ISSN 0364-0094

MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

TABLE OF CONTENTS [ENGLISH SECTION] ofJudaicLawsintheAntiquities of On theClassification andtheTempleScrollofQumran Josephus DAVID ALTSHULER

..........................

Yigael Yadin has observedthatJosephusin hisAntiquities(AJ)and theauthorofthe TempleScroll (Ts) of Qumranboth presentlaws oftheTorah classifiedby subjects. Yadin arguesthathis purportedEsseneupbringing mayhave influenced Josephusin thiswork.Leavingaside theunresolvedquestionsabout Josephus'ssectarianaffiliation, this paper examinesseparately,thencompares,the editorialtechniquesand purposesofTs and AJas theypresentTorah law. Josephus'sapologeticmotivesare visiblethroughoutAJBooks 3 and 4. He carefullyseparatesmostlyculticand particularistic regulationsfromthose more civilsecular in natureand gives farmore weightto the lattercollection.He organizes intermediate groupsof laws to emphasizeapologeticthemes,and he omitsfromand adds to biblicallaw so as to muteproblematicideas and heightenusefulones. TS sets forthtwo parallel "maps," firstof the land, thenof the nation.In each case, thecore (Temple,systemsof authority)is describedfirst,thenthe readeris led outwardto related,but less centralconcerns.This structure, thishomileticalrhetoric,and theprinciplesof selectionand exegesisof Torah materialsall emphasizethe and holinessofIsrael. particularity The purpose and programof TS could not be more different fromthose of AJ, even thoughboth were fashionedby writersin self-imposedexile fromJerusalem and the nation of Israel. But TS promulgatesa polemicalgeographyand anthroof theirconvictionsthatGod dwellsamidst pographyof holiness,spatial referents Israel; forthem,Scriptureguaranteedthattheeternalcultand stateof Israelwould outlivethe temporarydisarrayof theirday. Josephus,on theotherhand,could not envisage,muchless advocate,therestorationof cultand state.For him,God's laws have temporal,not spatial,implications;thushe fashioneda moralistic,apologetic narrativeof the careerof Israel,a nationwhose unique destinyis conditionalupon itsobedienceto universallaws.

V

I

CONTENTS

VI

inRabbinic TheMonarchic Imperative Perspective GERALDJ. BLIDSTEIN ........................

15

While rabbinicconsiderationof the question whetherIsrael was commandedto crowna kingfocuseson biblicalmaterials,theessentialproblematicis not exegetical in the narrowsense of the term.Rather,ideologicalconsiderationsare evident and thedebateitselfis historically suggestive.Oppositionto a monarchyis fueledby the convictionthatthe institution substituteshumanrule forthekingshipof God, and this biblical position retainsits vitalitythroughthe ages. Proponentsof the monarchymounta revisionist exegesisof 1 Samueland evendefusethedivineantagonismexpressedthere.A clusterof threeimperatives-anointing a king,constructAmalek-is insistedupon, and it is assumedthat ing the sanctuary,and destroying thesemustbe accomplishedin a givensequence;heretoo ideologicalconsiderations play a role. This entireproblematic,moreover,oughtbe read againstthe historical backdropprovidedby the Bar Kochba revolt,an eventparalleledbythecrystallization among the studentsof R. Akiba of the monarchicimperativeand correlated withthe relatedimperativesto build a sanctuaryand destroyAmalek (Rome). It is of the more difficult,however,to provide a definitivehistoricalinterpretation thequestionofsequence,whichmaybe seenas as confirmation debatessurrounding of the revolt'scourse or as a critiqueof Jewishleadershipleadingto theodicy,as a midrashimurge counselof activismor as theadviceofquietists.Othercontemporary David's wars as sanctioninghis buildingof theTemple(!) and blame Israel fornot devotingitselfto this goal-these texts,too, reflectthe problematicof the Bar Kochba experienceas evaluatedby tannaimin the mid-secondcentury.These discussionsoughtto be read, finally,againstthe backdropof thegeneralbeliefin the of the Davidic monarchyand its role in a futuremessianicredemption. significance It may thenbecome necessaryto correlatethe debate on the monarchicimperative modalitiesof eschatologicalpossibilityand the withthe question of the different humanrolein history.

to theGreatand JaddustheHighPriestAccording Alexander Josephus SHAYE J. D. COHEN

.........................

At theend of book 11 of theJewishAntiquities Josephusnarratestwo storiesabout Alexander the Great and the Jews. In the firstAlexander meets Sanballat, the governorof Samaria, and allows him to build a templein Samaria. In the second Alexandermeets Jaddus,the high priestof Jerusalem,honors him, and bestows benefactionsupon the Jews.Beforethesestorieswerejuxtaposed by Josephusthey were independentof each other;even afterbeingjuxtaposed theyare easilyseparable. Hence we cannot attributean anti-Samaritanbias to the Alexander-Jaddus storysincetheSamaritansand theSamaritantempledo notfigurein thatstoryat all. Each storymustbe studiedon itsown terms. The Alexander-Jaddus storyis composed of two substorieswhich,in all likeliadventusand epiphany.In the adventusstory hood, once existedindependently: Alexanderarrivesat Jerusalemand is receivedmagnificently by the Jerusalemites. The cityaccords Alexanderthe standard"red-carpet"treatmentwhichall Greco-

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visitors.In theepiphanystoryAlexanderplans Roman citiesaccordeddistinguished to attackJerusalembut duringthe nightbeforethe intendedassault is scared by a dreamsentby God. Jaddustoo receivesa dreamthatnight,a dreamofencouragement. The next day Alexandercalls offhis attack,does homage to Jaddus,and acknowledgesthe power of the God of Israel. Greco-Romantextsprovidemany parallelsto boththeadventusand epiphanystories. The adventusstorycelebratesthe Jews'surrenderto Alexander,whilethe epiphany storycelebratesAlexander'ssurrenderto the God of the Jews.Hence it is likelythat the formerstoryoriginatedduringa period when the Jewsaccepted Macedonian rule,i.e., the Ptolemaicor earlySeleucidoccupationof Palestine,while the latter originatedduring the Maccabean age when the Jews regarded the Macedonians as hostileand boasted of the salvificpower of God. The two stories werealreadycombinedby the timetheyreachedJosephuswho,in turn,introduced changesof his own. The majorpurposeof thesechangeswas to givedivinesanction to Alexander'sruleoverthe Jews-and therebydivinesanctionto Alexander'ssuccessors,theRomans.

The CheckeredCareerof"Jew" King: A Studyin Anglo-Jewish Social History TODDM.

.69

ENDELMAN .........................

A comprehensive pictureof theentryof theJewsinto European societyin theeighteenthand nineteenthcenturiesmustencompassthe experiencesof Jewsfromall social strataand not just those of that small group of notableswho managed the This accountof thecareerofJohnKing affairsof theorganizedJewishcommunity. (born Jacob Rey and knownpopularlyas "Jew" King), who was not part of the communalelitebut was one of the mostwell-knownJewsin London between1780 ofwaysin whichJewssoughtto integrate themselves and 1820,suggeststhediversity theimportanceof intonon-Jewish spheresof activity.At thesame timeit highlights to achieveacceptanceand respectability-asopposed to publiccamprivateefforts paigns to reformJewishworship,education,manners,and so forth.King was a an ambitiousupstart,and a radicalcriticoftheestablished notoriousmoneylender, politicalorder.He abandoned traditionalJewishpracticesearlyin lifebutcould not cast offhis Jewishorigins,as hisepithet-"Jew" King-testifies.Late in successfully lifehe returned to theSephardicommunity and took up thedefenseofJudaismin the faceof Christianmissionaryattacks.

IronicCharacterization in theWorksofS. Y. Agnon ESTHER FUCHS

...............

.............

This articledelineatesS. Y. Agnon's unique techniquesof ironiccharacterization: paralepsis and paralipsis.The firstshows the protagonist'sexcessiveconcernwith the second, on the otherhand, is used to show how obliviousthe protrivialities; matters.This incongruity betweenthecharacter'spertagonistis to trulysignificant ceptionand realityis disguisedbythenarrator'srefusalto censurethevictimofirony narrative,theironicvoice is muffledbythenarrator's explicitly.In thethird-person

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objectiveand neutralstance.The narratedmonologueconsistingof thefiguralattitude and the narrator'svoice is themostpervasiveironicvehiclein thiscontext.In the firstpersonnarrative,on theotherhand,it is theperson-subjective stancewhich is both the makes the ironydifficultto discover. Here, the protagonist-narrator raconteurand the victimof irony.Despite the structuraldifferences betweenthe and the personal-subjective narrativemodes, theyboth demonneutral-objective stratewithequal effectiveness theironicdifference betweentheauctorialand figural pointsof view.The majormeansbywhichthereaderperceivestheironizationofthe protagonist,despitethe subtletyand opaqueness of the Agnonictext,are theparabetweenthe modeled lepticand paraliptictechniqueswhichsignal the incongruity realityand theprotagonist'sinappropriate responseto it.

and theJewishInternational Trafficin Anglo-Jewry

Prostitution

LLOYD P. GARTNER

.........................

129

A small yet significantsegmentof the massive JewishemigrationfromEastern Europe to the West between1881 and 1914 was an activetrafficin girlswho were recruitedto serveas prostitutesin Latin America,South Africa,Turkey,and even the Far East. The presentpaper firstexaminesthe conditionsof East European Jewrywhichloosened social and religiouscontrolsand createda large new proletariatof youngurbanworkerswho livedwithouttheirparents.Some of the women among them,as well as daughtersof large, impoverished,traditionalfamiliesin remotetowns,acceptedfalseoffersof marriageand good jobs whichweremade by youngmen who soughtto take the girlsabroad and theresell themas prostitutes. The presentstudyfollowstheroutestakenbythesetraffickers and theirvictims,and then examinesthe fate of Jewishprostitutesin London and the activitiesof the Jewishmen who were involvedin the traffic.The Anglo-Jewish communityforcefullycombated the trafficin prostitutionthroughthe JewishLadies' Association, whichbecame the JewishAssociation for the Protectionof Girls and Women in 1896. This organizationwas led by the Jewishelite,and it cooperatedwithnonJewishbodies in the field.The JAPG&Wcombattedthetraffic unaccombyprotecting and rescuingtherehabilitating traffickers, panied girlimmigrants, prosecuting prostitutes.It also took thelead in international Jewishefforts, includingorganizingand subsidizingtheantitraffic campaignin Argentina,and conveninga majorconference on theproblemin 1910.Therehad been efforts to stampout therecruitment ofgirls in EasternEurope by means of informationand education,but the extentof their success is uncertain.The proceedingsof an antiprostitution conferenceheld in workin thatregion. Lembergin 1903illustratetheproblemsofeffective

JudaismTriumphant:Isaac Mayer Wise on Unitarianismand LiberalChristianity BENNY KRAUT .............................

Motivatedby commonsociopolitical,intellectual, and religiousconcerns,American Unitarianministersand Reformrabbis in the last thirdof the nineteenth century

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CONTENTS establishedvariouslines of social and religiouscommunication.Theyjoined forces to fightforthe completeseparationof churchand state and to promotereligious liberty,and, with increasingfrequency,exchangedpulpitsfromwhichtheyproclaimed the earlyadventof a universalreligionof humanitywhichwould uniteall thatsome mankindunderthebannerof the Fatherhoodof God. It is notsurprising individualssaw thereligiousbarriersseparatingUnitariansand ReformJewsfalling by the wayside.And yet,despiteshared goals, common politicalcauses, and an essentiallyidenticaleschatologicalvision,therewereclearlimitsto thereligiousand betweenliberalJewsand Christians. theologicalrapprochement This articlefocuses on the changingattitudesof Rabbi Isaac Mayer Wise to overa fifty Unitarianismand liberalChristianity yearperiodand, by usinghimas a paradigmforotherJewishliberalreligiousleadersof his day,revealsboththescope and limitationsof the Reform-Unitarian religiousinterchange.ThroughWise as model, one sees the remarkablefidelityof religiousliberalsto theirrespectivehisofreligiousuniversalism toricalreligioustraditions,theiraffirmations notwithstanding. This analysisalso underscoresthe deep Reformambivalenceto Unitarianism which and, in the process,suggestsa conceptionof Wise as religioustriumphalist shedsnewlighton Wise as religiousleaderand on someofhisactivitiesand religious beliefs.

The Storyas a HermeneuticDevice

231

OFRA M EIR ...............................

The nine versionsof the storyabout the daughterof Nakdimon are discussedin orderto explaintwo phenomena:(a) thestoryas a hermeneutic device,i.e., thevery act of presenting theverseas partofthestoryimpartsto it a new meaning,whichis not onlyfromthepeshal (plain meaning),but also fromtheotherexegeses different in thisnewmeaning ofthesages concerningthissameverse,and (b) themodification in thedifferent versionsofthestory. thatresultsbecause ofthediversities ofthecommentary The firstpartofthearticleis devotedto a presentation on the Song of Songs 1:8 in accordance withthe plain and homileticmeanings.In the second partthenineversionsare dividedintothreegroupsaccordingto thedegreeof Sections3, 4 and 5 deal witheach ofthesegroupings.These lastthreesecsimilarity. tionsattemptto providean explanationfortheinterdependence betweenthedifferentversionson theone handand theliterary compilationson theother. The articletriesto show that the Song of Songs verse(1:8) takes on different the meaningsof the meaningin lightof the variations,and that,simultaneously, versedeterminethe natureof theversions.By incorporating a verseintoa story,the fromthe meaninggivenin sages could deriveadditionalmeaningfromit, different otherrabbinicsourcesand entirely ofthestory. dependenton theframework

The Russian Pogromsin HebrewLiteratureand theSubversion on theMartyrological Ideal ALAN MINTZ

.............................

The widespreadresponsein Hebrewlettersto the pogromsof 1881-82 and 1903-5 in Russia was as reversionto highbiblicalpathosand to themedievalmartyrological

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and Bialik interrogate and ideal. Major worksof Abramowitsch, Tchernichowsky, underminethisconventionalnorm.In a groupofstoriesAbramowitsch parodiesthe the victims.In "Baruch of hyperbolicpogrom literature,while sentimentalizing Mainz" Tchernichowskyuses the dramaticmonologue to put into question the idealization of the martyrof one crusader chronicler.Bialik's "In the City of the completerangeof classical traditionsof Slaughter"summonsand transforms lamentationand consolation.An analysisconcentrating on the poem's rhetorical the centraluse of metonymyand the themeof the romanticpoetarrangement, prophetconcludesthestudy.

ContraJudaeosin Seventeenth-Century Italy: Two Responses to the Discorso of Simone Luzzatto by MelchiorePalontrotti and Giulio Morosini BENJAMINRAVID

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301

in orderto avert The Discorsoof SimoneLuzzatto(Venice,1638),apparentlywritten an expulsionthreatening theJewsof Venice,constitutes one of themoresignificant and originalworks of Jewishapologetica. While includingmany of the standard argumentsof thatgenre,withemphasison pointingout thatthe Jewsare not hostilelyinclinedtowardnon-Jews,it was also innovativein nature,indicatingwithin the specificcontributionof the Jewsto the the appropriateconceptualframework in thesphereof international commerceand also, to a Venetianeconomy,primarily These argumentson the commercialutilityof the lesserextent,in moneylending. Jewswere,as is wellknown,laterto influenceMenassehben Israeland JohnToland profoundly.But Luzzatto also had at leasttwo criticswho have been hithertocomauthorof theBreverispostaa SimoneLuzpletelyneglected:MelchiorePalontrotti, zatto,and Giulio Morosini,who in his lengthyVia dellafededevoteda fewpages to no biotheDiscorso.The book of Morosini,a convertfromJudaism(unfortunately, in significance graphicaldetailswhatsoeverare knownabout Palontrotti)has further on thelifeoftheJewsofseventeenth-century thatitcontainsmuchinformation Italy and the Ottoman Empire;of special interestin the presentcontextis Morosini's whichincludesan accountofhisconversion, lengthyautobiographicalintroduction, in whichhe assignsa considerablerole to Luzzatto. Not completelyunexpectedly, Palontrottiand Morosini confinetheircriticismsto the traditional,religiousantitherealiaof Jewishplane and ignoreLuzzatto'sneweconomicapologeticareflecting the Venetiancommercialsituation,whichservedas a precedentforthelaterexperiencesoftheJewsin Holland, New Amsterdam,Englandand SouthernFrance.

MedievalJewishCriticismoftheDoctrineofOriginalSin JOELE. REMBAUM .........................

attaineda moresophisticatedunderstandAs medievalJewishcriticsofChristianity ing of Christiansourcesand doctrines,theycame to recognizethe centralrole that the beliefin originalsin playedin Christianideology.The awarenesswas paralleled by a broadeningof the scope of Jewishcriticismof theidea of originalsin and by a oftheJewishargumentation markeddeepeningand incisiveness againstthedoctrine.

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A studyof polemicalworks,spanningthe period from1170 to 1648,demonstrates how Jewishwriters,whilecontinuingto relyon biblicalinterpretation, increasingly adapted Christianscripture,Christianscholasticsources,questions that arose in Christiancircles,common sense arguments,and, to some degree,philosophical notionsto challengethe doctrineof originalsin. Most of thesepolemicistsagreed that Adam's sin generatedphysicalpunishments,which were transmitted to his descendants.They used theircritiqueof originalsin to refutethe Christianconception thata spiritualblemishwas passed down to the generationsafterthefirstman thusnecessitating God's incarnationin the"second Adam."

In Searchofthe"Book ofFigures":MedicineandAstrology in

attheTurnoftheFourteenth Montpellier Century JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

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In one of his firstlettersto R. Solomon ibn Adretof Barcelona qena'ot,no. (Minh.at medal of 5), Abba Mari of Montpellierreferswithmuchhostilityto an astrological whichsome Jewishdoctorsof his town made use. The talisman,a descriptionof whichwas to be foundin a book called the"Book of Figures"was in theformof a "lion withouta tongue" and was supposedto heal thesicknessof the rightkidney. Jewishdoctors,however,werenot theonlyones to have recourseto such talismans in Montpellieraroundtheyear 1300.Scholarsofthefamouslocal university suchas Arnoldof Villanovaand BernardGordon as wellas one oftheBlaise brothersdid so as well.These Christianscholarswerealso verymuchinvolvedin scientific exchange witha groupof Jewishcolleaguesin Montpellierofthe circleof Jacob ben Machir, and wereinvolvedin translatingmedicalworksinto Latin and Hebrew.Arnoldof Villanova is the author of a treatiseof such medical-astrological medals; thereis neverthelesslittlechance that Abba Mari referred to his work when quotingthe "Book of Figures."On the otherhand, one discoversstrikingsimilaritiesbetween BernardGordon's Tractatusad faciendumsigilla et ymaginescontrainfirmitates diversasand Abba Mari's descriptionofthetalismanin Minbatqena'ot.The Jewish doctorsof Montpellieraround 1300 need not necessarilyhave made use of a Latin source, foran anonymous(and undated)Hebrewtractcalled "Surot shneim'asar mazzalot" (MS Cambridge1741)is veryclose in contentto Bernard'sTractatusand has at thesame timealmostall theelements, evenlinguistic, thatAbba Mari presents in Minhatqena'ot.

Sefirotas the Essence of God in the Writingsof David Messer Leon HAVA TIROSH-ROTHSCHILD

....................

David Messer Leon (ca. 1460-1535) stood at the crossroadsof Jewishthoughtin Renaissance Italy: philosophicrationalismwas on the decline,and kabbalah, the Messer Leon mysticaltradition,was on the rise. Like manyof his contemporaries, did not considerthe two systemsmutuallyexclusive;ratherhe triedto harmonize them.His attemptat harmonyis themostevidentin hisdiscussionofthesefirot.

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PartI of thepaperdescribes thehistorical background againstwhichMesser Leon'sworkshouldbeevaluated. PartII reviews theinterpretations ofMesserLeon ofsefirot andhisconcept heldbyYosefBen-Shlomo andEfraim andoffers Gottlieb, a third: thatMesserLeonshouldbeclassified as a moderate realist who philosopher, a philosophic to fitkabbalistic within reductionism doctrines theframeemployed workofhisphilosophy. MesserLeon'sphilosophic PartIII thenpresents modelin itstreatment ofthe theories of predication, and divineattributes. PartIV showsMesser universals, ofthismodelto thesefirot and hisequationofthesefirot Leon'sapplication first withideasinthedivinemind, thenwithdivine andfinally withtheessence attributes, ofGod itself. In PartV,an historical thepaperconcludes thatDavidMesserLeon overview, whomayhavesharedhisspecific shouldbegroupednotwiththosekabbalists conofthesefirot, clusiononthenature butrather withthosephilosophers withwhomhe shareda general method: reductionism ofkabbalah. philosophic

[HEBREW SECTION]

ofan Abortive Abulafia andthePope:AnAccount Abraham Mission MOSHE IDEL

.............................

.

severalscholars who Abulafia's tomeetthepopehaspreoccupied Abraham attempt The presentstudy to theaim of thismeeting. havegivenvariousexplanations it in a newway. and interprets theeventwhichprecededthisattempt describes ina discussion withthepope wasinterested Abulafia tothisexplanation, According whichfocuses a religion as itwasunderstood onJudaism upon namely, byAbulafia, havebeenawareofa similar ofthenamesofGod. Abulafiamight thecompletion on thenameofJesuswas wheremeditation in Franciscan trainofthought circles, intovogue. coming and ofAbulafia's mission arediscussed, ofsomescholars Themisinterpretations to whichAbulafiametthepopeand ofthefalseconception, thehistory according viewsinordertosavehislife,aretraced. Christian accepted

Editor's Note Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), p. xiii Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486403 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:27 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

Cambridge University Press and Association for Jewish Studies are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to AJS Review.

http://www.jstor.org

EDITOR'S NOTE Whenthisjournal was foundedsevenyearsago, hopeswereexpressedas to thenatureofthematerialthatwouldbe published.It soon becameapparent thatthe questionwas not what was to appear but whetherindeed the publicationwould continueto appear at all. AJSreview proceededto follow a patternclassic forperiodicalsof its kind. As has frequently been noted, often with a amount of material scholarlyjournals begin deceptivelylarge whichthenbecomes progressively more modest.Aftertwo or threeyears, the publicationmay entera criticalperiodin whichtheveryquestionof its survivalis at stake. In mylast yearas editor,I made everyeffort to restore AJSreviewto its initial formatin termsof both quality and quantity. Althoughfortechnicalreasons,thepresentvolumehas been publishedas a double volume,it does actuallycontainone year'sworthof material.It is thena clearfulfillment of myhopes and servesas evidencethatthefutureof thispublicationis no longerin doubt.Now thatthisgoal has beenachieved, itis timeforme,as foundingeditor,to makewayforthosewitha newvision thatwilllead thejournal on new paths.It remainsthenonlyto thankthose who have beenofso muchhelpthroughout theyears. Since the timethat Dagnija Karklinscame to the Departmentof Near EasternStudiesoftheUniversity ofToronto,mytaskas editorofAJSreview and of two volumesofconference proceedingshas beenlightenedin numerous ways.Althoughit was not at all a formalpartofherduties,shewillingly and cheerfully assumedmanyadministrative taskswhichwereofgreatbenefit to me. A numberof close friendsand associates have broughttheir special skillsto bear on theproductionof thisjournal. Susan Cohen, James Diamond, ImogeneFriedman,LibbyGarshowitz,Adina Liberlesand Barry Walfishworkedwithgreatdedication,oftenunderpressureand at considerable personalinconvenience.May thisstatementserveas a modestexpression ofmyappreciation. To all who servedas membersof theEditorialAdvisoryBoard and to all themanyreaderswho werecalled upon to assistovertheyears,I offera profoundexpressionof thanks.To thecontributors to AJSreview, I expressmy appreciationfor theircourtesyand cooperation. Many real friendships developedfromassociationsbegunor continuedin thecontextof thisjournal. It is this,ifanything, whichhas made itall worthwhile. XIII

On the Classification of Judaic Laws in the "Antiquities" of Josephus and the Temple Scroll of Qumran Author(s): David Altshuler Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 1-14 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486404 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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ON THE CLASSIFICATION OF JUDAIC LAWS IN THE ANTIQUITIES OF JOSEPHUS AND THE TEMPLE SCROLL OF QUMRAN by DAVID ALTSHULER Yigael Yadin's publicationof the TempleScroll (Ts) fromQumranis a pioneeringwork of scholarshipthatwill stimulatea generationof further research.At thisrelatively earlydate,mostattentionnaturallywillfocuson understandingthe scroll itselfand its place withinQumran literature. Alongsidetheseconcerns,however,are manytantalizingprospectsforcomparative study,throughwhich the literatureand life of Qumran might illumine the larger context of Judaism in late antiquity.Clearly, for and comparative example,theway TS treatsbiblicallaw is of both intrinsic This is a contribution to a fertilearea for significance. study preliminary futureinvestigations. Yadin has observedthatJosephusin his Antiquities (AJ)and the author of TS bothpresentlaws of theTorah classifiedbysubjects.Yadin goes on to argue that his purported Essene upbringing(Vita 9-12) may have influencedJosephusin thiswork.' This claim offersan alternativeview to 1. Yigael Yadin, ed., The TempleScroll [Hebrew]2 vols. (Jerusalem,1977), 1:62,93-94, 305.

1

2

DAVID ALTSHULER

thestilldisputednotionthatitwas Pharisaictrainingthatgave Josephushis approachto biblicallaw.2 Leavingaside theunresolvedquestionsabout Josephus'ssectarianaffiin several liation, we may observe that AJand Ts are clearlydifferent First of the two works were written all, importantways. perhapstwo centuriesapart,withthedestruction oftheJerusalemTempleand theannihilationof theQumrancommunityintervening.3 Secondly,AJis a Greekwork largelydependenton theLXX or a similarversionoftheTorah,4whileTs is writtenin Hebrewby an authorwho undoubtedlyworkedfroma Hebrew Bible. Moreover,treatmentof the law is but a dependentsectionof AJ, whereasthe law constitutesthe whole of Ts. Finally,thetwo textsaddress different audiencesfordifferent purposes:AJis a historicalapologeticmeant while workof "revelation" fornon-Jewish readers, Ts is a pseudepigraphic whichitssectarianauthor(s)and readerspresumablyregardedas sacred.5 Nevertheless,the recentlypublished Ts invitescomparisonwith the "Constitutionof Moses" presentedin AJBooks 3 and 4 forvariousreasons. Josephus,descendedfrompriestlylines on both his parents'sides,clearly shareswiththe authorof Ts a special interestin theTempleand theState. AJis one ofthefewfirmly attributed and datedancientdiscusFurthermore, sionsofJewishlaw. Lastly,therehas developedalreadya considerablebody of scholarshipon the laws in AJand theirparallelsin otherancientJewish literature.6 Here I shallbeginwitha descriptionand analysisofthe"Constitutionof oflaw byJosephus,togetherwith Moses" in AJ-how does theclassification his othereditorialtechniques,revealthe largerpurposein AJ?Next I shall tryto uncoverthe principlesand purposes of the legal materialsin Ts. Finally,I shall offertentativecommentson the value of thesefindingsfor thecomparativeissuesraisedbyYadin. *k

*

*

2. I have surveyedtheliteratureon thisquestionand arguedthatlegal materialin AJis of forJosephus.See David Altshuler,"Descriptionsin a Pharisaicidentity littleuse in establishing Josephus'Antiquitiesof the Mosaic Constitution,"Ph.D. diss., Hebrew Union CollegeJewishInstituteof Religion,1977,esp. pp. 9-23, 55-57. Cf. Harold W. Attridge,TheInterpreJudaicaeofFlaviusJosephus(Missoula, Montana, tationofBiblicalHistoryin theAntiquitates 1976),pp. 1-16, 178-179, and David M. Goldenberg,"Halakhah in Josephusand Tannaitic Literature,"Ph.D. diss.,Dropsie College, 1978. 3. For thedateofTSsee Yadin, 1: 295-98. 4. See Altshuler, pp. 4-9, 87, 88,91, 103,111,112,114-15, 119, 126,133,147,149. 5. See Yadin, 1: 69-73, 298-300. 6. See Altshuler,pp. 3-23, 55-68.

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LAWS IN JOSEPHUS AND THE TEMPLE SCROLL

AJ Books 3 and 4 treatthewilderness experienceoftheancientIsraelites; roughlyspeaking,theyparallelthepentateuchalaccountfromExod. 15:22 throughtheend of Deuteronomy.As in Scripture,so in AJ,legal materials are fittedinto a frameworkprovided by blocks of narrative,firstfrom Exodus, then fromNumbers,and finallyfromDeuteronomy(see chart below). The legal paragraphs,however,are arrangedtopically,ratherthan by the sequence of Scripture.Josephus admits (4:197) as much for Withfewexcep4:199-301; clearly,thishas beenhisprocedurethroughout. tions, 3:102-286 and 4:67-75 treat priestlymaterials,while 4:199-301 focuseson theCovenantand DeuteronomicCodes. The followingchartsummarizesthebasicstructure ofAJBooks 3 and 4:7

AJ

Topic

3:1-101 3:102-150

Exod. 15:22ff. Exod. 25-27, 30, 35-37, 40 Lev. 24 Exod. 28 Priestlygarments None Symbolismoftabernacle,garments Inauguralceremonies,miscellaneous Exod. 28-31, 40; Lev. 8-10; Num. 7 Sacrifices Exod. 12, 13,29, 34; Lev. 1-7, 16,22-24; Num. 15,28, 29; Deut. 16,26 Purities Lev. 2, 7, 10-13, 15, 17, 18, 20-22; Num. 3, 5, 8, 19; Deut. 12, 14 Seventhand FiftiethYears Lev. 25, 27 Num. 1-16 DeparturefromSinai,approach to Canaan, internaldissention Levites'and Priests'dues Lev. 6, 7, 27; Num. 1,6, 15, 18,35; Deut. 18 Num. 20ff.; Battles,etc. Deut. 1-11, 27-34 Exod. 20, 22, 23; Lev. 24; Holy City,Temple,law Deut. 6, 7, 11, 14, 16,21-23, 31 Judicialand administrative Exod. 23; Deut. 16, 17, 19,21 procedures

3:151-178 3:179-187 3:188-223 3:224-257

3:258-279

3:280-286 3:287-4:66 4:67-75

4:76-198 4:199-213 4:214-224

BiblicalSource

Sinai theophany,decalogue Buildingthetabernacle

7. A synthetic are foundin Altshuler, analysisand paragraphby paragraphcommentary pp. 24-54, 69-158.

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DAVID ALTSHULER

4:225-243

Agriculture

4:244-265

Family

4:266-291

Tortsand ethics

4:292-301 4:302-331

Wartime Last wordsand deathofMoses

Exod. 23; Lev. 19,23; Deut. 14, 19,22-27 Lev. 23; Deut. 21, 22, 24, 25 Exod. 21-23; Lev. 19,24, 25; Deut. 15,22-24, 27 Deut. 20, 22, 24 Deut. 13,23, 24, 27-29, 31-34

oftheJosephus-tradition The generalstructure on biblicallaw is intended to imposenot onlysequencebut also emphaseson certaintypesoflaws. separatesthelaws of Exodus 25-40, Leviticusand NumJosephuscarefully bers(AJ3:102-286; cf.4:67-75) fromthoseof Exodus 20-28 and Deuteronomy (AJ 4:199-301). The formercollectionincludesmostlycultic and regulations,while the latteris more civil-secularin nature particularistic and contains many universalisticethical precepts.Three contrastsare apparent: 1) Withoutexception,Josephusnarratesthelaws of Exodus 25-40, Leviticus and Numbersin indicativeverbs,but he phrasesthe laws of Exodus 20-23 and Deuteronomyin imperatives.While neithercollectionis in biblicalform,thelaws in Book 3 read likecustomstheJewsonce strictly practicedor now happento observe(cf.Lev. 1:1,4:1!), butthosein Book 4 sound very much like the commands of God throughMoses as describedin Deuteronomy. 2) Withtheexceptionof thediscursuson symbolismof thetabernacleand vestments(3:179-187) and the passage about Moses and leprosy (3:265-266), no extrabiblicalapologeticsare added to thelegalcollection in Book 3. Book 4, however,is repletewithapologetics. God's will and the pleasure of nature are cited as reasons, for laws in Book 4. There,too, and property example,formanyagricultural are citedto insteadofpurityor holinessconsiderations, societalbenefits, support biblical laws concerning pilgrimages(4:204), prostitution (4:206), fitnessto bear witness(4:219), leviratemarriage(4:254), injuries resultingin a miscarriage(4:278), and eunuchs (4:290). Certainlythe themesofHoly City,Holy Temple,and Holy Law are extolledin Book 4, but theactual practicesof thesacrificialcultare virtuallyignoredthere. WhereBook 3 does explaintheworkingsof thedailyand festivalsacrifices,thereis nota wordofpraiseforthesystemor theLaw.

LAWS IN JOSEPHUS AND THE TEMPLE SCROLL

5

in recounting thelaws 3) Josephusmentionssanctionswithgreatfrequency of Exodus and Deuteronomy(4:202, 219, 238, 248, 251, 252, 264, 271, 277,279,281,282,284); only3:273 and 275 are comparable. The contrastsin forcebetweenthesetwo AJcollectionswell demonstrateJosephus'sprowessas an apologistforJudaism. So too, his intermediate systemof subject-classification subtlyenhances theapologeticcharacterof AJ'scatalogueofbiblicallaw. Whilecertaincategories,like sacrificialand familyrules,emergeonly slightlyreorganized fromScripture,Josephuscreatesothercollectionsfrompassages scattered in theBiblein orderto highlight themes. important For example, AJ'saccount of puritylaws (3:258-279) is drawn from some fifteenchaptersof Leviticusand Numbers.The laws are arranged topically: a narrativeintroduction,general ordinancesabout food and "diseased persons," more specificrules for women afterchildbirthand suspectedadulteresses,and finallypuritylaws thatdo notinvolvesacrifices. Josephushere createsa categoryof laws whollyunorganizedin Scripture, and to this collectionhe adds the most forcefulapologeticcommentson legal mattersin AJBook 3. The purposeofthisfocuseddiscussionon purity is to surroundJosephus'slong polemic against anti-Semiticclaims that Moses was a leper(3:265-268); Josephusaccumulatesthesepuritylaws and emphasizestheirMosaic authorship(3:258, 259, 260, 261, 264, 273, 274, versionsofthe 277, 280) in orderto drivehomehiscriticismofanti-Semitic Exodus story. A similartopical arrangementof diversebiblical laws is found in AJ 4:225-243, where agriculturallaws are listed beginningwith boundary marks,planting,then harvestingand sharingthe harvest.This sectionis greatlyexpandedby Josephusin apologeticpassages (4:225, 228-230, 232, 233, 234, 235, 236, 237) withoutparallel in Scripture.The leading theme here is that Israel is obligatedto share her bountieswithall-even forlaws,Josephus eigners!To crownhisfocuson theimportanceofagricultural theDeuteronomiclaw oflashesto applyspecifically to thesematinterprets tersoffarming (4:238). The apologetictendenciesof Josephusextend,of course,not onlyto his of Books 3 and 4 and to thecompositionoftheirintermediate arrangement ofindividuallaws withsections,butalso to his selectionand interpretation in thiscorpus. While he claims (4:196) to have reproducedall the laws of Moses withoutomittingor addinganything, morethan600 versesin biblical laws have no parallelin AJ,and morethan400 linesofAJhave no parallelin Scripture.

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DAVID ALTSHULER

A glance at subjectsJosephusomitsmakes clear his attemptto mute themes.He simplyglossesoverscores xenophobicand cultic-exclusiveness of verseson false gods and altars,mediumsand wizards,child-sacrifice, non-Hebrewslaves,and thetakingof interestfromforeigners. In a similar vein,he uses theLXX versionof Exod. 22:28 (cf.MTExod. 22:27 and Deut. 7:25) to assertthatJewsare forbiddento revileforeigngods and temples (4:207). Two examplesmayillustratethecare withwhichJosephussupplements Scriptureforapologeticpurposes.Many scholarshave notedhis extension of the biblical injunctionagainst misleadingthe blind into a law that demandsgivingaccuratetraveldirectionsto thosewho are lost;thispassage (AJ4:276) seemsto refutedirectlya claim repeatedby Juvenalin Satire 14 ("[the Jewis taught]notto show thewayto thetravelerwho does notpractice the same rites").Josephusalso seemsto contradictJuvenalin another passagenotcitedas apologeticbyearlierscholars.In 4:283 he statesexplicitlywhatExod. 21:33-34 implies,thatthosewho digwellsshouldkeepthem covered.Josephusgoes on to explainthatthislaw is forpurposesofsafety, and nottoprecludeanyonefromdrawingwater.This interpolation contrasts withJuvenal'sclaim,again in Satire 14 ("[he is taught]to lead onlythecircumcisedto the fountain").Such apologetic revisionof Scriptureis reinforcedby Josephusin his repeatedevaluationsofthelaws or lawfuldeeds withsuch wordsas "good" (4:204, 210, 239, 258) and "just" (3:250; 4:205, 212,233,258,266). ofbiblicallaw byJosephusin AJBooks 3 and 4 In sum,theclassification servesthelargerapologeticgoals of his magnumopus.Througha varietyof editorialand interpretive techniques,Josephusdriveshomethethemearticulatedin hisintroduction: "Speakinggenerally,themainlessonto be learnt fromthe historyby any who care to peruseit is thatmenwho conformto thewillof God, and do not ventureto transgress laws thathave been excellentlylaid down, prosperin all thingsbeyondbelief,and for rewardare offeredby God felicity"(1:14). This certainlyis a biblicalconceptionof history(cf. Deut. 28:1-6), and whatevermotivesJosephusdisplayselsewhere in Antiquities, 4:199-301 is a hymnto thethemeofDeuteronomy:God provides forthosewho obey his law (4:199, 201, 205, 213, 215, 217, 223, 224, 225,232,235,237,239,241,262,266,267,286,288, 290,292,294,295). Several factorsrequirethat our analysis of Ts be considerablymore

LAWS IN JOSEPHUS AND THE TEMPLE SCROLL

7

tentativethan thatof AJ.Firstof all, the textitself,despiteYadin's reconremainsfragmented; structionefforts, criticalsections,includingthebeginning,end, and importanttransitionparagraphs,are lost.' Moreover,Yadin admitsto havingtreatedhalakhicissues only brieflyin his commentary,9 and thetimethathas passed sincehispublicationhas notbeensufficient for muchmoredetailedscholarshipto have been produced.However,theprovisional commentsthat follow may at least demonstratedirectionsfor futureinquiry. Broadlyspeaking,TS treatstwo issues:the holyTemple,city,and land (3-5 1:10),and theholynation(51:11-end). As Yadin notes,themajorityof laws here are drawn fromthe Torah, arrangedtopicallybut also by and largein theorderof Scripture:firstfromExodus, thenLeviticusand Numbers,and finallyfromDeuteronomy.The followingchartsummarizesthe unitsofTS:'? intermediate TS

Topic

BiblicalSource

1-2 3:1-13:7

Introduction Temple

13:8-30:2

Sacrifices

30:3-46:12

Courtyards

46:13-51:10

Purities

Exod. 34; Deut. 7 Exod. 25-26, 30, 34-35, 37,40; Lev. 23-24; Num. 8, 10,28; (1 Sam., I Kings,Ezek., 2 Chron.) Exod. 12, 15,28-30; Lev. 1-4, 6-8, 16,21, 23, 25; Num. 7, 9, 15, 18,28-29; Deut. 16, 18,23; (Gen., Ezek.,2 Chron.,Neh.) Exod. 28, 30; Lev. 1-2, 21-22, 27; Num. 1,3-4, 17; Deut. 14,26; (1 Kings,2 Kings,Ezek., 1 Chron.2 Chron.,Neh.) Exod. 29; Lev. 11, 13-15, 17, 19,21-22; Num. 4-5, 19,31, 35; Deut. 14,23; (2 Sam., Isa., Ezek.,Joel)

8. Yadin, 1: 4-15. 9. Yadin, 1: x. 10. Yadin, 1: 39-60. The proposeddivisionsare myown. Cf. Yadin, 2: 3, 39-40, 93, 140, 160,195.

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DAVID ALTSHULER

51:11-61:5

Institutions ofAuthority

61:6-67:17

Miscellaneous

Exod. 13, 18,23; Lev. 17-19, 22, 26-27; Num. 1, 18,27, 30-31; Deut. 1, 12-13, 15-19, 22-23, 25; (1 Sam., 2 Sam., Song ofSongs) Exod. 22; Lev. 18-20; Deut. 18-23; 27.

The generalstructure theaptnessof thename Yadin of Ts demonstrates has givenit. TS is, above all, an essayon thespatialnatureofholiness.God dwellsin theland ofIsrael and amongthepeople of Israel,and God's laws are arrangedin TS so as to emphasizeboth the analogybetweenland and people as loci of holiness,and the cosmologicaland anthropologicalcentralizationthat emanates fromGod's choice of sanctuaryand national leadership. The introductionto TS posits the conditionalnatureof the covenant betweenGod and Israel. The rightto dwell in the land is predicatedon Israel's willingnessto abide by God's laws, and such a lawfulexistencewill be in directcontrastto the "abominations"practicedby foreignnations who are to be drivenfromthe land. The firstset of specificresponsibilities describedrelatesto the holy sanctuary,whose rules are drawnprimarily fromthoseappliedby Exodus to thewildernesstabernacle."'Nextcome the at thesanctuaryaltar;takengenerallyfrom sacrificialritesto be performed Leviticusand Numbers,these ritualsare listed by order of frequencydaily,weekly,monthly,and thenseasonallybeginningin the first(spring) month.12

Afterthe conclusionof the festalcalendar,Ts resumesdescribingthe to Temple,firsttheroomsoftheinnercourtin theorderof theirproximity thesanctuary,thenthemoredistantcourtyards.These ruleslead up to a list and of thosewho may notentertheTemplearea because of theirimpurity, the of wall mention the outermost and to terrace surrounding Temple finally area. The vast majorityof thismaterialhas no parallelin theTorah,or for thatmatterelsewherein Scripture.'3 11. Yadin, 1:70, 137-39 arguesthatthescripturalsupportof TS is 1 Chron.28:11-21, esp. v. 19. forthe 12. Yadin, 1: 71-72. Here Yadin positsNeh. 10:33-35 as thescriptural justification "Torah ofappointedtimesand theirofferings." 13. Yadin, 1: 137-214. It is beyondthescope ofthispaperto evaluateYadin's comparisons ofTs withotherschemesoftheTemple.We simplymaynotethatas a historianJosephusdistinguishedbetweenthe Tabernacleof Moses (describedin AJBooks 3 and 4) and the Templeof our own. Solomon (AJ8:61-98). The latteris Yadin's concern(see 1: 150-52); theformer,

LAWS IN JOSEPHUS AND THE TEMPLE SCROLL

9

concludesits discussionof issuesrelatedto theTempleby describing places outsidethe cityto be reservedforpersonswho are rituallyimpure, thenby surveyingrulesof impurity(e.g., relatingto animalsand corpses) thatapplythroughouttheland. These latterregulationsderivelargelyfrom Leviticus11 and Deuteronomy14.14This uniton purityconcludesthe four segmentsin TS devotedto the Templeand relatedmatters.Here, as in the withGod is emphasized: scroll'sintroduction, Israel'sexclusiverelationship "For I, Yahweh,dwell amidstthe childrenof Israel. You shall keep yourselvesholyand not contaminateyourselvesthroughanythingfromwhichI have separated you, declaringthem to be unclean. You shall be holy" (51:7-10). The remainderof TS treatsthe holinessof Israel as a national entity. Here the issue of centralizationfocusesdiscussionfirston the systemsof authority-judicial,priestly,monarchicand propheticinstitutions-then on thepracticesofthenationas a whole.The structure ofthesetwosections follows Deut. 16:18-18:22, then Deut. 19:15ff.,respectively. The topical interestsof TS are evidentprimarilyin 51:19-56:5, whichbringsmaterial fromLeviticus,Numbersand earlierchaptersof Deuteronomyto supplementthe discussionin Deut. 16:21-17:13 regardingthe exclusivityof the nationalcult;similarly, Ts 56:12-59:21 expandsupon thelaws ofkingshipin Deut. 17:14-20 by addingmaterialsfromelsewherein theTorah,and from otherbiblical and extrabiblicalsources.'5Otherwise,the centralnational institutions and the regulationsof nationallifeproceeddirectlyparallelto end. Deuteronomyuntilthescroll'sdefective The foregoingbriefsummaryof the topical arrangement of laws in TS that the scroll sets forth first of theland and two suggests parallel"maps," thenof the nation.In each case, thecore (Temple,systemsof authority)is describedfirst,thenthe readeris led outwardto related,but less central, concerns.As notedabove, boththescroll'sintroduction and theconclusion of the first"map" emphasizetheexclusivity of Israel's covenantwithGod; thisthemeis underscoredas wellat severalotherimportant junctures.Thus 29:2-30:2 concludesthe descriptionof sacrifices,46:11-12 closes the disTS

14. Yadin, 1: 215-263. Yadin notesscripturalsupportforthissectionin Isa. 52:1. Yadin notes(p. 216) thatTS tracespuritylaws fromthemoststrictto the mostlenient,whereasrabbinictextsare in theoppositeorder.On therelationofQumranpuritylaws in general(though not in TS) withthose of the Mishnah,cf. Jacob Neusner,A Historyof theMishnaicLaws of Purity,23 vols. (Leiden, 1977),22: 101-9, 298. 15. Yadin, 1: 70-71, 264-77. Yadin cites 1 Sam. 10:25as scripturalsupportforthiscollection.

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DAVID ALTSHULER

cussion of the Temple courtyards,and 59:16-21 completesthe laws of monarchy-each with exhortations,drawn fromdiversescriptures,that stressthe need to preserveIsrael's special holiness.Similarly,withineach topicalcollectionare numerousexamplesofscripturalquotationsand paraphrasesthatdevelopthistheme(e.g., "eternallaws" in 17:3,24:5; "sanctify my people" in 33:6; "do not defilemysanctuary. . . it shall be a holy of holies forever"in 35:7-9; "forever,all the days I dwell among them" in 46:4; "eat no abominationforyou are a holypeople to YahwehyourGod" in 48:7; "do not do in yourland whatthe nationsdo" in 51:19; "you shall destroytheevilfromyourmidst"in 66:3,etc.). The homileticalstructure and rhetoricof Ts mirrorthegeneraltendencies of itseditorsin selectingand expandinglegal materialfromtheTorah. In discussingthe Sabbath and festivals,forexample,TS omitsvirtuallyall nonsacrificial ordinances(e.g., Exod. 31:12-17), as well as regulationsfor the sabbaticaland jubilee years(Lev. 25), but it goes beyondtheTorah to prescribeannual commemorationof the eightdays of installationforthe priests(15:3-17:4), and various sacrificialcustomsrelatedto firstfruits (especially21:12-25:1). Nearlyone fourthof TS is devotedto the Temple and virtuallynone of theselaws has a parallelin theTorah. In courtyards, mattersof purity,as well,Ts deleteslittlefromthe Torah but adds much, to maintaintheTemple'spurity(46:1-47:3), the e.g., variousconstructions prohibitionof bringingskinsinto the Temple(47:7-18), and of coursethe generalprincipleofextendingpurityregulationsappliedbytheTorah to the Tabernacleheredescribedas pertainingto theTempleand indeedto cities of Israel, it throughoutthe land. As TS sets out the national institutions The with several kingmaynotmarry supplementsDeuteronomy provisions. a foreigner(57:15-16); a councilof thirty-six "chiefs,"priestsand Levites mustadvise himinjudgment(57:11-15); and he mustconsultthe 'urimand ofthehighpriestbeforegoingintobattle(58:15-59:1). Finally,the tummim concludingsectionof Ts expands Scriptureby requiringthesegregationof femalecaptivesforsevenyears(63:14-15), and linkingthedeathpenaltyof Deut. 21:22-23 withtreason(64:6-13). Noticeablyabsentfromthissection and nonculticTorah laws,e.g.,theDecalogue,comare manyuniversalistic mandmentsregardingslaves and damages(Exod. 21:1-36; Lev. 24:17-22), to be compassionatetowardaliens,widows,orphansand and requirements of thepoor (Exod. 22:21-25; Lev. 19:9-14; Deut. 24:10-15). The neteffect and theseomissionsand additionsis to make Ts even more cult-centered thantheTorah upon whoselegalpassagesitgenerallyis based. exclusivist

LAWS IN JOSEPHUS AND THE TEMPLE SCROLL

11

HavingexaminedAJand Ts each on itsown terms,we maynow proceed to evaluateYadin's suggestionofpossiblesourceand derivation.The superficialbutsignificant contrastsnotedabove-that theworksare notcontemversionsof theBible whichthey poraneous,thattheybegan withdifferent reasonsto different fordifferent audiences-take on stillgreater interpreted importin light of the thematicand editorial tendenciesjust surveyed. of Israel,a cultand nation WhereasTS seeksto emphasizetheparticularity AJtonesdownbiblicalthemes setapartfromtheabominationsofforeigners, and heightens insteadlaws thatare universalistic ofexclusivity and ethicalin nature.Perhapssymptomatic of the divergenceof thesetwo approachesis thewaythetwotextstreatMoses. TSexcludesthelawgiverentirely, in many laws to thefirstpersonin orderto emphasizethedirect instancesconverting covenantallink betweenGod and Israel.'6 Josephus,on the otherhand, mentionsMoses by name some two dozen timesin the course of his legal passages(AJ3:106, 107, 108, 137, 156, 188, 196,204, 209, 210, 211, 212, 222, 258,265,267,268,273,280,285,286; 4:67, 74; cf.4:196-197, 302), alludesto and argueson severaloccasions thatthe "vir"the lawgiver"throughout, tue" of the "constitution"and its tradentare consonant(AJ1:18-23; cf. passim).Nowherein AJlegalmaterialsis God quoteddirectly. from Indeed,thepurposeand programof AJcould notbe moredifferent thatof TS. The followingtable shouldsufficeto demonstrate, furthermore, thatnotevenone ofthetopicalunitsin AJcould owe itseditorialstructure to TS: makesclearthathe is describing AJ3:102-223 Josephusconsistently theTabernacle,whileTS speaks alwaysof theTemple. AJ3:108-133 beginson theoutsideand worksinward; TS 3-46 does the reverse.AJ3:151-187, the longest which passage here,is devotedto thepriestly garments, do not figureat all in TS. AJ3:204-211 describesa onetime ceremonyof inauguration,while TS 15-17 prescribesan annualcommemoration. 3:224-257 AJ3:224-235, followingLev. 1-6, treatssacrificial proceduresgenerallybeforedescribingthescheduleof daily, weekly,and seasonal rites;Ts 34-35 discusses the burnt offeringafterward,while describingthe room,and otherwiseoffers slaughtering onlyscattered 16. Yadin, 1: 61.

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DAVID ALTSHULER

3:258-279

3:280-286 4:67-75

4:199-213

4:214-224

4:225-243

commentson sin-offerings, etc. AJ3:236 proscribes an animal and its parenttogether(as Lev. sacrificing 22:28),a law foundin Ts 52, amidmiscellaneouspriestly regulations.AJ 3:237-238 and TS 13-14 follow Numbers 28 in listingsacrificesfor everyday, Sabbaths and New Moons. But AJ3:239-257 discusses seasonal festivalsfromfall to spring,whileTS 17-29 ordersthemfromspringto fall.AJhas no wood offeringas in TS23-25. As notedabove,thissectionon puritylaws is a carefully constructedapologia meant to refuteanti-Semitic claims about Moses; its formand substanceis utterly unlikeTs 46-51. Josephus,followingLev. 25, describesthe sabbatical andjubileeyears-topics notfoundin TS. Josephusforthe mostpartfollowsNumbers18,having just completedhis version of the Korah story. Similartopicsappear in TS 15,21, 35-36, and especially 60 (wherethe contextis Deut. 18:1-8). But Ts 60 treats priestlydues before those of Levites, while Josephus,like Scripture,has thereverse.Moreover,TS has no discussionofleviticalcities,whichAJ4:67 draws fromNumbers35. Most of the laws in AJ-pilgrimages,prostitutes' wages,septennialTorah reading,dailyprayers,mezuzot and tefillin-arenot foundin TS. AJ4:207, which admonishesJewsto respectforeigncults,is perhaps the most strikingexample of apologetic work by Josephus.TS throughout,and especiallyin 1-2 and fromAJ. 64:9-11, could notbe moredifferent Parallelsto thefourtopicstreatedherein AJare found Morein TS 51, 61 and 64, 63 and 56-59, respectively. all of material the lacks 4:223-224 over, AJ virtually thatTS 56-59 adds to Deut. 17:14-20 regardinglaws ofmonarchy. As noted above, this collection serves the larger apologetic message of AJ.TS lacks any discussionof boundarymarkers,and parallelsto therestofthelaws hereare scatteredin TS46, 52, 60, and 65.

LAWS IN JOSEPHUS AND THE TEMPLE SCROLL

13

4:244-265 Two mattersdiscussedhereby Josephus-divorceand leviratemarriage-are not foundanywherein TS. The restofthelaws in AJhave parallelsin Ts 63-67, though TS, which follows the order of Deut. 21:10-23:1, includes several other subjects. Even where parallel mattersare discussed,AJ's logical order-forbidden marriages,virginitysuits, two wives, rape, captives, rebelliouschildren,and capitalpunishment-isutterly unlikeScriptureand TS. 4:266-291 Of sixteentopicstreatedby Josephus,onlythreehave anyparallelin TS. 4:292-301 Ts 61:12-63:04, which follows Deut. 20:10-20, is in parallel to AJ4:292-300, but TS treatstransvestites 65:5,withotherlaws ofmixtures. In conclusion,we findlittleevidenceto supportYadin's suggestionthat JosephusborrowedfromTS to create the legal sectionsof AJ. Indeed, we would be hard pressedevento supposethatJosephushad Ts beforehim;if once he had learnedthis special "Torah" fromthe Qumran sectaries,he musthave forgotten or rejectedmostof it." For now,two comparablefeaturesof TS and AJstand out. First,both were fashionedby writerswhose self-imposedexile fromJerusalemand the nation of Israel must have weighedheavilyon them.Second,bothseek to imposetheorderofsubjecton God's covenant.But heretheirsimilarity classification ends. The Qumran communitycreatedtheirdesertmonasterybecause they who ruledit. rejectedtheefficacyof theJerusalemcultand thepriest-kings In TS, theypromulgateda polemical geographyand anthropography of of theirconvictionthatGod dwellsamidstIsrael. holiness,spatialreferents For them,Scriptureguaranteedthat the eternalcult and state of Israel would outlivethetemporary disarrayoftheirday.'" ofJerusalemand thesubjuJosephus,who had witnessedthedestruction 17. Naturally,Ts and AJagree in manyinteresting pointsof detail. For example,Ts 63:5 says thattheelderswash theirhandsovertheheadoftheheiferofexpiation(cf.Deut. 21:6). AJ 4:222 agrees,probablyfollowingLXX. Agreementsof thissortpermitvariousexplanations; takentogethertheyseeminsufficient to documentJosephus'spurportedEsseneeducation. 18. Yadin, 1: 296-98. Comparisonof thisthemein TS withlegal and theologicalpositions in otherQumranmaterialsis beyondthescope ofthispaper.Cf. BertilGartner,TheTempleand theCommunity in QumranandtheNew Testament (Cambridge,1965),pp. 16-46; Geza Vermes, TheDead Sea Scrolls: QumraninPerspective (Philadelphia,1981),pp. 163-88; and Attridge.

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could not envision,muchless advocate, gation of its nationalinstitutions, therestoration ofcultand state.'9Believingthehistorian'staskto be analogous to that of the prophets(Contra Apionem1:37-41), he fashioneda moralistic,apologetic narrativeof the career of Israel, a nation whose unique destinyis conditionalupon its obedienceto universallaws.20For him,God's laws of holinesshave temporalratherthanspatialimplications, since"God, as theuniversalFatherand Lord who beholdsall things,grants to suchas followHim a lifeofbliss,butinvolvesin direcalamitiesthosewho stepoutsidethepathofvirtue"(AJ1:20). GeorgeWashington University JudaicStudies 2106G Street, N.W. DC 20052 Washington,

19. This conclusionis reached,fordifferent reasons,by BetsyHalpernAmaru in "Land JewishQuarterly Review,n.s. 71:4 (1981): 201-29. Theologyin Josephus'JewishAntiquities," 20. Cf.Attridge.

The Monarchic Imperative in Rabbinic Perspective Author(s): Gerald J. Blidstein Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 15-39 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486405 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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THE MONARCHIC IMPERATIVE IN RABBINIC PERSPECTIVE by GERALD J.BLIDSTEIN

I Recentdecades have seena flowering ofresearchintothepoliticaltradition and cultureof the Jewishpeople. It seems appropriate,therefore, to of keyrabbinicdiscussionsof a centralbiblical undertakean investigation themonarchy.This studyopenswitha close readand historicalinstitution: of the sources and ing attemptsto understandthemin theirconceptualand contexts,moveson to a considerationofpossiblehistoricalcontexts literary and repercussions,and concludeswithsome reflections on the relationof our topicto themessianicelementin Israel's faith. A Discussion of monarchyas a divineimperativefirstemergesamongthe sages of the mid-secondcentury.The scripturalfoci of the discussionare Deuteronomy17 and 1 Samuel 8 (thestoryof thebegrudgedestablishment of the monarchyby the prophetSamuel), thoughthe exactrelationshipof rabbinicopinionto thesescripturalbases is characteristically unclear.The tannaiticmidrashreads:' 1. Louis Finkelstein, ed., Sifreto Deuteronomy(Berlin,1939),section156,p. 208.

15

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GERALD J. BLIDSTEIN

Andyoushallsay,I willseta kingoverme:

as itsays:"... fortheyhave R. Nehoraisays:Thisis to Israel'sdiscredit, I shouldnotbe kingover have that but notrejected you they rejectedMe, them."2 Said R. Judah:Butis it nota commandof theTorahthattheyshould placea kingoveryou"!3Why requesta king,foritsays:". . . youshallsurely inSamuel'stime?Becausetheyrushedmatters. thenweretheypunished

me: thatarearound Likeall thenations foritsays: R. Nehoraisays:Theysoughta kingto leadthemto idolatry, ".. thatwe also maybe likeall theothernations,and thatourkingmay usandfight ourbattles."4 judgeusandgo outbefore as regardsbiblicaloriginsand R. Nehorai's attitudeis straightforward ideology alike. Deuteronomy17 does not command that a monarchbe and modcrownedbutratherimplies(as traditionalplain senseinterpreters ern translatorsindicatealike) thatthe people are freeto establisha monarchyiftheyso choose; forthemajorburdenofDeuteronomy17 is actually, accordingto R. Nehorai,prophetic,disapprovingprediction.This is made explicitwhenGod describesthepopulardemandfora firstkingat thetime of Samuel as a rejectionof Himself-a betrayalof Israel's vocation. R. Nehorai then simplydescribesthis rejectionof the divinekingshipin its mostconcreteextremeform-idolatry,claimingthatwhatmovedthepopulace was not merelythedesireforpoliticaland governmental restructuring but ratherthe urgeto have done withtheideologicalbase of Israelitesociis 1 Samuel 8:20,but ety-the worshipofGod alone. R. Nehorai'sprooftext he may well have recalledthatGod's firstresponseto thepopular clamor not onlyassuredSamuel thatHe Himselfwas beingrejectedbut explained thisrejectionas merelyanotherinstanceof traditionalIsraeliteidolatrous ("accordingto all theworksthattheyhave done . .. in thatthey ingratitude have forsakenMe and servedothergods . .").5 R. Nehorai mayalso refer to cultsfashionedaroundkings,bothbiblicaland Hellenistic-Roman. (The willbe feltevenin corrosiveimplicationsofthehistoricalevent,incidentally,

2. 1 Samuel8:7. 3. Deuteronomy17:15. 4. 1 Samuel8:20. 5. 1 Samuel 8:8, whichfollowsimmediately upon theversewithwhichhe earlierneedledR. Judah.Idolatry,then,sums up the desire"to be like all the nations";havinga kingwho will expression.See B.T. Sanhedrin20b. judge and waris theconcrete,derivative,

MONARCHIC IMPERATIVE IN RABBINIC PERSPECTIVE

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the Davidic monarchy:Absalom's revolt,R. Nehorai taught,breaks out exactlyfortyyearsafterthecoronationofSaul.6) Be all thisas it may, R. Nehorai does not seem to be condemningthe specificmotivesof one coronationbut ratheris intenton claimingthat human kingshipis the politicalcorrelativeof religiousdegeneration.This claim-whatever its antecedentsin Second Commonwealthliteratureand ideology-clearlycontinuesthebiblicaltraditionthatproclaimsGod alone as Israel's king,and setstheideologicaltone forsubsequentrabbinicderogation of monarchy.This basic ideological groundingdistinguishesR. Nehorai's attitudefromthereportthatOnkelostheproselytehad defended theobservanceofmonarchicalfunerary ritesfortheNasi R. Gamaliel,some that"Rabban Gamaliel is worthmorethana decades earlier,by remarking riteshad been hundreduseless kings."7Onkelos onlyarguedthatfunerary observedforall thekingsofJudahaccordingto theprophetJeremiah, and R. Gamaliel was not less worthythan manyof these.Certainlytherewere other implicationstoo. Monarchic status devolves on the patriarch,an assertionofgreatsocial significance; and Onkelosdoes hintthattheJewsof Palestineat the beginningof the Common Era could do verywellwithout kingsor pretenders.But thesecontextsare pragmaticwithlittleideological timbresave theobviousrelativizing ofthemonarchy. The tensionbetweenhuman monarchyand the Kingdom of Heaven remainsthe dominantmotifof rabbinicoppositionto the politicalinstitution,whateverthe specifichistoricalstimulimay have been. In contrastto the aggadic viewthatconferredkingshipon Abraham,R. Samuel b. Nahman taughtin themid-fourth centurythatthepatriarchrefusedthatstatus: "Let theworldnotbe withoutits [true]king."8The later,anonymousPalestiniancritiqueof the clamor fora monarchsimilarlyembroideredon the 6. B.T. Temurah15b,givenin the name of R. Joshua(see on!); similarlyin Seder 'Olam, ed. AdolfNeubauer,2 vols. [Oxford,1887],2: 45). chapter14 (MedievalJewishChronicles, 7. Semabot, ed. Michael Higger(New York, 1931), p. 151; translatedby Dov Zlotnick, The TractateMourning(New Haven, 1966),p. 58. S. W. Baron,A Social and ReligiousHistory oftheJews,17 vols. to date (Philadelphia,1952- ), 2: 114,detectsan antimonarchic edge in R. Yohanan b. Zakkai. See also R. Hananiah seganha-kohanim as citedin AdolfBiichler,Studies inSin and Atonement (London, 1928),pp. 63-71. This comment,withitsclearpoliticaltendenz, demonstrates of whetherone followsBuichler or I. H. Weiss,Dor dor ve-doreshav, (irrespective 5 vols. [Berlin,1924],1:191)theinterpenetration oftheologicalconstructand politicalideology. 8. Genesis Rabbah, ed. JuliusTheodor and Chanoch Albeck, 2d ed., 3 vols. (Jerusalem 1965), 1: 419, 2: 624; DeuteronomyRabbah, ed. Saul Lieberman(Jerusalem,1940),pp. 63-64. ElsewhereR. Samuel b. Nahman refersto Roman emperorworship:see LeviticusRabbah, ed. Mordecai Margaliot,5 vols. (Jerusalem,1953-1960),4: 769. The contrasting view,whichhas Abrahamacceptingthekingship,is foundinTanhlumaBeha'alotekha,9, and parallels.

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biblicalclaimthathumankingshipwas a betrayalofIsrael's fealtyto God, a of a mortalover the divine.This foolishchoice,therabbisteach, preferral the plunges people into themaelstromof humanpoliticalhistorywithdire results,but the tragicsorrowsof Israel's careerare merelythepredictable outcomeofthisprofoundly ideologicalblunder. Therabbissay:God saidto Israel:'I plannedthatyoushouldbe freefrom Whencethis?As itis said,A wildass usedto thewilkings'[lit.'kingships']. andhasno derness (Jer.II, 24);'justas thewildassgrowsup inthewilderness fearofman,so too I plannedthatyoushouldhaveno fearofkings;butyou didnotdesireso,but,Thatsnuffeth upthewindinherdesire(ib.),and"wind" Whencethis?As it is said,And,behold,thefour is nothing butkingship.' windsoftheheavenbrokeforthuponthegreatsea (Dan. VII, 2). God said: 'ShouldyouassertthatI do notknowthatin theendyouwillforsakeMe, Moses and said to him: [you]through alreadylongago haveI forewarned king,letthemappointoneof "Seeingthatintheendtheywillaskfora mortal Whencethis?Fromwhatwehaveread theirownas a king,nota foreigner,"' inthecontext, AndShaltSay:I WillSeta KingOverMe,etc.(XVII, 14). TheRabbissay:WhenkingsaroseoverIsraelandbeganto enslavethem, God exclaimed:'Did you not forsakeMe and seekkingsforyourselves?' Hencetheforceof,I WillSeta KingOverMe. TheRabbissay:Whosoever putshistrustin fleshandbloodpassesaway and hispatronage also passesaway,as it is said,Nor in theson ofman,in on thisverse?His breath whomthereis no help(ib.CXLVI,3). Whatfollows he returneth to hisdust(ib. 4). God said:'Although theyknow goethforth, a "Set and is forsake man that kingoverus." Myglory say: nought, yetthey learn will toyourcost the end in ask a do for you king?Byyourlife, Why you fromyourking.'Whencethis?As it is said,All whatyouwillhaveto suffer theirkingsarefallen,thereis noneamongthemthatcallethuntoMe (Hos. VII,7). I WillSeta KingOverMe. TheRabbissay:TheHolyOneblessedbe He, said:'In thisworldyouaskedforkings,andkingsaroseinIsraelandcaused youtofallbythesword.'Saul causedthemto fallon MountGilboa.Whence thePhilistines this?AndthemenofIsraelfledfrombefore (I Sam.XXXI,I). Davidbrought abouta plague,as itis said,So theLordsenta pestilence upon ofrainfrom Israel(II Sam.XXIV,15).Ahabwasthecauseofthewithholding them[Israel],as itis said,Thereshallnotbe dewnorraintheseyears,etc.(I of theTemple. KingsXVII, I). Zedekiahwas thecauseof thedestruction WhenIsraelsawwhatbefellthemon accountoftheirkingstheyall beganto king,'[as itis said],For cryout:'We do notdesirea king,wedesireourfirst theLordis ourKing;He will theLordis ourLawgiver, theLordis ourJudge, God replied: saveus(Isa. XXXIII,22).Whereupon 'Byyourlife,I willdo so,'

MONARCHIC IMPERATIVE IN RABBINIC PERSPECTIVE

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etc. Whencethis?Foritis said,AndtheLordshallbe kingoverall theearth, (Zech. XIV, 9).9

The geonicmidrash,too, picksup thismotif,insistingthatat first"God did not give themoverto kings,nobles,or leadersto lead thembut rather kept His presenceamong themand aided themin theireveryneed."'1 We maysurmisethattheconflictbetweena monarchicexilarchateand therabbinicgaonate providesthehistoricalcontextforthislastmidrashicrejection of human political authority.Yet it is also the case that the termsof the have a long geonicassertionand itsrejectionofpoliticalinstitutionalization pedigree,goingback to talmudicand biblicaltimes.Whethertheadoption ofthisideologywas a self-serving deviceor a reflection ofa deeplyheldconviction-or, mostlikely,both-is a different question. B In contrastto R. Nehorai's condemnation,R. JudahtaughtthatIsrael was commandedto establisha monarchy."This commandis predicatedon 9. DeuteronomyRabbah 5: 8-11; translatedbyJ.Rabinowitz(London, 1939),pp. 109-13. The sheerquantityand concentration ofantimonarchic materialin thiscollectionis noteworthy fromthepointof viewof literaryhistory.As mydiscussionindicates,I do notthinkthatthese sentimentsparallel the Hellenisticantimonarchicattitudescollated by E. E. Halevi, "The King's Law" [Hebrew],Tarbiz38 (1968-9): 225-30. 10. Midrashpitrontorah,ed. E. E. Urbach(Jerusalem,1978),pp. 333-34. I oughtmention, at thispoint,one final,ratherinscrutabletext,on the subjectof thetensionof Heavenlyand Terrestrialin our context.The PalestinianTalmud (Sanhedrin,chap. 2, end) tellsof a fourth centurySamaritanwho twitted(?) a rabbi:"See whatit says,'You shallplace a kingoveryou.' It doesn't say I (i.e., God) will put a kingover you, but you, you will make a kingforyourselves."Is theSamaritantakingan exegeticalpoke at therabbibypointingout thatdesignation of a king is in the people's hands-the view taughtby Samaritanbiblical history(at least accordingto TheSamaritanChronicleI, ed. JohnMacdonald [Berlin,1969],pp. 101-2)? That theappointments of bothSaul and David did not have divineapproval(see JohnMacdonald, TheologyoftheSamaritans[London, 1964],p. 18)?Or oughtthecommentbe read in itshistorical contextas a gibe at thepretensionsof theDavidic Patriarchs,who had recentlyshiftedthe halakhah to an anti-Samaritanposition(accordingto Gedaliah Allon, Toledotha-yehudim, 2 vols. [Tel-Aviv,1961],2: 251)? Indeed the talmudicchapterclosed by thisanecdoteis replete withtales of conflictbetweensages and Patriarchs,as S. D. Goitein,"The AttitudesTowards Governmentin Islam and Judaism"[Hebrew],Tarbiz19(1948): 155,has pointedout. 11. See n. 1. My translationreflectsthe naturalreading,whereR. Judahrespondsto R. Nehorai and thenmustcounterthedilemmaraisedby 1 Samuel. It is also possibleto translate (in somewhatforcedfashion):". . . since it is a mipvahto appoint a king,. . . whywerethey punished?"R. Judah'scommentwouldthenderivefroma discussionoftheSamueltexts,and it will have been theeditorwho producedthe appearanceof a debate.The firstreadingis much sounderand is also supportedbyToseftaSanhedrin4:5, ed. M. S. Zuckermandel,2d ed. (Jerusalem, 1937),p. 421.

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Deuteronomy17:15,thoughitis unclearwhethertheduplicationoftheverb

formofthesentence withv. 14)is at (compared SYM'2orthenonconditional

the root of this exegesis,or for that matter-whetherthe Bible is here a source foran exegete,a prop foran eisegete,or an embarrassment foran A ideologue. secondbiblicalinstanceis, however,a glaringembarrassment: R. Judahmustexcusethe obvious divinedisapprovalof Israel's requestof Samuel as a responseto theformor timingof thepeople's petitionbut not buta divinecommand.We as an indicationthatkingshipin itselfis anything shallreturnto R. Judah'sreadingoftheSamuelstory;firstwe shallfocuson othertannaiticexegeticactivitiesin supportofmonarchy. A frequently cited baraita anchorsthe monarchyin scripturalground. ofthemonarchyis to precedethe R. Judah Here, arguesthatestablishment of theAmalekiteson thebasis of a midrashicreadingofExoextermination dus 17:16: "When a kingsitson the Lord's throne-thenwillyou exterminate the Amalekite."'3 Though R. Judah's immediateinterestis the sequence of theseevents,the idea of a commandedmonarchyis an inevito notethe tableelementin thisscriptural scenario.It is therefore significant midrashicuse to whichthisversehad been put by earliersages. R. Joshua and had read thesame phrase,some timebetweentheTemple'sdestruction the Bar Kochba revolt,thus: "When God will sit on His throneand His kingshipis established-at thattimewill the Lord war on Amalek." Irrespectiveof whether"His kingship"also impliesa humanpoliticalcorrelative,it seemsclear thatR. Joshuaread Exodus 17:16 as eschatological.R. fromthatpredictedby his conJoshuadescribesa timenot verydifferent be blottedout?Whenidolatry R. Eliezer: will their name "When temporary is uprootedalong withitsdevotees,whentheLord is alone in theworldand His kingdomis forever-thenthe Lord will go out and war on those people." R. Judah,now, has adopted the understandingof "the Lord's to kingship,but has shiftedits contextand subject: throne"as a reference fromdivine kingshipto a human king, fromthe eschatologicalto the halakhic and the historical-the historyof Saul and David and, perhaps, Jewishhistory.Yet he has also appropriatedtheresonanceof contemporary thekingsitson theLord's read midrashically; theoriginalbiblicalstatement throneand fights theLord's war.14 12. See also Sifre,Deuteronomy,sec. 157, p. 209, line 5. 13. Sifre,Deuteronomy,sec. 68 (p. 132)and parallels. 14. Mekhiltade-Rabbi Ishmael,ed. H. S. Horowitzand I. A. Rabin (Frankfurt,1931),p. 186. The OxfordMS ed, princ.,and Yalqut Shim'oni (Salonica, 1526; alteredin subsequent

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A similar ofthe is tobefound inthemidrashic treatment phenomenon

to Deuteronomy 1:7 thepeopleare to enter term"Lebanon."According andoccupythelandup to Lebanon;thetannaitic midrash readsthetermas a "when enter the land are to a you you symbol: appoint kingand buildthe that"Lebanon" can meanbothmonarchy and Temple,"demonstrating Now themidrashic useofLebanonfortheTemplehasbeendatsanctuary. ed to R. Yohananb. Zakkai,anditis likely thatitsusetosignify as kingship well(ina relatedtannaitic addentext,thisuseisindeedfoundas anexplicit

dumtoitsmeaning reflects as Temple) thesamewaveofexegetic activity

intherereading ofExodus17:16.'5 represented Can the same phenomenon be detectedin the tannaiticmidrashto 17? R. to Deuteronomy Judah's reference 17:15is givenas Deuteronomy

partof his discussionwithR. Nehoraias to theimplicationsoftheprevious verse14.The formalexegesisofv. 15is presentedin Sifreas follows: Som tasim.If he dies,appointanotherto succeedhim...

Another somtasim:Thisis a positivecommand.... explanation,

Althoughthe firstcommentcited certainlytakes a positiveattitude towardthe monarchyby providingforits continuity, it is onlythesecond that reads 17:15 as a halakhic explanation Deuteronomy imperativeto establisha monarchy.Does thisreflecta deliberatehardeningof theexegetical line consonantwith R. Judah'sgeneralattitudeand parallel to the othermidrashicphenomenanotedabove?'6

editions)give: "when the kingsits,"whichis doubtlessa correctionbased on R. Judah'smidrash as foundin Sifreand Talmud (B. T. Sanhedrin20b). ThirteenthcenturyMidrash HaGadol, ed., Mordecai Margaliot(Jerusalem,1956),p. 345, in factderivesR. Judah'sviewfrom R. Joshua.Mekhiltade-Rashbi,ed. J.N. Epsteinand E. Z. Melamed(Jerusalem,1955),p. 126, line28, diplomaticallyomitsthesubjectof thephrasealtogether!R. Eliezer: Mekhiltade-RI, lines4-7. (A different in Mekhiltade-RI,p. 150,lines8-14.) sequencemaybe reflected 15. Sifre,Deuteronomy,sec. 6, p. 14;Sifre,Numbers,ed. H. S. Horowitz(Leipzig, 1917),p. of Lebanonin theTargums,"Jour181,lines6-8; Geza Vermes,"The SymbolicInterpretation nal ofTheologicalStudies9 (1958): 1-15. 16. Sifre,Deuteronomy,sec. 157,p. 208, line 13;p. 209,line 5. Interestingly, M. Sanhedrin 2:5 derivesthedutyof reverenceof kingsfromthisverse(not,as does Sifre,p. 209 lines 1-4, fromthesecond use of tasimin Deut. 17:15);yetsinceeventhatphrasecan sustaina numberof homilies,I do not believethatthe Mishnah intendsto rejectthe imperativeof appointinga king.True,the Mishnahdoes not listtherequirement-butneitherdoes it listtherequirement of appointinga Sanhedrin.But cf.Ze'ev (Wilhelm)Bacher,'Aggadotha-tanna'im, 3 vols. (Berlin, 1922),vol. 2, pt. 1,p. 141,n. 13.

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C asserts thatIsraelis commanded a king, he SinceR. Judah toappoint

theantimonarchic stanceoftheBookofSamuel,whichrepmustconfront resents God'scondemnation ofthepopulardesirefora king.A replytothis in antimonarchic inference wasforthcoming, "Whythenweretheypunished Thisexplanation Samuel'stime?Becausetheyrushedmatters." is,however, ofR. How didtheIsraelites rushmatters? hardto fathom. Contemporaries

of thatthemonarchy itself wasnotthesubject Judah (equallyconfident

divinedisapproval) causesforGod'sdispleasure. other, suggested tangential Thesedo notshedlightontheclaimthattheIsraelites rushedmatters."7 A numberof possibleinterpretations do suggestthemselves, though

LouisGinzberg theaccusanonearedecisively hascompared convincing.

tionplacedintheprophet "BeholdnowI Samuel'smouthbypseudo-Philo: norofbuildseethatthereis notyetforusthetimeofa perpetual kingdom, the as theydesirea kingbefore ingthehouseoftheLordourGod,inasmuch R. Judahto be similarly thepeople time,"andhasunderstood condemning for asking for a king beforethe Temple had been erected.'8Now, the sequence in which monarchyand sanctuarywere to be establishedwas indeeda matterof tannaiticdiscussionand evendebateas we shallsee, and it may be possible to read R. Judahin thatcontext.But if pseudo-Philo's BiblicalAntiquities are to instruct(or at least stimulate)us, it mustbe said ofpseudo-Philois incorrect.Pseudo-Philois thatGinzberg'sunderstanding notconcernedat all withtheimpropriety ofhavinga kingbeforetheTemple is built. Pseudo-Philoin factcondemnsthe people for requestinga king fortheestablishbeforethedetermined time,thatis,thetimepredetermined mentof theeternalDavidic kingdom.Both thetextcitedby Ginzbergand

17. Sanhedrin20b; ToseftaSanhedrin4:5, p. 421; MidrashTanna'im,ed. David Hoffmann ofthecomcause forGod's displeasureis theimpropriety (Berlin,1908),p. 104.An alternative moner'smotivationas opposed to thatoftheelders.This viewis attributed by theToseftaand some Talmud MSS to R. Eleazar b. R. Jose,and byotherMSS oftheTalmudto R. Eleazar b. ad loc.), sages who livedat or afterthetimeof R. Judah.Some MSS Zadok (Diqduqeisoferim, also eliminatethetalmudictanya,so thatthisviewliterallyfollowsthatof R. Nehorai,and is notan independent, earlier,source.Finkelstein'sattempt(in thenoteto hiseditionofSifre,line R. Judahwiththisviewis puzzlingsincenothingis theresaid about thecommon7) to identify ersspeakingbefore(i.e., "rushing")theelders.Note also Bacher,'Aggadot,yetsee his alternativeexplanation,p. 152,n. 18.See also Kimhito 1 Samuel8:5. 18. Louis Ginzberg,LegendsoftheJews,7 vols. (Philadelphia1909-1938),6: 230,n. 47, citingPseudo-Philo56: 1-3.

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the generalpresentationof the entireepisode reflectpseudo-Philo'scommitmentto two interlockingbeliefs: the heavenlypredetermination of the status of the and Davidic as the thus unique kingship monarchy "ages" Thereis, of course,littlewarrantforforcingR. Judahto conauthorized.19 formto thisperspective.It maybe moresensibleto understandhimto mean thatthepeople acted hastily,on thespurofthemoment,muchas Josephus (moved of course by a disapprovalof monarchynot sharedby R. Judah) had written decades before.20 Actually,though,Ginzberg'ssuggestionoughtto be reconsideredon its own terms,and indeed developed. Second centurysages, and indeed R. Judahhimself,do discussthe questionof thesequence in whichmonarchy and sanctuaryare to be established.Moreover,theterminology employedin similarto the phrase rendereduntilnow, "to this discussionis strikingly rushmatters.'"2 Perhaps,then,our baraita espouses the viewthatTemple thedisoughtto have precededmonarchy?Let us now examine,therefore, cussion in question,whichcomprisesin fact a significantsource for the studyof tannaiticattitudestowardmonarchy. This baraita is also found in the Sifreand is cited frequently in other rabbiniccollections:22 devolved R. Judahsays:Threecommands on Israelwhentheyentered the land:to appointa king,to buildtheTemple, andtoeradicate theAmalekites. Now I don'tknowwhichprecedes which.. . ButScripture teaches,". . . the handuponthethrone oftheLord:theLordwillhavewarwithAmalekfrom to generation," thatis to saythatyoueradicatetheAmalekites generation whena kingsitson thethrone oftheLord.... Now I stilldon'tknowwhich theAmalekites. ButScripture precedes:buildingtheTempleor eradicating teaches,"Butwhenyougo overtheJordanandyoudwellinthelandwhich theLordyourGod givesyouto inherit, and He givesyourestfromall your 19. Thus: ".. . go anoint him whom I shall tell thee,forthe timeis fulfilledwhereinhis kingdomshallcome" (59:1, MontagueR. James,trans.,BiblicalAntiquities of Philo [London, 1917],p. 231). See Charles Perrotand Pierre-MauriceBogaert,Pseudo-Philon:Les Antiquitis Bibliques,2 vols. (Paris, 1976),2: 226-27. For thedating(70-132 C.E.) and provenance(Palestine)ofpseudo-Philo,see Louis H. Feldman's"Prolegomenon"to theNew York, 1971reissue ofCharles'sedition,pp. XXII-XXXI. 20. Antiquities6:39: "... into what a change theyare rushing";6:43: "... They pressed himimportunately ..." 21. Here inn or ir' b', there(see at n. 22): nx. The phraseincidenon, r-tv lirv; ?m"trp tally,is notalwaysusedin a negativesense;see Mekhiltade-RI, p. 214, 1. 6. 22. Sifre,Deuteronomy,sec. 67, p. 132,and parallels.

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GERALD J. BLIDSTEIN

enemiesroundabout. . . thenitshallcometo passthattheplacewhichthe LordyourGod shallchoosetocauseHisnametodwellthere.. ."23 This baraitaarguesthenforthefollowingsequence(whichdiffers, we note, fromthe orderin whichthesedutiesare listedat the veryoutset!):24 king, Amalekites,Temple.This sequence is establishedby painstakingexegesis, and thebaraitaalso proceedsto cite 1 Samuel7:1-2 as further proofthatthe commandedwarsprecedethebuildingoftheTemple(and as conclusivehistorical-though not normative-proof that kingship precedes them both?).25These dutiesoblige Israel,R. Judahdeclares,"fromthetimethey enterthe land," that is-immediately.This point too is not mereliterary flourish.J. N. Epstein has shown that the schools of R. Akiba and R. on just thispoint:R. Ishmaeldeferred fulfillment of many Ishmaeldiffered similarimperativestill afterthe conquest,while R. Akiba imposed them immediatelyupon entryinto the land. Epstein'sanalysisshows thateven used as code our firstbaraita'sliteraryframeis phrasedin theterminology forimmediateas overagainstdeferred commands.26 Butthesetwo pointsrelatingto timingand sequenceare clearlyat crosspurposeswiththeexplanationsgivenearlierforthe Samuel-Saulincident. Here,"king"clearlyprecedes"Temple"; shouldwe arguethatSifre,sec. 156 advocates the opposing point of view? Here, R. Judah assertsthat these does theapologistof Sifre,sec. 156claim devolveimmediately; imperatives thatmonarchywas appropriateonly at a laterpointin time,or even that Israel oughthave waitedforits Davidic king?One could, of course,reduce our textsto theircomponentsand argueforseparateauthorshipof thedifferent segments;indeed,textualseamsmaystillbe discernedand reopened.27 23. Exodus 17:16,and see at n. 14; Deuteronomy12:10-11. Otherprooftextsfollow,with elaborationin B.T. Sanhedrin20b. further literary 24. That order(king,temple,Amalek)is also foundin Tosefta,op. cit.,and in R. Hananel's Sifre,Deuteronomy,sec. 6, p. 14,spoke onlyof king epitomeat Sanhedrin20b. Interestingly, and temple:does thisreflectitsexegeticalbase? Or an earliertraditionthatdid notyetinclude by Amalek-which, whenfirstadded, wentto theend ofthe line untilconceptuallyintegrated themidrashbeforeus? 25. The factthatSaul is commandedto war againstAmalek immediately upon his accesor thefactthatthe sion (1 Samuel 15:1-3) is notcited,indicatingeithera Davidic predilection midrash,at thispoint,considersthe sequentialpriorityof king-Amalekto be assuredand is concernedonlyabout thesequenceofAmalek-Temple. 26. J.N. Epstein,Mevo'otle-sifrut (Jerusalem,1957),pp. 539-41. ha-tanna'im 27. Thus, thequestion,". .. whyweretheypunished... ?" and ofcoursethereply,can be ofR. Judahand assignedto an anonymous severed(rathercrudely)fromtheopeningstatement speaker;whilethisstatementdoes appearin Tosefta,op. cit.,it is lackingat Sanhedrin20b and ofcoursein Sifre,sec. 67.

IN RABBINICPERSPECTIVE MONARCHICIMPERATIVE

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I thinkitwisestto present theproblem andallowforthegeneral However, rather thanprecisely totailorthesourcesto ofdiffering postures, possibility thathaveappeared.Perhaps,indeed,undue contours suittheproblematic

ofimmediate eveninthefulfillment hasteiscondemned imperatives. D

someseventy An ostensibly tannaitic unearthed midrash, yearsago by contrast to the SolomonSchechter, (and anticipated?) suppliesa dramatic ofthistextwas urgedby The importance viewswe havejustconsidered.28

but thereis even moreto thematter Ginzbergin his Legendsof theJews,29 thanhe noticed. shallyeseek:30 UntoHis habitation

andsettled. ButperThisverseappliesafterthelandhasbeenconquered intotheland?Scripture teaches"And uponentry hapsitappliesimmediately after ye shall possess it and dwell therein.""'. . . The verseapplies therefore . . . afteryou have conquered,takenpossession,and conquestand settlement settled-thenbuild theTemple . . . demanda king,and eradicatetheAmale-

kite... Perhaps all thisappliesimmediately intotheland?Therefore uponentry "But when over the Jordan and dwellin the teaches: Scripture ye go land ... ."32

"awe" is predicated Thisis reasonable: of TheTempleprecedes kingship. ofearth;33 theheavenly isspokenof heavenand"awe" is predicated kingdom is spokenof.Nowjustas wefindthataweofheaven andtheearthly kingdom aweoftheearthly, so doesthekingdom ofheavenprecedetheearthly precedes For we find when wished to crown... a king... forit ... that they kingdom "for have not but have Me .. ." they says: rejected you they rejected R. [Jona]thensays:thekingprecedes theTemple, foritsays:"Whenthou artcomeintothelandwhichtheLordthyGod giveth thee. . andshaltsay,'I willseta kingoverme...'" ButI do notknowwhether theTemple building 28. Solomon Schechter,"Mekhiltato Deuteronomy,"Festschrift ... Israel Lewy(Breslau, to thismidrashas an 1911), Hebrew section,pp. 191-92. Prof.Saul Liebermanhas referred "ancientwork": "Notes" to Max Kadushin, The RabbinicMind,3d ed. (New York, 1972),p. 371,to n. 26. See also below,n. 54. 29. See n. 18. 30. Deuteronomy12:5. 31. Deuteronomy11:31. 32. Deuteronomy12:10. 33. Schechter(note to line44) is puzzledbythisassertionand suggestsProverbs24:21 as its source.

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GERALD J. BLIDSTEIN

or eradicatingthe Amalekitescomes first.Scriptureteaches: ". . . when the Lord ... hathgiventhee restfromthineenemies. . . in the land whichthe Lord ... hathgiventheeforan inheritanceto possess it,thatthou shaltblot out the remembranceof Amalek . . ."34 Therefore,what is meant by "they

havenotrejected me"?Thisteachesthattheydid youbuttheyhaverejected

notrequesta kingfor. .. butasked for. .. a kingforthemselves... as itsays,

". .. thatwemaybeliketheothernations."35

Thispassagepresents us witha number ofdistinctive views.First,it with andrejects theideathatthethree national with polemicizes obligations whichwe arefamiliar on Israelimmediately devolved to the uponentry land.Mostsignificantly, thisrejected viewisphrased interminology identicalwith thetannaitic materials considered thusconfirming earlier, Epstein's anddemonstrating thatthetiming oftheseobligations wasinfact analysis anissuefortannaitic sages. wefind hereanexplicit tannaitic claimthatbuilding theSanctuSecond, thecrowning ofa king. Thisclaimisbasedonboth arywastohavepreceded andscriptural-historical Israscriptural-ideological grounds. Historically, a kingofSamuel oftherequest; the"rejecel'ssininasking layinthetiming tion"ofwhich Godspeaks doesnotrefer tothedesire tohavea king (which ourmidrash, tobeimperative) buttotheattempt toestablish too,considers themonarchy before theTemple hadbeenbuilt.Itisimpossible tostate, of whether the commitment to to led course, exegesis (tempered by monarchy) thisviewas tothetiming ofthesetwoimperatives orwhether thealready heldviewontiming theexegesis inquestion. Moretothepointofthe urged textitself is thefactthatitreads"rejection" ofGodinthefactthatIsrael theTemple's to followtheestablishment ofthekingexpected building thatfollows andconceptually ship-areading (as tothehistorical literarily of the two views,we cannotsay) fromthe scripturaldevelopment attheoutset: heretheissueofTemple/king ideological argument presented is translated intoHeavenly withprecedence kingdom, Kingdom/human demanded for Thisargument the divine. (indeed, priority!) appropriately hasa tenuous connection at find we a rare translation best;rather, scriptural ofhalakhic structures intoreligious-ideological and a categories discussion oftheinternal of these interms ofideological dynamics legalobligations priThe of the becomes even more when ority. centrality ideological apparent 34. Deuteronomy25:19. See n. 36. 35. 1 Samuel8:5.

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we consider that a normativesequence Temple-kingthreatensthe ideal qualityof even the Davidic monarchy,whichmustnow be explained(with no scripturalwarrantat all!) as a deviationsetin motionbytheoriginalsin of the monarchyof Saul! To returnto our textagain, the view thatIsrael oughtto have waitedto requesta kinguntiltheSanctuaryhad beenbuiltsits well with the midrashicview that these imperativeswere not operative upon entryto theland. immediately Third,we see thattheimperativequalityof themonarchywas fostered notonlyby studentsofR. Akiba; hereitis sharedbyR. Jonathan,a disciple of R. Ishmael,and is the basis fora discussionthatotherwiseacceptsthe attitudesof thisschool. And, ifour textis correct,R. Jonathanadds a distinctivepoint:thoughkingshipprecedesthe Sanctuary,theSanctuaryprecedes Amalek,whichis thusthe last of our nationaldutiesimposedon the people.36

The followingmidrashmayalso be relevantto ourtopic:37 R. Simeonb. Yohai taught:".. . theyhaverejectedMe"-God said to inthefuture: ofheaven, thekingdom the Samuel,"theywillrejectthree things ofDavid,and theTemple."Whendid theyrejectall three?In the kingdom timeofRehoboam... R. Simeonb. Menassiyah untilthey said: Israelwillnot see blessing3s shallthechildren of Israel requestall threeagain,as it says:"Afterwards return andseektheLordtheirGod andDavidtheirkingandshallcometremtheLord," blinguntotheLordandHisgoodnessintheendofdays"39-"seek of thatis thekingdom ofheaven;"andDavidtheirking,"thatis thekingdom David;". .. theLordandHisgoodattheendofdays,"thatistheTemple. R. Simeonb. Yohai's homilyon 1 Samuel 8:7 teachesthatIsrael's sin liesin 36. It is difficult to see how Deuteronomy25:19 supportsthe sequence Temple-Amalek. Does "inheritance"refermidrashically to the Temple,as in Mekhiltade-RI to Exodus 15:17 (p. 149)?That verymidrashtakesthe"inheritance"of Deuteronomy25:19 to meantheLand of Israel! Interestingly, the Munich MS to B.T. Sanhedrin20b (Diqduqei soferim, note 50) takes the versesDeuteronomy25:19-20 (in place of Deuteronomy12:10-11) to demonstratethe sequenceAmalek-Temple:first(v. 19) war on Amalek,thenbringfirstfruitsto theTemple(v. 20). Mightthisnot be R. Jonathan'sintention?But our textdoes read: "the Templeprecedes Amalek"; cf.also Mekhiltade-RI, p. 150,lines8-14. 37. MidrashShemu'el,ed. Solomon Buber(Cracow, 1893),p. 42, par. 4. 38. Yalqut to 1 Samuel 8:7, and Kimhi to Hosea 3:5: "Israel will not see redemption until.. ." 39. Hosea 3:5.

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thefuture,whenby rejectingtheDavidic dynasty,thetribeswill rejectthe of R. Lord as well and His Temple.Actually,R. Simeon (a contemporary Judahand R. Nehorai)calls up a clusterofideas and values,and itwouldbe most difficult (and unnecessary?)to identifya singlepurpose behindthis teaching. Certainly,R. Simeon operateswithinthe concensusthatsaw Israel as commandedto requesta monarch,withtheresultthattheappeal to Samuel fora kingcould notbe seenas impiety, a rejectionoftheLord. The impiety, rather,must be sought-in somewhatstrainedfashion!-in the future. the rejectionof the Lord thuslocated does not devolvefrom Interestingly, a requesting kingbut fromdespisingone. It is byrejectingtheDavidic monarchthatIsrael willexpressits rejectionof God! If thisironyis not merely Does an echo ofimpietyresound accidental,oughtwe go one stepfurther? even in the requestmade of Samuel to providea kingbeforeDavid could appear on thescene?Or is thisecho ofpseudo-Philosimplynotto be heard? A second pointoughtalso be noted,thoughheretoo we can at the most detect suggestiveresonances. Does R. Simeon's predictionof threefold "rejection" reflectthe notion of a threefoldimperative?"Threes" are of coursea favoriteorganizingdevicefortherabbis.Butperhapsthereis more to the matter.Two of the threeitemsin each list are identical:King and Temple.The thirditemvaries:here,thekingdomof heaven;there,eradicationof Amalek. If we do wishto presstheparallelism,itcan be arguedthat of the variationin thisone itemis not decisive,or eventhatestablishment the literature in tannaitic is elsewhere by HeavenlyKingdom symbolized warwithAmalek.40 ofR. JudahthePrince,drewa R. Simeonb. Menassiah,a contemporary from Simeon b. Yohai's homily.Israel's very R. contemporarymessage its is once conditional againseekingthedivineand human upon redemption its and Temple.(Clearly,then,Israel is notto be faultedforits kingalike, monarchicyearning,thoughthisis of course not the pointat hand.) This extensionofthehistoricalhomilyhardlydoes itviolence;it is likethatwhich R. Simeonb. Yohai himselftaughtabout thepast withan awarenessofthe present.Indeed, regardingtheyearningfortheTemple,he told thepeople thatthousandsdied in David's timebecause theydid notstriveto buildthe Templeand arguedthathis own age, whichsaw itsTemplebroughtto ruin, would be punishedevenmoreseverelyifitdid notproperlybeg foritsrestoofAmalekwithRome is wellknown. 40. See nn. 14,24. The identification

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ration.4'This last preachmentis read intothesequence2 Samuel 24:15-20, but Scriptureis clearlybeingpressedhardwithan eyeto itssermonicpossibilities.In thebiblicalstoryitself,thousandsdie in a plague broughton by David's mountinga censusofthenation-not becausetheydelayedbuilding theTemple.The midrash,then,is clearlya tendentioushomily.What is its

point?

II The studentoftannaiticmaterialsis alwaystemptedto unearththeirhistoricalprovenance;indeedin our case we facea virtualoccupationalhazard. What would be morenaturalthanto notethe Ushan originsof our sources and to claim that the halakhot before us, all replete with religioambitionand trauma nationalisticcontent,reflectthe religio-nationalistic thatwas the Bar-Kochba revolt?None are so naive any longeras to assert that the politicalevent"caused" the normsin question;but oughtwe not perceivea correlationbetweennormativediscussionand politicalevent?I believe that it is, in fact,quite reasonable to assertthat the Bar-Kochba revoltand our sources,taken in the broadestsense, do cohere and even mutuallyilluminateeach other.Butitwouldbe forcingupon thesesourcesa weightfarbeyondtheevidenceat hand,werewe to declarethatthespecifics oftheirconcernsreflect rabbinicresponsesto issuesat hand. Thus, it was probablyno accident,nor the resultof a purelyimmanent dynamic,that tannaimcirca 140 C.E. circulateda doctrineteachingthat Israel lay undera divinecommandto appointa king,build a Temple,and eradicateAmalek. Each of thesethreecomponentsresonatescompellingly in second centuryJewishhistory:nationalindependence,restorationofthe Templein Jerusalem,the defeatand annihilationof Rome-leading to the to decidewhetherthisdoctrinereflects midKingdomof God. It is difficult rashicpropagandaleadingto therevolt,or rabbinicjustification ofitslegitimacy (and a pledge of faithto its smolderingremains)afterits failure.In 41. Midrash Tehillim,ed. Solomon Buber (Vilna, 1891), p. 127, par. 4. See also Pesiqta Rabbati, ed. Meir Friedmann(Vienna, 1895), p. 6b; Midrash Shemu'el,p. 94; Mekhiltato that Midrash Deuteronomy,p. 191, lines 7-13, and n. 54 below. It would seem significant Tehillimspeaks of "the thousandswho fellin battle,"thoughthe biblical textspeaks of a "plague." Actually,rabbinictextselsewhereindicatethat"plagues" maybe used as code for "war" (see Allon, Toledot,2: 42-43).

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eithercase, we see the emergenceof a firmand normativedoctrinewhich eitherreworksolderexegesisor bendsversesto its need. It is verydoubtful were intenton definingthe obligathat R. Judahand his contemporaries tionsof those Israeliteswho firstcrossedtheJordanalone; bothterminolalikelead to theconclusionthatwe are dealingwith ogyand tannaitictexts42 thepermanentnormativestructure of Judaismas thesetannaimdefinedit. (At thesame time,thissame generationof tannaimalso opens a broad discussionoftheSamuel-Saulepisodewhosemajorthrustis to arguethelegitimacyof a requestfora humanking.43)We mayalso notetheinnercohesion whichgivetheimpressionofbeinga statement of ofthesethreeimperatives, of rather than a collection haphazard goals.44 publicpolicy Now, if thiscorrelationof midrashand eventis correct,thenwe have done muchmorethanadd a new dimensionto a rabbinictext.Rather,it is theeventthatis illuminated,or at leasttheway theeventwas perceivedby studentsof a man activeat itscenter.IftheBar-Kochbarevoltprovidedthe thenit is equallyclearthatthis stimulusforthisnormativecrystallization, of divine imperatives(king,Amalek, Temple) legitimating crystallization keyto whatmovedtheleadersof therevoltand providesan interpretative the for their actions.Militaryand politicalgoals willthen provided impetus in religiousmessianicterms. be interpreted It is much more risky,however,to claim a substantivecorrelation betweenpoliticaland'social goals and the specificsof tannaiticdiscussion theissueofmonarchy.The methodologicalwarinessapproprisurrounding in our case, by the factthat ate to thisenterprisein generalis reinforced, muchof thisdiscussioncan be takento supporta varietyof different (and differing!) positionson thesocial and politicalquestionsat hand.Givenour stateofknowledge,we cannotargue withmuchconvictionfor fragmentary anyspecificcorrelation, thoughthepossibilitiesare tantalizingindeed. R. Nehorai,we recall,took a dimviewoftheIsraeliterequestfora king, and itis mostlikelythathe did notthinkthatIsraelwas commandedto have one. Ought this be translatedinto condemnationof a revoltforpolitical It is possible,evenlikely, independencemountedby a messianicpretender? 42. See ToseftaSanhedrin4:5, p. 421, wherenormativeconclusionsare drawnfromthe baraita; B.T. Kiddushin38a (bottom). 43. See n. 17,above. addendumto 44. See Rashi, Sanhedrin20b, s.v. shalosh;Maimonides,Seferha-miyvot, Positive Commands; B.T. Kiddushin 38a; Judah Goldin, "The First Pair," AJSreview5 (1980):41-43.

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that a man who held this view would not give his supportto the Baron monarchy Kochba revolt,butwe can hardlysaythathispronouncement was a responseto thepoliticalmovement:we simplylack thehistoricaldata forsuch an assertion.R. Nehorai disdainsearthlyambitionin general("I would ignoreall tradesand teachmyson Torah alone, fora man enjoysits fruitsin thisworldand itsrewardin thenext. .")45 and groundshisoppositionto monarchyon religiousgrounds,claimingitis a rejectionofthedivine king.As such,he standssquarelywithina hoarybiblicaltradition.Again, thisorientationwould coherewell withoppositionto Bar-Kochba,but we do not know whetherthiswas in factthe case. It is possiblethathis statementsreflectedabstractconcern and biblical study,or that some other social situationcalled themforth.We mustadmit,however,thatstatements of politicaland religiousideologymade in thedecades immediately following the revoltwould doubtlesshave been heard thenas a responseto this historicalmoment.It is difficult to imagineanyonetalking major,shattering in 150 C.E. about Israel's searchfora kingin the distantpast who was not painfullyaware of the morerecentattemptand did notrealizethathis discussionimpliedan attitudetowardthisattemptor towardthepublicpolicy thathispeople oughtadopt in thefuture. R. Judahhad declaredfirmlyforthe kingship.But confrontedby the biblical disapprovalof Israel's requestof Samuel, he admittedthat it was wrong"to rush."Can thisadmissionbe takenas a critiqueofthehistorical eventsof some decades back? Can we claim thatR. Judahapprovedofthe thrustforpoliticalindependencein principle,buttook a criticalview(aided of course) of its progressin tacticalterms?46 That he thought by hindsight, mattershad proceededprecipitously or in unwisesequence?That the peoofthedivineimperativeled to God's rejection ple's ill-conceivedfulfillment of theirefforts-thusprovidinga theologicallyvalid rationaleforthe BarKochba debacle? We simplydo not have enough corroboratingfactsto allow us to argueso speculatively.Untilsuchdata are developed,it is more responsibleto read R. Judah as simplyengaged in a defenseof the main its weak flanks.The othertannaitic body of his doctrineby surrendering attemptsto save the idea of monarchywhileadmittingthejusticeof God's disapproval in 1 Samuel ought be read in similar fashion. Moralistic-

45. M. Kiddushin4:14. 46. R. Judahwas appreciativeand admiringof Roman accomplishments, accordingto the storytoldin B.T. Shabbat 33b.

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religiousflawsare foundin thepeople's behavior;and ifthereis anylesson

itis moralnothistorical tobelearned, (inthenarrow sense).Ifthecommon-

ers are faultedfor havingspoken in a mannerdifferent fromthatof the eldersof the people, the point is to teach somethingabout the deference appropriateto elders and the misfortunethat followswhen commoners speak out on theirown, or to teach somethingabout the propergoals of notto reflecton thereasonsforthe failureofthe Jewishsocial institutions, Bar-Kochbarevolt. Untilmoredata are developed,we can onlyrepeatthispointwithregard are to to anotherissue,thesequencein whichthethreenationalimperatives be achieved.Here too it is mosttantalizingto considerthevariouswaysin whichthetannaiticdiscussioncan be appropriatedforhistoricaluse. It must be emphasized,therefore, thatapplicationofthisdiscussionto thehistorical of the revolt is speculative;and theveryfactthata giventannaitic episode be used to buttressdiffering can politicalattitudesindicatesthat position oftheseteachings.Needlessto we oughtto be waryoffacilehistoricizations be say,though,theseteachingsought probed. We may safelyassume,as I have alreadyindicated,thatthe statement thatIsrael was commandedto fulfillthreeimperatives(kingship,Amalek, Temple)whentheycrossedintotheland does not referto thesingularhistoricalperioddescribedbythebook ofJoshuaalone, butrathermeansthat wereactivatedat thatpointand remainin force thesestandingimperatives is further underscoredbythetannaifromthattimeon. This understanding tic discussionas to thepropersequencein whichthe imperativesare to be a discussionmuchmoreappropriateto theproblemtackledand fulfilled, atics of an ongoingimperative.Yet thisveryquestionof sequenceis most worthyofnotein itsown right.Whyassumethatthereis a propersequence in anyorderitsees fit theseimperatives at all? Perhapsthepeople is to fulfill or findspracticable?The idea ofa prescribedsequenceis quitefar-reaching; it does not merelyrecommendthe sequence likelyto be successfulbut requiresthata specificorderof eventsbe achievedand restrainsthepeople fromfulfilling thesecommandsifthesequencewilltherebybe violated:ifa is to be king appointedbeforetheTempleis built,thentheTemplemaynot be builtuntilthatfirsteventtakesplace. It is truethatquestionsofsequence are notforeignto tannaiticthought.Yet thescope of suchquestionsis usutheutilizationof thisrestrictive categoryin matallymuchmorerestricted; taken forgranted.47 be not as ours and tersof such scope ought complexity in connectionwiththe properorderof Temple 47. Issues of sequenceare raisedprimarily ritual.

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ofsequence thatquestions ofpolicy or Seenthisway,thequestion suggests ofcourse, is thatwearenotyetableto areatstake.Ourdifficulty, tactics

are impliedbythedifferent definewhichalternatives positionson sequence, or evento make certainprogressin definingtherealmin whichthisdiscussion moves. Whatdoes itmeanto debatewhetherkingshipmustprecedetheTemple? in historicaland politicalterms,a greatdeal indeed;too much If interpreted in fact! We have seen that each sequence (king-Temple;Temple-king) foundits adherents.But theimplicationsof theseabstractionsare unclear. thatpoliticalautonomy(kingship)preTake, forexample,therequirement cedes thebuildingoftheTemple.Is thisa rabbiniccall to arms,a proclamationthatpoliticaland military stepsmustbe takenso as to movethepeople Or is itjust thereverse,a rabbinicrejectionofattempts towardredemption? at reorganizing templeworshipsincepoliticalautonomywas notyetat hand thatAmalekbe and theenemycertainlynot vanquished?(The requirement be built before the can translates destroyed Temple easily into this same The lends itself to similar set of possibilities: a opposingposition pattern.) does the sequence Temple-kingreflecta rabbinicalcall foractiveattempts to rebuild the Temple, or a rabbinical attemptto curtail monarchicmessianicenthusiasm?The firsthalfof thesecondcenturyC.E. could easily provide the historicalstage upon which any of these scenarioscould be mounted; Bar-Kochba, Rome, a destroyedTemple-here is the obvious cast ofcharactersto playthebiblicalrolesofking,48 Amalek,Temple.What we do notknow-if we choose thehistoricaloption-is whichrabbinicview representswhich social-politicalposition; and this veryopen-endedness oughtintroducean elementofcautionintotheenterprise. we can pressour historicalspeculation My own advicenotwithstanding, a bit further, at least far enough to considersome additional,suggestive refinements of the basic alternativesoutlinedabove. Let us firststressthat therestorationof theTempleand itscultwas a centraldrivingforcebehind the revoltled by Bar-Kochba. Irrespectiveof whetherthe numismaticevidencesupportstheclaimthatJewsactuallyconqueredJerusalem or not,the Bar-Kochba coins do demonstratethattheliberationofthecitywas a crucial passion; it is impossibleto treatthe cityas a nationalsymbolwithout 48. The actual statusgrantedBar Kochba is a matterof discussion(cf.G. Allon, Toledot, pp. 33ff.,and in Samuel Yeivin,MilhemetBar Kokhba,2d ed. (Jerusalem,1957),p. 77; Emil Schurer,Historyof theJewishPeople, ed. Geza Vermes,2 vols. to date (Edinburgh,1973), 1: 543,buteventhetermnasi has monarchicovertonesand R. Akiba,forone, is cited(P.T. Ta'anit68d) as declaringBar-Kochbato be "King Messiah."

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GERALD J. BLIDSTEIN

theroleoftheTemple. Somecoins, alsodesignate moreover, acknowledging

a highpriest,indicatingthe prominencewhichthisclass was expectedto

eventellsofthebeginnings ofTempleconstruction recapture. Chrysostom ifnotto actual to howtherevoltwasperceived, bytherebels-a testimony

events.49Jewishsources also supportthisclose association.R. Simeon b. Eleazar's advice: "If lads tellyou, 'Build theTemple,'don't listento them;

butifelderstellyou 'DestroytheTemple,'do listento them,becausethe but thedestruction ofeldersis building,"has buildingof lads is destruction

ofthehot-headed revoltagainstRome,anditought beentakenas a critique oftheTemple.so be notedthatthespecific eventinquestionisthebuilding The construction of theTempleis also linkedto therevoltbythosewho

We havealreadyseenhowR. Simeonb. Yohai approvedof theattempt.

claimed thatthe epidemicduringDavid's reignwas due to the absence of

atbuilding theTemple, a homily tannafor byanother explicated attempts

its contemporaryrelevance.The followingmidrashshould also be consi-

deredinthesameperspective:5'

A Psalmandsongat thededication. Justsee!SolomonbuildstheHouse, thenameofDavid!IndeedDaviddeserved tobuildit. andyetitis calledafter he was not For a certainreason,however[whichwillbe statedpresently], to buildit,Nathanthe allowedto buildit. Eventhoughhe had intended prophetcameand in thenameofGod saidto him,"Thou shaltnotbuilda HouseforMe." "Whynot?""Becausethouhastshedmuchblooduponthe earthbeforeMe." WhenDavidheardthis,hegrewafraid,saying:"Behold,I to R. JudahbarIl'a'i, the am deemedunfitto buildtheTemple."According As thoulivest, inMy be not afraid. blessed be "David, One, He, Holy replied: in shedding thebloodofthenationsthou sightthouartdeemedas innocent thebloodofa gazelleorofa hart."In thewords didstvanquish as inshedding

49. G. Allon, Toledot,pp. 34-38; Schurer,History,pp. 545-46 and n. 145.Allon's reading role of thepeople as overagainsttheleaderof "Jerusalem"as symbolicof theconstitutional ship(pp. 37-38) is notconvincing.See also G. W. Bowerstock,"A Roman Perspectiveon the Bar Kochba War," in W. S. Green,ed., Approachesto AncientJudaism,2 (Missoula, Mont., 1980),pp. 136-37. 50. Tosefta 'Avodah Zarah 1:19, p. 461; Michael Avi-Yonah, Bi-yemei Roma 4th ed. (Jerusalem,1970),p. 65. The politicaltendenzof thiscommentis underu-Bizantiyon, to R. Yohanan b. Zakkai along withtwo clearlyanti-Zealoticteachscoredby its attribution ingsin 'Avot de-RabbiNatan,ed. Solomon Schechter(Vienna, 1887),VersionB, chapter31,p. 67. 51. Pesiqta Rabbati, ed. M. Friedmann,p. 7a; trans.W. G. Braude,2 vols. (New Haven, 1968),1: 56-57.

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"thouhastshedmuchbloodupontheearth,"thesuperfluous phrase"upon theearth"hintsattheanalogywitha gazelleanda hart,ofthekilling ofwhich itis said:"Theuncleanandthecleanmayeat... ofthegazelle,and... ofthe hart.Onlyyeshallnoteattheblood;thoushaltpouritoutupontheearth." to another theHolyOne,blessedbe He, replied: "As tradition, According thoulivest,in Mysightall thebloodthoudidstshedis deemedas offerings." For,as R. SimeonbenYohaisays,inthewords"thouhastshedmuchblood as inthe Me,"thephrase"beforeMe" hintsatofferings, upontheearthbefore verse"Andhe shallkillthebullockbefore theLord."Davidsaid:IfThouso thenwhymayI notbuildtheHouse?TheHolyOne,blessedbe He, deemest, Ifthoushouldst buildit,itwillendureandneverbedestroyed. replied: Accordingto theplain senseofthebiblicaltext,David was declaredunfitto build theTemplebecause of theblood he had spilled-in wars and perhaps in his personallife.R. Judahand R. Simeon declarethatthiscould not be the real reason for David's disqualification,for his spillingof blood was eithernecessaryand innocent,or positivelyvirtuous,a veritableact ofpiety. The modulateddifference betweenthesetwoviewsis ofcourseveryinterestas Braude pointsout. But we want to know whatimpelledboth ing, Wm. tannaimto playso looselywiththebiblicalnarrative.WeretheymerelyconcernedwiththeimageofthehistoricalDavid? Withthatimageas itreflected on thecontemporary Or was theissuetheseemingimpropriety patriarchate? of a warrior-king buildingtheTemple?Nathan's wordsto David could cerdivinedispleasurewitha Templeerectedon thefoundationsof tainlysignify a fundamental motiveoftherebels. revolt, bloody undermining legitimating The tannaiticmidrash,then,stands the propheticword on its head: the blood shed by David is eitherinnocentor is actuallyvirtuous.Because he warred,David is entitledto buildGod's House! The possibleimplicationsof thisturnaboutare obvious. These tannaitichomiliesare Ushan, reflecting theviewsofthepost-BarKochba generation-a generationthatwould eitherjustifytherevolt,condemn it, or do both. R. Simeon b. Yohai's homily,teachingthatmanyof David's people died because theydid not make a significant effort to build theTemple,mightthenbe a balancedviewofthecareeroftherevolt:it was a good and justifiableidea, butwas destinedto failbecause ofitsmisplaced priorities.Thus we have botha programforthefutureand a theodicyofthe past. Another,anonymous(tannaitic)critiqueof a similarsortcan be marshalled."The Sabbath willneverdisappearfromIsrael. For all thosethings forwhichIsraellaid downitsliferemainedhers.And thosethingsforwhich

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Israel did not lay downitslife,did not. Sabbath,circumcision, thestudyof for and immersion: these Israel its and these life survive. Torah, [But] gave the Temple,civiljurisprudiction, Sabbatical and Jubileeyears,forwhich Israel did notgiveitslife,do not.""52 The majorconcernis to urgethevalue of self-sacrifice, whichironicallyissues in survival.But the cited example faultsthepeople fornotmakingsufficient sacrificesto save and thenrestore theTemple.We see thenthattheattitudetowardtheTemplecould become

an issue,a springboardfora critique.Mightnotthesequence:Temple-

king,reflecta similarcritiqueand theodicy?The more popular sequence: would thenbe the positionof thosewho saw no faultin the king-Temple, courseoftherevoltas ittook place.

andtheuncertainties Giventhepresent stateofourhistorical knowledge

whichdo lurkbehindour texts,we oughttreatthesuggestions just made as heuristicdevices,but no more. Even a relativelystrongindicahypotheses, tor,R. Simeon b. Yohai's claimthatIsraelitereluctanceto foundtheTemple caused many deaths, cannot be taken as evidence of his critiqueapologia of the Bar-Kochba defeatuntilwe know whetherthe rebelstook to do so, and whethertheycould be Jerusalemor missedthe opportunity accused of foregoingthe option of sacrificingto the Lord. The midrashic textoughtfocusour attentionon thesequestions-it cannotanswerthem. We may have a spectrumof opinion rangedon the continuumof Templecenteredness, beginningwithR. Simeon's own approvalof a blood-stained warrioras most worthyof buildingthe Temple and culminatingin the demand that Templeprecedekingmuch as Heaven precedesEarth. Both thislast assertionand thesequenceitsupportsare anonymous,incidentally, and are foundin a fragmentof uncertaindate and history.This position on a past ofunknownimmediacy, then,buta resolumaynotbe a reflection indeedreappearsin tionforthefuture.The singularsequenceTemple-king whichE. E. Urbachhas cona Palestiniandiscussionof thefourthcentury, of offerto allow reconthe Julian's rabbinic discussion nectedto Emperor whether theTemplemaybe structionoftheTemple,thequestionthusbeing It is certainlypossiblethatour builtbeforepoliticalautonomyis sought.53 textsarguefora similarpolicy,whetherin connectionwitha concretehisthis same generalizationis attributedto R. 52. Mekhilta de-RI, p. 343. Significantly, Simeon b. Eleazar, but the specifics,e.g., Temple,are omited(B.T. Shabbat 103a, and see at note50, above). 53. See E. E. Urbach, "The Edict of Cyrusin Rabbinic Perspective"[Hebrew],Molad 19(1961): 373,n. 15.

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or simplyas a blueprintfora wiserfuture.It is certainly toricalopportunity worthnoting,in any case, thatmanyof thesemidrashictextsurge redoubled prayersfora restoredTemple:does thisindicatethat the problemis groundedin liturgicalquestions,or that an originallyactivisticthrusthas been canalized into ritual, where it will be preservedbut temporarily defused?54 Similarquestionsoughtbe asked of anotherdebate touchedon in our discussion,one thatpossiblyprecededthe revolt.We have notedthatthe school of R. Akiba assumedthatIsraelwas obligedto take a kingimmediatelyupon its entryto theland, whiletheschool of R. Ishmaelrejectedthis timetable.It is not at all difficult to fittheAkibanscheduleintoan ideology thatpressedforquick achievementof politicalautonomyand saw political subordinationas religiouslyinsufferable. Yet we mustask, again, whether the translationof exegeticaldebate intocontemporary historicaltermsand intothisspecifichistoricalconcernisjustified.For in additionto thegeneral methodological question, let us remember that this same AkibanIshmaeleandisagreement surfacedon a varietyof issues-the timingofthe at Mt. the onsetof variousagriculturaldutiesand Gerizim, blessing/curse ritual requirementsin connectionwith sacrifices-and hardlyfocuseson mattersof seeminglypoliticaland social siginficance.55 We once again are forcedto concludethaton thesurface,at least,thesingleunifying factoris 54. Thus Mekhiltato Deuteronomy(p. 191,lines7-12) states:"'Ye shall seekHis habitation'-this meansthattheyare requiredto demand(mrnn)a Temple... Now, afortiori:ifthey are requiredthus to demand a Temple beforeone is built,certainly[theyare requiredto demandone] afterit has beenbuilt[and destroyed].'His habitation'-R. Simeonb. Yohai says, "This refersto Yavneh." "Ye shall seek His habitation'-Thereforetheprophetsand sages ... directedIsrael to pray,thricedaily: 'ReturnThy presenceto Zion and theTemple-service to or course,to liturgicalpractice;but whatofthe Thy cityJerusalem.' " The finalhomilyrefers, firstone, whichspeaksof"demanding"a Temple?In MidrashShemu'el,p. 94, thehomilyelsewhereattributedto R. Simeon b. Yohai (see n. 41, above) concludeswitha morehistorically personalizedversionof theabove ("all those. .. fellbecausetheydid not demandthe building of the Temple ... all the moreso oughtwe, therefore theprophetsand sages ordained.. ."), and thedemandis identified-bya latereditor?-withprayer.See also MidrashTehillim,and Z. M. Rabinowitz,GinzeiMidrash(Tel-Aviv,1977),p. 204. Yet the faultof David's menlay not onlyin theirflawedprayer,and one wonderswhetherDavid himself,who is also blamed fornot "demanding"a Temple(Pesiqta Rabbati, p. 6b) was onlydeficientin prayer.Prayer, then,is at least an indicatorof desire,and perhapsmore;but focusingon liturgicalformulae bluntsactivisturgency.Thus MidrashTehillimhas: ". . . and ordaineda separatebenediction, 'God ... rebuildsJerusalem,' " whichseemsto speak to the muchnarrowerquestionofcombiningor separatingthe blessingsforDavidic monarchyand the Templein theprayer.Note, thenon-TempleorientationofR. Simeonin theMekhiltapassagecited! incidentally, 55. See n. 26 above.

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The Akibanexegesisdoes embodyan energetic exegetical. temperament and demandsthatthepeoplefulfill certainobligations without delay;but version defers eventheIshmaelean theseobligations onlyuntiltheyearsof "conquestand settlement" pass-hardlya quietistic posture.Indeed,one couldarguethatitis thisposition whichis bestattuned tomilitary andpolitical activism as theproperfulcrum to movea peoplecloserto itsreligious andsocialideal. III

oftannaitic discussion Thereis another interesting aspecttotheinterface andmessianic Thedebateas towhether belief. Israelwas(oris)commanded to appointa kingtookplacewithin ina a religious thatbelieved community historical restoration to takeplace,a restoration whichfocuseson a messianicmonarchic oftheDavidicdynasty. Does R. Nehorairejectthis figure vision?This queryis notput to therepresentative of a distant, perhaps historical alone. had individuals Medieval times, too, impenetrable, past whodefended theNehoreancase; and a twentieth-century rabbinicsavant is commandhastakenMaimonides to task for Israel that severely deciding wouldindicate ed to anointa king,whenthenormalrulesofcodification Theproblem is thusone thattheNehoreanpositionshouldbe thenorm!56 ofreligious notoneofhistory orbiography. phenomenology, A numberofideassuggestthemselves. Froma normative perspective, thenon-(oranti-)monarchic an idealthatdidnottrioptionmayrepresent is thusa productofthenation'shistory, umph,and theDavidicmonarchy is thenwarrantflawedbutlegitimate. to thisdynasty devotion Subsequent ed byitshavingachievedthislegitimate underwritten status,eventually by it is notrootedin antemundane Thisviewwould determinism. Scripture; human willbeconditioned entailthatevenmessianic restoration bya flawed history. A secondperspective would detachthe messianicrealityfromthe moment discussion themessianic (eveninitsDavidicverentirely: present ofpolitical fromthemonarchic as an expression sion)woulddiffer radically of itself ina number couldexpress Suchnonmonarchic messianism culture. ofcourseon theworldviewwithwhichit intedifferent ways,depending ed. Y. F. Perla, 3 vols. (Warsaw, 56. See Saadiah ben Joseph Gaon, Seferha-miSvot, 1914-17),3: 230-32.

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grated.57For Abarbanel,forexample,it would not representa rejectionof political structuresper se but the possibilityof findinga nonmonarchic ideal. For others-R. Nehorai,perhaps?-messianismmightdenotea spirian apocalyptic)momentthatwould dispensewith tualistic(or alternatively, the Davidic model as an expressionof monarchicinstitutionalization but a it as different retain embodying radically reality.The Davidic kingof a halakhicnorm,morea bestowal Messiah would be less thefulfillment fromabove. For thoseholdingtheviewthatmonarchyis a halakhicimperative,on the otherhand, the messianicmomenttoo is integratedwithand renderedintelligible by thestandardnormsof Jewishpoliticalculture.The attitudestowardmonarchy,then,mightcorrelatewiththedifferent modalities of eschatologicalredemption,indeed,withdiffering attitudestoward historyitself.58 ofHistory Department Ben-Gurion oftheNegev University BeerSheva,Israel84120

57. The materialscited in E. E. Urbach, The Sages, 2 vols. (Jerusalem,1975), 1: 690-92 mightalso be seenin a similarperspective. 58. Moshe Beer's "Simeon Bar Yohai and Jerusalem"[Hebrew],Jerusalemin theSecond TemplePeriod,ed. Aaron Oppenheimer(Jerusalem,1980),pp. 361-75, appearedafterI comme to Beer's earlierstudyin the MemorialVolume for pletedthisessay. That paper referred David Hacohen, Nezer 'ebav (Jerusalem,1978), pp. 196-206. Both papers complementthis study.

Alexander the Great and Jaddus the High Priest According to Josephus Author(s): Shaye J. D. Cohen Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 41-68 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486406 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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ALEXANDER THE GREAT AND JADDUS THE HIGH PRIEST ACCORDING TO JOSEPHUS by SHAYE J.D. COHEN I

Jewish PerhapsthemostfamoussectionofthesecondhalfofJosephus's is the of Alexander the Great the Jews and (AJ11.302-47). Antiquities story It consistsofthreestrands: a storyaboutManasses,Sanballat,andAlexanandhistorical dataaboutPhilip der;a storyaboutJaddusand Alexander; II, DariusIII, and AlexandertheGreat.In thefirststrandManasses,a ofthehighpriestJaddus, brother ofSanballat,satrap marries thedaughter ofSamaria,andas a resultis ejectedfromJerusalem andfleesto hisfatherNOTE: This paper is part of a largerproject"Josephusand Rabbinic Historiography"which was begunin 1977undera grantfromtheNational EndowmentfortheHumanities.Research on thispaperwas supportedbya generousgrantfromtheAbbellPublicationFund oftheJewish TheologicalSeminary.I am gratefulto thelate ProfessorElias Bickermanfordiscussingthe me to the importantparallel in Justin.Throughthe Jaddusstorywithme and for referring courtesyof ProfessorYosef Hayim YerushalmiI presenteda summaryof this paper to a Columbia University seminarand benefited fromtheensuingdiscussion. All translations are mineunlessotherwisenoted.The followingabbreviationsare used: AJ= Judaicae;BJ= Josephus,BellumJudaicum;CA= Josephus,ContraApioJosephus,Antiquitates as a nem;Cohen = ShayeJ.D. Cohen,Josephusin GalileeandRome: His Vitaand Development Historian(Leiden, 1979); FGrH = Felix Jacoby,Die Fragmente dergriechischen Historiker,15 vols. (Leiden, 1957-68). Yosipponis citedfromtheeditionofDavid Flusser(Jerusalem,1978).

41

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in-law.Sanballatpromises to builda newtempleforhimandhisJewish followersandintends to ask Dariusto authorize theproject. WhenAlexander is victorious, Sanballattransfers hisallegiance to theMacedonianconqueror and receivespermission fromhimto builda templein Samaria.In the secondstrand, Alexander demandsthesubmission oftheJewsbutJaddus, thehighpriest, remains to Furious Darius. at thisrebuff, Alexander loyal marches on Jerusalem. a the and Encouraged by dream, highpriest theJews Alexander outside the The oftheworldbowsdown greet city. conqueror before JaddusanddeclaresthatitwasJadduswhohadappearedtohimina dreamthreeyearsearlierandhadencouraged himto launchhisexpedition enters thetemple, sacriAlexander againstPersia.Amidst generalrejoicing, ficestotheGod ofIsrael,andbestowsgifts upontheJews.Thethirdstrand ofthenarrative is nota storybuthistorical dataaboutthedeathofPhilip andtheconquests ofAlexander inSyriaandalongthePalestinian littoral. demonstrated that the three strands were AdolphBfichler longago origiofeachother.Evenas theystandintheJewish nallyindependent Antiquities theyare easilyseparablebecausetheyhave beenjuxtaposed,not combined.'Neitherstoryrefers to theother,althoughsuchreferences would havebeeneasyand naturalhad thetwostoriesshareda commonorigin. asksJaddustorequest hewouldlike,butthehighpriest Alexander whatever ofJerusalem to petition Alexander to teardowntherecently conforgets structed Samaritantempleor to punishManassesand theapostateJews whosupport him.Indeed,Jaddusis so unconcerned abouttheschism inthe Jerusalem that not is he does even it. Sanballat too mention community very He is withAlexander at Tyre(321)justas theMacedonianiswritforgetful. ofthe letter toJaddus(317),butheforgets to availhimself inghisminatory to his demonstrate dislike for its Jerusalem and temple.2 In only opportunity onediscrete andnotan intetothenarrative paragraph (340-44),appended 1. Adolph Buchler,"La relationde JosepheconcernantAlexandrele Grand," Revuedes itudesjuives36 (1898): 1-26. The observationsand conjecturesofthisarticlehave been widely summarizedby Ralph Marcus in an appendixto theLoeb ediapprovedand are conveniently tionofJosephus,vol. 6, pp. 512-32, esp. 530-32. AryehKasher,"AlexanderMacedon's Campaignin Palestine"[Hebrew],BethMiqra 20 (1975): 196-99, and IsraelLevi,"Alexandreet les zurErinnerung an DavidKaufmann (Breslau, juifsd'apresles sourcesrabbiniques,"Gedenkbuch 1900),pp. 348-49, argueagainstBiichler(each withhisownreasons)thatthenarrativeis a single organiccompositionbutneitheris convincing. 2. The rabbinicversionsof thestory(B. T. Yoma 69a and scholionto MegillatTa'anit,21 Kislev) develop thispoint by havingtheSamaritansask Alexanderto destroytheJerusalem temple.

ALEXANDER AND JADDUS ACCORDING TO JOSEPHUS

43

gralpartof eitherstory,do the actorsof one story(theSamaritans)referto theactorsoftheother(theJews). The third strand too was originallyindependent.Both stories are in thetransitionfromPersianto Macedonianrule anchoredchronologically (Sanballat intendsto ask Darius forpermissionto build a templebut asks Alexanderinstead; Jaddus remainsloyal to Darius and as a resultis the intendedvictimofAlexander'swrath),but neitherstoryrequiresthelevelof detail which the thirdstrandprovides.In the sole place wherethe third withthetwostories(317-25), we see how much strandis closelyintertwined AftertakingDamascus and Sidon, Alexander had. the narrator difficulty to Jaddus (317). Here theJaddusstorybegins.The besiegesTyreand writes kingreceivesthe highpriest'sresponseand threatensto attackJerusalem and inexplicably,aftercapturingTyreAlexander (318-19). Unfortunately butto Gaza (320). Now thatAlexanderis at Gaza proceedsnotto Jerusalem thenarratorreturnsto theSanballat storyand brings insteadof Jerusalem, theSamaritanto Alexanderwho was just beginninghis siegeof Tyre(321). Aftertellingus fora second timeabout thecaptureof Tyreand Gaza (this time,however,addingsomechronologicaldata), thenarratorclosesthefirst story(Sanballat dies) and bringsthe second storyto its climax(Alexander approachesJerusalem,325). The historicalsourcegave an accurateoutline of Alexander'sconquests,3but our narrator,who had littleinterestin the deeds of Alexanderper se, made use of thisinformation onlyto providea forthetwo storieswhichwerehis mainconcern. chronologicalframework Perhapshe failedto producea smoothand coherentnarrativeout ofhisdisparate sources, but he succeeded in findingroom for the Jewsand the Samaritansin Alexander'shurriedschedule.4 Who was thisnarratorwho combinedthe threestrandsinto an almost coherentnarrative?Was it Josephushimselfor his source? The former appearslikelyin viewofthefactthatthenarrator'stechniquesareJosephan: intrusivequotationsfromthehistoricalsourceopen with"about thistime" (304 and 313) and close with"as has been relatedelsewhere"(305); because of the contaminationof sourcesthe same eventis relatedmorethan once 3. The sourcetakesAlexanderfromGranicus(313) to Issus (314) to Damascus, Sidon,Tyre (317), Gaza (320), and perhaps Egypt(345). The chronologicaldata on the durationof the siegesofTyreand Gaza (325) are confirmed byothersources. 4. Biichler,pp. 4-6, analyzes 317-25 differently and concludesthatthe historicalsource was firstcombinedwiththe Sanballat storybeforethe two togetherwerecombinedwiththe Jaddusstory.

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storiesarejuxtaposed;an apparentdoub(thecaptureof Tyre);concurrent let is used to strengthen the point of the previousnarrative(340-44).5 Rather than posit the existenceof some lost historianwho happened to employtheseJosephantechniques,we may assume thatthisJosephus-like narratorwas Josephushimself.6Previous studentshave not sufficiently appreciatedthe role of Josephusin shapingthe narrative.For example, scholarshave pointedto theanachronisticreference to the book of Daniel (337) and have concluded that the compositionof the Jaddus-Alexander storypostdatesthe 160sB.C.E..The conclusionis probablyrightbutthereasoningis certainly wrong,sinceJosephushimselfmayhave beenresponsible for the anachronism(see sectionIV below). In this studyof the JaddusI assumethatJosephuswas nota mindlessparaphraserof Alexanderstory,7 theworkofothers,butwas a real editor,an activeparticipantin the formation of the storyas we have it. I shall analyzethe literarytypeof the story withotherJewishstories(III), its functionwithintheJew(II), its affinities ishAntiquities (IV), and itsoriginand date(V).

Any literaryanalysisof the Jaddus-Alexander storymustbe tentative, sincetheepisode is a complexamalgamof motifsratherthana representativeof a singlegenre.Some motifscan be tracedto theirsource,otherscan not. Some can be explainedby appeal to morethanone literarytradition, and it willbe difficult to decidewhichsourceis primaryand whichsecondary. These problemsdo not preventliteraryanalysis,but theydo render uncertainsome of its results.Withall due reserve,then,I suggestthatthe 5. On "as has beenrelatedelsewhere,"see Cohen,p. 45 and p. 169;on "at about thistime," see Cohen, pp. 55-56, and 73-74; because of the contaminationof sources AJ 18 mentions Tiberius'sdeath threetimes(Cohen, p. 65, n. 131); thestoryof theAlexandriandelegationto Gaius (AJ18.257-60) isjuxtaposedto, notcoordinatedwith,thestoryofGaius, Petronius,and theJewsof Palestine(AJ18.261-309); Josephusoftenemploysdoublets(Cohen, p. 276, index, s.v. "doublets"). I hope to demonstrateelsewherethatsections340-44 are Josephus'sown composition. 6. That the compilerof the variousstrandsof the narrativewas Josephushimselfis suggested by Felix Marie Abel, "Alexandrea Jerusalem,"Revue biblique44 (1935): 48, and by FriedrichPfister,Kleine Schriftenzum Alexanderroman, ed. Reinhold Merkelbach et al. (Meisenheim,1976),p. 320, n. 59. Biichler,pp. 5 and 25-26, cannot decide.Since Josephus's techniqueswere the commonplacesof ancienthistoriography (Cohen, pp. 24-33), myargumentis suggestive, notprobative. 7. ElsewhereI hope to studytheSanballatstory.

ALEXANDER AND JADDUS ACCORDING TO JOSEPHUS

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Jaddus-Alexander storyis a combinationof two substories:the highpriest and the JewsgreetAlexandertheGreat (an adventusstory);thetempleand theJewsare rescuedfromAlexandertheGreatbya divinemanifestation (an epiphanystory).8 TheAdventus Story Adventus ("arrival") is theLatin wordfortheceremonialreceptionof a monarchor otherdignitaryupon his arrivalat a city.ThroughoutGrecoRoman antiquitytheseceremoniesfolloweda regularpattern.9Beforethe visitor'sarrival,the city would be decorated with wreaths,the temples would be opened,incensewould be burnt,and a festivalatmospherewould prevail.Dressed in whiteand bearinggarlands,led by theirpriests,magistrates,and otherofficials,all in fulldress,the citizenswould marchout of the cityto greetthe distinguished visitor.The membersof the procession would carryvariousinsignia,especiallythe statuesof the citygods. After greetingswereexchangedthevisitorwould enterthe cityamidstthe acclaSacrificeswould mations,salutations,and generalrejoicingofthecitizenry. be offered in themain templeof thecity,eitherbythevisitor,or bythecitizens, or by both. Afterthe celebrationsthe visitor,especiallyif he werea Roman emperor,would distributelargessor respondto therequestsof the city. Of thedozensoftextswhichillustratethisgeneraldescription, I citeonly a few.The firstis the so-calledPapyrusof Gourob, an accountin the first personplural of the expeditionof PtolemyIII Euergetesduringthe Third SyrianWar (246 B.C.E.).Here is themonarch'sarrivalat Antioch(thetextis partiallyrestored): thesoldiers, the Goingoutsideofthecity,thesatraps,theothergovernors, the the board of men from the and priests, magistrates, young gymnasium, the 8. I do not engagein the futileattemptto reconstruct theactual wordsor phrasesof these stories. 9. The equivalentGreek termsare apantesisand hypantesis ("meeting").On the adventus Theoloceremonysee ErikPeterson,"Die Einholungdes Kyrios,"Zeitschrift fir systematische VictoriaRomana(Mainz am Rhein, 1967),pp. 48-59; gie 7 (1930): 682-702; Tonio H61lscher, T. E. V. Pearce, Classical Quarterly64 (1970): 313-16; Sabine MacCormack, "Change and Historia21 (1972): 721-52; Fergus Continuityin Late Antiquity:The CeremonyofAdventus," Millar,TheEmperorin theRoman World(London, 1977),pp. 31-40. MacCormackand Millar providefurther bibliography.

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out all thecultobjectsto the entirewreathed crowd,metus. Theybrought roadinfront ofthegate.Somesalutedus,others uswithapplauseand greeted all thesacrifices which [Lacuna]Whenwehadcarefully shouting. performed hadbeenprovided, we,withtenprivate citizens, poureda libation.10 In his panegyricdeliveredto Theodosius in 389 C.E., Pacatus describes the emperor'sreceptionat Haemona (Pannonia). Aftermentioningthe and thehymns,Pacatusrhetorically asks: dancing,singing,rattling, thefreenobility's festal [with you]outsidethe WhyshouldI mention meeting white thepriests the senators their by clothing, citywalls, conspicuous snowy venerable in their the (sacerdotes) promi(flamines) municipal purple, priests withvernentbytheirconicalhats?WhyshouldI mention thegatescrowned dantwreaths? etc." WhyshouldI mention, In a panegyricdeliveredto Constantinein 312 C.E.,an anonymousoratordescribestheemperor'sarrivalat Autun(Gaul).'2 He was metbycrowds ofpeople. The insigniaof all theassociationsand theimagesof all thegods werebroughtforthin theprocession.Upon arrivingin thetown,Constantineaskedthecitizenswhattheyrequired.The oratorexclaims,"O emperor, whichare notextractedbyprayersbutwhich thesearethetruebenefactions, from proceed your spontaneousgenerosity,which give the pleasure of attainment withoutthetroubleofpetition." The essentialelementin the adventusceremonywas the acknowledgmentof the authorityand power of the visitor.The guestwas hailed with leave acclamationsand hymns.The verygods ofthecitywould temporarily theirtemplesto welcomehim.At thehead ofa festivalprocessionhe would sacrificeto thegod ofthecity,therebyindicatingthathe was therulerofthe city. Hence the symbolicimportanceof the adventusceremonyin the Roman period:a refusalto participatecould be construedas a rejectionof Hence too theutilityoftheadventusceremonyduring imperialauthority.13 10. Papyrusof Gourob III, 17-IV,19,as editedby Maurice Holleaux,Etudesd'dpigraphie et d'histoiregrecques,ed. Louis Robert,5 vols. (Paris, 1942),3: 288-90. Cf. the receptionthe The textis conveniently availablein FGrH 160. monarchreceivedat Seleuceia(11,23-111,7). 11. PanegyriciLatini2 (12).37.3-4. I am indebtedto the Frenchtranslationand notesof Edouard Galletier,Pandgyriques latins,3 vols. (Pairs, 1949-55). 12. Panegyrici Latini5 (8).7.6-9.2. 13. On the symbolicimportanceof theadventussee MacCormack. Both gods (Pearce, p. 316; to his listof passagesadd Diodorus Siculus34-35 fragment 33.2) and thosecelebratinga triumph(MacCormack,p. 726) entereda citywithsimilarceremonies.(The major distinction betweena triumphand an adventusis thattheformercould be celebratedonlyat one's home town,whilethelattercould be celebratedeitherat homeor abroad. See JuliusObsequens,De

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a war:whena citywasapproached bya hostilearmy,orbyan armywhose towardthecitywerenotclear,thecitizens intentions might go to greetthe Sucha gesture woulddemonstrate tothegeneralthat generalceremonially. hislordship wasalreadyacceptedandthatmilitary measures werenotneedhisruleoverthecity.For example,afterthebattleofGaued to establish marched on Babylon"as ifforbattle."TheBabylonians, gamelaAlexander andarchons, wentouttomeethimenmasseandsurrenledbytheirpriests as thenewlordofthe deredthecity.Upon entering Babylon,Alexander, the to rebuild their thetemple ordered temples, city, Babylonians especially of Bel. Alexandersacrificed to Bel "accordingto theinstructions" ofthe whenAntiochusIII preparedto enterJerusalem Chaldeans.14Similarly, fromthePtolemies, aftertakingPalestine theJews,led bytheircouncilof him"splendidly," elders,greeted i.e.,theysurrendered. Duringhiswarsof fromthe conquestJonathanthe Hasmoneanreceivedsimilartreatment Askalonites.'5 TheauthoroftheJaddus-Alexander storyknewtheadventus ceremony. is thatthemeeting JaddusandAlexander He remarks between (hypantisis) in from of nations" and different that other "sacred character (329). Like thecitizensofanyGreco-Roman ledbytheirpriests, go out city,theJews, oftheircityto greettheirdistinguished visitor. As a tokenofsurrender to LikeTheodosiusat him,thegatesareopened(327).Thecityis wreathed.16 Prodigiis56.) It was thoroughlyexceptionalthat Augustuswentout to greetTiberius(Dio 56.1.1) and thatVespasianwentout to greetTitus (BJ7.119). Acclamations:see below,n. 18. helHymns:N. Svensson,"Receptionsolonelled'H6rode Atticus,"Bulletinde correspondance Idnique50 (1926): 527-35. Welcome by gods: sacerdotes<cum> insignibussuis intrantem [AttalusI] urbem[Athens]ac di propeipsiexcitisedibussuis acceperunt,Livy31.14.12(omitted by Polybius16.25.7). Sacrifice:see n. 19 below. Sacrificeas a signof rule: Elias J. Bickerman,StudiesinJewishand ChristianHistory,2 vols. (Leiden, 1976), 1: 93-94, and C. Bradford Welles,noteon Diodorus Siculus 17.40.3in theLoeb edition.Refusalto participate:Millar,p. 31. 14. Arrian,Anabasis 3.16.3-5. "Accordingto the instructions of the Chaldeans" means thatAlexandersacrificedto Bel not in the Macedonian fashion,'which was his custom,but in thelocal manner.Cf. Arrian4.15.8 and 6.3.1 withthecommentsofHelmutBerve,Das Alexanderreich 2 vols. (Munich,1926),1: 87 and 99. aufprosopographischer Grundlage, 15. AJ12.138; 1 Macc. 10:86 = AJ13.101; 1 Macc. 11:60 = AJ13.149.Cf. too thereception ofVespasian'sgeneralat Tiberias,BJ3.459. 16. Practicallyall descriptions ofadventusmentionwreaths.Josephuswritesstephanountas tinpolin(327) and itis unclearwhatwas wreathed:thetempleand thebuildings(cf.BJ7.71 and in Plutarch,AemiliusPaullus32.1-2), or thecitizens(polin= politas),or both.The participants Judith'striumphalso wore wreaths(Judith15:12-13). In HellenisticfashionJewsonce wore wreathsat weddingstoo (SyriacApocalypseof Barukh 10.13; M. Sotah 9:14). In spiteof all this,Ganszyniecwrites"den Judenwaren die Kranz-sittenunbekannt"(in Pauly-Wissowavol. 11,2 [1922], p. Kroll-Ziegler,Realencyclopidieder klassischenAltertumswissenschaft, at an adventus,see BJ3.459. 1591).On open gatesas a tokenofsurrender

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Haemona, Alexanderwitnessesa colorfulsight:the multitudedressedin and thehighpriestin his mitreand his white,thepriestsin theirvestments, and gold robe (327 and 331). Unlikeothernationswhichtake hyacinth-blue theiridols to an adventus,theJewsare led by theirhighpriestupon whose mitrethenameofGod was engraved(331).17 For theJewishauthorit is this fromthat of other fact which makes the meeting"sacred and different nations."The Jewshail Alexanderwithone voice (332), i.e., theyacclaim him,'"and escorthimintothecity.As he did at Babylon,Alexandersacriand ficesto thegod of thecitywhichhas just acknowledgedhis suzerainty, sacrifices"accordingto theinstructions"of theclergy(336).19 Amidstgeneral rejoicing,20Alexanderdismissestheassembly(337). On thenextday he, like Constantine,bestows"truebenefactions"on the people: he asks them whattheyrequireand he grantstheirrequests(337-38).21 In all likelihoodtheadventusstoryas outlinedwas once an independent to themiraculous.22 It glorifiestheJewsby showing piece withno reference 17. Statues at an adventus:P. Gourob (above); Livy (n. 13 above); Panegyricof 312 C.E. (above); Dio Cassius 78 (77).22.2; Herodian 8.7.2; Ps.-Kallisthenes1.34.2 (pp. 37-38 ed. Kroll). In one oftheActa AlexandrinatheJewsand Alexandriansbringtheirgods to thetributhetextbreaksoffbeforewe are told whattheJewsbrought(the Alexnal but unfortunately Judaiandriansbroughta statueof Sarapis). See VictorTcherikoveret al., CorpusPapyrorum carum,3 vols. (Cambridge,Mass., 1957-64), vol. 2, no. 157,lines 17-18. 18. The phrase is pant6nmia ph6neiaspasamenon.Aspazesthaican mean "to acclaim,to hail" (AJ10.211; Mark 15:18; Dionysiusof Halicarnassus,RomanAntiquities 4.39; see Walter 2d ed. by WilliamArndt,F. W. GinLexicon of theNew Testament, Bauer, A Greek-English grich,and F. W. Danker [Chicago, 1979],s.v. aspazesthai),a meaningthatis assuredhereby characterizesacclamations(Erik Peterson,Heis Theos mia ph6nei,a phrasewhichfrequently [G6ttingen,1926],pp. 191-92). For acclamationsat an adventussee AJ16.14; BJ3.459; 7.71 and 102; and especiallyGermanicus'sedictof 19 C.E. (VictorEhrenbergand A. H. M. Jones, theReignsofAugustusand Tiberius[Oxford,1955],no. 320a) withthe DocumentsIllustrating Die Aegyptenreise des Germanicus (Bonn, 1969),pp. 108-19. analysisof DieterWeingirtner, 19. Sacrificesby thevisitorat an adventus:P. Gourob (above); BJ7.72; AJ16.14;Herodian 8.7.2-3. The phrase "according to the instructionsof the high priest"was not necessarily inspiredby the Babylonian(see n. 14) or some otherstoryabout Alexander,sinceanalogous thephraseto phrasesappear elsewherein Josephus.Cf. AJ10.72. Abel (n. 6), p. 52, interprets thesacrifice,but thisis mostunlikely;see forexample meanthatAlexanderhimselfperformed AJ15.147and 19.293. OrientisGraeciInscriptiones Selectae (Leipzig, 20. Generalfestival:WilhelmDittenberger, 1903-1905),no. 332,lines38-40, and Bi 7.73. 21. Giftsand concessionsat an adventus:PtolemyIV on his returnto Egyptafterhis victoryat Raphia. See Heinz-JosefThissen,Studienzum Raphiadekret(Meisenheim,1966),pp. 20-21 (textofthe"Raphia decree"or "Pithomstele") and pp. 64-65 (notes). 22. The adventusstoryis completewithoutJaddus'sdreamand Alexander'sthreatsagainst thecity.That AlexandergreetedJaddusfirst(331) maybe partoftheadventusstory(cf.Arrian 5.19.2 and AJ12.172),butithas a morelikelyplace in theepiphanystory(see. n. 38 below).

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thatAlexanderthe Great honoredJerusalemwitha visitand honoredthe templeof the JewishGod witha sacrifice.The storydoes not disguisethe to Alexander.Theyopened thegatesto him, factthattheJewssurrendered acclaimedhim,allowed himto sacrificein theirtemple,and receivedfrom him permissionto live accordingto theirancestrallaws (and, perhaps, exemptionfromtaxes in the sabbaticalyear).All of theseare clear indications of politicalsurrender.The entireworldwas conqueredby Alexander the Great. This storyis the Jewishsupplementto the historiesof pagan in thepeople ofJerusalem. authorswho werenotinterested TheEpiphanyStory "A visiblemanifestation of a hiddendivinity, eitherin theformofa personal appearance,or by some deed of powerby whichitspresenceis made EversinceHerodotus'sdescriptionofthe known,"was called an epiphany.23 Persianattackon Delphi one of themostpopulartypesofepiphanystories was the soteriological:an invadingarmyattacksa templeor a citybut is of thegod or goddess.The heroesof the repulsedthrougha manifestation are the their defenders and story god, thevillainsare theattackers.The manifestation ofthedivinepowercould be in anyofthreeways:thegods could personallyparticipatein the battle(e.g., the Dioscuri mighttemporarily assumehumanformand join theranksofthevictoriousarmy);naturaland supernaturalphenomenacould be turnedagainstthe enemy(e.g., lightenbouldersfromheaven,and so forth);or, less coming,thunder,rainstorm, monly,thegod mightappearin a dreameitherto thepious defenders (witha of or or to the insolent message encouragement advice) aggressors(witha of message warning).24 We are interested herein the soteriologicalepiphaniesof thethirdtype. 23. Bauer-Arndt-Gingrich (n. 18),s.v. epiphaneia.On epiphaniesin generalsee thebibliographycompiledby Bauer et al., especiallyFriedrichPfister, "Epiphanie,"in Pauly-Wissowaet 4 (1924), pp. al., Realencyclopddieder klassischenAltertumswissenschaft.: Supplementband ed. Theodor 277-323, and ElpidiusPax, "Epiphanie,"Reallexiconftr AntikeundChristentum, eineralttesKlauser,vol. 5 (1962), pp. 832-909. Cf. J6rgJeremias,Theophanie:Die Geschichte tamentlichen Gattung(Vluyn,1977). 24. On soteriologicalepiphanies,see PierreRoussel, "Le miraclede Zeus Panamaros," Bulletinde correspondance hellenique55 (1931): 70-116; Elias Bickerman,"H61iodore au templede Jerusalem,"Annuairede l'institutde philologieet d'histoireorientaleset slaves 7 2 (1939-44): 5-40, esp. 32-34; and Marcel Launey,Recherchessurles armeeshelle'nistiques, vols. (Paris, 1950),2:897-901.

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ofThemisonionwere DuringthedepredationsoftheGauls, themagistrates in theirdreamsby Heracles,Apollo, and Hermesto hidethecitiinstructed zens in some nearbycaves in orderto escape danger(Pausanius 10.32.3). WhenMithridatesbesiegedKyzikos,Athenaappearedin a dreamto one of of thecityand encouragedhim,assuringhimofvictory;the themagistrates nextday a violentwinddestroyedall thesiegeenginesoftheattackers(Plutarch,Lucullus10.2-3). Even moreelaborateis the accountof Datis's siege of Lindoswritten bya nativeofthecity: WhenDarius,KingofPersia,sentforth a greatarmyforthepurposeof this was first hisfleetvisited. Thepeopleof island the which Hellas, enslaving to thecountry wereterrified attheapproachofthePersians andfledforsafety all thestrongholds, mostofthemgathering at Lindos.Thereupon thebarbarians setaboutto besiegethem,untiltheLindians,sore-pressed by a water weremindedto handoverthecityto theenemy. Rightat thisjuncshortage, inhissleepandbadehimbe turethegoddessstoodoveroneofthemagistrates withher of good courage,sinceshe herself wouldprocure,by intercession tothecitithewatertheyneeded.Theonewhosawthevisionrehearsed father, So theyinvestigated andfoundthattheyhad only zensAthena'scommand. enoughwaterto lastforfivedays,andaccordingly theyaskedthebarbarians ofdays,sayingthatAthenahad sentto her fora truceforjustthatnumber forhelp,andthatifhelpdidnotcomeinthespecified timetheywould father surrender thecity. WhenDatis,theadmiralof Darius,heardthisrequest,he immediately aboutthe Butthenextday,whena greatcloudgathered burstoutlaughing. to all so that and a shower fell inside the cloud, contrary heavy Acropolis thebesieged hadplenty ofwater, whilethePersianarmysuffered expectations ofthegoddess.He was struckbytheepiphany forlackofit,thebarbarian . . . He set forthon took offhis personaladornmentand sentit as an offering.

anddeclarbeforehim,after thebusiness establishing peacewiththebesieged the "These men are ingpublicly, protected by gods."25 This story,an extractfromthe greatinscriptionof the templeat Lindos (Rhodes), is thefirstoffourlabeled"epiphanies"and containsa doubleepiand phany:thegoddess's appearancein a dreamto one ofthe magistrates, themiraculousrainstorm.In thedreamthegoddessbidsthecitizensto have she confidence, just as in thesubsequentepiphanystoriesoftheinscription 25. FGrH 532 D (1). The translationis thatof F. C. Grantas quotedbyMoses Hadas, HellenisticCulture(New York, 1959),pp. 166-67.

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instructsone of herpriestsin timesof need. The miraculousstorm,thesecond half of the double epiphany,causes Datis to offerdedicationsto the goddess,liftthe siege,establishpeace withthe Lindians,and acknowledge thepowerofthelocal gods. When Lysander was besieging Aphytis (Thrace), the god Ammon appearedto himin a dreamand orderedhimto abandon thesiege.Lysander compliedand orderedthe citizensof the cityto sacrificeto Ammon.26A moreelaboratestoryoftheappearanceof a god in a dreamto thegeneralof an armyattackinga cityis the followingaccount fromJustin,Historiae Philippicae43.5-7: thechieftain consensus waschosengeneral[ofthe Catumandus Bygeneral Gauls in theirwaragainstMassilia].Whenhe was besieging theenemycity witha largearmyofselectsoldiers, wasterrified in hissleepby Catumandus thefigure ofa fierce womanwhosaidthatshewasa goddess.[Asa result] he After established voluntarily peacewiththeMassilians. permission requesting toentertheircityandtoworship atthecitadel (adorare)theirgods,hearrived ofMinervaand,seeingtheimageofthegoddessinthecolonnade, exclaimed thatitwas shewhohad terrified himat night, thatit was shewho suddenly had orderedhimto withdraw fromthesiege.Congratulating theMassilians becausehe realizedthattheybelongedto thecareoftheimmortal gods,he donateda goldennecklace tothegoddessandconcluded withtheMassilians a inperpetuity.27 friendship treaty The centralelementof theseepiphaniesis thesavingactionof thegods. The people of Themisonion,Kyzikos, Lindos, Aphytis,and Massilia are saved fromtheirattackersand remainindependent.As a resultof the epiphanytheaggressorexplicitly acknowledgesthepowerofthegod: Lysander ordersthecitizensof Aphytisto worshipAmmon,28 Datis and Catumandus to Lindian Athena and Massilian Minerva give offerings (personaljewelry) Both Datis and Catumandusdeclarethattheiropponentsare respectively. of the divinepower the protectedby the gods. Throughthe manifestation pious inhabitantsof thesefivecitiesobtained a victorywhichwould have eludedthemhad theirgods notintervened in theirbehalf. 26. Plutarch,Lysander20.5; Pausanias 3.18.3. 27. This eventallegedlyoccurredin the fifthcenturyB.C.E.;see Michel Clerc, Massalia, 2 vols. (Marseilles,1927),1: 173-77. 28. It is unclear whetherAmmon was worshippedat Aphytiseven beforethe siege or whetherthecultwas introducedonlyas a resultofLysander'sorder.

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Like the Lindos narrative,the Jaddus-Alexanderstorydocumentsa herea double epiphany:therea dreamto a citymagistrateand a rainstorm, In the first dreamto thehighpriestand a dreamto Alexander. epiphanythe leaderof the cityreceivesencouragementfromthegod. In the second epiphanythegod preventstheattackerfromrealizinghis ambition.As a result ofhis dreamAlexandersalutesthehighpriest(331 and 336), does obeisance to theGod ofIsrael(331),29entersthetemple,and honors(i.e., bestowsgifts upon) thehighpriestand thepriests(336).30 Something,however,is wrongwithAlexander'sdream. While stillin Macedonia (at Dion) he saw a robedman exhortinghimto attackthePersians and promisingthathe would lead Alexanderto victory(334). Alexander did not knowtheidentityof theman untilhe arrivedat Jerusalemand saw Jaddus (335). The Jewishnarratorimaginesthat Alexander,like the Nebuchadnezzarofthebook ofDaniel, knewthattheGod oftheJewsis not likethegod ofthepagans. The humanfigurewho appearedto Catumandus declaredthatshewas a goddess,butAlexanderhad thegood senseto realize thatthe humanfigurewho appeared to himwas not God but the priestof God, and thatobeisancewas due notto thehumanfigurebutto God.3' This dream,however,is nottherightsortfora wickedaggressor.Its closestparallelsare thedreamswhichjustifytheconquestsofpious generalsand legitimatetheusurpationofpowerbyheroicmonarchs.It has no place in a soteriological epiphanywhose heroes are the would-bevictims,not the wouldhere whetherproskynisismeans "prostration"or a "hand29. It makes littledifference kiss,"i.e., a kisson one's hand followedbytheextensionofthehand as a salute.See Elias Bickerman,Parola dal Passato 18 (1963): 244-53. The parallelwithDaniel 2:46 (see nextsection) makestheformermorelikely.Kasher (n. 1), pp. 198-99, correctly pointsout thatthereference to proskynesisis not anachronisticsince many orientalsby this point (afterIssus) showed respectforAlexanderin thisfashion.The practicewas introducedto Macedoniansonlylater. 30. Severalmanuscriptsomit"and thepriests."For timan"to rewardwithgifts,"see,e.g., unlikemostotherancienttemples,did nothave BJ 1.511and 646. SincethetempleofJerusalem, a substantialtreasury(see Bickerman,"H61iodore" [n. 24]), Alexanderdonated giftsnot to thetemplebutto thepriests. 31. See sectionIII. At thetempleof Aesculapiusat Pergamon,the fosterfatherof Aelius Aristidessaw thegod in his dreamin theformoftheconsul L. PetroniusSabinus who was still unknownto bothAristidesand his fosterfather.The dreamer,however,realizedthatthegod was usingthe consul's formand spoke withhim about Aristides'work.Later he metand recognized the consul. See Aelius Aristides,Hieroi Logoi 2.9, p. 396, ed. Bruno Keil = C. A. Behr,AeliusAristidesand theSacred Tales(Amsterdam,1968),pp. 224-25. In Yosippon,p. 54, and in theSamaritanchronicleBook ofJoshua(ChroniconSamaritanum... LiberJosuae,ed. TheodorusG. J.Juynboll[Leiden,1848],p. 184),Alexandersees an angelwiththe featuresof Jaddus.

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ofthepowerofthe be attackers, andwhosemajoraimis thedemonstration is unsatisfactory the dream to his adherents.32 Furthermore, god protect froma literary and dramatic are We perspective. supposedto believethat foralmostthreeyears(fromDion, mid-or late335 B.C.E.,to Jerusalem, mid-332B.C.E.),Alexander wondered abouttheidentity ofthemanin his at everyrobedfigure he wouldmeet.On thenight dream,eagerlystaring Jaddussaw hisdream,Alexander met WhenAlexander sleptundisturbed. thehighpriestheexplained hisconducton thebasisofa dreamhehadseen Awareofthisliterary somemedieval ofthe versions longbefore. inelegance, Alexander's dream the before the encounter with Jaddus and story put night to theMacedoniannotto harmJerusalem includewithin it a warning and theJews.33 Another withournarrative as itstandsis thattheendforgets difficulty thebeginning. ThestoryopenswithAlexander's demandforfriendship (phiTheJewsmustprovidehimwithsoldiers(symmalia) on threeconditions. forhisarmy(agora),andpayto theMacedonians chia),supplyprovisions thetribute Jaddus (dora)whichtheyhad formerly paid to thePersians.34 refuses all threeconditions on thegrounds thathe is boundto refrain from Darius "as as he remains the fighting [theking] against long among living" Attheendofthestory, thegeneraldemandforphiliaand however, (318).35 thespecific condition ofagoraarecompletely Jaddusforgets that forgotten. he is stillboundbyan oathandagreesto paytribute sixyearsoutofseven and to acceptMacedonianruleprovidedthattheJewsareallowedto live to theirancestral laws(338).As forsymmachia, Alexander asks according forvolunteers and no on Jaddus, (339) imposes compulsion presumably becausethehighpriestis stillboundbyhisoath.36 Did Jaddusremainloyal to hisoathor not?Did theJewssurrender to Alexander or did he accept theirneutrality? 32. See sectionIV. 33. See Yosippon,p. 54 (perhapsinspiredby Gen. 31:24) and themedievalversiontranslated by Micha JosephBin Gorion, MimekorYisrael: Classical JewishFolktales,trans.I. M. Lask, 3 vols. (Bloomington,1976),1: 225. 34. Symmachia,agora, and dora are fairlycommonin treatiesand alliances.See, e.g., the indicesin Hatto H. Schmidt,Die Staatsvertrdge des Altertums III: von338 bis200 v. Chr.(Munich,1969). Alexanderorderedthecitiesof Asia Minor to pay himthesame tributetheyhad paid to thePersians(Arrian1.18.2). 35. Wereloyaltyoaths generallyrequiredof the highpriests?Jaddushad everyreasonto defectsincethe Persianshad supportedhis uncleagainsthis father(AJ11.298)and had polluted thetemple(297-301). 36. ContrastAJ11.345.

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To explaintheseineleganciesand difficulties, I suggestthattheepiphany was an like theMassilianand Lindian narrative, plot originally independent and not a collection of motifs used to enrichan adventus narratives, just It ran somewhat as follows. As a result of Jaddus's refusalto accept story. his demandforphilia,37 Alexandermarcheson Jerusalem.The nightbefore theassaultbothJaddusand Alexanderbeholdvisions.The formerreceives fromGod, the latterreceivesa warningfroma Jaddus-like encouragement figurenot to touch the Jews.The nextday Alexanderabandons his siege, receivespermissionto enterJerusalem, beholdsJaddusin thetemple,recognizes him as the figurehe had seen in his dream,does obeisanceto him,38 and bestowsgiftson thepriesthood.Afterestablishing philiawiththeJews their not Alexander leaves terms, Jerusalem,perhaps declaring (on his), "Great is theGod oftheJews"(see sectionIII), and invitestheJewstojoin his expedition.This epiphanystorywas at some pointcombinedwiththe adventusstory. Whetherthisreconstruction is corrector not; whetherthe narratorhas drawnupon a preexisting epiphanystoryor merelyhas drawnmotifsfrom the epiphanyliterarytradition;whetherthe narratorhas drawn upon a adventusstoryor merelyhas drawnmotifsfromtheadventuslitpreexisting erarytradition;in anycase, theimportant pointis theseambetweenthetwo The adventusstoryassumesthattheJewsacknowledgethe stories/motifs. rule of Alexander.As Persianhegemonyshiftsto Macedonian, the Jews shifttheirallegiance.The aim of thestoryis to finda place fortheJewsin Hellenistichistory.The epiphanystoryassertstheopposite.God saves the to Alexander;it is he who JewsfromAlexander.The Jewsdo notsurrender and acknowledgesthesupremacyofGod.39The aimofthisstory surrenders is to add thenameofAlexandertheGreatto thelistofdistinguished pagans who recognizedGod's power and showed him respect(see sectionIII). situneasilyone nextto theother,thetensionbeing Thesetwo stories/motifs mostevidentat theend ofthenarrative. 37. The adventusstoryhad no needforthismotif. 38. The motifthatAlexandergreetedJaddusfirst(331) mayderivefromtheadventusstory (see n. 22 above) but probablybelongswiththeproskynisisas partoftheepiphanystory.ProfessorMortonSmithbringsto myattentiontheparallelin Plutarch,Cicero44.2-4. Cicero sees an imageof a boy in a dreambut does not recognizehim;thenextday he meetsOctavianfor thefirsttimeand realizesthathe is theboywhomhe had seenin hisvision. 39. Yehoshua Gutmannassignedthisobjectiveto the narrativeas a whole but he did not distinguishbetweenadventusand epiphany.See his "Alexanderof Macedon in the Land of Israel" [Hebrew],Tarbiz11(1940): 271-94, esp. 285-86.

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Althoughin all likelihoodit was Josephuswho convertedthe original warningdreamto a dreamwhichsanctionsconquest(see sectionIV), itwas notJosephuswho weldedtheadventusto theepiphany.As I remarkedearlier, the combinationof independentconcurrentnarrativeswas not Josewhereasthecombinationofadventuswithepiphanyis well phus's strength, done. It is so welldone thatwe can no longerreconstruct withcertainty the the motifs form of either remain storyalthough separate recognizoriginal able. Had thesestoriesbeen combinedby Josephus,theunionwould have been muchlessharmonious. III Adventusand epiphany,the two strandswhichformthe bulk of the Jaddus-Alexander story,were popular genresin HellenisticJewishliterature.Josephusknowsthe adventusceremonywell,describingthemagnificent arrivalof dignitariesat Rome (Vespasian and Titus),Antioch(Titus), and Jerusalem(AntiochusIII, Marcus Agrippa,and Vitellius).40 Given the no to of the motif and the we have need ceremony, positanysinfamiliarity historical adventus as the model for the adventus of gle portion theJaddusAlexanderstory.41 Similarly,we need not posit any historicaleventas the modelforJudith'sfictionaltriumphat Jerusalem.Afterhervictorythehigh priestand the gerousiago to Bethulia to greetJudithand to praise her (15:8-10). Theybestowgiftsupon her(15:11) and, amid crowdsof women and men,the formerdancing,the lattersinging,all of themcrownedwith garlands(15:12-13), theyaccompanyher to Jerusalemin a joyfulprocession. She sings a hymnof praise to God (15:14-16:17) which modestly includespraiseof herself(16:5-10). At Jerusalemall do obeisanceto God. 40. Rome: BJ7.63-74, 119; Antioch:Bi 7.100-2; Jerusalem:AJ12.138(Antiochus);16.14 (Agrippa; cf. too Philo, Legatio 294-97); 18.122-23 (Vitellius).Cf. too Bi 3.30 and 459; AJ 13.101and 149.Even AntiochusIV Epiphaneswas greetedmagnificently in Jerusalem:2 Macc. 4:22. ProfessorShaya Gafniremindsme thatthe adventusceremonyis frequently describedin rabbinicliterature.See, e.g., Pesiqta Rabbati, p. 21b, ed. Ish-Shalom;LeviticusRabbah 30.7 (pp. 704-5, ed. Margalioth);Mekhilta,p. 119,ed. Horovitz.These and otherpassagesare discussedin thefirstchapterofIgnaz Ziegler,Die K6nigsgleichnisse des Midrasch(Breslau,1903). 41. Hugo Willrich,JudenundGriechenvordermakkabaischen Erhebung(G6ttingen,1895), pp. 9-10, suggestedthearrivalofAgrippaas themodelfortheAlexanderstory,whileSolomon Zeitlin,endorsedbyGeorgeFoot Moore, "Simon theRighteous,"JewishStudiesinMemoryof Israel Abrahams(New York, 1927),pp. 357-58, and JamesPurvis,TheSamaritanPentateuch and theOriginoftheSamaritanSect (Cambridge,Mass., 1968),p. 124,suggestedthearrivalof AntiochusIII. See n. 78 below.

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The people offersacrifices(16:18) while Judithdedicates the personal belongingsof the enemy Holophernes(16:19). The rejoicinglasts three months(16:20). Jerusalemaccorded Judiththe same properbut fictional receptionitaccordedAlexandertheGreat.42 The epiphanystorytoo has its parallels. On several otheroccasions ofhispowertheGod oftheJewsrescuedhistemple througha manifestation (fromHeliodorus),hispeople (fromNicanor,PtolemyIV and PtolemyIX), and his saints(Daniel and his friends).43 These storieshighlightnot only God's salvificpower but also the recognitionof thispower by the pagan monarchswho had attacked the Jews. Heliodorus was struckdown by to plunderthetemple.Afterhis ordeal he testified angelswhileattempting to themightyacts of theLord and declaredthattheGod ofheavenwatches over his templeand protectsit fromthose who would harm it (2 Macc. 3:36-39). Afterhis attemptto killtheJewsof Egyptmiscarried, PtolemyIV Philopatormade a similardeclaration(3 Macc. 7:6-9). Shadrach,Meshach, and Abednegoweretossedintoa fieryfurnacebecause theyrefusedto worshipthestatueofNebuchadnezzar.Whentheyemergedsafely,thekingproclaimed,"Blessed be the God of Shadrach,Meshach, and Abednego ... thereis no othergod who can save like this" (Dan. 3:28-29).44Daniel was thrownintothelion's den not once but twiceand was rescuedeach timeby God. Afterthe firstinstanceCyrusproclaimed,"You are great,O Lord, God of Daniel, thereis no god butyou!" (Bel and theDragon 41). Afterthe secondinstanceDarius made a moreelaborateproclamation,"He is thelivhissovereignty willneverbe destroyedand his ingGod, he enduresforever, end" never (Dan. 6:27). kingship In Daniel a soteriologicalepiphanyis notnecessaryfora pagan monarch to acknowledgetheGod of theJews.When Daniel correctlydescribedand Nebuchadnezzar'sdream,the king"fellprostrate"beforehim, interpreted to him,and declared"Your God orderedoblationsand incenseto be offered 42. I cite Judithfromthe Greek text.The Latin and Hebrew versions,editedby A. M. Dubarle, Judith:Formeset sensdes diversestraditions II: Textes(Rome, 1966),omitmanyof theadventuselements.PerhapsJudith'sentryis morea triumphthanan adventus,but thetwo are closelyrelated;see n. 13. The Judithnarrativeis inspiredin partby biblicalmodelsbut the also is clear (e.g., wreaths).On theinfluenceoftheepiphanytradition Hellenisticcontribution on Judith, see Hadas (n. 25). 43. Heliodorus:2 Macc. 3; Nicanor:2 Macc. 15; PtolemyIV Philopator:3 Macc.; Ptolemy IX Physcon:CA2.53-55; Dan. 3; 6; and Bel and theDragon. Aside fromDaniel, I do notquote biblicalmaterialhere. Bible. 44. Daniel is citedfromTheJerusalem

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ofkings, andtherevealer ofmysteries" mustbe theGod ofgods,themaster On another of a after Daniel's occasion, (Dan. 2:46-47). interpretation dreamhad againcometrue,Nebuchadnezzar God and acknowpraised ledgedhispower(Dan. 4:31-32). Alexander theGreattoo wasforcedbyan epiphany to acknowledge the God oftheJews.LikeNebuchadnezzar he didobeisancetothepersonwho wasthevehicleforthemanifestation ofthedivinepower,buthisrealobeisancewas to God, notto theminister.45 BothDanieland Jaddusreceived LikeHeliodorusandPtolemy giftsand honorsfromtheirpaganadmirers. is convinced the notto attempt Alexander IV Philopator, by epiphany any further actionagainsttheJews. ThepaganandJewish thatAlexparallelstothisepiphany storysuggest andertheGreatshouldhaveacknowledged God's mightexplicitly. Minithisplace"; mallyhe shouldhavedeclared,"The God ofheavenprotects havedeclared, hemight "You aregreat,O Lord,God ofJaddus, maximally thereis nogodbutyou!"Whyis sucha declaration, either ormaximinimal Wehavetwobasicpossibilities. EitherJosephus mal,absentfromourstory? omitted whichhe used.The it,or it was alreadyabsentfromthenarrative is former favored the fact that omitssuch possibility by Josephus regularly The Biblehas Jethro declarations. declare"The Lord is greaterthanall othergods"(Exod. 18:11),butintheAntiquities thisMidianite makes priest no suchstatement omitsthreeofthefouracclama(AJ 3.63-65).Josephus tionsofDaniel.46 His versionofthestoryof3 Maccabeesdoesnothavethe addsto the kingdeclarethemightofIsrael'sGod (CA2.53-55).Josephus narrative of2 Kings6 thatBenHaddadwasamazedat"themiracle, theepiof the of God the and Israelites, phany(epiphaneia) [his]power, [his] buthe doesnothaveBenHaddad declare"Greatis theGod of prophet," Elisha!"(AJ9.60).Petronius toowasamazedat theepiphany oftheGod of theJewsandat hisprovidential care(pronoia) forhispeople,buthedidnot declare"Greatis theGod oftheJews!"(AJ18.286,288,and308-9).47Dis45. Jeromeon Dan. 2:47 (quoted by JamesMontgomeryad loc. in his commentaryon Daniel [repr.Edinburgh,1979]): ergo non tam Danielem quam in Daniele adorat deum qui mysteriarevelavit;quod et AlexandrumregemMacedonumin pontificeloiade fecisselegimus. Bevanapud Montgomery appositelycitesIsa. 49:23 and 60:14. 46. Compare Dan. 2:47 withAJ10.211; Dan. 3:28-33 withAJ10.215; Dan. 4:34 withAJ 10.217and 242. 47. SimilarlyJosephusadds no acclamationto thebiblicalstoryabout thearkin thePhilistinecities(AJ6.1-15). Unfortunately Josephus'sversionoftheencounterbetweenNaaman and Elisha is lost in the lacuna at AJ9.50-51. Artaxerxes'decree (AJ11.279; see Marcus's note) omitsthedivineepithetsof Esther8:12 = 16:16.

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tinguishedpagans respectthe Jews,bestowbenefactionsupon them,and sacrificeat theirtemple.Pagan monarchsand generalsrecognizethat the God of theJewsprotectshis people and appointsand removestheirkings. TheyevenrecognizethattheGod of theJewsappointsand removesgentile kings in accordance with theirtreatmentof the Jews and theirtemple. but theydo not boldly Pagans do all thesethingsaccordingto Josephus,48 and forthrightly Israel's God. Such proclamationsmighthave proclaim sounded odd or unbelievable,and mighthave raised the sensitiveissue of conversion,an issue whichJosephustriesto ignore.49If it were not for in thesematters,as in everything else, we could Josephus'sinconsistency thatitwas Josephuswho droppedAlexander's concludewithsomecertainty proclamationfromthenarrative.5" WhatJosephusomittedwas suppliedbylaternarrators, bothJewishand Christian.The highpriestof the rabbinicstorywas not Jaddusbut Simon theRighteous,and ofhimitwas told: hesaid,"Blessed WhenAlexander MacedonwouldseeSimontheRighteous, istheGod ofSimontheRighteous."5'

48. Pagan respectand benefactions:see, e.g., thedocumentsin AJ 14. Pagan sacrifices:AJ 3.318-20; 13.242; 14.488; 15.147 and 422; 16.14; 18.122-23; CA 2.48. Cf. too AJ11.120 and 124; 12.4; 14.477-78; BJ2.341. Pagan recognitionthatGod appointsand removesIsraelite kings:AJ8.53 and 173; 10.139;thatGod protectstheIsraelites:AJ8.379; 9.16 and 87; thatGod appointsand removesgentilekings:AJ11.3-4 and 103(Cyrus); 11.31and 58 (Darius); 11.279 (Artaxerxes);12.25and 47 (Philadelphus);12.357(AntiochusIV; cf. 1 Macc. 6:12); BJ5-6 passim(Romans). Thissubjectneedsto be studiedfurther. 49. Ruth's "conversion"is omittedat AJ5.322; thesailors' fearof theLord and theNinevites'repentanceare omittedfromtheparaphraseofJonah(AJ9.208-14). The Adiabenestory (AJ 20.17-96) is theonlyplace whereJosephusdiscussesconversionin anydetail;elsewhereitis mentionedonly a few times and is usually equated with circumcision(AJ3.217; 11.285; 13.257-58 and 318-19; 18.82; 20.139 and 145; CA 2.282-84 speaks not of convertsbut of inthefirstcenturysee JohananLevy,Stuimitators).On theRoman fearofJewishproselytism dies in JewishHellenism[Hebrew](Jerusalem,1969),pp. 150-61. On the distinctionbetween conversionand declarationsof reverence,especiallyin the mouthsof pagan monarchs,see Bickerman,Studies(n. 13),p. 93 and "H61iodore,"p. 32. 50. Josephusallows the declarationof Daniel 6:27-28 to remainat AJ10.263 (albeit in shortenedform).AJ10.139has Nebuchadnezzarproclaimmegasho theos.Philadelphuseither beforethe Torah. On Josephus's does (AJ12.114) or does not (AJ12.90) performproskynesis see Cohen,p. 276. generalsloppinessand inconsistency, 51. LeviticusRabbah 13.5, p. 293, ed. Margalioth.For parallel textssee Margalioth's notes.

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This minimaldeclaration,obviouslyinspiredby Dan. 3:28 and similartexts, was thenexpanded(Yosippon,p. 56): ForI knewlongagothatheis the BlessedistheLord,theGod ofthistemple. isoverall,andthatthesoulofevery ofall,andthathisdominion master living areyou,hisservants, is inhishandfordeathandlife.Andfortunate creature himinthisplace. whominister before In theseJewishtextsAlexanderdoes not "convert."He acknowledgesthe Contrastthe powerof theGod of theJewsbut does not denypolytheism.52 followingtwoChristiantexts,thefirstofwhichis a fifth centurychronicle: WhenAlexander foundedAlexandria-at-Egypt, he did comingto Jerusalem obeisance(adoravit) totheLordGod,saying, "Glorytoyou,O God,theonly one,therulerofall,wholivesforever."53 ComparethislateversionoftheAlexanderRomance: "We servetheone God whomadeheaven [Thepriest]said [toAlexander], andearth,andallthings seenandunseen.No manisabletointerpret [?]him." ofthetruly To thisAlexander said,"Go in peace,worthy worshippers great God,go. YourGod shallbe myGod andmypeace[shallbe]withyou.I shall notinvadeyouas [I havedone]to othernations, becauseyouservetheliving God."54 "Your God shall be my God." Like Ruth, the Macedonian conqueror

52. On theformula"god ofX" whereX is thepersonthroughwhoma god has manifested see Peterson,Heis Theos,pp. 210-12. In othermedievalJewishversionstoo Alexander himself, does notconvert;see Bin Gorion,p. 227 and pp. 229-30. 53. Carolus Frick,ChronicaMinora(Leipzig, 1892),p. 270: Gloria tibideus solus omnia tenensqui vivisin saecula. Cf. the paralleltexton p. 322; Gloria tibideus qui vivisin secula solus princeps.This chronicle,theExcerptaLatinaBarbari,is a seventhor eighthcenturyLatin versionofa lost fifth centuryGreekchronicle.The SamaritanBook ofJoshua,afterparaphrasingJosephus,has Alexanderdeclare,"Deus vesterestdeus deorumac dominusdominorum" (trans.Juynboll, p. 184). 54. AnonymiByzantiniVita AlexandriRegis Macedonum,ed. JiirgenTrumpf(Stuttgart, Alexanderroman RezensionGam1974),p. 78, followedwithminorvariantsby Der griechische ma BuchII, ed. HelmutEngelmann(Meisenheim,1963),p. 218. Cf. Marcus's translationofthis text(Loeb edition,p. 515).

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was nottheonlydistinguished acceptsthefaithofIsrael.Alexander pagan him his tohavemonotheism thrust after death."* long upon wemaypresume "conthatJosephus knewhowtodistinguish Although God of he refrained version"froma polytheistic of the Israel,56 recognition fromplacingconfessional formulaein the mouthsof pagans,perhaps But as declarations ofconversion. becausetheycouldbe so easilymistaken hadno suchreticence. laterreadersoftheJewish Realizingthat Antiquities ofGod's an epiphany shouldbe followedbyan explicitacknowledgment wasmissing fromtheJaddus-Alexander power,theysensedthatsomething from filledthelacuna.WhatJosephus suppressed storyand imaginatively theimagination.57 hissourcewaslatersuppliedfrom

IV The riseand fallofstatesandempires was a commonthemein GrecoRomanhistoriography. narrated theriseand fallof Athens. Thucydides theriseofRomeandthefallofMacedonand Polybiusand Livydescribed

55. Accordingto both Jewishand ChristianlegendJethro,who declaredthegreatnessof See Louis Ginzberg,LegendsoftheJews, Israel'sGod (Exod. 18:11),convertedto monotheism. 7 vols.,reprinted. (Philadelphia,1967-68), 7: 257, and Cyrilof Alexandria,De Adoratione(J. P. Migne, PatrologiaGraeca 68: 281-84). Jerome,commentaryon Isa. 45:1, deduced from Cyrus'sedict that the Persiankingacknowledgedno god but the God of Israel (Patrologia SeriesLatina 73a:504-5). From Aristotle'sadmiration Latina 24:442 = CorpusChristianorum and sixteenth fora Jewishsage (CA 1.176-83), some fifteenth centuryJewishscholarsdeduced thatAristotleconvertedto Judaism(Azariah de Rossi, Me'or 'Einayim,chap. 22, pp. 246-47, ed. David Cassel [Vilna,1864-66]). Manyadditionalexamplescould be cited. 56. Augustineremarks,"Alexanderdid indeed offersacrificesin the templeof God, not because he was convertedto his worshipthroughtruepiety,but because he thoughtthrough impiousvanitythatGod oughtto be worshippedtogetherwithfalsegods." See De CivitateDei 18.45.2(cited by George Cary, TheMedievalAlexander[Cambridge,1956],p. 128). Cf. EcclesiastesRabbah 10.12regardingCyrus,as analyzedby EphraimUrbach,"Cyrusand his Decree intheEyesoftheSages" [Hebrew],Molad 19(1961): 371. 57. FriedrichPfister,"Eine jiidischeGrfindungsgeschichte Alexandrias,"Sitzungsberichte 5 (1914), no. 11,pp. 25-26, arguesthattheAlexAkademieder Wissenschaften derHeidelberger ander romance,the rabbis,and Josephusdraw independently upon an earlierversionof the storywhichhe dates to the earlyfirstcenturyC.E. Claimingthatthe romancedependsupon (n. 6) wherethey Josephus,Merkelbachet al. deletethesepages fromPfister'sKleineSchriften should have appeared at pp. 97-98. See Reinhold Merkelbach,Die Quellendes griechischen 2d ed. withJurgenTrumpf(Munich,1977),pp. 66 and 136.See nowGerhard Alexanderromans, Delling,"Alexanderder Grosse als Bekennerdes jiudischenGottesglaubens,"Journalfor the StudyofJudaism12 (1981): 1-51.

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themesofJosephus's theGreekstates.One oftherecurring JewishWaris thefalloftheJewsandtheriseoftheRomanempire.58 Within theJewish books10and 11,thistheme too,especially Antiquities, detailstheprophecies has a majorrole.In book 10 Josephus ofJeremiah and Daniel and theirfulfillments. Judaeais conqueredby Babylon,and Jeremiah Babyloninturnis conquered bytheMedesandPersians. explains sinfulness thecausesof Judaea'sdownfall: and folly(AJ10.89and 104). DanielexplainsthecausesofBabylon'sdownfall: andblasphemies impiety narrates Jewish underPersian (AJ 10.241-43).In book 11Josephus history ruleuntilthePersianstoo arereplacedbya newempire, theMacedonian. The book openswithCyrus'sedict(11.3-4) which,Josephussays,was of Isaiah.Two hundred prompted bytheking'sperusaloftheprophecies and tenyearsearlierthisprophethad predicted thatGod wouldappoint theJewsto CyruskingofmanynationsandthatCyrusinturnwouldrestore theirlandandtheirtemple(11.5-7).Byparaphrasing Esdras,someformof and Esther,Josephus documents continued Persianpiety.The Nehemiah, laterPersiankings(exceptforthewickedCambyses) followCyrus'sleadin thattheGod oftheJewshasgiventhemdominion andthatthey recognizing owehimgratitude. Thegratitude is expressed benefactions God'stemto by and God's and the ple,by supporting protecting people, by discomfiting Samaritans.59 UnliketheBabylonians thePersiansarenotguilty ofimpiety andblasphemies. oftheirempire? Whythenweretheydeprived Partoftheansweris provided bytheenigmatic storyaboutBagosesand the Jews(11.297-301)whichis sandwiched betweentheparaphrases of Esther(11.184-296)and thenarrative aboutSanballat,Jaddus,and Alexander(11.302-47).60The storytellsofthemisdeeds oftheJews.The high Joannes feuds with his brother Jesus and kills him inthetemple. "Neipriest theramongGreeksnorbarbarians had so savageandimpiousa deedever beencommitted" (299, trans.Marcus).Justas God wouldlateruse the 58. Jacquelinede Romilly,The Rise and Fall of States Accordingto GreekAuthors(Ann and Polybius,"a paperdeliveredat the Arbor,1977);ShayeJ. D. Cohen, "Josephus,Jeremiah, 1980meetingoftheAssociationofAncientHistorians. 59. RecognitionthatGod appointsand removesgentilekings:see n. 48 above. Discomfitingthe Samaritans:AJ11.16,61, 97-104, and 114-19. Cambyseswas readyto listento the Samaritansbecause he "was wicked"(11.26). In AJ11Josephusstressestheenmitybetweenthe Jewsand theSamaritans;see 84-88 and 174. 60. The problemsanalyzedby H. G. M. Williamson,"The HistoricalValue ofJosephus's JewishAntiquities XI. 297-301," Journalof TheologicalStudies28 (1977): 49-66, do notaffect our discussion.

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RomanstopunishtheJewsforsimilar onthis God usedthePersians crimes, but one with difference. In the the Jewish War Romansare occasion, major whoseekto purify thetempleofitscontagion, God's righteous avengers whereasin theJewish thePersiansled byBagosesarewicked. Antiquities theirguilt.They,nottheJews,aresaidto pollutethe emphasizes Josephus 297 and thesacredprecincts 300).Bagosesenters (301)and temple(miainein, a feeon thetamidsacrifices "enslaves"theJews(300)byimposing (297).61 thisis thefirst following Immediately partoftheSanballat-Alexander story whichtellsofSanballat'sattempts to builda templeforhisson-in-law. PreviousPersiankingshad discomfited theSamaritans, butSanballatseems confident thatDariuswillgranthisrequestwhenhe returns fromfighting relatesAlexander's Alexander (311 and 315). The nextparagraph victory (317). (316)andhisapproachtoJerusalem As Herethenis Josephus's forthedownfall ofthePersians. explanation as toward the Jews and toward behaved long they benevolently malevolently theSamaritans, theirruleendured.Oncetheyreversed thesepoliciesthey weredoomed.SinceJosephus hadlittlehardevidence forsucha reversal,62 he triedto forcehis materialto fithis thesis.The new Persianenmity whichdescribes thewickedness of towardtheJewsis documented bya story boththeJewsandthePersians, buttheeditorial introduction (297)andconoftheformer andhighlight clusion(301)to thestoryignorethewickedness isexpressed thatofthelatter. ThenewPersianpolicytowardtheSamaritans in the wishful of but leaves the readerlitSanballat, Josephus only thinking tle doubtthatDarius was preparedto complywithSanballat'swishes. theold Persian of thePersianmantle,continues theinheritor Alexander, is the not the new. he maneuvered True, wilySanballatinto by policies, forthebuilding ofa temple(324),butin theendthe granting permission to Bagoses nonetheless Samaritans are discomfited (340-44). In contrast thetempleandinterfered withthesacrificial whoprofaned cult,Alexander ThePersian andoffers a sacrifice. thetemple, venerates thepriests, respects thusforma contrasting andAlexander pair,theonewickedand leadership theotherrighteous andsuccessful.63 failing, 61. Cf. 2 Maccabees: thesinsofwickedhighpriestsbringthepollutionof thetempleby a gentilemonarch.Redemptioncomes whenboth thehighpriestsand thegentilemonarchare replaced. 62. At this point Josephus obviously knew nothing about the Persian persecutions describedby Hecataeus (CA 1.191) or about the JewishrevoltagainstOchus chronicledby Eusebius(Chroniclead 359 a. Chr.) and otherwriters(see CA 1.194withthenoteof Menahem 1974-1980],1:43). Stern,Greekand LatinAuthorsonJewsandJudaism,2 vols. [Jerusalem, 63. Such contrastingpairs appear elsewherein Josephus,e.g., AntiochusEpiphanes and AntiochusSidetes(AJ13.243),and JohnofGischala and Titus(BJ6.93-95).

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In theperiodofCyrus,Persianhegemony waslegitimated byprophecy. thecollapseof theBabylonians Daniel predicted and Isaiahpredicted the riseofthePersians. Therefore claimsthatMacedonianhegemony Josephus too was legitimated by thedivine,not onlythrough prophecybut also a dream. through I suggested abovethatin theoriginalepiphany saw a storyAlexander his The dream the before assault on Jerusalem. God warning night planned of theJews,in theformof thehighpriest,warnedhimnotto touchhis people.In the extantversionof the storythewarningdreamhas been dreamwhichgivesdivinesanctionto Alexreplacedby an exhortatory

ander's conquests. Alexandertells Parmenionthat while still at Dion in Macedonia he saw a figurein a dreamexhortinghimto attackthePersians and assuringhimof victory(334-35). In antiquitygeneralsand kingsroutinely,and especiallyat theiraccessionto power,werehonoredwithvisions sentbythegods,and Alexanderwas no exception.64 At Tyrehe saw a dream in whichHeracles,thegod ofthecity(= Melqart),beckonedto himand led him into the city.65In the romanceAlexander'sdreamsplay an important role. In one dreamSarapis assuredhimofworlddominionand revealedto him the eternalgloryof Alexandria.In anotherAmmonappeared to him himhow to proceed.66 and instructed Alexander'sdreamin theAntiquities is of this type,perhaps a Jewishversionof a dream which was originally ascribedto someothergod.67 More effective than dreamsforthe legitimationof powerwere omens and oraclesbecausethey,unlikedreams,wereusuallypublic.Alexander,no less than many Roman emperors(e.g., Vespasian),68industriously sought out favorableomensand oracles.His visitsto theoracleofApollo at Delphi

64. See, e.g., Cohen,p. 109,n. 37, and Merkelbach(n. 57), p. 39; J.RufusFears,Princepsa diiselectus(Rome, 1977). 65. Arrian2.18.1; Curtius4.2.17; Plutarch,Alexander24.3 (wherePlutarchjuxtaposesitto a dreamoftheTyrians,therebycreatinga "double-dream"story). 66. Ps.-Kallisthenes1.33.7-11 (pp. 34-37, ed. Kroll) and 2.13 (pp. 80-81, ed. Kroll). 67. This possibilitywas well notedby Bfichler, p. 13. Gutmann,pp. 282-85, suggeststhat the dreamis based on the Heraclesstory,whileAbel, p. 51, suggeststhatit is a judaizationof Alexander'ssacrificesto thegods at Dion as describedby Diodorus Siculus 17.16.3,butI have not foundany singleeventor dreamwhichis theobvious model fortheJewishstory.In later versionstheAmmondreamreferred to in n. 66 was judaized (christianized?) bytheadditionof Phinehasto Ammon(Vita Alexandri,p. 59, ed. Trumpf)or by thereplacementof Ammonby Jeremiah (see Trumpf'sapparatus). 68. It was Josephushimselfwho gave Vespasianone oftheoracleswhichbestoweddivine on thenewrulinghouse. legitimation

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and Ammon at Siwah are famous.At both he receivedpredictionsof his futuregreatness.69 Not to be outdone,theJewstoo pointedto their"oracles" whichpredictedAlexander'sconquests:thebook of Daniel. Whileat JerusalemAlexanderwas shownthe book of Daniel and learnedthatthe God of theJewshad preordainedthatone of theGreekswould destroythe Persianempire(337). Who was theauthorwho convertedAlexander'sdreamof warningto a an dreamofexhortation, and insertedtheDaniel episodeintothenarrative, episode whichis an integralpartof neitherthe epiphanynor the adventus stories?To rephrasethe question: Which Jewwishedto show thatAlexander's conquest of Persia was effectedwith divine approval and divine aid?70I suggestthatit was Josephus.In theJewishWarhe piouslydeclares thatGod approvesof the Roman dominionover theJews.He inventsthe fictionthatCyrusread Isaiah.7' He is familiarwiththetraditionabout AlexHence he maywell andertheGreat,boththehistoricaland theromantic.72 Dion based on a been the one to create the dream have pagan modeland to inserttheDaniel episodeintothenarrative,73 makingbothchangesin order ofthePersian,and theancestorof to bestowdivinesanctionon theinheritor theRoman,ruleovertheJews.74

69. Delphi: Plutarch,Alexander14.4. Siwah: Arrian3.3-4; Diodorus 17.49-51; Plutarch, Alexander26-27; CurtiusRufus4.7; Kallisthenes,FGrH 124 F 14a. I do not thinkthatthe Josephanstoryis modeledon theSiwahstory. of 70. The authorof 1 Macc. was not such a Jew;see 1 Macc. 1:1-9 withthecommentary JonathanGoldstein(New York, 1976). 71. As faras I have been able to determinethismotifappears nowhereelse independently of Josephus.It is notrabbinic(Urbach [n. 56], p. 370) and is not mentionedby Ginzberg,Legends(n. 55), 4: 353 (withthenotes).In one rabbiniclegendCyrusreadsDaniel (Song ofSongs Rabbah 3.4). 72. Historical:AJ2.347-48 (for parallelssee Jacoby'scommentaryon FGrH 124 F 31). Romantic:BJ7.245. Jewishstoriesabout Alexander:BJ2.487-88; CA2.35, 37, 42-44, and 72 (civilrightsin Alexandria);CA1.192and 201-5. 73. The Daniel "oracle" parallelsbothAlexander'spagan oraclesand Cyrus'sIsaiah "oracle." Thus the beginningof AJ11 (Cyrus-Isaiah)correspondsto its conclusion(AlexanderThat it was Josephuswho inserawaitsinvestigation. Daniel). Josephus'suse of ringstructure KleineSchriften, to Daniel inthenarrativeis suggestedbyPfister, tedthereference p. 321,n. 60; Kasher, p. 199; and Arnaldo Momigliano,"Flavius Josephusand Alexander'sVisitto Jeru57 (1979): 446-47. salem,"Athenaeum 74. The divine approval grantedthe Macedonians was forfeitedby AntiochusIV who favoredtheSamaritans(AJ12.257-64) and profanedthetemple.

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V AJ 11.302-47 is wovenout ofthreestrands:

(1) A storyabout Sanballatand Alexander (2) A storyabout Jaddusand Alexander

ormotif (2a) Anadventus story

(2b) An epiphanystoryor motif Data about Persianand Macedonianhistory. (3) ofthismaterialis mostobscuresinceno extantauthorearlier The prehistory than Josephus,who completedhis JewishAntiquitiesin 93/4 C.E., betrays any knowledgeof either(1) or (2), and it is likelythat all post-Josephan authorswho retellthis materialdepend upon Josephuseitherdirectlyor If, as I have suggested,it was Josephuswho combinedthethree indirectly. strandswitheach other,we cannot determinethe date and provenanceof one strandby thedate and provenanceof anothersinceJosephusmayhave combinedmaterialof disparateorigins.Ratherthantranscribehis sources verbatim,Josephparaphrasedthem,adding,changing,and omittingwhatever he wished.75Hence we cannot relyupon isolatedmotifsor phrasesto revealto us the originsof thethreestrandsof AJ 11.302-347,sincewe can neverbe certainthatanygivenphraseor motifwas partofthepre-Josephan source. Unfortunately,scholars have ignored these problems. Many have ascribedan Alexandrianprovenanceto theJaddusand Sanballatstorieson thegroundsthattheyreflecttheJewish-Samaritan tensionswithinthatcity the Jaddusstoryhas nothingto do withthe (cf.AJ12.10and 13.74-79). But Samaritans,is not dependentupon theSanballatstory,and probablycirculated fora long timebeforebeingjuxtaposed to a storyabout the Samaritans.76Similarly,BiichlerarguedthattheJaddusstorywas composedin the period of JuliusCaesar on thegroundsthatit refersto an exemptionfrom

75. Cohen,pp. 24-47. 76. Biichler,p. 13, argued thatthe Jaddus storyis an imitativereactionto the Sanballat story but its literaryparallels show that the Jaddus storywas once independent.Under Biichler'sinfluencemanyscholarshave assignedan Alexandriananti-Samaritanoriginto the story.See Marcus's appendixin theLoeb editionand GeorgeFoot Moore,JudaismintheFirst Centuriesof the ChristianEra, 3 vols. (Cambridge,Mass., 1927), 1: 24. Willrich(n. 41), pp. 11-13, deduced from the alleged anti-Samaritantendencya (Palestinian?) settingunder Cumanus.

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taxesin theseventhyear(338), a boon thatwas grantedtheJewsby Caesar (AJ14.202and 206). But thisargumentis precariousformanyreasons,not leastofwhichis our ignoranceofthepreciseformulation ofJaddus'request in the originalstory.Josephus(or someone else) may have modifiedthe request to make it prefigurethe Caesarian exemption.By employing Biichler'slogicwe could concludethattheJaddusstoryis ofBabylonianoriginon thegroundsthatAlexanderis said to guaranteetherightsoftheJews of Babyloniaand Media (338).77 When we seek to determinethe date and provenanceof theJaddusstorywe mustrelyupon the fundamentalstructureand messageofthestoryas a wholeand notupon itsdisjectamembra. The aim of theadventusstorywas to finda place fortheJewsin Hellenistichistory,to showthattheconqueroroftheworldconsideredJerusalem worthyof a visitand the Jewsworthyof respect.Like everyoneelse, of course, the Jewsaccepted Macedonian sovereignty:beforehis departure Alexanderguaranteesthe Jews'rightto follow theirancestrallaws. The mostplausiblesettingforthisstoryis thepre-Maccabeanperiod,whenthe Jewslooked benevolently upon gentiledominion.This conclusionwould be ifwe could be surethatthereference to theancestrallaws almosta certainty was an integralpartof thestoryand not a lateraddition,sinceappeal to an Alexandrianprecedentforpermissionto followthe ancestrallaws would have been mostusefulduringthePtolemaicand Seleucidperiods.78For the Jewsin the Maccabean period,who prided themselveson theirvictories over the Macedoniansand told storiesabout thesavingpowerof God and thesuccessof thosewho trustedin him(Daniel, 1 Maccabees, Judith),this adventusstoryabout a polite Macedonian king and obedientJewswas It therefore was convertedintoan epiphanystorywhoseaim unsatisfactory. was to demonstratethe power of the God of Israel. Even Alexanderthe 77. Josephushad connectionswithtrans-Euphratean Jewry(BJ 1.6) and knewhistorical traditions emanatingfromthatarea (AJ3.318-19; 10.264-65; 11.131-33; 18.310-79; 20.17-96; cf.CA 1.192). It is possiblethattheJewsof Babyloniaand Media toldtheirown storiesabout Alexanderthe Great(in responseto theadventusof Alexanderat Babylon?See thepassage of ofsucha storywiththePalestiniArriancitedin n. 14.) and thatAJ11.338combinesa fragment an Jaddusstory. 78. EspeciallythetimeofAntiochusIII; see n. 41 above. It is notimpossiblethattheadventus storyoriginatedin the Maccabean period, when the Jewsinventeda genealogicallink betweenthemselvesand theSpartans(1 Macc. 12) and soughtto finda place forthemselvesin thepoliticsoftheHellenisticworld.The adventusstory"putstheJewson themap." All in all I thinkan earlierdate is moreplausible.

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Great had to bow in homageto God and had to leave theJewsin peace. (It is possiblethattheepiphanystoryabout Alexanderonce circulatedindependentlybeforebeingcombinedwiththeadventusstory.)Sharedconcernsand motifslinkthisadventus-epiphany of Palestineofthe storyto theliterature second halfof the second centuryB.C.E.79It is thisstorywhichformsthe basis oftheaccountin AJ 11.80 AlthoughAlexandriawas the creativecenterformanytraditionsconcerningAlexander,bothhistoricaland novelistic,it is unlikelythatourJaddus storyhails fromthat city.AlexandrianJewsspoke of Alexanderthe Great as the grantorand guarantorof theircivic rights,"but our story makes no such claim. Alexanderpromisesto protecttherightsof theJews not onlyin Palestinebut also in Babyloniaand Media, areas whichhe had not yetconquered,but he does not make a similarpromiseregardingthe Jewsin thecitieswhichhe was goingto build.In theAgainstApion,a work based upon AlexandrianJewishsourcesand concernedwiththeproblems faced by AlexandrianJewry,Josephusgivesa listof monarchswho sacrificedat thetemplein Jerusalemor otherwiseshowedrespectto theJews(CA 2.42-64) but omits Alexander'svisitto Jerusalem.This omissiondemonstratesnot only Josephus'ssloppinessbut also the factthat Alexandrian apologistsdid not know the Palestinianstoryabout Alexander.Similarly, thenarrativein AJ11omitsor contradictsrelevantinformation containedin 79. For some of the sharedmotifssee sectionIII above. Thereare otherstoo. WithAlexander's invitationto theJewsto join his army(339), comparethesimilarinvitationsissuedby DemetriusI (1 Macc. 10:36and 13:40).This parallelwas notedbyBiichler,p. 19,buthisdeductions are extreme.The "Phoeniciansand Chaldeans" readyto plunderJerusalem(AJ11.330) remindus oftheslave dealersof I Macc. 3:41 (cf.2 Macc. 8:11). Theirpresenceintheepiphany storyheightensthegloryof thesalvation,muchas Datis scoffedat Athenabeforethegoddess manifestedher power. ("Phoenicians" probablymeans "traders"and "Chaldeans" probably means "astrologers";see Marcus's notead loc. and Arrian6.22.4). The epiphanystoryalso has to 2 Macc. (see sectionIII above) althoughtheresemblancebetweenAJ11.326 manyaffinities and 2 Macc. 3:14-17 is superficial.Not appreciatingthedistinctionbetweentheadventusand to imaginePalestinianJewsinvenepiphanystories,Momigliano,p. 445, writes,"It is difficult tinga visitofAlexanderto Jerusalembetween170and 70 B.c." 80. Josephusadded thereference to Daniel, changedthenatureof Alexander'sdream(see sectionIV above), added the reference to Babyloniaand Media (see n. 77), and made many otherchangeswhichwe can no longeridentify. Josephusis also responsibleforgivingthestory itschronologicalsettingand forjuxtaposingitto materialabout theSamaritans(see sectionI). 81. For example,BJ2.487-88; CA2.35, 37, 42-44, 72; cf.AJ12.8. For a recentdiscussionof thesepassages,see AryehKasher, TheJewsinHellenisticand RomanEgypt[Hebrew](Tel Aviv, 1978),pp. 171-76.

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a workascribedto Hecataeus,in all likelihood a workofAlexandrian oriHencetheJaddusstoryis notAlexandrian butPalestinian.83 gin.82 Thehistorical Alexander didnotvisitJerusalem, didnotdo obeisanceto thehighpriest, anddidnotsacrifice to theGod ofIsrael.He wastoo busy theworldto botherwithan insignificant inlandpeopleliving conquering around a smalltemple.ButAlexander's affected theJewsdeeply journey

nonetheless.Whentheytold storiesabout himtheytoldthemin Greekand adoptedtheliterary genresoftheGreeks.As thetensionbetweentheadventus and epiphanystoriesdemonstrates, it was not always easy to decide whetherAlexandersurrendered to theJewsor theJewssurrendered to Alexander. Jewish ofAmerica Theological Seminary 3080Broadway NewYork,NY 10027

82. Hecataeus reportsthatAlexandergave Samaria to theJews"freeof tribute"(CA2.43) of Alexander'streatment butin AJ11Josephusknowsno suchthingalthoughhe is contrasting of theSamaritans.In CA 1.192 Hecataeus reportsthatAlexander theJewswithhis treatment orderedhis soldiers,Jewsincluded,to aid in therebuildingofthetempleofBel. WhentheJews refusedtheywerepunisheduntilAlexanderrelented.This contradictsAJ11.339whereAlexander assureshis Jewishvolunteersthattheymayremainloyalto theirancestrallaws. This is not theplace fora discussionof thepassages ascribedto Hecataeus. If genuine,theyare of Egyptianorigin;iffake,theyprobablyare of Egyptian(i.e., AlexandrianJewish)origin.For a brief Historiker see Nikolaus Walter,Fragmentejiidisch-hellenistischer discussionand bibliography, aus hellenistisch-r6mischer Zeit, vol. 1,part2), pp. 144-53. Schriften (Giitersloh,1976;Jiidische The Hecataean passagesquotedbytheContraApionemare ascribedbyBen Zion Wacholderto earlyPtolemaicPalestine,butthisviewis notconvincing;see hisEupolemus:A StudyofJudaeoGreekLiterature(Cincinnati,1974), pp. 262-73. The protagonistsof the Jewish-Samaritan debatein Egypt(AJ13.74-79) also do notreferto Alexander. of theAlexandrianview,see Momigliano(n. 73), p. 445. By 83. For a recentendorsement assumingthe unityof the Jaddusand Sanballat stories,Wacholder,pp. 293-95, ascribesa Palestinianoriginto AJ11.302-47.

The Checkered Career of "Jew" King: A Study in Anglo-Jewish Social History Author(s): Todd M. Endelman Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 69-100 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486407 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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THE CHECKERED CAREER OF "JEW"KING: A STUDY IN ANGLO-JEWISHSOCIAL HISTORY by TODD M. ENDELMAN I

Jewish has tendedto ignoretheprivate Contemporary historiography intheeightsideofthestruggle forJewish into integration Europeansociety concentrated on eenthand nineteenth centuries. most work has Instead, efforts achieve and to modto public acceptance respectability-programs ernizeJewish Jewish normalize Jewish reform education, worship, occupaIn and methodsto Jewish tions,and applycriticalstandards scholarship. historians havefocusedtheirattention on thatsmallgroupof particular, Jewish that notableswhomanagedtheaffairs oftheorganized community, Jewswhoeverywhere directed thecampaign foremancipais,thosewealthy tionandthemodernization lifeandlaterthedefense in ofJewish ofJudaism thefaceofa renewed antisemitism. Needlessto say,thisgrouphardlyconin anylocalityand in manyplaces stituted a majority of thecommunity NOTE: I am gratefulto the MemorialFoundationforJewishCultureforfundingthisresearch and to StephenPoppel,JackRakove, and SheldonRothblattforoffering manyvaluablecommentsand suggestions.

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oftheJewish hautebourgeoisie. Yetmanyof probablynotevena majority Jewswhotookno activepartin communal thesewell-to-do affairs wereas as the communal notables to for themselves outside eager gainacceptance and the theJewish Indeed,in mostcasestheirtiesto Judaism community. Jewish wereweaker;conversely, into theirdesireforintegration community non-Jewish spheres usuallystronger. The efforts ofwell-to-do Jewsto maketheirwayintorespectable Gentilecirclesweakenedthecohesiveness lifeand transofJewish communal thecharacter ofJewish-Gentile Theimpactofthissocial formed relations. did not on the or intelcommunal climbing depend,however, prominence of thoseJewsseekingto abandontheworldof their lectualpreeminence theJewishness fathers. To non-Jews, oftheJewish parvenuwas notmeaofhisinvolvement incommunal suredbytheextent affairs ofreligious life. To limit,as JacobKatz has done,thediscussion oftheoriginsofJewish to Jewswhowereself-consciously committed tothetransformamodernity is to excludefromthehistory ofthisperiodall buta handtionoftradition fulofleadersandtheircloseassociates.Thus,forexample,inhisJewsand in Europe,Katz decidedthatthoseBerlinJewswhojoined Freemasons tohisaccount masoniclodgesas earlyas the1760sand 1770sweremarginal becausetheirnamesdidnotoccurinthestandard sourcesusedbyhistorians ofthehaskalah:"The Jewish nameslistedin theMasonicrosters ofthose daysarenotknownto us fromanyothersource.We mustassumethat,if and unprincipled likesomementioned characters, theywerenotdoubtful who before, theywereat leastunconventional persons wereanxiousto find theirwayindividually intothenon-Jewish world."'Surelytheencounter in Western on a betweenJewand non-Jew and CentralEuropeoccurred muchbroaderstagethanKatzandothers haveimagined. MorethanmostEuropeancities,GeorgianLondonoffered exceptional Jews.Therewerefew foradvancement to "unconventional" opportunities TheJewish commutoJewish socialandeconomic movement. legalbarriers no policeauthority overindividual Jews,sincetherewasno nityexercised Londonitselfwas suchas existedon thecontinent.2 community organized thelargest ofover900,000in 1800-almost cityinEurope,witha population 1. JacobKatz, JewsandFreemasonsinEurope,1723-1939 (Cambridge,Mass., 1973),p. 24. communallifein theGeorgianperiodand thelegal 2. For the characterof Anglo-Jewish statusof EnglishJews,see Todd M. Endelman,TheJewsofGeorgianEngland,1714-1830: Traditionand Changeina LiberalSociety(Philadelphia,1979),pp. 10,24-25, 45, 113,122,131-32, 142-48.

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twicethatofParis,thesecondlargest cityinEurope.Itscomplexandlargely of life allowed anddrive urban personswithambition unregulated patterns Socialrelations between variousgroupswere muchroomformaneuvering. fixedbut,within certainbounds,remarkably fluid.Therewere notrigidly fortunes to be made,socialheights to be scaled,sexualfavorsto be won. thegoverning class,flockedto Londonto enjoyits Englishlandowners, Theirhedonistic ethicof consumption and pleasuresand entertainments. as wellas theirhealthy regardforthepursuitofwealthin a expenditure, offields(ruralandurbanrealestate;mining, stocks fisheries, timber; variety and bonds),madeLondona havenforadventurers andclimbers whoknew aristocratic needsandexploitaristocratic weaknesses. howtosatisfy JohnKing-who was bornJacobReyand knownpopularly as "Jew" in a notorious who flourished the moneylender freewheeling King-was London.He wasnota communal oflate-Georgian notablebut atmosphere one of themostwell-known Jewsin Londonbetween was, nevertheless, 1780and 1820.His careerexhibited features andcannot manyoutrageous intotheusualcategories fordiscussing thedissolution oftraeasilybe fitted lifeandtheintegration ofJewsintonewspheres ditionalJewish ofactivity. hiscareeris nolessrepresentative In onesense,however, thanthatofMoses was as in his who unconventional own Mendelssohn, wayas Kingwasin newdirections-Mendelssohn intherealmof his.Each movedin radically intellectual socialrelations. A comdiscourse, Kinginthesphereofconcrete pictureof theentryof theJewsintoEuropeansocietymust prehensive includethelivesofthe"Jew"Kingsofhistory as muchas thelivesofthe MosesMendelssohns. The former areas instructive as thelatter-ifforno otherreasonthanthatthereweremanymoreJewish andadvenparvenus turers thanphilosophers. II

JacobReywasbornaround1753,presumably in London,although he was possiblybornabroadand came to Englandas a youngchild.3His 3. The exactdate ofJacob Rey's birthis unknown.Accordingto IsraelSolomons,Reywas admittedto the charityschool of the Spanish and PortugueseJewsin 1764 and was about elevenyearsold at the time.Notes and Queries,10thser. 9 (1908): 428. Solomons made this statement on thebasis ofa minutebook ofthecharityschool thatwas in hispossessionin 1908 and was sold subsequentlyto thelibraryof theJewishTheologicalSeminaryof America.The library,however,has been unableto locatetheminutebook forme. In anycase, a birthdateof 1753would fitwellwithotherclueswe have about hisage at different dates.Thus,around 1804,

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MosesRey,wasa humblestreet ofNorthAfrifather, trader, undoubtedly the can or Gibraltarian he affected to do busiorigin, judgingby persona to one account,Moses Reycalledhimself ness.According "Sultan"and dressedin "Turkish"garbas he hawkedcane-strings, condoms,sealing andcoffee housesofLondon.Another wax,andbawdybooksin thestreets hismoney sourcedescribed Mosesas a "Turkish" Jewwhohadsquandered in speculations and highlivingand consequently was forcedto spendthe lastfewyearsofhislifetraveling as a peddler inthecountryside fromMonSince Jewish hawkers of and African orito Gibraltarian North day Friday.4 wore costume while their it seems Levantine hawking wares, gincommonly to EnglikelythatMosesReywas partofthisstreamofJewish migration land.5 fromthemassofJewish traders inEnglandin MosesReydiffered street withthe hewassufficiently todispense oneimportant respect: "prosperous" ofhiselevenyearold sonJacob,whowasthusallowedto earnings potential whichaided hiseducation continue intohisadolescent years,an advantage tomoveinspheres ofEnglish thatwereclosed himinhislaterefforts society to thecharity schoolofthe to mostJews.In 1764,JacobReywasadmitted Jews. Unlike the schools ofthe and traditional Jewish Spanish Portuguese in secular this school offered instruction both and Ashkenazim, religious itwasfound witha markedemphasis on thelatter.(For example, subjects, in 1779thatmostof the boyscould not read eventhedailyservicein WhenJacobReyleftschoolin 1771,thewardensofthecharity Hebrew.6) he wrotethathe was "in theeveningofhis life"-i.e., about fifty yearsold ifwe assumethathe DeemedNo InjusticeTowardsSome Individuals, was bornaround 1753.[JohnKing],Oppression Illustrated in theLate Treatment (London, ofBankruptcy ofMr. JohnKingundera Commission [ca. 1804]),p. 27. As to theplace of Jacob Rey's birth,thereis a listof aliensin theMansion House Sessions Book for 1796(i.e., fromtheperiodof intensexenophobiaand invasionhyswars on the Continent)that includesthe name John teriaassociated withthe revolutionary in Englandin theEighteenth Rey. [VivianD. Lipman,"Sephardiand OtherJewishImmigrants JewishHistorical Century,"in Migrationand Settlement:Proceedingsof theAnglo-American Conference... July1970 (London, 1971),p. 61.] No address,occupation,age, or place ofbirth is indicated.Nor is thereany reasonto believethatKing would have givenhis namein such a thereis a smallpossibilitythat peculiarfashion-half-Englishand half-Spanish.Nevertheless, thisJohnReyindeedmighthave beenthesamepersonas JohnKing. TakenfromtheJournalofHis Predaand Confessions 4. Authentic Memoirs,Memorandums, torialMajesty,theKingoftheSwindlers(London, n.d.),pp. 27-28; "JohnKing," TheScourge1 (1811): 1. to England,see Endelman,TheJewsofGeorgian 5. For thisaspectof Jewishimmigration pp. 42-43. England,p. 341,n. 5, and Lipman,"Sephardiand OtherJewishImmigrants," 6. JamesPicciotto,SketchesofAnglo-Jewish History,ed. Israel Finestein(London, 1956), p. 162.

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offivepoundstoapprentice himas a clerkina Jewish house paida premium intheCity,againan advantage thatfewJewish at the time youth enjoyed.7 a fewyearsof Unquestionably Reywasan ambitious youngman.Within hisnameand was knownthereafter as John leavingschool,he anglicized to pronounce or spell, King.' Sincehis Spanishnamewas hardlydifficult thisdecisionprobablyrepresented a consciouseffort to avoidthepopular odiumattachedto Jews.Moreover, as it was commonin mid-eighteenthJewish characters to century EnglandforstageJewsand otherstereotyped bearextravagant there was an additional incentive for names, Spanish-like ofhisIberian-Jewish Suchnamechangeswere Reyto ridhimself pedigree. notusual amongtheJewsof GeorgianEngland,however.Evenwealthy whohad severedtheirtieswiththeJewish suchas Sephardim community, SamsonGideon,David Ricardo,and ManassehMassehLopes,did not trouble to anglicize theirnames.Thus,JacobRey'sdecisiontobecomeJohn moveto deemphasize hisJewish Kingshouldbe seenas a self-conscious background. YoungKing'sdesireto succeedinlifealsoledhimtoacquirea rudimenof thelaw. Aftercompleting hisclerkship in theCity,he taryknowledge articled himself to an attorney a for shortperiod.9 In theeighteenth century theattorney wasa muchdespisedfigure; hisservices wereneeded although foralmostall property hisstanding inthelegalworldwaslow. transactions, inan attorney's fora legal office, Byplacinghimself Kingwasnotpreparing withthosebranchesof thelaw that career,butratherbecomingfamiliar wouldbe helpful tohiminthecareeruponwhichhewastoembark orpossiFroman attorney who was bly had embarkedalready-moneylending. shrewdin moneymatters, wills, Kingcouldlearnmuchaboutmortgages, andotherkindsofproperty agreements. The Bythetimehe was twenty-one, Kingwasactiveas a moneylender. mistress ofthePrinceofWales, newlymarriedMaryRobinson,thefuture recalledin hermemoirs thatherhusbandfrequently borrowed moneyfrom whichtookplacesometime in late 1773or Kingjust aftertheirmarriage, 1774."AboutthisperiodI observedthatMr. Robinsonhad frequent visi7. IsraelSolomons,Notesand Queries,10thser.9 (1908): 428. 8. In 1775,in a Portugueseletterto thewardensof theSephardicharityschool,he signed his name "Jacob Rey," but the Englishtranslationof the letter,which was insertedin the recordsat thetime,was signed"JohnKing." Ibid. 9. Authentic Memoirs,p. 28; "JohnKing," TheScourge1(1811): 2; TheGentleman's Magazine,vol. 94, pt. 1(1824): 184.

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torsoftheJewish tribe;thathewasoftenclosetedwiththemandthatsome towhichI wasa totalstranger. was secret Among negotiation goingforward visitor." Withmuchdisdainsheremarked Mr. was a constant others, King that"theparlourofourhousewas almostas muchfrequented byJewsas ithadbeentheirsynagogue."'1 though King'schoiceof a tradeappearsas puzzlingat first.One wouldnot insocialcirclesoutsidetheJewexpecttofinda Jew,anxiousforacceptance a calling.Theassociainso opprobrious hisfortune ishcommunity, seeking washoary,datingbacktotheHighMiddle tionofJewswithmoneylending intheJewish economic pursuit Ages,whenitwasthesinglemostimportant monand ofEngland,northern communities France, Germany. Longafter the in Ashkenazi critical role the a had ceased to economy, play eylending and hardhearted hard-dealing, and usurious, mythoftheJewas grasping as Georgian a society alive.Eveninso commercially remained sophisticated to viewthemen bloc as usurers, England,criticsof theJewscontinued thestaninthesensethattheytransferred butmoreoften sometimes literally dardsofusurytoothertradesinwhichtheyhadbecomeactive."Thisassowas given usurioussensibility and a grasping, ciationbetweenJewishness unsuca James Charles in a attributed to Fox, notoriously expression quip Thomas from Jewish borrowed who cessful moneylenders. heavily gambler withFox andotherparliamenso thestorywent,wastalking Townshend, in theHouseofComwinter tarycolleaguesofthedebatesthepreceding onhislegsinanyone that"Fox hadneverbeenoftener monsandobserved session.'True,'answeredCharles,who lovedto joke on his ownmisfor"92 tunes,'fortheJewsleftmenota chairtositon.' as a body of a usuriousoutlookto Anglo-Jewry The attribution oftheJew, aboutthecharacter ofmyth-making notonlycenturies reflected of centuries and the into the but eighteenth early-nineteenth persistence acted These trade. inthepersonalmoney involvement Jewish moneylenders 10. MaryRobinson,MemoirsofMaryRobinson-"Perdita"(London, 1895),pp. 80-81. 11. Captain Gronow, an observerof upper-classcomings and goings in the Regency period,devoteda chapterin his memoirsto "JewMoney Lenders,"in whichhe made thelink betweenJewishusuryand Jewishdeviousnessin otherfields.". . . If he [theJew]can become to a straightforward theagentof any dirtywork,[he] is onlytoo happyto be so, in preference and honesttransaction. .. a class of traderswho in all partsof theworldare sureto embrace commerce."Rees HowellGronow,Reminiscences whatmaybe termedillicitand illegitimate of Captain Gronow,2d rev. ed. (London, 1862), p. 183. 12. B. C. Walpole, The Life of theLate RightHonorableCharlesJamesFox (New York, 1811),p. 29.

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and commercial but not as suppliersof capitalforindustrial expansion, members the to of ofloansforpersonalconsumption ratheras providers in the upperclasswholivedbeyondtheirmeans.The maniaforgambling sentscoresofwellconnected centuries andearly-nineteenth late-eighteenth to a censorious According moneylenders. youngmenin searchofJewish of 1784, heavily capitalized, lavishly appointed gamingclubs pamphlet "seduced"and"ruined"theyounginexperienced who, gentleman, as a conwas older associates "to introduced Jews,toannuity brokers, by sequence, and to thelongtrainof moneylenders"whostoodready"to answerhis Earlof pecuniary calls."'3CharlesJamesFox,thePrinceofWales,thethird were the better known fourth Earl of Sandwich Orford,and the among Thothelastdecadesofthecentury.14 clients ofJewish during moneylenders twoheavy1784engraving masRowlandson's "MoneyLenders"presented documents examining being carefully jowledJewswiththickdarkfeatures offered to themby an elegantyoungbuckseatedat hisbreakfast table."5 thepassionforgambling fastened on the Muchoftheliterature bewailing in the mania. Rees Howell roleofJewish moneylenderssustaining Captain 13. AndrewSteinmetz,TheGamingTable:Its Votariesand Victims, 2 vols. (London, 1870), 1: 113-17. Accordingto Steinmetz,therewereonlyhalfa dozen gaminghousesin London in the 1780sbut nearlyfifty by 1820(1: 122). This passion forgambling,it shouldbe noted,was fueledby the agriculturalprosperityof theseyears,whichswelledthe rentrollsof thegentry and aristocracy. 14. Endelman,TheJewsofGeorgianEngland,pp. 212-13. Fox was ?50,000in debtbefore he came of age; in the winterof 1773-1774,his debts amountedto ?140,000; at his father's deathlaterthatyear,theywereover? 154,000.He referred to theantechamberin his house in St. James'sPlace as the JerusalemChamberbecause it was so frequently filledwithJewish JohnW. Derry,CharlesJamesFox (London, 1972),p. 50; Steinmetz,TheGammoneylenders. sourcesrelatethefollowingstoryregarding Table,1: 309 and 316. A numberofcontemporary withJewishmoneylenders. Charles'selderbrotherStephen,heirto the ing Fox's involvement titleand propertyof theirfatherLord Holland,was in poor healthand himselfwithoutan heir, so itwas believedthatCharlesmightsucceedeventuallyto thetitle.This probabilitygave hope to Fox's creditorsthattheywould be paid some day.Whena son was bornto Stephen,Charles was called out of the JerusalemChamber,wherea numberof his JewishcreditorsweregaththeJewsnoticeda look ofdisappointment on his ered,to be told thenews.Whenhe returned, faceand exclaimed,"Vas is de matter?Vas is de matter,MasterFox?" "Bad enough,indeed," repliedCharles,"here is a second Messiah come to plague you all." Walpole, CharlesJames Fox, pp. 28-29. The storyalso appears in EdwardGibbon, The LettersofEdwardGibbon,ed. J. E. Norton,3 vols. (New York, 1956), 1: 382, and Horace Walpole, The Lettersof Horace Walpole,FourthEarl of Oxford,ed. Mrs. Paget Toynbee,16 vols. (Oxford,1904),8: 367 and 370. 15. This engravingis reproducedin Endelman, The Jews of GeorgianEngland,and in Eduard Fuchs, Die JudeninderKarikatur:Ein BeitragzurKulturgeschichte (Munich, 1921),p. 46.

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Gronow,a Regencydandyand observerof London society,admittedthat could notthriveiftherewereno borrowers:the the"Hebrew moneylenders his own notedthat"themildabout ruin,"butalso shrewdly gamblerbrings nessand civilitywithwhichtheChristianin difficulties alwaysaddressesthe moneyedIsraelitecontrastforciblywiththe opprobriousepithetslavished comes." Thomas Erskine,the future on him when the day for settlement lord chancellor,suggestedthat to extinguishthe gamblingmania moneylendingshouldbe curbed: Whentheoil is spent,thelampwillgo outofitself an extinguisher; without a manofwar,anditis as greata victory as toblowher drawoffthewaterfrom hisJewisthisverylampwithout oilorthis without up orsinkher.A gamester water.... 16 shipwithout Withmoneylending viewedas disreputableand as "Jewish,"whywould have JohnKing,who presumablywas eagerto shedthetaintofJewishness, made such a career choice? The answermay lie in the narrowrange of opportunities opento a youngJewwithoutcapitaland connectionsbutwith theambitionto riseabove theplace intowhichhe had beenborn.Military, offered careers,whichfrequently mobility legal,clerical,and parliamentary to cleveryoungmen withoutthe advantageof good birth,wereclosed to unconverted Jews,ifnotlegallyin everycase, at leastin practice.A mercansince tilecareercould nothaveheldout muchchanceofrapidadvancement, familiesengaged King was not connectedto any of thegreatAnglo-Jewish in overseas commerce.Moneylending,on the otherhand, could be very lucrativeif the lenderwas both shrewdand lucky.Moreover,therewas a ofseekingone's livelihoodin ways wellestablishedtraditionin Anglo-Jewry that respectableEnglishmenconsideredperipheralto the economic wellgrouponlyrecentlyarrivedin Britain, beingof the country.As a minority of well developedoccupationsand trades, Jewsgravitatedto theperiphery in areas oftheeconomythatwerenotdominatedby themselves establishing or at least nativeEnglishmen,oftenon the fringesof social respectability outsidethemainstreamof conventionalroutinesand practices."Of course, can neverbe theprecisecalculationsthatled King to becomea moneylender and on Gaming,Annuities, 16. Gronow,Reminiscences, p. 182;Thomas Erskine,Reflections 3d ed. (London, 1777),p. 14. UsuriousContracts, of thistheme,see Todd M. Endelman,"L'activit66conomique 17. For a fullertreatment des Juifsanglais,"Dix-HuitiemeSiecle 13(1981): 113-26.

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sinceheleftnoaccountofhisearlyyears,butcircumknownwithcertitude, evidence doespermit stantial alongtheselines. speculation hischoice,Kingrapidlyleftbehindtheworldof Whatever determined intowhichhehadbeenborn.In 1775,onlya fewyears hawkers andpeddlers oftheSephardi aftersetting out on hisown,he sent?100 to thetrustees forthebenefits and in the he had received,"8 schoolin gratitude charity ofBenjamin Sara,thedaughter springof 1776(19 Iyyar,5536),he married of the Nunes Lara and sisterof Moses Nunes Lara, futurebenefactor that indicate had Both clearly King Sephardisynagogue.19 accomplishments ifnotstanding, within a shorttime. becomea manofsubstance, inwhichKingengageddiffered Thelending transactions from markedly thosepursuedby government loan contractors suchas SamsonGideon, andNathanRothschild. JosephSalvador,theGoldsmidbrothers, Lending and compulsive fromtheupper moneyto dissolutewomanizers gamblers class was a high-risk, low-status and business,plaguedby uncertainties werenotknownfortheirprobity orfair irregularities. Georgiangentlemen ethosdisdained Contracts werenotto play.Thearistocratic moneymatters. be takenseriously becausemoneyitselfwasa scornful in subject.Cheating was and matters and boasted gambling, family sport,business, widespread ofWilliamCrockford, theupstart ofopenly.As thebiographer gambling house proprietor, of theGeorgianera werenot "Gentlemen remarked, . . . evenan aristocrat would theyliedandcheatedoutrageously, sportsmen; oftrickery anddownright suchas were stooptothelowestforms dishonesty Newmarket Heath."20King compracticedby the rogueswho infested aboutyoungmenjustoutofEtonwhorapidly learned"all plainedbitterly themysteries at highinterest" ofborrowing and thenjust as quickly"the modeofcancelling theobligation afterwards." thatmoremoney He thought wasmadeinoneyearbywell-born to who failed meettheirobli"sharpers" than and usurers in ten.CharlesJamesFox he gations byJewish Christian himdirectly ina pamsingledoutas particularly untrustworthy, addressing inLondon,JeworGentile, butshudphletof 1783:"Thereis notan usurer 18. Notesand Queries,10thser.9 (1908): 428. 19. Lionel D. Barnett,ed., BevisMarks Records:Contributions to theHistoryoftheSpanish and PortugueseCongregation ofLondon,vol. 2, AbstractsoftheKetubotor Marriage-Contracts oftheCongregation fromEarliestTimesuntil1836(Oxford,1949),p. 103. 20. HenryBlyth,Hell and Hazard, or, WilliamCrockford versustheGentlemen ofEngland (Chicago, 1970),p. iv. On thistheme,see also the examplescitedin Gordon RattrayTaylor, The AngelMakers: A Studyin thePsychologicalOriginsofHistoricalChange,1750-1850, 2d ed. (New York, 1974),pp. 99-100.

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dersat yourname;and thewholearmyofmoney-dealers flyat thefirst of glance youreye."2' In an erainwhichcheating wasthenorm,a youngmanwithout connecan outsider likea Jew,had to havesharpwitsand a dull tions,especially inan atmosphere toprosper. Debtswerecontracted thatencourconscience and lenderto seekto exploittheweaknesses ofeach aged bothborrower insuchcircumstances andan extravagance. In other.Honesty wasa liability secure his "Jew" was fraudulence to no fortune, embracing King doing oftheage,or,tobemoreprecise, morethangiving tothespirit to expression ofthosecircleswithwhomhedidbusiness. thestandards is knownto us largely "Jew"King'sconductinmoneymatters through ofhismanner theeyesofhisenemies, and,thus,an accuratereconstruction ofdoingbusinessis probablyunattainable. Still,it is possibleto describe linesalongwhichheoperated andtobereasomeofthemorecharacteristic himwas anddisrepute surrounding sonablysurethatmuchofthenotoriety his the to the of sources deserved, exaggerate wickdespite tendency amply have could beenconducted on edness.(Not all ofhismoneylending activity in had it been he could have remained active the a fraudulent not so, basis; tradeforfourdecades.) in thestrict MuchofthetimeKingfunctioned notas a moneylender, whonegothatis,as a middleman senseoftheterm, butas a money-broker, his own without tiatedloans forothers,takinga feeforhimself, risking wantedto likeKingexistedbecausemenofproperty funds.Money-dealers and Distressesin whichthePeace of 1783 Has 21. JohnKing, Thoughtson theDifficulties defaulters InvolvedthePeople ofEngland,5thed. (London, 1783),pp. 2-5. The mosthigh-born in late GeorgianEnglandwerethePrinceofWales and hisbrothers.In 1789,thePrinceand the Dukes of York and Clarenceasked AbrahamGoldsmid to raise moneyforthemin Europe there.Simeonand AbrahamBoas oftheHague agreedto advance throughhis correspondents them350,000guildersfortwelveyearsat fivepercentinterest,the loan to be repaid in four annual installments beginningDecember1, 1801.The Boas brothersreceivedthejoint bond of thethreeprinces,payableto themand vestingin thempowerofattorneyto dividethesecurity into sharesof one thousandguilderseach. The Boas brotherssold the entirebond. For two years,however,theyreceivedno moneyfromtheprincesso thattheyhad to pay theinterest to theshareholdersout offearthatthecreditoftheirhousewouldsuffer. themselves Eventually theywereforcedto stop paymentand became bankrupts.When FrenchtroopsoverranHolland in the winterof 1794-1795,theyseized all of the Boases' propertyincludingtheprinces' bond. Soon afterboth Simeonand Abrahamtook theirown lives.Whenthe Princeof Wales again approachedGoldsmidsome timelaterto negotiatea loan forhimon theContinent,he wiselydeclined.RobertHuish,Memoirsof GeorgetheFourth,2 vols. (London, 1831),2: 137; ArthurAspinall,ed., TheCorrespondence ofGeorge,Princeof Wales,1770-1812, 8 vols. (London, 1963-1971),2: 49.

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on theirmoney(a ratefrequently wellabovethe enjoya highrateofreturn rate interest of five at the same did of but, time, notwanttheir percent) legal be it be transactions to known. should wasregarded recalled, Usury, lending as contemptible andodious,a disagreeable associated with Jews.22 calling a money-broker ofemploying One further was thatit saved advantage outthoseinneedoffinancial A thelenderthebotherofseeking assistance. in largepart,ofhisknowledge ofand consisted, money-broker's expertise inneedofreadycash.In pursuit accesstothosecirclesmostfrequently ofhis the acquaintanceof high-living menand trade,King activelycultivated a somewhat womenoffashion. totheScourge, sensational According journal devotedto exposingcorruption, first became familiar withLonKing whenhemet"manydissipated don'shautmondeatthetimeofhismarriage andruinedgamblers" at hisfather-in-law's.23 noblemen amongthevisitors heentertained andfrequently ata number Later,havingprospered, lavishly inLondonat different ofhomesherented times.TheGentleman's Magazine that"he livedina verysplendid notedinhisobituary an open style, keeping to whichsuchcompany wereinvited as werelikelyto prove tableeveryday, either orbylending, Indeed,so bywanting, profitable, moneyon annuities." was the that his belief was inmotimercenary widespread hospitality merely vationthatthejournalist JohnTaylor,a friend ofKingforoverforty years, deniedtheaccusation inhismemoirs: "FromallI couldobserve specifically ofMr. King,I had nevertheleastreasonto believethatanyofhisinvitationswereforpecuniary purposes."24 Thisdefense of King'smotives was besidethepoint:no money-broker eagerto conductbusinessin theworldof fashioncould foregopersonal linkswithitsdenizensor do without thefinancial information aboutthe families that such ties with them. had to great brought Money-brokers knowabouttherent-rolls, themortgages, thedebts,and thewillsoftheir clients'families. In thisregard, admitted thatfrom"thepecuKinghimself liarcircumstances of mylife,I had peculiarmeansoflearning secrethis22. King, Thoughtson theDifficulties and Distresses,p. 4; Erskine,Reflections on Gaming, was fixedby law at fivepercent,but,accordp. 31. Between1714and 1833,therateof interest ing to JeremyBentham,writingin 1787,nobodylentat thatrate.The lowestusual rate,upon theverybestsecurity, was eightpercent,withnineand tenpercentevenmorecommon.Interest wentas highas thirteenand fourteenpercent.Jeremy Bentham,A Defenseof Usury, frequently 2d ed. (Philadelphia,1842),pp. 52-54. 23. "JohnKing," TheScourge1 (1811): 3. 24. TheGentleman's Magazine,vol. 94, pt. 1 (1824): 184;JohnTaylor,RecordsofMy Life,2 vols. (London, 1832),2: 341.

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tories."What CaptainGronowsaid of King's son Charles-a moneybroker inhisownright whowasalso knownas "Jew"King-mightequally he "had madethepeeragea complete be appliedto thefather: study,knew theexactpositionofeveryonewhowasconnected witha coronet, thevalue oftheirproperty, howdeeplytheestatesweremortgaged, andwhatincumbrancesweightedupon them."("Jew" King the younger, it shouldbe dinners hegave,bothathisLondon added,wasalsoknownfortheexcellent housein ClargesStreetand at his Thamesidevilla,CravenCottage,at Fulham.25) werenotlimited, to thewell-born however, King'smoneytransactions andthewell-connected. Atvarioustimesheoperated offices money-lending theirservices in theLondonpress.Usuallyhe didnotconand advertised ductthiskindofbusinessunderhisownnamebutarranged forothersto actas fronts forhim.Earlyinhiscareer, heopenedan office forexample, in ThreeKingCourt,LombardStreet, underthenameMessrs.JohnDear and spread,theneed Company.As hisnamebecameknownandhisreputation ina venture behinda facadeofChristian namesand tohidehisinvolvement Christianclerksmounted.By the early1780s,whenhis reputation had his difficult for him rent an office for it was to notorious, operations. grown ofa On severaloccasionswhenitbecameknownthathewastheproprietor firm the had to close down.26 office, money-lending hislifethathisreputamaintained Kingresolutely Although throughout thereis considerable evidence to indicate tionhadbeenunfairly blackened, ofclients whentheopportunity itself. thathetookadvantage One presented caseinvolved themillenarian wellpublicized JoannaSouthcott, particularly In 1806,threeof Southcott's chiefdisciples-William Sharp, prophetess. and John Wilson-decided to borrow to Robert money proMajor Eyre, to "Jew"Kingforhelp.Theygavehimbillsof motehermissionandturned theirsignatures, forover?2000.Kingwastoraisemoney exchange, bearing butintheendhe forthemon thesebillsbycirculating themtothirdparties, of onlyprovideda fraction thesumstheyexpected.Kingclaimedthathe andthat hadbeeninstructed toraisethemoneyat allrisksandon anyterms he had suppliedthemwithmoneywhentheycouldnotobtainitelsewhere. 25. John King, FourthLetterfrom Mr. King to Mr. Thomas Paine at Paris (London, pp. 183-8; CharlesJamesFeret,FulhamOld and New,3 [1795]),p. 6; Gronow,Reminiscences, vols.(London, 1900),3: 91-92. 26. "JohnKing," TheScourge1 (1811): 14; "Charles King," TheScourge1 (1811): 412-13; Authentic Memoirs,pp. 35-36, 86-87.

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At the end of the year,whentheyrefusedto repaythe fullamountof the bills,King took themto court.Theyclaimedin theirdefensethattheyhad neverreceivedtruevalue on thebillsand thattheyhad been arrestedon bills for whichtheyhad neverreceiveda penny.WhateverKing's conduct,the a littlefraudof their Southcottiansalso seem to have been contemplating own: in thetrialitbecameknownthattheywereexpectingthecomingofthe ofthebillswas due!27 millennium beforetherepayment King acquired a reputationforunsavoryfinancialdealingsearlyin his careerand neversucceededin losingit. He became entangledin numerous fromhisbusinessventures;hisnameappearedfrequently lawsuitsstemming context.On twooccain newspapersandjournals,usuallyin an unflattering in he fled in 1784 and the once sions, countryto avoid imprisonagain 1802, ment. On Christmasday, 1790, the Times describedKing, with heavyhandedsarcasm,as of doubtone ofthemostrespectable characters in this withoutanymatter anduntilthelaterattackonhim,thebreathofinfamy neverblewon country; hisreputation. In all hisdealings withmankind hehasbeenthestrict, upright, ofa fellow in honestman.He nevertookadvantage ofthedistresses creature, neverexactedexorbitant interest fordisordertorobhimofhisproperty-he a bill-he hasjustlypaideverydebthecontracted to theuttermost counting a fond-faithfuland in a domestic lineoflifehasprovedhimself farthing, anda feeling affectionate andpraiseworthy parent, lovinghusband-atender Chastein all hisactions-virtuous in everysentisteadyand sincerefriend. a Jew,and ment-andunsullied in hisreputation as a Man,a MoneyLender, a Christian. Twentyyearslaterthe Scourgesingledout "Jew" King and his son Charles as themostunscrupulousmoneylenders in London. It believed"theirinfluence to be moreextensiveand theirplans moredangerousthanthoseof all the othermoney-lenders collectively."In 1824, Francis Place, the radical "Jew" King as "an atrociousvillain,"claimingthatifan tailor,remembered accountofhisexploitswerewritten no one wouldbelieveit:"It could notbe believed that any man would ever have attempt[sic] to do manythings whichhe did, withoutincurring whichwould put it out of his punishments 27. JoannaSouthcott,An Accountof the Trialson Bills ofExchangewhereintheDeceit of Mr. JohnKing and His Confederates, underthePretenceof LendingMoney,is Exposed,and TheirArtsBroughtto Light(London, 1807); J. F. C. Harrison,The Second Coming:Popular 1780-1850 (London, 1979),pp. 128-29. Millenarianism,

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A thinly ofKinginoneof otheroffenses." veiledportrait powerto commit in PierceEgan'spopularaccountsofLondonhigh-andlow-life, published as him "an old scoundrel-a swindler-a described 1830, rogue-a money lendingvagabond."Old Mordecai,as Egan calledhim,"was so strongly thequirks,quibbles,andthechicanery ofthe aimedat all pointsrespecting withhiminmoneymatters wastruly ruinous.His law,thatanyconnexion deliberate." Indeed,hisrepuplanswerewelllaid-he wascold,systematic, someyearsafterhis tationwas suchthatitwas possiblefora hackwriter deathto linkKingwiththefarmorenotorious fence,IkeySolomons,an Jewthirty-five than Ashkenazi yearsyounger King,whomKingprobably with.Yetaccording business neverhadmet,letalonehadextensive dealings of IkeySolomons'exploits,Kingand Solomonsjoined to thischronicler forcesfora timeto defraudyoungnoblemenin needof readymoney.28 Afterall, was it not naturalforone Jewishrogueto be in leaguewith another? the thatclungto King throughout despitethe notoriety Amazingly, were a he never suffered from of clients. There always shortage young years, in needofreadymoneywhowerewillingto taketheirchances gentlemen thanLonwithhim.In theireyes,heprobably appearednomoredangerous were often fortunate in the last don'sothermoney-dealers, resort, and, they to advancethemmoney.In addition, to findanyone,honestor otherwise, also playeda partin keeping naivete,and commonstupidity gullibility, "It would Kingin business.As FrancisPlacenotedin hisautobiography, notbe believedthatpeoplecouldbe foundwhowereso foolishas to be imposeduponand robbedto theextenttheywererobbedbyKing,much hispraclesswoulditbe believedthatsuchpersonsaboundedtotheextent to borrowmoneyfromKing refused ticeshewedtheydid."(Placehimself else-"to neededit and couldobtainit nowhere evenwhenhe desperately so I fromhimwouldhavebeendownright haveacceptedanything baseness, in poverty, sometimes remained food."29) wanting 28. Times,December25, 1790,p. 3; "Charles King," The Scourge 1 (1811): 457; Francis Place, The Autobiography of FrancisPlace, ed. Mary Thale (Cambridge,1972),p. 238; Pierce of Tom,Jerry,and Logic in theirPursuitsthroughLife in and Egan, Finishto theAdventures out of London(London, 1830),p. 179; Moses Hebron [pseud.], The Life and ExploitsofIkey Solomons(London, [1829]), pp. 6-9. For a more sober account of Ikey Solomons, see J. J. Tobias, Princeof Fences: The Life and Crimesof Ikey Solomons(London, 1974). A general introductionto Jewishcrimein London duringthisperiodmay be foundin Endelman,The JewsofGeorgianEngland,chap. 6. 29. Place,Autobiography, pp. 174,238.

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playedalmostnoroleinpublic EquallynotableisthatKing'sJewishness Thathe was a Jewwas wellknown.Butthathis attackson hischaracter. wasthesourceofhisroguery wasnota cardinal or hisJudaism Jewishness His originswerenotheldresponsible forhis tenetofanyofhisdetractors. attacks on condemnainto immorality. Similarly, Kingdidnotdegenerate as a whole,nordidtheycallfortheimposition ofspetionsofAnglo-Jewry Jewsas a body,as hadhappened earlierinthecentury.30 ciallawstorestrain Of course,King'scarryings-on reinforced thepopularimageoftheJewas in moneymatters, buttheydidnotprovokegeneralized disuntrustworthy avariceormisanthropy. Thismayhavebeendue,inpart, cussionsofJewish to therelatively alreadyenjoyedbyEnglishJews, highdegreeoftoleration at leastincomparison to conditions on theContinent,31 and,inpart,to the absenceofa rigorous codeofcommercial ethicsat manylevelsofsociety. In short,King mayhave been thoughtof as one rogueamongmany,his as incidental to hisshortcomings, Jewishness or,atleast,as notresponsible forthem. III

"Jew"King'snotoriety didnotderivesolelyfromhisconductinmoney offensive matters. to washisambition. Equally manyofhiscontemporaries between Jewish The barriers and Christian societyhavingbeenrelaxed, althoughnot erased,King was not contentto remainwithinthesocial andseekcompanionship boundaries ofAnglo-Jewry andrecognition there. Englishin hisdress,speech,andtastes,he soughtto makea placeforhimselfin a non-Jewish worldfarremovedfromthesocietyof street-traders intowhichhe hadbeenborn.In onesense,ofcourse,all well-to-do Jewsin thisperiodwereparvenus orthesonsofparvenus. like Some, King,seemed inclinedto breaktheirtiesto theJewish Mostwerecontent to community. achievea smallmeasureof social integration intothenon-Jewish world whilemaintaining theirclosestand mostintimate tieswithotherJewsof similarwealthand acculturation. Thesinglemostsignificant forintegrasteptakenbyKinginhisstriving tionwasthelong-term liaisonheestablished withJaneIsabella,Countessof theonlydaughter ofthefirst EarlofBelvedere, a Protestant Lanesborough, 30. Endelman,TheJewsofGeorgianEngland,pp. 110-11. 31. For a discussionofthispoint,see Endelman,TheJewsofGeorgianEngland,chap. 1.

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withconsiderable estatesin Ireland.Bornin 1737,and thus landowner of "Jew"King,shewas verybeautiful aboutfifteen the senior as a years woman and had had to her had marbut, please father, manysuitors, young riedin 1754Brinsely a manofmodestfortune whoservedas MPfor Butler, his thegovernCavanfrom1751to 1768.For loyalparliamentary service, mentrewarded Butlerwitha Commissionership forRevenuesand,in 1756, withan earldomin thepeerageofIreland.He had fewmentalor physical himto an attractive andspirited woman;theyquarqualitiestorecommend reledfrequently, and shelefthimin thelate 1770sandmovedto London, in 1779.In themetropolis intoa herhusbanddyingsoonafter, sheentered settlement earl had made and of The the dissipated extravagant way living. andshewasliving far forherprovedtobe insufficient to coverherexpenses and shopdistress, beyondhermeans.In financial besiegedbytradesmen sheappliedto"Jew"Kingforassistance to whomsheowedmoney, keepers in 1783.32

muchof shestillretained metLadyLanesborough, AtthetimeKingfirst a considerable shareoftheextraorherearlierbeauty."Thoughpastforty, dinarybeautyofheryouthhas escapedtheravagesoftimeandwithstood claimed theblightsof a dissoluteand profligate King'sdetractors life."33 in sexual favors thathe tookadvantageofherfinancial plight,extracting returnformaterialaid. A gossipyportrait ofthecouplein TheTownand wants thathe suppliedherpecuniary Country Magazinein 1787suggested Ifso,the andpride."34 hissensuality "fora premium whichatonceindulged forsheremained countessmusthavefoundit a satisfactory arrangement, withhim,through thickand thin,forthenextforty years.Thusa liaison overtimeinto thatmayhaveoriginated insqualidcircumstances developed vicissitudes offorthe a moresubstantial John relationship. Taylor,noting inhis him seen "I have sometimes tuneexperienced riding byKing,recalled, times his and other and with trudging family, carriage LadyLanesborough When arminarmwithherinveryindifferent thestreets through weather."35 with went she in 1784 to escapeimprisonment, Kinghad to fleeEngland on her five six inItalyfor or years and, him,andtheylivedtogether jointure in 1802 on theContinent hiswits.Whenhehadto findrefuge oneimagines, 32. TheGentleman's Magazine,vol. 98, pt. 2 (1828): 82; The Townand Country Magazine 19 Memoirs,pp. 233-34. (1787): 297-98; Authentic 33. Authentic Memoirs,pp. 233-34. 34. The Townand CountryMagazine 19(1787): 298. 35. Taylor,RecordsofMy Life,2: 344.

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thistimetheywere to avoiddebtors'prison,sheagainjoinedhim,although theincomefromthe abroadonlyfora yearor two.In 1814,sheinherited Belvedere estatesonthedeathofherbrother, thesecondandlastEarl family ofBelvedere, andsometimeafter1817theyretired to Italywheretheylived incomfort untilhisdeathinFlorenceinAugust1823.(Fouranda halfyears latershe also diedin Florence,in January 1828.36) "Jew" King's friendship withthe Countessof Lanesborough began whilehe was stillmarried to Sara NunesLara. Extramarital relationships likethiswerenotuncommon amongacculturated EnglishJewsofthelate brokers and merchants century. eighteenth Wealthy openlykeptmistresses andentertained ladiesofeasyvirtue.37 In thelate1770s,severalyearsbefore withtheactress meeting LadyLanesborough, Kinghadbeenlinkedpublicly oneofthegreatbeautiesoftheday,mistress ofthePrince MaryRobinson, ofWalesintheearly1780s,and,notcoincidentally, thewifeofa well-born to whomKinghad lentconsiderable sumsofmoney.Whenthe profligate PrinceofWalesabandonedMrs.Robinsonforanother womanandsettled an annuityon her,Kingattempted, to blackmailherby unsuccessfully, to publishherletters to him.38 Someyearsbeforemeeting the threatening CountessofLanesborough, also a to have had King appears long-standing witha Scotswoman,a MissMackay,bywhomhehadseveral relationship children.39 illegitimate a yearortwoafter Kingabandonedhiswifewithin LadyLanesmeeting forsupportborough.Whenhefledabroadin 1784,hemadeno provisions Sara Kingfollowed herhusbandto Livorno, inghiswifeor theirchildren. andthere, before a rabbinical him. however, court,obtaineda divorcefrom Whether married a in cereChristian King LadyLanesborough, presumably in Livorno,or whether mony,beforeor afterthedivorceproceedings they evermarried, is unclear.Despiterumors to thecontrary, Kingneverconvertedto Christianity and, thus,could not have marriedLady Lanes36. TheGentleman's Magazine,vol. 98, pt. 2 (1828): 82; George EdwardCokayne,ed., The CompletePeerage,13 vols. (London, 1910-1959),vol. 7, ed. H.A. Doubleday and Howard de Walden(1929), p. 425. 37. For moreon theextramarital sexualactivityoftheAnglo-Jewish see Endelnotability, man,TheJewsofGeorgianEngland,pp. 130-31. 38. [JohnKing],LettersfromPerditatoa CertainIsraeliteand His Answersto Them(London, 1781).The blackmailattemptis describedin Authentic Memoirs,pp. 106-12, and in "John King," TheScourge1 (1811): 13. 39. AuthenticMemoirs,pp. 59-60, 73-76, 80-83; "CharacteristicPortraitof a Modern Apostate,"TheScourge10(1815): 219.

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to theacceptedpracboroughintheChurchofEngland,at leastaccording ticesoftheChurch.However, itwasnotunheard offoran Anglican clergywithout themarriage fora Jewanda Christian manto perform ceremony theJewto undergobaptism.Whatlittleevidencethereis,howrequiring intheearly1830s,JohnTayever,pointsintheoppositedirection. Writing had notreally lor recalledthatpeoplehad said thatLady Lanesborough beenmarriedto Kingbutonlyappearedas his wife.Moresignificantly, written whenKinghimself referred to hiscompanion ina pamphlet around her as wife" as he never once of but 1804, always "LadyLanes"my spoke borough."40 to LadyLanesborough, Whatever thelegalstatusofKing's"marriage" servedin gainingentreeto social spheresthatotherwise it undoubtedly wasnot,ofcourse,an wouldhavebeenclosedtoa Jew.LadyLanesborough butshe ormostfashionable aristocratic intimate ofthemostelegant society, a made available to wider circle of than King acquaintances he undoubtedly visitors In the1790s,amongthefrequent to his had accessto previously. Mrs. John Lucia Hon. were the his sister Lord Falkland; home, (the eighth in his the Hon. Charles a faro brother circles; Grattan), prominent figure Cary(theninthLordFalkland),a captainin theRoyalNavy;thefourth ofSir member EarlofSandwich, inveterate andone-time seducer, flaggelist, son of Sir FrancisDashwood'sMedmenham Monks;DelvesBroughton, ThomasBroughton, Bart.;and HenrySpeed,bankerandMPforHuntingdon,1790-1796.41 butalso tookpleasureinenterKingnotonlysoughtoutthewell-born In minor and politicalreformers. literary politicalfigures, especially taining oftheLondon ofleadingmembers the1790s,he cultivated thefriendship suchas JohnAshley, Alexander Galloway,Richard Society, Corresponding and FrancisPlace,as wellas Hodgson,ThomasHardy,ThomasHolcroft, WilliamGodwin,theJacobinpoet and journalist theutopiananarchist RobertMerry,and theopposition journalisttheRev. CharlesEste.John thathehad "enjoyedmanypleasanthours" Taylorrecalledinhismemoirs and intelligent society"at King'shouseand that among"accomplished at histable.42 was men of talent fond of having King Portraitofa ModernApostate,"TheScourge10(1815): 219; Gainervs. 40. "Characteristic Lady Lanesborough,I Peake, pp. 25-26; Taylor,RecordsofMy Life,2: 342; [JohnKing],OpintheLate Treatment ofMr. Illustrated pressionDeemedNo InjusticeTowardsSome Individuals, JohnKingundera Commission (London, n.d. [ca. 1804]). ofBankruptcy 41. Taylor,RecordsofMy Life,2: 341. 42. Place, Autobiography, p. 236; Charles Kegan Paul, WilliamGodwin:His Friendsand 2 vols.(London, 1876),1: 146-47, 157. Contemporaries,

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to expandhis circleof Like mostparvenus, Kingworkedassiduously His with William Godwin,a frequent guestat acquaintances. relationship histablefromearly1795through late 1798,and possiblybeyond,offers a a Jewish insearchof fineillustration ofthedifficulties confronting parvenu were social acceptance.(In King'scase, needlessto say,suchdifficulties forsharpdealing.)WhenGodwinfirst byhisreputation began compounded dinners at King'shome,he foundhimself to criticism attending subjected He defended himself fromhisfriends. byclaiming, perhapsnotaltogether thathehadaccepted"Jew"King'shospitality foranthropologitruthfully, cal reasons:"My motivewas simple-thestudyto whichI had devoted was to man,to analysehisnatureas a moralist, his andto delineate myself or as an a recorder of fictitious and historian, adventures; I passions believedthatI shouldlearnfromthismanand hisvisitors somelessons whichI was notlikelyto acquirein anyotherquarter."In short,"Jew" hismanners his studied, Kingwasan exotic-hismealswereto be enjoyed, all withthescientific friends detachment oftheEnlightenment. examined, hishospitality did notimplybecoming hisbooncompanion or Accepting evena respectable In of the winter when 1795-1796, acquaintance. King to exploittherelationship byaskingGodwintoappearas a charattempted ina comingtrial,Godwinangrily acterwitness declined. He accusedKingof as a kindofbribeandreminded himthatthefrequency of usinghisdinners hisvisitswasdueto King'sinitiative, nothisown.He toldKingpoint-blank thatmanyofhisfriends objectedtohisvisitstoa man,"ofwhom,tosaythe a veryillopinion."Godwininformed least,theworldentertained Kingthat he had repliedthatit was absurdto associateonlywith"immaculate perthattheerrorsof the"vicious" sons,"adding,somewhatpatronizingly, couldnotbe corrected ifhonestmendeserted them.Thesenonetoo subtle slursfailedto cool King'sardor.He continued to seekGodwin'scompany, himin one letterthatGodwinwouldlikehimbetter ifhe gotto assuring knowhimmoreintimately.43 theplightofJewish in King'spursuitofGodwinsymbolizes parvenus statuswastheirwealth;theironly England.Theironlyclaimto respectable forsocialintegration werethosethatmoneymade weaponsin thestruggle lavishentertaining, munificent andconspicpossible-generous hospitality, uouscharity-giving. andromanPhilosophical learning, literary sensibility, ticyearnings-the accoutrements ofstatus-seeking GermanJews-counted 43. Kegan Paul, WilliamGodwin,1: 146-47, 154-57.

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forlittlein upper-class whilewealthwentfurther in estabEnglishcircles, than in elsewhere "Jew" lishingrespectability Europe. King'scontempothegovernment loan-contractors AbrahamandBenjamin raries, Goldsmid, setoutto makea placeforthemselves innon-Jewish society through generous contributions to non-Jewish charities and lavishentertaining at their homes.44 "Jew"King'sfortune country hardlymatchedthatoftheGoldsmidbrothers orotherAnglo-Jewish butheusedwhathedidhave notables, thesameway-showering inprecisely thosewhomhewaswooingwithinvitations thosewhoaccepted to a generous to dinner, treating displayoffood, Francis "with and Place once much reluctance" drink, furnishings. accepted an invitation fromKingandrecalledmanyyearslater:"He gaveusa sumptuousdinner ofthreecoursesanda dessert all servedon plate,thetablewas attended andoneinplaincloaths.Thisdisgusted meutterbymeninlivery ly. . ... 45

Place'sdisgustwas a littlepriggish; manyotherswhomKingcourted werenotso fastidious. the Nevertheless, Kingdidnotsucceedin winning were socialacceptancehe wanted.Somewell-bred Englishmen willingto himbutmosthadreservations riches befriend aboutnouveaux Jews,notto Jewish There were definite limits to thewillingnotorious say moneylenders. The ofa parnessofestablished circlesto absorbsocialupstarts. Jewishness ifthatparvenuwas a scoundrel. venuwas noteasilyovercome, especially hisfailure thelandedeliteforclosing rationalized Kinghimself byblaming in commerce wereearnedexclusively itsranksto newmenwhosefortunes "viewwitha jealouseyeopulence and finance. Men ofrank,he observed, as iftherewas intrinsic and splendor thatis notderivedfrominheritance, merit in adventitious birth."Theybelieveit "morecreditable and superior ofa trading ofa fashionable thandirector to be a member society; assembly from successatcards more honourable to inherit a fortune and bequeathed WhatKingdidnotstate,at least oftraffic."46 thanfromthehonestearnings tosocialintegration. werealsoa barrier wasthathisJewish origins publicly,

IV to reform As a youngman,Kingwas attracted groupscriticalof the as a Jew who had grownup in because, perhaps existing politicalsystem, 44. Endelman,TheJewsofGeorgianEngland,pp. 251-54. 45. Place,A utiobiography, p. 237. 46. John King, Mr. King's Apology,or, A Reply to His Calumniators,5th ed. (London, 1798),pp. 43, 45-46.

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in politicalaffairs, he was an outsider.This interest whichwas poverty, unusualfor even well-to-do, highlyacculturated EnglishJews,can be at theSephardi tracedbackto hisschoolyears.Whilestilla student charity withThomasPaine,whowaslivingtheninthe school,he becamefriendly sameneighborhood, andfromwhomKingreceived ofa political something education.ManyyearslaterPainerecalledthathehadseeninKing"young as youwas,a bluntness oftemper, a boldnessofopinion,andan originality thatportended somefuture ofthought good..... You usedto complainof abuses... andwroteyouropinionsontheminfreeterms."47 In 1783,King publishedan indictment of ministerial policyentitled and Distressesin whichthePeace of 1783 Has Thoughtson theDifficulties InvolvedthePeople ofEngland.In thisshortpamphlet,King contendedthat

tradewas languishing and populationdecreasing becausethegovernment was incompetent and corrupt and itspoliciesdetrimental to thewell-being ofthe"middling the war with the American colonies,minpeople."During and "a whole list of isters,generals, commissioners, greedyvermin"had the distress to increase their own fortunes. Government exploited country's and on traderetarded theeconomy. Massemigration monopolies restraints to Indiaor Americawas no solutionto Britain'seconomicdistress, since Indiawasgoverned andhadbecomea byrapaciouscolonialadministrators and adventurers, whilethe Americanclimatewas refugeforbankrupts its unclearedand uncultivated soil notsuitableto "thedainty unhealthy, sonsofEngland."Whatwasto be done?Disinterested andsincere patriots had to driveoutthedesigning the Tariffs and running government. sophists taxeshadto be lowered, sinecures andpensionsabolished, themonopoly of theEastIndiaCompanybroken.48 wasunremarkable andin mostwaystypicalof King'spoliticalthinking antiministerial circlespriorto the FrenchRevolution. WhateverPaine's wasreformist rather influence, King'sapproachto politicsinthispamphlet thanrevolutionary. Whatis remarkable aboutthisforayintopolitical pamisthatitmarksoneoftheearliest occasionsthata Jew however, phleteering, inEuropesoughtto participate innationalpoliticallifeinpursuit anywhere of goals unrelated to Jewishcommunalneeds.(The writings of Isaac de Pintoin the1760sand 1770s,whichappearedin Frenchalthough he lived in mark an even earlier-and the first-Jewish formostly Holland, perhaps into revealstheextent ay generalpoliticallife.)King'spoliticalinvolvement 47. JohnKing, Mr. King'sSpeechat Egham,withThomasPaine's Letterto Him on It, and Mr. King'sReply,10thed. (Egham, 1793),pp. 8-9. 48. King, Thoughts on theDifficulties and Distresses,passim.

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withtheEnglishnationrather to whichhewantedtoidentify thanwiththe in Jewish Most well-to-do Jews the community. Georgianperiod English ifat ofthemselves as Jewsandonlysecondarily, thought primarily probably in almost Public life as most were all, Englishmen; certainly genapolitical. eralmattered littletothemunlessitaffected theirstatusas Jewsortheirspecificeconomicinterests. Stillotherswerereluctant to engagein political forfearofendangering thestatusofthecommunity as a whole.49 activity settlement in Englandrestedon ill-defined SincethelegalbasisforJewish it bestto avoidantagonizing theythought grounds, anypoliticalfaction, the the turbulent of War ofIndependence, American during years especially theFrenchRevolution, andtheNapoleonicWars."Jew"Kingwasamonga handful ofJewswhobrokewiththisapolitical outlook. In the1790s,Kingcloselyalliedhimself withgroupscallingforbroader In inthepolitical processandan endtoministerial corruption. participation clubinCarat a debating theearlyyearsofthedecade,hespokefrequently lisleStreetandespousedviewsmoreradicalthanthosehehadexpressed in 1783.For twoor threeyears(ca. 1790-1792),he servedas an editorofthe critical Argus,a radicalnewspaper ofWilliamPittandhisminisscathingly of Thomas Paine andtheLondonCorrespondtersandardently supportive oftheSocietyin hishome entertained members ingSociety.King leading and when central near Manchester figuresin the Societywere Square, and triedforhightreasonin May 1794,hecontributed arrested generously tothefundfortheirsupport. forseveralyearsin thecauseofradicalreform Although Kingembraced criticofthe thelate 1780sand early1790s,he didnotremaina vociferous andat a public forlong.Latein 1792heabandonedradicalism government hisadmiration forPittandhisdisat EghaminSurrey proclaimed meeting resulted notfrom Thisreversal ofloyalties tastefortheFrenchRevolution. but rather from of careful government pressure. rethinking principles any forwhatit revealsaboutthe butworthrecounting The storyis involved, life. oflate-Georgian character political canbe traced Thechainofeventsthatled to King'spoliticalturnabout worldinthelateoftheLondonnewspaper tooneoftheshabbiest practices of"hush-money" extortion (as itwascalled)from century-the eighteenth prominent personsto preventthe publicationof abusivematerial.The lettersabout the Times,for example,regularly composedunflattering 49. John GoldworthAlger, Napoleon's BritishVisitorsand Captives,1801-1815 (New A NewspaperHistoryofEngland,1792-1793 (LinYork, 1904),p. 102; LucyleWerkmeister, coln, 1967),pp. 32-33; King,Mr. King'sApology,pp. 36-37.

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hadcometothepaperwith thattheletters moralsofindividuals, pretending for their and fortheirsuppression. In insertion, money demanding payment of 1790,theArguspublished a number ofartithelatefallandearlywinter theextortionate andinDecember, clesexposing oftheTimes, King practices oftheTimes,JohnWalter,forlibel,charging thatthe suedtheproprietor in Pall Mall, a Mr. Rice,a goldsmith Timeshad accusedhimofswindling thatWalterhadtoldhimthat outoflargesumsofmoney.Kingmaintained theallegation becauseit was accompanied he had printed bythreeguineas itforfiveguineas.King'slibelcaseagainstWalter buthadoffered toretract wastriedon February convicted. the 23, 1791,andtheproprietor However, interceded to save who at the was in time NewWalter, government already thePrinceofWalesduringtheRegency gatePrisonforhavingsupported beeninthegovernment battle,sincetheTimeshadpreviously camp.On the thatthepaperwouldresume itsfirm oftheministry, understanding support Walterwasreleasedfromprisonwitha fullpardon,theTreasury payinghis thegovernment fines.In addition, forjudgprevented Kingfrompressing mentand mayhavegivenWaltersomeassurancethatit wouldretaliate againstKing. The nextstepin King'sabandonment of radicalism beganin a most fashion. In at two unlikely July1792, prostitutes appeared theBow Street officeto chargeKingwithassault.Theyclaimedthatwhile magistrate's ofa sadisticcharacter withKingtheyhad been engagedin sexualactivity In all likelihood, Walteror whippedwith"morethancustomary severity." otherpersonsactingon behalfofthegovernment hadputthewomenup to this.Although wordoftheirstory thefollowing theyrecanted every dayand didnottestify at his he was convicted all the and same trial, againstKing fined?3,000.WhenKing thereupon the case to the Court of appealed Bench no A and a in the fine the (with success) publishedprotest King's rgus, was raisedto ?15,000,an enormous sumfortheday,whichKingprobably couldnothavepaid.Atthesametime,theministerial a campresslaunched thepassionsofotherswhohad donebusinesswithKing paignto inflame andhadgrievances oftheirown.Facedwitha concerted effort on thepartof thegovernment and itsfriends to silencehim,Kingreassessed hispolitical came to some kindof understanding withthe loyaltiesand apparently He droppedhisassociation withtheArgusand in December government. his addressat Egham.50 1792delivered 50. King, Mr. King'sApology,pp. 1-28; Werkmeister, NewspaperHistoryofEngland,pp. 24, 32-33, 113-15, 146.

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intheministerial Heraldof Morning King'sspeech,whichwaspublished was a defense of December12,1792,and laterrepublished as a pamphlet, turnwhichtheFrench theEnglishconstitution andan attackon theviolent hadtaken.Although Revolution rejecttheneed Kingstilldidnotaltogether henowarguedthattheyhadtocomeaboutina constitutional forreforms, mannerthrough thecorrect channels.It wouldbe folly,he parliamentary felt,fortheEnglishtoseekpolitical guidanceacrosstheChannel.Therevolutionhad comeundertheswayofmenlackingeithermeritor genius;its thosewho had momentum was consuming furiousand uncontrollable hurt at King's his it When into Paine surprise brought being. expressed initial for the revolutionaries that his about-face, Kingreplied sympathy "a hadevaporated andoppressive, whentheybecamedictatorial unleashing withtheminopinion."He denied,howsecondcarnageon thosewhodiffer "Whenitis the ever,thathe had abandonedthecauseofpoliticalreform: ofannual millions properseason,I shallagainexclaimagainstthetwenty sinecure but, taxes,againstpensions, places,and unequalrepresentation; to I look as have the insteadofexclaiming done, [Paine] King you against As forPaine'splansforthe"equalizahimto assistin thereformation." whichKinghadneverfoundattractive, tion"ofsociety, theywereillusory: therealwayshad to be laborers, undereveryformofgovernment, just as thebadandguidetheignorant. torestrain therealwayshadto be governors foranarchy."5 Paine'sequalitywas a prescription hiswarmwordsfor oftheEnglishconstitution, including King'sdefense a retreat from theradicalantiminismarked GeorgeIII andproperty rights, a fullswing butitdidnotrepresent terialstanceofhisyearswiththeArgus, ofpolitireform committed tothelegislative fromleftto right. He remained Heraldof in theMorning cal abuses.In an openletterto Painepublished therewerefewradicalevilsin the April17,1793,he arguedthat,although hadtowait theirreform were abuses. there However, many Englishsystem, forthattimewhenEngland'soverseasenemieswereno longerseekingto In themiddleofthe whatEnglishmen werestriving onlytoamend.52 destroy oftheLondonCorreformers withthenonviolent decade,he alliedhimself fortreason ofthosearrested tothesupport contributing Society, responding of thosewhomthegovernment theliberties in 1794,defending soughtto silence.By 1795,he was againmovingintotheantiministerial camp.In 51. King,Mr. King'sSpeech. 52. JohnKing, ThirdLetterfromMr. Kingto Mr. ThomasPaine at Paris (Egham, [1793]).

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in theMorning PostofMarch13, anotheropenletterto Paine,published Paine's he with 1795, againcharged confusion, disorder, writings breeding andanarchy denounced the amongthecommonpeople,buthealsostrongly measures-the use of and the informers, government's repressive spies ofhabeascorpus,heavytaxesandruinousloans.Underthepresuspension tenseof securing theconstitution, he argued,theministers had violated laws.Moreover, and exasperating manyofitsfundamental byoppressing thepeople,thegovernment's measures pushedthemto seekredress, paraininsurrection andviolence.53 doxically, To somereformers, however, King'schangeofheartwas suspect,perwas a because he Jew, haps perhapsbecausehewasa usurer.FrancisPlace did nottrusthimand "alwayssuspected thathe contemplated someinithat was he a government ButPlacedidadmitthat informer. quity"-i.e., somereformers werewillingto creditKingforhonestopinionsandgood intentions. notedthathismotives had beencalledintoquesKinghimself tionat thetimethathe had subscribed to thefundforthosearrested for treasonandthatrumors circulated thathe had provided secretintelligence to PittandtheDukeofPortland, theHomeSecretary. ForKing,suchaccusationswerepartandparceloftheblackening ofhisreputation bya sensationalist As for their truth is or there no evidence onewayor press.54 falsity, theother.In businessmatters was a withfew,if King certainly scoundrel Yethispublicdenialofthechargeofbeinga government any,scruples. spy and his long-standing concernwithreform back to theearly stretching 1780ssuggestthathisfriendliness towardmembers oftheLondonCorresponding Societywasnotmercenary. V

intospheresofactivity outsidetheprevious King'sabsorption rangeof Jewish concernsdilutedand diminished hisJewish The morehe identity. movedin non-Jewish embraced circles, Englishhabitsofmind,andidentifiedhimself as an Englishman, themorehisJewishness ceasedto becentral to hissenseofself-definition. Thisdoesnotmeanthathe replacedhisold witha thoroughly newoneandalltracesofhisformer "Jewish" self identity 53. John King, FourthLetterfrom Mr. King to Mr. Thomas Paine at Paris (London, [1795]). 54. Place, Autobiography, p. 236; King, Mr. King's Apology,pp. 36-37.

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Humanpersonality is notlikea lumpofclay,whichcan be disappeared. and secularizamoldedintonewformsat will.Acculturation, integration, butrarely didtheyextinguish Jewish tionreshapedandattenuated identity, it.External eventsandpersonalcrisescouldattimesreawaken loyalties long as thehistory ofZionisminWestern buriedand neglected, Europeandthe Even the apostate,seekingto wash UnitedStatesclearlydemonstrates. in the thebaptismalfont,usuallyfailedto his Jewishness waters of away the hold of his Jewishpast (althoughhis childrenor loosencompletely thenonwereable to do so). At a minimum, frequently grandchildren Jews. Jewish worldrarelyforgottheoriginsof eventhemostassimilated thecasewith"Jew"King,whoseepithet bearstestimony Thiswascertainly inwhichGentilescontinued to seehimevenafterhischange tothemanner ofname. a basic As a student at theSephardicharity school,Kinghad received of Jewishtradition. He had learnedto introduction to thefundamentals inHebrewandpossibly somebiblicalpassagesas well. readtheprayerbook inBevis He had also regularly attended services at theSephardisynagogue students. After he as did all Marks, charity leavingschool, apparently Thereis ofJewish traditions. ceasedto observeeventhemostrudimentary services at Bevis no indicationthatat thispointhe continued to attend Marks.In externals, helivedas a non-Jew, and,ifwearetobelievehistestiin as a Christian monyat a laterdate,heevenhadbegunto thinkofhimself a vaguesortofway.As he toldtheCourtofKing'sBenchin 1795,he had himself a member oftheChurchofEnglandsincehe had been considered whenexamined furforhimself. oldenoughtojudgesuchmatters However, toJewish thathehadbeenmarried theronthispoint,headmitted according nor ritesandhadneverbeenbaptizedoradmitted totheestablished church; which renounced had he formally maynot King'stestimony, Judaism.55 nevertheless his desire to be havebeenaltogether indicates truthful, strong withthemajority ofEnglishmen, as didhischangeofnametwo identified decadesearlier. in 1795raisesthequestionofwhyhe didnotformally King'stestimony 55. Rex vs. Gilham,I Espinasse,pp. 285-86. In Rex vs. Gilham,King was called as a witness regardingthefinancialmisdeedsof anotherparty.He was swornon theNew Testament, thedefenseattorneystoppedhimand began raisingquesand afterhe began givingtestimony tions about whetherKing was a Jew,and, if so, whetherhis oath was bindingsince he was was admissablesince swornon theNew Testament.Lord KenyonruledthatKing's testimony King nowconsideredhimselfa memberoftheChurchof Englandand bound bythepreceptsof thatreligion.

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embraceChristianity, andtheJewish comgivenhisdistancefromJudaism timewithLadyLanesborough in Whenhewentabroadforthefirst munity. thathebecamean apostateinordertomarry the1780s,itwasrumored her. to thewidelyheldassumption therumortestifies thatthe untrue, Although obviousthingforsomeonein King'spositionto do wouldbe to join the church.At thistimedozensofJewswhoselinkswithJewry werealready thisinorderto advancetheircareersormergemore weakeneddidprecisely intocountry to takethisstepsugsociety.King'sunwillingness completely that even at this date radical assimilation notnecessarily did lead early gests onemajorreasonhedidnotbecomea Christoconversion. Unquestionably toneofthecirclesin whichhe moved.Conversion tianwas theareligious intheeyesofthosegroupswhose wouldnothaveenhanced King'sstanding was he conversion wouldnothavebrought Similarly, courting. approval himgreater material successorimproved hiscivilstatus. inKing'scase-and surely inmanyothers-wasa deepEquallydecisive in 1795wasmeant ambivalence about Jewish. His rooted being testimony ly thathe had rejected hispastaltogether, to givetheimpression butsucha can hardlybe takenat facevalue.It is difficult, ifnotimposdeclaration ofa self-conscious andpersecuted to shedhis sible,fora member minority orherpastlikean unfashionable suitofclothes.Kinghadceasedtoliveas a orceremonial Jewina religious senseandwaseagertobreakoutoftheconfinesoftheAnglo-Jewish butitis unlikely thathehadsuccesscommunity, all and his memories of attachments to fullysuppressed origins. Perhapshe retaineda mutedpridein Judaism, forlate in life,whenhe cameunder attackforpersonalandbusiness hisJewishness heproclaimed misbehavior, in proud,almostdefiant terms.In defending hischaracter in a pamphlet in 1798,Kingnotedthathisfaithwasoften calledintoquestion. It published is unclearwhether thismeantthathe hadbecometheobjectofanti-Jewish animadversions or simplythathis own attachment to any religionwas called into In answered hisdetractors case, being question. any King by Judaism. In with common other Jews whohad been defending European he firstdefinedJudaismin highly exposedto Enlightenment thinking, rationalistic terms.The "transcendent object"ofhis"adoration"was"not or incarnated likeheathenDeities." fantasms, profanedby mythological or divineintellectual Kingbelievedthata superior intelligence powerhad theworldand thatJudaism, formed divested ofitsceremonies, was a relinotbeinga systematic thinker, gionofdeism.However, Kingalsodefended Judaism on traditional groundsas well.He arguedthatJudaism's antiquity overotherreligions. theverysurvival of Furthermore, gaveitan advantage

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wasevidence theJewsoverthecenturies thatDivineProvidence wasguiding theirfate in history.Theirconquerorshad perishedwhiletheyhad "firmin theirfaith,steadyin theirreligion, and numerous as remained, ever."Not onlydidKingdefend but he went his on to attack criJudaism, ticsas well.He accusedChristians of failingto obeythemorality of the ofProtestants andthe"intolerant temper" gospels,citingthe"uncharitable Jews.He spirit"of Catholics,as well as Christianattitudesregarding hisadversaries reminded thatJesushadbeena JewandthatChristian perseJesus'birth.56 cutionofJewsmadeitseemas ifChristians regretted and unlearned, King'sdefenseof Judaismwas shallow,inconsistent, thana reasonedpolemic.His willingness to morean emotionaloutburst bruiseChristian on the other was remarkable. The comsensibilities, hand, cautiousaboutchallenging Christian munalnotables, whowereextremely ofJudaism, beliefs, discouraged believing consistently publicdefenses (probthatany Jewishrebuttalto Christianpolemicswould ably incorrectly) feltthathecouldwritefreely thecommunity.57 on Kingobviously endanger thismatter eitherforhimself or the without seriousconsequences, risking was also notablein thatit signaleda His defense ofJudaism community. of return to Jewishness on hispart.Thispublicavowalofthesuperiority he that didnotmeanthatKinghadbecomeritually Judaism observant, only hadgivenup theattempt to buryhispastandhadbecomereconciled to his His formeridentity Jewishness. reasserted itself,althoughat an earlier lost.No doubtthe periodit certainly appearedto havebeenirretrievably crescendo ofpressattacksinthe1790s,as wellas hislegaldifficulmounting ofolderloyalties. ties,servedto provokethisawakening Perhapsan awareat leastin hiscase,also playeda nessofthefutility ofradicalassimilation, hemayhavefallenbackon anoldandexhausted, harassed, part.Besieged, hisintegrity. eridentity as a meansofreasserting Jewish. Whenhe FromthispointKingbecameevenmoreassertively inJune billsofexchange in thematter oftheSouthcottian gavetestimony abouthisreligion, 1807,hetooktheoathontheOldTestament. Questioned thatearlierin hislifehe had takentheoathon theNew he acknowledged butasserted thatnowhewasa Jew,nota deist,and"performed Testament he didnotobserve thissolemnity to theMosaiccreed,although according It is likelythataroundthis all theceremonies of themodernIsraelite.""58 56. King,Mr. King'sApology,pp. 38-41. 57. Endleman,The Jewsof GeorgianEngland,pp. 282-84. 58. Southcott,Accountof the Trialson Bills of Exchange,p. 32.

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moreformallinkswiththeSephardi timeKingalso beganreestablishing Jewish In in a number ofletters to theMahamadofthe community. 1812, the state of the he mencriticizing worshipservice, Sephardicongregation atthesynagogue wasduetothelackof attendance tionedthathisinfrequent madeby a numberofwriters at thetime.He devotionthere,a criticism inthe attributed thesmallnumber ofworshippers totheabsenceofdecorum serviceand,in particular, conductofthe singledoutforblametheunruly to achieve charityschoolboys.He evenproposeda numberof reforms decorumandoffered hishelpinimplementing them.59 greater King'sletters leavetheclearimpression thathehadbecomea member oftheBevisMarks services ifonlyinfrequently. andthatheattended More there, congregation his letters to the Mahamad a concern with demonstrated the significantly, in of and life the character Jewish worship England,although depthofthis concernshouldnotbe exaggerated. at all to address Still,thathe bothered theproblemis significant. Jewswhowerethoroughly alienatedfromthe did nottroublethemselves aboutabusesin Judaism. community Theydid notbecomereligious forthem, Judaism hadceasedto be a matter reformers; ofconcern altogether. statement ofhisrenewed adherence to Judaism King'smostforthright and theJewish in came an introduction he in wrote 1817to a community new editionof David Levi's apologiaforJudaism, Dissertations on the whichwasfirst inthreevolumes oftheOld Testament, Prophecies published between1793and 1800.Levi,a learnedhat-dresser, wasoneofthefewJews in late-Georgian whosoughtto Englandto answerChristian polemicists oftheJews.60 As thetitleindicates, hisworkattacked Chrisprovetheerrors tianinterpretations ofprophetic to the fate of the passagespertaining people Israel.Kingrepublished Levi'spolemicin 1817in responseto missionary workbeingconducted amongtheJewish poorbytheLondonSocietyfor the Jews. To thiseditionKingaddeda sixty Promoting Christianity among dedicated to the Haham,RaphaelMeldola,inwhichhe pageintroduction, offered a surprisingly traditional ofrabbinic defense Judaism. Theintegrity of Judaism, restedon thefactthatGod delivered thelaw, Kingasserted, bothwritten and oral,to Moseson MountSinaiinthepresence of600,000 thanina private actofrevelation. Thosewhowerewitnesses personsrather totheeventson Sinaitransmitted thetextoftheMosaiclawtothenextgen59. AlbertM. Hyamson,The Sephardimof England:A Historyof theSpanishand Portu1492-1951 (London, 1951),p. 270. gueseJewishCommunity, 60. Dictionaryof National Biography,s.v. "Levi, David."

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to generation it was handedon, unaleration,and thusfromgeneration theirreligion Jews observed atpresent tered, binding. eternally unperverted, in in in the the same that did thetime world precisely way they everywhere ontheotherhand,hadundergone ofMoses,whileChristianity, manymutawhowas bornand dieda Jew,had never Jesushimself, tionsand schisms. offounding a new abolishedanypartofthelaworexpressed anyintention all his life.King but continuedto observethecommandments religion, in scripture wasitasserted orevenintimated that pointedoutthatnowhere ofanotherlaw.The messiahoftheJews law was theadumbration Jewish of the Mosaic code, not its destroyer. wouldbe a supporter King also in survival was itself both as he had that Jewish 1798, consequence argued, theJewswereGod's peculiarpeople,theirpreserandproofofchosenness: ofthe He also mockedthepedigrees vationan act of DivineProvidence. outthattheywereunableto tracetheirorigins nationsofEurope,pointing mixture ofmany backintothedistant pastandthattheywereeacha hybrid of fromthebeginning peoples,whiletheJewscoulddeducetheirgenealogy theworld.61 to Levi'sworkas "a AlfredRubenshas described King'sintroduction of Thisjudgmentis and piece writing."62 hypocritical competent utterly It is rambling, it is too charitable. To call on two counts. competent wrong is it of Yet to brand without a shred and discursive hypocritical originality. Whether to missitsimportance Kingacceptedtheliteraltruth completely. ofJudaHis boastful defense oftheorthodox positionhetookis irrelevant. ofhisreturn to as an autobiographical ismshouldbe seenrather expression ofJudaism Hisunambiguous defense ifnotfaith, ofhisfathers. theidentity, docnotas a theological ofhisJewishness, shouldbe readas an affirmation ofsevereabuseformostofhisadultlife ument.Kinghadbeentherecipient ofthetime,an old man,beingthenin andin 1817hewas,bythestandards was thedefiant ofan old Jewseeking hissixties.Thisintroduction gesture him had treated that he believed on a world Byasserting unfairly. revenge ofhisdetractors, faithovertheChristianity ofhisancestral thesuperiority a scorewiththe andsettling hisreturn toJudaism Kingwasbothjustifying worldthathe had once soughtto conquer.Whenhe diedin non-Jewish as a Jew:inhiswill,heleft?20 totheSephar1824,hedidso unequivocably rev.ed. withan introon thePropheciesoftheOld Testament, 61. David Levi, Dissertations ductionbyJohnKing,2 vols. (London, 1817). oftheJewishHis1656-1836," Transactions 62. AlfredRubens,"Portraitof Anglo-Jewry, toricalSocietyofEngland19 (1955-1959): 39.

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di congregation in London-halfto discharge partofhisdebtsto thesynahim to in an annualmemorial half to entitle be remembered gogueand prayer.63 VI

careerof"Jew"Kingcannoteasilybe assimilated Thecheckered intothe Jewish schemes for modern He did not lead discussing history. customary more or members of to make Jews or equal productive society to campaigns more He did not sit on the ofany makeJewish board dignified. worship or associate with Jews He communal whodid. didnotcontriborganization overtheshapeofJudauteinanywaytothedebatewithin EuropeanJewry intheageofemancipation. ofJewish He did ismandthecharacter identity in government or international finance notamassa fortune tradeand buy his(or hischildren's) muchof Indeed,during society. wayintoupper-class in anysenseoftheterm, hisadultlifehe hadverylittleto do withJudaism heneverceasedtobeidentified as a Jewbythegentile although majority. a colorfulfootnote Yet thecareerof "Jew"Kingis notmerely to the of mainstream modernJewish thepropersubjectmatter of history-unless is toremain Jewish restricted totheactivities ofthathandful modern history oftheJewish ofJewswhomanagedtheaffairs ofEurope.Ifthe communities valuesand modesof behaviorand their adoptionby Jewsof non-Jewish ofactivity intonewspheres within stateandsociety aremajorthemes entry in modernJewish then the of a "Jew" history, experiences Kingareno less criticalto understanding thisperiodthanthoseofa David Friedliinder, an AbrahamFurtado,a BenjaminGoldsmid.Regardless oftheirintellectual statureand materialstanding withinthecommunity, all Jewshad to confront andadjustto a setofpoliticalandsocialconditions different radically fromthosethatexisteda halfcentury or century before.Theydidso in a ofways.Theydidnotenterthemodern worldlikea well-disciplined variety in thefootsteps ofMendelssohn and themaskiarmy,tramping faithfully lim.The dual processes ofacculturation and integration wereactedoutin countless thousands ofprivate actsandencounters, butnotentirely mostly unrecorded andunobserved, farfrom thelimelight ofpublicdiscussion. The lifeof"Jew"Kingis partofhishistory. Hiscareersuggests thatthescopeof 63. MS 111,entryforJune 1, 1824,Archivesof the Spanish and PortugueseSynagogue, London.

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fartoonarrowly modern Jewish hasbeendefined andsimply heretohistory of thetransition fromearlymodernto foreand thatour understanding and reconstruction ofmore modernJewish requiresthediscovery history ourhistoriolivesoutsidethegroupsthathaveso farmonopolized Jewish attention. graphical ofHistory Department Indiana University IN47405 Bloomington,

Ironic Characterization in the Works of S. Y. Agnon Author(s): Esther Fuchs Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 101-128 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486408 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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IRONIC CHARACTERIZATION IN THE WORKS OF S. Y. AGNON by ESTHER FUCHS [Reb Zevi] saw and realizedthatthebusinesswas leading[Reb Issachar] thathewasbeingdistracted untilfinalothers, byitandwasdistracting astray, bitofsophistry orvain idea,a senseless lyhefeltlikeonetuggedbya distorted likeonewhobecomesincreasingly embellishment, boggeddownas hetrudges fromonepilpultothenext,fromonepieceofvanity to thenext,untilitfinally whichhecanneveremerge.' dragshimintoa morassfrom 1. TheIronicCharacterand theReferential Context The one who "sees and realizes" the errorsof Reb Issachar,theprotagonistof "The Collectors" ("Ha-Gabba'im") is Reb Zevi, his son-in-law. Reb Issachar himselfdoes not recognizehis misguidedpolicieswhichbring about his economicfailureand social deterioration. The latter'signorance of hisown misdeedsturnshimintoa victimofirony,an alazon. The ironyis betweenthecharacter'sdistortedperceptionof generatedbytheincongruity thesituationdescribedin thenarrativeand whatis in factimpliedbyit. The 1. S. Y. Agnon, 'Ir u-melo'ah(Tel Aviv and Jerusalem,1973),p. 124. This and all subsequenttranslationsare myown unlessotherwiseindicated.

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above citationrefersexplicitlyto the discrepancybetweenperceptionand whichomit reality.In thisrespect,it deviatesfrommostAgnonicnarratives directreferences to thisincongruity. Given such textualreticence,how is the ironiccharacterization carried out?How does thetextimplycriticism withoutusingverbalmediation?The ironiccharacterizationbecomes possible thanksto the reader'sempirical contextofthenarknowledgeand generalacquaintancewiththereferential rative.In a reticenttext,ironydepends for mediationon the referential for context,withoutwhichthereaderwould not have properbench-marks theevaluationofthecharactersor events.2Underlying theironiccharacterization in the textis the incongruity betweenthe reader'sexpectationsand the character'sinteractionswiththe narrativesituation.This incongruity maybe created,notonlybythecharacter'sassertionsand actionsbutbyhis failureto act accordingto thelogicofthenarrativesituation.The failureof thetextto reactto thecharacter'smisperceptions suggeststhatitsobjectivityis an ironicdisguise.As JonathanCuller puts it: "While we need not actuallyfindin theverbalsurfacean assertionwhichrunscounterto what our empiricalknowledgewould lead us to assert,we mustat leastdetect,in theapparentdisinterestedness ofthetext,a failureto assertwhatwe taketo be the appropriatejudgment."3The false impressionthatthe viewsof the protagonistreflectthose of the impliedauthorstemsfromthe subtleand oftenmisleadingtechniqueof narratedmonologue.This techniquewas not takenintoconsiderationbythecriticswho assertedthatAgnon'sprotagonistsgiveexpressionto thepredicaments of theircircumstances.4 The assessmentthatharmonyexistsbetweentheprotagonistand hishistoricalcontext is challengedby the desperationof deteriorating Shibbushand the sentimental effusionsof the protagonistin Guest in the Night('Oreab nalah to see thefastidiousness oftheprotagonistof la-lun).Similarly,itis difficult Thus Far ('Ad hennah)who is concernedmostlywiththe comfortof his apartmentsas congruouswiththe bloodcurdlingdescriptionof Germany duringWorldWar I. Is Isaac Kumer,whojoins a fanaticallyorthodoxand anti-Zionistsect in Jerusalem,representative of the halutzimdescribedin we In shallexaminethedynamics what follows (Temolshilshom)? Yesteryear its functions. its and various oftheironiccharacterization, impact 2. JonathanCuller,Flaubert:The Usesof Uncertainty (Ithaca, 1974),p. 90. 3. Ibid.,p. 90. 4. HillelBarzel,forexample,contendsthatAgnon'smostsubstantialnovelspresenta harmoniousbalance betweentheindividualand thecollectiveexperience.See his Sippurei'ahavah shel S. Y. 'Agnon(Ramat Gan, 1975),p. 127. Cf. Isaiah Rabinowitz,"Darkhei 'Agnon be'iguv gibboroha-sippuri"in Dov Sadan and E. E. Urbach,eds., Le-'AgnonShai (Jerusalem, 1966),pp. 245-46.

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inThe BridalCanopy (Hakhnasatkallah) 2. IronicCharacterization

Thediscrepancy between in The andtheprotagonist's reality perception the trivialization substantial on BridalCanopyis dramatized of by problems theone hand,and theexaggeration and mostlytheoretical of peripheral problemson the other.Findinga propermatchforReb Yudel's three is a problem whichappearsearlyinthenovel.RebYudel'sreacdaughters ischaracteristic: his wife's "Thewordsentered tionto intotheheart protests oftheHasidand arousedhisfatherly He sigheda bitter compassion. sigh, andreturned totheGemara,trusting intheLordsinceeverything wasdone a dowryforPesseledoesnot byHis will."'Reb Yudel'sdecisiontoprocure stemfromrecognizing thenecessity ofhisintervention, butrather fromhis deference to theauthority oftheZaddikofApta,"foritis a misvah to heed thewordsofthewise."6Reb Yudelis notmovedbyhisdaughter's plight, but by the allegoricalinterpretation of the talmudicsaying,"If your life; daughterhas comeof age, releaseyourslave."The textsupersedes theprotagonist's conreality.Thispatterncharacterizes theoryoverrides thenovel. ductthroughout himself inheavymealsandHasidictales,RebYudeloftenforIndulging his the of ofhiswifeanddaughters.7 journeyandthedesperation gets goal recallhisdaughters' Notonlydoesherarely healsorepeatedly predicament, missesidealopportunities fora propermatch.8 The mostobtrusive ironic finds in Reb Yudel's decision in to settle a luxurious paralipsis expression hotelandtostudytheTorah,whileprogressively usingupthemoneyhehad forhisowndaughter's collected RebYudelfailstotakecognizance dowry.9 ofthehalakhicandethicalcrimeheis perpetrating useofmoney bymaking consecrated The matchwhichis finally fora miSvah. effected him between andRebVoviis duetothecuriosity andgreedofRebLifa,thematchmaker, morethanto his own intiative. On his meandering return to Brod,Reb Yudelmakesno effort to regainthelostdowry."He goeswherever hislegs leadhim"'oandfeelsneither his nor shame at failure. guilt On oneoftherareoccasionsinwhichRebYudelrecallshisfamily, heis 5. S. Y. Agnon, Hakhnasat kallah (Jerusalemand Tel Aviv, 1964), p. 8. Excerptsfrom Hakhnasatkallah are forthe mostpart based on The Bridal Canopy,trans.L. A. Lask (New York, 1967), 6. Ibid.,p. 9. 7. For example,ibid.,p. 59. 8. Ibid.,p. 99. 9. Ibid., pp. 221-24. 10. Ibid.,p. 270.

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overcomebysorrow,notforhisdaughtershowever,butforhisrooster,Reb Zerah. "And sinceReb Yudel remembered thatrooster,he beganto weep, lest Frumetdid not stand the testand killedhim."" His hungryfamilyis evoked only by association to the rooster:"and as he rememberedReb Zerah, he rememberedhis family,whom he leftwithoutbread,clothesor shoes." The textitselfdoes notofferexplicitcriticismof Reb Yudel's egocentricity,whichis presentedby theunreliablenarratorand theothercharacters The principalelementsthatconas theepitomeof pietyand righteousness. trol the ironicprocess of characterization are thejuxtapositionof scenes the on the one hand, and Reb Yudel's selfdepicting family'smisery, on the other."2 Reb Yudel's return to Brod does not narrowthe indulgence his between naive and the troublesome gap optimism reality.He continues to spend mostof his timein the studyhouse,oftenreflecting on his adventuresand sharingfavoritetaleswithothers.'3 The numerousdiscrepanciesbetweenthe Hasid's worldand his world view are not merelya comic ploy. They serve,in fact,as a comprehensive satireon theJewishancestralcommunity. Whatis presentand far-reaching ed in the narrativeas a centralproblem,namelyfindinga matchforReb Yudel's daughters,is indicativeof thestructure at oftheJewishcommunity is The reader that the of the stem Reb told difficulties match from large. Yudel's poverty.It is intimatedthatReb Yudel's povertyis due to the fact that Reb Yudel, too busy servinghis Lord, has no timeto earn his own bread.The factofthematteris, however,thatduringhisvoyage,Reb Yudel spendsmostof his timetellingand listeningto tales,whichhave veryslight bearingon the Torah. The questionwhichfollowsnaturallyis, Whydoes Reb Yudel not work fora livinginsteadof travelingaimlesslyforseveral months?Whydoes he preferthecollectionof charity(a ratherpurposeless endeavor,since he squandersthe moneylater) to respectablework?The question is impliedby the textbut neverexplicitlystated.It looms large especiallyin thesceneswhichdescribeReb Yudel's admirationformanual laborers.The protagonistshowsdeep venerationforReb Moses, thegoldbut his venerationremainstheoretsmith,14and forthe old mud-digger,"5 11. Ibid.,p. 202. is followedbyChap. 12. Book 1,Chap. 16,whichis dedicatedto thefamily'swretchedness, ensconcedin a sumptuoushotel.Ibid.,p. 214. 17,whichdescribesReb Yudel as comfortably 13. Ibid.,pp. 343,345-47. 14. Ibid.,p. 207. 15. Ibid.,p. 209.

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and recounts ical. He offersallegoricalinsightsinto different professions'6 manual It never tales on behalf of occurs to Reb Yudel laudatory workers.'7 that he can emulatethe workershe admiresso much and that he can or should translatehis words into actions. The repercussionsof this ironic transcendthe specificstoryabout Reb Yudel, implicatingthe incongruity whichstressedlearningand underEast European ancestralvalue-system rated economic independence.It is not the ancestralideal of persistent Torah learning,butitsfalserealizationwhichis satirizedin thenovel. The centralproblemof the narrative,namely,the lack of propitious bridegroomsforReb Yudel's daughters,raisesa deeperproblem:How is it based on theprinciplesofTorah, possiblethatin a pious Jewishcommunity, it is theeconomicstatusofthepaterfamilias whichdetermines thefateofhis his rather than and Reb Yudel's (and their)piety righteousness? offspring, his his inabilityto marryoff daughters,despite remarkablespiritualqualities,and despitethe apparentreverenceof the community, impliesthata Jewis notjudged byhislearningor devoutness,butbythesize ofhispocketbook. The textmakesno effort to explainthisinconsistency, neitherdoes it the in like to fact that a rich no Jews Brod, community attempt explain volunteeredto help poor Reb Yudel in his predicament.The listof Brod's exacerbatestheproblem: wealthyresidentsfurther Thereweremanywealthy menin Brod,likethattruescholarandGaon,Reb ZalmanMargolius, andhisbrothers, therichRebGetzelandRebJacob,but was wealthier Reb YudelNathansohn thanthemall and hisfamehadeven Brod. . spreadbeyond ... The textoffersno explicitcriticism ofthegap whichseparatedrichand poor in the community.The ironicomissionof censureis most effective in the contextswhichjuxtapose Reb Yudel Nathansohnthemillionaire,and Reb Yudel Nathansohn,the pauper.'9 The Hasid's self-presentation as Reb Yudel, theillustriousmillionaire,explainsReb Vovi's eagernessto signthe marriagecontract.The protagonistall butignoresthedubiousethicalramificationsofhis ingeniousdeception.WhenReb Vovi realizeshismistake,he reactswithmuchindignation, buthis furyis notdirectedat theact ofdecep16. Ibid.,p. 271. 17. Ibid.,pp. 283-85. 18. Ibid.,pp. 229-30 (Lask, p. 244). 19. Ibid.,p. 232.

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tion, but at the pauper's daringto offersuch an enormoussum for his daughter'sdowry: Reb Voviwas filledwithfuryandshouted, "Woe to you,pauper,youdon't evenhavea propergarment on yourbodyandyoupromise twelvethousand crowns foryourdaughter."20 Soon afterReb Yudel's miraculousascensionto wealth,Reb Vovi's anger subsides,and hisrespectforhisin-lawis happilyrestored. The problemwhichfindsno verbalexpressionin thetextis theexclusiveness of theeconomicfactorin determining social statusin the community. Had theHasid notdisguisedhimselfas therichman he was not,and had the miracleofthetreasurenotoccurred,themarriagecontractwouldhave been could cancelled.The gap betweenrichand poor in theancestralcommunity be or intervention. The through deception supernatural paraonly bridged this which treatment of the ancestral attitude liptic problem parodies idealizestheJewishcommunity, unawareof thegraveproblemsembedded withinit. The ironicparalipsisis complementedby thegratuitousexaggerationof peripheralissues.The Rabbi ofApta is nottroubledbythesocial and ethical problems,but by appearance and impressions.He attachesmuch importanceto Reb Yudel's appearanceand helpshimborrowa coach and proper garments-theinsigniaof social status.He also takespains to affixrhymes to the sententiousletterhe writeson behalfof Reb Yudel. The excessive emphasison thesetrivialities eclipsesthe moreessentialproblemof social Reb Yudel inequality. explains his masqueradingas a rich man as an attempt to evoke pity.2" The use of the guise of wealth as a means to induce

commiseration,however,ridiculesReb Yudel's naiveteand the community'ssocial normsand conventions.The wealthypeople ofthecommunity lend him respectableclothes.It neveroccurredto these"good, pious and upright"people to help Reb Yudel in a moresubstantialway,bycollecting money for his daughter'sdowry,for instance. The assistanceis faulty notthecause oftheproblem. becauseittreatesthesymptom, The social and economicinequalityin the ancestralcommunitymotivatestheplotsof mostof themetadiegetic storiesin theBridalCanopy,like 20. Ibid.,p. 390. 21. Ibid.,p. 326.

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"Solomon-Jacob'sBed" ("Mittato shelShelomohYa'aqov") (therichbride becomes available for a match withthe poor protagonistbecause of her shady love affairwith a gentile) and "Torah and Greatness" ("Torah u-gedullah")(the poor man gains the community'srespectthanksto his stories, marriagewiththerichReb Manish'sdaughter).All themetadiegetic however,are presentedby the narratoras celebrationsof the Torah and Israel'spiety. The incongruity betweentheancestralideal and themodeledrealitycorrodesthevalidityofthetheologicalpremisesofthenovelas well.The essential problemof the suffering righteousappears in the narrativein different is but it treated variations, peripherally bybothprotagonistanI narrator. How muchgood Reb Yudel derivedfromhis sleep!His limbsrested,he hismentalbalanceand did notenteron unnecessary for regained thoughts, Reb Yudelwas all butquestioning, God forbid, thewordsofthesageswho sayintheTalmudthatnightwascreatedonlyforsleep,andherehewasunableto fallasleep;also itwashardforhimto understand whytherearemen whostayinoneplaceall theirlivesandtheHolyandBlessedOnebrings what in his theyrequireto theirownplace,whilehe couldnotfindhisnecessities ownplacebutwascompelled totravel to foreign parts... .22 The issue of providentialjustice is raised in the wake of the protagonist's by the logical solutionto the trivial sleeplessness.The ironyis intensified query,whereastheessentialproblemis further complicatedby a sophistic, he, Reb Yudel thatis, mustbe one of those mysticpilpul: "And therefore souls,derivedfroman out-of-placeletterin a verse,and so he had to satisfy his needsby wanderingfarand wide."23In otherwords,Reb Yudel's wanbya mysticallinkbetweenhisown soul and a cerderingsare predetermined tainletterin theTorah. At thispoint,theprotagonistignoresthefactthathe had spentmostof his lifein his own townand had neverbeencompelledto roam about priorto his presententerprise. Reb Yudel ascribeshissuffering to a metaphysicalorderand avoids questioningthisorder.He is contentto repeatthe dogmatictheodicyand rejectsthe need to examineits validity: "And Reb Yudel said, 'His guidance,blessedbe His name,is alwaysdone withjustice,and righteousness and mercy,and thereis no need forexplana22. Ibid.,p. 57 (Lask, pp. 58-59). 23. Ibid.,(Lask, p. 59).

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tionsby a merehumanbeing,because the explanationis embeddedin the guidanceitself.',24 The protagonistneveras muchas questionshisdogmaticbeliefin divinejustice, even when he encountersinnocentpeople afflictedwithfamineand sickness(Reb Kalman, Reb Joshua Eleazar) or deceitfulegotistsblessed withincalculableaffluence(Reb Israel Solomon,Reb Ephraim).The pious narratorneverquestionsthevalidityofthesocial systemwhichallowsa rich and childlessReb Yudel to dwell beside a pennilessReb Yudel who can in directproportion affordno dowryforhisdaughters.The ironyintensifies to thedramatizationofsuffering: werelyingon the strawwas there,and twosisters ... and a pileof rotting Thesisters smelled strawandtheireyesdancingwiththemadnessofhunger. thebreadwith One ofthemstoodup andsnatched thebreadin hisgarment. hermouthtotheother'smouth hermouth.Hersisterfellon herandbrought andher andtooka biteofthesameloaf,untilhermouthhittheother'smouth, teeththeother's teeth.25 Reb Yudel's reactionto thissceneis notone ofrevulsionor pityas one may expect;ratherhe is concernedabout havingto miss a chance to studya on theeve ofhismother'sdeath.The halakhicproblem chapterofmishnayot the human tragedy.Not onlydoes he failto questionthe absolute eclipses on human divine of meaninglesssuffering justice providenceforinflicting God and to thanks to he this to offer more but uses opportunity beings, he eulogizeHim: "Had a man knownhow to connecttheevents wouldhave realizedthatall is meantforthe better. . . forthegood of the Holy One, blessed be He, forhad the Holy Blessed One not wantedit, it would not have been done."26Reb Yudel's eagernessto justifyhis a prioriancestral vicious circle,because the conceptionlocks him into a self-contradictory belief in God's the he undermines monotheistic adduces justification "forHis owngood" is a benevolence.A God who makeshiscreaturessuffer fromthe one Reb and ruthlessGod and extremelydifferent self-serving

24. Ibid. 25. Ibid.,p. 267. 26. Ibid.

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Yudel has in mind.The problemofunjustsuffering prevailson thecollective levelas well: he wenthe wantedto knowaboutthetroubleswhichoccurred Wherever sincetherewasnotownwhichwasspared;butthetroubles ofeachtown there, weredifferent fromthetroubles oftheother.... Heretheyhadbeensmitten at thehandofIshmael,theTurk,and therebythehandofChmelnitski, the Cossack,as toldintheelegies.Saintsthatwereas holyandpiousas angelsand sucseraphsperishedthatday; wealthymagnatesand menof reputation cumbedintheirthousands forhunger andthirst; in were assaulted daughters in theirmothers' thepresenceof theirfathers, and sons wereslaughtered women bosoms;wiveswererapedin sightof theirhusbandsand pregnant rippedopenwithknives.AndtheHolyandBlessedOnedipshisroyalpurple cloakinthebloodofthemurdered soulsofIsraeltillitscolorturns red.27 The descriptionof the persecutionsof innocentJewsunderminesthe doctrineof divineprovidenceand justice. Not for Reb Yudel, however.The protagonist,a staunchbelieverin collectiveand individualprovidence,28 avoids potentialdoubtsby ignoringthe problem.Reb Yudel perceivesthe historicalaccounts of the persecutionof the Jewsas legendaryfolktales, of Paltielthe milksimilarlyto the way he perceivesthe factuallife-stories man and Kalman the tailor.29The inversionof factand legendbluntsthe edge of the theologicalproblem,but it does not close thegap betweenthe reader'sperceptionand thefallaciousinterpretation offeredby bothprotagonistand narrator.The ironiceffectis, in pointof fact,amplifiedby the characters'imperviousness to theproblems.The authorattemptsto create in the readerthe properreactionto the complexsituation,elicitingat the same time a monochromaticattitudefromthe alazonic character.30The BridalCanopydoes not derideand extoltheprotagonistsimultaneously, as it. some would have Rather,theworkridiculestheprotagonistby pretendingto veneratehim."3 27. Ibid.,p. 272. 28. Ibid.,p. 27. 29. Ibid.,p. 344. 30. J.W. Harvey,CharacterandtheNovel(Ithaca, 1965),p. 78. 31. Accordingto BaruchHochman(The FictionofS. Y. Agnon[Ithaca, 1970],p. 54), "The BridalCanopyat once celebratesReb Yudel and mockshimrelentlessly." Hochmanlargelyfollows the ambivalentinterpretation of S. Y. Penueli in YeSiratoshel S. Y. 'Agnon(Tel Aviv, 1960),pp. 59-63.

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in OtherAgnonicWorks 3. TheIronicCharacterization a. The NarratedMonologue Many of Agnon's thirdpersonnarrativesuse thetechniqueof narrated monologue.32The narratedmonologue presentsthe conscious and subconsciousactivityofa characterbyemployingtheobjectiveand impersonal in fact, is auctorial,itreflects, thirdperson.Thoughtheformaltransmission a figuralconsciousness.The objective pose of the formaltransmission manages to highlightthe limitations,flawsand distortionsof the figural consciousnessbyfeigning as DorritCohn explains:"But no matneutrality, ter how 'impersonal'the tone of the textthat surroundsthem,narrated or irony. monologuestendto committhenarratorto attitudesofsympathy Preciselybecause theycast thelanguageofa subjectivemindintothegrammar of objectivenarration,theyamplifyemotionalnotes,but also throw into ironicreliefall falsenotesstruckby a figuralmind."33In Agnon,the principalclue to the distancebetweenauctorialand figuralpointsof view betweenthe modeledcontextand the protagonresidesin the incongruity ist'ssimplisticand naiveperception. One of the central thematicissues in "A Simple Story" ("Sippur pashut")deals withthesocial inequalityin Shibbush(in Hebrew,"a flaw"). It is the economic gap betweenthe spoiled Hirschel,son of middleclass theirromanBluma,whichundermines shopkeepers,and theimpoverished tic relationship.The obvious victimof the social corruptionis Bluma, the poor orphan, shamelesslyexploited and abused by her rich relatives, is equallyvictimized Hirschel'sown parents.But Hirschel,theprotagonist, his embodied devious and materialistic mother,Tzirl. by by the system, Tzirl plots to wean her son away fromBluma, and to substitutethe rich Mina for the pennilessmaid, whom she unscrupulouslyexpels fromher thenarrated on trivialities, house. By dramatizingHirschel'sconcentration In to thereal cause forhissuffering. monologueexposeshisimperviousness thenextscene,Hirschel,obliviousto thetruecauses ofBluma's depression, ascribesitto herwillfulness: sawher.Herfacewaschanged. Herlowerlipwasdrawnintoher He suddenly 32. An excellentarticle on the subject is Harai Golomb, "The Combined Speech in Agnon'sProse" [Hebrew],Hasifrut1(1968): 378-85. Minds-NarrativeModes for PresentingConsciousnessin 33. Dorrit Cohn, Transparent Fiction(Berkeleyand Los Angeles,1968),p. 117.

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Howmany mouth. battles hadhefought forher,yetshehardly paysheedto him.Hisheart went her? GodinHeaven knows thatheis limp.Didhewrong blameless.34

The"battles"Hirschel forBluma,however, remainwishful reflec"fights" is calledfor,Hirschel tionsandplans.Evenwhendefense remains mutevisa-vistheinsidiouscomments ofTzirl.Duringtheirencounter in thewine Tzirl son is reminds her that Bluma and of therefore cellar, poor, unworthy him.Insteadof resisting, "Hirschelstoodstill... his handslimp."The hisviewsofhimself. character's actionsdo notcorroborate Theironiccharacterization ofHirschel differs from thatofthesecondary characters (Tzirl,BaruchMeir,Mina,Berta)and thecaricatures (Tauber, Sheinberd, Kurtz)in degree,notin quality.Boththemainand theseconserveas satireon thebourgeois conventions oftheEastern darycharacters Jewish of of the the twentieth European community beginning century. The complexpoliticalbackground of Shirahoperatesas the major vehiclein theironiccharacterization of ManfredHerbst,theprotagonist. in The Nazi threat Europe,theArab-Jewish conflict andtheoppression of theBritish Mandatein Palestine ofthe1930soperateas thethreemainfoci in the referential context.Theseproblemsreceiveconsiderable attention fromsecondary inthenovel.Henrietta is busyensuring characters immigrationcertificates forherrelatives in Germanywho are seekingrefugein Palestine. Tamarajoinstheunderground, andZoharaworkson a kibbutz. Thecomplacent himself ina mostly theoretical however, professor, indulges loveaffair andbusieshimself withhisuninspiring academicwork.Itshould be notedthat,in boththeeroticandtheacademicspheres, he is concerned withsuperficialities. ThoughobsessedbyShira,he neverstopsto consider thetruenatureofhisattraction to her,and itsimpacton hisownfamily. Herbstis equallyuntroubled topursuescholarship, which byhismotivation is basedon competitiveness and fearratherthanon intellectual curiosity. Theelderly is farmoreconcerned withappearances thanessences. professor The scenesdescribing the encounters betweenShiraand Herbstare to theunsettled oftheperiod. usuallyframed byreferences politicalreality his second is encounter with a curfew Shira, During imposed.3On hisway backfromShira'shouse,aftertheirthirdreunion, Herbstcomesacrosshis who is returning froman underground sescolleague,Taglicht, training

34. Sippurpashut(Tel Avivand Jerusalem,1971),p. 105. 35. Shirah(Jerusalemand Tel Aviv,1971),p. 103.

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sion.36FollowinganothermeetingwithShira,Herbstis caughtin an Arab ambush.37And in yetanotherof his manqu6attemptsto see Shira,Herbst runsinto Shlesinger,a staunchanti-Mandateactivist.38 It neveroccursto actionsconflictwithwhatthepoliticalreality Herbstthathis self-indulgent he usesthetraumaticeventsas alibiswithwhich prescribes.On thecontrary, to allayhiswife'ssuspicions. didnotprolong their HerbstandTaglicht talk;... theypartedandwenttheir whichwas recently happywiththenewsettlement separateways.Taglicht, andHerbstwiththeexcusehefoundthrough established, Taglicht.39 ofTaglicht,and othercharacters, The ideologicaland politicalinvolvement emphasizesby contrastthe complacentsolipsismof the protagonist,and the repeated"coincidental"encounterswith political reality,throwinto The implied author,who reliefthe absurdityof Herbst's egocentricity. is parodyingthehero's or from evaluation refrains criticism, any apparently it he exposesthe ad amoral attitude. and absurdum, By pushing apolitical hero's neutralityas self-deluding.The objective descriptivenesswhich characterizesthe novel, does not reflectthe author's empathy,as some would have it.40At play is a subtlemanipulationof theironicpotentialof as false. thenarratedmonologue,whichexposestheobjectivity In additionto scenicdramatizationand characterological foils,thetext and fallaciousreasoningto pointout the mobilizesinternalcontradictions dubiousvalidityoftheprotagonist'sself-perception: Whatdoesitmean?He doesnotwishtogo to her.Indeedhedoteson herat his whereas he doescontrol all times,butheis notincontrolofhisthoughts he he them at home. had as he controls and as them, Though, keeps legs, long forifa wifedoesnot wouldbe innocent, goneto Shira,heandhisconscience todo as hepleases.41 consent toherhusbandheispermitted

36. Ibid.,p. 118. 37. Ibid.,p. 269. 38. Ibid.,p. 453. 39. Ibid.,p. 118. theauthor'spointofview.See 40. BaruchKurzweilmaintainsthattheprotagonistreflects Massot 'al sippureiS. Y. 'Agnon(Jerusalemand Tel Aviv, 1975),p. 403. Hillel Barzeltoo idenSee Sippurei'ahavahshelS. Y. 'Agnon(Ramat Gan, tifiestheauctorialand figuralperspectives. 1975),p. 130. 41. Shirah,p. 93.

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The epigramincludedin thecausal subordinateclause,whichconcludesthis protractedand convolutedsentence,is presentedas an objectivenarrative

itreflects statement. theauthor'sattitude. Butwhomaintains Presumably,

that a wife'ssexual inaccessibility justifiesthe husband's searchfor other A possibleclue can be foundin the women-the authoror theprotagonist? syntacticawkwardnessof the above quoted sentence,whose structure undercutsits semanticsignification. The complexsentenceconsistsof six clauses.The syntacticcomplexity increasesprogressively, in the culminating finalconditionalclause, whichincludesconcessiveand causal subordinate clauses. The hypotacticstructureunderlinesthe questionablelogic of the reasoning.The logical distortionis mostobtrusively expressedbytheinternal contradiction betweentheopeningand closingpropositions.The former indicatesthattheprotagonistdoes not wishto see Shira,whereasthe latter impliesthe opposite.42The excessiverepetitiveness transposesthe reader's attentionfromthe semanticto the syntactic,frommeaningto medium, therebyimplyingthat instead of cogentreasoning,the hero manipulates wordsin orderto disguisehis questionableintegrity. By retaininga neutral pose, theimpliedauthorpretendsto acceptthedubiousexcuseas validjustification. In anothercontext,Herbstrationalizeshis eroticurgeas social commitment: A mancannotforegovisiting thecityeverysinglenight.[He shouldvisitthe whodwellsinthecityorbecause city]becausehewishestospeakwitha friend ofanotherreason.Manyare thereasons,and themostimportant reasonis thatitis notgood to keepawayfromthecommunity, forifonekeepsaway from thecommunity, thecommunity him.43 keepsawayfrom

at thepresenceof hisfriendsmakesit hardto accept Herbst'sdiscomfiture as genuinehis suddeninterestin the citycommunity.His generalindifference to the predicamentsof his societymakes the pretexthe uses to visit Shirabecomeall themoretransparent. therepetition ofcausal Syntactically, clausesand conjunctivesexposesthespeciousnessofall the"reasons." Herbst's reluctanceto confrontthe essentialproblemsunderlyinghis 42. On theironicfunctionofsyntactic see BorisEichenbaum,"How Gogol's awkwardness, 'Overcoat' Is Made!" in RobertMaguire,GogolfromtheTwentieth Century(Princeton,1974), pp. 267-92. 43. Shirah,p. 97.

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academic career is assistedby a similarstrategyof evasion. His work is The text repeatedlydescribedin technicalratherthan intellectualterms.44 with confused and notes to ideas: prefers pens(often cigarettes) Foroftenhecopiesthings whichhealreadycopied,becausethenotesarecontoverify whathedidordidnotcopy.Likewise, fusedanditisdifficult attimes he findssomething worthcopying butdoesnotcopyitbecausehethinks he copiedit,andlaterwhenhechecksthenotesherealizesthathedidnot already copyit.Andifhe wishesto copyit,heeitherdoesnotfindthebookordoes notfindthesubject.45 The repetitionof theverb"to copy" disclosesthereproductive tediumand of Herbst'sactivity,not onlyhis amusingabsentmindedness.46 Profutility fessorManfredHerbst,likehiscolleaguesin theacademicpantheon,judges and is judged by quantitativeoutputratherthan quality.47The obsessive concernfordetailspreventstheherofroma moresubstantialcriticalevaluation of the historicalperiod he specializesin. His comprehensivebook on in theChurchof Sophia in Byzantiumduringthereign "all theinstruments of Leo the Heretic"does not mentionthepersecutionsoftheJews,forone towardthehistoryhe investigates thing,underLeo's rule.48Ifhisobjectivity can be defendedin thenameofscholarship,theidenticalattitudehe demonstratestowardhis own timeexposes an unforgivably indifferself-centered In both the ence. fastidiousconcernwithbagatelleseclipsesthesubcases, stantialproblemsinvolved,leading to a superficialand largelydistorted worldview.Underlying thismode ofcharacterization is Agnon'suse ofparawithHerbst.49 lipsis,nothiscompleteidentification

44. Ibid.,pp. 145,232, 314,358,359,532. 45. Ibid.,p. 200. 46. Ibid.,pp. 16, 193,194,422. 47. RobertAltersuggeststhatHerbst'sfailureas an academicstemsfromhisconsciousness ofour knowledgeofthepast." See hisarticle,"A Novel ofthePostTragic ofthe"tentativeness and ModernHistoricalCrisis(Philadelphia,1977),pp. 169-86. World,"JewishWriters 48. On the failuresof Leo the Heretic,see George Ostrogorski,Historyof theByzantine State,trans.J.Hussey(New Brunswick,1969),pp. 78-80. 49. BaruchHochmancriticizestheauthorforavoidingexaminationofthemeaningofcritiwithhimthathe cal issues:"Agnon, forall his mockeryof Herbst,seemsso closelyidentified withHerbst does not wantto probethemeaningof hisexperience.So deep is hisidentification on theissuesthatariseinthecourseof Herbst'spresentation." thathe seemsto lose perspective See his article"Agnon's PosthumousNovel," Midstream17 (1971): 68-75.

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The caricaturizationof otheracademics uses paralipticdevicesas well. In the case of Wechsler,the technicalprocessof researchis emphasizedat the expense of its scientificmerit.The title of Weltfremd'spamphlet, "SeventeenPrincipalReasons WhyWe AbsolutelyObject to theNominationofPlato as LecturerofPhilosophyin anyUniversity, Especiallythosein in is of the which another way Germany," yet example paralipsisgenerates satire. Essentially,Herbst is not differentfromWechslerwho "selects amuletsand seals and titlesand classifiesthemin filesand letsHitlerkillthe Jews,and lets the Jewssave themselves."50 But, whereasthe satirictreatcaricaturesis meantto criticizeacademicopportunmentoftheprofessorial ism, the ironic characterizationridiculesthe sterileintelligence,which burrowsits way throughtrivia,untroubledby externalturmoiland deeper issues. The referential backgroundof "Betrothed"("Shevu'at 'emunim")is the second 'Aliyah,butthe protagonistRechnitz,resemblesHerbstin his absolute obliviousnessto the social combustibility of his timeand in his singlemindedpursuitof his researchon seaweeds. Rechnitzsettlesin Jaffafor to idealistslike Yehiel Luria and professionalreasons,in contradistinction BorisHeilpern.Whenoffereda positionin America,he leavesJaffawithno hesitationor compunction.His indifference to his social environment he the demonstrates toward Shoshana,thechildhood parallels insensitivity he vowed to is He unaware oftheuneaseoftheold marry. playmate equally his his six the of consul, benefactor, yearnings girlfriends,and his parents, whomhe visitson professionaltripsonly.5'The ironicfunctionof thenarratedmonologueis particularly in contextswherethetrivialis preeffective sentedas colossal and vice versa:". .. so he jumped offhis bed and took a bowl ofcold water,and dippedhishead in it,washed,and shavedhis beard. And Asclepius,theGod ofHealth,protectedhimfromwoundinghischinor cuttinghisskin."52JacobRechnitzdoes notinvokeAsclepius'sassistancein moreconsequentialsituations,especiallythoserelatingto themysterious illness of Shoshana. The discrepantinsertionofa transcendental factorintoa quotidian contextsignals an ironic distance betweenthe auctorial and figuralpointsof view.53The protagonist'stendencyto ascribeoutcomesto

50. 51. 52. 53.

Shirah,p. 137. S. Y. Agnon,'Ad hennah(Jerusalemand Tel Aviv,1966),p. 282. Ibid.,p. 250. For additionalexamplesofthesame technique,see ibid.,pp. 288, 291.

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for thewill of thegods also illustrateshis reluctanceto take responsibility hisown actions.54 The oftendesultorystructureand inconsistentlogic of the narrated monologuesuppliesus withyetanotherironicclue: ifheunderstood Andalthough shetoldherfather itis doubtful [aboutthem], withShoJacobdidnotfindtheopportunity to discusstheaffair thematter. shanawithShoshana'sfather. Andhewaspleasedwiththisforhewasafraid to talk theconsulmightobservehisdeeds.Justas he foundno opportunity withhim,so hefoundno wayto talkwithher.Shoshanadidnotevadehim, withhim.55 butshedid notseemcontent She did notgivehiman excuseto talk.56 The numerousexcuses the hero mobilizesforhis defenseintimatethathis lack of communicationwithShoshana and her fatherdoes not stemfrom theirinaccessibilitybut fromhis own reluctanceto confrontthem. The hypotacticstructureof the excuses in this passage underminestheirown validity.The more detailed and circumstantialthe rationalization,the clearerthepsychologicalmechanismofthehero'sevasivenessbecomes. The ironic dialogue constitutesanother frequentfeaturein Agnon's characterizations.The ironic dialogue focuses on peripheralissues, cauIn tiouslyavoidingthe centralproblemwhichtroublesthe interlocutors.57 in Jacob's dialogues "Betrothed"this techniqueappears most frequently withtheconsuland Shoshana: I was thinking ofa certaintaxidermist. Jacobadded,"At thisverymoment nevertheHis nameis Arzaf.I amnotsayingthatthisbirdcanreadthoughts; thatjustas I wasthinking ofArzaf,theparrotscreamed lessit is a wonder, 'Pferflucht.' "Achzav?""Yes,Arzaf."Said ShoshanatoJacob,"You toldme theflowers that gaveyouforme yourgirlfriends yesterday youexchanged 54. It seemsto me thattherepeatedinvocationof thegods does notjustifytheallegoricalendorsedby Abraham Kariv, Dina Sternand Hillel Barzel. The theosophicalinterpretation functionofthegods in thenovellais mainlyironic,and thereis nothingin theoperationofthis motifto suggestthatthe othercharactersin thestorysignify allegoricalentities(e.g., theconsul= God; Rechnitz= Israel,etc.). 55. Literally,"she did notshowhima contentcountenance." 56. 'Adhennah,p. 275. 57. See Yosef Even's "Ha-di'alog be-sippureiS. Y. Agnon ve-darkhei'i$Suvo,"Hasifrut 3(1971): 281-94. Even stressesin particulartheschematicframeof thedialogue,and itsstatic repetitiousness.

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theflowers? withotherflowers. .. ." "BecauseI found Whydidyouexchange nicerones."SaidShoshana,"Thisstandstoreason.I seethatyoucan others, notanswernow.Perhapsyouwillanother time.Whatisthenameofthattaxidermist fromEin Rogel?"SaidJacob,"Arzafis hisname."Shoshanaopened hereyesand said,"Yes,yesAchzav."Said Jacob,"WhatdoesArzafhaveto do withthis?"Said Shoshana,"Sinceyoumentioned him,I wantedto know hisname.NowthatI know,youdo nothavetomention himagain.""5 on thetroubled Onlyat one pointdoes thedialoguetouch,albeitindirectly, is of the when Jacob asked about the flowershe interlocutors, relationship for his own brought Shoshana. Embarrassedby deception,and by the fact that his giftforher was donated by his own girlfriends,Jacob makes no reply.The tediousconversationwhichopens withArzaf,a safeand neutral subject, concludes with a discussionof his name. Shoshana's repeated, mistakenpronunciationof the taxidermist'sname dramatizesher lack of attentiveness to Jacob's wordsand thegeneralbreakdownin theirmutual communication.Focusingon the irrelevant a parataxidermist constitutes shift of from center to liptic emphasis periphery.59 Unlike Rechnitz,who uses his workto escape fromShoshana,Hemdat, of "The Sand Dune" ("Giv'at ha-bol") avails himselfof his artisticpursuit to win the heartof thelovelybut elusiveYael Hayot. Hemdat,however,is not consciousof the libidinalurgeswhichunderliehis altruism.He triesto convincehimselfand othersthathis interestin Yael is platonic,selfless,and motivatedby "his pityforher."60The self-delusion is exposed,however,by thenarratedmonologues.For example: Sheusuallyarrives fiveandsix.Againsheis late.Wouldthatshedid between notcomeat all.It wouldbe niceofher.He wantstoworkandshedoesnotlet him.Shetakesup hisbesthours.Perhapshe shouldstopinstructing her.... Justwhenhewishestoseeher,hedoesnotseeher.If Whyis shenotcoming? shestoppedtaking lessonsfromhim,thenight wouldbe lonely. Somedayshe can hardly getup,andsomedayshewashesup onlyforher.It is alreadysix andYaelhasnotcome.6' The concludingsentencesresoundinglybelie Hemdat's pretendedequa58. 59. 60. 61.

'Ad hennah,p. 269. An identicaldevicecharacterizesHirschel'sdialogueswithBluma in "SimpleStory." S. Y. Agnon,'Al kappotha-man'ul(Jerusalemand Tel Aviv,1971),p. 355. Ibid.,p. 365.

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The emotionaltensionbeneaththerationalizedcomposureis reflectnimity. ed in theparatacticstructure. Despite his rationaldecisionto thecontrary, Hemdathastensto visitYael thatverynight. (Temolshilshom)deludeshimself Similarly,Isaac Kumer of Yesteryear thatthe flirtatious who his Sonia, enjoys companyoccasionally,is seriously involvedwithhim.Desperatenotto come to termswithreality,he inventsa wealthofexcusesto explainSonia's apparentindifference. Perhapssheis ill,forafterall,had shebeenwellwouldshenothavecome. Soniais ill,Soniais ill.... Soniais notill,Soniais notill,Soniais notill.... On thecontrary Sonia is healthy, Sonia is healthy, and shesitswaitingfor me.62

In contrastto Isaac's expectations,Sonia did not "stretchout herarmsto embracehim."63The ironyof eventsdramatizespoignantlytheincommensurabilityof Isaac's perceptionand reality.Despite Sonia's coldness, however,he determinesto propose to her.64Even aftertheystop corresponding,Isaac believesthat theirrelationshipneeds to be clarifiedand, travelsback to Jaffain order"to speakclearly."'6 consequently, Isaac's romanticblindnessis paralleledin his ideology.Isaac, who emigrates to Palestine as a halutz, determinedto break with the Jewish diaspora,ends up joining an anti-Zionistreligioussectsupportedby EastEuropeancommunities. Like Hirschel,Herbst,JacobRechnitz,and Hemdat,Isaac concentrates on pedestrianissues,consistently avoidinglargerprinciples.The secondary characterof Menahem,representing and thehalutz bothgenuinereligiosity ideal of the cultivationof the soil, servesas a foil to Isaac Kumer in the same waythatthetrulydedicatedartist,Blaukopf,setsofftheopportunism of Kumer,who resortedto paintingby necessity,ratherthan by choice. else inthenovel,emphasizesIsaac's excessive Butwhat,morethananything and his lack of self-consciousness concernwithinconsequentialtrivialities is deeplyconis Balak, thedog, who,in contrastto thehumanprotagonist, The canine philosopheris obsessedby cernedwithethicsand metaphysics. etiologyand teleology,themeaningoflife,cosmicjusticeand hisown iden62. 63. 64. 65.

S. Y. Agnon,Temolishilshom (Jerusalemand Tel Aviv,1964),p. 161. Ibid.,p. 142. Ibid.,p. 153. Ibid.,p. 365.

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worldviewand tity.To a certainextent,Balak satirizestheanthropocentric thegeneraltendencyofhomo sapiensto philosophizein vacuoand establish based on meagerevidenceand limitedexperience.Balak's obsesgeneralities sion with eternaltruthsunderlinesthe opposite tendencyin Kumer: to ignoreprinciplesand submitto vicissitudesinthenameofsurvival. In contrastto Yesteryear, whosediegetictimespans a fewyears,"Metamorphosis"("Panim 'aherot") presentsa singleafternoonin thelifeofToni and Hartman,followingtheirdivorce.Whereasthenovelcan use largeplot to dramatizetheincongruity structures ofconsciousnessand reality(such as coincidental encounters and repeatederrors),the purposelesswanderings, in must this a limited objective story accomplish space. It thereforeuses and mechanicalgesturesin orderto conveythesame: "Once absent-minded again Hartmanfeltthe need to do something.Not knowingwhatto do, he removedhis hat, mopped his brow,wiped the leatherband insidehis hat, and putitback on hishead."66 Hartman's involuntarymotions and stealthylooks insinuatewhat is neverfullyexpressedin dialogue,hisrenewedattractions to hisformerwife. a studiedeffortnotto broachthesubjectof Hartman'sconversationreflects divorce.He talksand thinksabout different eventsfromhis past but never about his immediatedilemma.Comingacross a mound,he climbsit and is overcomebyan irrationalfear: himself backin thesamesituation, He imagined and beganto be afraidhe wouldfall;no,itwasrather a wonderhe hadnotalreadyslippedtothebottom.And ifhe had notalreadyslippedand fallen,he was boundto do so; therewasnorealdangerofhisfalling, hisfearitself wouldmakehim although to givewayand fall;thoughhe was stillon hisfeet,hislegswerebeginning slip,hewouldrolldown,hisboneswouldgetbroken.67 The readerwould expectsuchemotionalintensity in conjunctionwithHartman's divorce.This problemmeritsthe dread and distressthat Hartman experiencesover a small and completelyharmlessmound. This incident, however,dramatizesHartman's usual mannerof coping with reality;he seemsto attendto trivialities and flinchfromreal problems.The irrational dread inspiredby the smallmounddramatizestheparalipticdisplacement. 66. 'Al kappotha-man'ul,p. 452. Based on "Metamorphosis,"trans.I. Schem,in S. Y. One Stories,ed. NahumGlatzer(New York, 1970),p. 114. Agnon,Twenty 67. Ibid.,p. 467 ("Metamorphosis,"p. 132).

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It becomesclearthatthecause of divorcestemsfromHartman'sown paranoia and phobias, here embodied by an innocuous mound. Hartman's of thenarincongruousreactionis emphasizedby thehypotacticstructure ofhisthoughtprocess. ratedmonologue,stressing thelogicalinconsistency The ironiceffect increasesin directproportionto thepervasiveness ofthe avoided problem.In the majorityof Agnon's narratives,the problemis adumbratedin thebeginningand growsprogressively obtrusiveas theproof"The Lady and obliviousness to the increases. Helena tagonist's problem identifiedas the Peddlar" ("Ha-'Adonit ve-ha-rokhel")is not immediately own husbandis the vampireshe is. The possibilitythatshe murderedher tentatively suggested,however,by her certaintythather husband's killers will neverbe found.68The reader'ssuspicionsare confirmedby Helena's candid admission of her cannibalisticpredilection.69 Joseph,her Jewish herconfessionas a jocular speechstyle,and remainsin boarder,interprets Helena's houseuntilshe assaultshimwitha knifein hissleep.The protagontheproblem.It is thetime istis muchslowerthanthereaderin deciphering thatcreatesthestrong and the hero's realizations between the reader's lag dramaticironyin thestory.70 In "Edo and Enam," thedilemmawhichobsessesGamzu and motivates his actions becomes clear to the mystifiedwitness-narrator (and to the reader)onlytowardthe end of thestory.Gamzu's volubilitycoverseverythingfromtheexoticplaces he visitedto thecurativepowerof charmsand themysticalallusionsof puzzlingversesin theTorah and theMidrash.He makes no referenceto the truecause of his nightlyvisitsat the house of Greifenbachs,presentingthem as mere coincidences.That the orthodox scholaris in pursuitof his wife,who abandons himnightlyforherbeloved Ginat,becomesevidentin Gamzu's violentexchangewiththeloversand in his subsequentabductionof his own wife.The main clue to the distance betweenthe impliedauthor and the protagonist,prior to this dramatic scene,can be foundin therun-onsentencesand cumbersomesyntaxof the reportedmonologues:7 68. S. Y. Agnon,Samukhve-nir'eh (Jerusalemand Tel Aviv,1964),p. 95. 69. Ibid.,p. 96. 70. Even ifwe concede theallegoricalinterpretation construingthelady as theChristians elementsat theexpenseof and Josephas theJews,we mustnotoveremphasizethesubstitutive thestructural relationshipbetweenthem,whichcreatessuspense,dramaticirony,and ironyof oftheprotagonist. eventsand whichunderliestheironiccharacterization 71. Note thatreportedratherthannarratedmonologueis thecentralironicvehiclein this story.

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a cigarette and talkedaboutthemagic ThenGamzusat and rolledhimself is of whose virtue to charms, properties superior thatofdrugs,forthedrugs in ancientbookscannot,forthemostpart,be reliedon, we findmentioned sincethewaysbothofnatureandofmanhavechangedandwiththesechanges ofthedrugstoohasaltered.Butcharmshaveundergone nochange theeffect becausetheyare yoked and stillretaintheirfirstnatureand condition, withstars,and thestarsremain together just as theywereon thedaywhen is observed and theirinfluence on all hungin thefirmament, theywerefirst on for to the star of his and such creatures, especially man, according nativity, is a man'scharacter and fate,as itis saidintheTalmud,"All dependsupon one'sstar,"anditissaid,"Ourstarmakeswiseormakesusrich."72 Gamzu's drawlingmonologues are redolentwith internalcontradicand fallaciousreasoning.In anothermonologue, tions,misrepresentations he willconfirmtheoppositeofhis presentstatement, namelythatdrugsare moreefficient thancharmsand thatcharmsare merelyobsoletedrugs. The pleonasticstyle,hypotacticstructureand long-windedness of the The paralipticpresentamonologuescontributeto the ironicself-betrayal. tion of theprotagonist'sconsciousnesspeaks at theconcludingsceneat the cemetery.Instead of expressinggriefover the tragicsuicideof Ginat and Gemula,Gamzu informsthenarratorofhisrecentdiscovery.73 Many criticshave missedthe ironyin the story.Some have presented Gamzu as a tragichero and a symbolof traditionalJewry.Consequently, thestorywas interpreted as an ideologicalmanifestobemoaningthe fateof traditionalJudaismand criticizing secularZionism.74 The characterizationof Adiel Amzeh, the obsessed historianof "Forevermore"(" 'Ad 'olam"), is based on a similartechnique.Thoughsatirized by the long-windedconversationswithGumlidata's sacred dogs75and by thepreciositiesof his research,itis onlyat theend ofthestorythattheparalipsis reachesits fullesteffect.Only at thispointdoes it become clear that Amzeh'sresolutionto join a leprosariumin orderto completehisresearchis not "tragic"or "heroic,"but ridiculous.Most criticsmaintainthatAmzeh constitutesa tragichero.Gabriel Moked listsAmzeh'sloftypropertiesin a

72. 'Ad hennah,p. 360. Based on TwoTalesbyS. Y. Agnon,trans.WalterLever(New York, 1966),pp. 170-71. 73. 'Ad hennah,p. 394. 74. See Meshulam Tukhner,Pesher 'Agnon(Ramat Gan, 1968), p. 112 and Kurzweil, Massot,p. 148. 75. S. Y. Agnon,Ha-'esh ve-ha-'esim (Jerusalemand Tel Aviv, 1952),p. 319.

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book-size eulogy appropriatelyentitledThe Praises of Adiel Amzeh.76 Amzehdoes notjoin thelepersfromaltruisticor humanisticmotivesbut in orderto perusethe pus-coveredhistorybook of Gumlidata.In the leprosarium,he shedstearsfortheanonymoushistorianofGumlidata,completeofthelepersaroundhim.Ironicallyignoringthemoreimmediatesuffering of the ancientbook becomesquestionable,in view of its ly,the historicity pragmaticpurpose:to impressKing Alaric,Gumlidata'srelentlessenemy. Far frombeing a reliable source of unbiased facts,the book for which Amzeh risks his life containsthe officialpropaganda of a cityin siege. However,Amzeh seeks in thisdubious source not substantiveanswersor essentialinsightsbut a meretechnicaldetail:"From whichside enteredthe bands ofGediton,thehero,fromthebig bridge. . or circuitously fromthe The detailswithwhichAmzehis concernedunderscore valleyofAfredat."77 his senselessmonomania. Several criticscontend that Gumlidata simultaneouslyrepresentsJewishtradition,the biblical city of Samaria and modernJudaism78 and that furthermore thisancientbook symbolizesthe Amzeh is a serious,dedicatedand admirBible.79In theirview,therefore, able scholar,80 fitto symbolizetheentireJewishpeople. Excessiveattention to the allegoricalaspectoftheresearchobscuresitslarger,ironicunderpinnings. The ironic effectdepends to a large extenton the complexityof the characterization. It willapproachthetragicifthecauses oftheprotagonist's are convincing.However,iftheperceptionaldistortionis gramisperception tuitous,the characterbecomesa caricature,thusproducinga comic effect. This is thecase in the"Book oftheState" ("Seferha-medinah"),populated withone-dimensionalcaricatures:theirmisperceptions do not stemfrom In "The rational causes. Peel" any Orange ("Qelippat tappualhha-zahav"), the centralproblemis clearlythe public nuisancegeneratedby the orange solutionsoffered peel whichhad beenthrownintothestreet.8'The different 'Adi'el'Amzeh(Tel Aviv,1957). 76. GabrielMoked, Shivhbei 77. Ha-'esh ve-ha-'esim, p. 324. For a moredetailedaccountof theironiccharacterization in the story,see myarticle"'Ad 'olam-patos o 'ironyah,"to appear in JerusalemStudiesin 2 (1982). HebrewLiterature 78. Tukhner,Pesher'Agnon,p. 134. 79. Adi Zemah, "'Al ha-tefisahha-historiyyosofit bi-shenayimmi-sippurei'Agnon hame'uharim,"Hasifrut1 (1968): 378-85. 80. Amzeh is presentedas heroic,tragicand symbolicof the Jewishpeople by Tukhner, Barzeland Zemah. 81. Samukhve-nir'eh, p. 269.

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by thecaricatures(e.g., secureinsurancepolicyagainstpeels,contributeto realestatefunds)are absurdbecausetheycomplicatetheproblemneedlessly thesimplestand moststraightforward solution:theremoval bydisregarding ofthepeel. The onlyone who takesthislogicalrouteis castigatedand penalized bya policeman.The causticsatireon governmental heavy-handedness and bureaucraticinanityuses essentiallythe same paraliptictechnique encounteredin Agnon's novels,but it does so in a muchmoreexaggerated manner.The centralproblemhereis clearlycontrastedwiththeinadequate responsesand dogmaticsolutionsofthecaricatures. b. The Personal-Subjective Narrative narrativeservesas an effective The objectivepose of the third-person mask fortheimpliednarrator,whoseveryact ofsuppressing criticalevaluations underscoresthe protagonist'sweaknesses.However,the first-person as narrative,thoughpersonal and subjectivein tone, is equally effective ironicvehicle.This maybe seen in thecharacterization of Hemdat,theprotagonistof "Young and Old Together"("Bi-ne'areinuu-vi-zeqeneinu"), Tirzah of "In the Flowerof Her Youth" ("Bi-demiyameha"),and thepronominal"I" in Guestfor theNight('Oreah natahla-lun)and TheBook of Deeds (Seferha-ma'asim). One of the most efficient the inapprotechniquesfor demonstrating of "Young and Old priate perceptions of the protagonist-narrator Together" is based on his laudatorypresentationof caricaturessuch as Deiksil(in Hebrew,"ratherfoolish"[dei kesil]),Dr. Davidson, Mr. Cohen and Mr. Notkis,to nameonlya few.Deiksil's ignorance,opportunism, and in are his vacuous sententiousness and verexposed arrogance pompous bosity.Though he has no knowledgeof Hebrew,he findsit necessaryto expresshis opinionabout theproperpronunciationof Hebrew.82 Moreover Deiksil,the leader of the ZionistStudentOrganization,prefersto eulogize Great Britaininstead of proclaimingthe value of the Land of Israel.83 Hemdat,however,enthralledby his idol, sees in Deiksil's ostentatiousperformancean undeniableproofforthelatter'ssuperiority. The protagonistconsiderssocial activities,such as contributions forthe National Fund, subscriptions to Zionistpapers,discussionsand parties,as 82. 'Al kappotha-man'ul,p. 312. 83. Ibid.,p. 311.

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ofcommitment authentic manifestations to Zionism.However, emigration totheLandofIsraelis neverevenmentioned inthesatire.Theapotheosis of hisowncontribution to Zionismis,according to Hemdat,hisarticleonthe Pitshiritz soirees:"I too was rewarded, formyletteraboutthepartyin waspublished inournationalpaper,anditwasprinted Pitshiritz onthevery sheetonwhichappearedthepicture ofourDr. DavidDavidson."84 Thenarrator'snaiveself-indulgent was construed attitude byseveralcriticsas the with author'spointof view.In some instances, Hemdatwas identified Agnonhimself.85 is notonlydirected Thesatiricfunction oftheironiccharacterization at inEurope,ortheJewish but theZionistleadership decadence, community's also at thenaiveconception ofZionismas theory rather thanpractice, as an idealtobe upheldrather thanrealized. Another consciousness ispresented limited bythepronominal protagonist-narrator of Guestfor theNight.He returns to Shibbushin orderto itscitizens.86 a no longerexistent The reconstruct worldandto rehabilitate is doomedto failure, cannotbe to Shibbush becausehistory guest'sreturn ofWorldWarI be relieved neither canthedisastrous effects reversed; byhis or charity goodwill. inthenovelis basedlargely on ofmostcharacters Theironictreatment no offers a to reckonwiththefactthatEasternEurope longer theirrefusal The repeatedmetadiegetic forJewishexistence. realisticalternative plots thewretched socioeconomic stateofthelocal Jews87 and the dramatizing on thethemeofsickness, the variations and death88 demonstrate disability ofthecommunity. the Againstsuchbackground degeneration progressive concern oftheprotagonist withhispersonal"problems" fastidious appears coat,thedeteriorating qualityofthe jarring.He is troubledbyhiswinter at thesynagohotel'smeals,a keyhe hadlost,andtheinadequateheating toredeemthedyingcomEvenmoreridiculous aretheguest'sefforts gue.89 84. Ibid.,p. 349. 85. Accordingto Arnold Band, Hemdat indeedrepresentstheyoungAgnon priorto his to Palestine:"So highlypersonalwas thisattemptat satire,thatAgnoncould not immigration See Nostalgiaand Nightmare (Berkeleyand keep it withinthe boundsof objectivetreatment." Los Angeles,1968),p. 124. 86. Kurzweil,Massot,p. 53. 87. S. Y. Agnon,'Oreahnalah la-lun(Jerusalemand Tel Aviv, 1964),pp. 18,30,48, 56, 62, 71,80, 177,193,216,250,365. 88. Gumovietz,Ignatz and Daniel Bach are maimed. "The baby" is asthmatic.Freida, Shulkind,Enoch and Reb Haim die in thecourseofthenovel. 89. 'Oreahnatahla-lun,pp. 42, 57, 58, 76,94, 102,112, 154,336.

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munitybytendingto symptoms(supplyheatforthesynagogue,takecharge of the synagogue'skey,give occasional alms), ratherthan reckoningwith the essentialailment.The fewglassesof waterhe clumsilypourson the fire furtherexpose the helplessnessof the communityas well as his own incompetence.The protagonistdeals with each problem separately(the povertyof Sara and Freida,thetragedyof Daniel, thedeathsofEnoch and Reb Haim) withno attemptto seek theircommoncause. It is thisdisjunctiveperceptionwhichthetextironizes,referentially alludingto theostrichlikewishfulpsychologyofinterbellum EuropeanJewry.90 In additionto thesocial aspectofthesacrificefunction, one shouldnote to underplaythesetheothetheologicalone. The protagonist'sfutileefforts logicalproblemsonlyunderscoretheircomplexity.UnlikeElimelechKaiser and Daniel Bach who pull no punchesin protesting againstGod's indifferhis the offers afflicted ence to pious consolationsand repeated people, guest theodicies: All thattheHolyOne,blessedbe He, didin His worldHe didwell,andafter all hiswork,He endowedmenwithwisdomto makea pattern He completed liketheoneabove.He createda suntogiveheatinthesummer, andgavemen tomakean oventokeepthemwarminthewinter thewisdom days.9' Whattheprotagonist-narrator omitsin thispious eulogyis thefactthatthe synagogueoven had been ineffectual priorto his arrival,because,the"wisdom" whichGod grantshumanbeingsmustbe complemented byfinancial means.This theodicyseemsto failthe narratorwhenthecorpsesof Enoch and his horseare foundin thesnow.92Despite God's wisdom,and thewisdom He had impartedto man,a devoutand innocentman losthislifein the cold.93 freezing Similaraspects are satiricallyprobed in Thus Far ('Ad hennah)whose referential contextis World War I Germany.Hans Trotzmiller, theson of the narrator'shotelkeepercan barelyfunctionupon his returnfromwar. 90. Employingan entirely different criticalmethodology, Yair Mazor reachesa similarconclusionconcerningthepreponderanceof"Eretz Israel" as a countervailing themeto theidea of "galut" in the novel. See his book Ha-Dinamiqahshel motivimbi-yeSirot 'Agnon(Tel Aviv, 1979),pp. 68-71. 91. 'Oreahnalah la-lun,p. 114. 92. Ibid., p. 241. A similarironiceffort is producedbytheimaginaryencounterofthenarratorand theghostsofEnoch and hishorse,pp. 211-14. 93. For anotherdubioustheodicy,see ibid.,p. 192.

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Yosef Bach's brother-in-law Dr. Mittel and the sons of Mr. Lichtenstein, and HeschelSchorare killedin thewar.94Economicdeterioration and social of the war whichseem to hurtthe Jewish demoralizationare coefficients sectorin particular.This tragiccontextsets offthe narrator-protagonist's solipsism,dramatizedmoststrikingly by his single-minded pursuitof more comfortableapartments.His daily encounterswiththe destructiveness of theragingwardo notdiminishhisplaintiveness.95 The trivialproblemin the auctorial frameworkbecomes the paramountconcernof the figuralconsciousness. For the protagonistrealityis measuredby needs alone. The traumaticreturnof Hans to his familyinspiresin himnothingbutself-pity about the room he mustvacate.96 Similarly,whenhis housingsituationis resolved,he presumesthateverybody'sdilemmasare happily satisfactorily concluded: I givepraisefortheeventswhichbefallmanto hisharm,forintheendthey turnoutforhisgood.Go andseehowmanyadventures thismanhasexperienced.Sincethesorrows God tookpityon him,anddelivered him multiplied, andbrought himbacktohisownplace,totheLand[ofIsrael].97 This optimisticconclusionstemsfromthe solutionof the narrator'sown problem,whichhas littlebearingon thegeneralschemeof things.The jarringdiscrepancybetweenthenarrator'sconclusion,and thetragicimplications of the narrativeridicule the pious naivete of the protagonistnarrator. Thoughgravelyharmedby thewar,none of thecharactersretracttheir patrioticcommitmentto Germany.They all see the war as a historical necessityand a noble cause.98The satiriceffectis most caustic when displayedin a Jewishcontext,sincetheJewsin thenovellaare shownto be victimizedbythewar as wellas byGermanantisemitism. in the Book of Deeds It is difficult to findfull-fledged characterizations since,like the Book of theState,thisworkdisplayscaricaturesratherthan "round" characters.The centralfigureis presentedas a pronominal"I," who functions as narrator.All expositionalmatterconcerningthecharacter 94. 95. 96. 97. 98.

'Ad hennah,pp. 64, 84,93, 95, 99. Ibid.,pp. 89,99, 105,126. Ibid.,pp. 68-76. Ibid.,p. 169. Ibid.,pp. 39,46, 52, 102, 109,110-12.

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is omitted,and most of the reader'sknowledgeabout him is confinedto whateveris disclosed by the immediatenarrativesituation.The personalthefictional"I" withS. Y. Agnon subjectivenarrativeled criticsto identify It seemsto me,however,thattheomissionoftheexpositiondoes himself.99 notreflecttheauthor'sprivateexperiences;ratherit servesless as psychological reflectorthan ideationalindicator.It dramatizesthe absurd experiences of the"I" as theuniversalpredicamentofeveryman.The incongruity of humancapabilitiesand theperplexingvicissitudesof lifeare thesubjects ofthesegrotesques.The inadequacyofthehumanperceptionis emphasized by the ironicparalipsis:the "I" takes the trivialas colossal, while extraordinaryphenomenaare treatedas pedestriantrivialities. The hero of "A Whole Loaf" ("Pat shelemah")fluctuatesbetweentwo alternatives, perceivedby himto be ofequal and utmostimportance;should he firstgo to thepostofficeand mail Dr. Ne'eman's lettersor shouldhe give priorityto his hungerand go to the restaurantfirst?The discrepancy betweenthe protagonist'sdesperationand the trivialityof the dilemma underlietheironiceffect ofthestory.This elementwas missedbythosewho thefiguralpointofviewas auctorial,and thosewho attemptedto identified harmonizethediscordancewhichis crucialto thestructure "A grotesque.'00 Whole Loaf," likemostothergrotesquesin theBook ofDeeds,was presented as the dramatizationof the nightmarish modern-secular pole in Agnon as opposed to thenostalgicharmonypresumedto characterizehis ancestral stories.'0'Consequently,theuniversalgrotesquesunjustlybecamedomesticatedas Jewishdidacticparables,at theexpenseofAgnon'srelentlessirony. Summary The exclusiveor predominant concernwithperipheralissues(paralepsis) a evasion of pivotalproblems(paralipsis)concomplementedby persistent stitutesAgnon's basic mode of characterization.It distinguishesthe ancestral-pioushero, as well as the modern-secularone. It prevailsin the 99. Accordingto Dov Sadan, thevalue ofthesestoriesconsistsin whattheyauthentically reveal about the "inner depthof the author's soul". See his book, Massot u-ma'amarim'al S. Y.Agnon(Tel Aviv,1978),p. 59. 100. Structuralcacophany,incongruitiesand textualinconstanciesare formativein the grotesque.See, forexample,PhilipThomson,TheGrotesque(London, 1972). 101. Sadan, Massot,p. 29; Kurzweil,Massot,p. 130.

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as well as in the personal-subjective narrativeand in impersonal-objective therealisticnovelas well as in thegrotesque.Despite thesimilarstructure, functhe ironictechniqueproducesdifferent effects and performsdifferent tionsin variousworks.The ironicdistancebetweentheauctorialand figural oftenin thesame work,butthe pointsof viewis also subjectto fluctuation, fortheworkin itstotality crucialimplicationsoftheironiccharacterization are the same in all of Agnon's narratives.It is also importantto notethat the fictionalprotagonistsdo not automaticallypresentpsychologicalor of the author'spersonality, but ratheraestheticentiideologicalreflectors The tiesfashionedbytheauthorand designedto perform specificfunctions. creationofthefictionalcharacteris bound by an aesthetictruthratherthan by factual,historicalor biographicaldetails. Consequently,the one who refusesto deal withthemodeledrealityis not Agnon,"whose stomach"is supposedly"too sensitive,"'02 but the protagonistwho is satirizedby the authorforhislack ofself-consciousness. andLiteratures Oriental andAfrican Languages ofTexasatAustin University TX 78712 Austin,

102. Accordingto BaruchHochman,"Agnon has no realstomachforhisharshestinsights. To argue witha writeron thesegrounds- especiallyof Agnon's stature- is to arguedire issues.It is to say thatin thefinalaccounting,Agnonsidestepstheharshestand mostmeaningofall." See FictionofS. Y. Agnon,p. 189. fulconfrontations

Anglo-Jewry and the Jewish International Traffic in Prostitution, 1885-1914 Author(s): Lloyd P. Gartner Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 129-178 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486409 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:28 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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ANGLO-JEWRY AND THE JEWISHINTERNATIONAL TRAFFIC IN PROSTITUTION, 1885-1914 by LLOYD P. GARTNER between Ourtaleopensin somelittletowninthePale ofSettlement the well-dressed man 1880sand WorldWar I. A well-spoken, young appears to thegreatmajority and courtsan attractive of girlofa family belonging theJewishtownspeople-that and burdenedwithmany is, impoverished Theunknown suitoroffers children. charmandgifts, andspeaksknowingly of thegreatplaceshe has seenand wherehe has a good business-Paris, himwestLondon,or NewYork.Willthegirlaccompany Johannesburg, wardand becomehisbrideoncetheyreachtheirdestination? He doesnot Abbreviations: AZJ: Allgemeine Zeitungdes Judentums (Leipzig) JAPG&W:JewishAssociationfortheProtectionofGirlsand Women JC: JewishChronicle(London) JLA:JewishLadies' AssociationforProtectiveand Rescue Work JewishInternational JewishInternational on theSuppressionoftheTrafConference: Conference fic in Girlsand Women.1910.London.OfficialReport.Privateand Confidential. BerthaPappenheim,Sisyphus-Arbeit: aus dem Jahren1911 und Sisyphus-Arbeit: Reise-briefe 1912 (Leipzig, 1924) VR: VigilanceRecord(London)

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sincehemight wanttostaylongenoughintowntomarry be seized publicly, The excited the formilitary conscription. girl, by prospect, imploresher their consent to this She feels she loves to thisyoung proposal. parents give in With bleak life and future the town will be man. dismal him,the in a great,distant at a strokeforhappiness and prosperity exchanged city. wereleaving,mainlyforAmerica. Everymontha fewyoungtownspeople Alreadythereweremanymoremarriageable girlsintownthantherewere aside?Mightit youngmenforthem.How couldsucha chancebe thrown everrecur?Ifthegirlwondered of all the numerous why poorgirlsintown shewas enjoying theseattentions, shewouldanswerin herownmindby Her parents,or hersurviving herselfon her prettiness. complimenting If theywerereluctant or their consent. or had gave parent step-parents, that on whattheycoulddo forthegirl'sfuture doubts, theyhadonlytoreflect was morepromising. Now therewouldbe one less at hometo feedand else,to look worryabout,and,oncegone,shewouldlearn,likeeveryone outforherself. Offwentthegirlwithheryoungman,obliviousoftheskepwhile Sherealizedtheywereonlyenvious, ticalglancesofsomeneighbors. of could be as the cant of rabbis stodgy warnings readily disregarded graybeards. Thevoyagewasexhilarating, evenin steerage. clad,thegirl Attractively heryoungmanbehavedtowardher.Sheappreciatnoticedhowattentively thattheywerelikely tomeet, attitude ed hisprotective againstthecharacters whoappearedon Jewish thosefrommeddlesome organizations especially ofoneabout boardas soonas theshipdockedandaskedprying questions saidwhathehad theother.As cousinstraveling together-the girlsensibly meddlers at thedockin Hamshesay-theygotpasttheJewish suggested in of at theobvious and then London. She felt a uneasiness twinge burg flewso fast, shown to her and betrothed. Experiences suspicion hostility In there no time to reflect on them. that was London,theywentto however, knewtheyoungman wheretheproprietor eat in an East End restaurant, to thegirl.Thenthecouplewentto a flat markedcordiality and displayed orcousin? totheyoungman'ssister-orwasithisfriend belonging comestothesurface. HeretheCinderella reality storystops.Nowa fetid withdifferent Theyoungmantookthistripseveraltimesyearly girlsand,of or honorable. He butromantic whichwereanything course,hadintentions inan linkina chainofwomenandmenwhocooperated wasinfactthefirst as thewhiteslave knownuniversally in prostitution, international traffic

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inthepoor,attractive thePaleofSettlement trade.'Hisinterest girlfrom lay valuefortheprostitute's careershewasto follow, onlyin hercommercial or not.Aftera dayor twointheLondonflat,shemight whether willingly consentto his advances,and,if not,shemightbe rapedbyhimand his This abuse wenton until,in theirtestedjudgment, shewas accomplices. and demoralized to If she on the streets. had relations despairing enough go aftera fewdaysshewastoldtherewasno moremoney withhimwillingly, andthatshehadtogo to"work"on thestreets. ithardlywasprofitable to comefromEasternEuropeonlyas However, faras London.LondonJewish as prostigirlscouldbe,andwere,recruited it was betterto keepup theromantic tutes.Commercially speaking, pretensesas faras the finaldestination, whichwas usuallyArgentina. A victim also out of demoralized shame and utter Once might go dependence. orSouthampton thelongvoyagefromLiverpool endedinBuenosAires,the or forcedto submitin case shehad notdoneso earlier. girlwas persuaded Shewassoldto a brothel for?75 or? 100ormore,andwemayimagine how thepurchasepricewas settled.Constantinople, and Bombay,Alexandria, Rio de Janeiro wereotherdestinations at varioustimes,butBuenosAires waslongthemainterminal forJewish Jewish prostitutes. girls,itwasreportthehighest ed, werethemostin demandand fetched pricesfromthemerchantsofprostitution overseas.2 Prostitution intheEastEuropean Setting whiteslavetraffic. Its sourceofsupply This,in essence,was theJewish was mainlyEast EuropeanJewry, whichwas multiplying at a tremendous ratethroughout thenineteenth whilesinking all century deeperintopoverty thetime.Russia,Poland,Rumania,and Galiciahad about1,250,000 Jews in 1800and 6,200,000in 1900.Economicopportunities laggedfarbehind theneedsofthenew,youngpopulation, over 50 ofwhomhad just percent not attainedtheirtwentieth when were in the enumerated birthday they 1. JAPG&W,Report,1901,p. 23. A sketch,in Hebrew,ofthesubjectby A. Stal appearedin Megamot24 (August,1978):204-15. 2. R. Paulucci de'Calboli, "La trattadelle raggazzeitaliane,"Nuovaantologia38 (Whole no. 182)(1902): 421-22.

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Russian census of 1897. The Jewishpopulation increasewas most pronouncedin cities,especiallyin such vastnew urbanJewishcommunities as Warsaw,Lodz, Odessa, and BialystokwherethecombinednumberofJews, about 15,000in 1800,reached505,000in 1900.Some venerableJewishcommunitiesalso multiplied,such as Vilna, whichwentfrom5,700 in 1800to 64,000around 1900. These great population increasesentailed not only a massive demographicshift,but also extensivesocial dislocation.Young menand women lefttheirsmalltownsand movedto largecities,whetherin quest ofeducation or employment, or increasedbreadthand varietyof life.Livingapart fromtheirfamilieswas a state of affairswhichtraditionalJewishsociety hardlycontemplatedand viewed with disfavor,especiallyas concerned women.The lot ofthesinglegirlin thecitywas harderthantheman's,since her employmentpossibilitieswere verylimited,hours verylong, and pay verylow. Nor did theseworkinggirlshave anysuitableplace to spendtheir littlefreetime;no clubsor educationalfacilitiesexistedforthemin Galicia3 norelsewhere,probably,in EasternEurope.TraditionalJewishsociety,with all itscommunalinventiveness, was stillunpreparedforsucha social group and uncomprehending of its needs. Many a lonely,overworked,underpaid workinggirlcould findheronlypleasureand releasein sensualgratification. The same mightbe said of manyyoungmen,workingas hard as the girls and also lacking family.Their plightoftenmeant that social and sexual norms fell by the wayside. They were portrayedmovinglyby A. M. Borokhov (Brukhov; later Berekhyahu,1869-1946), an ex-rabbiturned publicistand livingin Berne.He wroteof orfactory an employee insomeone'shomeorstore, ... a seamstress worker, wholovedsomeoneofherownclass.On oneofthemanyevenings whenafter twelve hours'workshesatwithherbelovedinherroom,theypouredforth the oftheirwearyhearts.A feeling ofcompassion bitterness towardoneanother As compassion towardoneanother overcame so didthe them, grewstronger. within in oflove,whichisso muchlikeit.Thesefeelings themincreased feeling realizedthattheywerealoneinthegreatworld, power,as thepairsuddenly thatno onenoticedthemortroubled aboutthem... Theirsenseofisolation in lifedrewthemcloseto eachother,and theybeganto dreamofthehappy in 3. Bertha Pappenheimand Sara Rabinowitsch,Zur Lage der jiidischenBevolkerung zurBesserungder Verhiiltnisse und Vorschldge Galizien:Reise-Eindracke (Frankfurt,1904),pp. 76, 79-80.

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future whichwouldbe theirs. ledthemtoa warmintimacy ofheart, Dreaming andthisled,as itusuallydoes,tointimacy ofbody... .4

therewasa largestep,and Still,fromsexuallapsesto sexualpromiscuity wasstilla greater thenceto prostitution one.Thetransition from occasional in or part-time to employmentcommercially sexual organized prostitution

in EastEuropean vicemeanta further step.Eachofthesephasesexisted before thecloseofthenineteenth inprostitution Jewry century. Trafficking

wastreated inthatgreat,unsparing realistMendeleMokherSeforim's novel In theValeof Tears(Be-'emeqha-bakha)and in itsYiddishversion,The Written Wishing Ring(Dos Vintshfingerl). duringthe1880s,thisworkwas setduring the1840sand 1850s.Bytheturnofthetwentieth a demicentury, mondeof brothelsownedby Jewsand inhabitedby Jewishprostitutes existedin Warsawand Lodz.5Vilna'sJewish saidto be numerprostitutes, drawnfrom thesmalltownsofLithuania.6 Theexistence ous,wereallegedly of brothelsownedby Jewsand inhabitedby Jewishprostitutes is also attested forBrody,Lemberg, andthey Tarnopol,Cracow,andCzernowitz, A report wereno doubttobe foundelsewhere. inLondontellsof published Jewsconvicted in Lemberg in 1892forprocuring twenty-six girlswhowere to be soldinAlexandria andpointseast.Sixtyhadbeenrescueda yearearlierin Constantinople as lateas 1912 Nevertheless, bytheAustrian consul.7 theestablished Jewish in communal both leadership Brodyand Tarnopol deniedthatthetraffic existedin theircitiesalthough knew,"in "everyone 4. Ha-Meli4,June20 (July3), 1904;Borokhov-Berekhyahu's collectedwritings, Nekhasim va-'arakhin (Tel Aviv,1938),do notincludethisarticle. 5. A. Litvak(HayyimYa'aqov Helfand),Mah she-hayah, trans.fromYiddish, Vos Geven, by H. Sh. Ben-Avram(Ein-Harod, 1945),pp. 159-64; Sisyphus-Arbeit, pp. 144-45, 158. Litvak's storyof theJewishmass assault on Jewishbrothelsin Warsaw duringtherevolutionary disturbancesin May, 1905is confirmed byreportsformthelocal Britishvice-consul,W. B. St. Claire, to AmbassadorHardingein St. Petersburg:"On the 25th May the disturbanceswere renewedwhenlargecrowdsof [Jewish]men and boyswentto disorderlyhouses,attackedthe inmatesand proceededto demolishthecontents.Therewas no attemptat robbery,everything was completelydestroyed."FiftyJewishbrothelswerewrecked,and onlyafterwards did nonJewsjoin in therioting(E. B. St. Claireto Ch. Hardinge,May 27, 1905,enclosurein Ch. Hardingeto Marquess of Lansdowne,May 30, 1905,F.O. 65/1700,No. 351; also F.O. 393/22,No. 19, May 22, 1905 Public Record Office).My colleague Prof.E. Feldmangenerouslyprovided thismaterial. 6. Ha-Dor (Cracow), vol. 1,no. 24 (June13, 1901),p. 5; Ha-MeliS,July11(24), 1902;Sisyphus-Arbeit, p. 166. 7. VR, July, 1892, pp. 78-79, January,1893, p. 99. See Edward J. Bristow, Vice and Vigilance:PurityMovements inBritainsince1700(Dublin and Totowa,N.J.,1977),p. 178.

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thewordsof BerthaPappenheim social (1859-1936),theGermanJewish thatitdidexist.8 worker andfeminist, Yiddishplaysof therealistic Peretz theater, Contemporary including Miriamof 1905and SholemAsch'sGotfunnekome(1912) Hirschbein's createda stirwiththeirthemeofprostitution. Bothplaystreated theJewish in prostitution interms whichmakeclearthattheaudiencewaswell traffic is alsodemonstrated awareofitsexistence. Popularawareness bythelarge, variedvocabularyand numeroussayingsabout prostitution.9 Miriam, written in was Hirschbein's first dramatic andit Hebrew, work, originally articles written and discussed Borokhov. "A.", below, virtually by stages Miriamis a lovable,innocent orphanfroma villagewhocomesto a "large Lithuanian Vilna-to workin a cellarhosiery city"-obviously workshop. a wealthy, ShemeetsZilberman, handsome ofher youngmanand,heedless fellowworkers' byZilberwarning, goeswithhim.She becomespregnant Miriamstaggers backto the man,whoabandonsher.Aboutto givebirth, whereherold friends aid her.The playendswithMiriamas an workshop, ill-treated inmateofa brothel, herbabyboycaredforbya nurse,visiting witha Jewishand a Christian fellowprostitute. All of the remorsefully in Hirschbein's themesarepresent class distinction between theman play: ofillegitimate into andthegirl,thedisgrace the descent childbearing, tragic prostitution. BerthaPappenheim concludedthat"therootoftheevil[was]misery, withitsconsequent socialdebasement of habits,customs,and thought." in EasternEuropecouldhappenin EastLondon,she Whatwashappening a wage added,becausetherootsofimmorality layin a "housingproblem, an education of andupbringing Sheandherassociates problem."10 problem, that elements of the traditional theJiidischer Frauenbund there were argued 8. Sisyphus-Arbeit, pp. 158,201-5; JAPG&W, Report,1912,p. 32. Der Oytserfunderyidishershprakh(Thesaurusofthe 9. Assembledin Nahum Stutchkoff, YiddishLanguage) (New York, 1950),sec. 598, pp. 693-95. Thirty-four songs and dittiesby and about prostitutesare in Pinkhos Graubord, "Gezangen fun tehoym... (Lider fun in M. Vanvild,ed., Bay undzyidn:Zamelbukhfarfolklor ganovim,arestanten,gasn-froyen)," (Warsaw,1923),pp. 19-41. unfilologiye erstat10. Quoted in JAPG&W, Report,1903,p. 40; ReferatvonFrauleinBerthaPappenheim am 26. tetin einervondem Vorstandedes IsraelitschesHilfsvereins Versammlung einberufenen Februar1901,p. 6. On BerthaPappenheim,see Marion A. Kaplan, TheJewishFeministMovementin Germany (Westport,Conn., 1979),especiallypp. 103-45, and thesame author's"GerFeminismin theTwentiethCentury,"JewishSocial Studies38 (1976): 34-53, esp. man-Jewish Feminist."Jewish 44-49; Dora Edinger,"BerthaPappenheim(1859-1936): A German-Jewish Social Studies20 (1958): 178-86.

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lifewhichabettedtheevil.Hasidim,theyemphasized, formofJewish placed womenin "a very,verysubordinate and their education was position," In East female was sorelyneglected. EuropeanJewry generally, literacy a deal lower than that of males. of the 712 Thus, girl good unaccompanied in Londonin 1907,65 percent whoarrived were"totally illiterimmigrants ate or could writeonlya littleYiddish. . . ."" Dazzled by theirnewlifein

itwas turntoprostitution, might largetowns,girlsevenfrompiousfamilies sincetheywereuntaught intheirownindividuality andworth.12 contended, thatsherepeatedly heardfrom reported Pursuingthepoint,Pappenheim of"a shockingly localphysicians number of and women of'better large girls families' who were untroubled and were bypoverty " outwardly pious,yet as prostitutes.'3 carriedon furtively TheGermanJewish visitor knewofgirlswhoundertook for prostitution and then,"oftendepending on external made amusement, circumstances," thetradetheirfull-time occupation.Someparentsindifferently permitted theirdaughters to dressup in orderto promenade unescorted inthestreets, in termsof traditional a practiceonlyslightly lessreprehensible norms.'4 insisted notonlyon a causalnexusbetween andprostiPappenheim poverty linkbetweenprostitution and the tution,but on a farmorecontentious socialand religioussubordination of women,particularly in Hasidiclife. FewwouldendorseBerthaPappenheim's viewsinfull.Sucha critique ofthe and status of women within the traditional a upbringing community implied stillwidercritique, whichcouldnotbe undertaken the bythosewhodesired ofEastEuropeanrabbis.Yetthesocialdislocations collaboration described holdoftraditional here,andthediminishing life,foundtheserabbisbaffled andabletodo little. anddisturbed was therecruitment no means ofprostitutes confined to EastEuroBy Ashkenazic on pean Jewry. Pappenheim reported graphically theextensive recruitment ofyoungJewish in such cities as Salonika,Philippopolis, girls and in elsewhere Balkan Adrianople, Belgrade, Europe,forbrothels operated byJewsinthosecitiesandelsewhere, Recruitespecially Constantinople. mentwasinfactmorebrazenandlessfurtive thaninEasternEurope.'5 11. JAPG&W, Report,1907,p. 14. 12. Sidonie Werner,"Zur Sittlichkeitsfrage," in Referategehaltenaufdem 2. DelegiertenFrauenbundes a. M., 2 und3 Oktober1903,pp. 23-3 1. tagedesJiidischen Frankfurt 13. Pappenheimand Rabinowitsch,Zur Lage, p. 47. 14. Ibid., pp. 49, 50. 15. Sisyphus-Arbeit, pp. 19,28, 34, 36-37, 40-42, 51-53, 56,64.

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It was demographic realitiesand social and culturaldemoralization whichbrought abouttheprostitution withitsecoproblem.Demography nomicconsequences led to massmigration. and migraThus,prostitution were tion linked. Thestatistical basisforthisthreefold ofdemography, connection migrationand prostitution maybe foundin theRussiancensusof 1897.Here,a Thenumber ofmaleand attention. bulgeinoneagecohortinvites particular children female undertenyearsofageis aboutequal,butinthenextcohort, thatfromtento twenty however, yearsofage,thereis a greatdifference: to 563,000males,abouta 53:47ratio(in fact,near54:46), 646,000females a mostunusualdisproportion to 100males.Yet of113females establishing inthenextolderagecohort, thatfrom 20 to30yearsofage,theratioalmost with429,000females evensitself, to 414,000males,a normal51:49ratio,or of under104femalesto 100males.Girlswereobviously innocent slightly were but no doubttheynoticedhow manylikelybridegrooms statistics, fromsmalltowns.Bynomeansdidall theyoungmen goingaway,especially in Russiaand wereenumerated in largecities. go abroad;manyremained have Thesexratioofthe10-20agecohortinthesmallplacesmusttherefore menoverseas beenevenmorelopsidedthan53:47.Howmanygirlsfollowed fromtheevening outinthe20-29 age as wivesor fianc6es maybe inferred inthe who her her The to cohort.16 girl persuaded family permit toemigrate her oftheattractive byjoiningthe youngmanwasseeking future company menand thenwomen,whoweremoving greattideofyoungpeople,first westward. shewasgoingunderfortunate circumstances. Shebelieved fewgirlsand unAvailableevidencealso showsthatcomparatively alone.Between1900and 1913inclusive, married youngwomenemigrated thevastmajority disembarked at ofthemJews, 375,985steerage passengers, theportof LondonfromshipswhichcamefromtheContinent. Among 3.10 themwereno morethan11,668unaccompanied females, constituting 10 were Christians. whom around ofthetotal,of Duringthe percent percent and sixyearspreceding the of 1897, proportion unaccompanied girls women at London, in out of was factsomewhat 40,941passengers higher:1,827 Jewish of Ofthetotalnumber unaccompanied to 4.46percent.17 equivalent 16. I. M. Rubinow,"Economic Conditionof theJewsin Russia," BulletinoftheBureauof Labor 72 (1907): 487-579 (reprintedas a book, New York, 1970). 17. These figures,as well as those in the nextparagraph,are drawn fromthe Annual Reportsof theJewishAssociationforthe Protectionof Girlsand Women.The proportionof Christiansamong the unaccompaniedfemalesis givenforten scatteredyears,and rangesin

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thosewhohadnotattained theirtwen10,500, girls,whichis approximately numbered around5,460or 52 percent. Sincetheage at martiethbirthday inthedecadesbefore womenwasascending riageofRussianJewish sharply thecensus,frombelow21 before1881to23.0in 1892-1896, thereis alsono that the information on this shows thata mere surprise fragmentary point the 20 of were when 6.86 percent married girlsunder theylandedin Lonwithparentsor some don.'8Of course,girlsno lessthanboysemigrated Butamongyoungpeopleemigrating othermature relative. alone,therewere malesfromthe10-20age cohorton the manytimesmoreunaccompanied ForJewish as a wholeto emigrant shipsthantherewerefemales. emigration theUnitedStatesbefore1914,themalepreponderance wason theorderof WorldWarI thepreponderance wasreversed, as massesof 56:44.Following wivesrejoinedtheirhusbandsafteryearsofseparation on accountofthe war. Theviewthatmengoingaloneemigrated overseasata younger agethan womenis therefore wellfounded. did singleor unaccompanied Fewyoung womenwentalone,mostgoingeither as children, oryearslateras wivesand The numbers recordedin theportof Londonalone werelarge mothers. thecensusfigures in Russia-nottomenenoughto influence substantially tiontheportofNewYork,whereno reasonis apparent forsupposing that if thefigures theproportions wereanydifferent, existed.19Thus,young women,farmorethanyoungmen,stayedbehindin Russia and were countedin 1897.Somewhatlatertheyfollowedthemen,butin Russian itselftherewas in themeantime a definite ofmarriageable Jewry shortage sexualand youngmen.Thisimbalancewas boundto aggravateexisting maritalproblemswithinEast EuropeanJewry whichsocialand cultural changehadcreated. A comprehensive viewof sexualand maritalproblems, whichpressed extreme was wrote in who theCracow conclusions, presented by "A.", Hebrewweekly Ha-Dorin 1901.He declaredthat,notwithstanding literary to thecontrary, Jewish womenwerechastebeforeand during suggestions randomfashionfrom6.86% to 16.66%;the averageis 9.82%. In the firsttwo yearsavailable, 1887-1888 and 1896-1897, thereare 432 unaccompaniedfemales,of whom61 (14.1%) were Christians.However,the proportionof unaccompaniedJewishgirlsand womento thetotal numberof immigrants is quite stable,dippingno lowerthan 2.25% in 1912 and climbingno higherthan3.72% in 1903. 18. 52 out of929 in 1906,and 61 out of712 in 1907. 19. UnitedStatesimmigration intothreeage groups:under 15, figuresdivideimmigrants 15 to 44, 45 and over.Thereforetheyare notofuse here.

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thoseof the marriage.However,themenwereoftenlibertine, especially class and from the middle class who traveledextensively on upper many businessand wereseldomat home."A." allegedregretfully thata double standardapplied.The men'soffenses weretakenlightly, whilethoseof womenwerejudgedseverely. Marriedwomen,hefound,tendtoflirtatious"A Jewish womanfalseto herhusbandis an ness,but"A." wasforgiving: rare occurrence all and classes.Only extraordinarily among ourgroupings the obscurantist Hasidim who off their 'educated' among marry daughters tomennottotheirtaste-onlywithin thisgroupdoesit againsttheirwishes, and theretoo it happensvery relations,' happenthatthereare 'forbidden seldom."The furtive married prostitutes reported byBerthaPappenheim mayhavebeenthesametypeofwomanas "A." knewof,butshefound themlessrare."A." arguedthateducatedyoungwomenwhowereaccustomedto mixedcompanyand movedassuredly within their it,maintained moralpurity better than"thedaughters ofobscurantist parents, brought up likecaptives,who are neverpermitted anyassociationwiththeopposite andsuccumb, whoareaboutto sex-[it is] they[who]arereadyto stumble fallintothehandsof anymanchancing to meetthemfurtively." Denied of such totakeits experience life, girlsconjured up a realmofsexualfantasy wereeasilyseduced.20Butthen,the placeand,unableto copewithrealities, writer declared, anonymous proletarian girlsinlargecitieshadbecomethe toJewish female andas hewouldhaveit,thiswas majorexception chastity, and theamorousadventurlargelybecauseofsalaciousYiddishliterature ousnessofupper-class men. These young poorand sociallyambitious girls couldattract withtheirsexual upper-class bridegrooms onlybygenerosity favors.LikeHirschbein's be exploited and Miriam,thegirlwouldmerely thenjilted,mostoften whenshebecamepregnant. "she must descend Then, intothecampof the'fallen.'Yes, shemust."The informative buthighly articlecondemned tobanishment from decentsociety opinionated every girl whostrayed. "Theonewhogoesto a houseofshamecannolongerdamage in ourmidstcancauseharmto herfriends' us,whiletheoffender chastity." In orderto preserve Jewish moralstandards, condemnation had to be irmenmerited as severea senrevocable,"A." insisted. True,promiscuous tenceas women,"butwhatcan we do, formenalonemakethesocialand laws!" Relentless as "A." was againstthesesupposedprostitutes religious he was at "cleanandinnocent ofIsraelsold dismayed bychoice, daughters intoshamebythedeceitful methods ofcriminal Jews."He allegedthatmost 20. Pappenheimand Rabinowitsch,Zur Lage, pp. 21-22.

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ofthesetraffickers, them as menwhopursued Jews weretolerant regarding

whichwas hardlydifferent fromothers.Nothing one branchofcommerce forexample, "themassesstillfollowthe wasbeingdoneagainstthetraffic; adviceof theirrabbis,"and the rabbiswerefailingto speakvigorously the'trade'is flourishing, andno one againsttheevil."One wayoranother, liftsa finger tosavethedaughters ofIsrael!Yetweswellwithprideoverour chastity!"21

This astonishing discussioncontainsa good deal of information and sexualrelations,whichis combinedwithproawarenessof prevailing heprofessed, "A." waspeculiarly nouncedclassprejudice. Bythestandards sexualfoibles.He regretfully tolerant ofmiddle-class acceptedthedouble standardofsexualmorality, releasedmenfrommoral bywhichhe largely "A."'s last-ditch fortheirmisconduct. ofsexualmorals defense culpability is strangely selective. It was onlyuponthefrailshoulders ofa proletarian whose Jewish and ambitions to her an upperclass led hopes betrayal by girl, of moral and man,that"A." laidtheentire weight responsibility, hepressed itdownharderbythedenialthatanypathto self-correction or forgiveness existed.If sucha waywardproletarian girlreallyrepresented voluntary thenthestringent linewhich"A." drewbetweenthewilling prostitution, andtheinvoluntary wasdubiousindeed.Moreover, Jewish prostitute public viewoftraffickers than"A." alleged.There opiniontooka morestringent werenumerous and soon publicwarnings againstdoubtful bridegrooms, after"A."'s articlea conference on whiteslaverywas heldin Lemberg in 1903whichEast Europeanrabbisattended. The brothelkeeperin Sholem Asch'splayof 1912,GodofRetribution, was notpermitted to seat himselfinthesynagogue orreceive honors. hisfirst When as anysynagogue step backto decencyhe commissions thewriting ofa Torahscroll,no onewill enterhishousetocelebrate itscompletion. IftheJewswouldnotcollaborate withthepoliceforceto rootoutJewish as theywereindeed prostitution, decentJewishsociety doingin New York Cityat exactlythattime,22 21. Ha-Dor, vol. 1,no. 24, June13, 1901,pp. 4-6. 22. ArthurA. Goren, New YorkJewsand theQuestfor Community: The KehillahExperifound423 disment,1908-1922 (New York, 1970),pp. 159-86. In 1913a carefulinvestigation orderlyhouses on the Lower East Side; ibid.,p. 17. The operationsof one of themare documentedin the same author's"Mother Rosie Hertz,the Social Evil, and theNew York Kehillah," in Michael: On theHistoryof theJewsin theDiaspora 3 (1975): 188-210. This brothel functionedforthirtyyearsuntilit was shutby the police in 1913,and recruitedits prostitutes not fromthe international trafficbut among local girls.The same appears truegenerallyof Jewishprostitutionin the United States. Louis E. Levy, "JewishAspects of the So-Called WhiteSlave Trafficin America,"in JewishInternational Conference, especiallyp. 252. European sourceshardlyeverreferto Americaas a destinationfortraffickers.

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shunnedand ostracizedsuchpersons."A."'s strictures in Cracowupon Jewish sexualmoralsin Vilnairritated as his did attackon the Ha-MeliS, moralsof Yiddishactorsand on "a certaintype"ofsupposedly immoral Alsoreplying Yiddishliterature.23 to "A.", A. M. Borokhov objectedthatit wasimpossible to expectuniversal self-restraint inmatters ofsex."A." had sexualpractices werechanging, butthentookhisstandon one suggested issueonly,forwhichhereserved limited harshcondemnation. in Borokhov, rewrote the tale of the sad rebuttal, sympathetically jiltedproletarian girl to arguefora revisedsexualmorality. Girls (quotedabove)and proceeded tomarry them strayfromthepath"inevery groupwhereitisnotcustomary as offas soon theyreachmaturity retaina sparkoflife andwhosemembers in theirbreast."Personswhosepassionsdo notkindleshouldnotmake boastofthevirtue ofcontinence, as thatis. "Innocenceand commendable arepossibleonlywithin a properfamily therelife,andBorokhov chastity" forereachedthenovelconclusionthat"whatever a persondoes withthe intention oflivinga peaceful, lifecan notbe deemedpromislovingfamily The who carries on withherupperclass relations cuity." proletarian girl belovedcommits sin and . .. but not "transgression byanymeans'promisto is she nor from the moral command, cuity'contrary religious viewpoint A which its thatsuchgirlsbe 'falling....' society requiresfor existence thrust intohousesofprostitution itsownpoisonandrotbearswithin itself tenness. Better foritnottoexist."24 Thisdebaterangedfarbeyondthediscussion ofa significant socialproblem."A.", lenienttowardmiddleclassbutnotproletarian took sexuality, hisstandonthesternest of while Borokhov in female chastity, interpretation a limited version of a love ethic: a man and woman who replyespoused meantto becomepermanently linkedcouldnotbe morally seriously wrong forhavingsexualrelations. Theissuesraisedbybothwriters, iffamiliar and in Western secular were all in not so East perennial society, EuropeanJewry, wherehalakhahstillsetthestandards forsexualandmarital relations. Pretheclaimsoftrueloveto therequirements oflaw was headystuff. ferring also bearimportantly between The rivalcontentions uponthedifference

23. Ha-MeliS,July11(24), 1901.Mr. Yossi Goldsteinprovidedthisand severalotherreferencesto Hebrewperiodicals. 24. Ha-MeliS,June20 (July3), 1901.

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and prostitution, sexual lapses and promiscuity, and betweenpromiscuity and how each was to be definedand treated. Perhapstheclearestsummaryof theproblemcomes froma distantbut well-informed source. The JewishAssociationfor the Protectionof Girls and Women,in London, possessedlengthyand intensiveexperienceof the traffic.Several thousandcases which personsinvolvedin the prostitution came to theirnoticeled themto definite conclusions: In Russia,RumaniaandGaliciatheconditions underwhichtheJewsare forcedto liveis a direct to theWhiteSlaveTraffic. incentive Girlsare largely too to from the weariness and of glad escape only grinding poverty homes wheretheyareoftennotallowedto learna trade.Theirparents, seeingseemto inglyeligible youngmencometotheirvillageseagerly givetheirdaughters orentrust theminmarriage themto theircareinordertohave'excellent situations'foundforthemabroad. ... .25

Many writtenwarningsand no doubt oral reportscirculated,but nevertheless quitea fewof thegirlswho lefthomewithmenwerewilling,at least at theoutset,to enterupon theprostitute's career.Unhappyat home, theywereeagerto enjoywhatappearedfromafarto be a lifeofmaterialand sensual pleasurein the glitterof a greatcity: thereare also girlswholeavetheirhomesknowing that Unfortunately, lead lives. But these too are victims. are told of the attractive they impure They sideofthelifeand it is onlywhentheyhavereachedtheirdestinations that theyrealisethehorroroftheirpositionandtheabsolutecontroloverthem, andphysically, morally acquiredbythedealersinhumanbeings... .26 A balancedjudgmentis presenteda fewyearslater: GirlsfromGalicia,Rumania,etc.comingmostlyfromvillages,do not makeup theirmindsto go to BuenosAiresor Rio to earna livelisuddenly It isonlyunderthedirechood,andat oncebecomewomenofbadcharacter. tionor compulsion of somebody whohas obtainedan enormous influence overthemthattheydo.27 25. JAPG&W, Report,1908,p. 19. 26. JAPG&W, Report,1902,p. 27. 27. JAPG&W, Report,1910,p. 31.

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at Work Traffickers The trafficin actual and potentialprostitutesconstituteda minuscule part of the vast westwardmovementof East European Jewry.The trafsinceitwas so comfickers'workwas made easierbythistideofmigration, mon to leave in searchof opportunities abroad. The Warsaw Hebrewdaily marHa-Sefirahreceivedlettersfromvillageswhichtold of well-dressed, riageableyoungmenwho appearedthereand took away local girlsas their brides.The dangersofthepracticewerebecomingwidelyknown: Werecently reada storyaboutmany"eligibles," an entire of"eligitransport bleyoungmen,"whocamefrom overseas totheportofOdessa,andspreadall toallthebenighted little towns. overthecountry, willreturn Wecanwellimagine thatbeforelongall these"bridegrooms" withtheirverybeautiful "brides"to boardshipsboundforConstantinople, BuenosAires,andwherever.... is over.28 Nota sound,nota word-thestory Actually,it was "known to the police of various countriesthat men travelto and frobetweenEurope and America,going throughthe [marriage] ceremonytwiceor even threetimesa year,in orderto securevictims."29The Jewishorganizationswere aware of these techniques,and was "mostextraordinary." recognizedthatthe"cunning"ofthetraffickers Theyknowthelawsdirected againstthemandtheirevilworkquiteas wellas wealthandtherethosewhomakethelaws.Theyoftenpossessconsiderable foredo notmindspending moneyin orderto obtaina successful result.... inthetownsandvillagesofRussia,Rumania, Theiragentsworkunceasingly is to lurethegirls methods Oneoftheirfavorite Galicia,andothercountries. men in search of a wife. Their smartappearas well-to-do young byposing soongaintheconfidence victim anceandpersuasive manners oftheirintended The men are She consents to andevenofthegirls'parents. marry. general... to go through a properlegalandreligious though ceremony, lytoo cunning buttheygettheparties concerned toagree is a lightmatter withthem, bigamy orpapersthatmayhavebeenusedare tosomesecret Anycertificate marriage. and for worthless, bythe greater security, theyare usuallysoon destroyed men. Anothermethodthesewickedmen adopt is to hold out dazzling 28. Ha-Sefirah,February5 (18), 1904. 29. JAPG&W, Report,1901,p. 23.

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andthisvery where ofgoodsituations, largewagescanbeearned, promises often a credulous andfriendless havegottheir victhey girl.Or,when tempts their under offinding their relatives timsfarawayfrom or homes, pretence ofillfame andso degrade them intohouses andill-treat friends, inveigle they them thatthey areafraid, evenifthey coulddoso,totelltheir toanystory in a not the and land, that, knowing language, body,fearing being strange wouldnotbebelieved.30 without friends, they As earlyas 1890,a noticewentto theJewish presson theContinent, from their homes the or "warning younggirls leaving by adviceofstrangers underthecareofstrangers.""' Theevilhadincreased to from by1898, judge thepainedannouncement WestEuropeanrabbisthat byeightprominent theirEast Europeancolleagues, year.Addressing theytoo urgedthemto warn familiesagainstthe dangerof unknownyoungmen seekingto localgirlsonlyto makeprostitutes ofthem."Removethisdreadful marry BerthaPappenheim claimedthat disgracefromuponus,"theyimplored.32 are some"muchofthevice... is dueto thelaxitywithwhichmarriages in timesconducted and divorces the Jews Eastern granted among Europe, including Galicia."33 False bridegrooms to lure girlsinto leavinghomewerethe means menandthemistress ofoneofthem,whowere bythetwoJewish employed in Piotrkow sentenced in 1902foractivities whichhad cometo lightthree The"bridegrooms" hadclaimedtheyhadtoleaveRussiansoil yearsearlier. in orderto avoidseizureforconscription. beforethewedding, Girlsfrom Bendinand Sosnowiecwereenticedintotheprostitution oncetheir traffic, with crossed the border them into Thegirls Galicia at Czernowitz. "fianc6s" werepassedalongon someexcuseto otherconfederates, and theyin turn thegirlsintoboardingBritish inveigled ships.Becausetheyknewno Engthe victims felt unable to lish, reportedly anysuspicions theymight by report thenhavefelt.Lessinnocent withfineclothing andprogirlsweretempted 30. JAPG&W, Report,1905,pp. 24-25. Informationon Jewishprocurersofgirlsforexport is foundin VR, August, 1887,p. 52; November,1888,p. 118; May, 1890,p. 39; December, 1890,p. 121;July,1891,p. 72. 31. JLA, Gentlemen'sCommittee,Minutes,April25, 1890.The survivingrecordsoftheJLA and its successor,the JAPG&W, are at the JewishWelfareBoard (formerly JewishBoard of to Mr. Mark Fineman,for Guardians),London. I am indebtedto theBoard, and particularly permissionto use them. 32. Ha-Melis, March27 (April9), 1898. 33. JAPG&W, Report,1903,p. 50.

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misesof a brightfuturein Buenos Aires.The threemiscreants'sentenceof thirtydayswas increasedby a highertribunalto one year,and thetwomen weredeportedto a Siberianpenalcolonyto servetheirtime.34 At the borderrailwaystationof Podwolocyska,wheretwentybroadgauge Russiantrainsarriveddaily,girlswereoftentrickedintomissingtheir Austriantrain.They could thenbe plied by trafconnectingnarrow-gauge fickers,who mightlurethemacrosstheborderby nighttrainto thetownof Maximow,and thenceto Tarnopol.35These borderoperatorswerereported to be impoverishedindividuals,forwhom dealingin women was part of theirgeneralsmugglingactivities.A suggestionwas evenpresentedto compensatethesemenforceasingtheiractivitiesand findhonestworkforthem, butit was promptlyrejected.36 difficult for Emigranttravelwas particularly or those with littlechildren.Suffering fromnatural unaccompaniedwomen, physicallimitationsor frightened by travel,theyhad to cope withbaggage and attendto theirchildren.Parents,and husbands who had emigrated earlierand werenow sendingfortheirfamilies,werewarnedofthedangers. In recent yearstherehasbeena greatdealofemigration byyoungwomen. andseventeen Mostofthemarepractically girls,sixteen yearsofage,who,in orderto calmsomewhat theirdisturbance attraveling, tryto attachthemselves manwhowilllookafter tosomeimpressive them.Usuallytheyhappenupona andwhopromises towatchover youngmanwhois alsoenrouteto America, themattentively. Sometimes thegirlsaretakeninbycheats,andfollowthem likedocilelambs.37 Even motherstravelingwith young childrenwere not exemptfrom molestationand seduction. A youngmarried womanwason herwayto EnglandwithherthreechilOn herjourneyfromGaliciashe fellin witha to her husband. dren, join andwhointroduced hertoa manwho womanwhowasa notorious trafficker, was also allegedto be traveling to England.At Hamburghe senttwoofthe childrenforward to Englandby boat and inducedthewomanto remain 34. Ha-MeliS,July1(14), 1902. committee 35. BerthaPappenheim,who visitedthe place, consideredthe local antitraffic ineffective. p. 207,datedSeptember6, 1912. Sisyphus-Arbeit, 36. AZJ, July18, 1902,p. 339; July25, 1902,p. 353; letterto editor,Frankfurter Zeitung, July9, 1902-notseen. 37. Ha-Melis, February26 (March 10), 1904.

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behindwithherlittlegirl.He saidhehaddecidedto go to BuenosAires,and underpromises ofletting herhusbandknowandgetting himtojointhem,he madereadyforthejourney.38 The promisewas of course not kept,and the tracesof the acquiescent woman werelost.39However,it was morecommonand probablyeasierto takein an unmarriedgirland herfamily: at thehouseofa sister, whena [A girl]was livingwithan agedmother "Shadchan"(MarriageBroker)calledandsaidhe had a youngmanforher. As everything to them,theengagement tookplace. appearedsatisfactory Abouta weekafterwards theyoungmansaidhe had received an important letter froma friend whowasleavingLondonforAmerica, andheinduced the shestayedatthehouseofhissister. After girltogoto Londonwithhim,where a fewdayshe saidthatthedeparture had beendelayedfora week,andsugas had wait to that, for,theyshouldgetmarried gested they nothing by"Stille Sherefused thisas shewanted to be properly marChupe"[furtive marriage]. riedinSynagogue. He thentoldherthathewasgoingto seehisfriend offfrom andsheconsented him.Whilst toaccompany Liverpool theywereontheboat, itstarted couldspeakno off,andshebecameverymuchafraid.She,however, andwastoldtheboatwasgoingto Londonfirst andthatitwouldbe English, all right.She soon,however, foundthiswas a falsehood, butfearedto say The man had sent a to herrelatives fromLondon,saying anything. postcard Shewastakento BuenosAires. theywouldsoonreturn. ... 40 careerwhichwas By braveryand obstinacyshe avoided theprostitute's to be forcedupon her and succeeded in escaping and being returnedto Russia. In a similarcase, however,thegirlwas lost: to Londonbya trafficker. ... He intended tak... Shehadbeenbrought ingherto another country. .... Themanhadgoneto theRussianvillageand statedthathewasa wealthy merchant andthathewanteda wife.Thegirlwas introduced andthemarriage tookplace.No properenquiries as to theman's character appearto havebeenmade.All wentwellfora littlewhile,thehusbandmakingonlyshortabsencesfromhome,untilone dayhe proposeda wheretheywouldbe stayjourneyto London,andgavean addressofa friend

38. JAPG&W, Report,1911,p. 49. 39. Ibid. 40. JAPG&W, Report,1911,p. 52.

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ing ... theaddressgivenwas thatofa man who was in leaguewithmanytraffickersand who conductedsome of theirnegotiations.He was severelyquestioned,but said thecouple onlystoppedwithhimtwo days,and thenleftfor Americawithoutgivingan address.Furtherenquiriesprovedthatthehusband was a well-known trafficker who passed undervariousnames... .41

abouthowmuchtoblamethegirlsdrawn feltuncertain Contemporaries either to workthetradeintheirnativelandortoemigrate intoprostitution, forthatpurpose.However,themenweredespisedand execrated. The daughtersof Israel are chasteand modest,buttheirinnocenceis their undoing. Most of those entrapped... strugglewithall theirmightagainst theirbitterfate,and some choose deathratherthana lifeof shame. ... Girls who frivolouslysubject themselvesto disgraceby theirfreewill, for well knownsocial and economicreasons,are not easily redeemed.It is easier to redeemthosewho fallbecauseoftheirinnocence,and againsttheirwill.42

as oneofthe In Londonduring1892,"a mannamedKahn,well-known wastriedfortheabduction ofFannyE., who chiefs ofthisinhuman traffic," The homeafter a quarrelwithherfiance. hadrunawayfromherrespectable the on shielding girl,whohad beenrescuedfromKahnin France,insisted in was convicted One Isaac Schdiferstein manin courtand he wentfree.43 400 Jewish and gentilegirls an estimated Viennain 1902of transporting in theEast,forwhichhe was sentenced to one yearin yearlyto brothels prison.44

wasthemainreservoir outofwhichseveralthouEast EuropeanJewry in drawn were into sandJewish lands,andoutof prostitutionforeign girls and as procurers whichJewish men,as wellas womenaccomplices, emerged It is probablethatmost andkeepersofbrothels. ofprostitutes transporters neverleftEasternEurope.However,the mostconJewishprostitutes 41. JAPG&W,Report, 1911, p. 50.

42. Ha-Sefirah,February5 (18), 1904. 43. National VigilanceAssociation,SeventhAnnual Reportof the ExecutiveCommittee, Gentlemen'sCommittee,Minutes,June27 and December27, 1891. 1892,p. 36; JLA, 44. R. Paulucci de'Calboli, "Ancora la trattadelle ragazze italiene,"Nuova antologia38 (Whole no. 185) (1902): 195-97. The author,an Italian marquess,repliedto an inquiryby in his articleconcerningJews,withtheobservationthat ArthurR. Moro regardingstatements he had refrained out of respectforJewsand reluctanceto providematerialto anti-Semites, frompublishingthe findingof an investigationconductedby himselfand "certain French wereJews.JewishInternational authorities"that75% oftraffickers p. 36. Conference,

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was theinternationspicuousbranch,and undoubtedlythemostprofitable, al. Girls were transportedoverseasto South America,South Africa,and even the Far East, usuallyvia England,fora careerof servicein brothels. Others were taken to Turkishand Egyptiandestinations,oftenby the Danube and Black Sea. Here we shall concentrateon Englandas a destinamade byAnglo-Jewry tionas wellas a transitpoint,and describetheefforts and itscollaboratorsto suppressthetraffic. An AbominableTraffic inLondon who transportedJewishgirlsto The East European Jewishtraffickers first little obstacle in itselfhad found Englishlaw. Prostitution England at been long knownamongEnglishJews,butit was negligiblewhencompared with the extentof prostitutionin England at large.45Extensiveevidence existson the sexual practicesand foiblesof Englishsocietyat all its levels, and the prevalenceof prostitution.46 Before1885,the basic law regarding Act in was the of underwhichitwas an offense, 1824, Vagrancy prostitution the words of Halsbury,for a "common prostitute[to be] wanderingin a publicstreetor publichighway,or in anyplace ofpublicresort,and behavingin a riotousor indecentmanner."Such conductcould bringa sentenceof thirtydays.47Therehad to be a complaintbytheoffendedperson,who was 45. Todd M. Endelman,TheJewsofGeorgianEngland1714-1830 (Philadelphia,1979),p. 217; HenryMayhew,LondonLabour and theLondonPoor,4 vols. (London, 1861;reprinted., New York, 1968),4: 223,241,and, on therecruitment of Englishgirlsforthetraffic abroad,pp. 268-72. 46. Bristow,Vice and Vigilance;CyrilPearl, The GirlwiththeSwansdownSeat (London, 1955); Walter E. Houghton, The VictorianFrame of Mind (New Haven, 1957),pp. 365-68, 384-85, 408-9; Duncan Crow, The VictorianWoman(London, 1971), pp. 212-31,258-68; StevenMarcus, The OtherVictorians Britain Best,Mid-Victorian (New York, 1966);Geoffrey (New York, 1971),pp. 28-33, 216-17; K. V. Thomas, "The Double Standard,"Journalofthe and HistoryofIdeas 20 (1959): 195-216; PeterCominos,"Late VictorianSexual Respectability the Social System,"International ReviewofSocial History8 (1963): 18-48, 216-50; Eric Trudgill, "Prostitutionand Paterfamilias,"in H. J. Dyos and Michael Wolff,eds., The Victorian City: Images and Realities,2 vols. (London and Boston, 1973), 2: 693-705. The thorough and Prostitution: A Studyof VictorianProstitutes empiricalstudyby FrancesFinnegan,Poverty in New York(Cambridge,1979),places its subjectsin a grimsettingof povertyand privation and early death fromvenerealdisease and the effectsof drink.Rescue effortsshowed little success. 47. Cited,withcommentary, fromHalsbury'sLaws ofEngland,4thed., 11(London, 1976), the pars. 1117-18, pp. 608, 609. JudgeI. Finestein,Q.C., has kindlyaided me in understanding legal matterswhichare discussedhere.

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also required incourt.Obviously, to testify fewmenwhohadbeenaccosted wouldcomplain,especiallybecausetheycould be crossby a prostitute examined andembarrassed. The controlofprostitution as established bytheContagiousDiseases Actsof 1864,1866and 1869,however, constituted a decidedinfringement on personalliberty. Areasheavilyinhabited soldiers weresubjectedto by thislaw,underwhichanywomanmerely of couldbe suspected prostitution the to a physical Iffoundtobe examination. compelled by policeto submit to hospitalup to ninety diseased,theycouldbe confined days.Enforcement tendedto be brutalandarbitrary andonlyafterseveraltragicinjustices had beencommitted werethelawsrepealed.48 Whileprostitution in flourished nineteenth on thenumber London,therewereinconsistent century figures of womenwho made theirlivelihoodfromthetrade.Theyrangedfrom and80,000maybe nearly correct.49 10,000to200,000, Theappearance inprostitution oflocalandinternational as a trafficking substantial Jews the the 1880s with a coincided problem among during surge of reforming intothesphereof sexual energyin Englandwhichextended morals.A sensational initiated series, agitation, byW.T. Stead'snewspaper "The MaidenTribute ofModernBabylon,"madeitpublicknowledge that were and sold for even their and younggirls bought prostitution, by parents, werefrequently abroadforthatcareer.5" UndertheCriminal transported LawAmendment Actof1885(48 & 49 Victoria ch.69)procuring orkeeping or beingtheircustomers, becamean girlsundersixteenas prostitutes, anda felony whenthegirlhad notreachedherthirteenth offense, birthday. The difficulties ofproofin courtweresubstantially the easedbyadmitting 48. JudithWalkowitz,"'We Are Not Beasts of the Field': Prostitutionand the Poor in Plymouthand Southamptonunderthe Contagious Diseases Act," in Mary S. Hartmanand Lois Banner,eds., Clio's Consciousness on theHistoryof Women(New Raised: New Perspectives Butler York, 1974),pp. 192-226; Glen Petrie,A SingularIniquity:TheCampaignsofJosephine (London, 1971). 49. Trudgill,"Prostitutionand Paterfamilias";a carefulsurveyturnedup 15,000 open in New York Cityin 1912,a figurewhichsuggestsdoubtabout thenumberin Lonprostitutes Prostitution in don, a metropolisof similarmagnitude;George J. Kneeland, Commercialized New YorkCity(New York, 1913),p. 100. ContemporaryGermanywas no morecertain,estimatingthe numberof its prostitutesbetween 100,000 and 200,000 in 1900 and as high as Stateand Societyin ImperialGermany,"Past and 300,000in 1914; R. J. Evans, "Prostitution, Present70(1976): 106-29. 50. Stead's personal "purchase" of a young girl for prostitution-whomhe did not touch-was done to show thatthesethingsweredone, and it cost hima termin jail. This episode furnishedthe basis for G. B. Shaw's "Pygmalion"-see especiallythe lines spoken by AlfredP. Doolittlein Act II-and in turnforthemusicalplay"My Fair Lady."

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evenifshe"doesnot. .. understand thenature ofan oath,"as girltotestify, of she "understands the the truth" as (sec. long 4). Landlords duty speaking whooperatedbrothels, orknowingly leaseddwellings as brothels, as wellas theagentsand tenants, becameliableto fineand imprisonment. Philanto reform efforts under Jewish, including prostitutes eighteen thropic, years ofagewereaidedbytheAct'sSection10,underwhichnotonlycoulda girl's or guardiansecurea courtorderforherremovalfrompremises relatives whereshewas "unlawfully detainedforimmoral butalso "any purposes," otherperson"recognized bythecourtas actinginherinterest. Subsequent wasvigorously Association, legislation promoted bytheNationalVigilance theorganization whichembodiedin thesphereof sexualmoralsEnglish reform and also censoriousness. It was foundedin and humanitarianism, 1885andadornedbyeminent namesfromtheclergy andnobility, as wellas thechiefrabbiand severalleadingJews,whiledirected its by redoubtable WilliamA. Coote(1842-1919).1Theirefforts secretary helpedto enactan in 1898to theVagrancy amendment Act(61 & 62 Victoriach. 39),which fora mantosolicitfora prostitute ortosubsist madeitan offense or wholly The AliensActof 1905allowedexpulsion from partlyfromherearnings. ofoffenses connected withprostitution which Englandforaliensconvicted fine and four werenotpunishable 1913 hundred alone, by by personshad beenexpelled fortrafficking.52 was directedagainstchildprostitution legislation Speakinggenerally, andmeninvolved inthetrade.Theordinary couldcarryon with prostitute littleinterference, shewasnotnoisyaboutit.Butthere wasenough provided lawon thebooksto makelifedifficult andriskyformenwholivedfrom the toil. prostitute's ChiefRabbiHermannAdlerobservedinlateryearsthataround1880, inourcommunity." "thesocialevilhadnotbecomea disturbing factor The was to of due the recrudescence active Russian change "directly persecutionsin 1881.""3 The first Jewish conreportaboutorganized prostitution nectedwithrecentJewishimmigration came in 1887,whenthe Jewish Ladies'Association forPreventive and RescueWorklearnedfroma Chris51. Bristow,Viceand Vigilance, pp. 106-19 and passim;WilliamA. Coote, ed.,A Romance of Philanthropy (London, 1916) tellsof Coote's lifeand the National VigilanceAssociation, whilehisA Visionand Its Fulfillment (London, 1916)describesthereligiousvisionwhichdirected himto extendhisorganization'sworkintocombatingtheinternational traffic. 52. JC,July4, 1913. 53. JewishInternational Conference, p. 93.

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Mrs.Cooper,that"twenty to thirty tiansocialworker, Russian,Polishor GermanJewesses(to say nothingof the Christiangirls)hauntedand aboutthe[EastIndia]dockgates.Severalhousesarefilledwith thronged The Association,as well as the rectorof Stepneyand then them."54 DelegateChiefRabbi HermannAdler,shockedby thecrassnessof the was clearedofthe soliciting, proddedthepoliceto act. Soon thevicinity and trafnumberof Yiddish-speaking nuisance.A substantial prostitutes ofPortsmouth around fickers werecarrying on intheportandnavalcenter Jews thesametime,buta vigorouseffort the local them.55 by suppressed likeitslargerpartner theNationalVigiThe JewishLadies' Association, wasfoundedin 1885.One founder recalledtheimmedilanceAssociation, whodidnotdesire oftworepentant Jewish atecauseas theplight prostitutes instituinanyJewish butfoundno placeforthemselves a Christian refuge, first cameto theladies'attention in 1890, International tion.56 trafficking the whenthe Rev. Dr. A. Lowypresented a memorandum "concerning in youngJewishgirls,takenfromAustria,Rumania, abominabletraffic and also "constantly carriedon between Galiciato Constantinople," England and BuenosAires."In responsetheladiessentnoticesto European Jewish "warning younggirlsfromleavingtheirhomesbythe newspapers, orunderthecareofstrangers."57 adviceofstrangers "Animportant thatofFannyE. discussed caseofabduction," above,led be adoptmeasures to "a longdiscussion...uponwhatinternational might itself waswell oftheWhiteSlaveTrade."58 Thetraffic ed forthesuppression its in East End of London and with center said to be the established then, by sailed for in the hands of such who One foreigners." foreigner "entirely andothertrafBuenosAireswiththree"Polish"girlscouldnotbe stopped, theaddressofa man Oneinformant weredoinglikewise.59 fickers provided in theEast End, "who travelled between Englandand Buenos regularly win thegirls'confidence, As a decoyintended to Aires,takinggirlsover."60 "fretwowomenwerereported licenses.Similarly, he obtainedmarriage to & fromBuenosAires,thatongoingouttheretheywere quentpassengers 54. JLA, Report,1889-1890,pp. 16-17. 55. JewishInternational p. 141(theRev. I. PhillipsofPortsmouth). Conference, 56. Constance Lady Battersea (nee Rothschild),Reminiscences(London, 1922), pp. 418-23. 57. JLA,Minutes,April 25, 1890. The "UrgentWarning"to "Representativesof Jewish Communitiesand Heads ofFamilies,"was publishedin VR,August,1891,pp. 80-81. 58. JLA, Gentlemen'sCommittee,ReportofHonorarySecretaryfor1891(MS, in Minutes). 59. National VigilanceAssociation,FifthAnnualReportofExecutiveCommittee,1890,p. 35. 60. JLA, Gentlemen'sCommittee,Minutes,May 31, 1896.

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accompanied byyounggirlsbutthaton thereturn theycamebackalone."61 A case whichreachedthecourtsin 1890shedslighton thetradeas carriedon at thattime.AmeliaHymanofLodz was persuadedbySolomon inLondon,to 35,andJacobSchlamowitz, Balberski, 40,bothhairdressers comethereand marry Schlamowitz. Thesetwo,together witha thirdpermetthegirlandpromptly tookhersubstantial son,one Lefcovitch, savings of ?15 for safekeeping. ActuallyBalberski,who was himselfmarried, depositedthe moneyin a bank underhis own name.Theynexttook Amelia'sclothingand personalbelongings and havingherin theirgrip, to She held seduce her. themoff,untila mannamed attempted repeatedly WolfLevisohnsomehowappearedon thesceneas therescuer.Levisohn thegirlto haveBalberski and Schlamowitz arrested (Lefcovitch instigated of the Committee disappearedfromthe picture),and the Gentlemen's Ladies'Association entered Jewish thecase.It was decidednotto proceed undertheCriminalLaw Amendment Act,possiblybecausethegirlhad orthetwomiscreants werenotactually passedhereighteenth birthday keepa brothel. When Amelia declined in to withdraw her ing Hyman complaint returnforgetting back herbelongings, thereapparently was a civilsuit besidesa criminal case."Onlyonitsbeingpointedouttoherthatsheshould oftheattempts letthewholestory madeagainsthertobepublicly as known, herdoingso mightsave othergirlsfroma likedanger"did she agreeto "of themorepainfulportionsofthematter." The prosecution was testify withseventeen witnesses calledand ?150 spent.Her sponsors thorough, werepleasedwith"thesuccesswithwhichshestooda mostseverecrossexamination whowerein thebestpositionto prompted by theprisoners haveknowniftherehadbeenanything inherpastcareer."The discreditable ofconspiring twomenwerefoundguilty toobtain,andofobtaining, Amelia false and with to intention defraud. SchlamoHyman'smoneyby pretenses was sentenced ofLondon witz,thesupposedbridegroom, bytheRecorder at CentralCriminal Courtto fivemonths athardlabor,whileBalberski was dealtwithseverely, fiveyearsat penalservitude.62 WhatSchlamoreceiving 61. Ibid.,June7, 1896. 62. The Times,May 27, 1890, p. 12; JLA,Gentlemen'sCommittee,Minutes,March 30, April8, April9, April 17, May 11, May 19,June3, July6, 1890.The foremanof Balberski's jurybelievedthatthesentencewas too severe;ibid.,July28, 1890.A privatecollectionraiseda substantialsumto covertheexpensesofthecase and to provideforAmelia Hymanpersonally. She was also furnished witha testimonialattesting herhighcharacter,and she thendisappears fromsight.Schlamowitzreappearedupon hisreleasefromprison,whenhe threatened to maim Levison and was warnedsharplyby the police,to whomthe JLAturned;ibid.,December 18, 1892and February19, 1893.

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forenticwitzand Balberski wasoneofthestandard techniques attempted unit their victim's into but was foiled intended inggirls prostitution, by usualcourageand determination. To helpin locatinga girlnamedHeia Geneindel,who somehowdisappearedon board a Hamburg-London AdlerwrotetotherabbiofRadom steamer, DelegateChiefRabbiHermann coulddo nothing without at theAssociation's however, request.Thelatter, in Polandfearshehas been herpassportpicture.Meanwhile "herfriends In othercases,theJewish Association declined takento SouthAmerica."63 to intervene men about whom and women made of against girls complaints assaultortheft. Theimplied reasonisthatthesewere"undeserving" persons wouldnotholdup. whohadcompromised andwhosetestimony themselves areilluminated Theoperations ofan international trafficker bythecase ofMarcusWeinbart, a Rumanian Jewaged55,whowasbrought totrialin still His one was at large. at Assizes. 1896 Liverpool confederate, Adolph, in LiverpoolfromBuenosAiresduring Weinbart arrived November, 1895, and and theremetAdolph.This Adolphthenleftfor the Continent, returned a monthlaterwithtwo"respectable younggirls,"aged20 and21, and districts in Austria."TheirnameswereKurkowaskae from"country Bendriola(also givenas Bendziola),and theywereprobablynotJewish. thetwo Weinbart gaveAdolph"a handfulofgold."The girlsoverheard of America and offurther to and from South menspeaking girlstobe trips thetwo defendant and hushedAdolph.The there,untilWeinbart brought girlslodgedfourdaysinthesameroominCopperasHill.He boughtthem dressedinBuenosAires. thattheywouldbe finely cheapclothes, promising willcometo see you at "You willhaveto look nice,becausegentlemen "emigration agent,"tosayhewasgoingto night." Adolphcametoa certain thetwogirlswerehisdaughters, Vienna,whileWeinbart, gavethe claiming thegirlstook to BuenosAires.However, sameagentmoneyto buytickets fledthehouse,andwentto thepolice.AtWeinbart's trial,theyboth fright, means of a translator. inan unspecified testified by language Duringthetrial,one ofthegirlssaidshehad beentoldthatin Buenos fromhomewhohad lefttheresixmonths Airesshewouldmeeta friend as wellas Adolph, earlierthantheyhad.Thedefense arguedthatWeinbart, who weremerelycasual acquainbusinessmen wereordinary, legitimate 63. Ibid., July6, 1890; HonorarySecretary'sreportfor 1890,in ibid., February8, 1891; Adlerto A. R. Moro, July10, 1890,and to Rabbi [SamuelMohilever]of Radom,July15, 1890, in ChiefRabbi's Archives,Officeof theChiefRabbi, WoburnHouse, London, LetterCopy Book, vol. 34, nos. 3332,3435.

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should"notallowthemselves toassumetoomuchagainstthe tances.Jurors Jewishfraternity .... Jewswere engagedin commerceall over the world;

therewas a spiritofbrotherhood to any amongthemwhichwasunknown otherrace.. . ." NeverthelessWeinbartwas foundguiltyof attempting to

Law Amendabroad,inviolationoftheCriminal procureforprostitution mentAct,andwenttoprisonfora yearathardlabor.64 andHarryCohen,24,a Elevenyearslater,LouisGold,27,a carpenter, hardlabor,respectively, tofifteen andtwelve months' tailor,weresentenced forprocuring twoEastEndJewish abroad.They girlstobecomeprostitutes to hadsailedfromLiverpoolto BuenosAires,onlytobe refused permission land and sentback.A thirdgirlwhowas almosttakengaveinformation A policeinspector aboutthem,and upontheirreturn theywerearrested. testified thattheyhadcarriedon as traffickers fourorfiveyears.Underthe termsoftheAliensActof1905,thetwomenweresentenced to deportation oftheirimprisonment.65 uponthecompletion Notallprocuring a cabinetmakernamed wasforexport.In Manchester, hiswife,and a shopkeeper namedLewis,soughtto makea Morgenstern, of nineteen Mrs.Morgenprostitute yearold Dora. The girlhad refused stern's to offers tomakeheran "independent and lady" "bringingentlemen to her."Oneevening, thewomanmetDora as sheleftwork,took however, herto supper, hertocomewithherandthetwomenbytrain andpersuaded to Liverpool.Then commenced the attemptto seduceDora. The four a hotelwhichwouldallowDora and peoplevainlyroamedabout,seeking Lewisto occupyone room.Meanwhile, Dora's mother "actingon somewherehelocatedhissistersharthingsheheard,"senthersonto Liverpool, woman.Dora wenthome, inga roomforthenightwiththeMorgenstern andthethreeconspirators wenttojail foreighteen months.66 Another method couldensnarea girlandparadoxically itwasmarriage. Thiswas theshtilekhupe, a clandestine, form marunregistered ofJewish Someone a which later on and riage. promulgatedketubbah, disappeared, therewerepresumably a In and witnesses. benedictions, wine, ring, fact, therewas somepresumption of validityto thismarriage in Jewishlaw, noneat all in thosecountries wheremarriage hadto be notonly although butalsocivilly religiously performed. 64. LiverpoolDaily Post,March26, 1896,p. 3; March31, 1896,p. 3. 65. The Times,April 29, 1907,p. 4; JAPG&W, Report,1907,pp. 26-27; the two men and theirtradewereexcoriatedin JC, May 3, 1907,p. 3. 66. LiverpoolDaily Post,August8, 1899,p. 3.

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wherea Jewish underthejurisdiction of In England, marriage performed to theRegistrar's itwasalso posthechiefrabbiwascertified office, civilly sible to contracta civilmarriageat the Registrar's office,followed,if a a whostoodoutdesired, religious marriage by performed by functionary Thefurtive withshtilekhupe, a religious sidethechiefrabbi'sjurisdiction. were outa civilmarriage, imitated EasternEuropewhereJewish marriages civil The loose limits of information without registration. solelyreligious, therethan easiertoperpetrate andcommunication madedishonest marriage in disturbed the chief rabin theWest.67 marriages" England "Irregular in 1892"a greatmany" binateand theBoardof Deputies.Theyreported beingknownto thosewhoconductthemto takingplace."Suchmarriages, areperformed in a secretand sinister andeveryposbe unlawful, manner, theactorsbeingtraced."One virtuoso siblemeansis adoptedto prevent ninewomeninturn,"eachoftheseninemarriages married beingmereidle ofthevillainy to discardat his formsofenablingtheconsciousperpetrator oftheBoardof andunhappy Thepresident pleasurehisinnocent victims."68 who was of the foremost Arthur Cohen one (1829-1914), lawyers Deputies, Jewish a billto make"irregular ofhistime,soughtto promote marriages" illegal.However;theproposalwas attackedas a measureto extendfurther errors of oftheChiefRabbinateandto penalizetheinnocent theauthority andithadto bedropped.69 Jews, immigrant see"nothing Yeta girlmight wrongintheproposalofa 'StilleChuppa,' Shebelievedherwhichis probably thecommencement ofherdownfall.""7 she was of her married. at the selflawfully husband, mercy putative Actually andliveuponherearnings whocouldforcehermoreeasilyintoprostitution in thestreet.Likelyas not,he abandonedherin time,and shemightbe a in law ('agunah),witha childwhowas illegitimate wifein Jewish deserted be dragged shemight theeyesofthelawoftheland.Otherwise alongbyhim toEasternEurope toa brothel andreturn andhecouldsellherinArgentina On one occasion,a girlwas rescuedfroma room to repeattheoperation. to a shtilekhupeto be followedby she had beenlockedin, preparatory thatthe forBuenosAires.71 The JewishAssociationreported departure is a The 'stille remains our chief chuppah' difficulty. "marriagequestion inEngland1870-1914, 2d ed. (London, 1973), 67. Lloyd P. Gartner,TheJewishImmigrant Conference, pp. 94-96. pp. 177-78, 184;JewishInternational 68. Board ofDeputiesArchives,B2/13/2. 69. Gartner,JewishImmigrant, p. 178,n. 30. 70. JAPG&W, Report,1907,p. 22. 71. Ibid.,pp. 23-24.

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whichonecanunderstand forthelonelyorjoylessgirl,whosees temptation fundsfora more thenecessary no likelihoodofheryoungmanproviding publicceremony."72 diswere"at oneperiodverycommon"but"practically Suchmarriages Moses to 1910. according Dayan Theypersisted, Hyamson, appeared"by onlyas "thedirectconsequenceof illegal'Gittin."'A fewrabbis-three on Divorceand Matrimonial werecitedbeforethe Royal Commission Jewish divorces unreciprocated bythelaw oftheland,and Causes-gave "is decidedly on theincrease." clandestheirnumber Remarriage following of tinedivorcealsohadtobeclandestine, andthedefenselessnessthewoman to Hyamson.After "does in manycases lead to prostitution," according andH. S. Q. thetestimony ofChiefRabbiAdler,D. L. Alexander, hearing themajority oftheRoyalCommission recommended a penalty Henriques, decreeofdivorce divorce by againstanypersonissuinga Jewish exceptafter a court.73 careermust However,thereadiestsourceof girlsfortheprostitute's havebeenconfused, frightened girlimmigrants. girlslandUnaccompanied of in the of From at the Port London were fact favorite traffickers. ing prey 1890through From1899through 1897,theirnumber averaged312yearly.74 1913itsettles 1906,theannualaverageleapsto 806,andfrom1907through backto 695. The peakyearsare 1902and 1903with1,021and 1,089girls Theproportion of ofunaccompanied girlsto thetotalnumber respectively. on theshipswhichbroughtthem,rangesin random steeragepassengers fashionfromapproximately 3 percent It maybe moresignifito 12percent. cantthattheups and downsin thenumberofunaccompanied girlimmidoes not follow the fluctuations of Jewish nor grants immigration generally, doesonedetectan inverse About80 percent to90 percent of relationship.75 72. JAPG&W, Report,1909,p. 65. 73. JewishInternationalConference,pp. 101-3; Royal Commission on Divorce and MatrimonialCauses, Report(Cd. 6478, 1912),pp. 142-44; MinutesofEvidence,vol. III (Cd. 6481, 1912),Qq. 41384, 41395 (H. Adler),41467,41473,41477 (D. L. Alexander).Therewere viewswithintheJewishcommunity whichwas pubopposed to thisrecommendation, strongly lishedduringtheintervalbetweenAdler'sdeathin 1911a fewmonthsafterhe had testified, and J.H. Hertz'sinstallationas hissuccessorin 1913.One possible"divorce"is in JAPG&W, Report, 1912,p. 44. 74. Thereare no figuresfor 1892,whentheportwas closed mostoftheyearon accountof epidemic.The 1890totalincludes36 girlswho werenotmetat thedock butcame to theshelter on theirown. 75. These figuresand thosewhichfolloware drawnfromtheannualreportsofJAPG&W and itspredecessor,theJLA.

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thegirlswerelistedas "Russians"at first, andlatermoreexactly as "Russiansand Poles." The remainder, 3 were "Gerexceptperhaps percent, and "Austrians"-the latter and Galicians mans,""Rumanians," probably A The were small around 3 Hungarians. girls young. proportion, percent, underfourteen.76 Themedianagestoodaroundtwenty: werechildren Age

1906

1907

1908

1909

1910

1911

1912

Under16 16-20 Over20

78 402 326

78 298 338

53 229 339

88 283 305

54 309 336

46 219 276

35 221 261

theunaccomto explainthesubstantial between (It is difficult discrepancy paniedgirlsand thedivisionby age providedin othertablesofthesame and probablynot wereamongtheformer, Quitea fewChristians reports. the latter.)Unaccompanied, mean alone. however,did not necessarily often without adults. Youthful sisters andfriends traveled brothers, together Boatsto LondonusuallycamefromHamburg. tied at They up Tilbury andthen downtheThames,at Blackwall neartheEastEnd,orinmidstream and disembarked landedtheirpassengers insmallboats.Tilbury passengers Harwich Station. Boats at train to Fenchurch Street arriving proceededby to Liverpool. oftencontained whotraveled transmigrants bytraindirectly at theLiverpool traveledto Londonby train,arriving Many,however, StreetStationat theborderoftheEastEnd.Therewas no EllisIslandfor inEngland. immigrants were At anyoftheselandingplacesand railroadstations, immigrants methods androbbed.Themanifold liabletobeannoyed, cheated, employed in 1885 havebeendescribed.77 andrunners sharks, Beginning bythecrimps, Sheltermettheboatsand of thePoor Jews'Temporary a representative In thesameyear,the shieldedtheirsteerage frommolestation. passengers at Jewish Ladies'Association also beganministeringdocksideto themost theunaccompanied vulnerable element girls.Their amongtheimmigrants, to a badgeinEnglishandYiddish,wasallowedtobe thefirst agent,bearing theorganization ofarrivals, boardthevessel.Lackinganyforeknowledge 76. In 1899theynumbered25 of 655; in 1900,25 of 775; in 1901,18 of 751; in 1902,42 of 1,021;in 1903,45 of 1,089. 77. Gartner,JewishImmigrant, pp. 34, 35.

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paid to have a telegramfromGravesendprovidean houror two of advance notice.Evenso, before1900a smallpercentageofshipswas notmet.Thena second and ultimatelya thirdagententeredthe service. The criticalmomentcame when the boat docked. A descriptionof is providedin 1911: Jewishinspectors'workat itsfulldevelopment attendthearrivalofeveryboatwhichcarriespassengers Our inspectors theContinent intotheLondonDocks,andalsoalltheContinental from trains whicharriveat LiverpoolStreetStation.Theyweara badgeuponwhichthe is written nameandpurposeofthisassociation in Hebrew[letters, i.e.,Yidthepassengers andascertain whichgirls Theygo amongst dish]and English. aretravelling alone.Thecaptains andofficers onboard,andtheofficials atthe ourinspectors. dock,advisethegirlstotrust Theylearnwherethegirlswishto to helpandconductthemtotheirdestinations. Atthesametime go,andoffer thosegirlswhoaretravelling aloneincompany ofotherwomen, orofmen,are thegirlsareperspokento,andifitis foundthattheyarenotcloselyrelated, suadedto placethemselves in thecareof ourinspectors. All girlsare then takenfromtheboator trainto Sara PykeHouse,wheretheyareagaininterviewedbytheLadySuperintendent andtheInspector, andiftheaddresses in theirpossession provesatisfactory, theyaretakento them,afterfullparticularshavebeenentered in ourrecords. In caseswherethereis no address,or wheretheaddressis thatof an undesirable personor house,thefactsare oftheHome,which theprotection explainedto thegirls,and sheis offered is veryrarely refused. Thesestepsareverynecessary, as itoftens happensthat are addresses en to so-called route, houses, girls given respectable by unto personswhomtheydo notknow scrupulous people,or arerecommended andwhoexploit ownpurposes.78 themfortheir The entireprocedurehad theindispensablecooperationoftherailroads and steamshiplines.Suspiciousindividualsaccompanyinggirlsalwaysgave up and vanishedwhentheyfailedto persuadetheJewishagentthattheyhad a legitimaterelationshipto the girls. "The vigilance displayed by the declaredtheJewish [Jewish]officershas thoroughlydisturbedthetraffic," Associationwithpride.79Havingthepolice at handexplainswhytheJewish Association'sagentswerenotassaultedand harassedbytheirquarry. No systemcould reckonwith,muchless check,everyinstanceof human 78. JAPG&W, Report,1911,pp. 74-75. 79. JAPG&W, Report,1906,p. 25.

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or malevolence, theearlier frailty especially during yearsofantiprostitution in efforts. To citesomeexamples 1901: reported incompany ofa trafficker. Case31.-Aged24.Arrived inLondon Uponhearandwasescorted tohersister's home. sheleft him, ingofherdanger incompany ofthesametrafficker Case32.-Aged23.Wasseeninthestreets Wetookher tobelieve. buthesitated referred toabove.Thegirlwaswarned, andgave herstory sheconsented, toseethegirlinCase31,anduponhearing man. the up Case No. 82.-Aged19.-Inducedto leaveherhomeby a womanwho thegirlwasmet, taken care hergoodwork inEngland. Uponarrival promised tobe senthomebyus.Hertravelling of,andultimately companion proved for Therewasnotsufficient evidence witha gangoftraffickers. connected prosecution. ofa woman from Russiainthecompany CaseNo. 26.-Aged16.Arrived allher andwhohadtaken shehadmadeonthejourney, whoseacquaintance was was of her and taken care She byus, money restored, ultimately money. inLondon.80 wehanded herovertoherfather of theunaccompanied The greatmajority girlsdesiredsimplyto join to the in London or the Provinces. friends relatives or Theywereescorted in the But when were Jewish ifthosewererespectable. localaddresses they Association's keptblackbookthegirlwaswarnedand urgednot carefully andtheescortthen ifsherepeatedly Shewastakenthere to go there. insisted, Association andthepolice ofthehousethattheJewish toldtheinhabitants werelostenroute,outofdate,or addresses hadaneyeonthem.Frequently, so garbledthattheydidnotmakesense,forexample: manoWidnes Engleu Ckrnwel stri No.64piten Cudrewieze.81 in readingtheunAssociation's The Jewish agentsbecamequiteskillful readable. resorted andtheiraccomplices at thedocks,traffickers Oftenfrustrated housesto theaddresses ofsupposedlodging ofgiving method tothesimpler girlson board ship. These werebrothelsor linkedwith unsuspecting 80. JAPG&W, Report,1901,pp. 49-53. 81. JAPG&W, Report,1903,p. 26.

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brothels,as thegirlwho lodged therelearnedwhenshe was importunedto become a prostituteand was probablyrobbedof herbelongings.A case in 1901mayillustratethevagariesofaddresses,reputableand otherwise: fromAntwerp and Case 74. Thisgirl(aged 19) was followed bytraffickers, on arrivalat a LondonRailwayStationin thecomwas seenbyourofficer theyproducedtheaddressto which panyoftwomen.On beingquestioned totakeher.Ourofficer seeingthatitwasonewhichisonourlist theyintended in Lonofsuspected houses,warnedthegirlandaskedifshehadanyfriend on takingthegirlwiththem,so ourofficer don.The meninsisted followed. stillpersisted, Thenone manranaway,and theotherseeingthatourofficer allowedthegirltogo withhim.Shewastakentoourhome,andthencetoher whowereverygrateful fortheprotection accorded.82 friends, tendedto quittheEast End ofLondon. Jewishtraffickers and prostitutes Streetswherebrothelshad abounded became centersof Jewishimmigrant and thedisreputableinhabitantswereforcedout.83Yet "houses settlement, of evil repute" were still conspicuous around 1905.84 Those who left became predominantly removedto Soho, whereprostitution foreign.Cerfrom tain streetsaround Piccadillyweretheparticularresortof prostitutes abroad. Police officialseven comparedthe foreignwiththe nativebrand, findingthe former"more shamelessand persistent,"and the lattermore drunkenand disorderly.85 The Yiddish poet MorrisRosenfeld(1862-1923) sentimentally sympathizedwiththesegirls: In Englandiz do a shtotLester In Londoniz do aza skver Dortshteyen shtendig dray shvester Verkenzeynit,ver,nitver? Di eltstefarkoyft dortblumen Di mitelste farshikh bendlekh Di yungste, oyvey,diyungste Handelt, oyvey,mitzikh.

In Englandthereisa towncalledLeicester In Londonthereissucha square Threesisters alwaysstandthere Whodoesn'tknowthem, whodoesn't? Theeldestthere sellsflowers Themiddleone,shoelaces, Theyoungest, 0, theyoungest, Shesells,0, shesellsherself.

82. JAPG&W, Report,1901,p. 19. 83. Royal Commissionon Alien Immigration, Minutesof Evidence(Cd. 1742, 1903),Qq. 8254, 10166-99. 84. JAPG&W, Report,1905,p. 35. 85. Royal Commissionon AlienImmigration, Qq. 12617,13001-6, 10694.

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The mundanerecordsof the JewishAssociationforthe Protectionof Girls and WomensuggesttheextentofJewishinvolvement in prostitution. The categoriesdevisedforits detailed,informative annual reportsinclude missinggirls who were found "in unsatisfactory surroundings"(below, column 1) as well as missinggirls"not found"(below,column2) and quite abroad or inhabitinga London brothel."Many compossiblytransported plaints" reachedthe police concerningJewishgirlsdisappearingfromthe East End.86Some girlswere"tracedand foundto be leadingimmorallives (unable to ascertainwhetherwillinglyor not)" (below, column 3). Also on, or profiting reportedwere"houses and people suspectedofcarrying by, theWhiteSlave Traffic"(below,column4). The figuresfortheyearsavailableare illuminating:

1902 1905 1906 1907 1908 1909 1910 1911 1912 1913

1 2 Unsatisfactory Missing, Surroundings Notfound notgiven 10 5 18 9 30 25 15 50 5 40 6 17 57 75 9 77 32 41 87

3 Immoral Lives 37 30 34 58 53 44 57 55 95 32

4 Trafficking 45 39 29 29 46 28 36 48 78 51

There is littledoubt, however,that many more prostitutesand trafknewof.Noone is knownto fickerswereactivethantheJewishcommunity to at have venturedan estimate thetime,and perhapsitis hardlyworthwhile maketheattemptnow.Yet theremighthavebeennearlyone thousandJews, in thetraffic, and menand women,who foundmoreor less fullemployment theirfaceschangedall thetime.It is clearthatas a Jewishsocial problemthe in prostitution was not overwhelming, traffic yetnotat all negligible.But it was disgraceful and embarrassing. Antialienagitatorsand anti-Semites beganto makecapitalofthesubject 86. The Times,April29, 1907,p. 4.

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as earlyas 1892.The menaceto Britishmoralsfromimmigrant Jewishprosbecame one of theirstock themes.87 titutesand traffickers Arnold White, the most talentedof the agitatorsand one of the most assiduous, added sexualimmorality to thecalamitieswhichalienJewswereinflicting upon his When he of the Police in the Chief 1907, England. inquired Metropolitan him about the termsused in thetrade,assured Clerk,besidesenlightening Whitethattherewas no centraltraffickers' organization."The recruitsare itwas Nevertheless, chieflyof French,German,and Belgiannationalities."88 believedthatWhite,undauntedby police information, was theauthorof a mendaciousnewspaperseriesin 1911,"The ProblemoftheAlien,"meaning 90 percentJews,whichincludeda piece on thealien's evilmoralinfluence. The alien Jew,as a memberof a physicallyand mentallyinferior race,was of in its most abominable forms." He was "a guilty "immorality keeperof halls and a houses, procurerand a bully.... Procuring gambling disorderly forthe 'whiteslave' trade,and livingupon theearningsofwomen,are now twooftheregularprofessions ofthealienJew."89 The secretary oftheJewish Association's Gentlemen'sCommittee,supportedby W. A. Coote's evidence,pronouncedWhite'sstatement"a deliberatefalsehood."90 However, Whiteand otherantialiensand anti-Semites werenot to be silenced.In the truthhad to be accepted struggleto influencepublicopinion,thedisturbing thatJewsfiguredprominently the traffickers less so, and, ifslightly among the traffic was not among prostitutes.Combating onlya matterof morals and philanthropy butalso ofprotecting thegood nameoftheJews. The questioninevitablyarose whyJewishgirlsturnedto theprostitute's career.In certaincases theywereinductedintothetradebytheatmosphere in theirfamilies.It appears likelythatmostprostitutes quit theirtradeand marriedaftertheirprimeyearswerepast. The sexual undertonesin many such homes would have nudged susceptibledaughterstowardthe traffic. While some girlssoughtto leave, or were removedfrom,the corrupting influenceof parents,uncle, sister,brother-in-law, or some otherrelative, therecan be littledoubt that othersstayedon and became prostitutes.91 87. Colin Holmes,Anti-Semitism inBritishSociety1876-1939 (London, 1979),pp. 44-46. 88. C. L. Bathurstto White,January21, 1907; Arnold WhitePapers, Folder WHI/53, National MaritimeMuseum,Greenwich. 89. TheStandard,January30, 1911,p. 7. 90. S. Cohen to C. H. L. Emanuel, Board of Deputies, in Board of Deputies Archives, B2/1/9. 91. JLA,Report,1888-1889,p. 8; JAPG&W, Reports,1901,pp. 50-52; 1905,pp. 18,21; 1906, p. 31; 1908,p. 31; 1912,pp. 44, 45, 55; 1913,p. 56.

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Otheranswerscould givelittlecomfort,sincetheyreflected uponconditions of Jewishlife,or upon thesocial orderitselfwhichliberalbourgeoisJewish feltunableto touch,muchlesschange. philanthropy Therewereconditionsabout thelifeofworkinggirlsin a greatcitywhich led Jewishno less than Christiangirls toward prostitution.Perhaps the foreign,lonelyJewishgirlsuffered greaterhardshipthandid thenativeBritish."Slacknessofwork,especiallyin theseasonal trades"was blamed,and also "the terriblepovertyofsome,thedearthofworkforwillinghands,the ill-healthand utterfriendlessness."92 Communal workersemphasized"a of of properamusements, and someat slackness lack home, work, quarrel times,nay,oftenthe inabilityof the parents"to deal withtheirchildren.93 Restless,unhappygirlsand recklessyoungmencould meetin "some ofthe 'restaurants'in theEast End and Soho districts. .. whichare nothingmore thangamblingdensand housesofassemblyformenand womenengagedin The youngman might"'treat' themin cafes and thisnefarioustraffic."94 and by thepromiseofmarriageor byotherinducements, restaurants, bring about theirdownfall.The rest is easy for them.Afterher fall, the girl, ashamed to face her parents,does not like to returnhome." Soon she The JewishAssociationhad "reason to fearthat becomesa streetwalker.95 thereare organizedgangswho are alwayssearchingforyoungand helpless societiesin the victims,"and it urgedtheYiddishpress,rabbis,and friendly these facts as a East End to publicize warning.96 and its practices in prostitution The social sourcesof theJewishtraffic are illustratedbythecase ofJoeAnker,"JamesSmith,"and theirconfederFourteen ates, who were tried early in 1898 for attemptedtrafficking. monthsearlier,Ankerhad appeared at theJewishAssociation'sSara Pyke House wherehe virtuouslyinformedthe matron"that a woman named Some Firestein,livingat 134StamfordSt. WaterlooRoad [one ofLondon's had recently centersof prostitution] got hold of6 girlswhomshe obligedto The quarrel of these had been at S. P. House.""97 the One on streets. girls go because woman was and the Firestein betweenAnker theywere patchedup,

92. JAPG&W, Report,1912,pp. 24, 76. 93. JAPG&W, Report,1912,p. 29. 94. JAPG&W, Report,1907,p. 22. 95. JAPG&W, Report,1911,p. 28. 96. JAPG&W, Reports,1908,pp. 15-16; 1911,p. 42; 1912,p. 52. Gentlemen'sCommittee,Minutes,November8, 1896.The committeedecided 97. JAPG&W, is on record. butnothingfurther to investigate,

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26, a tailor,and Simon alongwithJacobShrednecki, chargedtogether, Theoffense dealer.AllgaveSoho addresses. Kuncher, 22,a jewelry alleged was them of wine andbeertoToba against "unlawfully spirits administering G**, 17 yearsof age,and to FannyR**, 151/2 yearsold, so as to stupefy "All the inthecasewere themforan unlawful personsconcerned purpose." and the refused to allow Jewsofforeign bail foranyof nationality," judge MauriceSilvermann, as a them.98 25,livingin theEast Endand described was addedto thecase on thechargeofhavingprocured leathermerchant, thegirls,and"JamesSmith"wasalsocharged. and Fanny,sixmonths; Toba had beenin Englandeighteen months, inYiddishthrough an interpreter. Theyounger bothtestified girlwasliving Road witha guardian, in Londonshehad a in Commercial andelsewhere and his wife.This brother, brotherwho lived withtheirstepbrother to see her once came and her friend Toba,andtookthem Auscher, visiting street to meet the whowas withShrednecki and out to the stepbrother, tothestepbrother's Kuncher. house,wherehiswifeserved Theyall repaired thendisplayed Kuncher a marquise anddeclaredtoToba,"I desired spirits. to you."He probablyintended to be married a mockJewish to marriage, Thesceneofactivity then deludethegirlthattheyweregenuinely married. tothehousemanagedbyAnkerandtheFirestein transferred womanwhere, relations the two stimulated continued between byliquor, girlsandthetwo until learned what was afoot and took action.99 men, Fanny'sguardian this of The implications squalidlittletale are clarified by thecharge as a draper,ofAmerican against"JamesSmith,29, described nationality, withAnkerand Firelivingat St. Mark'sstreet, Aldgate,"forconspiring stein"to procureone RachelL* foran immoralpurpose... ." The girl workedas a button-hole maker,one oftheworstpaidjobs intheclothing in and was She was introduced Englandsixmonths. industry, bya fellow to Smith and and after some and Anker, lodger meetings drinks,Smith offered hermarriage and inducedherto moveintotheAmerican Hotel,a brothelin the WaterlooRoad area. On the firstmorning Smithraped Rachel,butshestayedon withhimat theplacefortwoweeks.He, Anker, and Feierstein answeredthegirl'srequestformoneybydemanding, with wordsand blows,thatshe go on thestreets,whichshe refusedto do.0ooIt is

98. The Times,February8, 1898,p. 4. 99. The Times,February17, 1898,p. 12. 100. The Times,February25, 1898,p. 3.

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obvious that the threesusceptiblegirls,none of them livingwith their family,were being recruitedfor prostitutionby skillfuloperators.James Smithwas thealias ofJoeSilver,whichwas thealias ofJosephLis, a native of Kielce in Poland who had emigratedthenceto theUnitedStatesin 1885. He settledin Pittsburgh, wherehe serveda termforburglary,and thenin New York, whereas Joe Silver,he became a citizenand an agent of the Parkhurstinvestigation into police corruption.In 1895 Lis-Silverquit the United States for England.There,as JamesSmith,he commenceda long whichled himto Britishand GermanSouth careeras a fenceand trafficker, Africaand to theContinent.'10 "Smith's"case wasjoined to thatoftheothers,and theirtrial,whichwas held beforethe Common Serjeantof London in Old Bailey,lasted three in days.A solicitor"watchedthecase on behalfofcertainpersonsinterested it," quite possiblythe JewishAssociation.It ended in acquittal,probably because the defendants, each of whomwas "a competentbut not compellable witness,"did not testifyand the girls' testimonywas not sufficient. "The details of the case were unsuitablefor publication," The Times found.102 The threedefendants werecollaborators,not a cohesivegang.Theyfell in and fellout withone anotheras theirconvenienceand unstablemoods dictated.Many such groupscarriedon. In one case during1902,a girlwas rescuedfroma man who "belongedto a gangofbad characterswho liveby theearningsoftheirvictims."Therewas a prosecution,and "duringthetrial some of thegang violentlyassaultedour informant."Two of theassailants werelikewiseprosecuted,and convicted.'03 Yet,thereis no evidencenorany allegationthatany centrallyorganizedvice ringfunctioned. contemporary who knewone anotherand frequently With"amazingcunning"traffickers, were membersof a family,cooperatedin a chain whichled fromEastern Europe to brothelsoverseas.104"A girlemployedin a factoryin Lodz was inducedby a male and femaleacquaintanceto come overhereso as to earn and "cruellybeaten"when higherwages." She was forcedintoprostitution for she attemptedto escape. Whenshe was arrested solicitingon thestreets, ofWitwatersrand, 101. I am greatlyindebtedto ProfessorCharlesVan Orselen,University on thecareerof Lis-Silver-Smith, whichprovided information forilluminating Johannesburg, thelead to thetrial. 102. The Times,April4, 1898,p. 14;see also March 31,p. 14,and April1, 1898,p. 14. 103. JAPG&W, Report,1902,pp. 22-23. 104. JAPG&W,Report,1902,p. 22.

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the girl's case reached the JewishAssociationand her captorswere then Numeroussuch cases, and yearsof arrested,convicted,and imprisoned.105 that heremusthave agents at the showed "the traffickers docks, experience ofhouseswhere for we find that come over addresses abroad, bringing girls find and but where,instead,theyare theyexpectto hospitality occupation, snaredto theirruin."l06 The range of trafficking and prostitutionmay be illustratedfromthe minutesofone meetingoftheGentlemen'sCommitteeoftheJewishAssociation.The dateis July2, 1899: accountofher ... thegirlSprinzeF. ... hadnowcomewithquitea different case.Thegirlnowstatesherrealnametobe PerlB.,thatshehadbya so called inWarsawto themanS., whoserealnameshe "stilleChasne"beenmarried RabbiW. saidwasJosselR. & whowasa ponce& trafficker. Shehadthrough a mancalledJisroel hereobtaineda divorcefromR. & sincethenmarried T., whohadgonebacktoWarsaw. Itwassuggested thatRabbiW.be askedifhehaddivorced B. & R. The ... Christiangirl Martha P. of Frankfort... had been rescuedin

Verviers. ofthecaseofEva B. wasreported. In regard Thefurther to development theallegedconcealment ofthebirthofEva's childtheCommittee decidedto ifhewishedtotakeanyactioninthematter assistMr.B.,thegirl'sfather, ... In regardto thecase of RachelC., whoseparentskepta brothelat 23 DenmanStreettheCommittee theSec. .... to haveRachel& her instructed brothers removedfromtheirsurroundings & out of the controlof their an to the Police by application parents ... The Sec. reported thecase ofLeah S. & saidthathe knewfromanother Mr. R. thegirl'sbrother-in-law wasconnected with case,thattheinformant thetraffickers. ... A fullaccountwasfurther givenbytheSec.ofthecasesofRivkaF. & ChajeJ.Thetwogirlsuponarrivalat S[ara]P[yke]H[ouse,homeforworkStreetbutweretakento an inggirls]had shownan addressto Stamford 22 JaneStr.,E. whicha country-woman ofoneofthegirlswhohapaddress, to be then at as that of the Whenthe S.P.H. just gave girls'relatives. pened Assn'svisitor, MissLevy,calledat 22JaneStr.,Mrs.M. deniedallknowledge of thegirls.Incidentally theSec. Dr. Fr[iedberger] heardof thegirlsbeing Solomontraced hetookthecaseinhand& through [their inspector] missing,

105. Ibid.,p. 24. 106. Ibid.,p. 25.

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166

ofbrothels different the2 girlswhoarenowinmates havingpassedthrough houseswithin a weekoftheirbeinginLondon.. . , whoarrived thisweekfromtheCon... Solomonhadtraceda trafficker of to4 HannibalRoad,thetenants viaHarwich tohavetakenhisvictim tinent whichhousewereknownto him,theSec.,as thieves, ponces& traffickers. herea Withregardto another case ofsuspected whohadarrived traffickers, fewdaysago,hetheSec. hadsentbywirefullinformation to theSec. ofthe inordertohavetheBellagiowatched, whichvesselleft Committee, Liverpool (JulyIst) theLiverpoolDocks forB/A [BuenosAires]. yesterday Successdid notattendall theefforts. ActionagainsttheInternational Anglo-Jewish Traffic formoraland philanthropic The Jewishcommunity, reasons,concerned itselfwiththe problemof prostitution, and its effortsweretenaciousand prolonged. The JewishLadies' Association for Preventiveand Rescue Work, as we have mentioned,was founded at the apogee of Victorian reform,in 1885, to meet unaccompaniedimmigrantgirlsand women on and to help prostiimmigrantboats, to combat the trafficin prostitution tutesseekingto returnto decentsociety.Overtheyearsitestablisheda temporaryshelterfor newcomers,Sara Pyke House for respectableworking girls,CharcroftHouse forunmarriedmothersand theirbabies,and a small "industrialschool" for girlsremovedfromdisreputableenvironments."70 Therewas a Gentlemen'sCommitteewhichcommencedto functionin 1888, and took over the servicesprovidedat docksideand railwayterminals.It in prostitution. In 1896,the also conductedthecampaignagainstthetraffic Protection for the Association organizationchangeditsnameto theJewish as its supof Girls and Women. With the wealthyelite of Anglo-Jewry portersand withsubsidiesfromthe JewishColonizationAssociation,the was well financed.It cooperated closely with the Travellers' JAPG&W Aid Societyand the National VigilanceAssociation,and maintainedsmall local branchesin Manchester,Liverpool,Leeds, and at the porttownsof Grimsbyand Southampton.The NVA'sfiveyear campaign which led to the CriminalLaw AmendmentAct of 1912 (2&3 Geo. 5 ch. 20) had the vigoroussupportof the JewishAssociation,while the statuteitselfwas is in V. D. Lipman,A Century 107. A concisestatement ofSocial Service:TheHistoryofthe JewishBoardofGuardians(London, 1959),pp. 247-55.

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draftedby D. L. Alexander,K.C., Presidentof theJewishBoard of Depucrusadehad hispersonalreligiousvisionas ties.W. A. Coote's international its inspiration,but much of the practicalguidancecame fromthe Jewish Association,whichalreadyhad considerableknowledgeof the trafficking problemabroad.'"1 The National VigilanceAssociation,as led by Coote, and performances it deemedindecent,butthe took actionagainstliterature JewishAssociation dedicateditselfto antiprostitution efforts,withsome attentionto girls'personaland familyproblems.In the eyes of the Jewish Association,prostituteswere always victims,whetherof bad men, poor deficient education,or poverty,and as victimstheywereto be, upbringing, in thetermregularly employed,redeemed.Thereis no knowncase wherethe associationprosecuteda prostitute. Nothingin thebackgroundsofthemen in thetrade,however,servedto mitigatetheexecrationheaped upon them as "vile," "evil," "human vultures,"and the like. The ReverendSimeon Singer,as his son-in-lawIsrael Abrahamsrecalled,"would consentto no butfrequently instituted condonationofJewishoffenders, prosecutions."'09 The act of 1912,followingthepatternof previouslegislation,was aimedat for traffickers ratherthan prostitutes.It enlargedlandlords'responsibility thearrestwithoutwarpremisesrentedout and used as a brothel,permitted rant of suspectedprocurers,and authorizedwhippingto be added to the sentenceofconvictedprocurers. The JewishAssociation for the Protectionof Girls and Women was drawn deeply into combatinginternationaltrafficking. Great Britain's geographicposition,and herimmensemaritimecommercewhichdominated theworld'sshipping,meantthatmostprostitutes forexportwould pass throughBritishports.The internationalproblemwas knownof by 1890, and moreinformation constantlycame fromlaterreports.The primedestinationofthistraffic was LatinAmerica,and Buenos Aireswas itsmainport of arrival.A reportof 1892 suggeststhe reputationwhich the citywas acquiringwhen,in speakingof Colonel AlbertE. W. Goldsmid's struggle againstthe trafficduringhis sojournin Argentinaon behalfof theJewish ColonizationAssociation,it denounced"the moralmiasmathatrisesfrom 108. Draftofletter,HermannAdlerto Horace de Guinzberg,St. Petersburg, ChiefRabbi's Archives(n. 63), vol. 52, no. 4972; Speeches... at the'ComingofAge' CelebrationoftheTravellers' Aid Society... 3rd May, 1906,held at Lady Battersea'shome;National VigilanceAssociation,35thAnnual Report,1920,p. 6; JAPG&W, Reports,1906,pp. 54-55; 1908,pp. 27-28; Bristow,Viceand Vigilance,pp. 191-94. 109. TheLiteraryRemainsoftheRev.SimeonSinger.Sermons,ed. witha memoirby Israel Abrahams(London, 1908),pp. xxxi-xxxii.

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thisland and is indigenousto thesoil of SouthAmericagenerally.... The moralityofthosesettledhere(nottherecentarrivalsfromRussia butchiefly thosefromGermanyand engagedin commerce)is bad beyonddescription. A viletraffic has longbeenthecurseofthecity,and manya poor Jewesshas been inveigledinto it by thesebeasts in humanform.""I1ArgentineJewry itselftreatedeveryoneinvolvedinthetraffic as outcasts,buttheactualcamwas organizedand paid forby paignagainstJewishcommercialprostitution theJewishColonizationAssociationand bytheJewishAssociationin London."' The traffickers' methodsof persuasionand deceitto bringJewishgirls fromEurope show thatwhathad to be combatedrequiredeffortin several countries. In July 1900 a prosperingyoung jewelers' agent came to Austria, himprobablymeaningGalicia, fromtheUnitedStates-so he represented self.He metand properlymarriedthedaughterofa respectablefamily.The new couple departedfor Vienna en route back to the United States,but whennextheard frommonthslater,theywerein Buenos Aires.The bride in prostitution, butherhusbandhad beenunable knewnothingofthetraffic to persuadeherto go thereanyhow,evenforthepromisingbusinessopportunitywhichawaited him. He deceivedher into embarkingon a boat to Argentina,sayingsimplyits destinationwas the United States. Once in Buenos Airesand livingin poverty,thewomanbeganto be importunedby a brothelkeeper,to go on thestreets.He becamemore herbrother-in-law, insistentwhenthehusbandhad to be hospitalizedforillness,butshe steadThe young fastlyrefusedand underwentprivationand mistreatment. from woman was rescuedon accountof the appeals to Jewishinstitutions her familyin Europe, who were suspiciouswhyshe was in Argentinaat all.1"2A childshe bore herhusbandbelongedto himby law, and had to be leftbehind. the Anothercase reportedbytheJewishAssociationlikewiseexemplifies use offalsedestination, bymoreskillfuloperators: ontheir oneoftheDutchboatsthatcallatSouthampton Whenvisiting wayto 110. JC, November4, 1892.However,an earlierreportlaystheblameforthetraffic mainly JC,August5, 1887. upon newimmigrants. 111. Haim Avni, Mi-Bittulha-'inqviziSyah ve-'ad hoq ha-shevut(The Historyof Jewish to Argentina)(Jerusalem,1982), pp. 69-70, 84, 173, 177-78. Yehudah Shuster, Immigration "The BeginningofthePoale Zion Partyin Argentina,1906-1915,"seminarpaper,Department of JewishHistory,Hebrew University,1975. 112. JAPG&W,Report, 1901, pp. 26-30.

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SouthAmerica,our representative founda youngmarried womanaccomlookingperson,and paniedbyherhusband.Thelatterwasa verysuspicious weretherefore asked,itwasfoundthatthewifewasquiteunaware questions ofherdestination. Thegirl'sfather, communicated andherhusband with,saidhisdaughter weresupposedto be goingto America, andbeggedus to rescuehisdaughter. He statedthatthismanhadspenta greatdealofmoneywhilst intheirvillage inRussia,andthathehadevenpaidallthewedding of expenses aneldersister ofthegirl,inordertogettheyounger one. thecouple fromsailing. However,therewas no legalbasis forpreventing The Buenos Airescommittee, whichwas requestedto seek themout, could nottracethehusbandand wife: atthatcity,andmusthaveleftatanintermediate Theydidnotarrive port. Themanhadbeenheardto boastthathehadseveralwomenwhowerebringofpounds."3 inghiminhundreds They probablylanded at Montevideoor Rio de Janeiro,whichsubstitutedfor Buenos Aires whenthe Argentineport began to inspectarrivals afterapproximately morestrictly 1901.114 Abductioncould also be practicedin London. A fifteen yearold girldisappearedin 1898aftershe meta man on thestreetwho was seekinggirlsto go withhim to South Africaas clerksin his business.She was prevailed upon to steal away fromhome,and herrouteled fromWaterlooStationto Southamptonto Le Havre. Thereshe was givena ticketnotto SouthAfrica but to Montevideo,and thepair traveledseparatelyon thesame boat, "as someonemightbe lookingforher.The man seemedafraidofsomethingor other."Upon landingwithoutinterference, the girlwas takento a brothel and sold for?100, and was told she had incurreda debtof?120 whichhad to be workedoff.Then she was moved to Buenos Aires,whereshe found herselfamongthirtygirlsin a brothelwho wereall workingperpetuallyto pay offsome "debt." The BritishConsul and the Commissionerof Police came togetherto look forher,but she was compelledto misstatehername and age. Then the Commissionercame alone and succeededin identifying her. Once rescuedand sent home, she reportedthat "most girlsbrought 113. JAPG&W,Report,1910,p. 46. 114. JAPG&W,Reports,1901,p. 41; 1903,pp. 35-37; 1905,p. 32; 1907,pp. 32-34; 1911,pp. 36-39.

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out to Buenos Aires,come inducedby falsepretenses,and have no idea of theirfate... manybeingabsolutelyilliterateand ignorant,became abject slaves.""' The trafficwithinthe BritishEmpirewas of particularinterestto the JewishAssociation. When Rabbi JosephH. Hertz (1872-1946) came to London duringtheBoer War afterstormyyearsin SouthAfricaadvocating uitlanderrights,he reportedin privatethat "the traffictherewas almost in thehandsof Polish& RussianJews.""I6He openlystatedthat exclusively "of late yearstheterm'Jewess'had become a bywordand a hissingon the East Coast ofAfrica.From Delagoa Bay northward to PortSaid theremust be some 750 Jewishwomen(Aden ofcourseexcluded),"ofwhom95 percent In Lorenzo Marques, wherehe wentafterhis expulsion wereprostitutes."7 fromJohannesburg Hertzfoundonlyone or two by the Boer government, to themthatthey Jewslivingwiththeirfamilies.Besides recommending establisha synagogueand a cemetery and securetheservicesofa shobet,the futureChiefRabbi urgedthemto set up an antitraffic committee."8This in heavyirony,sinceHertzprivatelygave advice musthave been proffered theJewishAssociation"his opinionthat70% of all womentrafficked came to 100 Lorenzo There were from 60 Jewish Marques. ... prostithrough tutes in Lorenzo Marques." In otherplaces the state of affairswas also disreputable: In BeiratheentireJewish weretraffickers, also inSalisbury, Community weretraffickers. wherethePresident & theChasan(Reader)ofthecommunity wereinterIn Bulawayoa goodmanyJews, about1/5oftheentire community estedinthetraffic. As to Johannesburg, "thereexisteda Club, called the AmericanClub, of fromNew York who iftheywerenot natives whichconsisted traffickers ofAmericahad livedthereformanyyears."Hertzcould report"thatone of in Johannesburg, who qualifiedforthe theworstof thegang oftraffickers" 115. JAPG&W,Report,1901,pp. 23-26, whereLady Batterseaand hercousin Lord Rothschild are thanked for theiraid, "throughwhose introductionswe gained the active coof perhapsthe operationof the authorities ." It is indeedsuggestivethatthe intervention foremostbankerin the world ...was requiredto make the Buenos Aires police removeone girl froma brothel. Gentlemen'sCommittee,Minutes,April22, 1900. 116. JAPG&W, 117. JC,February9, 1900. 118. Ibid.

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in club, namely"Joe Silverhad latelyundergonea termof imprisonment & had since then to the Free-State." The gone [Orange] Johannesburg Committeemusthave noddedin recognitionoftheman whomtheminutes promptlyidentified:"[Joe Silver is Joe Lis, alias Abraham Ramer alias JamesSmith.]"On theotherhand,thanksto a vigilantJewishchiefofpolice in thattown.Elsewherethere in Durban, therewerehardlyany prostitutes some of whichwerefounded werelocal committeesto combat the traffic, afterproddingby the JewishAssociationin London and by ChiefRabbi Adler."l9 Whitewomenwerescarcein South Africa,and among the Jews, who largelyconstitutedthe commercialclass, some werereadyto provide sex as a commodity. Not all girlswho wentto Argentina,SouthAfricaor manyotherplaces were unaware of what theywere meantto do there.Late in the nightof November 30, 1899, the Secretaryof the JewishAssociation hurriedto MenachemR., who was sailLiverpool"in pursuitofa suspectedtrafficker ing with2 younggirls,Gitel & Sarah L. by the 'California'for Boston." Representativesof the organization'sLiverpool branch "awaited with a detectivethe arrivalof the suspectedpartyas well as that of Dr. Friedebergerin theearlyhoursofthemorning.The Policetherewerealso readyto assisthimand anxiousto act. But R. and theL. girlshavingagreedto come to the Police-stationDr. Friedebergerfound he could do no more than seriouslywarnthegirlsoftheirdanger.They,however,wouldpay no attentionto it."120 Anglo-Jewry Leadingan International Campaign Effortsto combattheJewishtraffic in prostitution withinBritaintook,

as wehaveseen,theformoflegislation, togirls publicandprivate warnings andtheirfamilies, and Some traffickers. reforming prostitutes, prosecuting

ofthiswas done in collaborationwithgeneralBritishefforts. The protection

ofimmigrant orinthecompanyofsuspected girlsarriving unaccompanied

men at the docks and railwayterminalscould help to disruptthe international as well as the domestictraffic,by breakingthe chain whichled from the East European sources of supply to the overseas markets.

Gentlemen'sCommittee,Minutes,April22, 1900.On theprostitution traffic 119. JAPG&W, along the South Asian coast and the role of Jewsin it, See VR August, 1892, pp. 54-55. 120. JAPG&W,Gentlemen'sCommittee,Minutes,December 10, 1899.

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Jewishtraffic was However,theonlysurewayto breakup theinternational to eliminateitssourceofsupply,througheducationand warningsin Eastern came predominantly from Europe.The girlswho weredrawnintothetraffic theimpoverished masseswho stillheldlargelyto thetraditionalformsoflife and values, and whose leaders were rabbis of the traditionalcast. West European Jews who were concernedwith the problem of prostitution deemedit essentialto securethe rabbis' cooperation.Betterthan anyone, therabbicould dissuadegirlsand theirfamiliesfrommarriageswithyoung East Europeanrabbis, menwho mightbe agentsin theprostitution traffic. role in affairsand an however,usuallyplayed aloof,honorary community wereseldomactiveleaders.Few of themwould have had muchassociation withtheclass fromwhichthegirlswereusuallydrawn.Yet theirwordcarriedweight,and itwas worthsoliciting.Especiallywas thisso amongHasidim, who regardedtheirrabbisin morethanhumanterms.BerthaPappenof theAleksandrovrabbi,R. heimsucceedingin securingtheendorsement and thestrongsympathy oftheCzortkowrabbi Samuel Zvi, forherefforts, forantitraffic workwas also reported.121 Rabbi FerdinandRosenthalof Breslau senta circularto the Galician rabbis early in the 1890s, urgingthemto tell theirpeople to beware of unknown,eligibleyoungmenwho wishedto marrylocal girls.122 In 1894the HamburgHenryJoneslodge oftheGermanBne Brithcomin thefield,and theorganizationelsewherein Germany mencedtheirefforts followedtheirlead. They protectedgirlsat Hamburgand otherports,as in wellas at railroadstationsand borderpoints,and broadcastinformation The GermanJewsdid EasternEuropeconcerningthedangersofthetraffic. not refrain,as did the BritishJews,fromopenlypublishingthenamesand On the otherhand, theydid not maintain descriptionsof male traffickers. institutions forwaywardgirls,as did theJewishAssociationin London. In 1897,theHenryJoneslodgedispatcheda circularletterofwarningto rabbis and lay leaders in Galicia. It cautionedthat "many men" who posed as pious Jewsbut wereeviland sinning,weretakingaway innocentgirls.Such press,but unfortunately charges,it added, had appearedin theanti-Semitic werenow authenticated bysourcesofunquestionedveracity.The rabbisand lay leaders were urged to spread the word among theirpeople. Signers includedleadersof German,Austrian,and RumanianBne Brith,represen121. Sisyphus-Arbeit, Conference, p. 113. pp. 149-50; JewishInternational 122. AZJ,July18, 1902,p. 339.

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tativesof theJewishAssociationin London,ChiefRabbi Zadoc Kahn (France)and Rabbis Hildesheimer (Berlin),MarkusHirsch(Hamburg), BernhardRitter(Rotterdam), and Chaim SeligAuerbach(Halberstadt), Taubes(Botoshan).However,theseeming on Galicia alonemay emphasis haveirritated someofthecircular's as someoftheproceedings recipients, theLemberg conference in 1903weretoshow.123 In 1899yetanother during circularwentto therabbisof EasternEuropeand appearedalso in the Hebrewpress.Its sevensignersincludedagainthechiefrabbiof Great whowas itsauthor,and thechiefrabbisofFranceandtheJewish Britain, communities ofBerlin, andHamburg. Vienna,Rome,Frankfurt, Thesad tidings havecometousthatevilmenandwomengo aboutinyour

countries from town totown andvillage tovillage andinduce Jewish maidens,

toleavetheirnativelandtogo,bytheiradvice,todisbyfalserepresentations, tantcountries, situtellingthemtheywillfindtheregoodand remunerative ationsinbusiness houses. In someinstances thesewickedmenaddtotheiriniquity bygoingthrough theformofreligious withthegirls.Thentheytakethemon board marriage inSouthAmerica, orothercountries andthen shiptoIndia,Brazil,Argentina, sellthemtheretokeepers ofhousesofevilrepute. Whocanadequately describe their bitter fateandterrible suffering ... We therefore withyouandto receive approachyoutodayto confer your advicehowandin whatway,wecan removetheterrible shamefromus.... thishorrible evilfrom ourmidst Uponusallthedutyliestoremove ... 124 The rabbis recommendedthat known traffickers be cast out of their communities.No publishedreactionto theseappeals has come to light,but thesubjectitselfand thegalaxyof rabbiswho signedmusthavegiventhem considerableattention.Now rabbisbeganto play an activerole in combat-

123. Die Wirksamkeit des vonder GrosslogefurDeutschlandU.O.B.B. ernannten Comitees zu Bekimpfung des Madchenhandels (Berlin,1900),pp. 16-19; thisvolume,marked"Streng vertraulich!,"is a compilationof activitiesand press reportsand includesa lengthysupplementwhichis a translationfromSpanish of a worknamingtraffickers and describingtheir methodsofoperations.Almostall ofthemboreJewishnamesand carriedon in SouthAmerica. Chief Rabbi HermannAdler's draftletterto Baron Horace de Guinzbergof November28, 1900(citedabove, note 108) requestshimto receivesympathetically a circularabout to be sent bytheNational VigilanceAssociationand to urgeRussianrabbisto do likewise.The circular, ifsent,has notcome to light. 124. Textand translationin JewishInternational Conference, pp. 154-57; Ha-Melis, March 27 (April9), 1898.

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The Union ofGermanRabbis (Deutsche Rabbinerverband) ing thetraffic. devotedpart of its second annual meetingin July1902 to "The Struggle against the Trafficin Girls," whichwas the titleof the main address by Rabbi Leopold Rosenak (1870-1923) of Bremen,who had beencampaigning on the subject for severalyears. Noting the highproportionof Jews to Argentina,and theevenhigherproportionof amongthegirlstransported Jewishmen among the traffickers, Rosenak urgedthatbesidesprotective and police measures, a long-rangeprogramof social and educational reformbe undertakenin EasternEurope. His colleaguesgenerallyendorsed Rosenak'sviews.'25 As the pace quickened,the Hamburg lodge's activitiesin the field broadened.Under its auspices BerthaPappenheimundertooka surveyof conditionsin Galicia togetherwiththeyoungsociologistDr. Sara Rabinowitsch(b. 1880). Her share in theirjoint report"On the Conditionof the in prostituJewishPopulationin Galicia" includeda sectionon thetraffic derdeutschen tion.'26Germanefforts came to a climaxwhentheHilfsverein Judenconveneda conferencein Lemberg,held on September15 and 16, in prostitution was 1903.Galicia was thelocale not onlybecause thetraffic but to carried on thanks also the there, emancipation political actively underHapsburgrule which,unlikeRussia, permittedpublicmeetingsand conferences to be heldreadily. Such notablesattendedas Paul Nathan (1857-1926), head of theHilfsverein,the AustrianReichsratmemberforGalicia Emil Byk(1845-1906), lawyerand politician,and Gustav Tuch (1834-1909) of Hamburg,polycame fromEngland, math,economist,poet,and lawyer.One representative the Rev. SimeonSinger.Rabbi Rosenak, BerthaPappenheim,and numeractivistswere also ous communal officials,leaders, and antiprostitution But themostsignifithe was to and event the public. open general present, was heldin forthesake ofwhosepresencetheconference cantpersonalities, EasternEurope, wererabbisof Galicia. Two rabbisof Lembergattended, Isaac Schmelkes(1828-1906), one oftheforemostrespondents (poseqim)of the age, and Ezekiel Caro (1845-1915), a Germanicmodernistand his125. AZJ, July11, 1902,"Der Gemeindebote,"p. 3; July18, 1902,pp. 339-40; July25, 1902,p. 353; Ha-MeliS, July15 (28), 1902; Rosenak's address,"Die Bekimpfungdes Midchenhandels,"appeared as a pamphlet,Frankfurt,1903. On Rosenak, see, Encyclopedia Judaica(Jerusalem,1971),s.v. Dr. Michael Rosenak,Jerusalem, kindlyprovidedsome informationconcerninghis grandfather. 126. Pappenheimand Rabinowitsch,Zur Lage.

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torian.The former'snephew,Rabbi Gedaliah Schmelkes(1857-1928) of Kolomea, somewhata modernistalthoughan old-fashionedrabbi in externals, also came.127 Cracow sent the WesternizedRabbi Osias Thon (1870-1937) and the traditional Rabbi Hayyim Aryeh Horowitz (1851-1904). OthersincludedRabbis Schnur(b. 1858)ofTarnow,Lilienfeld of Podheitz,and JacobNacht (b. 1873)of Focsani in Rumania.No Hasidic rabbiwas present. Emil Byk opened the proceedingswiththe hope "that East and West Then the East willlearn,and theWestwill mayworktogetherbeneficially. understandbetterand forgivethe conditionsin the East." Gustav Tuch and Rabbi Rosenak explainedthe methodsemployedby the traffickers, workhabits,improving nextspoke of thenecessityofcultivating theJewish and the rush to Simeon school, limiting emigrate. Singerpresenteda letter fromLady Rothschild(wifeof Lord Rothschild)whichurgedrabbis and othersto impressupon parentsnot to allow theirdaughtersto emigrate "withoutany positiveknowledgeof theirdestinationor future."He regretted "the backwardstateoffemaleeducationand training"in Galicia. Then Meier Munk of Lembergproposed in detail an organizationto protect womenand girls.The discussionwhichfollowedincludedexpressionsofdissent whichexemplifiedthe sensitivities of East European Jewsfacingthe West. Rabbis Caro and Horowitzdisputedthe need for an organization whichmusthave seemedto themWestern devotedto moralimprovement, condescension.Horowitzattackedtheview,whichhe presumablydetected in whathad been said, thatGalician Jewsweremorallyinferior. To theproThe rabbi longedapplause ofthemeeting,he assailedtheforeignintruders. ofCracow also saw no needfortheassociationmootedby Munk,"particuin this larlysinceit is stillin doubtwhetherthereare reallysuchtraffickers of the idea Nevertheless, country." protecting girlsprovedacceptableto the General such as Rabbi Rosenak advocated, assemblage. improvements which were offeredas a long-rangepreventiveto prostitution,implied changes in the traditionalway of life,and were not taken up. Horowitz acknowledgedthat povertylowered moral standards,while notingthat therewerealso daughtersoftherichwho "go theevilway." He urgedthereforethatthesale oferoticliterature be prevented.Rabbi Gedalia Schmelkes desiredthatrabbishave a voicein theprojectedsocietyto combatthetraffic 127. AvrahamKahana, Divreizikkaronle-toledotha-Ravha-Ga'onR. GedalyahSchmelkes (Przemysl,1933).

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and also in the policyof the Yiddish newspaperwhose establishment was suggested. The conference concludedwitha seriesofdetailedresolutions, declaring its determination to uprootJewishmanifestations of the pernicioustraffic, which existed only because of the extremeimpoverishment of Galician Jewry.It was also agreedthatprevention requireda networkofinstitutions for welfareand education. Besides such generalstatementsthe Lemberg conference thatbranchesofthelocal JildischeVereinexpressedsatisfaction zum von Maidchen und Frauen-a literaltranslationof the Schutze igung London society'sname-would be establishedthroughoutGalicia. Bertha Pappenheimurged that each branch have a women's auxiliary.Rabbi Rosenak proposed a Yiddish newspaperwhose policies the rabbis would in orderto control,and the inspectionof Jewisheducationalinstitutions raise theirstandards.He joined Singerin urgingrabbis to shun the shtile khupe.Rabbi Gedaliah Schmelkesproposed that Galician Jewsbe counseledthatturningtraffickers overto thepolice was notat all a transgression of informing but was reallyan act of religiousmerit. againsta fellow-Jew, The closingreceptionwas enlivenedbyverbalsparringbetweenZionistsand theiropponents.'28The Lembergconferencesucceededin the onlysphere whichcould reallysucceedin Galicia, thatof publicizingthetraffic and the meansit employedto luregirls.Largerprojectsofeducationand welfarelay beyondthe resourcesof Galician Jewryand would have probablybecome enmeshedin controversy outlooks. amongtheconflicting Severalyearspassed beforethenextconference. Meanwhile,thenetwork of protectivesocietiesexpandedin the west,but EasternEurope remained weaklyorganizedwhileJewishemigrationreachedunprecedented proportions.The last conclavebeforethe firstWorldWar, and themostcomprehensiveand fullyattended,took place in London at thecall of theGentlemen's Committeeof theJewishAssociationfortheProtectionof Girls and Women. It metprivatelyon April 5, 6, and 7, 1910,and was attendedby London delegates'29and sixteenfromthe Provinces,as well as eighty-two and subscribersto the "a large number" of institutionalrepresentatives JewishAssociation.Foreigndelegatesnumberedtwenty-seven, tenofwhom came fromGermany,and merelyfive fromEastern Europe. The latter accounts 128. A fullreportappearedin AZJ, September25, 1903,pp. 461-63, and briefer were publishedin Ha-Sefirah,September7 (20) and 8 (21), 1903; JC, September25, 1903; JAPG&W, Report,1903,pp. 46-51. 129. Perhaps81, sinceone nameseemsto appeartwice.

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representedits upper crust,such as Baron Alexanderde Guinzberg,and David FeinbergoftheJewishColonizationAssociation.No effort had to be made at thisconferenceto persuadeanyonethatthe problemexisted,and A detailed thatthe trafficamong Jewsoughtto be suppressedby Jews.130 agenda was presented,and each sessionhad itsthemewhichwas statedas a question.The firstsessiondealt with"means ... to ascertaintheextentof theparticipationbyJewsand Jewessesin thetraffic." The followingsession took up "the causes of thetraffic amongJews"and meansof checkingthe trafficat seaports and at internationalborders,as well as cooperation betweenJewishand general bodies in the field."Illegal Marriages and re: Divorces," "The MarriageBroker('Shadchan')," and "Advertisements Situations"wereincludedwithinthethirdtopic,whichdealtwith"the lack of responsibilityof parents and guardians," marriageswhich were imprudentor not in accordwiththelaw oftheland, and theneed forparents and guardiansto make "strictenquiriesconcerningsituationsabroad." The fourthsessiontook up thearousal ofJewishpublicopinionagainstthetrafof those concernedin the traffic ficincluding"ineligibility to hold communal offices." Finally, it was asked "how far can education and social workbe helpful"in viewoftheroleof "bad economicconditions [as] an undoubtedsourceoftheTraffic.... ."'3' The discussionwas of high,informedquality.The Britishemphasized social and educationalwork and recreationfor workinggirls,as well as criminalpenalties for traffickers. The German speakers appear to lay declinedto emphasison reachingEasternEuropeanJewry.The conference set up an international Jewishassociation,but the linesof communication wereextendedand tightened. Anglo-Jewry's primacyin theantiprostitution field was confirmed,because of its institutionalstrengthand the community'sconnectionsoverseas. Thus, a delegate fromthe United States came forthefirsttime.She was Sadie AmericanoftheNationalCouncil of JewishWomen,who broughtwithhermemorandafromotherAmericansin the field.Afterthreedays of deliberationsthe delegatesreturnedhome to theirlocal efforts. BesidesJewishconferences, Jewsalso attendedinternational gatherings 130. Israel Zangwill,representing the JewishTerritorialOrganization,did inquirewhya distinctJewisheffort was required,and Claude G. Montefiorerepliedthat"the evil has also a special Jewishside" and therewas close collaborationwithgeneralorganizationswhichwere in thefield.JewishInternational functioning Conference, pp. 51-53. 131. Ibid.,pp. 5-8.

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in prostitution. AfterChiefRabbi HermannAdlerdied in againstthetraffic 1911,his successorJosephH. HertzfollowedAdler'shabitand attendedthe musthave 1913congress.Those accustomedto Adler'scautionand restraint been startledwhenHertz,speakingafterthearchbishopof Canterburyand whichopenedthese theCatholicprimateto offertheusual clericalgreetings the denounced Russian conclaves, vehemently regime,which permitted outsidethePale ofSettleJewishgirlsto settleas studentsin St. Petersburg mentonly if theyacceptedthe yellowticketof the prostitute.The police Withtheoutbreakof war compelledthemactuallyto act as prostitutes.'32 trafficstopped. one yearlatereveryplan was alteredand theinternational Whenthewarendednewsocial and politicalconditionsgreatlychangedthe earlierpicture. Our understandingof this whole slimy business would in no way be to "the world'soldestprofession,"and hardly improvedby readyreference about "the breakdownofJewishfamilylife."Grantmore so by pieties any drives and theJewishideal ofsexualpurityand of sexual the universality ing in Jewish thenecessityremainsof explainingwhythetraffic familyfidelity, to uprootit in flourishedwhenit did, despiteintensiveefforts prostitution Englandand theostracismplaced upon everyonewho was involvedin it. social situationwhich We should emphasizethe exceptionallydifficult Jewish in the of the migrationand for some time heyday great prevailed afterit. Vast Jewishpopulationincreaseand profoundpovertyin Eastern in families,whilethe existenceof Europe meantgreatstrainand suffering lands of promiseto the westmade the desireto escape and betteroneself possibleof realization.Findingeconomicsecurityand personalidentityin the new lands placed an unbearableburdenupon manyindividuals,espeor perciallythosewho came fromfamilieswhichwerebroken,temporarily betweendeparting manently,in the course of migration.In theinterstices and arriving,betweenuprootingand settlement, piercingshaftsof lightare withinJewishsocial life.Unscrushedupon theharshnessand theinstability pulous, sadisticindividualssoughtlarge profits.Lonely,discontented,or unloved young women sought securityand love. Their deluded quest broughtthemonlydebasementand misery. DepartmentofJewishHistory Tel-AvivUniversity Ramat-Aviv,Israel69978 132. JC,June27 and July4, 1913.

Judaism Triumphant: Isaac Mayer Wise on Unitarianism and Liberal Christianity Author(s): Benny Kraut Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 179-230 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486410 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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JUDAISM TRIUMPHANT: ISAAC MAYER WISE ON UNITARIANISM AND LIBERAL CHRISTIANITY by BENNY KRAUT

Introduction Againstthe backgroundof the dramaticupsurgeof liberalism,radicalin religionwithinthe UnitedStatesin thelast thirdof ism,and freethought the nineteenth AmericanReformJudaismand Unitarianismmade century, the strides. 1880s,ReformJudaismhad become the preemiBy impressive nent form of Judaismin both institutionalgrowthand organizational cohesiveness;itremainedthefavoredreligiouspatternoftheeliteleadership of AmericanJewrywell into thetwentieth century.For its part,Unitarianism by the 1880shad spreadbeyondtheconfinesofNew England,featured a revitalizedWesternbranch,the WesternUnitarianConference,and was an articulatedenominationalconsciousness. experiencing As themajor institutional and liberalexpressionsofJudaismand Christianity,both ReformJudaismand Unitarianismsharedmuchin common. NOTE: My thanksto ProfessorsStevenBowman,BarryKogan, Michael A. Meyerand Jonacomments.I am gratefulto than D. Sarna forhavingread thispaper and fortheirinstructive SummerFellowshipwhichmade the the AmericanJewishArchivesfora Lowenstein-Wiener writingofthisarticlepossible.

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Thereligious andintellectual and leadersofeachreligion boldlyconfronted to assimilate the natural modern of scithe creatively sought scholarship and criticism. affirmed their biblical ences,comparative religion They withreasonandprogress, consonance andunderscored religions' respective of theirinterpretations ofJudaismand Christianity forthe therelevance a growingnumberof modernsecularage. Not surprisingly, therefore, each other's ReformJewishand Unitarianintellectuals acknowledged invariedlinesofreligious communication and activities, thinking resulting betweenthem. and socialinteraction Whilegenerally to clergy, scholarsofreligion, and themore restricted relibetweenJewishand Christian educatedlaymen,thisrapprochement was and felt the The last liberals nonetheless seen gious by generalpublic. of innovation thirdof thenineteenth for witnessed the century, example, the ministers and betweenReformrabbisand Unitarian pulpitexchanges andUnitarofJewish ofnewspaper between editors exchange subscriptions andUnitarian iannewspapers. ReligiousleadersinboththeReform camps on the often seemedtosharea common vision; they preached eschatological in ofhumanity," characterized the belief imminent arrivalofa "religion by ofGod andtheBrotherhood ofMan,whichwouldusherin theFatherhood universalism. On a sociopolitical an era of religious level,ReformJewish and and otherliberalson communal leadersjoinedforceswithUnitarians of and state in to church nationallevels promotethecompleteseparation ofthatprinciple. Americaand to protest practical negation anyperceived, withits interaction Andyet,despitethisdeveloping socialandreligious similarideal of thereligiousfuture, despitea sharedpolitical seemingly of theattitude democratic valuewhichadvocateda nonsectarian America, Reform Jewish thinkers to Unitarianism seemstohavebeendeeplyambivaas Unitarians lent.'On theonehand,Reform Jewsseemtohaverecognized the forces forreligious theirmostimportant alliesinthefight liberty against ofsectarianism andevangelical Christian conservatism. Theyacknowledged hadmadeinhavingcastaside whichUnitarians thevitalreligious progress thesincereraptime-honored Christian creedsand dogmas.Nevertheless, finda 1. The ambivalentfeelingsofliberalJewstowardtheirliberalChristiancounterparts social and politicalcontext,in ninestriking parallel,eventhoughsetin an altogetherdifferent andJewsin Germany:Religion,Politics,and teenthcenturyGermany.See UrielTal, Christians Ideologyin theSecondReich,1870-1914 (Ithaca, 1975),pp. 160-222. For a broad discussionof Reformambivalenceto Unitarianismin America,see BennyKraut, "Unitarianismon the ReformJewishMind," ProceedingsoftheEighthWorldCongressofJewishStudies(Jerusalem, 1981).

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Reform Jewish andUnitarian had between religious leadership prochement and definite For one Reform limits, especially religious theological. thing, and theirUnitariancounterparts Jewishthinkers confronted each other claimsofreligious each withantithetical They triumphalism. soughttoidenthe of their own with Commitments to tify religion "religion humanity." ultimatereligiousuniversalism thereligiousleadersof notwithstanding, each denomination theseparatesocial clungto an ideologythatjustified and religious existence oftheirrespective Thuswheninthe1870s religions. and 1880sUnitarianism increasingly beganto be viewedbybothsomeJews as identicalto ReformJudaism,Reformrabbisquickly and Christians movedto underline thefundamental differences andsharpen thesomewhat blurred distinction between thetwofaiths. toan ideology Adherence ofreliwas not to be or universalism with the confused dissolution of gious equated Jewish social and life. contemporary religious This Reformambivalence to Unitarianism, and liberalChristianity in inthecareerandwritings findsdramatic ofRabbiIsaac general, expression ofAmerican Reform archiJudaism, MayerWise.Indefatigable champion tectof itsmajorinstitutions in thenineteenth and editor of the century, influential Wise came into contact with the Israelite, (American) frequent elite of American liberal Because of his role religious Christianity. pivotal in thehistory ofAmerican Reform because of his relations withUniJudaism, tariansandhiswritten of and because of his desireto analyses Unitarianism, winrespectforJewsand Judaism fromliberalChristians, Isaac especially M. Wiseservesas an excellent whomonemayrevealboththe figure through ofliberalJewish-Christian inninescopeandthelimitations rapprochement teenth America. His on Unitarianism and interaccentury evolving opinions tionswithUnitarians, his charthoughreflecting personaltemperament, and nonetheless can be as acter,style, religious ideology, regarded paradigmaticof thebroadliberalJewish-Christian at thistime.2 interchange WiseonChristianity Isaac MayerWisedevotedmuchofhisactivelifeto a vigorous repudia2. For an analysisof boththeextentofrapprochement and itslimitations fromthepointof viewof a radicalnon-Jewish religiousliberal,see BennyKraut,"Francis E. Abbot: Perceptions of a NineteenthCenturyReligious Radical on Jewsand Judaism,"Studiesin theAmerican JewishExperience(Cincinnati,1981),pp. 90-113.

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inparticular tionofChristianity, mainstream andevangelical Protestantism and RomanCatholicism. in his rabbinic he identified the on career, Early enemiesofJudaism to be "nihilism" and"Christianity in twofundamental all itssects."Arguing "thatwehaveno advocatespowerful meet to enough ouradversaries," thepugnacious and irascibleWisesetoutto lockhorns withthe"opponents ofJudaism fromwhatquartertheyevermaycome" and "to attackthemfrom[a] thousand writsides."3Fromhisvoluminous it seemsapparentthat,of thetwoopponents, Wiseconsiings,however, dereddogmaticChristianity and its orthodoxadherents to be themain In response activities ofChristian ofJudaism. tothemultifarious detractors of who proclaimedthe superiority and missionaries ministers, writers, he over affirmed the Judaism, viability, Christianity energetically integrity, and future Judaism.4 gloryof American in mainstream Wise perceiveda religioustriumphalism Christianity withitsowndoctrines, whichcharacterized whichequatedallreligious truth ofhumanvirtue as Christian, andwhichasserted all morality andexamples Thistriumphalism was thatall humanity wouldonedaybecomeChristian. also channeledintothesocial-political arena.Thus,Wise,an ardentsupAmericandemocratic republic,foundhimself porterof a nonsectarian or triedto introduce Protestant which inveighing against groups regularly 3. Letterof Isaac M. Wise to Isaac Leeser,Aug. 17, 1852,Isaac Leeser Papers,American ofLeesercomingto Albanyto enlisthisaid in JewishHistoricalSociety.See Wise's description M. R. Miller,in theOccident,in Isaac M. Wise,Reminiscences, a Christianmissionary, refuting 2d ed. (Cincinnati,[1901];reprint ed., New York, 1945),pp. 79-80. reactionsof Wise to missionaries,referto his Reminiscences, 4. For representative pp. 60-68, 119-23; also see the Israelite(Isr.) April9, 1858,p. 316; Isr., Feb. 10, 1860,p. 252; AmericanIsraelite(AI), March 14, 1889,p. 4; AI, July13, 1893,p. 4; see too Isaac M. Wise,A (Cincinnati,1889), p. 3, and his "The Christianity Defenseof JudaismversusProselytizing 6 (1954): 136-37. WorldofMy Books," AmericanJewishArchives referto Isr.,Jan. claimsofChristianministers, For someofhisreactionsto thetriumphalist 8, 1869,p. 4; Isr., July29, 1870,p. 8; AI, May 31, 1878,p. 4; AI, Aug. 28, 1885,p. 4; AI, Nov. 13, 1885,p. 5. For some samplesof his reactionto theChristianpressand reviewsofChristianliterature, see Isr.,Aug. 28, 1857,p. 58; Isr.,May 31, 1861,pp. 380-81; Isr.,July12, 1861,p. 12;Isr.,May 8, 1863,p. 348; Isr., Feb. 26, 1869,p. 4; AI, Aug. 27, 1875,p. 4. referto JamesG. Heller,Isaac M. Wise: For a discussionof Wise's viewson Christianity, His Life,Workand Thought (New York, 1965),pp. 623-57; WalterJacob,"Isaac MayerWise: An AmericanApproach," Christianity ThroughJewishEyes (Cincinnati,1974), pp. 67-82; Samuel Sandmel,"Isaac Mayer Wise's 'JesusHimself,"'Essays in AmericanJewishHistory (Cincinnati,1958),pp. 325-58. A good generalbiographyofWise is SeftonD. Temkin,"Isaac ofIsaac Mayer Wise(Cincinnati, MayerWise: A BiographicalSketch,"A Guideto theWritings 1981),pp. 5-53.

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inthepublicschools,toenforce maintain Biblereadings SundayBlueLaws and to amend the American Constitution the formally rigidly, designating UnitedStatesa Christian country.5 Wisecountered reliChristian Profoundly loyalto Jewsand Judaism, witha Jewish ofhisown.Thistookon a gioustriumphalism triumphalism dual character. On theone hand,believing that-in his words-thebest is a goodoffense,6 he critically theorigins defense analyzedanddenigrated anddevelopment ofChristianity inordertodemonstrate itsuntenability for boththemodern ofhumanity."7 He neverfailed ageandthefuture "religion to underscore ofChristian theirrationality theological dogmas,thelackof novel contributions on religious any Christianity's part,and its historic to human freedom and scientific Whatever was opposition reason, progress. in true and valid was borrowed from Wise Judaism, religiously Christianity inoriginwasnot oftenobserved, andwhatever ideaorvaluewasnotJewish would, true.8He no doubtfeltthatthisrigorouscritiqueof Christianity whathe believedto be thesuperior bycontrast, onlysubstantiate religious claimsofJudaism. He consciously usedChristianity as a foilbywhichto makeJudaism all more the reasonable and sensible. Thentoo,his appear strictures were not to Judaism's intended silence againstChristianity only but also for internal Jewish to instill foes, perceived consumption: prideand as well Jews as a renewed for their Judaism. among self-respect respect ButWiseupheldJudaism on itsownmerits andnotmerely bydintofa favorable witha thoroughly contrast alternative. He religious disreputable hisconception ofJudaism (as opposedto an "Orthoresolutely proclaimed 5. Referto Kraut,"Francis E. Abbot...," p. 111,n. 59, forreferences to Wise's attitudes on theseissues. 6. See Isr., Sept. 2, 1870,p. 8, foran illuminating editorialself-analysis of whyhe feltit essentialto attackChristianity ratherthan"writeabout Judaismand itsmeritsand letChristianityalone." Much of thesame reasoningreappearsin Wise's laterautobiographicalruminationsin Die Deborah(1896-97) translatedintoEnglishand collectedin the"The WorldofMy Books," pp. 136-37. 7. In essence,all his books on Christianity, or implicitly, explicitly arguedthatsame point. Over the years, Wise's understandingof the dynamicsof the developmentof Christianity of Jesusand theidentityof Paul. But his central changed,as did his attitudeto thehistoricity claimforChristianity's remainedconstant.See thefollowingbooks by Wise: The untenability and a Commentary to theActs of theApostles(Cincinnati,1868); The Originof Christianity Martyrdom ofJesusofNazareth(Cincinnati,1874); ThreeLectureson theOriginofChristianity TheirAgreements and Disagreements (Cincinnati,1883);Judaismand Christianity, (Cincinnati, 1883);A DefenseofJudaismversusProselytizing Christianity (Cincinnati,1889). 8. Isr., April26, 1867,p. 4; Judaismand Christianity, pp. 43, 46; AI, July16, 1886,p. 4 and July23, 1886,p. 4; A DefenseofJudaism,pp. 31, 39.

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dox" Judaismwhichhe rejected)to be theonlytruereligioncompatiblewith intellectualfreedom,science,and progress,and he triedto supporthiscontentionwithhistoricalevidenceand theologicaland philosophicalargumentation. Furthermore, thisJudaism,whose essence,accordingto him,was characterizedby the Decalogue, was destinedto become,in a "pure and denationalizedform,"the universal"religionof humanity,"towardwhich all mankindwas moving.9His unswerving faithin thisideal and in itsrealization,aptlydeemedhis "supremepassion,"'0manifesteditselfin countless sermons,speeches,newspapereditorialsand in hismanybooks." To be sure,his constantdepictionof Judaismas thefuturereligionalso fulfilled pragmaticfunctions:it constituteda directretortto Christianity'sown Jewish eschatologicalexpectationsand, in addition,was aimed at fostering Jews of the future that was yetto By reminding gloriousreligious self-pride. in Jewish relitheir own role this Wise come and bringing about, magnified gious potentialand thevalue ofadheringto Judaismin thepresent.Indeed, manyofhisIsraeliteeditorialsand publishedsermonson theJudaismofthe futureread like"pep-talks"to thefaithful to keepthefaithnow becausethe Jewspossessa specialmissionwitha uniquespiritualdestinystillto be realized.12

Wise's religioustriumphalism was no doubtbuttressed byhis somewhat and his He was combative hot-tempered, glorifiedself-image disposition. energeticand vain. Withhis overblown-thoughnot totallyundeservedsenseof self,he was notaverseto informing othersofhisnumerousachieveofJewishand,occasionally,Christiancirmentsand to bask in thelimelight cles. He regardedhimselfas thecentralreligiousleaderof AmericanJudaism and the primemoverbehindits resurgence.He was theJewishel Cid of theDecalogue, see Isr.,May, 21, 1869,p. 4 and AI, Nov. 5, 1875,p. 9. On thecentrality 4. See too hisJudaismand Christianity, pp. 20-27. 10. IsraelKnox,Rabbi inAmerica:TheStoryofIsaac M. Wise(Boston, 1957),p. 124. 11. For examples,consult:Isr.,Oct. 24, 1862,p. 124;Isr.,Oct. 31, 1862,p. 132;a lectureon "The FutureofJudaism,"serializedin theIsr.,Nov. 29, 1867throughJan.3, 1868inclusive,all foundon p. 4 of the respectiveissues; "The Religionof Humanity:The True UniversalReligion,"Isr.,Jan. 17, 1873,p. 5; Isr.,Nov. 28 and Dec. 5, 1873,bothon p. 4; AI, June14, 1878,p. 4; AI, Oct. 24, 1879,p. 4; AI, Dec. 10, 1880,p. 188;AI, May 4, 1883,p. 364; AI, Jan.7, 1887,pp. 4-5; AI, July1, 1887,p. 4; AI, Dec. 2, 1887,p. 4; AI, Oct. 17, 1889,p. 4; AI, Nov. 12, 1891,p. 4. Referas well to Isaac M. Wise,Judaism.Its Doctrinesand Duties(Cincinnati,1872),p. 5; Judaismand Christianity, p. 129. pp. 77-80, 103;A DefenseofJudaism, 12. See, forexample,Isr.,Nov. 29, 1867,p. 4; Isr.,Jan. 17, 1873,p. 5; AI, Dec. 10, 1880,p. 188; June 10, 1881,p. 388. On his desireto instillpride in the Jewand to judaize him,see Reminiscences, pp. 330-31.

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repeatedlyindicates. goingto fightthe religiouswars,as his Reminiscences as he felthimselfto In his view,Judaismwas destinedto be as triumphant would to its ultimate success be; provideampletestimony thevictoriousbattlesof its mostloyal adherent.Not surprisingly, just as he brookedno criticismofhimselfor his deeds,he did notcountenanceanycriticism ofJewsor a Judaism,especiallyfromthe Christianworld.Such criticismrepresented oftenrecklessly; hisoutrage personalattack,and he respondedimmediately, knewno bounds,as hismanyChristianantagonistswerequickto discover. Wiseand Unitarianism In comparisonwithhis extensivewritingson thehistoryofChristianity Wise wrote generallyand his criticalevaluationof its doctrinaireoffshoots, From whathe did write,however, relativelylittleon liberalChristianity."3 and fromhis personalinteraction withliberalChristianministers, it appears thathis initialattitudeto liberalChristianity and itsmostnational,institutional outgrowth,Unitarianism,was quite sympathetic. Indeed, fromthe 1850s throughmuch of the 1870s,Wise noted the existenceof a spiritual bond betweenUnitarianismand Liberal Judaism,and his relationswith some Unitariansreflectedit. Wise livedthroughtheperiodof Unitarianexpansionin thelast halfof the nineteenthcenturywhichsaw the Unitarianmovementspread to the Midwest and westernUnited States fromthe confinesof New England. Duringthistime,Unitarians,likeotherreligiousliberals,includingReform Jews,attemptedto reacha consensuson theirown religiousself-definition. The relationshipof Unitariansto Christianityand to Christianreligious beliefs-in fact,theirproblematicstatusas "Christians"--weremajorissues of debate, and resultedin substantivetheologicaland regionalcleavages withinthe movement.Disagreementswere oftenbased on highlysubtle withdifferences and, at othertimes,on personality theologicaldistinctions,

has been almostuniformly 13. Wise's attitudeto liberalChristianity neglectedin the secof thiscan be foundin Knox, chap. 8, "Wise The onlysubstantivetreatment ondaryliterature. in NineteenthCenturyAmerica,"pp. 147-58. Unfortunately, and Liberal Protestantism the his subjectto a comparativeanalysis chaptertitleis a bit of a misnomer,sinceKnox restricted of Wise,Theodore Parker,Ralph W. Emerson,and WilliamE. Channingand placed Wise in the Unitarianmilieuof about 1850. Wise's relationshipto Unitarianismduringtherestofthe is nottouched. century

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in the movement.14WhileWise was not reallysensitiveto the fullrangeof norto thesocial groupingsarising theologicalnuanceswithinUnitarianism, fromthem,he graduallyevincedawarenessof basic religiousdevelopments and allegianceswithinthe Unitariandenominationwhichmanifested itself in his own changingperceptionsof Unitarianismover the years. He firstencounteredUnitariansearlyin hisrabbiniccareerin Albany.In hisReminiscences, he recalledtheaid whichhe receivedfromUnitarianministersin silencingChristianmissionaries.'"He also recordeda Washington meetingwithDaniel Websterin 1852,in whichthetwomencomparedUnitarianismand Judaism,leadingWise to conclude"thattherewas no essential difference in the matterof doctrine,but in historicaldevelopment."'6 Accordingto Wise, Websterretortedthat "you are indeed my co-religionist,"repeatinghisearlierassertionin a morningmeetingwithWise that "we are all Unitarians.""Whethertheseaccountsare apocryphalor accuand of interestis that rate is not of importancehere.'"What is significant Wise'sjudgmentofa close spiritualaffinity betweenJudaismand Unitarianism correspondedto his viewson Unitarianismin the 1850s,whentheepisodes allegedly took place, and on throughthe mid-1870swhen his was written.19 Reminiscences In August 1852,when Rev. Isaac Leeser declinedWise's invitationto newspaper, help offsetthe expensesof puttingout a weeklyAnglo-Jewish Wise wroteLeeserthat,in his stead,he could expectUnitariansupportfor his venture.Wise informedLeeser thathe would "make a contractwitha Mr. Bendurzen,who is a knownpublisherand a Unitarianand therefore Moreover,Wise suggestedthat he was willingto assist my enterprise."20 14. For a superb analyticand descriptiveaccount of the Unitarianattemptto reach a involved,referto Conrad Wright,"Salute theArriving religiousconsensusand thedifficulties Moment,"A Streamof Light(Boston, 1975), pp. 62-94. See too Robert B. Tapp, Religion (New York, 1973), p. 39, whichconcludes thatfifty-nine Amongthe UnitarianUniversalists memberstodaydo notdefinetheirown local churchas Chrispercentof UnitarianUniversalist mostUnitariansand Unitarianchurchesdid. tian.In thenineteenth century, 15. Wise,Reminiscences, pp. 66-67. 16. Ibid., pp. 187-88. Judah P. Benjaminand LieutenantMatthewF. Maury werealso present. 17. Ibid., p. 184.The "we" in thecitationrefersas wellto Benjaminand Maury who were also presentin themorningmeeting. 18. See BertramKorn, "Judah P. Benjaminas a Jew,"in his EventfulYearsand Experiences(Cincinnati,1954),pp. 83-86. Korn doubts thatWise could have metBenjaminat this time,thereby castingdoubton theentireepisode.For a rejoinder,see Heller,pp. 723-24, n. 15. werefirstpublishedin Die Deborahin early1875. 19. The Reminiscences 20. Letterof I. M. Wise to Isaac Leeser,Aug. 17, 1852,Isaac LeeserPapers,AmericanJewish HistoricalSociety.

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willingto takethegreatfinancialgambleofpublishinga weeklybecause he anticipatedsubstantialsupportfroma large Unitarianreadership:"I'm in Bostonand vecinity[sic]amongUniterians promised3 to 400 subscribers and the learned which [sic] encouragesme to run the risk."21 clergy, Wise who such Precisely promised supportand who or whatled Wise to believethatthispromisecould have been fulfilled is notclear.The veryidea of a JewishweeklysupportedbyUnitarianreadershipwas ratheroutlandish ifforno otherreasonthan,in 1852,mostNew EnglandUnitarianswereby no means so religiouslyliberaland open as to be interestedin maintaining Jewsand theirreligion.Furthermore, most New Englandershad no real in acquaintancewithJews;therewas only a verysmallJewishcommunity the region,centeredessentiallyin Boston. That theyshould be concerned withJudaismand Jewishaffairsdefiesimagination.Still, howevernaive Wise's expectationswere,theytoo reflectedhis earlyperceptionof a religious bond connectingUnitarianismand Judaismand theirrespective adherentsto each other. Wise acknowledgedthis bond in word and deed over the next two decades. Duringthistime,hismanycontactsand friendships withUnitarian ministersresultedboth in his praisefor Unitarians,and, as well,concrete withthem.Upon a visitto Keokuk, religiousand sociopoliticalinteraction Iowa in 1869, for instance,he was delightedto discoverthe Unitarian church"gratuitouslytendered"to a local group of about thirtyJewsfor theirreligiousservices.He took pains to notein hisIsraelitethatUnitarians a greatdeal of fraternalattentionto our co-religionists, "pay everywhere and theirministers... are enlightened menofbroad principleswho on the greatreligiousquestionsoftheday fullycoincidewithus. We feelproudof our allies, and wish to see themprosper."22 On numerousoccasions, Wise spoke to Unitarians(and otherChristians) who attendedsynagogueservices,and he also lecturedin Unitarian churchesacross thecountry.23 His ego undoubtedlyfed,he seemedto revel

21. Ibid. 22. Isr.,Aug. 13, 1869,p. 6. 23. For an exampleofthetypeofsermonWise deliveredat a church,see "The Humanitarian Standpoint,"Isr., Oct. 7, 1870,p. 9, deliveredat the Unitarianchurchof Rev. Thomas F. Vickersin Cincinnati.Basing himselfon the prophetsIsaiah 2:1-5 and Micah 4, Wise, in majesticlanguage,limnedthe era of universalpeace predictedby the prophetsfor whichall is thathe characterized hisfuturistic visionas humanityhoped and awaited.Whatis interesting "humanitarian"ratherthan "Jewish"whichhe so oftendid in polemicswithconservative Christians.

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in boththesekindsof situations.24 He derivedspecialpleasurefromthe in liberalChristian ranksas "theforemost advocateof acclaimhe received inAmerica.""25 Butegoaside,Wise'spersonalsatisfaction Reform Judaism was augmented modelofAmerican that,as a representative by a feeling JewsandJudaism, hewasableto winforthemmuchdeserved recognition. Jewswere heldby Christians-that Appalledby thenegativestereotypes a and that Judaism was of continually ignorant religion superstition-he This amongliberalChristians.26 soughtto dispeltheseimages,especially Reform Judaism recof his to have wasan integral concern part overarching (in hismind,theonlytrueand expression religious ognizedas a legitimate in hissermons and interest America.Christian validone) incontemporary hewassucat hisservices indicated to himthat,tosomeextent, attendance ceeding. suchUnitarian Wisecountedas friends Duringhisyearsin Cincinnati, oftheFirstConas MoncureD. ConwayandThomasF. Vickers ministers gregational(Unitarian)Church.Conway,leader of the Churchfrom Wiseinhisautobiography as a valuedfriend 1856-1862, possessportrayed to Wisea clear-eyed He attributed percepinggoodsenseandgreatenergy. Wise and liberalJudaism. betweenliberalChristianity tionoftheaffinity "thatmyChristievenbeforeI didmyself," Conwayremarked, "recognized

24. His accountof his tripto theWesternUnitedStatesrecordsthechurchesin whichhe spokeand notestoo thepresenceofChristiansattendinghisguestlecturesin synagogues.These accountspublishedin theAI, summerof 1877,werecollectedin a smallbook editedbyWilliam M. Kramer,The WesternJournalof Isaac Mayer Wise,1877 (Berkeley,1974). See pp. 22, 40-42, 52, 56-57. Referto JewishTimes,Jan.7, 1870,p. 7 and Jan. 14, 1870,p. 5, in which Max Lilienthalexpressedsatisfactionthat Wise's lecturesattractedChristians.Wise was among thenumerousReformrabbispleased thatliberalChristianswould come to hearthem a markofpersonalacceptanceforthemas wellas beinga sourceofsocial preach;itrepresented Thus Solomon Schindlerof Boston's TempleIsrael,forinstance,establishedhis gratification. reputationas a liberalreligiouspreacherbyregularlydrawinglargecrowdsofChristiansin the 1870sand 1880s. 25. Isr., Oct. 5, 1866,pp. 4-5. Wise undoubtedlyhad this reputation.His Israelitewas known to many Christiansas were his indefatigablebattlesagainst OrthodoxChristianity. Because of his reputation,Wise was solicited,along withLilienthal,to join the Free Religious ofthereaAssociation(see textbelow). See Die Deborah,April7, 1898,p. 4, fora self-analysis sons forhispopularity. 26. See Isr.,Sept.2, 1870,p. 8 forhiseditorial"An Explanation."See Isr.,June21, 1867,p. 4; see also "World of My Books," p. 138. See too AryehRubinstein,"Isaac Mayer Wise: A New Approach,"JewishSocial Studies39 (1977): 74-75.

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anity,so farfrombeinginimicalto his race and religion,gave supportto both."27 AssumingConway's pulpitin 1867, Vickerswas a close associate not only of Wise but of Rabbi Max Lilienthalas well.28Vickerswas a radical Unitarianand supporteroffreethought who believedthatthemissionofthe modernchurchwas to become"a sanctuaryoffreethought" and "to reconcile to religion,fromwhichtheyhave long been divorced,modernscience and themodernintelligence.""29 He publiclyrose to defendtheJewsagainst the chargeof deicideleveledby Cincinnati'sArchbishopPurcell.30 As Rector of the Universityof Cincinnati,1878-1884, Vickersput Wise on its Board of Directorsallowinghim to join his colleague Lilienthalwho had alreadyservedon the Board fora numberof years.3'Vickerslauded their rabbinic accomplishmentsas well as those of the Union of American Hebrew Congregationsin an address at the dedicationceremoniesof the HebrewUnion CollegeintheSpringof 1881.He recountedhow "intimately acquainted" he had becomewithWise and Lilienthaland that"long before any Union of AmericanHebrewCongregationsexistedor was publiclyprojected, theydiscussedwithme the generalidea thereof,and many of the 27. Moncure D. Conway, Autobiography of Moncure Daniel Conway,2 vols. (Boston, 1904), 1: 275-76. Conway concludedhis descriptionof Wise witha casual but noteworthy observationof B'nai Yeshurunsynagoguemembers.The "majorityofRabbi Wise's synagogue werenotbelieversin supernaturalism, butsimpledeists."See p. 275. 28. Lilienthaloftenpreachedin Vicker'schurch.See JewishTimes,Oct. 21, 1870,p. 533 and Nov. 25, 1870,p. 613. Indeed,Lilienthalis reputedto have beenthefirstAmericanrabbito exchangepulpitswith a Christianminister-Vickers-in March, 1867. See Allan Tarshish, "Jewand Christianin a New Society:Some Aspectsof Jewish-Christian Relationshipsin the United States, 1848-1881," A BicentennialFestschrift for Jacob Rader Marcus (Cincinnati, 1976),p. 579 and p. 586,n. 52. The fulltextof Lilienthal'sspeechmaybe foundin TheRadical 2 (1867): 503-7. 29. Thomas F. Vickers,"The Churchand Free Thought,"Addressat the Layingof the Cornerstoneof St. John'sGermanProtestantChurchofCincinnati,Sept.29, 1867,pp. 10-11. See Lilienthal'sreporton thisspeechwhichincitedArchbishopPurcellwho saw it as an attack on Catholicism,JewishTimes,Jan.22, 1870,p. 5. On Vickers,consultA. Thayer,The First Churchof Cincinnati:A History(Cincinnati,1917),pp. 34-38; also, Reginald Congregational with McGrane, The University ofCincinnati (Cincinnati,1963),pp. 80-108. On thecontroversy A Controversy BetweenArchbishop Purcell,see The Roman CatholicChurchand Freethought: Purcelland ThomasVickers(Cincinnati,1868),and Wise's pleasureat thispamphlet'spublication,Isr., Feb. 7, 1868,p. 4. 30. Isr., Feb. 12, 1869,p. 4. 31. On Lilienthaland the Universityof Cincinnati,see McGrane, pp. 65, 76, and The Academia3 (1882): 7-8.

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detailsas theyshaped themselves.I hoped withthemforgreatthingsfrom modernAmericanJudaism."32 In previousyears,Wise had paid glowing tributeto Vicker'sFirstCongregationalChurch.Standingas it did on the cornerof Eighthand Plum Streets,opposite both Wise's B'nai Yeshurun and ArchbishopPurcell's Roman Catholic Cathedral, the Church was describedby him in ratherfloridprose as the precursorof truereligious armprotectsit.The consciousawakeningand humanity:"Liberty'smighty ness of humanitysalutesit as the sign of the morning,dawningupon the horizonof the human family."33 Duringthe 1860sand 1870s,Wise considerablybroadenedhis contacts withUnitarians,locallyand nationally,overa widerangeof issuesrelating in particularto the separationof churchand state.Vickersand otherreligious liberals,forexample,joined withWise in the nationallycelebrated in 1869 over the inclusionof Bible CincinnatiSchool Board controversy readingsin thepublicschools.34In the 1870s,a nationalcoalitionof Protestant groups renewedits earliereffortto have the United States formally amendment.Long devoted declareda Christiancountrybya constitutional to full Jewishequality in a nonsectarianAmerica, Wise had already denouncedthisproposalin the 1860sand had underscoredthetworeligious werethe propositionadopted: Jews groupswho would be disenfranchised and Unitarians.Since no congressmanor statelegislatoror lawyercould "practicein our courtofjustice" or "hold officeat all unlesshe swearsto was publishedin theJewishTribune, 32. The speechin itsentirety May 6, 1881,p. 6. ofsomeJewsto Vickersweretheir 33. Isr.,Oct. 15, 1869,p. 8. Indicativeoftheattachment to thebuildingofhischurch.See AI, May 22, 1885,p. 4. One wonderswhathapcontributions ofWise and Vickersfromlate 1881on, as Vickersbecameembroiledin penedto thefriendship of Cincinnatistudentswho had publisheda blisterwithsome University a majorcontroversy societynewspaper,TheAcadeingnineteenpointattackon himin theJulyissueoftheirliterary mia 2 (1881): 40-43, and who appealed to the Board of Directorsto have himfired.Among weresome ofWise's thoseinvolvedas editorsof thisjournal duringthelifeofthiscontroversy of Cincinnati: best Hebrew Union College studentswho took B.A. degreesat the University lastedovera year. JosephKrauskopf,HenryBerkowitz,and David Philipson.The controversy See The Academia2 (1881): 78; 2(1882): 88-89, 109; 3 (1882): 18. See too, the"Report of the ofCincinCommitteeto InvestigateChargesAgainstThomas Vickers,RectoroftheUniversity nati,1882,"and "ReportoftheMinorityoftheCommitteeAppointedOct. 17, 1881to Investiof Cincinnati,Cincinnati, gate theChargesAgainstThomas Vickers,Rectorof the University is disof Cincinnati.The controversy April 17, 1882," both in the Archivesof the University cussedby McGrane,pp. 96-108. con34. Heller,pp. 620-21; Thayer,pp. 34-35. For a fineaccountofAmericanProtestant ProtesAmerica.cernto maintaina ChristianAmerica,referto RobertT. Handy,A Christian tantHopes and HistoricalRealities(New York, 1971).

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supportthe constitutionof the United States,"Wise argued,"neitherthe Jewnorthe Unitariancould hold officewithoutperjury.""3 Not surprisingof Wise was a staunch advocate the successful national ly,therefore, petition campaignto Congressinitiatedin 1872by FrancisE. Abbot,a formerUnitarianand religiousradical,to have theproposed"ChristianAmendment" dropped.36In 1876, Wise accepted Abbot's invitationto become a vicepresidentof his National Liberal League whichunitedJews,Unitarians, and secularistsin a pragmaticalliancededicatedto the religiousfreethinkers cessationofall religiousinstruction and worshipin publicschoolsand to the of all laws the repeal enforcing Sunday Sabbath.37 Wise also came intoclose contactwiththeintellectual eliteofUnitarianIn its branch. he was to serveas a invited ism, especially left-wing 1867, DirectorofthenewlyfoundedFree ReligiousAssociation(F.R.A.)in Boston, an organizationaloffshootof radicalUnitarians.A fewyearslater,in 1872, of the F.R.A. and remainedin that Wise, in fact,became a vice-president capacityuntil1878-1879. Then too, Wise probablyfosteredsome contacts betweenhis Hebrew Union College and theAmericanUnitarianAssociation. In 1879, no doubt due to his activitiesand reputation,the fledgling Hebrew Union College Library received thirty-nine"volumes of valuable books" as a giftfromthe A.U.A.headquartersin Boston. Jacob Ezekiel,secretaryof theH.U.C.Board of Governors,thankedtheA.U.A. for its "munificent donation" and expressedtheBoard's "esteem[for]this... of theA.U.A. The Board hoped veryliberalgift"on thepartof theofficers thatone day "it maybe in our powerto reciprocateforthistokenofbrotherly-love."38 Apart fromthe kinshipWise feltfor Unitariansbased on personal and a senseofcommonality in fighting mutualfoes,he attemptfriendships ed on occasion duringthe 1860sand 1870sto definemorespecificallythe theologicalbond betweenJewsand Unitarians.He pointedlyexcludedUnitarianismfromthose"erroneousdoctrines"whosemissionitwas forJudaismto oppose: "Pure deismis one itemofour programmeofprotestagainst

35. Isr.,March 10, 1865,p. 292. 36. Kraut,"Francis E. Abbot...," p. 100,and p. 111,n. 66. 37. Ibid.,pp. 19-20. 38. LetterofJacob Ezekielto theAmericanUnitarianAssociation,May 8, 1879,Archives oftheAmericanUnitarianAssociation,Boston.

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all existingcreeds,the Unitariansexcepted."" Moreover,he called Unitarians "spiritualcousins" who differed fromJewsnot in the religioustruths whichtheyheldbutonlyin thesourcesfromwhichtheyderivedsuchtruths. Therational andliberalChristian oftodaydiffers onlyinonemainpointfrom theIsraelite. Whilethelatter maintains Mosesandtheprophets teachusthose whichyouandI revere as themostholypossession ofman,the veryprecepts liberalChristian holdsJesusandtheApostlesteachthem, as the modern just view them as the of The products developing philosophers humanity. differinwhichwe enceliesin thesources, eachlooksto hisown,notin thematter universal mustanddo agree.Allofusbelieveina Supreme Being,Providence, ofthesoul, goodness, justice,andwisdom;all ofus believeintheimmortality thesanctity of virtue, themajesty ofjustice,theperfectibility ofthehuman ofman.WesayMosesand ofGod,andthebrotherhood race,thefatherhood teachandexpoundsatisfactorily theprophets all this;theysayJesusandthe and the maintains does.40 Apostlesdo, philosopher philosophy Wise repeatedthe same thoughttwelveyearslater.At thattime,however, withhis ardor for Unitarianismsomewhatdiminished,as we shall see, he sourcesof religioustruth emphasizedthe vital significancethesedifferent JudaismfromUnitarianism.41 had fordistinguishing At times,especiallyduringthe decade followingthe AmericanCivil War, Wise appearedgenuinelyecstaticovertheemergenceof Unitarianism He welcomedthemas "signsofthe and variousformsofliberalChristianity. a truereligiousawakeningand thetremendous times,"reflecting progressof rationalreligion,and foreshadowingthe comingof the millennium.The seemedto of Unitarianismand liberalChristianity emergenceand flowering and historical vindicateforWise hismostcherishedtheological, teleological withits dogmas,superstiHe had argued that Christianity, affirmations. was irreconcilablewith the modernage and tions, and authoritarianism doomed to extinction.By strippingaway Christologyand other anti-

wereperceived Unitarians fromtheirreligion, rationaldoctrines byhimas dissolution.42 tothatveryprocessofChristian contributors mighty

39. Isr., Feb. 24, 1860,pp. 268-69. By "deism,"Wise no doubt intendeda rationaltheism bothJudaismand Unitarianism. withwhichhe identified 40. Isr.,June21, 1867,p. 4. 41. AI, May 16, 1879,p. 4. forWise's teleologicalexpectationsparalleledthesigof Unitarianism 42. The significance nificanceof ReformJudaismforUnitarianChristiansand otherreligiousradicalswho saw in Reform'sevolutionsignsof the dissolutionof all positivereligions.See Kraut, "Francis E. Abbot .. ," passim.

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ofUnitarianism thegrowth confirmed forWisehisunderstandFurther,

ofChristianity, hisaccount ofitsorigins anddevelopment, ingoftheessence ofitsnecessary demiseifreligious was to be and hisformulation progress achieved.Wiseworkedfordecadeson thedetailsdescribing thehistorical butonepredominant inhiswritings ofChristianity, motif unfolding persist-

ed:Christianity consisted ofnothing other thanpuremonotheistic Judaism to whichwereadded,in thecourseoftime,extraneous doctrines, symbols and superstitious was measuredand rites.43 therefore, Religiousprogress, defined to whichChristians bytheextent peeledoffall thedrossandexcrescenceswhichtheyhad attachedto Judaism overtheyearsand returned to Judaism oftheDecalogue.To Wise,Unitarians thepristine weredoingprefunctioned as a purifying Christianciselythat.Theytherefore agentwithin for ityor,in otherwords,theyservedas thebridgehead amongChristians thejudaizationofChristianity.44 In thecourseofthe1870sandespecially in the 1880s,whenWise'sperspective and he the stressed gradually changed

Christian character ofUnitarianism, henevertheless continued toportray Unitariansas usefulagentsforJudaism. Christians closerto Theybrought theonlyeternally validreligious the Judaism of the truth, Decalogue.45 Theevolution ofUnitarianism further confirmed forWisehistriumphalistreligious a priori, thatJudaismconvinced, teleology. Fundamentally 43. In his OriginsofChristianity withthe (1868), Wise arguedthatPaul, whomhe identified talmudicfigureof Acher,was a "UnitarianJew,"and "Orthodox Pharisee" and a reformer who wantedto save theheathens.He found,however,thathe could onlygettheheathensto the Fatherby a symbolof resurrection thatidea. Paul himself did throughtheson and so introduced not believeit, but it was a ploy forthe spiritualredemptionof thepagan world.Only subseuniversaldepravity,and grace enterinto Chrisquent to Paul's age did the ideas of trinity, solidbasis is an abstractfrom tianity.See pp. 364-415. ButWiseconcludedthat"Christianity's Moses and theprophets"(p. 533). In Judaismand Christianity (1883), Wise notedthatthefundamentalsofall religioncame fromtheonlyauthenticrevelation,therevelationat Sinai,which was intendedfor all nations. Whatever,therefore, was truein Christianity was taken from Judaism.See pp. 43, 46, 48. See too A DefenseofJudaism(1889), p. 49. 44. See Judaismand Christianity, p. 48: "The worldJudaizesand has Judaizedforthe last two thousandyears."The notionofliberalChristiansas agentsofJudaizingwas heldbyother JewishReformersas well. See JewishTimes,March 5, 1869,p. 10, forRabbi BernhardFelsenthal'sviewson Unitariansand Freethinkers as missionariesof Judaism;see JewishTimes. Nov. 14, 1873,pp. 600-1, in whichEllinger,editorof thepaper,called Unitarians,Universalists,and Free Religionists"Missionariesof the idea of Judaism";see too theJewishTimes, Nov. 4, 1870,p. 569 and JewishTimes,April9, 1869,p. 4. Froma verticalperspective, and in a broad generalsense, Wise's perceptionthat Unitarianismwas helpingto judaize the world seems reminiscent of the theologicalapproach to Christianity of JudahHalevi and Maimonides. Both men regardedChristianity as a whole as a means by whichto spread the truth taughtbyJudaismto theworld. 45. AI, Dec. 7, 1888,p. 4; AI, Feb. 3, 1898,p. 4.

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heviewed ofthefuture, andJudaism alone-was tobe theuniversal religion as furofliberalChristianity andthesuccessofUnitarianism themovement his claim. Since historical evidence to concrete Unitarians, nishing support Christians to as he understood them,werejudaizingand werebringing of then the ofJudaism, theessential idealsandtheology onlyreligion clearly did becomeuniversally AndwhenJudaism thefuture had to be Judaism. In themillennium wouldhavearrived. ofhumanity, acceptedas thereligion in rolein ushering forWise,liberalChristianity effect, playeda significant the his of in On themessianic fact, occasion, buoyed by perceptions age. thatthisage of in America,he prophesied ofreligious liberalism progress messianic would be wherein Judaism age-was unity adopted-the religious as nearas theend of thenineteenth imminent, century.46 as Wise within liberalChristianity, Needlessto say,thesedevelopments the more with them,addedfuelto hismanypolemics dogmatic interpreted Thentoo, thesetrends and churches withinChristianity. denominations to to shoreup Jewish couldonlyhavehelpedhimin hisefforts allegiance andUnitarians liberalChristians Itis nowonder thatheembraced Judaism. as "spiritual cousins." Wiseand theFreeReligiousAssociation

and itshistorical ofliberalChristianity Wise'sperception significance withthe Free can bestbe seen in his early,almostheady,relationship Foundedin 1867,theF.R.A. grewoutoftheintense ReligiousAssociation. of characterization and appropriate ferment overthedefinition intellectual a lasted This theUnitarian generation, soul-searching religion.47 theological 46. See Isaac M. Wise, TheEnd ofPopes,Noblesand Kings;or TheProgressofCivilization (New York, 1852),p. 20; referalso to Dena Wilansky,Sinai to Cincinnati(New York, 1937), whichcitesan August,1858Israeliteeditorialin whichWise wrotethathe "entertainsnotthe willclose,theessenceofJudaismwillbe THEreligionofthe leastdoubtthat,beforethiscentury men in thiscountry."See too AI, May 14, 1875,p. 4. Also, greatmajorityof all intelligent KaufmannKohler,in "The Missionof Israeland itsApplicationto ModernTimes," Yearbook ofAmericanRabbis29 (1919): 280,notedthat"Dr. Wise is reportedto oftheCentralConference have said in his intimatecircle... thatwithinfifty yearsJudaism'steachingswillhave become oftheAmericanpeople." thecommonproperty 47. On the Free Religious Association,consult William J. Potter, The Free Religious Yearsand TheirMeaning(Boston, 1892);Stow Persons,Free ReliAssociation:Its Twenty-Five 1860-1914 gion: An AmericanFaith (Boston, 1947); SidneyWarren,AmericanFreethought Gentle (New York, 1943), pp. 96-116; J. Wade Carruthers,OctaviusBrooks Frothingham:

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fromthe 1860sthrough the 1880s,as theUnitarianleadership soughta denominational consensusacceptableto all itsmembers. religious During thistime,Unitarians for a formula which would make a normative groped statement of theirreligiousorientation and expresstheirpredominantly Christian on the one which also wouldnotbe takenas a hand,yet loyalties creedalaffirmation to excludeanyliberalreligionists on theother.48 Butin the post-CivilWar years,whenEuropeanscienceand criticalrational intoreligion weremakinginroadsintoAmerican life,anymention inquiry ofa "Christian" affiliation wasanathema tosomeofthemoreradicalwithin thedenomination whointerpreted inthemostuniversal Unitarianism reliofUnitarian Churches giousterms.Hence,whentheNationalConference to a Unitarian Constitution whichformally subscribed adopteda preamble tothe"LordshipofJesusChrist"inApril1865,andwhenthispreamble was reaffirmed afterlenghty debatein a convention one yearlater,dissenting radicalssuchas EdwardTowne,WilliamT. Potter, and FrancisE. Abbot foundedthe Free ReligiousAssociation.Togethertheyprevailedon the OctaviusBrooksFrothingham, minister of the Independent prestigious LiberalChurchin NewYork,whowasalreadydisenchanted withtheUnitarianreligious to serveas thefirstpresident of theF.R.A.49 direction, Overtheyears,theF.R.A. devoteditself tothecreation ofa freeandopen for intellectual discourse on to the ofreligious platform religion, promotion the and of and to the scientific authoritarianism, liberty uprooting religious of It as counted in and lecturers its numerofficers, members, study religion. ous conventions someofthemostprominent American liberalsof religious theday,including ThomasW. Higginson, Wendell RalphWaldoEmerson, JohnWeiss,EdnahD. Cheney, LucretiaMott,LydiaMariaChild, Phillips, WilliamC. Garrett,WilliamL. Garrison,GerritSmith,Anna Garlin Spencer,MinotJ. Savage,and JohnC. Haynes.Whilesomeofthemain officers oftheF.R.A. suchas Frothingham, andHigginson considered Potter, themselves "non-Christians" and Abbot perceivedhimselfto be "antithe predominant of the F.R.A.was Unitarian.As a Christian," majority and ubiquitous debateswithinUnitarianism result,thefractious religious Radical (University, Al., 1977),pp. 98-122; SidneyE. Ahlstrom,"Francis EllingwoodAbbot and the Free Religious Association," Proceedingsof the UnitarianHistorical Society 17 (1973-75): 1-21; Wright,pp. 80-81. 48. Wright,p. 88. 49. The eventsleadingto thefoundingof the F.R.A.are recordedin Potter,TheFree ReliYearsand TheirMeaning. giousAssociation:Its Twenty-Five

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as variousshadesofopinionwereheardaboutthe spilledoverintotheF.R.A. "freereligion," and "Unitarianism." of Furpossiblemeanings "religion," thequestion ofwhether a trantheF.R.A. ther, ideology representedreligious all religions an organization withan openlecture or was merely scending to theend of thecentury.50 platform plaguedtheAssociation theleadership On oneissue,however, oftheF.R.A. wasagreed:TheAssoofall faithsand ofno faiths;itwas nota ciationwas opento individuals a nonexclusive, liberalreligious "Christian" organization group,butrather interested in hearingall religious pointsofview.5'For thisreason,FrothofJews:Theirpresence andPotteractively solicited themembership ingham as wellas to its bothto theliberalcharacter oftheorganizational testified wereinvitboth Wise and Lilienthal non-Christian nature.52 Consequently, the on ed to speakto thefirst of F.R.A. held May30, organizational meeting withdelight an invitation toserve 1867.Neither couldgo,butWiseaccepted thefirst as one of thesix Directorsof theF.R.A.53The F.R.A. represented Jewsand Christians discussing organizedAmericanassociationfeaturing andina sense,ought andtheology fromthesamelecture religion platform, interfaith therefore Jewish-Christian tobe regarded as thefirst organization in America. TheF.R.A. andpraisedbyChristians, on wasbothdenounced depending in thepartoftheliberal-conservative which stood. they religious spectrum The F.R.A. mainstream Unitarians however, equivocated. Understandably, 50. See, forinstance,Octavius B. Frothingham'saddressin the Proceedingsof the Third to AnnualMeetingoftheFree ReligiousAssociation,May 26, 27, 1870,pp. 10-11. Henceforth be referred to as Proceedings. nor were they 51. Not all memberswanted the Association opened to non-Christians, to Jews.See the views of Rev. HenryBlanchardof Brooklyn,forexample,in Free friendly Religion:ReportofAddressesat a MeetingHeld inBoston,May 30, 1867,to ConsidertheConditions,Wants,and ProspectsofFreeReligionIn America(Boston, 1867),pp. 7-8. BothLydia M. conversionist Child and WilliamL. Garrisonhad, in the past,expressedvigorousanti-Jewish sentiments. to refute 52. See Proceedings7 (1874): 10-11, forPotter'spointingto Jewishmembership the chargethat the F.R.A. is Jewish;see Proceedings10 (1877): 51 for 0. B. Frothingham's assertionthattheF.R.A.alwaystriedhardto getJewstojoin; also, p. 86, forThomas W. Higginson's suggestionthatthe F.R.A.was the onlyplace wherea Jewcould standas an equal to the Christian. 53. See Free Religion:Reportof Addresses,p. 3. Other Jewswho servedas officersor membersof the F.R.A.includedMax Lilienthal,Moritz Ellinger,Aaron Guinzburg,Raphael Lasker,S. H. Sonneschein,I. S. Nathans,HenryGersoni,JudahWechsler,Felix Adler,Bernhard Felsenthal,Edward Lauterbach,Solomon Schindler,Emil G. Hirsch,William Filene, EdwardFilene,CharlesFleischer,and StephenS. Wise.

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to HenryW. Bellows,guidingforceoftheUniwas a constantreminder andhisfollowers, thattheattempt tariandenomination, to forcea Unitarall factions had ian consensus failed.54 Jewish uniting opinionon theF.R.A. lines. tendedto splitalongorthodox-liberal Thus,thethentradireligious it saw as a new tionalJewish sectconsistMessenger contemptible religious In contrast,Moritz and sexes.""55 ing of "radicalsof all complexions radicalreformer andeditoroftheJewish TimeslaudedtheorganiEllinger, endorsedit. zation.56 Isaac M. Wiseenthusiastically Wisemusthavebeenexceptionally toservethe gratified byhisinvitation andtherecognition thisentailed intheranksofthearistocratic eliteof F.R.A. America.ButtheF.R.A. helda fargreater for him significance transcending TheF.R.A. signified a clearsignoftheprogress theissueofpersonalprestige. in religion theendoffanaticism and superstition whichhe felt portending as a welcomeally hadcausedso muchhumanagony.He viewedthesociety itrepresented "an association conservatism; againsttheforcesofChristian toanalyzethetheological ofliberalmenwhointend ofthepopassumptions ularcreeds,andtodo itinstrict withscientific accordance Since principles." it was a foregone conclusion to Wisewhattheresultsofsuchan analysis wouldbe-the acceptanceofmodernJudaism as theone rationalreligion withmodernity-he reconcilable couldnothelpbutwishtheF.R.A. "thebest ofsuccess,andpromise to do all in ourpowerto aidtheprogress andfinal of a on the Jewish attack Thus,repudiating triumph truth."57 Messenger F.R.A. and on himforjoiningtheorganization, he accusedthetraditional SamuelMyerIsaacs,ofreligious and paperanditseditor, myopia, stupidity, Christian who dreadthe conservatives personalmalevolence. Naturally, of thetraditions, would "overflow dogmas,and usagesof Christendom" attack the F.R.A. "But that a Jew should be to savagely stupidenough raise themaddogcryofinfidelity attheheelsofmenwhodeclaretheirintention to fight thebattlesoftruth; thata Jewish leadershouldclamoralongwith thosewhoseethedivinity ofJesusandtheveracity oftheGospelwriters put injeopardy,is so uncommonly absurdthatitcanonlybe accounted forby themaliciousdesireto throwsuspicion on theCincinnati co-religionists."58 54. Wright,pp. 62-77. 55. Citedin Isr.,July12, 1867,p. 4. 56. JewishTimes,June4, 1869,p. 9; JewishTimes,Dec. 22, 1871,p. 704; JewishTimes, Nov. 14, 1873,pp. 600-1. 57. Isr.,July12, 1867,p. 4; see too Isr.,April 19, 1870,p. 9. 58. Ibid. By "Cincinnatico-religionists," Wise meanthimselfand Max Lilienthal,Lilienthal'sspeechin Vickers'churchin 1867also had arousedtheireoftheJewishMessenger.

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of the F.R.A.from Wise looked with eagernessto the open platform whichhe could preachand teachJudaismto themostliberalChristians.A fewweeks afterthe foundingorganizationalmeetingof the F.R.A.in May 1867,he condemnedJewishand rabbinicreticenceto speak publiclyabout themeritsof Judaism.Pointingto themanyChristiangroupswhichmetat conventionsduringthelast week of May to articulatetheirreligiousideology, Wise argued that Jewishsilenceon the beliefsof Judaismmilitated of Judaismin the Christian againsta fullappreciationand legitimization to speak publiclyand underworld."If we could onlygetour co-religionists he lamented,"we have no doubt thatthe massesof all liberal standingly," welcomeus as eminentco-laborers Christianswould heartilyand cheerfully in thevineyardof theLord." Jewsand Judaismhave so muchto offer:"We do possess the great secretsof redemptionwhich rationalmen begin to guess." While others may "observe a voluntary,though unpardonable silence,"he, Wise,would not: "Wheneverwe shall be invitedwe willspeak to thedelightof all liberalChristians,all rationalmen,to thehonorofGod and the salvationof man.""59 his association Withthisstatement, Wise mayhave also beenjustifying in a formalexecutivecapacitywiththeF.R.A.,which,froma Jewishperspective,was generallyregardedto be a Christianorganization.One yearlater, Jewishopinionto the he again reiteratedhis fervent beliefthatpresenting F.R.A. was most importantbecause Jews have a special contributionto make.This time,however,he added a newjustification forJewishparticipawould help fulfillthemessianicmistionin the F.R.A.:Jewishinvolvement sion of Israel. ofreligion, thattheHebrewconception It is ofspecialimportance progress, there the not for be humanity represented [at F.R.A.] merely oursake,butchiefandtheMessianic dutyofIsrael.Thereis a certain lyforthesakeoftheworld andpromulgate, whichonlytheHebrewmindcanoriginate trainofthought, and of established themindwithouttheearlyimpressions and prejudices thevery views.OnlytheJewBaruchSpinozacouldoverthrow undisputed the as onlytheJewPaulcouldconceive foundation ofmedieval scholasticism, free whenever a schemeof primitive religious Christianity .... Therefore, the is manifested, workis proposed, an honestdesireaftertheacquiredtruth member.60 and efficient as a co-operative Jewshouldbe present

Month." 59. Isr.,June21, 1867,p. 4, editorialon "Lessons oftheAnniversary 60. Ibid.,April17, 1868,p. 4. Emphasisadded.

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ForWise,theF.R.A. maywellhaveassumedtheguiseofa society already He judaizinginpartandripeformore,andhecouldnothavebeenhappier. thatthisorganization servedas a focalpointto unitethevarious suggested within individuals who"havedisposedof elements enlightened Christianity, theteachings ofthetrinity andmanyChristian dogmas.Moreor lessbyso closer to the come Judeo-theological pointofview."61In a letter doingthey to AdolphHuebschoneyearpreviously, inNovember 1866,Wiseexpressed a similarsentiment aboutenlightened Christians: "The worldof intelliandtheydon'tknowit.Onlyrealinitiative ismissing in genceis so Judaized He musthave orderto winoverhundredsof thousandsto Judaism."62 whichconstituted viewedthe New EnglandBrahminaristocracy sucha as amongtheChristian majorpartoftheF.R.A. pillarsofthis"worldofintelannual ligence"and he sought"to winthemover."ThroughtheF.R.A.'s Bostonconventions, itspublished and its conventions, proceedings, regional whichhewouldnotonlyintroduce Wisegaineda publicforum free through the basic of modern rational but to contours a would Judaism, religionists also proclaimbeforethisconsiderable "worldof intelligence" thatthe whichtheythemselves rationalfreereligion espousedwas actuallynothing otherthanpure,denationalized Judaism. In short,Wisefounda highly desirable publicplatform amongthebest educatedandmostliberalAmerican elite to preachhisownbrand religious ofJewish And he did so without religious triumphalism. qualmsor hesitation.In histwolectures at theannualBostonconventions oftheF.R.A., he his vision basic of modern Judaism consistent with the views he presented had expressed inhismanyotherwritings. He didnotalterhisfundamental convictions becauseofhisChristian audience.Indeed,heprobably evenfelt or hopedthattheseliberalChristians wouldbe mostreceptive to hisideas. Thus,"The Outlinesof Judaism"developedsomeof his moststandard notions:Allreligious truths arefully intheDecalogue;allJewish contained lawsarebutconcretizations ofthespiritual oftheDecalogue;the principles contains a self-sufficient, Decalogue completesystemof ethics:"Neither the nor nor has beenable to add to the Islam, Christianity, Philosophy, one on which either hereorhereafDecalogue principle happiness depends, ter."Wiseconcluded withtheassertion that"liketheprophets ofold,I am morallycertainthat thisis the religionof cominggenerations."63

61. Die Deborah,Nov. 8, 1867,p. 70. 62. LetterofIsaac M. Wiseto Adolph Huebsch,Nov. 28, 1866,AmericanJewishArchives. 63. Proceedings2 (1869): 116-17. This lecturewas publishedas an Appendixto the Proceedingsbecause Wise, who was expectedat the convention,was forcedto cancel his appearance due to a scheduleconflict.

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Wise'ssecondaddress,whichhepresented "Permanent and personally, Elements of also some of his devout contained most Judaism," Progressive The HebrewBibleis theonlywritten sourceofpositivereliaffirmations: it "in to the universal contains ethics,and God; theology, giontestifying the final of the of the human historical object politics development family"; universal from the reasonis theonlytoolbywhichtodistinguish theeternal intheBible,and"therefore mistress transient thefavorite science, particular ofreason,istheallyofreligion andtruth." Wiseaddedthat,as a Jew,hewas "bornintoa freereligious association whichis as old as authentic history itself."Tonguein cheek,no doubt,he musedaloud thatbesidesbeinga member oftheF.R.A., "forminewasthe perhapshe shouldbe itspresident He his was claims because birthright." resigned Frothingham "as freea man as myself."64 of"spiriThe F.R.A.in itsearlyyearstrulyrepresented an organization on itsbehalf.Besideshis tualcousins,"and Wisedevotedtimeandenergy he in itsannualBostonconventions,65 involvement in oneformor another ofboardmembers, in as wasexpected attended conventions, regionalF.R.A. for hisB'naiYeshurun He offered Toledo,DetroitandNewYork.66 Temple inthefallof 1870,whichhe unfortunately theCincinnati F.R.A. convention inthesecondmeeting ofReform rabbis missedbecauseofhisparticipation heldsimultaneously in New York.67 In June,1871,in a lengthy editorial, Wisedefended theentireF.R.A.and twoof itsmoreprominent members, of otherinstancesin Jewish 64. Proceedings3 (1870): 83-89. Wise's claim is reminiscent historyin whichJewsappropriatedas theirswhat theydefinedas the best and most valued such as the LetterofAristeas,comes to mind;so too ideals of society.Hellenisticliterature, whichtheyfound does FrenchJewry's equality,fraternity appropriationoftheidealsofliberty, rootedin the prophets.Withsuch claims,Jewssoughtto justifyand solidifytheirpositionin society. 65. Wise's numerousactivitiespreventedhimfromattendinganynationalconventionssave forthe Third Annual Meetingin May 1870,at whichtimehe deliveredhis "Permanentand ProgressiveElementsof Judaism."In 1869,he senthis paper "The Outlinesof Judaism."He could not attendthe FirstAnnual Meetingin 1868,butsenta letterto explainhisabsenceand confirmedthat"I am withthefreeReligiousAssociation."See Proceedings1 (1868): 119-20. The dates of the FourthAnnual Meetingin 1871conflictedwithhis CincinnatiConferenceof AmericanRabbis, so O.B. Frothingham gave a synopsisof the lectureWise would have pre4 (1871): 67-68. sented.See Proceedings 66. See TheIndex,Nov. 18, 1870and Dec. 2, 1871;Wise's speechin Toledo, "Reason and Religion,"was publishedin theIsr.,Nov. 18, 1870,p. 4. He labeledthedoctrinesofChristianityas useless. 67. See Isr.,July29, 1870,p. 9, and itsaccountoftheCincinnaticonvention,Nov. 4, 1870, p. 4.

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Revs.JohnWeissand CyrusA. Bartol,whosespeechesat theMay,1871 had beencriticized Bostonconvention by theNew YorkHerald.68 to In 1868,Wise"respectfully dedicated"his TheOriginofChristianity theFreeReligiousAssociation, that of the harsh criticism noting regardless and scornthebookwouldreceivefromsome,hecouldnot"thinkor write thanfree,"and he therefore otherwise placedthebook"undertheprotectionoftheenlightened andthinking menoftheage,whomI believetohave discovered There"is but one amongthe Free ReligiousAssociation."69 commoncentreforthehumanfamily in all thesetumultous of upheavings and Wise "and this common centre is views," observed, diverging opinions It is everygoodman'sfirst truth. to this centre as as duty approach rapidly I wrotethisvolume,and therefore I am withtheFree he can. Therefore alluReligiousAssociation."70On thesamededication page,in deliberate sionto himself, theF.R.A., andreligious liberals headded:"Truth generally, is theRedeemerof Mankind.The ApostlesofTruthand Charityarethe Angelsof theMostHigh,and thePriestsof Humanity." The dedicationof thisbook to theF.R.A.was ratherappropriate, for of the Association's members were scholars of who many leading religion therootsofChristianity withmodern critical methods. Wisethereexplored foregainedan intelligent audiencebeforewhomhe coulddemonstrate his of that consisted of debunking Christianity. Contending Christianity merely withlayersofsymbols, pureJudaism supplemented dogmas,and superstithathewasopening a "newchannelofresearch tohistortions,hesuggested no lessthantotheological on a comparistudents," iographers, byfocusing son oftheNewTestament withtheTalmudwithrespectto passagesfrom thetimeof Jesusand theGospels.7'In reality, theF.R.A.leadership must if havebeenrather not at the labors of a in Jew surprised, trulyastonished, thisdomain.Thereareno indications thattheywerereceptive tohisworkor tookhis scholarship veryseriously. At anyrate,Wisepledgedhisfullsupport to theF.R.A.: "As longas the Association andtheelevation freedom, truth, supports progress, humanity, ofhumannature;as longas reasonis itssupreme the authority, philosophy mother ofitsbanner,truthitsacknowledged andthefellowship redeemer, 68. See JewishTimes,June30, 1871,pp. 274-75 fora fullreprintof bothWise's rejoinder and the Herald's response. 69. Proceedings1 (1868): 119-20. 70. Ibid. 71. Ibid. A briefsynopsisofthebook appearsin n. 42. See too, Jacob,pp. 77-81.

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of all good menitsdesire,hereI am, one withyou,in thenameoftheeternal truthand reasoninherentin everyhumanbeing."72Indeed,he depictedthe F.R.A.'s potentialrolein theprocessofreligiousprogressin almostmessianic terms:"For us as Israeliteswho are in need ofallied 'fellowsin conviction,' long enoughhave we foughtalone. In the freefurther developmentof the to realize the messianic this movement[theF.R.A.]is religiousideal hopes, especiallyimportant."73 SpiritualDistance Graduallyduringthe 1870sand 1880s,Wise came to realizethelimitsof "spiritualcousinship"betweenJewsand liberal Christiansgenerallyand Unitariansand theF.R.A.in particular.One can discernthetell-talesignsof the unfoldingprocessof his realizationfromhis reactionsto variousreligious attitudesof his liberalChristiancounterparts.Indeed, his emerging coincidedwithhis awareness,periodically perceptionsofliberalChristianity was not imminent, thatitcould expresedin the 1870s,thatthemillennium not be expectedby thebeginningof thetwentieth and century, thatitstime stilllay in thefardistantfuture.74Bythe 1880s,quitecognizantofcontinued AmericanChristiananti-Jewish expressions(such as the Seligman-Hilton the and of of affair), eruptingEuropeannationalistand racistantisemitism, of the limitedattraction rationalreligionto the overwhelming majorityof Americans,Wise repeatedlyaverredthattheJewishmissionwas notyetfulfilledand thattheworld"approachesIsraelonlyveryslowly."Jewishforms ofJewsthroughand in and ritualshad to be observed,forthe"preservation such Judaism."75 No doubt his commitment to Jewishnationalinstitutions as theHebrewUnion College and theUnion ofAmericanHebrewCongregationsalso helpeddeepen his practicalallegianceto Jewishparticularism of his universalist millennialhopes less urgent and renderedthe fulfillment if not and compelling.With all these factorsto consider,it is difficult, the which Wise's disenchantment to determine extent to impossible, precise withliberalChristianity caused his beingresignedto a distantmillennium. factor. contributory Assuredly,however,it musthave been a significant 72. 73. 74. 75.

3 (1870): 83-89. Proceedings Die Deborah,Nov. 8, 1867,p. 70. Isr.,Jan.17, 1873,p. 5; AI,June7, 1878,p. 4. Al, May4, 1883,p. 364; Al,July1, 1887,p. 4.

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hisobservations ofthespiritual direction ofUnitarians andhis Through of theF.R.A., Wisediscovered interaction withtheleadership thatliberal sharedneither hisinterpretation ofthecentrality Christians ofpastJudaism norhis visionof its future universalization. LiberalChristians, including someofthemorereligiously radicalin theF.R.A., stillharbored thetraditionalpictureofJudaism's Thus, havingbeensuperseded byChristianity. whether anti-Christians likeFrancisAbbotor more theywereself-avowed theistic moderate non-Christians likeFrothingham andPotter, thefreereliwith Jesus and the of Judaism that, gionists agreed emergence Christianity, wassupplanted a far more is advanced the by religion. "Christianity crownof thus It "emancipated remarked.76 ingglory religion far,"Frothingham Jewish In humannaturefromterrible this thraldom."77 regardthereligious leftofUnitarianilsm didnotdiffer at all fromitsmoreconservative UnitheF.R.A. tarianassociateswithin likeC. D. B. Mills7'andS. R. Calthrop,79 norfrommainstream Unitarians withtheF.R.A. unaffiliated suchas Henry W. Bellowsso and JamesFreemanClarke,8'nor,forthatmatter, fromthe Christian Protestants and RomanCatholics.Bibrightwingofevangelical licalandpostbiblical Judaism wasstillseenuponretrospective reflection as and in to contradistinction narrow,tribal, rigid earlyChristianity. as an outgrowth of"old" Judaism, modernJudaism at best Moreover, couldbe enthusiastically welcomedas an exampleofrationalprogress in and as a harbinger ofJudaism's dissolution. No liberal religion anticipated however whichithad for Christian, radical,couldgrantitthesignificance Wise.Ultimately, oftheF.R.A., Frothingham, althoughPresident perhaps bestcapturedtheessential liberalChristian about modern Judaism: feeling In keepIt is "a grandanomalyina generation lookingfornewerthings."82 76. Proceedings 3 (1870): 18. 77. 0. B. Frothingham,The Religionof Humanity(New York, [1873]: reprinted., Hicksof Frothingham in TheIndex,Oct. 23, ville,1975),pp. 24-25. See too, othersimilarstatements 9 (1876): 28. For 7 (1874): 26-27 and Proceedings 1873,and Nov. 23, 1876;also, cf.Proceedings Abbot's viewson thesubject,see Kraut,"FrancisE. Abbot ... ," pp. 93-94; forPotter'sviews, see TheIndex,Jan.8, 1870; March 30, 1872;Jan.22, 1874;Nov. 26, 1874;and Sept. 28, 1876. 78. Proceedings10(1877): 65, and Proceedings12(1878): 72-73. 79. Proceedings 7 (1874): 35. 80. See Wise's commentson Bellows,Isr.,Jan. 12, 1872,p. 9. 81. See Clarke's TenGreatReligions,firstpublishedin 1871.Clarke,in fact,adoptedrather of Judaismas narrow,stifling, and oppressivein his workof religiousficnegativestereotypes tion,LegendofThomasDidynus,theJewishSceptic.See MichaelN. Dobkowski, The Tarnished Dream(Westport,1979),pp. 16-17. 82. The Index,Oct. 23, 1873,p. 430. Abbot's evaluationofmodernReformJudaismis discussedin Kraut,"France E. Abbot.. ," pp. 93-97.

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in fact,urgedNew York'sTemple ingwithhis sentiments, Frothingham, Emanu-Elto dropitsJewishnameand reconstitute itselfas a societyof puretheists.83 all theseattitudes. Thebasic Wise,ofcourse,hadcategorically rejected thrust ofhistheology to that farfrom sought demonstrate biblicalJudaism, wasinfacttheonlyauthentic sourceofreligious truth and beingsuperseded, divinerevelation. The revelation at Sinai,witnessed thoubysixhundred wasthecoreofallreligious not sandadultmaleJews, andmoralknowledge, a transient historical event.Wise,moreover, was understandably quite dismissal ofthetenability ofmodern Judapiquedbythisalmostaxiomatic ism.Thus,hesharply criticized a speechbyFrothingham on "TheReligious inOctoat theNewYorkF.R.A. OutlookofAmerica"delivered convention that He contended had indicated the 1873. ber, negative, Frothingham only thatis, whatthisfuture religionwouldnot be-it wouldnotbe Christiin positive termswhatitwouldbe.Wise,of anity-buthe didnotdescribe What course,readilysuppliedtheanswer-itwouldbe "rationalJudaism." is interesting is notso muchhisexpectedanswer,buthis here,however, andcontinue toacknowledge thistruth refuse analysisas to whyChristians He to ignoreJudaism: Jews and Judaism. that prejudice against suggested intheirpowerto disthecenturies dideverything downthrough Christians fromJudaism-to"unjudaize"it.Theychangedtheir sociatetheirreligion for suchas Easterand Sabbathto Sunday, instance, andinstituted holidays this Pentecost to removeanyvestigial Jewishinfluence. Then,following old hatredforJewsand Judaismwas dejudaization process,a centuries doesnotliketheideathat born."No wonder, then,thatthebornChristian a Jew,shouldbelievelikea Jew.Ifthiswerenotthe he,thoughnothimself inAmericawillbe. It will whatreligion case,itwas an easytaskto predict hisirribe rationalJudaism." In almostpetulant tones,no doubtreflecting rational coreof the characterize the he took to tation, opportunity again the of Judaism. and universalization as Jewish predict Christianity theJewandJudaism; itsprejudices Buttheworld hasnotoutgrown against isonein as there as liberal a gentleman therefore notevenMr.Frothingham, willbe,and ofAmerica thiscountry cantelluswhat thereligion orelsewhere, inthiscountry intelling uswhatitwillnotbe.Every thinker muststopshort intheChristian anddogmas, miracles knows thatthebelief evaporates story, 83. TheIndex,April5, 1873.See Rabbi M. Schlesinger's replythatJudaismis puretheism and thatitreallyis a freereligiousassociation.JewishTimes,April11, 1873.

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reasonandhumanity thatscience, demolish thebulwark philosophy, rapidly; andunprejudiced canseeno less faith.... Theunsophisticated oftraditional the willsurvive ofChristianity clearthattherationaland humaneelements we Therefore arepartand parcelofJudaism. revolution: buttheseelements ofAmericawillbe.84 knowwhatthereligion Besides coming to understandthat liberal Christianstook the obsolescence of Judaismfor granted,Wise also discernedthat theyheld an intenselyemotionalattachmentto theirown historical,religiousroots,to As CharlesW. Wendte,a Cincintheir"cherishedhistoricalcontinuity.""8 nati Unitarianand laterpresidentof theF.R.A.,assertedin a publicpolemic withWise,"whyshouldI notclaimto be a Christian?I was bornone.. ."86 Despite havingdiscardedall notionsof Christiansupernaturalorigins,liberal Christiansof varyingshadesofreligiousliberalismultimately soughtto to the some their historic in relationship way phenomenonof preserve or at least,to theChristianname."87 Christianity, who throughouthis activepresidencyof the Hence, even Frothingham, F.R.A. (1867-1878) insistedthatthe futurereligionwould transcendChristianity,could nonethelessnot divest himselfof latent emotional ties to whichopenlysurfacedoverthelast decades ofhis life.As early Christianity as 1870, Wise had correctlyportrayedFrothinghamas "not entirelyfree fromChristologicaltincture,""8 and, indeed, the latterseemed to recant fromhis freereligiouspositionin 1881.89Frothingham'sfeelingsforChristo Christhesociallyand culturallyrootedattachment tianitybestexemplify 84. Isr.,Nov. 14, 1873,p. 4. 85. Wright,p. 94. 86. CincinnatiCommercial,Dec. 22, 1877, p. 11. See too, Wright,p. 74, who citesJoseph HenryAllen, in 1882: "The name Christiandoes not reston any theorywhateverabout the natureor officeor personor doctrineofChrist.It restssimplyon thefactthatwe areChristian choose to renouncethatname in favorof some unlesswe deliberately by habitor inheritance, other." 87. One needbutread TheIndexeditedbyFrancisE. Abbot(1870-1880) and laterbyWilwas liam Potterto geta samplingofthedebateoverwho was a Christianand how Christianity to be defined.Cf. May 4, 1872foran articlebyWilliamSpencer,"What's in a Name?"; March 17, 1881-John Chadwick,"Are We Still Christians?"These kindsof articlesnumberin the dozens. introducedWise to a New 88. Isr., Nov. 18, 1870,p. 8. In Februaryof 1871,Frothingham York F.R.A.audienceand referred to New York as this"Christiancity,"forwhichhe was criticized bythepress.See JewishMessenger,Feb. 24, 1871. all his life.It certainly 89. This "christologicaltincture"mayhave been withFrothingham was the subject of a greatdisputeamong his Unitarianfriendsand the press in 1881 as to See Carruthers, whetheror nothe recantedoffree-religion. p. 190-207.

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ofsomeofthemoreradicalreligious liberals.Forhim,as forothers, tianity with Western was identified a Civilizamore defined Christianity culturally and tionwhichithelpedpropagate andwhichappealedto theirsensibilities worth it formed the all and institutions matrix of the values,manners, taste; "Thecoming In hisRecollections observed: of 1890,Frothingham keeping. in name,becauseChristianity as an idealfaith, mustbe Christian religion hasworkeditself intoourcommonlife.It is thesoulofourlaws,ofourcusAll assumeits authority; all respectits sanctoms,of our institutions. werenotuniqueto Thesehistorical-emotional tions."90 tiesto Christianity for who transcended their save a few radicals Frothingham; very religious chief of liberallike Francis E. the Abbot, proponents religious Christianity butfewcutloose ismand universalism heldwideecumenical sympathies, fromtheirdenominational loyalties.91 Veryfewtrulyslipped"all Christian declaredfora religion of humanity."92 and radically moorings In previousdecades,whenWise had observedthatthe distinction butonlyintheirdisandUnitarianism between Judaism laynotindoctrine he had linesofdevelopment and sourcesofreligious cretehistorical truth, 1870s and minimized ofthesedistinctions. the thesignificance 1880s, During had the ties liberal Christians to he to that however, began acknowledge his were no less than own to theirChristian and,of Judaism, deep past forthe from and Judaism wouldseparateliberalChristians Jews necessity, and foreseeable future. immediate otherformsofliberal Theseimpressions deepenedas Wiseencountered indefensible or whichhe deemedintellectually Christianself-definition of Judaism whichhe perceivedto derogatethevalue and contributions who thoseChristians or implicitly. eitherexplicitly Thus,he challenged ofa andfollowtheteachings stressed theneedto emulatethelife'spattern simothers and he denounced but who,byextension, Jesus, human, perfect, withabsolutemorality. plyequatedChristianity ofpristine liberalswhofoundtheirparadigm Thosereligious religiosity Jesusrejected of a humanized lifeandmorallessons to restin thevirtuous thepersonal Forthem, church overthecenturies. doctrines theaccumulated modelofJesus-hismoralpowerand thought-stoodas thebedrockof Recollections andImpressions 90. OctaviusB. Frothingham, 1822-1890 (New York, 1891), p. 280. 91. SidneyE. Ahlstrom,A ReligiousHistoryoftheAmericanPeople (New Haven, 1972),p. 778. 92. Hopkins,pt. 2, p. 55.

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of religious theirfaith,theunmovedfoundation and thesourceof truth, Christian In the theirdistinctive ofJesusforthese identity. effect, centrality liberalChristians the central of role the paralleled DecalogueforWise;each and final truth toward whichall religious represented completereligious progress pointed. ForWise,however, Jesuswasmerely a Jewwhoselifeandteaching contributed noveltotruereligion. And,on occasion,besideshisbooks nothing onthesubject,93 hedisputed touseJesusas a specific attempts byUnitarians religiousmodel.Thus,whenRev. HenryBellowswrotethattheChurch mustburyitsoldtimedogmasand "mustcomebacktoreasonandreligion, must seize what is vital and inChristianity, must forms, eternally significant

returnto the simplicity of Christ....," Wise retortedthatBellowswas not

thewholedogmatic hasto go," structure, goingfarenough."Christology, heclaimed,clearlylinking thecallfora "return ofChrist" tothesimplicity withChristology.94 Theuseofa humanized Jesusas thelocusofChristian faithbya Unitarianinvolved Wiseina majorpubliccontroversy. In thefallof1877,Charles Wendtepublished a pamphlet WhatDo Unitarians Believe? to be Professing and religious a rationalist affirmed that"Uniradical,Wendtenonetheless tariansbelievein JesusChrist"and thathe personally was a Christian becauseofhisbeliefinJesus-notintheChristofdogmabutinthe"actuallifeandcharacter" andinhis"perfect ofChrist's ityandnobility humanity." Wisedelivered a scathing and oftensarcasticrebukeof Wendtein a disintheAmerican courseathistemplewhichhesubsequently Israelpublished thatonecouldnotsimultaite.He calledWendtea "piousfraud,"arguing in biblicalcriticas Wendtewas andyeta believer neouslybe a rationalist sucha "self-fabricated AfterDavid idol" as a humanmodelofperfection. F. Strauss's onecould oftheGospel'slegitimacy, Wiseaverred, repudiation notrevert backtoSchleiermacher's "newidolofperfection" as Wendte had such Jesus never serve as on could Moreover, pragmatic grounds attempted. allotted toman, a model:"Themanwholivedbuthalftheyearscommonly livedina narrow circleofenthusiasts, was neither parentnorpublicofficer, withoutknowledge of foreign countries or languages, whosemindhad a 93. See especiallyWise, The Martyrdom ofJesusofNazareth,whicharguedthatJesusdied not for any idea but to save the lives of his fellowJewishnationalistsfightingagainstthe Romans. See too Isr., May 1, 1868,p. 4; Isr., April2, 1869,p. 4; Jacob,pp. 71-75; Sandmel, passim. 94. Isr.,Jan. 12, 1872,p. 9.

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one-sidedreligiousdirection, withoutany actualcontactwiththe busy could not become an idealofhumanperfection, as mostof world, possibly hiscapacitiesmusthaveremained dormant." Thiswas notUnitarianism, Wisemaintained, becauseUnitarians haveno creed;rather, thiswas the Unitarianism of CharlesWendte.95 Wendte's didreflect attitude andrepeatedBut,inreality, Unitarianism, atoddswithUnitarians overthefigure ofJesus.Thus, lyWisefoundhimself he criticized an articlebyRev.WilliamL. Chaffin in TheUnitarian Review on "TheIntellectual Greatness ofJesus"andreiterated hisopposition tothe ofhumanperfection.96 useofJesus'lifeas a pattern he reviewed Similarly, thebook,Institute Ministers' Institute, critically Essays,bytheUnitarians' with for the of two Rabbi GustavGottheil which, him, exception essaysby and FrancisE. Abbot,concentrated all too muchon thepersonality and characterof Jesus."The volumeoffersexcellentreadingforUnitarian church-members. For theordinary readerthereis in it too muchJesus, offeelings andemotional tobe assimilated. .. ." gospel,religion philosophy Not TheodoreParkeris foundin thebook,Wise declared,but "Plato, and Symbolism.""97 In 1878, Philo,Plotin,the Kabbala, Schleiermacher, a letter Wisepublished Moncure the of by Conwayreporting findings Ernest von BunsenthatJesuswas notofJewishbirth.To thishe remarked: "It thatJesuswas so very wouldnothurtour feelings....We neverthought greata man that we oughtto be proud of his Jewishorigin.... Jesusof

withthefact Nazarethand BenjaminD'Israelishouldglorify themselves thattheydescendfroma nationofprophets, and princes."98 priests, Jesusas "perfect absolutemorality, humanity" embodying Byennobling that "his human is the of life outline ofthebestwecan byasserting theory the liberal or drew Christians, implicit logical hopefor,""99 consciously not, was byitsverynature Anyact ofgoodness,love,or charity consequence: act. Moralityand Christianity weresynonyand definition a "Christian"

95. AI, Dec. 21, 1877,p. 4. Wendterepliedto the publishedattackin the CincinnatiCommercial,Dec. 22, 1877,p. 11. 96. AI, March26, 1880,p. 4. 97. AI, August27, 1880,p. 68. OtheressayistsincludedS. R. Calthrop,CharlesC. Everett, J. B. Harrison,and George Batchelor.BelJohnW. Chadwick,Ezra Abbot, FrancisTiffany, lowswrotetheintroduction. 98. AI, May 24, 1878,p. 4. 99. See, forexample,MinotSavage, TheReligionofEvolution(Boston, 1876),pp. 190,215; withoutbiblicalinfallibility also see pp. 184-86 fora theoryofbiblicalinspiration veryreminiscentofthatofAbrahamGeiger.

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mous; to be moral meant to be Christian. For many, this sentiment and identity. Thus,forinstance, expressedtheirbasic Christianaffirmation a man like AndrewWhite,presidentof CornellUniversity, professedbelief in MatthewArnold's"powerin theuniverse,notourselveswhichmakesfor and espoused a "pure religion,"yetstillfoundthisreligion righteousness," in "the preceptsand ideals oftheblessedFounderofChristianity, Jesus";100 forhim,a "Christian"was one who was "moralin thebestsense."'0'In this attitudeliberal Christianswere indistinguishable fromtheirconservative colleagues.'02

Wise took greatexceptionto thistypeof equation,and on thishe was not alone; fromtimeto timeotherprominentJewsexpressedindignation withthisphenomenon.'03 WhentheUnitarianRev. CharlesA. AllenofNew that Orleans announced Jews "have accepted Christand are now good Christians,"he resortedto some theologicalgymnasticswhichprompted Allen firstidentified the"acceptanceof Christ" Wise to replyimmediately. withthe "realityof character"and withfulfillment of Jesus'centralcommand, "Love thy neighboras thyself,"and then,notingthat Jewswere becomingmorallyupstandingindividuals,concludedthattheyin factwere becoming"Christians."Wise would have none ofthisspuriouslogic.It was Moses who firsttaughtJewsto be holybecause theLord God is holy(Leviticus 19:2),and whilethisteaching"may be newto Christians,"itwas "very old to the Jews."Second, he remindedAllen thatthe preceptof "love thy neighbor"was Jewish,and that"forsomeyearssome Christianshave begun to believetheold JewishdoctrineofMoses." Therefore, Wise declared,"it is 100. AndrewWhite,A HistoryoftheWarfareofScienceand Theologyin Christendom (New York, 1896),p. xii. 101. Letterof Felix Adlerto WilliamC. Russel,April22, 1885.Archivesof CornellUnireferto versity.On White'sproblematicestablishingof a nonsectarianChristianuniversity, BennyKraut,FromReformJudaismto EthicalCulture:The ReligiousEvolutionofFelix Adler oftheterm"Christian"to (Cincinnati,1979),pp. 96-107. For Frothingham'suniversalization designateall thosewho actjustlyand morally,referto his "What is itto be a Christian,"1868, pp. 18-20. 102. This attitudeunderlaythe great movementof the ProtestantSocial Gospel which attemptedto applyJesus'moralteachingsto contemporary society.See Charles H. Hopkins, TheRise oftheSocial GospelinAmericanProtestantism, 1865-1915 (New Haven, 1940). 103. See the dismayof Rabbi Max Lilienthalat beingcalled a "ChristianJew"because of his virtuousdeeds. JewishTimes,Jan. 7, 1870,pp. 3-4; see too, Moritz Eilinger'seditorial, JewishTimes,Dec. 30, 1870,p. 696 on thesame subject.Clearly,notall Jewswerepleasedto be called "good Christians"or to have theirmoral behaviorlabeled "Christian."Contrastthis observationwith JonathanD. Sarna, "The Freethinker,The Jews,and the Missionaries: 5 (1980): 107and n. 16. GeorgeHoustonand theMysteryofIsraelVindicated,"AJSreview

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evidentthatsome Christians'accept Moses,' and tryto satisfythemselves thatJesus,afterall, mayhave taughtthe same lessonsas Moses did fifteen centuriesbeforehim."'04 Wise's replywas not simplyfacetiousand mockingsatire; he really believed in the logic of his position.Accordingto him, Christianswere wereapproachingJudaism!Butthe accepting"Jewish"truthsand therefore forthispositionwas identicalto thatof Allen: Absological underpinning lutemoralitywas definedto inherein hisreligioussystem,and therefore any of suchprinciples of morality as adherents of could be identified practitioners this in his religion.Because JudaismprecededChristianity chronologically, instancewheresimilarmoral preceptswere at issue,Wise understandably contendedthat "we had it first."In thegeneraldebate over whichreligion was trulythe best, however,Christianslike Allen, more oftenthan not, pointedto ChristiandeparturesfromJudaism,thatis, to some moralexcellences or new religiousmotifswhichJudaismdid not have. Three years later,forexample,this same Allen proclaimeda "higherinspiration"for Christianityover Judaismbased on its supposedlymore humanitarian and nonraciallyexclusivecharacter.Wise did spirit,hope forimmortality, not lack for answers.105 In formulatingtheirown definitionsof Christianity, understandably, of theirreligionas the some liberalChristiansprophesiedthe universality religionof the future.This claim,however,clearlychallengedWise's own predictionof ultimateJewishreligioussupremacy,and he brookedno comconarguedthatliberalChristianity petition.Afterall, he had consistently tainednothingof value thatwas not Jewishin origin,so thatthereligionof thefutureoughtto be called byitsrightful name-Judaism.l06 In 1879, the prominentUnitarianministerand F.R.A.member,Minot Savage, visitedCincinnatiand preached in Wendte's UnitarianChurch. Afterhavingproclaimedthat"above and beyondall else, Unitarianstands formorality,"he thenprophesiedon thefutureofreligion: we thattheworldadvances,thatcivilization On thesupposition progresses, Wehaveanopportunity thatdoeshavea future. aretheonlyfaith[Unitarian] life. thethought andscienceoftheageandthereligious between to reconcile universe can toorganize onthebasisofa creed,whichina growing Nottrying 104. AI, July30, 1886,p. 4. in AI, August8, 1889,p. 4. 105. See Wise's analysisofAllen'sarguments 106. See, forinstance,Isr.,April26, 1867,p. 4.

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wemustorganize onthebasisofa purposeto find neverbe permanent, simply weshall in all departments oflife.Thusorganized, and applytruth, all truth, will a one that bringthe impregnable; ultimately occupy positionabsolutely worldto ourside.Theneverysteptheworldtakesaheadwill wholeintelligent be a steptowardus. Ourconfidence, thatGod rules,andthatintelligence in then,is inthebelief is long;God is notin haste, thelongrunwillgoverntheworld.... Eternity ofreasonandrighteousandwecan afford to standbyHis eternal principles nessand wait.'07 butthenwent Wise lauded Savage's accenton moralityin Unitarianism, on the attack.Unitarianismcould not become the universalreligionof the As long as Unitarians millenniumbecause it stillsmackedof Christianity. related to the Christ story,as long as theywere obligated "like Hegel, Schleiermacher and theirfollowers,to make somethingreasonableof that in orderto be called ChrisChriststorywithitsexorcismand necromancy, bear tian,"theystandoutsidetheprincipleofreason,and can nottherefore is the universalreligion.The onlytruereligionof reasonand righteousness arrived at it. have not and the Unitarians Judaism, yet It appearsthatMr.Savageforgot in hisownzeal thatthereareseveralhunoftheminthislittle dredthousandJewsin thecountry, and severalmillions is theonlysemiworld.He wantedto say,andhe didnot,thattheUnitarian mostoftheJewish Christian faithwhichhasembraced ofreasonand principle hasa future itself andtherefore ofpurging ofthepurely Chrisrighteousness, tianelement. Thatis all thereis aboutit.108 This disputefurnishes an excellentexampleoftwoliberaltheistsso close on religiousfundamentalssuch as the role of reason and moralityin religion, who wereyetseparatedby theirprofoundloyaltyto theirrespective historicalreligionsand historicallinesof religiousdevelopment.In reality, Wise could havecomfortably deliveredSavage's speech,and issuedthesame about proclamations progress,the reconciliationof religionwithlifeand the and worldto "our side." Indeed,he science, bringingof the intelligent did so on innumerableoccasions, but, for him,"our side" was Judaism. 107. Cited byWise in AI, May 16, 1879,p. 4. 108. Ibid. Abbot, militantanti-Christian, heartilyconcurredwithWise that Savage had too muchJesusin hissystem.See TheIndex,Sept.9, 1880,forAbbot's reviewofSavage's Talks AboutJesus.

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Wise'sreligious simplyallowedno roomfora triumphalism triumphalism sources. from Unitarian Needlessto say,hisviewswereheard emanating wereconvinced. butfew,if any,liberalChristians and perhapsdigested, locus ofWestern social the the vast Thatthe"Christian" world, majority, wouldsuddenly define inwhichJewswereseenas butmarginal, civilization beliefsas Jewish couldnothavebeenconsidered itsfundamental anything American Jewish butludicrous. Whatis more,thecontemporary scene,with businessoriented ofmostly Jewsnotpartofgenteelsociitssmallnumbers litof its dearth rabbis,itslackofJewish Englishspeaking ety, outstanding to did in English, anditsgeneralintellectual erature poverty, nothing grant Wise'scall any conceivablesemblanceof reality.In momentsof clearand Wise himself theseJewishshortcomings acknowledged sightedness, theirnegative society.109 impacton non-Jewish Jewsandtheirliberal ofthespiritual distance between Wise'sperception as hewitnessed the the 1870s-1880s Christian during emerged counterparts to theF.R.A., name.His relationship latter'sallegianceto the"Christian" because of otherdevelopments, Felix however,floundered specifically, Frothin 1878succeeding oftheF.R.A. Adler'saccessionto thepresidency northeological distancefromtheBostoningham."0Neithergeographic or had diminished Wise'ssupport respectfortheorganizaoriented F.R.A. ButinthewakeofAdler'senthusiasdecadeofmembership. tioninhisfirst he norcondoned, understood whichWiseneither ticreception bytheF.R.A., withthegroup. brokeirrevocably Adlerwasthe Abbotand othersin theF.R.A., To Frothingham, Potter, in thelate 1870s."'lHis cremovement newsensationofthefreethought ation of the New York Societyfor EthicalCulturewas noticedand Adlerwould forone,hopedthatthedynamic applauded,andFrothingham, "I the to direction instill a new social and the organization. invigorate F.R.A. Jushis friend told oftheoldschool,"Frothingham amthefinalattenuation withsocialactionas the toAdler'sconcern ticeGeorgeC. Barret.Referring for hisownstresson a freeplatform waveofthefuture, replacing religious 109. AI, June14, 1878,p. 4. 110. On Adler'semergenceout ofJudaism,see BennyKraut,FromReformJudaismto Ethical Culture,passim. 111. TheIndexis repletewithnumerousfavorablecommentsbymanypeople on Adlerand his activitiesfromthespringof 1877on through1885.For Potteron Adler,see Sept. 11, 1879, and June11, 1885. Ednah Dow Cheneylauded Adler,June19, 1879. 0. B. Frothinghamon Adler:Sept. 9, 1880;May 28, 1885.Abbot on Adler:Feb. 8, 1877;June27, 1878;May 22, 1879. For a completediscussionofAbbot on Adler,see Kraut,"Francis E. Abbot. .. ," pp. 101-5.

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notedthatAdler"is thecommencement discussion, religious Frothingham fromJudaism waswelcomed ofthenew.""2Adler'sdeparture bytheF.R.A. uniwhichhad so oftenpublicly leadership preachedtheonsetofreligious of Judaism versalism.Adlerand his Society'sperceivedtranscendence thatcall fromwithinJewishcircles.The radical seemedto havefulfilled a religious soulmatewhosespiriAbbotwasparticularly sensing overjoyed, tualinclinations seemedto matchhis own. Adlerandheldhimincontempt as a Wise,on theotherhand,deplored of denunciation. His vileapostatefromJudaismworthy only loathingof froma variety offactors. and Adlerstemmed Adler'slectures, publications, work all of his ideals. Adler had institutional repudiated cherished rejected and appliedit to theHebrewBible,distheism, adoptedbiblicalcriticism missedJewish ritualpractices, thereligious andfinalrepudiated centrality ofJudaism. ityoftheDecalogue,and deniedthepossibleuniversalization oftheir Adlerhadcontended thatprophetic ethicswerereflective Moreover, while Jesus' historical and therefore also dated, ethics, age although inadefor an advance over Judaism: "Jesuswas modern times,represented quate thateverlived." one of thenoblestand purestcharacters Wisewas further Adlerreceived agitatedbytheextensive publicity by the"hostile,""anti-Jewish" New Yorkpresswhichwas pickedup bythe nationalpress."13Thus,not onlydid Adler,son of TempleEmanu-El's Rabbi SamuelAdler,gain Jewishfollowers in New York,but he also nationalexposure inwhichhedisgraced JewsandJudaism in front received oftheChristian worldwithassertions suchas "Judaism is dying!""14 Wise ofJewsandJudaism, sawthisas a mockery andhe feared thatthepositive ofJudaism whichhe had relentlessly cultivated amongChrisimpressions were tians beingundermined. Fromhisinitialtentative evaluationofAdlerin 1876and through the ofEthicalCultureinboth 1880s,Wiseventedhisspleenagainstthefounder In publicpolemics, he intellectual andad hominem invective.'"I disputation 112. See the addressofGeorgeC. Barretin "Memorial Exercisesin Honor ofO. B. Frothingham,"EthicalAddresses,series2, no. 10,Dec. 1895,p. 185. 113. AI, Jan. 10, 1879,p. 4. 114. DisgracingJewsand Judaismwas especiallyanathemato Wise. See AI, Jan. 11, 1884, p. 4. 115. For Wise's opinionsof Adler,see AI, Nov. 3, 1876,p. 5; Dec. 22, 1876,p. 4; Jan 5, 1877,pp. 4-5; March2, 1877,p. 4; Jan.10, 1879,p. 4; Feb. 7, 1879,p. 4; Jan.7, 1881,p. 4; Feb. 3, 1882,p. 252; March3, 1882,p. 284; Oct. 7, 1882,p. 146;Jan. 11, 1884,p. 4; Dec. 4, 1885,p. 4; Jan. 1, 1886,p. 4; June11, 1886,p. 4; May 6, 1887,p. 4; Dec. 3, 1887,p. 4; Feb. 3, 1888,p. 4; Oct.29, 1891,p. 4.

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of indicted Adleras a renegade "reviler Jew,anddeemedhiman "enemy," of a who Jews "dead and Unitarian Jews," cargo,""hypocrite," "speaks do whowishto be Christians without exactlyas thoseUnitarians believing in Christianity." WiseevencomparedAdlerunfavorably to Frothingham, thathecouldnotmatchthescholarship andoratorical remarking eloquence ofthefirst F.R.A.president."16 thefree-religionists so warmly embraced When,therefore, Adler,Wise knewhe was in thewrongcompany.He bitterly resented thehonorthis "atheist"receivedat thehandsof one of theforemost liberalChristian This in the resentment well have been heightened by groups country. may as a vice-president personal jealousy.In thecourseof1879,Wisewithdrew oftheF.R.A., withFrancisE. probablyinfluenced bya heatedinterchange withEthical AbbotoverFelixAdler.WisehadurgedthatallJewsaffiliating from "No man Cultureshouldbe expelled theirsynagogues: can servetwo ofAdler,Abbotpointedoutthatit heexclaimed."'In hisdefense masters," wasWisewhowasserving as rabbiofhissynagogue twomasters, byserving In Juneof1879,Wisewas andas vice-president ofthefree-thinking F.R.A.'18 oftheF.R.A, andhispositionon theboard no longer listedas a vice-president a closefriend ofAdler's.119 was takenoverbyRabbiBernhard Felsenthal, Wise'srancorat theF.R.A., and freereligion on. In generally, lingered of the springof 1879,he lookedback at twenty-five years progressfor orcon"Weareno longerpitied,hunted, American Judaism andobserved: creedspass by us unnovertedby bigotedsectarians; all thenew-fangled andtheso-calledfreereligionism makeno impresnihilism, ticed;atheism, or sionin ourranks."120 No longerdidhe wishto associateeitherhimself ofJudaism His previous as a pure Judaism withfreereligion. identification to wentbythewayside.In an obviousreference freereligious association Adler and the F.R.A.,Wise suggestedin 1886 that the F.R.A.had been "debased by . . . varioussocial,political,and atheisticalschisms"following

the ChristianRegister 116. AI, Nov. 3, 1876,p. 5; AI, Jan. 10, 1869,p. 41. Interestingly, of Ethical CulturewithUnitarianism.See The Index,April 1, made the same identification 1886. 117. AI, Jan.10, 1879,p. 4. 118. The Index, Feb. 20, 1879. Wise had not yet formallyrequestedthat his name be deletedwhenAdlerbecamePresident.Withouta formalrequest,theF.R.A.tendedto carryover itsBoard members. see Kraut,FromReformJudaismtoEthicalCulture,pp. 161-65. 119. On thisfriendship, 120. Cited byHeller,p. 434.

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of Frothingham.121 theretirement He had made a similarchargefouryears earlier: Withtheresignation fromthePresidency ofOctaviusB. Frothingham ofthe FreeReligious ithaschangeditscharacter intoa non-free, irreliAssociation, we a with which furof could have no character, society semi-political gious therconnection. It doesno longerwantus. Itseeksatheists, commaterialists, andsuchotherextremists, munists amongwhomwedo notwanttobecounted. Wenever"wentbackonthem,"... butwecannotbeoneofthem.Wedid notgo backat all,as theproceedings ofthesociety amplyshow,butthesocifish us in the and we could stand on left to air, ety positive grounds only.122 to commenton the F.R.A. on Apparently,Wise had been asked frequently whichhe had lavishedsuch praisein formerdays,because he concludedhis observationson the F.R.A.withthe hope thathis statementwould "satisfy the friendswho again and again call our attentionto this society." The electionof Adler as Presidentof the F.R.A. in 1878 representeda decisivedefeatforWise's anticipationthatthemostliberalChristianswould recognizetheirpurelyrationalreligionas Judaismand openlyavow it. One weekfollowingthe 1878F.R.A. annual nationalconvention,Wise wroteone ofhismostpessimistic yethighlypenetrating essaysexplainingwhyJudaism would not make greatheadwayin Americain the nexttwenty-five years. Affirmingthat many gentilessimplywill not affiliatethemselveswith Hebrew congregations,he had particularlyharshwords forliberalChristians. 23Otherfactorsmay also have contributed to his somewhatdefeatist mood, but the Adlersituationseemsto have been uppermostin his mind. Wise listeda numberof reasonswhytheprospectofprogressforJudaism among the gentileswas bleak. It was more sociallydesirableto be a Christian;it was also more economicallyadvantageous.Then, too, fourofall menhave neitherthecapacitynortimeto think,so theypay their fifths priests,ministersand missionariesto think.Under these circumstances, "truththat would upset theirsituationis banished."The otherfifthdoes reason,and on utilitariangrounds,declaresthatthe moralstateof society needs religionlest it would fall preyto communism,socialism,freelove, materialismand atheism.Religionis definedas Christianity, spiritualism, 121. AI, July16, 1886,p. 4. 122. Al, March24, 1882,p. 308. 123. AI, June7, 1878,p. 4.

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the religionof the social majority,and it is upheldforthe sake of society even thoughits adherentsdo not believein its dogmas. to help explain the lack of Wise also pointedto Jewishshortcomings of Judaism to were attraction Christians.Jews relativelyrecentarrivalsin America,so theycould not yethope to have impressedtheirprincipleson the Americancommunity.More significantly, AmericanJudaismhad no who could writeand speak in "classical able exponents,no intelligentsia, English."Most JewishpreacherswereGermanswithlimitedappeal. Consequently,Judaismhad no EnglishJewishliteratureexpoundingthereligion in rational,attractive language,and as longas thisprevailed,Judaismwould norproveitsreligioussupemake no positiveimpressionon thecommunity over Christianity. riority But what of liberal Christianslike Unitariansand membersof the F.R.A.-whydid theynot acknowledgeand acceptJudaism?An apparently despondentand bitterWise answered:anti-Jewish prejudice.He had briefly but herehis sense of to Frothingham,124 suggestedthisbeforein reference and anger,and his alienationfromliberalChristiansreachedits frustration highestexpression. willnotwearoutso fast.Christian areaversetothe Old prejudices prejudices likeit.Thousands, idea ofbeinga Jewor Jewish, or anything tensofthouand think, believe, sands,arerootedwiththeirconvictions deeplyinJudaism, feelexactly likethereligious believeinGod,immortality, andrevelation Jews, as reconcilable withreasonandscience;yettheirinveterate plainand simply thattheyactually wouldnotletthemconfess areJews.Theymust prejudices different better be intheirownopinionsomething than,orat leastsomething will the if he is Jews. of candid from, Any yourenlightened enough, neighbors, or so-calledliberalChristians not to thisfact. Whydo yourfreethinkers testify at oncesay we are denationalized Jews?Theydo not believetheGospel story,

theydo notbelievethedogmasofthechurch, theyprotest againstevery point and revelation; in Christology; to believein God, immortality theyprofess isexactly like causewiththeJewswhosebelief whydo theynotmakecommon theirs?On accountoftheinborn prejudiceagainsttheJewandtheJewishnameis the onlyreplywe can give.'25

assertedthat,in discussion,any "advanced" Christian,cleric Wise further 124. Isr.,Nov. 14, 1873,p. 4. 125. AI, June7, 1878,p. 4. Emphasisadded.

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or layman,would agreewithJewson all religiousprinciples,yetat thevery end,wouldinsistthathis beliefis "just a littlebetterthanyours,althoughto save his soul he could nottellyouthatparticularpoint." ofthatinveterate thatso-calledliberalChrisIt is in consequence prejudice thanstandby sailunderthefalsecolorsofJesusandChristianity tiansrather theoldcovenant undertheneweraof theold flagofdenationalized Judaism, One ofthemostadvancedchampions ofenlightened once freedom. religion are mineexactly. toldus afterwe had concludeda lecture:"Your doctrines buthadbetter You areallright, changeyourfirm."126 The mercurialWise oftenresortedto hyperboleto make his point. His blanketindictmentof liberalChristians'prejudiceagainstJewsas the sole factormilitatingagainst theiracceptance of Judaismmust thereforebe sometakenwitha considerablegrainof salt.127His religioustriumphalism the that liberal Christians were timesrefusedto accept reality unwillingto to resolveintelgiveup theirown religiousheritage,and thattheypreferred lectuallytheirproblematicidentityas "rational," "liberal," "Christians" withintheirown socioculturaland religiouscontext.WhatevermeritsWise exhibitedas theologian,rabbi,and thinker,his insightsintothe anthropology and sociologyof religionleftsomethingto be desired.Indeed, in that veryessay, he furnishedothersocioeconomicand historicalreasons why Christianswould not acceptJudaism;onlythesimilardisinclinationof libin termsofprejudice. eralChristiansand freethinkers was interpreted However well reasoned and perceptivethe restof his essay may have been, the section on liberal Christianityis valuable more as a gauge of Wise's mood than as an accuratehistoricalexplanation.It was writtennot his deep-seatedfuryand in a cool, dispassionatevoice butin heat.It reflects witha liberalChristianorganizationwhichhad chosena defecfrustration tor fromJudaismand the Jewishcommunityas its head. This represented the ultimateinsultto Judaismfromintelligent people who, in Wise's opinIt should have acted more is ion, againstthisbackgroundof responsibly. and animus that Wise forcefully arguedthatonlyinveterate disappointment

126. Ibid. 127. Althoughliberal Christians,and New England Brahminsespecially,were not free fromsocial prejudiceagainsttheJews.See MichaelN. Dobkowski,"AmericanAnti-Semitism: A Reinterpretation," AmericanQuarterly19 (1977): 166-81, and his largerwork,The Tarnished Dream,passim.

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liberalChristians fromtakinguponthemselves theflag prejudice prevented of"denationalized Judaism." Thismomentary setbackforWisebynomeansextinguished his religious faith in the of Judaism.Onlyone undying anticipated spiritual triumph weekafterhisdetailedandlengthy as towhyJudaism wouldnot exposition attract Christians overthenexttwenty-five hisJewyears,Wiseencouraged ishreadersto takeheart."Be careful, menat thehelm,"hewrote,"forthe timeis rapidly whenJudaism willagainexercise itsinfluence approaching the of world's reconstruction the Be in upon religion. cautious, orderto be for the work whenever shallbe wanted.Be preready great yourservices with and with sufficient pared strongconvictions, learningand skillto them well. is The The express day coming."'28 precisetimeof Judaism's influence andultimate butofits waslefttotheundefined future, supremacy inevitable Wisehadnodoubt. arrival, In thefewinstances in the1880swhenWisewroteanything on Unitarto emphasizetheChristian natureof thisreligion, ianism,he continued ratherthanto stressits similarities to Judaismas he had donein earlier decades.Inpart,thisreflected hisawareness ofsubstantial Unitarian loyalty to thepersonofJesusandthe"Christian" name.Butalso,Wiseattempted to refinehis distinction betweenUnitarianism and Judaismso that of bothreligions adherents wouldunderstand thefundamental religious them. pointsofviewseparating wereapparently Duringthe1880s,someJewsandChristians beginning toconfuseUnitarianism withReform Judaism andto assumethattheirrelibeliefs wereidentical. Thisis nottoo surprising giousandtheological given incidence ofReform-Unitarian inthe1870s theincreasing pulpitexchanges and the somewhatplatitudinous and gushingsentiments the advocating commonbelief inreason, which and millennial hopes justice,God,progress, emanatedfromthepulpitson suchoccasions.As earlyas 1870,oneChristianlady,wifeofa prominent CourtJustice, remarked Superior uponhear"We willyet Rabbi Max Lilienthal's sermon in all Vickers' Church: ing In some of rabbis becomeJews."'29 the1880s, themoreprominent Reform suchas EmilG. Hirsch,SolomonSchindler, andSolomonH. Sonneschein feltconstrained toclearly fromUnitarianism. theirreligion distinguish They 128. AI, June14, 1878,p. 4. Emphasisadded. 129. JewishTimes,Oct. 21, 1870,p. 533.

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as essays,entitled, "Reformed Judaism preachedon topics,laterpublished and theUnitarian Churchin America,""WhyI am nota Unitarian," and and Unitarians werechallenged thelike.Indeed,at times,Reformers by diverse tomerge. Thus,in 1869,theclerical backgrounds peopleofradically itsChristian Christian missionaries, rightin Chicago,including proposed unitewithReformers and notlet"thesmallmatter thatUnitarians ofcirTwelveyearslater,Rabbi Emil G. cumcisionstumbletheirminds."'30 the theologicaldivergences Hirschhad to underscore betweenReform Judaism and Unitarianism andtorejecta suggested ofReform with merger theWestern Unitarian movement as unfeasible.'"' of And,intheaftermath theReform Platform of had left Felix Adler-who Judaism 1885, Pittsburgh and foundedtheSocietyforEthicalCultureand theJewish community also proposeda fusionbetween Reformers and Unitarians in lightoftheir common beliefs.132 religious Thesetrends fortwoverystriking servedas thegeneral artibackground clesWisewrotein July1886comparing andJudaism.'33 Unitarianism But theseessaysalso revealthathewasreacting to twomoreimmediate events. In April,1886,RabbiSolomonH. Sonneschein ofSt. Louis,a closefriend andcolleagueofWise,ventured to Bostonto meetwithMinotSavageand otherUnitarian officials toinquireaboutthepossibility ofobtaining a Unihissynagogue tarianpulpitshouldheresign difficulties pulpit.Experiencing witha factionofhisShaareEmethTemple,Sonneschein wasexploring job butwhen opportunities. Nothingpracticalresultedfromthesemeetings, becamepublicknowledge, theresulting furorin theAmerican theyfinally Jewish lastedthrough thesummer months. ShaareEmethestabcommunity in Juneto determine lisheda boardofinquiry whathadtranspired exactly between Sonneschein andtheUnitarians anddisseminated a circular on the affair tosomerabbisposingthefollowing Is a rabbi who question: soughtto servea Unitarian churchfitto lead a synagogue? Besidesthespecific issue raisedbythisepisode,as wellas questions to Sonneschein's charpertaining acterand motives, themoregeneralconcernitpointedto was simply this: 130. JewishTimes,March 19, 1869,pp. 6-7. 131. TheIndex,May 19, 1881. 132. See Kraut, From ReformJudaismto Ethical Culture,p. 219; also, the American Hebrew,Dec. 4, 1885whichpublishedAdler'scall, and thesame paper,Jan. 15, 1886through Feb. 26, 1886 for Rabbi Gustav Gottheil'sreply.Nathan Glazer has suggestedthat such a butGlazer has overstatedthecase. See Nathan Glazer,Amerimergerwas not so far-fetched, canJudaism,8thed. (Chicago, [1957];reprint ed., Chicago, 1968),p. 53. 133. AI, July16, 1886,p. 4, and July23, 1886,p. 4.

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andReform Whatwerethereligious doctrines ofUnitarianism Judaism? do thereligions in Wherein With Sonneschein mentioned reallydiverge? in affair was back mind wrote bothhisarticles, the the of Wise's as he clearly histwoessays thedistinctions between thetworeligions.134 delineating theinner debates within theWestern Wisealsofollowed closely religious Conference which cameto a headat itsCincinnati Conference Unitarian in1852, moreradical heldMay11-16,1886.Organized andconsidered than theWestern the Eastern Conference nonetheless Unitarianism, experienced its toarticulate samebasictension endemic toUnitarianism: howprecisely in to view of a commitment to total concomitant relationshipChristianity two freedom andopenness toallreligious ofview.By1886, points religious each had within the Western Conference, of ideological wings developed viedforcontrol. AttheCincinnati themoreradical which wingof meeting, William Gannett andbya voteofthirtygainedtheupperhand, Channing thetotalreligious fourtoten,thedelegates passeda resolution expressing ". . . theWestern Uniinclusiveness oftheWestern Unitarian Conference: itsfellowship butweltarianConference onnodogmatic conditions tests, andlove comesallwhowishtojoinittohelpestablish truth, righteousness intheworld."'35 Wise'stwoessays tookintoaccount these internal divisions nature ofitsreligious as hetried todefine theessential within Unitarianism orientation. as "spiritual ofhis1866declaration ofJews andUnitarians Reminiscent because common antiWiseagainlabeled them "cousins" oftheir cousins," Butinconinonesolesovereign stance andbelief oftheworld. trinitarian thelimits ofthis"cousinhenowstressed trastto hisearlier description, stillmainUnitarians A Jews and Unitarians: ship." greatgulfseparated still looked did Unitarians tainedtheywereChristians-Jews clearly not; had alterto Jesus and the New Testament-Jews forreligious inspiration and doctrines number ofcardinal oftruth; natesources and,a "considerable thecovenant, to Judaism, revelation, as, forinstance, peculiar principles inparThislastmotif, thetwogroups. ofIsrael"separated law,andmission enunciated. hehadnotpreviously which a newemphasis ticular, represented and didnotprevent To be sure,thesedifferences "goodunderstanding committed were since both two denominations" the between mutual respect as intellectual to suchessential love, freedom, truth, righteousness, points See AI, July withSonneschein,Wise treatedtheepisodegingerly. 134. Givenhis friendship 2, 1886,p. 4; July9, 1886,p. 4, and Sept. 17, 1886,p. 4. 135. See Wright,pp. 84-89.

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ofintolerance, andmentalbondage."Thereandthe"uprooting fanaticism, was wellgroundedand established," but fore,the"relationofcousinship "thereourrelationship ends."136 WiseaverredthatJewscouldneverbe Unitarians. Theycouldnotjoin becauseit repeatedly theEasternUnitariandenomination reaffirmed its "It is selfChristiancharacterat UnitarianNational Conferences. understood thata Jewcould notbecomea Christian Unitarianwithout a renegade to Judaism." ButJewsalsocouldnotjointheWestern becoming Unitarian Conference thatwingofUnibecause,withGannett's resolution, to Wise,ceasedto be a religion and hadtransformed tarianism, according itselfintoa purelyhumanitarian notonlyall connections society.Ignoring withChristianity, thatresolution all who affirm and love,truth, welcoming the an idea of ecclesiastical even or theistic righteousness, "ignored very The promulgation of love,truth,and righteousness in the foundation." butthepillarsofreligious worldwas onlyone religious principle, expresto worshipGod, thehumanyearning sion-the soul's yearning foreterthem.Wise nity-theseandothersweredeleted.No mancouldlivewithout therefore asserted thata Jewcould"co-operate" withtheseradicalUnitarianswithout onJewish butcouldnot"affilicommitment, thereby reneging himself ate" or "identify" withthem"without orprofessing to renouncing, themostessential haverenounced, and doctrines his of Judaism." principles In reality, Wisecontinued, Jewsstoodno closerreligiously to Western thantheydidto themoreChristian radicalUnitarianism Easternbranch. The Western Conference adoptedno criteria by whichto establishwhat love,andrighteousness truth, were,andtherefore everyindividual's opinion in thesematters was equallytrueand untrue.Consequently, thislack of established Unitarianism thestatusofreliauthority helpeddenyWestern since means the authoritative definition ofwhat gion, "religion theoretically is truth, whatis righteousness, whatis love,andwhatis theirnegative; relimeans to and reduce to know,believe, conscientiously gionpractically practicethoseverydefinitions.""'3 In Wise'sestimation, theorientation ofWesternUnitarianism was directly antithetical to Judaism, sinceJudaism was based"uponthehighest inharmony revelation withthe possibleauthority, ofthreethousandyearsofhispostulateofreasonand thedemonstration "knowswhatis truth, whatis righteousness, what tory."TheJewtherefore 136. AI, July16, 1886,p. 4, andAI, July23, 1886,p.4. 137. AI, July16, 1886,p. 4.

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is love, theoretically and practically; and the Unitariancannotdefine either.... TheJewcanbe no Unitarian."'38 couldnotbe charged Wiseremarked thatSonneschein Parenthetically, itwasthe tojointheUnitarians, withapostasy, becauseifhehadattempted init,whichhehadconsidered.139 And withno Christianity radicalbranch, ifhe had actuallyaffiliated withit,andsoughtto establish truth, love,and intheworld,"itwouldcertainly butitwouldbea be nocrime, righteousness WisefeltthatSonneschein certainor an imposition." sham,a self-delusion to theteachings of truth, love,and righteousness lyunderstood according theseideals Judaism and,"beingan honestman,"hewouldhaveexpounded "Judaism underthefalse Butthenhewouldhavedisseminated accordingly. colorof Unitarianism, and eitherdeceivedhimself or others,whowould theteachings ofUnitarianism, whileinfactthey supposetheywerehearing At could be chargedwith wouldbe taughtJudaism." worst,Sonneschein In effect, that Wiseroseto hiscolleague'sdefense byconcluding deception. wouldsailundera falsecolor."'40 "no manofprinciple injest, Wiseendedhissecondessaywitha novelproposal,atleastpartly thatis,for forthoseJewswhosereligion to humanism, reallywasidentical ofman." thoseJews"believing thatto do goodtomanis allthatisrequired On practicalgrounds,he suggested thattheseJewsjoin theFreemason andchangetheircongregation intoMasonicbodiesrather than movement wasmuchlargerthan withUnitarianism. affiliate The Masonicmovement witha history to the Unitarianone; it also had "established principles, backit"andwas"wellversedinthemission toestablish truth, righteousness forthisstep,Wise andloveintheworld."Yet,Jewswerenotreallyprepared becausetheyrecognized thatJudaismwas nottantamount to exclaimed, either: humanism. Thustheycouldnotjoin theradicalUnitarians "... the is byfarnoJudaism becauseUnitarianism Jewcanbe no Unitarian, yet.We canafford towaittillourcousinsshallcometous."'41 theideological It matters littlethatWisereallydidnotfully comprehend ranks and theprofound or personality within Western Unitarian tensions UnitarandevenChristian oftheradicals.TheWestern theistic sympathies 138. AI, July23, 1886,p. 4. 139. Ibid. Wiseshouldhave beenmoreprecise.Even thoughhe was locatedin Boston-the East, home of "Christian" Unitarianismaccordingto Wise-Minot Savage, whom Sonneincluded. scheinwentto see,was one ofthemostradicalUnitariansin thecountry,Westerners 140. AI, July16, 1886,p. 4. 141. AI, July23, 1886,p. 4.

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had no intention ian Conference ofbecoming a humanistic societyas porin Wise. Gannett was a "reverent an 1887meeting theist"l42 who, trayedby oftheWestern offered an omnibus whichmeshed resolution the Conference, 1886 resolutionwitha new declarationof "ThingsMost Commonly BelievedTodayAmongUs" whichpassedbya voteoffifty-nine tothirteen. that few Gannettacknowledged with exceptions Unitarians "maybe called Christian as worshipping theOne-in-All, and namingthat theists, theists; becauserevering Jesusas thegreatest of One,'God, ourFather';Christian, thehistoric ofreligion."'43 determined to demonWisewassimply prophets strateandunderscore onefundamental idea:Underno circumstances could theJewbecomea Unitarian and retainallegianceto Judaism. The differencesbetweenUnitarianism and Judaism wereclear,distinct, and radical, andeventhemorehumanitarian of Western as Wise Unitarianism, posture understood did not this it, bridge gap. In 1890,Wiseresponded toanindividual whohadequatedJudaism with Unitarianism and again notedthe fundamental, qualitativedistinctions He arguedthatthehistorical between recordofJudaism anditshisthem.'44 toricalprocessofdevelopment overtimeconstituted rationalevidencefor itssuperiority overUnitarianism. Wisedidnothererefer to (Interestingly, the revelation of the Decalogueat Sinai to supportJudaism's religious whichhehadconsistently doneinalmostall ofhiswritings onthe authority his stress on reflected the of the evolusubject; history undoubtedly impact ofhisage.)Judaism hada history ofthreethousand tionary thinking years, he recounted, and it developedin all lands,all civilizations, and religious, climates."Thatwhichis peculiarly and social,politicaland philosophical Israelitish" wasnottheproduct ofa fewspeculative mindsorof specifically at all. Rather,itwas"theproduct ofhistory, speculation growing naturally out of humannature,withthosemillionswhostartedand proceededon theirlongjourneyofdevelopment withtheloftiest ofmonotheconceptions and the and ethical doctrines ism, theological, metaphysical legitimately derived fromthisfirst andrealizedinthelives,forms, andinstituprinciple, tionsofthosemillions, all ofwhichwithstood all vicissitudes, all influences fromabroad."Thispattern stoodinmarked contrast toUnitarianism which was theproductofa fewspeculative mindswhichdid notresultfromthe "naturalgrowth ofthemasses"andwhichhad"notbeentestedinthecruci142. Wright,p. 87. 143. Citedin Wright,p. 89. 144. AI, Oct. 2, 1890,p. 4.

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ble of history's wildand stormy process,beingtoo youngforall that." Wiseconcluded, whenitcomesto a questionof"firmandratioTherefore, nal authority," "Judaismstandsas highabove Unitarianism as thesun abovethemoon,andis as muchmorereliableas isthepromontory thanthe sandbank." Judaism wasnotto be identified withUnitarianism because Moreover, theirconceptions ofthe"firstprinciple" differed. Wisenowintroduced a subtletheological distinction whichhe had notmadepreviously. HeretothatJewish and Unitarianperceptions oftheone fore,he had concurred antitrinitarian God wereidentical. thatthe"LivingGod Now,heremarked, of Israelis simplyone," "Echad,"and His attribute is "oneness"correto theGerman"Einheit." ThisoneGod "is notcomposedofelesponding ments,partsor persons,and thereis no God besideshim."In sharpcontrast,the "UnitarianGod is Unity,"and unityand all its derivativesand combination, the union,unified, united-alwaysimpliescomposition directoppositeofoneness.Wisedrewsignificant historical andtheological thisdifferentiation. lessonsfrom witha positive Judaism revelation, Starting fromtrinitarianism, "abides by the oneness;... Unitarianism, starting couldonlythinkofthenegative But i.e.,theGod whois no Trinity. unity, thatis notGod. He may,according to thisattribute, be a dualityor even number ofelements, Therefore, composedofan infinite partsandpersons. as faras wehaveheardandread,Unitarianism hasnodefinite ideaofDeity and is withtheone wingakinto Agnosticism Unitarian Confer[Western and with the other an uncertain of Trinitarianism ence] wing negative [the NationalUnitarian Conference oftheEast],withsomeindefinite ideasof Jesusand theHolyGhostblendedsomehow withmonotheism." Pragmatihe proclaimed, "thedoctrines, institutions and cally,therefore, precepts, forms outofthefirst of the of growing [the principle non-conceptionDeity couldat no timebe identical withthosegrowing outoftheposiUnitarian] tiveconception ofDeity[theJewish]." Wise'sanalysisis replete witherrorsaboutUnitarian theistic beliefand reveals real lack of with or of Unitarian theoagain familiarity appreciation In he set a straw man it. to demolish Unitarlogicalthinking. effect, up only iantheists didnotbelieveina composite God and,no lessthanJews,hada definite ideaofGod as single,sovereign, andone.Unitarian of repudiation ofUnity(of trinitarianism did notresultin a newphilosophic abstraction reflected moreWise'sspeciousreasoning composite parts);thisobservation thanhistorical Wisewasmuchnearerthemarkwheninlateryears, reality. heremarked thatitwasthe"leadership ofJesus"whichultimately estranged

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ReformJewsfromUnitarians.145 That,and not suchrarified theological one from differentiated theother.His analysis, is nuances, however, group neither nor accurate as an of distinctions. important explanation theological of his attempts in thelast two Rather,it shouldbe takenas indicative decadesofhislifeto dissociate Reform Judaism fromitslibunequivocally eral ChristianUnitariancounterpart. "Judaismis not Unitarianism and is notJudaism," Unitarianism he proclaimed. the Perhaps unsophisticated in principle"Unitarianism and Judaism. may"identify "non-reasoners" Buttheintelligent the of the "must seeprisegment population, reasoners, inthesystems, mavistathedifference inalltheirramifications." Conclusion:ReligiousTriumphalist

Overthecourseofhislifetime, Isaac MayerWise'sperceptions ofUnitarianism his as of the denomination's relichanged understanding evolving direction and From an gious theological postures deepened. earlyyouthful thatUnitarians wouldsupporthisJewish anticipation weeklynewspaper a laterexpectation thatthesemostliberalChristians wouldsoon through theirreligion as Judaism, Wisecameto realizethesignificant acknowledge beliefsand fervid between Jews religious religiohistorical loyalties standing andUnitarians. He sensedthatwhileUnitarians andJewscouldjoin forces inthesociopolitical arenaon keyissuesrelating totheseparation ofchurch and state,whiletheycouldworkin concertagainstvarieties oforthodox, authoritarian toinsurereligious andintellectual whilethey religions liberty, couldevenoccupythesamelecture and platform exchange pulpitstoaffirm commonbeliefs in the"Fatherhood ofGod andtheBrotherhood ofMan," therenonetheless existedclear limitsto the theologicalrapprochement between liberalJewsandChristians. Wise'schanging attitude to Unitarianism illustrates a fasInterestingly, American liberalism: relicinating paradoxofnineteenth century religious theirmost giousliberalsweremostparochialand narrowwhenpreaching universaland liberalideal, the comingof an all-inclusive "religionof whichwouldembraceall mankind in thefuture. The essential humanity" character andcentral affirmations ofthisuniversally sharedreligion, as outlinedbyJewish andChristian leaders-the Fatherhood of religious God,the 145. AI, March 3, 1898,p. 4.

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thisvisionofa future Brotherhood ofMan-appearedidentical. Potentially, have led ofreligious to concrete unification liberals religious unitymight In the same Jewish and Christian teleoloideal. however, reality, professing ofreligious andassuredthecontinuation cleavgicalportraits onlyfostered in the ages betweenJewishand Christianformsof religiousliberalism present. is nottoo difficult to disThereasonforthisparadoxical phenomenon rootedrelicern.Religiousliberalswereno morefreefroma theologically thanweretheircoreligionists of moreconservative gious triumphalism A certain measure of denominational triorientations. religious religious was in both Unitarian and Reform the Jewish umphalism present promulgaofthese andtheoverwhelming tionofthe"religion ofhumanity," majority universalism foundreligious liberalswhoavowedreligious justifireligious trawithin thebroadframework oftheirownreligious cationforremaining whichthey theuniversalism ditionor specificdenomination. Invariably, reflected theirownconception oftheuniversalization oftheir propounded liberal or liberal Judaism. Each of Christianity groupidentiinterpretation as itsownand claimedto be its fiedthebestand purestformofreligion Individuals whosecombeareruntiltheadventofthemillennium. legitimate whichcompelledthemto transcend mitment to a religiousuniversalism theirreligiousroots-menlike Felix Adlerwho steppedout of Reform the Judaismand FrancisE. Abbotwho leftUnitarianism-represented whichprovedtherule. exceptions thistriumphal was trueforWise.Oftencharacterized Certainly pattern he be portrayed as a "religious better as a "religious universalist,"'46might universalism and At the for Wise, least, very triumphalism triumphalist." as applied twosidesofthesamecoin."Religiousuniversalism" represented hisbeliefthata modern denationalized to himis accurateinthatitconveys as Judaismwouldbe universally acknowledged acceptedand universally "we're number one" thedeepseated true.Butthephrasetendstoobfuscate ofthe hisreligious In hisdescriptions thatunderlay teleology. psychology it was notso muchtheprospectofa religion future, universally religious wastobespehimas muchas thefactthatthatreligion adoptedthatexcited for and no other:Ultimate Judaism unitymeantvictory religious cifically Judaism. 146. See AndrewF. Key, The Theologyoflsaac Mayer Wise(Cincinnati,1962),p. 59; also, see Heller,pp. 625, 657 in whichtheauthorstressesWise's beliefin a universalreligionbutfails to appreciatehistriumphalism.

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inall hispublished as wellas inhissermons and Wisereiterated writings thatJudaism was theonlyrealistic Israeliteeditorials religious (American) and thatitwouldprove"dominant," to atheism, alternative "victorious," and heir to a These terms andthe magnificent "triumphant," "destiny."'47 werenotmerely dramatic devicesintended ideastheysuggested homiletical andreaders, musthave to rousethecongregants theyundoubtedly although thecherished achievedthatendat times;rather feelrepresented theytruly ingsofa manjealous and zealousforthegloryof Israel.Wise'sreligious was rootedin and nourished and indeby an impassioned triumphalism Thisallegianceshapedtheconstructible allegianceto Jewsand Judaism. andgenerated toursofhisinterpretation oftheJewish the pastandfuture his multifarious involvements in Jewish affairs of practical spiritanimating theday.He feltdrivento preserve someformofJudaism andconstructive lifeinAmericaat all costs.Thiswasa sacredtask,a consuming Jewish passionand abidingcommitment fromwhichhe neverwavered.His methods or heightened within tensions American mayhaveoftentimes precipitated and mayhave stimulated a volleyof polemicsand ill willwithin Jewry Jewish circlesas wellas within Reform thebroaderJewish Concommunity. hisjudgments scholarshavequestioned and religious temporary ideology, havederidedhisinconsistencies, andhavelabeledhiman opportunist, comif Even of and these characterizations accurate, promiser, pragmatist.'48 147. For examplesofhis triumphalist attitudes,referto Isr.,March 7, 1873,p. 4; AI, June, 14, 1878,p. 4; AI, June13, 1879,p. 4; AI, Oct. 24, 1879,p. 4. Note thatthissenseoftriumphalism pervadedboth thegeneraltone and styleof his writingand wentbeyondhis selectionof specificwordsand phrases.On his viewthattheonlyreal religiousalternativeto atheismwas Judaism,see Isr., March28, 1873,p. 4, and AI, Oct. 17, 1889,p. 4. 148. See Rubinstein,especiallypp. 53-56, 74, and passim.Such characterizations of Wise are oftenunhelpfuland misleadingbecause theyfailto appreciatethe significance of his religious triumphalismto explain the motivationsor reasons behind his inconsistencies.For can be explainedas a resultof his example,some of his apparentintellectualinconsistencies devoutloyaltyto Judaismand his triumphalist religiousorientation.Thus,he acceptedbiblical criticismwhen applied to the New Testament,but rejectedit as invalid withregardto the HebrewBible.This inconsistency reflected notso muchthelack ofsophistication or intellectual blindnesson his part as it did a legitimate,tangiblefearthat his entiresystemof religious based on therevelationat Sinai and theDecalogue, wouldbe undermined. For Wise, authority, a totallyhumanizedBible was simplyuntenable.It would be interesting to discoverwhyWise could notaccepta reinterpretation ofrevelation,suchas Geiger's,to avoid thisproblem,buthe clearlydid not. See Wise, "World of My Books," p. 143. On Geiger,see Kraut,FromReform JudaismTo EthicalCulture,pp. 62-63; also, Nahum M. Sarna, "AbrahamGeigerand Biblical Scholarship,"and Michael A. Meyer,"Abraham Geiger's HistoricalJudaism,"in Jakob J. on AbrahamGeiger(Cincinnati,1975).See too, MichaelA. Petuchowski, ed., New Perspectives Meyer,"Universalismand JewishUnityin theThoughtof AbrahamGeiger,"in Jacob Katz, ed., The Role ofReligionin ModernJewishHistory(Cambridge,Mass., 1975). Similarly,Wise

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reveal a mandevotedly atworkforthesakeofa revitalWise,nevertheless, Israel.Onesimply cannotdenyWise'swholehearted comized,triumphant mitment to theupbuilding ofAmerican Judaism or dismisshisimpressive

accomplishments.

For Wise,thegloryofIsraelwas magnified thorbythesimultaneous, He derived ofChristianity. emotional satisfaction intense oughdemolition fromhisperception thata heretofore was powerful Christianity dogmatic its in world and the Jewish relihold the that modern quintessentially losing doctrines ofJudaism wouldonedayacquire gious,moral,and intellectual religiousdominion.By thelate 1870s,he extendedhis harshcritiqueof toliberalChristianity as well.WhileheconcededthatevendogChristianity withethicalteachings, maticChristianity non-Jews mayhaveenlightened evenin thesewerein substance Christianity, reallyJewish;149 certainly, o DespitehisprotestoJudaism.' itsliberalforms, hadcontributed nothing

tothecontrary, hisalmost defiance ofChristiantations triumphal gleeful,

to chip"on hisshoulderdaringanyChristian ity-as ifhe had a "Jewish liberals and conservaknockit off-musthaveoffended manyChristians, tivesalike.'1 conclusionsto cast doubt on his embracedscienceand reason,but whenothersused scientific and the like, he opposed the evidencesof religiousbeliefssuch as revelation,immortality sciencewiththeevidenceofa threethousandyearhistoricalJewishexperiencewhichhejudged to the thestrongeron such mattersas he feltwerebeyondthekenofscience.And byresorting the traditionofsixhundredthousandadultmaleJewshavingstood at Mt. Sinai to demonstrate Wise sometimesgave theappearanceofa nineteenth event'shistoricalfacticity, centuryJudah Halevi defendinghis faithagainstJudaism'sdetractorsin both the rationalistand Christian camp. See AI, Dec. 1, 1876,p. 4; Heller,pp. 519,526-27; Knox, pp. 155-56; Wise,A Defenseof to the religioustriumJudaism,pp. 20-22. It was the attemptto harmonizehis commitment phalismofJudaismwiththeintellectualdemandsofthemodernage whichmade it impossible forWiseto workout a coherentreligiousritualpractice. 149. Wise,A DefenseofJudaism, p. 43. pp. 31-49, and Judaismand Christianity, 150. Wise staunchlyopposed theattitudeexpressedby Felsenthal,citingAbrahamGeiger, was the thattheone reformforwhichtheworldand Judaismremainsindebtedto Christianity and solelythisone, Judaismofour "deliverancefromtheyokeoftheceremonies.This reform, foranything.See the days has to imitate."To Wise,Judaismwas notindebtedto Christianity JewishTimes,March 12, 1869,p. 11. For David Einhorn'sattitude,similarto thatof Felsenthal,see JewishTimes,June18, 1869,p. 2. 151. Compare MoritzEllinger'sdiatribeagainstWise forthe"shamefulmanner"and utter disrespectin which"he assails a sisterreligion,"JewishTimes,Aug. 26, 1870,p. 409, with Isr.,Sept. 2, 1870,p. 8. Wise's own assertionofrespectforChristians,butnotforChristianity, Wise later consistentlyaffirmedrespectfor Christianityas well as for Christians.See his Judaismand Christianity, p. 43 and A DefenseofJudaism,p. 3. He also claimedthathe lostno see his "World Christianfriendsbecause ofthetone and natureof his attackson Christianity; of My Books," p. 138. This latterclaimis simplyinconceivable,and mustbe viewedwithconto adopt a siderableskepticismas musthis claim to have "induced all of liberalChristianity and brotherly attitudetowardsJudaism."Ibid. friendly

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Ultimately,therefore,Wise's attitudesto Unitarianismand liberal were largelydeterminedby his personaland Jewishreligious Christianity triumphalism-andthereinlay thebasis forthelimitednatureof his theoUnitarianism to logicalaccomodationwithUnitarians.Whenhe interpreted be judaizing,thatis, comingcloserto his perceptionsof pure Judaism,he lauded thedenomination'sgrowthas a "signofthetimes."He welcomedthe in theirsourcesfor Unitariansas true"spiritualcousins" merelydiffering held truths. Their liberalism religious religious commonly playeda valued role in his ideologicalconceptionof religiousprogressand his anticipation of a not too distantmessianicage. When,however,he encounteredwhathe withinChristianlines, he still understoodto be Unitarianretrenchment butdepictedUnitariansgenerretainedrespectforindividualUnitarians,152 in religiousdoctrinesand differences ally as "cousins" whose substantive sources clearlydemarcatedtheirreligionfromhis. Perhaps the styleand as applied to Unitarianismweredistinctive, but tone of Wise's trimphalism itsessentialdriftor centralidea was typicalofnineteenth and eventwentieth centuryReformthought."53 For theirpart,Unitarians,no lessthantheirReformcounterparts, manifesteda religioustriumphalism of theirown, and theyemphasizedthehistoric Christianties throughwhich fundamentaluniversalreligiousideals werederived.Theirspokesmenalso evaluatedJewishreligiousliberalismin so faras it approximateduniversallyheld religiousideals consideredtheir heritage.Thus, for example, the Unitarian Rev. Robert David Collyer, overand againstdogmaticOrthodox upholdinga morepristineChristianity Reform Judaism because "rationalisticJudaismis Christianity, praised nearerin its tenetsto primitiveChristianity than the Christianity of the Orthodoxchurches."'54 of would have reversed the and claim Wise, course, would have suggestedthatprimitive, was predogmaticChristianity simply Judaismwiththeadditionofa fewsymbolsforthepagans. Isaac Mayer Wise was prototypicalof thoseJewishand Christianreligious liberalswho made so muchof religiousuniversalism, yetwho exhib152. AI, May 9, 1895,p. 4; AI, Sept. 30, 1897,p. 4; AI, Feb. 3, 1898,p. 4; Feb. 9, 1899,p. 4. 153. See Abraham J. Feldman,Judaismand Unitarianism (Hartford,1930). Parallels to Wise's changingattitudeto AmericanliberalChristiansappear in Europe as well. For example, AbrahamGeiger,fora time,held highhopes fortheemergenceofa religionof humanity fromwithinLiberal Protestantism. When he realizedthatthiswould not be forthcoming, he came to believethatonlyJudaismcould reshapeitselfas thereligionofthefuture.Cf. Michael A. Meyer,"Universalismand JewishUnityin theThoughtofAbrahamGeiger,"especiallypp. 100-1. 154. JewishTimes,March 19, 1869,p. 6.

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thatsoughtto claim the prestigeof ited a formof religioustriumphalism the of for universalization victory commonlyheldidealsthatweredefinedas theirown. The applicationof thelabel "Jewish"or "Christian"was crucial to theseindividuals."'5It reflectednot only theirsincerescholarlyunderstandingofthetrueoriginofsuchideas,butalso and perhapsmoreso, their irrevocableemotional attachmentsto their historic religious ties and descent.'56So long as theseloyaltiesto theirhistoricreligiousfamilypersisted,the theologicalrapprochementbetweenJewsand Unitarianswas necessarilycircumscribed.Oddly enough, yet understandably,it was whichseparatedrelimutuallyexclusiveformsof religioustriumphalism Wise fromtheirUnitarian and other Jewish Reformers liberals such as gious claims as separatedall relijust contraryreligioustriumphalist counterparts, withintheir the conservative denominations liberals from more gious religions. respective JudaicStudiesProgram ofCincinnati University OH 45221 Cincinnati,

155. See Rabbi FerdinandIsserman'sstatementin 1928 introducinga Christianclergyman'ssermonat histemple:"You teachChristianethics-I teachJewishethics.Thereis no differencebetweenthetwo.Whatyou call Christiancharacter,I call Jewishcharacter."Pamphlet, AnAccountofa HistoricExchangeofPulpitsBetweenRabbiand Minister,p. 6, in FerdinandM. Isserman,NearprintBox, Biographies,AmericanJewishArchives. 156. An excellentexampleof Jewishtriumphalexpressioncan be foundin Rabbi Leo M. "Were Isaac M. Wise Alive Today," Franklin'sresponseto a paper by JulianMorgenstern, YearbookoftheCentralConference ofAmericanRabbis29 (1919): 251. Franklin'scommentsin thisseriesof Wise CentenaryAddressesactuallyexemplifiedWise's own attitudes:"We are of today... forthemodernmovementof thereligiousworld... 'Judaizing'the Christianity have meanssimplythatthoseideals forwhichtheJewthroughall theages has beenstruggling, ofall humanity-andthatinsteadoffighting becomethecommonproperty singlehandedlyfor call to hisstandardto fightfor Justiceand Truthand Brotherhood. . . theJewwillhenceforth hisideals,thebrainand brawnoftheChristianworld.It is thetokenofJudaismtriumphant." Franklinarguedthatthistypeof"assimilation"was welcome.

The Story as a Hermeneutic Device Author(s): Ofra Meir Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 231-262 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486411 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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THE STORY AS A HERMENEUTIC DEVICE by OFRA MEIR The variousversions ofthestoryaboutthedaughter ofNakdimonben Gurionmaybe used to explaintwo phenomena: (a) thestoryas a hermeneutic theverseas partofthe device,bywhichtheveryactofpresenting to it a new which differs not meaning, storyimparts onlyfromthepeshat but also from the other of the exegeses sagesconcerning (plainmeaning), thissameverseand (b) themodification in thisnewmeaning thatresults inthedifferent becauseofthediversities versions ofthestory. The first ofthecommenpartofthisstudyis devotedto a presentation taryon theSongofSongs1:8 in accordancewiththeplainand homiletic In thesecondpart,thevariousversions aregroupedaccording to meanings. thedegreeof similarity betweenthem.Parts3, 4 and 5 deal witheach of In thesectionswheretheaforementioned thesegroupings. are phenomena is an to an made the for presented, attempt provide explanation interdependencebetween thedifferent versions on theonehandandtheliterary comthe on other. pilations 1. Thereis generalagreement thatthe todayamongbiblicalcommentators as to thenumber SongofSongsis a compilation, although opinionsdiffer

NOTE:This articlewas translatedby MichaelGordon (Jerusalem)and Deborah Nothmann (Haifa).

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of literaryunitswhichmade up the scroll.' Most commentators view the verses, Tell me,O thouwhommysoul loveth,wherethoufeedest, wherethou I makest flock to rest at noon: for be as one that should veileth herself thy why besidetheflocks ofthycompanions? If thouknownot,O thoufairest amongwomen, go thywayforth bythe oftheflock, andfeedthykidsbesidetheshepherds' tents (1:7-8), footsteps as a self-contained The song, but theydo not concurin its interpretation. main pointof contentionis theidentityof thespeakerin verse8. Whereas most commentatorsbelievethatthe verseis the shepherd'sanswerto the shepherdess,2C. D. Ginsburgbelieves that the verse is spoken by the and in Tur-Sinai'sopiniontheverseis a continuadaughtersof Jerusalem,3 tionoftheyoungwoman'swordsin verse7. Accordingto thislastview,the woman cites the mockeryof the shepherd:"Why should I be as one that veilethherselfbeside the flocksof thycompanionswho, if I asked them about you would mock me and say to me: If you do not knowwhereyour belovedis, thenforgetabout himand come withus bythe footstepsof the flockand feedthykidswithus besidetheshepherds'tents."4 The different identitiesassignedto thespeakerdo not affectthecontent as muchas thetoneofwhatis said; thosewho believethatthewordsare said bythebelovedsee theansweras instructions, givenin a positivespirit,to the on how to reach the where her beloved can be found; shepherdess place thoseoftheopinionthatthewordsare notspokenbytheshepherdinterpret themas ironyor mockeryof theyoungwoman,whose belovedis farfrom her. The difference betweenthemethodsemployedby Bible scholars,whose the textas its author effortsare primarilydirectedtowardunderstanding wroteit,and themethodsofthesages in theirexegesisoftheBible ingeneral

1. See S. M. Paul, 'Ensiqlopedyahmiqra'it(Jerusalem,1976), s.v. "Shir ha-shirim." 2. Thus E. S. Artom,Torah,Nevi'im,Ketuvim,2d ed. (Tel Aviv, 1973); Amos IHakham, (Tel Aviv, 1963), pp. 18-20, and others. (Tel Aviv, 1942); Mordecai Halter,Shir ha-shirim, 3. He writes:"The courtladies, hearingthe rusticgirlsay thatshe wishesto be withher shepherd,tell herironicallyto go, and be employedin the low and toilsomeoccupationof a ratherthanenjoytheexaltedand easy lifeof a royalfavourite"(C. D. Ginsburg, shepherdess, comments. The Song of Songs [London, 1857],p. 136). Note also his otherinterpretive 3 vols. (Jerusalem,1951), 2: 366. 4. N. H. Tur-Sinai,Ha-Lashon ve-ha-sefer,

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is wellknownand needsno elaboraand theSongofSongsin particular

itisinteresting tonotetwoparallel inthediscusNonetheless, points tion.5

sionsofthesagesandtheBiblescholars thetwoversesmentioned regarding

thegeneral ofthesagestointerpret in above:(1) Despite eachverse tendency as an independent tended totreat thesetwoparticular unit,they Scripture verses as a singleunit,as do themodern (2) thesages,likethe scholars;6 ofthetoneofverse8. Is it sensedtheuncertain nature modern scholars, ornegative? verse 7 toMosesandsee True,mostofthesagesascribe positive whichinstills Moseswithconfidence verse8 as God's response, thatGod

willtakecare ofthepeople ofIsrael,butthereare somewho see theresponse as a forebodingvisionforMoses and thegenerationofthewilderness:"'Go thyway forthbythefootstepsoftheflock.'He [God] said to him [Moses]: the entiregenerationwill meetits end, and the same will happen to you" (Song R. 1.7) or "'and feedthykids.' He said to him,kids enter,goats do

notenter"(ibid.).

2. The storyis foundin eightliterarycompilationsof the sages,7but there are two versionsin one source (BabylonianTalmud,henceforth: B.T.), so thatthereare actuallynineversionsin all. The relationship betweentheversions is more complex than commentsof scholars would indicate. For example,L. Finkelsteinwriteson theSifreversion: camedownin twoversions, one oftheSifre,Mekhilta, ... and theincident ARN,B.T. Ketubbot66b, accordingto whichthe incidentoccurredto Rabbi Yolhananben Zakkai, and it seemsthattheolderversionis thatcitedby B.T. Ketubbot67a, thePalestinianTalmudand theTosefta,end ofChap. 5, Pesiqta Rabbati and LamentationsRabbah, accordingto whichthe narratoris R.

5. Isaac Heinemann illustrated themwellin his book Darkeiha-'aggadah (Jerusalem, on theSongofSongsseealso E. E. Urbach,"Derashot u-ferushei 1954).Forexegesis Tarbiz 30 (1960-61): .HaZaL 'Origenesle-Shir ha-Shirimve-ha-vikkuab ha-yehudi-noveri," 148-50. 6. Heinemann, Darkei,pp. 130-36.Theversesaretakenas oneunitin:Sifre, Num.,138-39; Exod.R.,2:4;TanbumaExod.14;Tanbuma (ed.Buber),Exod. SongR. 1:7(a fewpericopae); similar toearlier but 12;inExod.R. 3:4thereisexegesis onlyonverse7 (ina fashion exegeses, intheAlmighty's verse8 ismissing); inSifre, andinARNa Deut.,305(ed.Friedmann) response forMoses'wordsto Joshua), andintheMekhilta 17,verse8 is cited(as support (henceforth: 2: 77) thereis exegesison the Mek.),Shirata,10,ed. Horowitz-Rabin, p. 149(Lauterbach, verse(without butherealso it refers to thegeneration ofthewilderness): citingthespeaker, "The kidsenterbutnotthegoats."For another exegesison verse8 see B.T. Shab. 33b. 7. The versions appearin thearticleitselfor in theAppendices.

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Eleazarb. R. Zadok,andhesayshesawthegirlinAcrepicking barleygrain beneath horses'hoofs.8 This divisionaccordingto the names of the sages does not take into accountotherdifferences which,I feel,make it necessaryto dividetheversions into threegroups: (1) the versionof the Tosefta(henceforth: Tos.), PalestinianTalmud (henceforth:P.T.), Lam. R., B.T. (the firststory),and Pes. R.); (2) theversionof theSifre,B.T. (the Pesiqta Rabbati (henceforth: second story),and 'Avot de-Rabbi Natan (henceforth: ARN); (3) the version of the Mekhilta(henceforth: As we shall thereare signifisee, Mek.).9 cant differences withinthe groups as well, but they representdifferent ofthesame source. reworkings 3.1 In theTos. thefollowingis told: thatthedaughter ofNakdimon benGurionwasallotted (1) It oncehappened the five hundred denarii of each for basket,and by sages gold day a perfume shewasbutawaiting thelevir.Nevertheless, shecursedandsaidtothem:May yougivesuchtoyourowndaughters. .mvqn=13nn ID :zn*nnn1nl*?p KwnIK.=q,nm-inKSKnn-qn KS1

R. Eleazar]said: May I behold (2) RabbiEleazarb. R. Zadok [henceforth: ifI havenotseenthatshewaspicking theConsolation, barleygrainbeneath horses'hoofsin Acre,and I appliedto herthisverse:"If thouknownot,O thoufairest etc.[Song1:8] amongwomen,"

D" i woio ?P nnn1zmv

xKn?: nuKp'Dv -PnPxi 1o1x

: -11r nK7m '7

y

9: VnK

(Tos. Ket.11-12,ed.Lieberman, p. 74). The firstpartofthestoryis characteristic ofmanystoriesoftheMishnah and Tos., whichare frequently introducedby "It once happenedthat..." 8. Louis Finkelstein,ed., Sifre'al seferDevarim(Berlin,1939),p. 325. See also theextensive discussionin his book: Mavo le-massekhtot 'Avotve-'Avotde-RabbiNatan (New York, of the versionsis impliedin Lieberman'scomment 1950),pp. 112-14. A similarclassification henceforth:Tos. Kif, p. 271). See also Wilhelm Bacher, 'Aggadot (Tosefta ki-feshutah, ha-tanna'im,4 vols. (Berlin, 1922-28), vol. 1, pt. 1, p. 33, n. 2; Jacob Neusner,A Life of Yohananben Zakkai (Leiden, 1970), pp. 186-87. 9. The division is accordingto the numberof versions,and no chronologicalorder is intended.

THE STORY AS HERMENEUTIC DEVICE

235

forthehalakhic conrecount andwhichtersely onlyas muchas is necessary

ofthestructure andstyle ofour anexamination textofthestories. However, the of the narrator's halakhic issue reveals that concern goesbeyond passage

"he growsrich,sheriseswithhim,he growspoor,shedoes notfallwith him"and eventhoughthefirstpartofthestorylooksas ifit can stand itis neatly connected tothesecondpart. independently, The narrator herfather's thefemalefigure name.The presents through ofthenameNakdimonbenGurionis to emphasize herbeingthe function

ofanextremely a member ofJerusalem's man,'0 daughter wealthy wealthy

thedestruction classbefore oftheTemple-andthisis theonlyhintthatthe took before the destruction. story place The sagesallotan enormous sumto thewoman-500denariiofgolda andeventhough herfather's nametestifies togreat dayjustforperfumery," wouldexpectherto be completely contented. wealth,thereaderor listener Thisexpectation is heightened statement that"shewasbut bytheemphatic 10. The traditionabout his wealthis preservedin B.T. Git. 56a; Lam. R. 1:17 (? 31); and in thegroup B stories.Even thoughall of themare laterthantheTosefta,theverymentionof the name makesit seem likelythatthenarratorand theaudienceknewof his wealthand possiblyeven of the traditionabout the amountin the ketubbahfromher fatherand father-inlaw (see 4.1). 11. The phrase "each day" (be-kholyom) appears in the P.T. (AppendixI) and Lam. R. of Lam. R. thephrase"each year" appears. (AppendixII) versions.In the Genizah fragments In Rabinowitz'sopinion (Z. M. Rabinowitz,"Geniza Fragmentsof Midrash Lamentations" [Hebrew], Proceedingsof the Sixth WorldCongressof JewishStudies (Jerusalem,1977), 3: because the storyin otherversionsis "questionable and 439), the versionis enlightening, One version,however, exaggerated,forwould not fivehundreddenariia day be sufficient?" cannotovershadowall theothersand thephrase"each year" does notcoincidewiththelevirate laws (see n. 12; in Lam. R. the phrase "and she was only awaitingthe levir" does not appear). The sages' verdictis tiedto thehalakhah"the bridegroomundertakes[toprovide]ten denariiforherbasket [ofperfumes]foreach and everyportion"(Mishnah Ket. 6:4, Tos. Ket. discussionTos.Kif.,p. 277, and Rashi writes(Ket. 66b, s.v. "la-quppah"): 6:6). See Lieberman's "the Mishnahdoes notspecifywhetherit is each day,each Sabbath,each monthor each year." In the B.T. discussionthe questionof timeis raisedand the issue is leftunsolved(teiqu),but thereare groundsforthe B.T. exegetes'observation(see Tosafot,s.v. "le-yomrishono le-khol yom va-yom"and see Shitahmequbbeetand Menahemha-Meirion B.T. Ket. 66b) thatthe allotmentof ten denariia day foreach portionwould have depletedthe husband'sresources quicklyand it is reasonablethattheallotmentwas givenone timeonly.Rashi, in his explanationof our storyin the B.T., renders 1n as "forone day's needs" and theTosafot'swords buti',the sum forone day's needs seems illogical,even for point to this same interpretation, someone extremely wealthy.In lightof the B.T. version"for thatday," one mightinferthat the sum was givenone timeonly on thatparticularday, but the Palestiniansourcesremain hard to fathom.Whateverthe case, the phraseservesto make the woman's unexpectedreaction more severe.

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is fedoutofherhusband's awaitingthelevir."A womanin thiscategory assetsforonlythreemonths'2 to an ordinary widowwho and,in contrast does notknowwhatthefuture holdsforher,a widowawaiting thelevir awaitsa knownhusband, anddoesnothavethesameneedto adornherself in orderto findfavor.'3The narrator recounts thesefactsin an artistic, whiledeviating fromthenaturalorderoftheaccount. fashion, thoughtful Wewouldexpectan informative accountofthefactstoreadlikethis:"It is of NakdimonbenGurion,whowas awaitingthe relatedof thedaughter beforethe her... ." Thenarrator levir,andthesagesallotted putstheeffect that"she clause,andemphasizes cause,makestheactiveparta subordinate

was but awaiting.. . ." In this mannerhe intensifiesthe expectationof

herand and sharpens theconfrontation nowrevealedbetween satisfaction herexpected reaction andheractualone;shecurses thesages,andbetween Whatmakes themand says,"May yougivesuchto yourowndaughters." curseis nottheamountspokenof,butthefactthatthe thisremark a bitter knowno whoseexpectations curseris a widow.Thecurseofa richdaughter thesagesin thismanner boundsand whodoesnotrecoilfromaddressing evokesnoresponse attheconclusion ofthefirst partofthestory. to rabIn thesecondpart,thenarrator R. quotes Eleazar.According twotannaimby thisname,14butit is binicsourcestherewereevidently reasonableto assumethatourstoryrefers to R. Eleazarb. R. Zadok,who oftheTempleandmovedto Yavlivedin Jerusalem beforethedestruction nehafterit.The namesNakdimonand R. Eleazarpointto thelikelihood of the thatthe firstpartof thestorytook place beforethedestruction In thispartthe narratoralso Templeand the secondpartafterwards. theorderofevents:he openswithwhatR. Eleazarsaidand only reverses this. whatR. Eleazarsawbefore latermentions withtheoath,"May I beholdtheConsolation." The rabbicommences is not subjectto doubt,it seemsthathe is Sincetherabbi'scredibility hardto relatedis especially motivated to use an oathbecausetheincident the believe.In Ben-Yehuda's (Vol. 7, p. 3609) phrase"May I dictionary sense:"I will as an oathina positive beholdtheConsolation"is explained and see theconsolation ofIsrael,""'buta seconddefinition-"verification 12. Tos. Yev. 6:7, ed. Lieberman,p. 20; B.T. Yev. 41b; B.T. Ket. 107b. 13. I am gratefulto Dr. Zvi Gronerfor thisobservation. 14. For a summaryof opinionssee Y. D. Gilat, EncyclopediaJudaica(Jerusalem,1971), s.v. "Eleazar ben Zadok." 15. Similarly,in Even Shoshan's dictionary:"So I willbe privilegedto heartheheralding of the redemptionof Israel, as it is rightthat...."

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of a man'swordsby meansof a curseabouta condition reinforcement ofthe whichwillbe carriedout by God"'6-aligns withtheexplanation a in will "It is of curse terse he not be thelanguage Tosafot: form, meaning theconsolation ofZionif.. ." (B.T.IHag.16b,s.v."'er'ehbaableto witness ofthewoman's curseattheendofPartAand Thejuxtaposition nebamah").,7 of Part B strengthens the connection the oath-curseat the beginning thetwopartsandshapesthefateofthewomanas punishment for between herbehavior. inthetimethatelapsedbetween thetwo Despitetheobviouscontraction it is clearthatnotonlyhad time ofitsduration, eventsand thedisregard thewoman'scurseand whatR. Eleazarsaw in Acre,but passedbetween inAcreandthetellingof theencounter thattimehad also passedbetween of thestory.It is onlyreasonablethatwhenR. Eleazarsaw thedaughter Nakdimonpickingbarleygrains,he did not knowwhathad transpired itseemsthattheverseheuttered herandthesages."Therefore held between a twofoldmeaning.Whenhe saw a daughter of Israelfromone of the inJerusalem forbread,herecited wealthiest families theverseoutof hungry the like her was and for the fate of woman humiliated who, people, pain andthemeaning heimparts totheverseis:"If thedestruction, desolateafter thouknownot"-if youdid notknowwhatlayin storeforyou,"O thou fairest amongwomen"-youfromthenation'swealthiest [people],"go thy of the flock,and feedthykids besidethe way forthby the footsteps tents"-howfatehas turnedagainstyou,and you are downshepherds' inthefields ofstrangers. trodden andseekbarleyto breakyourhunger And it would not be unreasonable to supposethatsymbolicmeaningon a thestory:thewealthy thechosen nationallevelaccompanies girlsymbolizes her bitter fate the bitter the and after destruction of the people reality an initial of the verse the is on In more the reading temple. emphasis deep torationalpainatthefateofthewomanandthenationthanon an attempt izethatfate. WhenR. Eleazar'swordsare placed afterPartA of the story,the words"if thou know not" take on the meaning,"you, who did not 16. Ya'aqov Rubin, HebrewEncyclopedia(Jerusalem,1979), s.v. "Shevu'ot u-nedarim." 17. In our case: ifwhatI said is incorrect.It is interesting to note Rashi's second interpretation(B.T. Makkot 5b, s.v. "'er'eh ba-nehamah"):"he swearshis sons willdie and I willnot see consolationforthem." 18. Perhapsthisis an additionalreasonforthelanguageoftheoath at thebeginningof his words.

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knowhowto respect thesages,anddidnotunderstand therelative valueof theappellation "fairest money."Consequently, amongwomen"takeson an ironicdimension andthecontinuation oftheverse,whichis appliedto her as punishment bitter forherdeed.Evenifthereis in fate,can be interpreted thislattermeaning an allusionto thenation'ssinswhichbrought aboutthe whatstandsoutis thedirectconnection between thewoman's destruction, deedandheractualpunishment. Thisconnection showsthatinthe specific initialmeaning thereis an expression ofgenuinepain,butthisresults from insufficient of all that has knowledge transpired. The dissonancebetweenthepictureofpickinggrainsbeneathhorses' hoofsandthepicture ofgoingoutinthefootsteps ofsheepandfeeding kids tentsindicates thatwhatR. Eleazarsawwasnotfabricated to byshepherds' theverse,butthatthepicture ofthewomanevokeda viewof complement theverseas symbolic ofthescenebeforehim.'9In viewofthedoublemeannewlighton itand throws ingoftheversequotedbyR. Eleazar,thereality is itselfelucidatedin lightof theverse.Exegeticinterpretations of verses offer an additionalmeaningto thesurface a particinterpretation through ularhermeneutic butwhena verseis interwoven intoa storythe method, additional stemsfromtheveryintegration ofverseandnarrative. meaning 3.2 The storyin P.T.(AppendixI) comesin a halakhiccontextsimilarto thatoftheTos.,20and PartAofthestorycloselyparallelstheTos. version, a) thestoryopenswith,"It is relatedofMiriam exceptfortwovariations: the daughterof Simeonben Gurion."The changefromNakdimonto Simeoncanbeexplained as a printing either error (seen.25) oras an echoof intheB.T.regarding thetradition thechangeinbenGurion'sfirst preserved name.21At anyrate,in Lam. R. and Pes. R. (Appendices II and IV) the ofNakdimonis calledMiriam, anditappearsthatthereference is daughter to thesamestory.Recording thewoman'sfirst namedoesnotfleshouther to herbeingknowninherownright; imagebutis,perhaps, b) at testimony 19. This conclusion contradictsthat of Naomi Cohen in her article,"The Theological Stratumof the Martha b. BoethusTradition."HarvardTheologicalReview69 (1976): 187-95. There may even be groundsforcitingthe story'sconnectionto a historicalevent.This tie is by thementionoftheplace-Acre-which was a Roman colonyin theperiodof strengthened the Destruction(see Atlas Carta, p. 78). 20. In thehalakhiccontext:"This was said in whatregard?The poor of Israel,butalso the honored of Israel-each accordingto his own honor." See above and Tos. Kif, p. 277. 21. "Theytaughthis namewas notNakdimon,but Boni" (B.T. Ta'anit 20b and see Lieberman, p. 270, n. 40).

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"R. Aha said,'andwe answered theendofPartAthereis theaddition: her andhiswordsarea lateresponse to withAmen.'" R. Aha wasan amora,22 theaccountin PartA,whichtheeditorofthepassagechoseto add. The to a longdelayedresponse, and phrase"we answered"is notappropriate the have "and or else it been may theyanswered," probably phraseshould as "wewouldhaveanswered." TheAmenis saiddespitethe be understood thelevir,andifthisis nota printing error(seebelow),it woman'sawaiting seemsthatR. Aha was so impressed thathe by thesize of theallotment thefactofherwidowhood. overlooked In PartB oftheP.T.versionR. Eleazar'swordsarecited,buttheyvary fromtheTos.versionandarenotparallel.In thisparttherearetwoprominentvariations: (a) R. Eleazarswearsthathe sawthewoman"tiedbyher hairto thehorse'stailinAcre";(b) he appliedto hertheverse,"thetender anddelicatewomanamongyou,etc."(Deut.28:56-57).Thispassage,taken fromthetokhaah,is caustic(especially verse57) and is somewhat approbutitis likelythattheentire sectionfromR. variation, priateto theformer is an errorordistraction. ThisassumpAha'swordsthrough theconclusion tionisbaseduponfourfacts:(1) theversefromDeut.inLam.R. (1:16,?47), in theP.T.preceding ourstory,and in B.T. Git.(56b) is connected to the in of Martha b. this from the is P.T. R. Aha's Boethus;23 story story response and since the does not mention that Martha was a cited, widow, story Amento hercurseat beingallottedtwose'ahofwinea dayis responding thanresponding morereasonable Amentoa widow;(2) thelinkbetween the versefromtheSongofSongsand PartAofourstoryis alsomaintained in is a morefitting theLam.R. andPes. R. versions;24 (3) hunger punishment foravaricethanis thedegradation of beingtiedto a horse'stail;(4) the in of verses from depiction hunger Deut.-parentseatingtheirchildren's flesh-isnotonlyluridandcruel,butalso inappropriate to a widow(who hasnochildren) the awaiting levir.25 22. R. Aha, mentionedoftenin the P.T.,was in thefourthgenerationof PalestinianAmoraim. See Hanokh Albeck, Mavo la-talmudim (Tel Aviv, 1969), pp. 316-18. 23. For the verse'sconnectionto the story,see Naomi Cohen, n. 19 above. 24. Regardingthe B.T., see 3.4. One shouldnotethattheSong versecomesas an additional verse,said by R. Eleazar at the end of the storyabout Martha and beforeour story. 25. Z. W. Rabinovitz(Sha'arei torat'ere$ Yisra'el [Jerusalem,1940]) p. 388 suggeststhat theversionbe correctedand writes:"'They taughtit once happenedthatMiriamthedaughter of Nakdimonben Gurion.'This is liketheB.T. 66b and Tos. Chap. 5, and SifreNi$avim, 305, and ARNCh. 17 [in none of thesesourcesdoes thefirstname Miriamappear-my note],and Pes. R. Chap. 30 ?9, and Lam. R. 1:17?51. 'That theyallottedher,'etc.said R. Aha, 'and they

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intheP.T.indicates itis likelythattheversion thatPartA Nonetheless, ofthestorywasinitially a storyuntoitself, andthatitsbeingboundwithR. Eleazar'sresponserepresents a laterdevelopment intradition (thisconjecturehas a certainamountof supportin theB.T. version;see 3.4). Even thantheP.T. versionfroma thoughtheTos. versionis moreconvincing thedimension ofpunishment forsinis morepoignant in literary standpoint, theP.T.version. 3.3 PartAoftheLam.R. version totheP.T.version II) issimilar (Appendix in unlike the two it with the first name"Miriam Tos.) (and things: opens of Nakdimon" the "Simeon ben (in P.T.: Gurion")andendswith daughter R. Aha's response:"Nevertheless we answered herwithAmen."The subis theelimination stantive alterations) change(therearealso slightstylistic ofthefactthatthewomanwasawaiting thelevir.Theabsenceofthisinforthestructure ofPartA,mitigates theseverity mationsimplifies oftheconfrontation between thewomanandthesages,andleavesroomforthelater ofR. Aha;sincethewomanis nota widow,R. Aha mayhavefelt response thatthefulfillment ofthissortofcursewas desirable.R. Aha's comment the betweenthewoman'sexaggerated to elucidate contrast expectahelps tionsandtheopinionofthesagesandthoselistening in. PartB ofthestoryis closeto theTos. version, withtheadditionofthis note:"do notread'thykids'(1,n''u), but'thybodies' exegetical (,n,~i)." Thisadditiontransforms theopensymbolic offeeding thekids description ofthefigure intoa moreconcrete barleygrains,and it description picking whatis described in theverseand whatR. between lessensthedissonance was Itis difficult todetermine whether theexegetical addition Eleazarsaw.26 itcamelater. statedbyR. Eleazar,orwhether ofthewoman's theseverity EventhoughthechangesinPartAdiminish thedualnatureofR. Eleazar'swordsand Lam.R. also preserves behavior, theperception ofthewoman'sfateas punishment forherdeeds. 3.4 TheB.T.account(Appendix III.A) is relatedbyR. Judahinthenameof undertakes halakhah:"the bridegroom Ray regarding (to provide)ten did not followherwordswithAmen.'R. Eleazar ben R. Zadok said 'May I beholdtheConsolationif I did not see herpickingbarleygrainbeneathhorses'hoofsin Acre,and I appliedto herthisverse:'If thou knownot,O thou fairestamongwomen,go thyway forthby the footsources)." steps of the flock,etc.' (this is accordingto all six aforementioned 26. See Maharzu's (Ze'ev Wolf)explanation,s.v. "gediyyotayikh".

THE STORY AS HERMENEUTIC DEVICE

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denariiforthebasket."27 thestory(Appendix III.B) theamount Following ofthedaughter ofNakdimon'sketubbah is mentioned (as in the explicitly is referred to father's she her "a million ofgold denarii Tos., onlyby name): fromherfather's besides from her father-in-law's house." house, [thesum] It is notstatedthatshewasawaiting thelevir.Thesagesallottedher"four hundred coinsofgoldfortheperfume basketforthatday,"and theTosa. commented to thefigures in her (s.v. "she-pasequ"):"althoughaccording therewerea milliondenariiofgold,theyshouldhaveallottedher ketubbah moreaccording totherateoftendenariiperportion; sinceshedidnotneed itmerely more,theydidnotallotthistoher."28 Insteadof"shecursed," says "shesaidto them:mayyougivesuchto yourowndaughter," andthestory "andtheyanswered herwithAmen." concludes, The complexofchangesmodifies theseverity ofthedaughter ofNakdimon'sbehavior. andthereis a touchofinsolence in True,shegrowsangry, herwords;butin lightofthehalakhahand theamountstipulated in the herangerhas somebasis.The sages'responding with"Amen" ketubbah, indicatesthattheydid not viewherresponseas a seriousmatter.Even thoughthe storycreatesthe imageof a rich,spoileddaughteracting in contextit illustrates theproblems in the inherent unworthily, primarily Mishnah'shavingtodetermine theamountnecessary forperfumery proportionateto the amountof the dowry-especially in cases involving the thestorydoes notendwithR. Eleazar's extremely wealthy. Accordingly, words,whicharecitedlaterin thepassage(Appendix III.D) anddiscussed" below(4.2). 3.5 In Pes.R. (Appendix IV) thestoryappearsina partoftheNabamupason based the contrast between thedireforeboding sage (whichwasfulfilled!) inJeremiah's and the for the future prophecy hope expressed byIsaiah.This factexplainstheinclination ofPes. R.'s editorto sharpen thedimension of sinandpunishment, anddespitetheblatantchanges-which haveno paralthewoman'sstatusas a widowawaitingthelevir.The lel-he preserves inbrief, areas follows: variations, a. Miriamdaughter of Nakdimoncomesto R. Zadok so thathe can 27. Above, n. 11. Accordingto Lieberman,the deed was not "because of thelaw of our Mishnah,but because she riseswithhimand does not fallwithhim" (Tos. Kif, p. 277). In my opinion this is not the case withthe sugyain the B.T. 28. The Tosafotignorethe matterof "for thatday," and Maharam Schiffwritesthatthe textof the Tosafotmightnot have included"for thatday."

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allothermoneyforfood,and afterhe has allottedhertwenty-five libraof silverfora perfume basketandtwose'ahofwineforfoodeachSabbathshe saystohim:"Mayyougivesuchtoyourowndaughters." b. Afterthe woman'sreactionthereis an additionalpassagewhich describes ofNakdimon, thedaughter whosehairhas fallenoutbecauseof in themarket thefamine, and whomeanders withherfather and meetsR. Zadok. He doesnotrecognize to identify her,andher her,asksherfather suchandsuchfor father replies:"ThisistheveryMiriamwhomyouallotted theSabbathandshecursedyou." c. After thefather speaksR. Zadoksays:"May [evil]comeuponmeifI havenotseenherpickingbranofbarleygrainsin thedungofcattleand I Go thy amongwomen, appliedto herthisverse:'Ifthouknownot,O fairest " oftheflock.' wayforth bythefootsteps fleshoutthesinand punishment The firsttwoalterations aspect.The cursedR. Zadokis theonewhoseeswithhisowneyesthewoman'spunishthedisgraceofstarvation as mentand thefather's wordsupholdviewing for curse. the punishment ofthe thedualmeaning Thethirdchangeseemsartificial, andeliminates fromthelanguageoftheoaththatR. Zadok verse.Perhapsonemayinfer butbecauseof to thesagesabouthisencounter and hisresponse; reported branof andchangesitis notclearwhenhesawherpicking theelaborations ofthefather andwhyhedidnotreadtheverseinthepresence barleygrains, Whatever the case, theverseutteredis an unequivocal and daughter.29 ofa womanwhohastransgressed. ofpunishment expression in thegroupA stories(thosediscussedabove)give 3.6 The differences risetothefollowing conclusions: and at anyeventitis the a. TheTos. versionseemsto be theearliest,3" The version from a literary standpoint. waytimeishandledimparts superior of createdbytheintegration totheverse,whichis actually a doublemeaning fromotherrabbinic differs the verseintothe story.This interpretation oftheverseinfourways:(1) theverseis uttered bya sageandnota exegesis 29. WilliamBraude(PesiktaRabbati[New Yorkand London, 1968])translatestheverseas follows:"If thou are not known,O thou fairestamong women,it is because thou followest upon,etc." (p. 589), and in n. 15 he citestheacceptedtranslation.Braude'stranslationis based on R. Zadok's questionto thefather-"Who is thisyoungwoman withyou?-(the sectionis missingfromtheprintedtextsand is presentin the Parma MS), but in the Hebrewsourcethe as a footnoteand to citethe to bringtheinterpretation verseis citedliterally.I feelit preferable originalin the text,ratherthan vice versa. 30. Compare withFinkelstein'sopinion,above, and n. 8.

THE STORY AS HERMENEUTIC DEVICE

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biblical figure(Moses) or the Almighty;(2) the separationbetweenit and theprecedingversealtersitsoriginalcharacteras a responseto an address;3' (3) it applies neitherto the biblicalpast norto an undefinedperiod,butto the recentpast, whose pain still rankleseven when the woman's fate is forhersin;(4) onlyin thestorydoes thephrase"O explainedas retribution fairestamong women" apply to the woman, and unlikein the allegorical the shepherdessfigurefromtheSong ofSongs as a exegeseswhichidentify symbolof her people,32herethe actual woman is seen as a symbolof the realityin lightof Scrippeople of Israel; the sages' traditionofinterpreting in thelaconicformulation. tureand viceversa33is cogentlymanifested and alterationin the P.T. version,it b. Despite the textualdifficulties this Lam. versionand R. are the closestto the Tos., and the appears that threeversionsmaybe seen as parallelsof thesame source,withcertaineditorialchanges. c. The editorofthesugyain theB.T. had a quiteancienttradition(from to determine Rav), whichevidentlyoriginatedin Palestine.It is difficult whetherthistraditionin its originalformcontainedtwo partsto thestory, or whethereach partwas recountedseparately.Whateverthecase, theeditorof thesugyaunderstoodPart A as an independentunit,and his perception of the daughterof Nakdimon's conductdifferedfromthe perception thecontriapparentin all thePalestinianversions.The B.T. versionreflects butionoftheeditingto thestory'smeaning(see 4.2). d. Despitetheblatantchangesin thePes. R. versionitreflects thePalestiniantradition,not the Babylonian.The elaborate,detailed,explanatory, testifiesto a relativelylate reworkingof earlierrabunequivocalstructure binicsources.34 4.1 an ass,andhis (a) It oncehappenedthatR. YohananbenZakkaiwasriding followed him, disciples 31. This separationexistsin a numberof exegeses;see above n. 6. is commonin the Middle Ages as well,but I refrainfromexpand32. The interpretation ing upon the issue here. 33. Compare JonahFraenkel'sconclusionin his article,"Bible Versesquoted in Tales of the Sages" in JosephHeinemannand Dov Noy, eds., Studiesin Aggadahand Folk-Literature (Jerusalem,1971), p. 99. 34. For a similarconclusionon the genre of the exegeticalstory,see my article:"Hasippurha-dareshanibe-midrashqadum u-me'ubar,"Sinai 86 (1980): 246-66.

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thefeetofArabcattle. (b) Andhesawa girlpicking barley grainsbeneath herself withherhair, (c) SinceshesawR. YohananbenZakkai,shewrapped andstoodbefore himandsaidtohim:Rabbi,feedme. areyou? (d) He saidtoher:Whosedaughter ofNakdimon benGurion. (e) Shesaidtohim:I amthedaughter whenyousignedmyketubbah? (f) Shesaidtohim:Rabbi,do youremember (g) R. YohananbenZakkaisaidtohisdisciples: (h) I signedherketubbah. (i) And I read thereina milliondenariiof gold fromherfather-in-law's house, (j) And her father'shouseholddid not enterto worshipin the Temple unlessfinewoolenclotheswerelaidundertheirfeet;theyentered, bowedand returned totheirhomesinjoy.35 text,and (k) Andall mylifeI havelookedfor[themeaning of]thisscriptural I have foundit.36

Go thywayforth (1) "Ifthouknownot,O thoufairest amongwomen, bythe oftheflock, Andfeedthykidsbesidetheshepherds' tents." footsteps (m) Do notreadthykids,butthybodies, IsraeldoesthewilloftheOmnipresent no nationor king(n) For whenever hasanypoweroverit, dom37 itinto He delivers (o) Andwhenitdoesnotdo thewilloftheOmnipresent thehandsofa lowpeople, thefeetofcattle (p) Andnotonlyintothehandsofa lowpeople,butbeneath ofa lowpeople. 6124-1 nup??z nnnnz nMN nx-(2) nrnnw , .t,,n 5tn n7 Inv,*nn.1 I flnKIM1V m 1'x 731M , :1lV7 nX ' (1) ,,t T T' ,nl'n .,2o21,,un nnK III:n' ni :;* (-T) n" ?n1,? ?Tfln ,"' :1 flZ nnnn1l=I ,rflK-11Yt

,IV

K (1)

j Vn y3 v1 ,~ mK, 'fltnn '.n,,m(tK) -Y win,n"?nn, ,~?V 17 nnnnT~m v.* K17 ,7D "-1-nIIannmn* tro=::Irmn nm,'n,: 7ma(,) 741D0 "rwt

ally jI) yZI (Xi) 361,)n~l ~~?D

35,,"ntirvi wrm:

t'rITIm

0VIDI gll'1ml ,,"'o=

7

35. There is also a version:"and her fatherwould not enter,etc."-all in the singular. 36. Thereis onlyone version:"I have not found[itsmeaning]untilnow"-and thisseems likelyto me. 37. In most MSS, "and the language,"and thisis how it should be.

THE STORY AS HERMENEUTIC DEVICE

245

w ?3K D ilpr tz13 IV ylun ?vvP mnfln nthiwfl n?31 51v'

I3t?v (-r)

mXK ,r irnx-Ti nX (tnm) nmn Deut. 305,ed.Finkelstein, (Sifre p.325).

.riDWvnwT 3VK IvIfX12

ThestoryappearsintheSifreafterMoses'wordstoJoshua:"Thepeople toyouarestillkids,arestillbabies,do notbe strict with thatI amdelivering etc.,"andhesays,"WhenIsraelwasa child,thenI lovedhim"(Hosea them, is added:"andso hesays'and editionthefollowing 11:1).In theFriedmann Even feedthykidsby theshepherds' thoughtheverseis missing tents.'" is it because oftheversethatthe fromtheFinkelstein edition, apparently is in the included the but connection between of thecontents story passage, is quiteloose. thepassageandthestory ThefactthattheSifrestoryis longerthanthoseofgroupAstandsoutat first theduration ofnarrative timeand time,thenarrated glance,butdespite timearenearly andtheentire onepart38 narrative identical, storyis actually whichrelatestheencounter betweenR. YohananbenZakkai(henceforth: of Nakdimon, whichoccurred R. Yohanan)and thedaughter sometime Thusthecomplexandintriguing aftertheDestruction. timestructure ofthe A is in Sifre version. stories the missing group Thestoryopenswitha harmonious ofR. Yohananriding an description is disrupted ass withhisdisciplesbehindhim(a), and theharmony the by thatR. Yohanan sightofthegirl(b). Fromtheword"Arab"onemayinfer couldtellthatthegirlwasJewish butcouldnotspecifically her.By identify identified thegirlimmediately contrast, him,buttriedto concealherown andaskedforsomething to eat(c). Bothhercovering herfacewith identity herhair-shehadnothing else-and herrequestforfoodaddto herdegradation.At thesightofthegirl'sshocking becauseof and,perhaps, poverty herattemptto concealherface,R. Yohananasks heridentity (d). Her hisshock,whichis expressed his answer(e) heightens by silence;thenarrator'srepetition of"shesaidtohim"indicates thatwhenR. Yohananhears herfather's namehe saysnothing. It is doubtful whether thegirlat this senseswhatR. Yohananfeels,or whathissilenceimplies. pointcorrectly Herattempt himthathesignedherketubbah to remind (f)standsincontrast 38. The divisioninto unitsis intendedto shortenthe discussionand the comparison.

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to concealheridentity to herearlierattempt (b) andshowshissilencetobe dueeitherto hisnotremembering or to hisincredulity His at hersituation. addressto thedisciples(g) revealsthathe remembers notonlysigning the but even the and the amount ketubbah (h), large (i) specified happy,opulent household sceneheis witnessing waysofherfather's (j)-but themiserable anditsaftermath. Thefate conjuresup theterrible painoftheDestruction classbecomesa symbolforhimofthefateof ofthedaughter ofthewealthy thatIsrael'sfate hispeople.The painandsorrowstemfromhisawareness was not broughtabout becauseof the Gentilenations'poweror the resultofthepeople's butrather wasan inevitable Almighty's capriciousness, conduct. from thememory ofthegirl'srecent R. Yohananshifts pastto anexpreswiththewords:"Andall mylifeI havelooked sionofpainforthepresent text"(k) (see n. 36). Without for[themeaning of]thisscriptural negating therhetorical thesimplemeaningoftheverseor possibleinterpretations, theroleofthesceneas bothan incentive to understanding phrasestresses thedeepestmeaningof theverseand also theclosemutualrelationship betweenit and reality.The meaningderivedfromthe verse(1) and its at lengthat theconclusion ofthestory(n-p).R. exegesis(m) is interpreted thefateofthenationas punishment forsin.However, Yohananinterprets thereis no mention sincommitted the of a particular by girl,buta very if do not thewillofthe statement Israel; they general concerning perform "theirfateis in thehandsofa lowpeople."The first Almighty partofthe a is applied thou know not"-has dual whichever it meaning, verse--"if of thefateof thegirl:(1) if to-the girlor thenation;as an expression beforeyoudidnotknowwhatlayinstoreforyou,nowthatyouarebythe oftheflock,youknow:(2) ifitis no longerpossibleto recognize footsteps As an expression this is becauseyouarebythefootsteps oftheflock.39 you, thesignificance of ofthefateofthenation:(1) ifyoudidnotunderstand will of the "whenever Israel does the know that Omnipresent, yourfate, etc.";(2) ifyoudidnotknowhowtodo thewilloftheOmnipresent, yougo The conclusion out and feedyourbodiesat thehandsof a low people.40 39. FollowingBraude's translation,n. 29, whichI feelis appropriatehere also. with Rashi, s.v. "im lo ted'i," B.T. Ket. 67a. 40. Compare the second interpretation (Tel Regardingthe Arabs, see ElimelechEpstein-Halevi,Ha'aggadah-ha-hislorit-biyyografit Aviv, 1975),pp. 257-58. Althoughit is reasonablethatthechoiceofArabsechoesa historical fact(in Halevi's opinion), it would not be far wrong to suppose the play on words ,'Ya (shepherds)~y (Arabs) had some influence.

247

THE STORY AS HERMENEUTIC DEVICE

thefeet ofcattle "beneath ofa lowpeople"smoothly bothinform connects,

andcontent, theopening (b) totheverseanditsexegesis. picture

4.2 In thefirst fivesegments oftheB.T.version III. B), thereare (Appendix

three minor variations inaddition toseveral variamajorones.Theminor tionsare:(1) in(a) theword"ass"isfollowed Jeruby"andhewasleaving andinstead of salem";(2) in(b) thewords"whowas"precede "picking" "feet" comes"dung";(3)in(c)instead of"R. Yohanan" itjustsays"him."

Themajorvariations areas follows: after the she ofNakdimonbenGurion(e) the (1) girlsays is thedaughter is added: following He saidto her:Mydaughter, thewealthofyourfather's house,wherehasit

nota proverb current inJerusalem, Thesaltof gone?Shesaidtohim:Is there

and otherssaybenevolence. And(thewealth)ofyour moneyis diminution, father-in-law's house,whereis it? She said to him:The one came and theother. destroyed

? ?W 7137 7ID :*InxN ?NX,7n n*3,,,'I'9, X?nna 7,nn X,x2 :*-92.1,92M n,9 71nn :n*"x nx ",7nxiit n'rnx?xvn 7,n "]9nn n,='l?u xn,1 on .-t

.-on.

,

Theelimination ofR. Yohanan'ssilencemodifies theinitialreaction tothe and in place of these sightand delaysthesurgeof thoughts, depressing comesa queryas tothedisappearance ofherfather's greatwealth.Herreply is indirect, butunequivocal: thewealthwaslostbecauseherfather didnot She the loss of her father-in-law's wealth42 as a result givecharity.41 explains

ofcooperation between thetwowealthy families.

Silencereignsafterthis,butit is different fromthesilencein theSifre version.Herethesorrowful relatesnotonlytothegirl,butalsoto thought 41. Rashi interprets theproverb(s.v. "melah mamonbeser") thus:"Whoeverwantsto salt his wealth-that is to preserveit-will regularlydepleteit forcharity,and thisdepletionis the wealth'scontinuedexistence.And otherssay 'benevolence'(Ton):he shallpracticebenevolence fromit,and herfather'shouseholddid notpracticecharityproperly, and itswealthdissipated." See also Samuel Edels, s.v. "melab mamonheser" and the commentary 'Anaf Yosef(in 'Ein Ya'aqov),s.v. "'amerah lo, rabbi,la ke-dein,"Halevi, ibid.,p. 258, writes:"The proverb,'the salt of moneyis missingshouldbe understoodat facevalue: moneyhas no salt whichcan preserve it for a long time." Accordingto his interpretation, the daughterdoes not blame her fatherfortheloss ofthemoney,but thediscussion(AppendixIII. C) makestheinterpretation oftherishonim seemmoreacceptable. 42. Her father-in-law's identityhas not been preservedin rabbinicsources,but see Tos. Kif.,p. 270.

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thenation'swealthy whobrought abouttheirowndestruction. her Similarly which breaks the cannot be as a to know desire silence, question, interpreted iftherabbiremembers as an additional toarousehis her,butrather attempt for her sympathy plight.43 (2) R. Yohanan'sresponsedoes not include(j-m)-the customsof her father's R. Yohananonlymentions house,theverseanditsinterpretation. thesumin theketubbah, "a milliondenariiofgoldfromherfather's house asidefrom[thatof]herfather-in-law's house"(in contrast to thefarlesser summentioned in theSifre[ij), afterwhich"R. Yohananweptand said: whentheydo thewilloftheOmnipresent, are Israel etc."(the Happy you restis as intheSifre[n-p]). The B.T. narrator, who has thegirlaccusethefatherof notgiving andherwords, centers R. Yohanan'sreaction on thegirl'ssituation charity, without themediation oftheverse.Theopening orcontribution "Happyare to theatmosphere or to theverb you Israel"at firstseemsinappropriate motif ofhisinitialwords.44 "wept,"butitdoesfitinwiththeoptimistic buttheaspect In theB.T.as intheSifre, thegirl'sconductis notatfault, it is the ofher ofpersonalpunishment for conduct appears-eventhough do This is who did not the will. followed father, byquesAlmighty's passage behavior:"Did notNakdimonbenGurionpractionsaboutNadkimon's A baraitawhichseemingly ticecharity?" contradicts thisis cited:"Surelyit wastaught: It wassaidofNakdimon benGurionthatwhenhewalkedfrom hisfeet hishouseto thehouseofstudy, woolenclotheswerespreadbeneath thathe behindhimandrolledthemup,"45meaning and thepoorfollowed aregiven:"If youwishI might didpractice Buttwoanswers charity. reply: I might He Andifyouprefer He diditforhisownglorification. reply: did Nakdimonin his not act as he shouldhave." Eitheranswerimplicates daughter's plight.(His conductin lightof theaccountis discussedin the III. C). sugya,Appendix True,in theSifreas well,thewoman'sandthenation'sfateareseenin ofrewardandpunishment, butwhilethegirl'sspecific theframework puncan fitthe Sifreversionalso, because the narratorin 43. Even thoughthisinterpretation in findinga solutionfortheplightof thegirl,itseemspreferthetwo versionsis notinterested hereonly.Here,notonlyis theformer able to use thisinterpretation untenable, interpretation about her but perhapsthe daughterof Nakdimonis afraidthatR. Yohanan has reservations because of her father'sbehavior. 44. See Samuel Edels's interpretation, s.v. "'ashrekha": "He said happy art thou in situationsare to Israel's advantage,etc." both cases because in truthboth contradictory 45. The passage,witha fewvariations,is foundin theSifreas partofR. Yohanan's words.

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is partofthestory,hersincan onlybe inferred fromthegeneral ishment axiomthat"whenIsraeldoes notdo thewilloftheOmnipresent. . . ." By is in the in the B.T. the and contrast, story, even transgressionspecified is it attributed to the it moves the closer inspirittothe father, story though stories ofgroupA. on Nakdimon'sconductcomesthe Indeed,at theendofthediscussion baraita:"R. Eleazarb. R. Zadoksaid:MayI beholdtheConsolafollowing "Do notread"(Appendix III. D). Even tion,etc."alongwiththeexegesis, unit,theoath and the thoughthebaraitais broughtas an independent words"I saw her"-withoutspecification of whom-showR. Eleazar's wordsto be partofa context a female andin lightofthe involving figure, at hand and is the in other it reasonable thatthe texts, only subject parallels is to thedaughter reference ofNakdimon.Thequestionis,inwhatcontext did R. Eleazarsay whathe did, accordingto theBabyloniantradition? Whether thelatterbaraitawas citedat a certainstageas a reactionto the first itcameina different whichwedo context, storyintheB.T.,orwhether nothave,theeditorofthediscussion at handchosetorender itas a reaction to thesecondstory, itsforcefulness, fortworeasons:(1) thereby mitigating theslightalterations inthepicture ofthegirlinthesecondstoryandin R. Eleazar'swords46 do not compensate forthe actualrepetition; (2) even the of verse comes as an in relation to R. innovation though Song Songs Yohanan'swords,its positionafterthesewordsemphasizes thedifferent rhetorical oftheidea behindR. Yohanan'swordsmorethanit structuring doestheoriginality oftheresponse. twoquestions arise:(1) why Therefore, was thebaraitabrought at all and (2) whywasitplacedhereandnotafter thefirst As forthefirst itmaybe a caseofpreserving tradistory? question, tionforitsownsake,butitseemstomethatthebaraitaaddedtothediscussiontwothingsthattheeditordid notwantto relinquish: (1) R. Eleazar's the double of his words as well as theelement testimony preserves meaning ofunderstanding thenatureofthesinwhichbrought aboutthepunishment thebaraita,thediscussion wouldnotecho (comparewith3.1); (2) without theconceptof theBible'sinterpreting realityand viceversa-and so the matter transcends thequestionoftheverse'scontribution to thestory.As forthesecondquestion, thebaraita'scomingafter thefirst wouldhave story 46. This is also the reason why it is doubtfulthat in the originalcontextR. Eleazar respondedto the second storyin the B.T., even thoughfroma chronologicalstandpointit is possibleforR. Eleazar to have respondedto a storyabout R. Yohanan.

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led to an interpretation ofthegirl'sfateas a consequence ofherconduct alone.Thiscontradicts thespiritofboththefirststorywithitsmoderate criticism ofthedaughter ofNakdimon, andthesecondstory, whicharouses towardthegirl.Comingafterbothstories, thebaraitaallowsusto empathy viewthemas complementary. The samerichdaughter whosneeredat 400 denariiofgoldforperfumery, thegirlwhosefather didnotpractice charity, wastheonewhopickedgrainafter theDestruction andtowhomR. Eleazar ofmoneyvis-a-vis thepowerofdoing appliedtheverse.Theworthlessness theOmnipotent's willfinds here. cogentexpression 4.3 The ARNversion(AppendixV) openswiththesentence:"One time RabbiYohananbenZakkaiwaswalking inthemarket place."Insteadof(c) and(d) comesthesection: He saidtoher:Mydaughter, whoareyou?Shekeptsilent. Againhesaidto her:Mydaughter, whoareyou?Shekeptsilent. Shesaidtohim:Waitforme. herself with herhairandsatdownbefore him.Shesaidtohim: Shewrapped ofNakdimon benGurion. Rabbi,I amthedaughter R. Yohanan'spleasto thegirlforanswers, refusals andher herrepeated all serveto not requesting, "Rabbi, feedme" whileidentifying herself, delineatethegirl'sshame,alongsideherattempt to preserve someof her honordespiteherdegradation. As in theB.T. version, R. Yohananat this ofthemoney.Thegirlgivesthesame pointqueriesheron thewhereabouts as the B.T. and in uponhearingthem,R. Yohananaddresseshis replies first for the timehere)andsays: (mentioned disciples "Ifthouknownot,O thoufairest AllmylifeI havereadthisScriptural text, Go the oftheflock, etc."andnot forth women, thyway among by footsteps I whatwas is Till and learnt learnt what came written, [themeaning of] today ofpeoples, to thelowest andnot thatIsraelhasbeensurrendered written, buttotheir cattle toa lowpeople, dung. merely buttheelimination Thepassageparallels(k),(1),(o) and(p) intheSifre, oftheoptimistic motif ofthereward(n) foundintheSifreandB.T.,andthe elucidate thesin additionofthesectioninwhichthegirlaccusesherfather, and bolsterthe aspectof punishment (as comparedto the B.T.). Even as in in(k) detracts, theversecanbe interpreted thoughtheexcessverbiage ifthephrase"ifthouknownot"appliesto theSifre-except foronething: deeds-unlike herknowing thegirl,thiswouldcontradict aboutherfather's

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her.Themoreobviousmeaning R. Yohanan,whohearsofthesedeedsfrom is theoneconcerning thefateofthepeople,andthe ofthephrase,therefore, is overshadowed. morepersonalized meaning UntilthispointtheARNversionseemsto followa naturaldevelopment Theremark about theSifreandtheB.T. versions. and seemsto liebetween verse with the of the of the combines discovered meaning perception having of is the sum the of not practicing and the sinfulness ketubbah charity, of the sum and that of the of her the matter customs However, ignored. household father's followtherabbi's ([f],[h],[i] and [j] intheSifreversion) is introduced withtheword"again")andupsetthestrucwords(theportion an oratorical tureofthestory.Afterreaching climax,whyshouldR. Yohawealth?The powerofthesections intheSifre nanreminisce aboutformer thecontrast between thegirl's and B.T. on thepastliesintheirheightening situations. In ARN, thereference to thepastis grafted current and former ontotheendofthestory. superfluously ofthegroupBastories as follows: 4.4 Ourdiscussion maybe summarized whichtestify to theirstemming containnineelements a. The threeversions thecorrespondence fromthe same source:the namesof thecharacters; and narrative ofdisciples between narrated to whomR. time;thepresence of thegirlpickinggrain Yohananaddresseshis response;theportrayal withherhair;her herself beneaththe feetof Arab cattle;herwrapping withR. Yohanan;thesumof theketubbah and conversation encounter whichR. Yohanansigned;R. Yohanan'sseeingtherichgirl'sfallfrom as a symboloftheDestruction; andtheinterpretation of former greatness thegirl'sandthenation'sfatealonglinesofrewardandpunishment despite thegirl'sinnocence. b. All nineofthecommonelements determine themeaning oftheSifreveron boththenationalandindisionandendowtheversewithdualmeaning vidualplanes.TheSifreversion, to a particular sin,is lackinganyreference of thethreefromthegroupA storiesand appearsto be the thefurthest earliest version inthisgroup. c. Presenting thefirststoryin theB.T. as thatofR. Judahin thenameof Ray whilethesecondstoryis brought as a baraita("therabbistaught"), reinforces theassumption thattwodifferent the traditions existed regarding ofNakdimon.However, itis difficult todecidewhether daughter presenting R. Eleazar'swordsas a baraitawas a separatetradition or whether they wereseparatedfromthefirststoryforeditorialpurposes.Whatever the is clearly feltinthecarefully out of the case,theediting thought assemblage

252

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elementsofthediscussionand in theshapingofthestoriesthemselves. Only in the B.T. does the versecome as a responseto both of the storiestaken together-and despiteits separationfromthem,it gains special,impressive in lightof both the stories.Therefore,I see thechangeswhich significance the editor's(editors'?) accrue in the B.T. vis-a-visthe Sifreas reflecting viewpointand notARN'sinfluence(see also conclusiond). d. Thereare two possibleconclusionsconcerningtheARNversion,theleast accomplishedversionfroma literary standpoint:(1) it is theearliestversion in the group and servedas the model for the Sifre,whicheliminatedthe girl's silenceand the accusationof her fatherand incorporatedlinguistic, and editorialchanges-and also fortheB.T., whichincludedother stylistic changes: this possibilityis supportedby the widespreadassumptionthat ARNwas compiledin a relativelyearlyperiod;47(2) thisis thelatestversion in thegroupand is based on theB.T. versionand thetraditionin theSifre. fromthe My own inclinationtowardthesecondpossibilitystemsprimarily additionof the section:"Is therenot a proverbcurrent.. . ." The appearance of Aramaic in the middleof a Hebrewtannaitictext(the storyin the B.T. is broughtas a baraita) testifiesto a later reworkingof an earlier becauseofthe ofthestoryis understandable source.In theB.T. thestructure in the ARN, But as a whole. fits into the context of the the story sugya way wherethecontextis similarto thatoftheSifre(and liketheSifretheconnection betweenstoryand contextis loose)-there is no explanationforthe addition of the section and it seems that its appearance is due to the the excessverbiagein (k), thetransferinfluenceof the B.T. Furthermore, and thereducedcorresponence of the encounterlocationto themarket48 dence betweenthe variouspartsof the verseand the image of thegirlall savorofthecharacteroflaterrabbinictexts. as derivedfromthe e. In bothARNand theB.T. themeaningofpunishment with but in thecitingof R. the is related to the father's verse B.T., sin; only Eleazar's words,are thetwo meaningsof theearlyPalestiniansourcespreserved. 5.

OnceR. Yohananb. Zakkaiwasgoingup to EmmausinJudeaandhe sawa of a horse.Said R. out of theexcrement girlwhowas pickingbarley-corn

47. See Finkelstein,above n. 8. 48. Pickinggrainunderthefeetof cattleis moreprobableoutsidethecity.Yet it is interlate midrash,the encounteris also in the estingthatin the Pes. R., undoubtedlya relatively market.

THE STORY AS HERMENEUTIC DEVICE

253

Whatis thisgirl?Theysaidto him:Sheis Yohananb. Zakkaito hisdisciples: To anArabhorseman, a Jewish the girl.Andto whomdoesthishorsebelong? answered him.ThensaidR. Yohananb. Zakkaito hisdisciples: All disciples thisverseandI havenotrealizeditsfullmeaning: mylifeI havebeenreading "If thouknownot,O thoufairest amongwomen,etc." tothe to be subjectto God,beholdnowyouaresubjected Youwereunwilling mostinferior of thenations,theArabs, to pay thehead-taxto God "a beqa' a head" (Exod. You wereunwilling offifteen shekelsundera govern38:26),nowyouarepayinga head-tax mentof yourenemies. to repairtheroadsandstreets You wereunwilling leadingup to theTemple; nowyouhaveto keepinrepairthepostsandstations on theroadtothe cities. royal -rm-r9 ? Dfx w pT7:7m'I ,* nnn ,,yrnv n-,2 n ,vnnx ,rnI-1 ,I "9-,

1,ed. Lauterbach, (Mekhilta,Ba-hIodesh 193-94;ed. Horowitz-Rabin, p. 203) The elementswhichtheMek. and groupB versionshave in commonare thetimestructure, disciples andSifre thesightof the girlpickR. Yohanan, asthe in the ARNand versions,R. Yohanan ingbarleygrain.Furthermore, discoversthe truemeaningof the Song verseon seeingthegirl.However, thereare nine significant differences: in the Mek. is the locationEmmausin Judea.Emmaus's location (a) Only betweenJerusalemand Yavnehis appropriatefora storyabout R. Yohanan afterthe year 70. of (b) The girlis pickingbarleygrainout of horsedung. The substitution dungforfeet(thechangeis also foundin theB.T.) emphasizesthedegradation. (c) R. Yohanan questionsthe disciplesabout the girl's nationality,either because he could nottellforsureor because he wantedto directtheirattention to the shockingsight;at any rate,the girlis neitherthe daughterof Nakdimonnor a daughterof a richhousehold;she has no specificidentity.

254

OFRAMEIR

Althoughthe word "girl" (n,'n) is not usuallyappropriatefora married woman, here it is appropriate. (d) The prominenceofthecontrastbetween"she is a Jewishgirl"(wnnnsv) and "to an Arab horseman"(in on a play on words,which s~i) hinges reflectsthe degradationof being subjugatedto an Arab, of all people.49 (e) There is no discoursewhatsoeverbetweenthe girl and R. Yohanan. Even thoughthe details of the discoursein the group B storiesdramatize theappallingfallfromaffluence, thegirlwho turnsto R. Yohanan forhelp findsno salvation.In the Mek. the problemdoes not arise at all. (f) A Jewishgirl-anonymous and unlinked to any particularsocioeconomicclass-serving as a symbolofthenationis a powerfulimage.The resultsof the Destructiontranscendthe loss of money. (g) The versegains added significance throughthe threefoldrepetitionof sins which Israel's and punishment, ties in well withthe Destructionand the loss of politicalindependence.50 (h) The threedirectaddressesto the disciples,introducedby "You were unwilling,"dull thepain and converttheverseintoan unequivocalcastigationof thenationin itscurrentsituation,withoutexpressingtheoptimistic note of "wheneverthe people do the will of the Omnipresent." (i) Even thoughin the Mek. as well it is the spectacleof the girl which evokesthetruemeaningof theverse,R. Yohanan does not applytheverse to her (unlike R. Eleazar), and unlikethe group B versions,R. Yohanan does not speak to her. The dual meaningis dramaticallyaltered:"If thou know not,thoufairestamongwomen"is applied to thenation-which not only knew, but refused-and "go thyway forth,etc." is the inexorable punishmentof national subjugation. It should be noted that the spiritof the storyfitsthe structureof the exegesisof whichthestoryis a part.The questionof reckoningtime,which derivesfromtheverse,"In thethirdmonthsincethechildrenofIsraelwent 49. Compare withHalevi, above n. 40. 4 [1953]: 50. E. E. Urbach ("Ha-Yehudim be-'argambi-tequfatha-tanna'im,"Bebhinot 70), writes:"unbiasedinspectionof thisstoryshowsthattheentireissue of 'you did notwant, thespectacle,read out onlytheverse'if etc.' is a lateraddition.R. Yohanan,upon witnessing thou knownot,O thou fairestamongwomen,go thyway forthby the footstepsof the flock.' The personwho adds thisdrawstheconclusionfromthestory,and thisadditionis absentin all theparallelsources,etc.The additionshouldbe ascribedto thetimeofitsbeingincludedin thecompilation."In myopinion,thewholestoryin theMek. is theresultof editing.We have no reliableway of examiningthe historyof the storybeforethe editing,and rabbinicstories reflectthe compilers'standpointsmore than theydo the realityof the periods narrated.

THE STORY AS HERMENEUTIC DEVICE

255

forthout of theland of Egypt"(Exod. 29.1) is, in theexegesis,builtaround fourcentralevents:the exodus fromEgypt,thebuildingoftheTemple,the Destructionand the subjugationto others.The Destructionand subjugation are explainedas directresultsof therefusalofthechildrenof Israelto complywithGod's will. "They did not wantto make appointmentsforits so theywillappointforitsdestruction, construction, etc.,theydid notwant to make appointmentsforthemselves,theywill appoint forothers,etc."; the Song of Songs verseand two versesfromthe tokhabahchapter(Deut. Alreadyin thisintro28:47-48) are citedas supportforthisinterpretation. ductiontheversefromtheSong ofSongs is directlyappliedto thepeople of Israel,and togetherwiththeversesfromDeuteronomy,ittakes on a severe implication:the nation whichdid not do the will of its God receivedthe punishmentof subjugationand famine.As a matterof fact,even following the story,the harshlanguage persistsin the exegesisof the Deuteronomy verse. What is the connectionbetweenthe Mekhiltaversionand the others? is enshrouded The historyof rabbinictraditionsbeforetheirtranscription whichmay neverbe dispelled.Therefore, it makes most in an uncertainty sense to viewthe Mekhiltaversionas a thirdversion,independentof either the group A or B versions-and to refrainfromattempting to fixits date. Even so, one particularcommentmade in Wacholder'sthought-provoking articleon the date of the Mekhilta5'deservesa response.In n. 38, (pp. 127-28) he writesthe followingabout our story: [It] seemsto followAvotde-RabbiNathanXVII, p. 33a [a posttalmudic thanB. Ketubot66b-67a;or Sifre,Deut.305;or Tos.ibid,V source]rather 10,p. 267;orP. ibidV,end,p. 30c.ForonlyAvotde-RabbiNathan,andafter it theMekhilta, thestoryto YohananbenZakkai;theTalmudic attributes sourcesand theToseftacitehereSimeonben Eleazar. I assume that the last line is a printingerror,forthe storyis in fact attributed to R. Eleazar b. R. Zadok. However,evenafterthecorrectionthe note is not precise.As we have seen,thename R. Yohanan appears in four versions(includingthe B.T. version),while the name R. Eleazar b. R. Zadok occurs in threePalestinianversionsand in the B.T. baraita which followsthetwo stories.WacholderbelievestheARNis a latersourceand, by 51. Ben Zion Wacholder,"The Date of the Mekhiltade Rabbi Ishmael,"Hebrew Union College Annual39 (1968): 117-44.

256

OFRAMEIR

tracingthe Mek. versionto ARN,he supportshis overall thesisthat the Mek. is a later source. Wacholder'sstatementthat the Mek. "had a real author"(p. 142) can explainits superbliterarysenseand styleand itsjudiof otherlate compilations),but it cious brevity(qualities uncharacteristic does not explainthe essentialelementsof contentwhichhave no parallels in othersourcesand whichtestify to the Mek.'s beingan originalversion. between of R. for the Yohanan, thereis no real similarity presence Except the ARNand Mek. versions. meanIt is thusthattheSong of Songs verseis seen to take on different the ingsin lightof thevariationsin theversions-and that,simultaneously, meaningsof the versedeterminethenatureof theversions.By incorporating a verseinto a story,the sages could deriveadditionalmeaningfroma fromthe meaninggiven in other rabbinic sources and verse, different of the story. entirelydependenton the framework ofHebrewLiterature Department of University Haifa MountCarmel,Haifa31999 Israel

THE STORY AS HERMENEUTIC DEVICE

257

Appendices

A. It oncehappenedthatMiriam of Simeonben Gurion thedaughter was allottedbythesagesfivehundred denariiforherdailyperfume basket, and shewas butawaitingthelevir.

shecursedthemand said Nonetheless,

.A I no; 9,ne' p"'"j p' 'v inn avg,nri pow znwnn r1 nw~ Dn ,' a9' 13 12n

.~o' nviv K

OInn

p? mrnt n'~*

'p

K10

y qx

to them:May you give such to your own daughters. ~3nn rn= :otn5 n-inK1 .'nl5 R. Aha said: And we answeredher withAmen. 'i1 " .I? n~nn 13,3Y1 :KntK

B.

R. Eleazar ben R. Zadok said:

May I beholdtheConsolation ifI havenotseenherboundbyherhair to thetailof thehorsein Acre and I applied to her thisverse:

:ir1ns"

1 I -tS "Kx

.2

nx nmnm

r~n' 0a S rnyiwn ,rivi,~P ,ln=0o1o01 2= :fl on -'.1 '~)nija

"The tenderand delicatewomanamongyou,etc." "'* naru n1= (Deut. 28.56;P.T.Ket. Chap. 5, end)

i

n,,

II A.

It oncehappenedthatMiriamthedaughter of Nakdimonwas allottedbytheSages fivehundreddenariiof gold forher daily perfumebasket.

shestoodup and cursedthem Nevertheless, and said to them:May you allot such foryour own daughters.R. Aha said:

we answered Nevertheless herwithAmen.

B. R. Eleazarsaid: May I beholdtheConsolation ifI havenotseenher pickingbarleygrains beneathhorses'hoofsin Acre,

and I applied to her thisverse:

.K

5 inz ~on t=nwu i-p2o tn -n151 p0',j lt ,'n'TnKin n .z1 t5= r

v

1r

mv nritL5 oamn55 pin n rln9 popnID :tnr *nnzm x .1t=S113) Knx""'0

.7? ,,'1nn113 13M nx

.2 ''~~1n ,nna m? nn,$n tam ni~yw n pz nntv ,iz ovio rc annrtz i~l :mnip~lnnT ,S'K yE :tx

258

OFRAMEIR

"If thou know not, O thou fairest among women,go thyway forthby the footsteps of the flockand feedthykids" (Song. 1.8). Read not thykids but thybodies. (Lam. R. 1:16 ? 48)

m nv n'n )yn qmwn xm,, ,1 , 'xx pn n.1: ,-r7l , .(8 :x v"nt) "',n'na nx x inT x ,n .-qn1,,

III A. Rav Judahsaid in the name of Rav: It once happened thatthe daughterof Nakdimon b. Gurion was allottedby the Sages fourhundredcoins of gold forher perfumebasket forthatday. She said to them:May you allot such for your own daughters.And theyanswered her withAmen. B. The Rabbis taught: a) It once happened that R. Yohanan b. Zakkai was ridingthe ass, and was leavingJerusalem, and his disciplesfollowedhim. b) He saw a girl who was pickingbarleygrains in the dung of Arab cattle. c) Since she saw him, she wrappedherselfwithher hair and stood beforehim. She said to him: Rabbi, feedme. d) He said to her: My daughter,who are you? e) She said to him: I am the daughterof Nakdimon b. Gurion. *) He said to her: My daughter,' the wealthof your father'shouse, wherehas it gone? She said to him: Is therenot

1. Not in Sifre.

.x 3*1in ;rnv ;r nin=~ P 71-9ji7n2 1" o.r n -n yomD n r ixn m,'nim ;1 , v nwpl .311): o,~' ipon 1z :tDr nitx nniNx11 .niovn :.-1*in

.

:133

13n

pm' nti b (K -7212 ,t 72

ni Y1 ,711nn "n 'm y,rsn , .rnnx ,n ,nn 1;m ;ii nnxn'-7 (n nup n7~uyv.t ,p ;nnmi S? .v,'mr Inan , jT i~mix pn (i rnitm nyotmnoouym . .rn, n'rn -v :1~ .,'on ,'7 ntin 1inx(1 :i ?nx ,'nn : inx (n nn 7 3Pn pDa, .,'nn :n* x (* n 7x,' '? ~ pnn ?7?n n a :1 nT ,'pr ,,'

259

DEVICE THE STORYAS HERMENEUTIC

a proverbcurrentin Jerusalem Si' ~, x n 1',nn ion p~T nM The salt of moneyis diminution, on )nx and otherssay: benevolence. .ron m? n And [thewealth]of your father-in-law's house, 7,'n n, ?milp1 whereis it? , She said to him: The one came m Ka :1 ,7bN and destroyedthe other. .n; nx "I1, said to him: do remember She nx Rabbi, f) you 7i ,,'1 :1 n (I (1 my when you signedmy ketubbah? ?,nnin: nnnn J? 7ix (r : g) He said to his disciples: 7-,nmn h) I rememberthat I signedthe ketubbah nnnn y ,nnnnv ',ixn (n x wsi i) of this [woman] and I read therein "n, ,nmI ,rT (U a milliondenariiof gold fromher father'shouse :) n,', 'i7~'7t, n,' besides [that]fromher father-in-law's house.2 n ',~ y 1 '77 R. Yohanan b. Zakkai wept and said: 1j1)2 :1,x1 .,n72 "pm , Happy are you Israel .Kiv, cntU, j mrn'Iw 7 jl' n) When theydo the will of the Omnipresent, (7' I7,9 ? n o 7.x no nation or language TIV has any power over them, . imn nu1l o) and when theydo not do the will 7= (1u 7 a7n v 1Y1 ,~ 3v ,qv of the Omnipresenthe deliversthem ,;*!W-n 7'r'r pon ~ (tIu into the hands of a low people, -.o0 n 1 ,X',I p) and not only into -r' Mx the hands of a low people Ina'n but into the power of the cattle .no new of a low people. C. Did not Nakdimon b. Gurion practicecharity?Surelyit was taught: It was said of Nakdimon ben Gurion that when he walked fromhis house to the house of study, woolen clotheswere spread beneathhis feet and the poor followedbehindhim and rolled themup: If you wish I mightreply: He did it forhis own glorification. And if you preferI mightreply:He did not act as he should have, as people say: :'U. Accordingto the camel is the burden. D. It was taught:R. Eleazar the son of R. Zadok 2. Not in Sifre.

"x7pn~11 72 in-nsp1 1Sv)nI ,nlmm?~pr . p'n111 72 ,'j:~ y , m~ 7irn7n ~n , , innn j''yn '; n9n',-, m~' ,7?- to,9 p,' :K'~ n,'x!1,'7nn )n-r ,,n m S,:T7:),m nr:,,x ~1' K' ,1~n7T.712y0 r7?t, . ?n6, wa amr ,',in,ni

.7 '1 n ,v3,n

260

OFRA MEIR

said: May I behold the Consolation n na1nKIN:pIvM ' am if I have not seen her pickingbarleygrainsamong niv m'K1 -n , the horses' hoofsin Acre. Tn .1n: wo,o ', m,-t'rn nutip I applied to her this scripturaltext: :n; i ni'y' ,nwp "If thou know not 1~-')n Kx?x,, 0 thou fairestamong women, 0t,12 n;inI Go thyway forthby the footstepsof the flock .9n 1i , ,27Y2 and feedthykids" (Song 1:8). ".-?7~m12 nx ,Y ~x Read not thykids but thybodies. mi' n x .'-qniqu n 'i (B.T. Ket. 66b-67a)

IV m It once happenedthatMiriamthedaughterof in: at,- ntuia Nakdimon who was awaitingthe levircame to nivn minm,p',Tiqp innta,', * popl 21 R. Zadok, and she was allottedby him ,p-r' libra of silverforher m niph I?= w ni-iv twenty-five n" rn,perfumebasketsand two se'ah of wine for 79 nmqfnlt panmoit j,, $Da her disheseach Sabbath. She said to him: :1 nnN .n=lv n'v qi May you allot such foryour own daughters. "1 t1pown .,m 11yV And when the faminecame, her hair fellout Yn1;t1n= "IM ,=111 because of the famine,and R. Zadok saw her p-y 4=n1 ni;x,iwi=11nI nnr going about the marketwithher father. .,)=tn~in~ n-rm nn'nv (He said to him: Who is thisgirlwithyou?)3 (?In n~~1in~'1n ,?n :1' nx) He said: This is the veryMiriam whom you njpo!v,'n ;n ~'nn:-in allottedsuch and such forthe Sabbath .amns nx; Ip "1:"1 n -21 in X and she cursedyou. ,y 2-' :pili x m R. Zadok said: May [evil] come upon me nujp nmn,' 9 ,'no mrl w ' if I have not seen her pickingbran of i1nn ,nmix,i of in the ~Y :n n-I cattle, dung nip71 barleygrains tpl~n and I applied to her thisverse: n x im,, mIv qL non ,? ,w "If thou know not, O thou fairestamong women, ".jTIn,rY2 L ,' Go thyway forthby the footstepsof the flock" (Pes. R., Nabamu 140a) V a) One timeR. Yohanan benZakkai was walkingin the marketplace. 3. Accordingto MS Parma.

,',qni1: pnm

nninnx0m0(K U. j .i172

DEVICE THE STORYAS HERMENEUTIC

261

,nnx olno (n b) He saw a girl pickingbarleygrains Par, nupn ,W 1 v beneaththe feetof Arab cattle. nnnn .aP-9-9L In n , ma'n ?nx 'n , nn :n* ?3x o( d) He said to her: My daughter,who are you? *p -gi ,~pntg(* *) She keptsilent.Againhe said to her:4 4:iz ? vnx ,,,n My daughter,who are you? She kept .nonw silent.She said to him: Wait forme. Innn:1 nnnx .,q (i c) She wrappedherselfwithher hair and ir nn:o n n sat down beforehim, ,~3 winn ,'r :* nnxi (n e) and said to him: Rabbi, I am the daughter of Nakdimon ben Gurion. .'.x 1r p',n~ lp, w p3 ,,nn:1~in ( *) He said to her: My daughter,the ?in pno -rn n,wealthof your father'shouse, whereis it? x' :* She said to him: Is therenot a proverb 7,,,'i3 x nn ~ auiir currentin Jerusalem,The salt of money T' nMn l'1nn inx is diminution,and otherssay, benevolence. ,i"on .non ' He said to her: And (the wealth) n'~ v :1~ -i of your father-in-law's piD1'3n house, :1~ l whereis it? She said to him: Rabbi, ,1 the one came and destroyedthe other. nx n. "wx1Nm in e nlix(i g) ThereuponR. Yohanan ben Zakkai 7m'M7,X) 7~d1 " said to his disciples: : ,v-nb -q n9 (w k) All my lifeI have read this Scriptural K~iip ,mn ,np'm , ? ox,,(ntext, rn nv, "1 , ' 1) "If thou know not, 0 thou fairestamong women, ,"PyI g'n '1n , ,W ' Go thyway forthby the footstepsof the flock," x inr nn3,nn (w, rn 1i k) and not learnt(the meaningof) what is written, ,n'w, " till I came today and learntwhat was written, nvnwnn ,n-ri o) that Israel has been surrenderedto In ix'w, 1nvnnmv (ou the lowestof peoples, ,nm3n' ;w a o& ;nbxL p) and not merelyto a low people (to "Ln x O but to theircattledung. ,? .7nbnn, :1 zinx (1 f) Again she said to him: 1W nx 1nt,,=:1 Rabbi, do you rememberwhenyou ?nninny nnnnm signedmy ketubbah? *) He said to her: Yes. .7 :l "inx(* g) He said to his disciples: :,fnn in" (o By the Temple service, ,n u2n -x (n h) I signedthe ketubbahof thisgirl, ,xtn',-i v nnnn ?y mnann r ~ and it read a million of ?x denarii nn' i) gold rxr P' ~ 11m (U 4. NotinSifreorB.T.

262

OFRA MEIR

in Tyriandenarii. j) In the best days of the household of thisgirl's father. They did not go fromtheirhome to the Temple unlesswoolen

clotheswerelaid forthem.

(ARNa17)

.nS,,u,'

,

11' r2" ~af lM ,, m nn n)'2x 7, otron'n (, 7 n;i,'i , 7 Mtn=mt,03 fsrn ,j'pol "P 7,i~1 n"5

The Russian Pogroms in Hebrew Literature and the Subversion of the Martyrological Ideal Author(s): Alan Mintz Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 263-300 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486412 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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THE RUSSIAN POGROMS IN HEBREW LITERATURE AND THE SUBVERSION OF THE MARTYROLOGICAL IDEAL by ALAN MINTZ or accelerated The developments bythe triggered pogroms anti-Jewish of 1881-1882in Russiaforma panoramaofEastEuropean Jewish history at theend of thecentury: and mass Zionism,theBund,massemigration inresponding TheroleofHebrewliterature tothesepogroms pauperization. between 1903and1905issignificant as wellas tothelaterroundofviolence for tworeasons.In itsownsetting, Hebrewliterature is crucialto an analysis of theconsciousness of theperiodbecauseit represents theresponseof an of RussianJewry, segmentof theintelligentsia important namely,those whoassociatedthemselves withnationalrevivaland itsculturalmedium, Hebrew.Hebrewfictionand poetryon thepogromsare also significant whenstudiedin a vertical thatis,inrelationship to an evolved perspective, andelaboratesetoftraditions ofresponse tocatastrophe inHebrewsources fromtheBibleandmidrash thepiyyutim, andconsolachronicles, through tiontextsoftheMiddleAges.Hebrewwriting between1881and 1905both ofthattradition andrebelsagainstit,andinso doingreconstitutes partakes thetradition; anditis thatnewtradition whichmustbeconfronted, evaded, or subverted whenthe literary faces the more destructive imagination pogromsof theWorldWar I periodand latertheHolocaustitself. The situation ofHebrewliterature is characterized a bya splitbetween reversion to traditional modelsin timesofcrisisand an indictment ofthat 263

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reflex.The immediateand preponderantresponsein theworldof Hebrew letterswas traditional.Paradigmaticofthistendencyis the figureof Moses Leib Lilienblumand the famousdescriptionin his autobiographyof the crumblingof his faithin the Haskalah and the possibilityof JewishselfimprovementwithinRussian society as he witnessedthe outbreaksof violenceand his subsequentembraceof the Jewishnationalistcause.' The Hebrewpoetrywritersbypassedthe modernperiod and reachedinto the past in searchof modelsof discourseappropriateto thenewhistoricalconsciousness.The biblicaltraditionsoflamentationand consolationfilledthis need. As withthe prophets,the attitudetowardIsrael reverseditselfupon the destruction.From having been the object of didacticand ennobling Israel allegorizedsuddenlybecame the subjectof mercyand preachments, solicitude.The patternof thisliteratureof consolationis evidentin these lines froma well knownpoem of 1882 by JudahLoeb Gordon, the preeminentpoet of the Haskalah. Ruhamah? Whydo yousob,mysister Whyare youdowncast, whyis yourspiritagitated? it? havefallenuponyourhonorand profaned Becauseplunderers If thefisthas triumphed, thehandof theenemygrownmighty, Can theblamebe yours,mysisterRuhamah?2 Israel as a weepTherecould be no moretraditionalmovethanto personify ing,batteredwomanvictimizedbya brutalenemy.Ruhamah,an allusionto Hosea 2:3, means "the pitiedone"; the consolationthe poet offersis the assurancethatresponsibility lies not withherbut withthebloodthirstiness of the enemy.Later in the poem he offersfurther promiseof futurerelief, willcome in the whichforGordon,unlikemorenationalistcontemporaries, formof emigrationto America.The same highbiblical diction,the same extravagantpathos, and the same invectiveagainstthe oppressorare the basic mode forsuchotherwritersofpogrompoetryas M. M. Dolitzkyand JudahLeib Levin.An exemplaryfigureand theauthorofthemostpopular verseson the subjectwas Simon Frug,a russifiedJewishpoet who began writingin Russianbutafterthepogromsbecamea Yiddishpoet and Jewish 1. See my "Guenzburg, Lilienblum, and the Shape of Haskalah Autobiography," AJSreview4 (1979): 71-111. 2. "My SisterRuhamah" was firstpublishedin Migdanot,a supplementto Ha-meliS20

(1882).

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on Kishinev, as weshallseelateron, In thecase ofthepoetry nationalist.3 theresponsewasjust as traditional. was The distinctively biblicalmoldin whichthesubjectofthepogroms castwastheresultoftheconventions ofHaskalahpoetryanditslinguistic culture ofthe1880sand 1890s,itwastheMiddle ideals.In thewiderliterary that to the center ofconsciousness. werepushed ThegroundwaspreAges in Jewishhistoriography of themartyrological paredby therediscovery documents of the MiddleAges. Between1887and 1889HayyimJonah rabbiof Odessa,issueda vastcompendium of Gurland,thegovernment fromthemassacres annotated materials of 1648:chronicles, letpiyyutim, In 1892AdolfNeubauer,thereaderin Rabbinic ters,eulogies,prayers.4 Hebrewat Oxford,broughtout an editionof Hebrewhistoriographical and affecting chronicles fromthe texts,amongwhichwerethepowerful FirstCrusade,hitherto H. Graetz's massive which Geschichte, unpublished.5 functioned in Hebrewliterature likea greatnineteenth-century historical noveland spokeeloquently oftheepicofJewish was translated suffering, intoHebrewby S. P. Rabbinowitz between1890and 1899,6and in 1899 hiscritical editionofLamentations Rabbah.7The SolomonBuberpublished of as a Jewish movement toward hadnow history conception emancipation to accommodate theoldernotionoftherecurrent, victimization of periodic theJewsat thehandsof implacableenemies. The medievalization ofJewish wasnot consciousness, however, literary universal. The textsofthreemajorwriters oftheperiod-Abramowitsch, and Bialik-constitute an investigation and a subversion Tchernichowsky, ofthereversion to martyrological models.It is thisresponse to a response thatformsthesubjectofthispaper.The counterstatement is moresignificantforliterary thanthenormin thiscase becausethedissenting history textsarehighartwhilethemedievalizing textsarenot,andbecauseitwas thesewritings, which constituted thenormwhichinturn Bialik's, especially a greatimpactupontheresponse-orlackofit-to theHolocaust exercised in contemporary Hebrewliterature. 3. Israel Klausner,"The Pogromsin Russia at the Beginningof the 1880sin Poetryand Prose" [Hebrew],He-'Avar9 (1962): 7-15. 4. HayyimJonahGurland,Le-qorotha-gezerot'al yisra'el[Sourcesfor theHistoryof the Persecutionsof Israel] (Przemysl,1887-92). 5. AdolfNeubauer,ed., HebraischeBerichteiiberdieJudenverfolgungen wdhrend derKreuzziige (Berlin,1892). 6. Solomon Buber,MidraschEcha Rabbati (Vilna, 1899). 7. Divreiyemeiyisra'el,8 vols. (Warsaw, 1890-1902).

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thanthepoetry ofthelateHaskalah Byitsnatureitwastheproserather thatengagedtheactualities ofJewish life.The greatest ofthe prosewriter Shalom Jacob the name of his narrative Abramowitsch time, (knownby enterprise persona,MendeleMokherSeforim)had foundedhis fictional inthe ofthecentral institutions ofJewish critique society upona profound senPale: marriage as a commercial transaction, overpopulation, rampant as substitutes forpowerand politics,scholasticism sualismand verbality in class relations-in and ignoranceof thenaturalsciences,inhumanity short,his critiqueembracedthe entireHaskalahprogramforreform, in theinevitability of thoughwithnoneoftheHaskalah'sblitheconfidence in of Abramowitsch's reform. the time of the the contours 1881 By pogroms ofthemajor fictional worldwerealreadywelldefined andtheearlyversions workswerealreadywritten. To ask howAbramowitsch to the responded is is ask how a writer affected to formed then, bya fully major pogroms, Thisis not ofthereality aboutwhichhewrites. greatchangeinthefortunes of an easyquestion toanswerontechnical becauseoftheinstability grounds textualproduction. He washardly thekindofauthorwho Abramowitsch's hemaintained wouldwritea book,publishit,andgo on tothenext;rather, was his three or four that he career continually majorprojects throughout whileshifting backandforth between Hebrewand andrevising, expanding Yiddish.Fortunately, thereis a datableandunilingual groupofshortstories in the in thatAbramowitsch wrote 1880sand 1890s, Hebrew,whichcan serveas a stablepointof reference. ra'am"("SecretThunder"), setinthe In the1886-1887story"Be-seter declares himself Mendelean townofKabtsiel, Abramowitsch unambiguousofthepogromshe declinesto ly as to whichoptionsin therepresentation in the theMendelefigure take.Like theheroof WalterScott'sWaverly, in of the is unconscious for the duration pogrom Kabtsiel, story comically account and sincethetaleis toldfromhispointofview,thesensationalist notthere.Thenarrator wemostexpectto be at thestory's is simply center thattheeventshavealreadybeenwell theomissionbyexplaining justifies tooneof inthe"'Book ofLamentations forKabtsiel,'attributed described aftertherain thetroopofnoisythrenodists whoappearedlikemushrooms is Thereference intheHebrewperiodical pressatthetimeoftheoutrages."' otherthanthehighbiblicalpathosofGordon,Frug,Dolitzky, to nothing theauthorsof innumerable and Levin,or at leasttheirlocal imitators, 8. Kol kitveiMendele MokherSefarim(Tel Aviv, 1958), p. 384.

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chroniclesand elegiesforparticularpogroms.Mendeletreatsus to a sample fromthe fictitious"Lament for Kabtsiel." and tensof houseswerelaidwasteon thedayofreproach, Woe! Ennobling Israelwereruined.Thoseraisedto thepurplein ofourbrethren thousands and thirsty in the theywandered palacesof delightwereleftnaked;hungry streets.9 Mendele proceedsto poke funat theseepic hyperboles.Kabtsiel,to begin with,is in trutha tinyplace witha smallpopulation.Thereare no substantial structures, not to mention"palaces of delight,"withtheexceptionperof the ricketyone-storytax house in themarketplace.Far frombeing haps the sons and daughtersof the nobility,the Kabtsieliteslead a threadbare existence,and mostof themhave no apparentsourceofincome;theyhave no propertyand theirfewvaluables are pawned weeklyto make Sabbath expenses.In comparingthe rhetoricwiththe reality,Abramowitschis not takingaway fromthe seriousnessof the pogromsand theirimpact;he is deridingthe conventionalliteraryresponseto them.A nationalliterature and absorbs everynegativeeventinto the that makes no discriminations rhetoricof absolute catastrophe,that rushesto idealize and beatifywhat was destroyed,thattakes offinto the heavensof inflatedornamentallanguage-this is not a national literaturethatwell servesthe nation. The critical question of whetherthe pogroms can be or should be absorbedintotheritualsofperennialcatastropheis raisedbyAbramowitsch in a storyof tenyearslater,"Ha-Nisrafim"(1897).10Nisrafimare a class of of beggars,people supposedlymade homelessby fire,who,on thestrength theirmisfortuneand of lettersof attestationto that effect,wanderfrom settlementto settlementseeking alms. The premiseof the tale is that Mendele, in his travels through the countrysideas a bookpeddler, encountersan immensecaravanofbeggars,whoturnout to be theentirevilThe lage of Kabtsiel, Mendele's hometown,takento theroad as nisrafim. themeofthestoryis thefundamental changeMendeleundergoesin hisattitude toward his townspeoplein the very process of making inquiries about-and makingfunof-their fate. Beforemeetingup with the caravan, the narrator,Mendele, sets the mock-epictone of the firsthalfof the storyby statingthatthe eventhe is 9. Ibid., p. 384. 10. Ibid., pp. 444-48.

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about to recountoccurredin thefirstyearafterthegreatfirein thecommunityof Kabtsiel. He goes on to explain: and by it the The firewas inscribed in theregister of thecommunity, of Kabtsielites thebirth time.Theywouldsay,forexample: beganto measure of Y,in yearsuch-in-such to theFire;thedecreeoftheyarX, themarriage and thelicensing thepolluting thedecreeconcerning ofmelamdim, mulkes, the Fire. river in the to of the mikveh and such-and-such year purifying putrid Therearestillold menandwomenalivefromthetimeoftheFire,andwhen aroundthestovein thestudyhouseat duskthe theyusedto tellofitsitting drinkintheirwordsandtheireyeswouldglisten youngpeoplewouldthirstily withtears.'' in this The epic reference thatservesas thebasis forthemock-epicstructure passageis,ofcourse,theDestructionoftheTemple.ThroughouttheMiddle Ages,Jewsreckonedtimebothfromthecreationoftheworldand fromthe Destructionof theTemple.Throughthislinkagethepogromin Kabtsielis exaltedto theheightsofclassiccatastropheand made thekindof founding, orientatingeventthatdemarcatesthegreatepochs of history.In the catalogueofchronicledeventsthatcomes nextthemock-epicspace betweenthe Destructionand thepogromin Kabtsielis at firstnotfelt;itis natural,after all, forbirthsand deathsand theliketo be relatedto an importanteventin the lifeof a community.The gap becomesevidentand thenwidensas the measures(parallel to the May catalogue proceeds to list the anti-Jewish A the decree that followed concerninghead coveringsdoes Laws) pogrom. not strikea note of great seriousness,and neitherdoes a government thatmelamdimbe certifiedas competentto teach.The indictrequirement mentof the heder systemwas one of the centralplanks in the Haskalah program,especiallythe professionof elementaryteaching,which often and theruined.The levelofderiservedas thelast refugefortheineffectual sion riseswhenthecauses of an epidemicofinfantdeathare superstitiously ascribedto sin ratherthanto the outrageousbut toleratedsanitaryconditionsthatprevailin thetown.Insteadof provokingtheKabtsielitesto take stockof theirsituationand perhapsmobilizeto alterit, thetraumaof the pogromhas been domesticated,dissolvedinto talk,and absorbedinto the comfortable glowoforal tradition.Once a terribleactuality,thepogromhas ofhallowedmyth. like theDestructionoftheTempleitself,thestuff become, I11. Ibid., p. 444.

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withtheKabtsielites WhenMendelecomesface-to-face theyarebewailverses from overthedestruction of Lamentations, sighing ingtheirfatewith withthe Kabtsielvisited uponthembyGod fortheirmanysins.Confronted of highcatastrophe histrionics and highmourning, Mendeleprobesa bit intothemundanespecifics ofthedisaster.He discovers thatthisdivinely because of the of one conflagration dispatched actuallybegan negligence whose uncleaned flew and Naphtali,through chimney sparks up igniteda strawroof;becausethehousesofKabtsielarebuiltoneatoptheother,the firespread in a flash,and because Kabtsielhad neverbotheredto establish a firebrigade, couldbe saved.Theactualdamage,itturns nothing outuponfurther wasnotextensive; therewereonlya fewreal investigation, housesin Kabtsielto be destroyed. Butgiventhenonproductive occupationalstructure ofthetown,theruinofthesefewhouseholders spelledruin forthemanydependent whorented from them,the uponthem:thetenants who sold to the melamdim who their the them, shopkeepers taught children, scribeswhowrotemezuzotfortheirdoors,andthedozenvarieties ofrelithekeleiqodesh, whoekedouta livingfromtheiralms. giousfunctionaries, So heretheyare,moaning,complaining, dividedagainstthemselves, an entirecommunity pauperizedand takento theroad. The playon theself-deluding airsof theKabtsielites, on theirneglithesatireon gence,on theirpassivity paradedas pioustrustin Providence, theflimsy at the heart of the economic the existence, vacuity community's of such classical Hebrew as texts Lamentations-this deflationary parody first halfof"Ha-Nisrafim" is topflight, classicAbramowitsch. It couldhave beenliftedfroman Abramowitsch textfromthirty yearsearlier;itscomic methodremainsunaffected the dire historical matters it by contemporary reflects on. Thisis doublytruein thecase oftheattitude oftheMendele but a grinning, figuretowardhis people:surelynotcontempt bantering on derision. The secondhalfof"Ha-Nisrafim," is however, ironythatverges and the difference is a matter of a shift in Mendele's different, quite entirely stance.The situationof the Kabtsielites does notchange,buthis stance towardthemchangesconsiderably. Theagentofthischangeis remarkable foritsalluding toa keypassageintheearlierliterature ofcatastrophe. While Mendelehasbeenconversing withKabtsielites, a youngchildhascurledup fromlife uponhiskneesand fallenasleep.Thechildis frailand exhausted on themoveand thedolorousinnocence ofhisfaceasleepmovesMendele to a moodofpityandgenerosity ofspirit. Thechildrepresents Kabstielas a wholeandbyextension all Israelundertheaspectofpersecution. "I gazedat thechild,"says Mendele,"and mybeingmeltedaway(ve-hishtappekhah

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TwoofLamentations 'alainafshi)."'2TheallusionistothatpointinChapter when the breaks. down children from (vss.11,12) poet fainting uponseeing in the In both texts the child serves as that hunger city. besieged component ofsuffering to whichno sinor deservingness can be attached, purevictimhooddetached fromhistorical In bothtextsas well,thespecresponsibility. tacleofchildsuffering a collapseofthedistancebetweenthe precipitates speakerand thesubjectof hisdiscourse. Underthe aspectof pathos,whichMendelenow assumes,identical aregivennewinterpretations. structures Themutualeconomicdependence a moment isnowcastinthe thathehadcharacterized as ago idleparasitism andsolicitude. huesofempathy Thatan entire townshouldtaketotheroad in mourning forthedestruction ofthehousesofa fewofitscitizens is the thequintessence ofgemeinschaft. Kabtsielis one heightof fellow-feeling, bodyand whena limbbecomesdiseasedit is feltbythewhole. ButwhatoftheJewish bodypoliticas a whole?Kabtsielites maytake careof theirown,butis notKabtsielbutone organin thelargerJewish andwither? people?Andifso, howcan thatorganbe allowedto atrophy is real,itsdisaster its Kabtsiel'ssuffering documented, yet appealsforhelp thePale woehavefallenon deafears.The community wandersthrough In the that the story and concludes begone ignored. long monologue ofsuchneglect. Mendelewarnsofthedireconsequences Pushingthebody hepredicts stillfurther, thatifthediseasedlimbofKabtsielis not metaphor soontreated, thediseasewillinfect thebodyas a whole.ThekindoftreatIfJewsfailtogivetheir menthehasinmindis philanthropy. volunpennies in will be to vast sums later and forced on, now, give tarily they they turn will becomeimpoverished. The heatedapocalyptic finaleof Mendele's to the unrollsa visionofthecancerous monologue spreadofpauperization withKabtsiel, therestofthe wholeofIsrael.Forhavingfailedtodealkindly Jewish worldwillbecomeKabtsiel. attireflects Abramowitsch's towardtheKabtsielites Mendele'sattitude of thelateHaskalah tudetowardhisreaders,and in generaltheattitude was to theJewish likethetextofHa-Nisrafim, writer masses.Thatattitude, andidentifiofironyandpathos,aloofness deeplydividedbetween impulses and advocacy.Whatis striking aboutthetwohalvesof cation,indictment is howentirely themovement from "Ha-Nisrafim" unintegrated theyremain: The second thana progression. one to theotheris moreofa capitulation ofthepeople'sstatus. offers no revisionary half,moreover, understanding 12. Ibid., p. 446.

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butno of the Kabtsielites becomescredibleand affecting, The suffering itself(thebeginning of And likepartsof Lamentations less undeserved. is internal Jewish the for this an drama; entirely ChapterThree, example) does not figure.This is all the moreremarkable enemy,the non-Jew, was thefrightening unbecausethelessonof 1881formanyintellectuals life. For to the internalreformof Jewish of antisemitism relatedness as follows: in short,theeffect of 1881can be summarized Abramowitsch, whichhad the of sympathy The pogromsreleasedin himan outpouring addedto hisliterary ratherthansomething effect ofsomething enterprise The of Jewish life remained unaffected. absorbed.Thefundamental critique is its and failure of this to be absorbed of the sentimentality supplement sign of in achievement which stand such to the contrast didacticism, magisterial satire. Abramowitsch's and theyoung Thereis an immense distancebetweenAbramowitsch the the neoclassicalprosesatirist, Saul Tchernichowsky: Abramowitsch, andTchernichowsky, manoftheHaskalah,thescionoftalmudic erudition, therebel the late romantic poet,theman of modernEuropeanculture, Yet the of the classical Jewish past. compresseddevelopment against at theendofthecentury sawtheircareersoverlap,when Hebrewliterature Bothwriters one man was in his sixtiesand the otherin his twenties. respondedin theirworksto thepogromsof 1881and to theclimateof was to Jewishsocietyin theiraftermath. Thejointforceoftheirwriting andtounderthenormative oftheJewish interrogate response intelligentsia mineitsauthority ina waythatprepared thegroundforBialik'sgreatstatewhichTchernioftheresponse mentafterKishinev. Thespecific component was the of medievalization: thetendency investigated phenomenon chowsky on thepartofJewry ofthepersecutions to readitssituation as a recurrence a narraoftheMiddleAges."BaruchofMainz"("Barukhmi-mageneah"), tivepoemofsome800lines,is setin Mainzat thetimeoftheFirstCrusade in thenewlyavailable and is clearlybasedon Tchernichowsky's readings ofRabbi sectionfrom thechronicle texts."Thefollowing historiographical 13. Saul Tchernichowsky, willbe to Shirim,2 vols. (Tel Aviv,1966),2: 523-50. References pages in thisedition.The poem was begunin Odessa in thelate 1890sand finishedin Heidelbergin 1900. It should be notedhow long beforeKishinev,withwhich"Baruch of Mainz" is oftenassociated,thepoem was actuallywritten.For therathercomplicatedpublishinghistory of the poem, whichinvolvedproblemswiththe censor,see JosephKlausner,Sha'ul TsherniThe Man and the Poet] (Jerusalem, khovski,ha-'adam ve-ha-meshorer [Saul Tchernichowsky, 1947), pp. 86-91.

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Solomon bar Samsonis one amongseveralpassagesthatmayhave servedas the pointof departureforTchernichowsky's criticallydivergentreworking of the materials.The passage concernsone Master Isaac the Pious bar David Haparnas, who was forciblybaptizedby theenemyand afterwards soughtatonementfor his sin. He cameto hishouseandclosedhimself andhischildren within. He askedhis "Is it yourwillthatI sacrifice children, youto theLord?"Theyresponded, "Do withus whatyouwish."Isaac said,"O mychildren, theLordisthetrue his One-thereis no other!"In themiddleofthenightMasterIsaac brought tothesynagogue andslaughtered thembefore thearkfor sonandhisdaughter theirbloodon thepillarsofthe thesakeofqiddush ha-shem .... He sprinkled thedivinemercy shouldcomebefore seat.He holyarkso thattheirmemory forall mysins!"He "Maythisblood[also]serveas an expiation proclaimed, withhishandsspread He walkedbackandforth thensetfiretothesynagogue. to God witha pleasingvoicefromwithin theflames. outto heaven,praying thewindows, "Wickedman:Comeout Theenemies criedoutto himthrough a planktohimtograspandbesaved, ofthefireandbesaved!"Theyextended an excellent and God-fearing man but Isaac refusedand was consumed, in theGardenofEden.'4 whosesoulreposeswiththesoulsoftherighteous The considerableachievementof "Baruch of Mainz" is intelligible only ifwe keepin mindthespecificsetofassociationsthatcontemporary readers broughtto the poem. This literarycompetencedependsless on familiarity withparticularpassages or evenparticulartextsthanon thegeneralaura of sanctityassociatedwiththe Crusades and the Middle Ages martyrological Tchernigenerallyas a timeof Jewishcourage,loyalty,and self-sacrifice. from chowskyteststheseassociationsbymakingus viewtheeventsentirely withintheconsciousnessof one man, a man whose behaviordeviatesfrom thisliterarynorm.The formalvehicleis the dramaticmonologue;Baruch standsbeforethefreshgraveof his wifeand talksto herof whathas transpiredin thefewdays sinceherdeath.Like theclassicdramaticmonologue on themodelofBrowningand Tennyson,thepoemis based on a dynamicof thejudgmentthatthereadermakesofthespeaker judgmentand sympathy: thatthespeakermanages forhisviolationofmoralnormsand thesympathy of his his to winforhimselfby virtue voice, presence,and thedisclosureof his motives.The speaker'svoice, of course,controlsthetellingof thetale, 14. A. B. Habermann,Gezerot'Ashkenazve-Sarefat(Jerusalem,1945), pp. 37-38.

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on whichto base hisjudgments not and thereadergetstheinformation a but the of linear narrative release infortelling through strategic through mationas it servestheinterests of theteller.More thanin otherpoetic isa matter thereading forms, processinthecaseofthedramatic monologue a piecing ofthepicture as newfactsaredisofsequential together discovery, closed,oftenunintentionally. The poembeginswithBaruch'sstammering, distracted accountofthe in All is in his of the massacre Mainz. confusion of speech;fragments day andaxesmixtogether ina metonymical chaosthat voicesandfaces,torches to Baruch'sownactions.Baruch, seemsdesigned to avoidcallingattention thechoice as itemerges fromhisjumbledtelling, brokedownwhenoffered hewasdragged, mortified andconfused, between andconversion; slaughter he nowdoesnotwishto wherehe repeatedthoseformulas to thechurch, remember butwhosedamning is inescapable. Thisrevelation comes import butsomefifty linesintothepoem,andithastheeffect ofalreadyidentifying normandunderscoring Baruchas deviantfromthemartyrological Tchernikind choice to write a about the of that poem figure Jewish chowsky's not Yet chroniclers to chronicle. the act of conversion Baruch preferred by himself from hasnotdisqualified the of the entirely figprerogatives martyr ure.Thereremains thespecialinstance ofMasterIsaac quotedabovewho, hisdeedand sacrificed hischildren and himself. afterconverting, repented Baruch'scase,then,remainsopen. In one Baruch'sattitude towardhisdeedgoesmuchdeeperthanregret. oftheseveralunitsthatdivert thesequential is Baruch'smemory narrative, into a of the of his mitzvah: minreevocation bar the suddenly jogged day ofsanctity, at becoming awe,andexpectation gledfeelings fullypartofthe of Israel formal the of covenant(pp. congregation through acceptance As aroundhisarmfor 526-27). theboywindsthestrapsofthephylacteries thefirsttimeand recitestheformulaof commitment fromHosea 2, the invadeshisreverie andis literally with present reality suddenly interspliced thebiblicalverses. "AndI willespouse youforever"Andthecovenant haveI overthrown... "AndI willespouse andmercy"youwithgoodness After haveI wandered .... foreign things Baruchviewshisactwithnoneofthegenerosity thatMaimonides soughtto extendto forcedconverts whenheforbadethemtoconsider themselves cut

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Baruch'sfeelings, as becomes offfromtheJewish peopleanditssalvation. the the clear as poemprogresses, increasingly go beyond purelyreligious andwitness stanceoffaithfulness thatmarkseventhemorefrenzied textsof Ashkenaz. Hissenseofhisownbetrayal is absoluteandunredeemmedieval so deepthatnothing can cleansehim.A senseofsinso able,a defilement acutethatitsimply cannotbe bornerequires beyond interpretive categories or thenational;itrequires, thereligious in short,a psychological explanationthatevokestheconceptofguilt.Far fromtrivializing thepoem,this is is most recourse to the what the necessary psychological poem profoundly about.As moreand moreofBaruch'sbehavioris revealed, werealizethat hisactionsaremotivated notbyreligious zeal-thoughthisistheirsanction and camouflage-butby a rackingconviction of guiltthatis inalienably hisown.Thepriceofhisfailure totakeresponsibility forhisactionsisexacted fromothers;a shametoodeepto be borneis madeto be bornebyother in lives.Thebloodcurdling methods heemploys resemble theactsdescribed buttheyarenotthesame,andinthisslight themedieval chronicles, yettellsubversive forceof thetext. liesthegathering ingdissimilarity stilldo not Baruch's motives The stirrings ofoursuspicion concerning In his indirection us for his revelation. next rambling entirely prepare thesoulsofhisdaughters" Baruchletsoutthathe has "liberated (p. 527). norm initself wouldnotdisbarhimfromthemedieval Thisactofslaughter reactions andthereasonshegivesforhisdeed. wereitnotforhisdaughters' in thechronicle, withtheirassured In contrast to MasterIsaac's children forreasons Baruch'sdaughters, faithin theirfather's religious aspiration, oftheirimplorTherecollection welearnlater,arenoteagertobe liberated. intoBaruch'sdiscourseand eyesforcesitselfuninvited ing,unrelenting himofshameandguilt.WhenBaruchrecovers a secondfoundation forms He couldnotbearto contemtherationale forhiscruelty: selfhe presents to wouldbecomemarried thathissurviving daughters platethepossibility ofJews. becomekillers andgivebirthto sonswhomight eventually gentiles of fathers to note,arenotthoseofthehistorical His reasons,itis important concern fatewasa religious fortheirchildren's thechronicles. Theirconcern manner oftheirdeathswouldguaranandtheirhopewasthatthesacrificial Baruch'sreasonsarenotonlynational future salvation. teetheirchildren's "I couldnotbearthe buttheyarealso self-regarding. thanreligious, rather rests ofmyfate,"heexplains.Myfate.Thesourceofhismotives bitterness forhisdaughters' thana concern forhisownexpiation closerto an anxiety salvation. clearlynotphysical, spiritual,

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Thepoemnowveersawayfromthispainfulsubjectandaccommodates an idyllconcerning theharmony ofthefamily's a substantial life digression: in the conbeforethemassacre. Thesonorousrollofrhyming idyll couplets withtheturbulence ofBaruch'sspeechuntilnow,withitsfretrastssharply itslinesofunevenlength, andfrequent Theshift quentenjambment, ellipses. anditsfittingness remind usofTchernichowsky's remarkable skillwithproin manipulating prosodicformsforstrategic sodyand his virtuosity purin The describes life of the the nature: of the poses. idyll lap coming night, of birds the of and their flowers, performance simpledailytasks, delights ofthepastin itspositive house,theirgarden.'"The idyllis a reevocation morecatastrophic us to aspect,whichmakesthedestruction by forcing and thedepth substanceofwhatwas lost.The particular experience past evokedbyTchernichowsky makesan unexpected statement aboutJewish andtheExile.Wherewemight oftheeveryday lifeof history expecta picture themedieval Jewto bepaintedwithstrokes ofpiety, fearofpersecution, and for we a his instead of natural man and portrait longing redemption, get in thebowerof nature. utterat-homeness The idyll,in the end, is onlya temporary evasionof therealityof destruction. The verymomentum ofBaruch'sspeechleadshimbacktothe factofloss and theterrible The narrative ofthe questionofresponsibility. andweighty tothefrailandwispy, from the idyllmovesfromthesubstantial heavensat nightthrough thehouseand gardento theflowers themselves. The ponderousness of naturalcreationcomesto reston theseflowers, andattractiveness to thehandofthe which,intheirblameless vulnerability a become for the "It was picker, transparent slaughtered figure daughters. notmyhandsthatspilttheblood,"Baruchavers,"and pluckedthetender .. ." (p. 535).Withresponsibility laid blossom/Butthehandsoftheenemy. Baruch launches into a series of invidious andvenomouscurses elsewhere, hurledatthebrutalgentiles. Thelanguageofthecursesistakenfrom Leviticus26 andDeuteronomy 27 as wellas suchmedieval poemsas the"Qelalah thissection wasoneofthehighpointsofthepoemfor Byitself ve-shamta."'6 thecontemporary thosewhowereabletoreaditinitsuncensored audience, ofthegentiles was daringfortheliterary convenversion;itsmalediction tionsof thetimes,bothexternally and internally and it had the imposed, 15. See YosefHaefrati,Ha-'Idilyahshel Tshernikhovski [TheIdyllin Tchernichowsky] (Merhavyah and Tel Aviv, 1971). 16. See the piyyut"Qelalah ve-shamta"in Habermann,pp. 105-6.

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effect ofgiving venttopent-up thesequential context rage."Yetreadwithin ofthepoem,thisrageagainsttheNations-very muchpartofthemedievalizationoftheresponse to 1881-is undercut byirony:WhiletheNationsdo indeeddeserveto be damned,weknowthatBaruch'sprojectofdamnation has originated in his needto alleviatehisownguilt. A lushdescription ofthedepredations batscomesnext,andit ofvampire is herethatTchernichowsky scoreshisgreatest successinmanipulating the reader'sexperience ofthepoem.Although thedescription standsbyitself, we assumethatthesenoxiouscreatures and theirfoulactsmuststandfor other than and in we theabsenceofa givenreferent themselves, something assume that the bats and are a demonized naturally symbolof compressed thebloodthirsty Yet who have finished anathematized. Crusaders, just being hisaddresstohisdeadwife, wehavebeentakenin.Renewing Baruchbegins thenextsectionas follows: Ifonly, mydove,youcouldbecome -And I withyou Before failsmystrength Thatblood-sucking bat! wewouldarise Eachnight thegrave Andascendfrom To drink andsateourselves On bloodoftheir cruelgod. willavenge, Baruchproceedsto explainto hiswifehowtheirnightly sorties in an entirely innocents. literalway,thebloodoftherapedandslaughtered It isthisgrotesque that of our of the balance nightmare finally judgment tips Baruchirrevocably. Whenherevealshislonging to becomenotonlyas evil as theenemybutevenlesshuman,Baruchforfeits thevestiges ofsympathy thathad at leastmadeitpossibleto viewhismotives as mixedor ambiguous.Tchernichowsky further ofthedistance underscores theunbridgeability hisvisiona black between Baruchandthefigures ofthetradition bymaking thepreeminent memorial parodyof the 'El maleirabamim, prayerof the Jewishliturgy. on high,"thewordwelling "O God, fullofcompassion, inthe restunderthewingsofthypresence beseeches, "grantperfect shipper oftheholyandthepurethatshineslikeheaventothesoulof[the company 17. Klausnerreportsthatin additionto thecurses,themostadmiredand anthologizedsection of the poem was the descriptionof the comingof nightin the idyll.

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whohasgonetohiseternal departed] home."'8Holyandpure,themartyred claimeditsperfect restin itseternal soul of Baruch'swifehas apparently home.Baruch,whocanneverexpectto achieveso much,proposesan exact oftheJewish ofthefuture reward:ceaselessactivity imagining perversion and insteadoftheshininsteadofperfect befoulment pollution rest,nightly and holiness, on reptilian ingofpurity flight wingsinsteadof self-powered enclosureunderthewingsof theDivinePresence. Baruchdoesnotwaitfortheafterlife totakehisrevenge. Fromhiscellin themonastery he startsa firethatdestroys thechurchand spreadsto the hisclaimto be divinely townas well.Neither in hisdeed,nor commanded his deliriousfascination withtheprogress of thefire,northegratuitous ofhisrefusal to savea birdnestfromtheflames-noneoftheseare cruelty Baruch'smadness.It is nowthatwe necessary anylongerto substantiate learnwhatwe havesuspected butnotknownregarding themannerofthe death.Theywereleftto be burned todeathinthegeneral confladaughters' withtheothersurviving Jewsofthecity-instead together gration-perhaps ofbeingritually inthesacrificial modeinscribed inthechronislaughtered cles. Yet Tchernichowsky's textdoes notend in apocalypse.Baruchis not me die withthePhilistines!" As a monologue, "Let the Samson,shouting discourse ofthepoemcan be constituted andtransmitted other bynothing than Baruch'spersisting was not allspeech.The fieryconsummation thespeaking In thatpersurvives consuming; subjectsurvives, ingloriously. so unliketheexpiatory suicideby fireof theprototype Master sistence, as a newfigure withitsownprototypical force:the Isaac, Baruchemerges taintedsurvivor of modernliterature. left DuringPassover,1903a pogromintheBessarabian cityofKishinev 45 Jewsslain,600 wounded,and 1500housesand shopsplundered or Theoccasionfora substantial international thepogrom destroyed. outcry, at Kishinevgaveitsnameto whatwas actuallya four-year-long seriesof As a response to thegrowth ofradicalmovements in Russia,the pogroms. foundit usefulto allowreactionary government groupsto blametheJews fortheincreased After theoutbreaks atthetimeof revolutionary agitation. the Russo-Japanese waveof pogromsoccurred War,by farthegreatest aftertheOctoberrevolution in thefallof 1905.In oneweekover600com18. Translatedin Nahum N. Glatzer,The LanguageofPrayer(New York, 1967),p. 194.

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wereattacked, munities mainlyin theUkraineand Bessarabia;in Odessa alone300 Jewslosttheirlives,thousands werewounded,and 40,000were ruinedeconomically.19 Althoughthepogromsof 1903-1906weremuchworsethanthoseof In additionto massemigration, 1881,theywerenotentirely unanticipated. of ideologicalprograms the intervening yearshad seenthemobilization curesto maladiesofwhichpogromswerethe whosepurposewas to offer It was theZionistsand theBundistswho weretheprincipal symptoms. of theviolencein organizers local self-defense groups,whichdid mitigate was their often neutralized somecommunities, effectiveness bythe though The local policeand militiaand bytheirowncrudestateoforganization. number ofa growing twenty yearssince1881had also seentheappearance in tothepogroms ofHebrewandYiddishwriters, manyofwhomresponded once theperiodicalpressofthetimes.PopularYiddishpoetry, keynoted andcalled ofmercy morebythelyrics ofSimonFrug,delivered outpourings and sentimental assistance.The mosttraditional forcharitable response thatwasbythenalreadyestabcamefromthebranchofHebrewliterature ofRussia wherepublicistic denunciations oftheperfidy lishedin America, norm. In on the Russia itself David and dirgesstyled Lamentations were Frishman's widelyreadpoem"David intheLion'sDen" sawthepogroms as thedashingofthehopesforcivilization attheveryoutsetofthenewcenwhileI. L. ofantiquity, tury.Ya'akovCahanidealizedtheJewish fighters Baruchand PesahKaplanmodeledtheirpoeticaccountsofthepogroms of 1096and 1648.20 on themartyrologies morethanpassing Of all thesewritings thereis onlyone thatwarrants historicalinterest:Bialik's "In the City of Slaughter"("Be-'Ir haas thesepoemsarepredictable, In thesamemeasure sentimental, haregah").21 19. Salo W. Baron, TheRussianJewunderthe Tsarsand theSoviets(New York, 1964),pp. 67-69. with publicationdetails of the 20. For an exhaustivehistoricalsurveyof this territory poemsmentionedhere,see A. R. Malakhi,"The KishinevPogromsas Reflectedin Hebrewand Yiddish Poetry"[Hebrew]in Al 'admatBesarabiah[On BessarabianSoil], 3 vols., ed. Getzel Kressel(Jerusalem,1963), 3: 1-98. 21. "In theCityofSlaughter"was publishedwiththetitle"Massa Nemirov"("The Prophecy of Nemirov")in Ha-zeman(ed. Ben Zion Katz) 3 (1904). The title,whichrefersto 1648, The poem was publishedas "In the was used to satisfythecensor'sdemandfornontopicality. Cityof Slaughter"in pamphletformin 1905/1906togetherwithtwo otherpoems. The pamphletwas titledMi-shireiha-za'am (Songs of Wrath)and includedthe restorationof several censoredlines.The Yiddishversion("In a shkhiteshtot"),in whichthepoem gainedwidediffusion,was done by Bialik himselfin 1906 upon Peretz'sfailureto rendera translationthat satisfiedBialik. The Yiddishversionis nota translationso muchas a newversionwithitsown artisticintegrity.

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Bialik'stextis astonishing, and conventional, austere,and pathbreaking. underwhich"In theCityofSlaughter" cametobe writThecircumstances news of the in Kishinev, a tenareworthnoting.Immediately upon pogrom inOdessabysuchdistinguished wasformed committee ofinquiry intellectualsas AbladHa-am,SimonDubnow,and Abramowitsch. Bialik,thirty to Kishinev withthe bythecommittee yearsoldat thetime,wasdispatched andrecording thefactsoftheeventandproducing a chargeofinvestigating detailedaccountto be distributed amongJewsin theWest.WhenBialik in Kishinev a fewweeksafter thepogrom, therubbleanddebrishad arrived Bialikassiduously all thedamage,took hardlybeendisturbed. investigated from interviewed from leaders to workers, and Jews observers, testimony fourlargenotebooks withtranscriptions andobservations. endedbyfilling at theBialikArchive inTel Todaythesefolioscan be viewedinmanuscript Aviv.Theywereneverpublished.Insteadof submitting the notebooks, "In theCityofSlaughter," a majorpoemofsome300lines, Bialikpublished whichexcoriates ofKishinevfortheirfailure theinhabitants to undertake at self-defense, efforts thedeathsofthevictims to be gratuitous, proclaims and refuses to mournthem. "In theCityofSlaughter" is foundedupona lie.Therewasself-defense in Kishinev;it maynothavebeenterribly butgiventhe greator effectual, was first intwenty of the outbreak of violence surprise Kishinev-it major reasonable tohaveexpected more.Thesourceofthisconyears-itishardly evidenceis nothing otherthanBialik'sownunpublished notetradictory thathe was, Bialikhad takeneverything books.22Diligentinvestigator oftheattempts to fendofftheattacks.Yetthe down,including descriptions claimsof historicity wereapparently to thehigherimaginative secondary Bialik In wished to take. the modeoftherabbis prerogatives hyperbolic andthepayyetanim, Bialiksoughtto makeiconographic useofKishinev by its theeventof particularity and by informing it withsymbolic draining massiveand power.Bialikwishedto makeKishinevstandforsomething and the"highertruth"superseded thecontingent truthofthe millennial, notebooks. 22. Some ofthetestimonies thatBialiktook down have been publishedby IsraelHalpern, ed., Seferha-gevurah:'antologyahhistorit-sifrutit [The Book ofHeroism:A Historical-Literary 3 vols. (Tel Aviv, 1951),3: 4-14. This project,whose firstsectionswerepublished Anthology], in 1941,recordsdocumentspertaining to Jewishself-defense amidstpersecutionfromMassada to World War I. It was the firstbook issued by the publishinghouse Am Oved, and it is an to traditionalmartyrextraordinary exampleofa Zionistattemptto createa countermythology ology.

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The followingEnglishversionbytheCanadian Jewishpoet A. M. Klein can standon its own as a poeticcomposition.Klein has happilysucceeded in conveyingBialik'sjuxtapositionof a highbiblicaldictionwithrestraint and austerityin description.23 IN THE CITY OF SLAUGHTER (fromSongsof Wrath) Ariseandgo nowtothecityofslaughter; Intoitscourtyard windthyway. Therewiththineownhandtouch,and withtheeyesofthinehead Beholdon tree,on stone,on fence,on muralclay, bloodand driedbrainsofthedead. The splattered Proceedthento theruins,thesplitwallsreach, Wherewidergrowsthehollowand greater growsthebreach; the wall broken Pass overtheshattered attain hearth, Whoseburntand barrenbrick,whosecharredstonesreveal 10 The openmouthsof suchwounds,thatno mending Shallevermend,norhealingeverheal. Therewillthyfeetin feathers sink,and stumble scrollheapedon manuscript, On wreckage doublywrecked, againfragmentedFragments Pausenotuponthishavoc;go thyway. willbe waftedfromtheacacia bud The perfumes Andhalfitsblossomswillbe feathers, Whosesmellis thesmellof blood! incensetheywillbringthee,strange And,spiting 20 Banishthyloathing-allthebeautyof thespring, The thousandgoldenarrowsof thesun, Willflashuponthymalison; The sevenfold raysof brokenglass Overthysorrowjoyouslywillpass, and thespringtogether: For God calledup theslaughter The slayerslew,theblossomburst,and it was sunnyweather! Thenwiltthoufleeto a yard,observeitsmound. Upon themoundlie two,and bothare headlessA Jewand hishound. 23. The CompletePoetic Worksof HayyimNahmanBialik, ed. Israel Efros(New York, 1948), pp. 105ff.

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30 The self-sameaxe struckboth, and both were flung Unto theself-sameheap whereswineseekdung; Tomorrowthe rain will wash theirmingledblood Into the runnels,and it will be lost In rubbishheap, in stagnantpool, in mud. Its crywill not be heard. It will descend into the deep, or waterthe cockle-burr, And all thingswill be as theyever were.

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Unto the attic mount,upon thyfeetand hands; Behold the shadow of death among the shadows stands. There in the dismal corner,therein the shadowynook, Multitudinouseyes will look Upon thee fromthe sombresilenceThe spiritsof the martyrsare thesesouls, Gatheredtogether,at long last, Beneath these raftersand in theseignoble holes. The hatchetfoundthemhere,and hitherdo theycome To seal witha last look, as withtheirfinalbreath, The agony of theirlives,the terrorof theirdeath. Tumblingand stumblingwraiths,theycome, and cower there. Their silencewhimpers,and it is theireyes whichcry 0 Lord, and why? Wherefore, It is a silenceonly God can bear. Liftthenthineeyes to the roof;there'snothingthere Save silencesthat hang fromrafters And brood upon the air: Question the spiderin his lair! His eyes beheld these things;and withhis web he can A tale unfold,horrificto the ear of man: A tale of cloven belly,feather-filled; Of nostrilsnailed, of skull-bonesbashed and spilled; Of murderedmen who fromthe beams were hung, And of a babe beside its motherflung, His motherspeared,the poor chick findingrest Upon its mother'scold and milklessbreast; Of how a daggerhalved an infant'sword, Its 'ma' was heard,its 'mama' neverheard. O, even now its eyes fromme demand accounting, For thesethe tales the spideris recounting, Tales that do puncturethe brain,such tales thatsever Thy body, spirit,soul fromlife,forever!

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Descend thento the cellarsof the town, There wherethe virgindaughtersof thyfolk were fouled, 80 Whereseven heathenflunga woman down, The daughterin the presenceof her mother, The motherin the presenceof her daughter, Beforeslaughter,duringslaughterand afterslaughter! Touch withthyhand the cushion stained;touch The pillow incarnadined: This is the place the wild ones of the wood, the beasts of the field With bloody axes in theirpaws compelledthydaughtersto yield: Beasted and swined! Note also, do not fail to note, 90 In that dark cornerand behindthatcask Crouched husbands,bridegrooms,brothers,peeringfromthe cracks, underneath Watchingthe martyredbodies struggling The bestial breath, Stifledin filth,and swallowingtheirblood. Watchingfromthe darknessand its mesh The lecherousrabble portioningfor booty Their kindredand theirflesh. Crushed in theirshame,theysaw it all; They did not stiror move; 100 They did not pluck theireyes out, they Beat not theirbrainsagainstthe wall, Perhaps,perhaps,each watcherhad it in his heartto pray, A miracle,0 Lord, and spare myskin thisday! Those who survivedthisfoulness,who fromtheirblood awoke, Beheld theirlifepolluted,the lightof theirworld gone outHow did theirmenfolkbear it, how did theybear thisyoke? They crawledforthfromtheirholes and fledto the house of the Lord, They offeredthanksto Him, the sweetbenedictoryword. The Cohanimsallied forth,to the Rabbi's house theyflitted: 110 Tell me, 0 Rabbi, tell,is myown wifepermitted? And thus the matterends, and nothingmore; And all is as it was before.

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Come, now, and I will bringthee to theirlairs The privies,jakes and pigpenswherethe heirs Of Hasmoneans lay, withtremblingknees, Concealed and cowering-the sons of the Maccabees! The seed of saints,the scions of the lions... Who, crammedby scores in all the sanctuariesof theirshame, 120 So sanctifiedMy name! It was the flightof mice theyfled The scurryingof roaches was theirflight; They died like dogs, and theywere dead! And on the nextmorn,afterthe terriblenight The son who was not murderedfound The spurnedcadaver of his fatheron the ground. Now wherefore dost thouweep,0 son of man? Descend into the valley;verdant,there A garden flourishes,and in the garden 130 A barn, a shed,-it was theirabattoir; There,like a host of vampires,puffedand bloated, Besottedwithblood, swilledfromthe scattereddead, The tumbrilwheels lie spreadTheir open spokes, like fingersstretchedformurder, Like vampire-mouths theirhubs stillclottedred. Enter not now, but when the sun descends Wraptin bleedingclouds and girtwithflame, Then open the gate and stealthilydo set Thy foot withinthe ambientof horror: 140 Terrorfloatingnear the rafters,terror Againstthe walls in darknesshiding, Terrorthroughthe silencesliding. Didst thou not hear beneaththe heap of wheels A stirringof crushedlimbs?Brokenand racked Their bodies move a hub, a spoke Of the circularyoke; In death-throestheycontort, In blood disport; And theirlast groaning,inarticulate 150 Rises above thyhead, And it would seem some speechlesssorrow, Sorrow infinite, Is prisonedin this shed. It is, it is the Spiritof Anguish! and tribulation-tried Much-suffering

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Which in this house of bondage binds itself. It will not ever fromits pain be pried. and forespent,a dark Shekhinah Brief-weary Runs to each nook and cannot findits rest; 160 Wishes to weep, but weepingdoes not come; Would roar, is dumb. Its head beneathits wing,its wingoutspread Over the shadows of the martyreddead, Its tearsin dimnessand in silenceshed. And thou, too, son of man, close now the gate behindthee; Be closed in darknessnow; now thinethatcharnelspace; So tarryingtherethou wiltbe one withpain and anguish And wiltfillup withsorrowthineheartfor all its days. Then on the day of thineown desolation 170 A refugewill it seem,Lyingin thee like a curse,a demon's ambush, The hauntingof an evil dream, O, carryingit in thyheart,across the world'sexpanse Thou wouldstproclaimit, speak it out,But thylips shall not findits utterance. Beyondthe suburbsgo, and reach the burial ground. Let no man see thygoing; attainthatplace alone, A place of saintedgravesand martyr-stone. soil. Stand on the fresh-turned 180 Such silencewill take hold of thee,thyheartwill fail Withpain and shame,yet I Will let no tear fall fromthineeye. Though thou wiltlong to bellow like the drivenox That bellows,and beforethe altar balks, I will make hard thyheart,yea, I Will not permita sigh. See, see, the slaughteredcalves, so smittenand so laid; Is therea price for theirdeath?How shall thatpricebe paid? Forgive,ye shamed of the earth,yoursis a pauper-Lord190 Poor was He duringyour life,and poorer stillof late. When to my door you come to ask foryour reward, I'll open wide: see, I am fallenfrommy highestate. I grieveforyou, my children,my heartis sad foryou. Your dead were vainlydead; and neitherI nor you for whom,nor by what laws; Know whyyou died or wherefore, Your deaths are withoutreason; yourlives are withoutcause. What says the Shekhinah?In the clouds it hides

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In shame,in agony alone abides; I, too, at night,will ventureon the tombs, Regard the dead and weightheirsecretshame, But nevershed a tear,I swear it in My name. For greatis the anguish,greatthe shame on the brow; But whichis greater,son of man, say thouOr lieferkeep thysilence,bear witnessin My name To the hour of My sorrow,the momentof My shame. And when thou dost return Bringthou the blot of My disgraceupon thypeople's head, And fromMy suffering do not part, But set it like a stone withintheirheart. Turn,then,to leave the cemeteryground, And for a momentthyswifteye will pass Upon the verdantcarpetof the grassA lovely thing! Fragrantand moist, as it is always at the coming of the Spring. The stubbleof death,the growthof tombstones! Take thou a fistful,flingit on the plain Saying,"thepeople is pluckedgrass; can pluckedgrass growagain?" Turn thenthygaze fromthe dead, and I will lead Thee fromthe graveyardto thylivingbrothers, And thou wilt come, withthose of thineown breed, Into the synagogue,and on a day of fasting, To hear the cryof theiragony,theirweepingeverlasting. Thy skin will grow cold, the hair on thyskin stand up, And thou wilt be by fearand tremblingtossed; Thus groans a people whichis lost. Look in theirhearts,behold a drearywaste, Whereeven vengeancecan reviveno growth, And yet upon theirlips no mightymalediction Rises, no blasphemousoath. Are theynot real, theirbruises? Why is theirprayerfalse? Why,in the day of theirtrials Approach me withpious ruses, Afflictme withdenials? Regard themnow, in thesetheirwoes: Ululating,lachrymose, Cryingfromtheirthroes, We have sinned!and Sinnedhave we!withconfession'swhips. Self-flagellative

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Their hearts,however,do not believetheirlips. 240 Is it, then,possible for shatteredlimbsto sin? Whereforetheircries imploring,theirsupplicatingdin? Speak to them,bid themrage! Let themagainstme raise the outragedhand,Let themdemand! for the shamed Demand the retribution Of all the centuriesand everyage! Let fistsbe flunglike stone Againstthe heavensand the heavenlyThrone! And thou too, son of man, be part of these: 250 Believethe pangs of theirheart,believenot theirlitanies. And when the cantorliftshis voice to cry: Rememberthemartyrs, Lord, Rememberthe cloveninfants,Lord, Considerthesucklings,Lord, And when the pillarsof the synagogueshall crack at thispiteousword And terrorshall take thee,flingthee in its deep, Then I will harden My heart;I will not let thee weep. Should thena cryescape fromthee, I'll stifleit withinthythroat. 260 Let themassoil theirtragedy, Not thou-let it remainunmourned For distantages, timesremote, But thytear,son of man, remainunshed! Build thou about it, withthydeadly hate Thy furyand thyrage, unuttered, A wall of copper,the bronze tripleplate! So in thyheartit shall remainconfined A serpentin its nest-O terribletear!Until by thirstand hungerit shall find 270 A breakingof its bond. Then shall it rear Its venomoushead, its poisoned fangs,and wait To strikethe people of thylove and hate! Leave now thisplace at twilightto return And to behold thesecreatureswho arose In terrorat dawn, at dusk now, drowsing,worn Withweeping,brokenin spirit,in darknessshut. Their lips stillmove withwords unspoken. Their heartsare broken.

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No lustrein theeye,no hopingin themind, 280 Theygropeto seeksupporttheyshallnotfind: Thuswhentheoil is gonethewickstillsendsitssmoke; Thusdoes an old beastof burdenstillbearitsyoke. had leftthemsomesmallsolace Wouldthatmisfortune the theirgrayhairs! Sustaining soul,consoling are said. Behold,thefastis ended;thefinalprayers Butwhydo theytarrynow,thesemournful congregations? Shallit be also read, The Book of Lamentations? It is a preacher mountsthepulpitnow. 290 He openshismouth,he stutters, Hark stammers. The emptyversesfromhisspeakingflow. wordis heard And nota singlemighty To kindlein theheartsa singlespark. The old attendhisdoctrine, and theynod. The youngoneshearkento hisspeech;theyyawn. The markof deathis on theirbrows;theirGod Has utterly forsaken everyone. And thou,too,pitythemnot,nortouchtheirwound; Withintheircup no further measurepour. 300 Wherever thouwilttouch,a bruiseis found. Theirfleshis whollysore. For sincetheyhavemetpainwithresignation And havemadepeacewithshame, Whatshallavailthyconsolation? to evokethyscorn. Theyare too wretched are too lost They thypityto evoke. So letthemgo, then,mento sorrowborn, Mournful and slinking, crushedbeneaththeiryoke. Go to theirhomes,and to theirhearthdepartin theheart. 310 Rot in thebones,corruption And whenthoushaltriseuponthemorrow And go uponthehighway. Thou shaltthenmeetthesemendestroyed bysorrow, at thedoorsofthewealthy, Sighingand groaning, theirsoreslikeso muchpeddler'swares, Proclaiming The one his battered head,theotherhislimbsunhealthy, One showsa woundedarm,and one a fracture bares. And all haveeyesthatare theeyesof slaves, Slavesflogged beforetheirmasters;

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320 Andeach one begs,and each one craves:

Rewardme, Master,for thatmyskull is broken, Rewardme,for myfatherwho was martyred!

The richones,all compassion, forthepleasso bartered Extendthemstaffand bandage,say 'good riddance'and The taleis told: The paupersare consoled. to thecharnel-house! Away,youbeggars, The bonesofyourfathers disinter! Cramthemintoyourknapsacks, bear and go forth 330 Themon yourshoulders, To do yourbusinesswiththesepreciouswares At all thecountry fairs! nearsomepopulouscity, Stopon thehighway, And spreadon yourfilthy rags bonesthatissuefromyourbags, Thosemartyred And sing,withraucousvoice,yourpauper'sditty. So willyouconjureup thepityofthenations, And so theirsympathy implore. For youare nowas youhavebeenofyore 340 Andas youstretched it, yourhandso youwillstretch so are youwretched. And as youhavebeenwretched Whatis thybusinesshere,0 son of man? Rise, to thedesertflee! thitherbear withthee! The cup of affliction Take thouthysoul, rendit in manya shred, Withimpotentrage, thyheartdeform, Thytear upon thebarrenbouldersshed, And send thybittercryintothestorm!

In its own time"In theCityof Slaughter"was read as a violentrebuke hurledby thepoet Bialik at thepeople Israel. Althoughthismayindeedbe the deep messageof the poem, it is so completelyat odds withthe surface structure of thetext,especiallyas regardswho is speakingand who is being about has to be spokento, thattheissueofwhatthepoemis fundamentally of The and proper point departurefor such an questioned. opened up that of the poem, the arrangements is the rhetorical arrangements inquiry now the to first line: "Arise and text's are broughtintobeingby the city go of slaughter."The imperativemood of the verbs,and the existencethey

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whoiscommanded, anda listener conrequireofa speakerwhocommands structure stitute a rhetorical thatremains thepoem. unchanged throughout The imperative mood meansthatthediscourseof thepoemis notlyric or narrative butdramaticspeech,utterances made expression description beforea listener whosepresenceis dramatized withinthetext.The unoftheimperative moodfurther meansthatthelistener is never changingness allowedto respondbybringing hisownspeechintothetext,a factwhich makes"In theCityofSlaughter" classifiable as a monologue inthe properly mood. This exclusion the of a will conalso, imperative implies existence, a task a response stantly beingcurbed, constantly beingimposed, constantly beingstifled. Whois thisimperatorial thediscourse ofthe speakerwhomonopolizes can be inferred fromthemoreobviousidentity ofthe poem?His identity addressee. Thehighbiblicalidiomofthepoemandtheformulas ofaddress ("son ofman,""Ariseandgo") andmanyothercuesmakeitclearthatitis a prophet whois beingspokentoand,therefore, thatitis God whoisspeakThe is a in which God issuesa seriesofmaning. poem,then, monologue datesto a prophet. Thestatusofthepoemas God's monologue meansthat eventhoughthepoemridicules traditional the religious hopesandtravesties offuture God remains thespeaker of rewards, imageofGod as thedispenser thepoem.God'svoiceconstitutes an unironized-or transironic in perhaps, thesenseof beyondirony-framework of value within whichthepoem's famousand flagrant and are enacted.It is derisions, impieties, sacrileges the and of God against people'sself-regarding self-enfeebling conception thatthemockery is directed rather thanagainstthereferent ofthatconception,Whoin factissuescallsforaccusationand rebellion againstHimself. Yetintheontology ofthetextthissovereignty is,ofcourse,qualified bythe of a priorsourceofauthority. existence Thisderivesfromthedistinction a dramatized between within thetext,God, andtheproducer ofthe figure textitself,namely,thepoet. It is a matterof no smallpresumption on Bialik'sparttowriteGod'swordsandtowritea poemthatpresents itself in theguiseofdivinerevelation. It is a measurebothofthepersistent powerof theidea ofGod and ofitsusurpation the romantic artist who movesto by it forsymbolic use. appropriate Thereis a greater God is God, butis BialikHis prophet? presumption. Thereis an unmistakable setup between theprophet-addressee and identity thepoetBialik.Thepoemis aboutthepoet'sresponsibilities inresponding tocatastrophe, andmorespecifically, aboutBialik'smission toKishinev. By ofbiblicalprophecy andbyhimself the castingthisthemeinterms assuming

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oftheprophet, Bialiksetupa series ofexpectations, someofwhich persona

inearnestandothersofwhichhetampers hefulfills with.Likeprophecy, it is impliedthatthepoeticmissionis imposeduponthepoetfromwithout rather thanprojected thatthemission isinvestbyhisownwill,andfurther, ed withthekindofsacredauthority thatcannotbe suppliedbythepoet's ownsubjectivity. Thepriceforthishighsanction isthevitiation ofthepoet's in will.He ismovedfrom to the like a ona board, counter space space poem whilebeingsystematically from the ofhis enjoined following promptings own heart. At thecenteroftheprophetic vocationis thepreaching ofthewordof is notcalledsimply God. Theprophet toenjoya specialprivate relationship to God; heis a vesselthrough whichGod'swilliscommunicated toIsraelso thatIsraelmaybechastised orconsoled.Theprophet existsforIsrael'ssake, notforGod's. He is chosenforhisfaculty ofpathos;thepeople'swhoring ofdenunciation afterothergodsfireshimwiththefury becauseofhisproof suchactions;and whenthe foundconcernforthedireconsequences oftheirenemies, theprophet feelstheirpain peoplereelfromthetortures and is movedto comfort them. In thepoemit is just thismostcentralfunction ofprophecy thatGod To addressthepeople,to rebukethemorreassure countermands. them,to venthisrageorimparthisempathy-ateveryturnthisis whattheprophet is orderednotto do. The interdiction concerns notfeeling. He expression, thehorroroftheslaughter and thegreater horrorofthebemustwitness haviorofthebystanders and survivors and feelhisprophetic ragemount forreasonsweshalllearn,todo whata witheverysight;yetheis forbidden, thatragetohispeople.Theactofcommunidoes,tocommunicate prophet cationnevertakesplace;though thereis an explosive releaseinthelastlines of thepoem,it is solitary and onanistic. a poemessenYetwhatofthepeople?Is not"In theCityofSlaughter" ofquiettheir traditions about the Jews of Eastern Europe, bankrupt tially in their their the face of their ism, persecution, politicalignorance, venality nor be And neither of speak spoken exploitation religion? thoughtheymay andthestimulus ofthe to,aretheynottheverysubjectofGod's discourse of Buttheconspicuous exclusion thepeople Yes,certainly. poet'sfeelings? fromthecommunicative act mustalertus to thefactthattheobviousand commonsensical subjectofthepoemis notitsonlysubject."In theCityof is a poemwithtwothemes. Beneath themanifest questionofthe Slaughter" ofthepeopleliesthequestionoftheromantic condition poet,thesourcesof to thenation,thefateofhis thenatureofhisresponsibility hisauthority,

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in thefaceoftheunspeakable. In thecourseofthepoem burdenoffeeling themanifest is displacedbythelatent.Thisdisplacement growsas thepoem The poemis organized intounitsaccording to thecycleofone progresses. to evening)and according to a seriesofphysicalsites day (frommorning whichthepoetis moved-theattics,thecellars,thestables,the through thesynagogues, and so on. In eachunitthepoetis instructed to cemetery, the of the is traces and its he to inspect pogrom imagine reality; encouraged tofillhimwithwrathandfury, allowthisimagining butheisenjoinedfrom to is vent these and instead moved to thenextsite.However, feelings giving inthefirst sections oftheworkwhatthepoetsees,thepeopleand although thepogrom,is thefocus,it is thedeepening crisisoftheseerthatcomes to occupythedramatic center.Let us therefore examinefirst increasingly Bialik'spresentation ofthethemeofthepeopleand thepogromand then thegathering dramaof thepoet. Bialikmakesus see thepogromwiththesameeffectual restraint that marksall hisoperations inthepoem.Raisedon thepogromliterature burthecontemporary readercomestothepoemwith lesquedbyAbramowitsch, an appetite forhighpathosandfigurative exhorbitance. He findsinsteada textthat systematically declinesto feedthis hunger."In the City of containsalmostno explicit The poemis written in Slaughter" metaphors. themetonymical mode.Whenwe do comeacrossone ofthepoem'shalfdozensimiles(in 348 lines),we savorsomereleasefromtheunremitting andbrokenglass,on things, focuson stonesandfeathers a releaseintosome realmofreality outsidetheworldofthepogrom.Instead,theexperience of the similes is like on a land mine. Take the at the reading stepping figure openingof thepoem: wall ... attain thebroken Whoseburnt andbarren whosecharred stones reveal[resemble] brick, Theopenmouths ofsuchwounds, thatnomending Shallevermend, everheal. norhealing

(11. 8-11)

Theunsettling effect ofBialik'smetaphors derives from therealmsofobjects of intheyconspireto confuse.The patternofteninvolvesa comparison animateobjectsto onesthatareanimatebuthardlyhuman.Heretheholes inwallsthathavebeenburntthrough tothebarebrickarelikened tofestering,incurablewounds.Materialdamageis bad enoughbutat leastitis final; comparingit to an animal or humanwound introducesa qualityof infec-

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whichis made all themoreghoulishbygivingthewounds tiouspersistence, humanoidmouths.(Thereis a playhereon 'anush,"incurable," disembodied and 'enosh, "human.") In a figurein 11. 131-35 that recalls Tcherniof boundariesbetweenthehumanand theinanichowsky,thecrisscrossing mateand thenoxiouslyhumanoidis stillmorecomplexlygrotesque.In the stableswheremuch of the slaughtertook place, the scatteredpiles of carstand-infortheenemy, riagewheels,whichare establishedas a metonymic ofsatedvampirebats,"Theiropen spokes, arecomparedto an encampment likefingers stretchedformurder,/Like vampiremouthstheirhubsstillclotted red." These strongeffects,these littlegruesomeexplosionsof meaning,are effectivein theirrarity,and theysuggestthe kind of poem, perhaps a Tchernichowskian text,thatBialikchose notto write.The rulingpassionof "In the City of Slaughter"is metonymic.Whereas metaphorestablishes makesequivalences betweenthingsotherwisedifferent, metonymy similarity accordingto contiguityor association,that is, betweenpart and whole, cause and effect, thingand attribute.In thefigureabove, thecomparisonof theopened-spokewheelsto vampirebats is a typeof metaphor;thewheels in whichthe are an exampleofa metonymy as a substitute forthemurderers standsfor its agents.Metonymyis Bialik's major strategyfor instrument thepogrombecause of thepossibilitiesit affordsforindirection. presenting Walkingthroughthecityofslaughterthepoetis forcedto observethedetritus of the massacre: the bloodsplatteredand brain-splattered walls, the burnt-outhouses, the mounds of brokenglass, the omnipresentfeathers of fromslitbedding.He is forcedto observe,in short,thetracesand effects theeventbutnottheeventitself.Even whenthepoet imaginesthescenesof it is in termsof axes and eyesalone (11.46-51). The carnagein retrospect, of spatial organization the poem is part of thisstrategy.Each of the sites throughwhichthe poet is moved has its own floatingambianceof horror thatsuggeststheeventsbut does not dramatizethem.A textthatis alluded to but not introducedis part of a metonymicprocedureas well. Literary allusion,to be sure,is theverystuffof Bialik'spoeticlanguage,theessential forall purposes.Whatis especiallyrelevantis techniqueusedwithvirtuosity Bialik's abilityto suggestthe resonancesof the entireJewishliteratureof atrocitywithouthimselfhavingto cover the same ground: A taleofclovenbelly, feather-filled, A taleof nostrils and nails,skulland mallet; werehung; menwhofromtherafters A taleofmurdered

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A taleofa babebesidehismother flung... halved A taleofan infant ... on 11.59-65 moreliteralhereto stressthe I have madethetranslation "A taleof... thatcomesfromtheanaphoric senseofcatalogued repetition (ma'asehbe-...)" thatbeginseachlinein theHebrew.Thecatalogueas a wholeevokes-inthemostparsimonious bodyofliterature: way-an entire as wellas theconthe the and chronicles, Lamentations, midrash, piyyutim it accounts the and indicates thedegree of journalistic pogroms, temporary each instanceof atrocity tradition has to whichin thiselaborateliterary it a To recall to itselfbecomea conventional mind,the set-piece, topos. readerneedonlybe supplieda fewchargedwords. is a technique ofannoyance. theaesthetic Metonymy Metaphor purveys between seeinga similarity unlikely objects.Metonymy pleasureofsuddenly usfromthethingitself usaccessonlyto frustrates andallowing bydeflecting itsresiduum, itsatmosphere, Bialik'smotives itsparaphernalia. forso rigidis the mode are It an several. to lyenforcing metonymic attempt finda way facedbythepoetsofLamentations: howto thwart outofthedilemmafirst andconveythetruehorror ofhorror. thedullingeffects ofconvention True horrorresidesnotin languagebutinthemind;supplying a fewmetonymic hisown thepicture withmaterials from detailsinvites thereadertocomplete offear.To say"taleofnostrils andnails"is to sayquite inchoatereservoir enoughto imaginetheworst-muchworsethancouldhavebeenexplicitly Yet forBialikthesummoning of terror and atrocity remainsa rendered. in "In is the of he concerned lesswith subsidiary objective City Slaughter"; theslaughter thanwiththeresponseto theslaugher, how thepurgative can neutralize thesenseof outrageand ritualsof weepingand mourning foldsofthetradition. drawthehorrorintothequiescent So, whileBialik does not minimizethe slaughter, he does not seek to feedthisJewish forbreast-beating anda goodcry.Andas readersweareas suspect appetite in thisregardas Abramowitsch's Kabtsielites and thesurvivors satirized to providea directdescription ofthepogrom laterin thepoem.Byfailing andforces usto Bialikdeclines to supplythegratifications ofrepresentation makedo withtheunderstatement of metonymic fragments. Thisfragmentariness ofdescription is one ofthefactors thatmakesfor thepoem'sinnergenerictension."In theCityofSlaughter" playson the ideaofepic.Thehighseriousness ofitssubjectplustheunironized rhetorical framework God andprophet endowthepoemwithan epictenor involving and an epic ambitiousness, as does thehighbiblicaldictionand rigorous

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of the composition. Indeedthe term spatialand temporalorganization which was used Bialik to describehis poema, impliesepic intention, by work.Yet his harshest critic was to contemporary quick pointout how of epic are wantingin "In theCityof manyof theessentialproperties Thereis no completely realizedpicture ofexternal and events, Slaughter."24 whilethereis muchtravesty fewepicsimiles, andlowcomedy.Mostproblematicis theabsenceofepicaction;thereis no herowhodoesanything. Andbecausethereis noprojectundertaken, therecanbe nosenseoftragedy his in the sense thattheCrusaderchroniupon failure, perhaps consequent oftheir andthustranscendent, becauseoftheactivenobility clesaretragic, work Bialik meant the a whatever Now, bycalling poema,itis suffering. is evident thatthepointofthepoem theabsenceofjustthatsortoftranscendentactionor transcendent suffering promisedby epic. "In theCityof It is neither is notabouttragicdefeatbutfailure to initiate. an Slaughter" which its is It rather an nor a own, negaantiepic, proposes mock-epic. epic of meaning. tive,principles function ofmetonymy theadditional ofkeepTheindirection performs We see of the out of the the the only instruing perpetrators pogrom poem. themthe and the effects of not the the ments, sites, destruction, destroyers theax, thewagonwheel,the selves.Disembodied, theyexistonlythrough theenemyas a touchstone of hammer.This enablesBialikto eliminate those and abominationand to forcethe readerto transfer antipathy emotions totheinteriorless dramaofJewandJew,God andHispeople,the his sender and audience.The refusalto allow thereader poet-prophet, coerfrom this sceneis one ofthegreatautocratic egress family impacted it shouldbe recalled,thatis well cionsof thepoem.It is an exclusion, in theclassicalliterature, where,exceptforcriesforvindicaprecedented ofcatastrophe theinternal was largely tion,theinterpretation keptwithin ofthecovenant anditspartners. Bialik'smotives maynotbe the dynamics buthismoveis oneofalmostliturgical sameas thetradition's, familiarity. themartyroTheuseBialikmakesofthetextsofthetradition, especially is perhaps themostcelebrated aspectofthepoem."In the logicaltraditions, is allusionputtoparody. summa of motifs and of a City Slaughter" perverse disclose a line blushes to mangled quotationor a discordant Nearlyevery from the sword,"Lev. 26:36) textualresonance:menusat berev("flight 24. The criticwas probablyNahum Syrkin.See Malakhi, pp. 70-72 and p. 79 on David Frishman'scriticism.

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becomesmenusat 'akhbarim mice,"1. 121);themartyred ("flight of/from RabbiAkiva'sdyingwitness"[God is] One!" (yase'ahnishmato be-'ebhad) becomesthestabbedinfant's be-'immi, appeal"Mama!" (yape'ahnishmato of suchsmalleffects, and properstudyofthe 1. 66). Thereare hundreds theirsourceswouldyieldan entiretaxonomy of waysinwhichtheyinflect in its How and to what effect deformations, stunning virtuosity. variously is Bialikworkswithinthespace betweentheoriginaland his invention anda vastone.Commonto allthesemaneuvers indeeda subjectuntoitself, ofthereader'sfamiliarities and expectations is themanipulation and the of levelsof toneand diction.An exampleofthisin a more manipulation thirdof extended passageis theatticrapesequencein 11.78-112.The first inearnest. andcontempothepassage(11.78-89) is entirely Thetraditional suchscenesis evokednottobeundercut butto thatdescribes raryliterature be done one better.Bialikis showingthatwhenit comesto terrorand ofaffect veryhighwhenit suitshim;and pathoshe can pushtheregister to eventhisthrough references soiledcushions andbloodiedpilmetonymic as "Beforethe of such a line lows and by the understated bestiality Thisis theone place aftertheslaughter!" slaughter, duringtheslaughter, wheretheenemyis imagined and vilified; thereis evenin11.81-82 a nonironicreference to a setofwell-known midrashim on Hosea 10:14,"When andbabesweredashedtodeathtogether." mothers Now,as themomentum shifts thesubjectto thecowardly ofoutrageis infullforceBialiksuddenly in thecellarhidingplaces.Our repulsion, once aroused,is not menfolk but transferred onto the Jewish whose criminal inaction is now males, stayed made to seemmoreghastlythantheloathesomedeedsof thegoy.The oftheabominations ofthegoyiscontinued butwenowseethem description theeyesof thebystanders. as relayedthrough Forcedintothisvantage as readersbecomessoiledandcompromised. Thetone point,ourperception in pathosand turnedto contempt, of thepassage,whichbeganearnestly crossesoverwiththe"Perhaps, andsarcasm. perhaps"of1. 102intoridicule The seriousness of eventhecontempt is undercut in theend;thepassage concludes(11.111-112)withthe senseof the absurdfutility of a world thefinalnoteof mostoftheearlysectionsofthe unchanged by atrocity, ustotheearnest with poem.Inshort, bytreating rapesceneinthebeginning itstraditionally identified victims andperpetrators, Bialikhas drawnus in to a verydifferent distribution ofblameandfeeling thanwewereoriginally to make.Thecemetery scene(ll. 175-209)usesa similarlure-the prepared ritualofvisiting thegravesoftherighteous-to setupthereaderforwhatis theparodyoftheexpectation of perhapsBialik'smostsardonicburlesque,

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afterlife and future theconviction so fundamental to themotives reward, andexperience ofmedieval martyrs. Withso muchparodyand travesty, whatis leftin thepoemthatis serious? "In theCityofSlaughter" of hasoften beentakenas an indictment inthe theJewish as reflected ofthehabitofpassivity pastanda repudiation in this traditions. Thereis a needto makediscriminations martyrological matter. Thepoem'sdazzlingrhetorical shouldnotleadto a confuseffects withthetradition, oftheconductofthemoment withthe ingofpassivity ofthepast.The Jewswhocowerin theouthousesand pigpens precedents arecalled"thesonsoftheMaccabees!/The SeedofSaints,thescionofthe lions ([nineiha-'arayotshe-ba-"avha-rahamim"ve-zera'ha-"qedoshim"],"

is to 1096especially). thereference areusedintheironic Butthesobriquets courThespiritual sensethattheseJewsarethebetrayers ofthisinheritance. is not and defiance involved in ideal and of ha-shem the age practice qiddush its much the of that sanction and as as self-serving arrogation impugned as to shameful want of and defiance. a courage Martyrdom a application in itstime;itspersistent idealizato catastrophe was appropriate response of tioninthemodern ofnerveanda blaspheming ageis a coverfora failure thememory ofthetrulygreat.Whatwas onceclassicalis nowdegenerate, ImmorThesameappliestomoretheological thevitalnoweffete. concepts. the survivors to se is as much the readiness of not travestied as talityper in as an consolation. the assurance of a future reward Bialik, easy accept use of the tradition but the to not the texts and ideas brief, liturgical negates To interwhichtheyhavebeenput.To be sure,thisis nota smallnegation. to asborbthemintoa millennial drama,to liturgically, pretnewdisasters ofredemption drawofftheirdestabilizing force,to be quietedbypromises initsown infaith-what wasappropriate andevencreative andtopersevere andevasion. timehasbecomepretext on thepoem'scenterofgravity To putone'sfinger lookingto requires thethemeofGod andprophet. God,as wehavesaid,mayparodyHimself withbarecupboards as a bankrupt butHe remains thespeaker householder God gives ofthepoemandwebelieveat leastinthepoem.Theinstructions theme of"In his the "transironic" tothepoet-prophet task form concerning The poet'scrisisis real and engaged,whilethe the Cityof Slaughter." is dodged.Like the people'scrisis,despiteall theweepingand howling, a the of ordeal demands discarding no-longer appropripeople's,thepoet's fora newrole,a newdefinition ofthepoeticvocation. ate setofpractices in theearlysectionsof the of thatroleare adumbrated The lineaments Bialikinhisresearches didindeeddo-to poem.Thepoetis instructed-as

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towadethrough to andinspecteverydetailofthemassacre; exposehimself to seethebrain-splattered thebloodiedfeathers, walls,to takeinhishands to hearthetalesofatrocity, "Talesthatdo puncture thebefouled cushions, soul fromlife,forever!" thebrain,suchtalesthatsever/Thy body,spirit, risestohis (11.69-70). Yetwhenthecryofpainandoutrageuncontrollably elseto stifle it andkeepsilent,andhe is transferred lipshe is commanded of wheretoinspect another site yet slaughter. climaxin thestablesamongthecarriage Theseforcedconfrontations wheelswherethepoetis facedwith"Terrorfloating neartherafters, terror/ tohimthat hiding"(11.140-41).It is explained Againstthewallindarkness thisspeechless, infinite sorrowis theSpiritofAnguish(ruabdakka).(In a similarwaythepoet'ssympathetic soulis briefly externalized and personifiedas a dark Shekhinah, grief-stricken yetunableto weep;thisis an internal allusionto suchearlierworksofBialikas "Le-vaddi.")Thepoetis in thedarkbarnwiththesorrow, to closethimself to commune instructed to incorporate the sorrowinto himselfand fill withit (ve-hityabadta), withit(11.166-76).Whenthedayofhisdesolation himself comes,whenhis will he be abletorelyuponthe ownresources ofwrathhavebeenexhausted, sorrowhe had earliertakenon and be revivedin hisrage,as ifdrawing inthetranslafroma poisonouswell(ma'yantar'elah, thisphraseis missing and thesorrowwillremainwithinhim,pressing tion).In themeantime, likea nightmare. it,speakitout,"his gnawing Thoughhewould"proclaim (1. 176). "lipsshallnotfinditsutterance" intheconcluding ofreleasearefinally of Twomoments sections granted theotherrealbutfutile. Thepoemis thepoem;oneis potentbutimaginary, andreleaseoffeeling. inall itspartswiththesuppression What preoccupied ofthispreoccupation? be argued,is carrying is themeaning Bialik,itmight offeeling thegreatAbramowitsch themeofthesublimation into forward than action. The satiric scenes of the concern the rather poem speech poputheanguishof persecution lar clamorforchanneling intooutpourings of andconsolation rather thanenduring theanguishandtranslatlamentation is thecomplicofpoliticalorganization. Lessevident ingitintotherealities His of the denunciations and assurances soothing poet-prophet. ringing ity ofbreast-beating and catharsis, and had beenabsorbedintothedynamics ofdelusionthatplayhavocwithit. hadbeenusedmoreto oilthemachinery ofa nationalpoetlikeJudahLoeb Gordonhad in time The fulminations andso Bialik,theinheritor ofthat cometo be ignoredortakenforgranted, thestandardprophetic servicein an mantle,had beenobligedto perform theenemy, hourofcrisisbyexcoriating thevictims, andcomfortbeatifying

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thepeoplefortheir orevenforthatmatter byreproaching ingthesurvivors, conofexpression touchesthemostfundamental Theinterdiction passivity. Not unlike the the it to be a romantic of what means prophet, poet. ception stimuli of the to the is endowed with an world, exquisitesensitivity poet fromhissoul; calledforth whichin turnmoveshimto expressthefeelings and the animamundi. between the soul is the this rapport poetic sympathetic of from theoutpourings Whatismore,itistheworldthatneedsandbenefits but thepoet'ssoulandfromthegreattruths feeling theycontain.To permit This wedgehas been is a moveof greatconsequence. forbidexpression itselfhas becomesuspect. drivenintothepoet'sbeingbecauseexpression is doingwhatcomestoonaturally. Givingconstantreleaseto hisfeelings of his discourseserves,as in thecase of the and dispersion The venting that a purgation; it is a discharge, moreover, people,as too comfortable and absorbedintotheselfcomesto no account,so easilyis it neutralized of itslisteners. serving expectations of thepoeticvocation.The Nationalcrisisrequiresa rudereshaping voiceofthepoemcallsuponthepoettoworkagainstthegrain commanding releaseandallowthesorrowandthewrath ofhisnature:He mustforswear will to collectwithinhim.As thepressure builds,his anguishedfeelings a bitter which are reduced to of a acidification, by they undergo process ofthepoet's essenceofrancorand bile.Thisnowbecomesthewellspring theblack this is the the ma'yantar'elah, poisonousfountain, imagination; muse.Ll. 264-73 presentan alternative imageof thisdarkessenceas a weapon ratherthan a source.The stifledfury,the unshedtears,the coiledwithin thebronze as a venomousserpent cryarepictured repressed vaultofthepoet'sheart,whichGod willhardenliketheheartofPharoah. itwillbe sent andhunger, Whentheserpent has beendrivenmadbythirst forthto "strikethepeopleof thyloveand hate!" areimagesofpotency andtheserpent As baleful as theyare,thefountain of thepoet,evenifitis in the breast and replenishment. Something grows transcendence to thisnegative In contrast ofmalediction. themalignancy Their heartsare"a of the ofthesurvivors standsthesterility catastrophe. can reviveno growth"(11.226-27). evenvengeance drearywaste,/where and embitterment willengender God has leftoffhopingthatsuffering curseand vengeanceagainsttheenemy-andagainstGod embitterment The peopleare disconsolate, Himself. immobilized, broken;theystumble ofconsolation. theformulas ritualsofmourning, mumbling through empty visionofbegintheapocalyptic however, Theyaremovedfromthisinertia, toa close.Whentheyget garywithwhichthethemeofthepeopleis brought up fromtheirmourningon thenextday,theyfinallybestirthemselves;but

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toorganize, butinorderto theymovenotinordertotakestock,torethink, intonisrafim, makethemselves professional traveling beggarswhomakea their misfortune. Domesticating livingbyexploiting bymercancatastrophe is is it a that but withAbramowitsch tilizing pureAbramowitsch, prospect outthehumorandpathos.Bialikpushesfurther intotheabsurdgrotesque: As if theirownwoundsand stumpsare notenoughto arouseprofitable thesurvivors flockto thecemetery to digup thebodiesofthe sympathy, withthebonesoftheirbrethren slainandfilltheirknapsacks to be hawked as relicsat country fairs. "In theCityofSlaughter" endsfinally inreleasebutno connection. As was enjoinedtojourneyto thecityat theopeningofthe thepoet-prophet is heorderedto abandonthecityforthewilderpoem,so at itsconclusion thepoemthewilderness ness.Throughout hadbeenthesymbol ofboththe consummate indifference ofnatureto theoutrageofthepogrom(11.36-37) and thearidvoidofthesurvivors' souls.Thewilderness takeson thefinal association oftheplaceprophets havebeenthwartgo whentheirmissions ed. YetforBialik'spoet-prophets thereis no renewal ofthecalling, norevelation,no stillsmallvoice.He is givenonlyto rendhissoulintoshredslike themetonymical debrisofthepogromandletallthecarefully starved wrath But the is drowned out the which oblitfinally explode. explosion by storm, andmessage.The wordneverconnects eratesall meaning withthepeople; theviper,oncereleased,is borneoffby thewind. Thisimageofonanism, ofcourse,is beliedbythefactoftheexistence of thepoemand byBialik'scontinued intheaffairs ofhis poeticengagement was as hyperbolic as theapocalypseof beggary. people.His repudiation Andinpointoffact,thewordswerenotcarriedoffbythestorm.Published afterthefirstroundof a protracted seriesof pogromsbetween1903and "In the of did of 1906, City Slaughter" actuallyfostertheorganization in theoutbreaks Jewish self-defense thatfollowed. Thepoemdidmuch,in to further thecauseofZionismamongtheyoungmenandwomen addition, ofthePale.Inthelaterimagination oftheYishuvthepoembecamea prooftextforthedegeneracy ofthediasporamentality. In ourownday,"In the hasfoundperhapsitsmostironicemployment as a conCityofSlaughter" additionto themartyrology of theYom Kippurliturgy.25 temporary 25. JulesHarlow, ed. MahzorforRosh Hashanahand YomKippur(New York, 1972),pp. 556-59. Also, Chaim Stern,ed., GatesofRepentance,TheNew UnionPrayerbook for theDays ofAwe(New York, 1978),pp. 429-42. On theabsorptionofthesetextsintoa tradition,see the importantessay of David Roskies, "The Pogrom Poem and the Literatureof Destruction," Note Dame EnglishJournal11 (1979): 89-113.

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The indictmentof the martyrological responseto catastrophein the worksofAbramowitsch, and Tchernichowsky, Bialik,in conclusion,founded a powerfulnew literarynormwhichexerteditsgreatestimpactafterthe Holocaust. Athoughthe Holocaust was an incalculablygreaterhistorical tragedyfortheJewsthanthepogroms,theimageofJewishcowardicehad alreadybeen fixedand the recourseto classical consolationliteraturediscredited.Togetherwithotherfactors,the new normhelps to explainthe complexityof theresponsein thecultureof theYishuv and theStateto the Holocaustand thegreatsilence,withtheexceptionofGreenbergand Appelfeld,in Hebrew literature. ofHebrewand EastAsian Department and Languages Literatures of Maryland University MD 20742 Park, College

"Contra Judaeos" in Seventeenth-Century Italy: Two Responses to the "Discorso" of Simone Luzzatto by Melchiore Palontrotti and Giulio Morosini Author(s): Benjamin Ravid Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 301-351 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486413 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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CONTRAJUDAEOS IN SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ITALY: TWO RESPONSES TO THE DISCORSO OF SIMONE LUZZATTO BY MELCHIORE PALONTROTTI AND GIULIO MOROSINI by BENJAMIN RAVID I In 1638a book entitledDiscorsocircail statode gl'Hebreiet inparticolar di Venetia(A Discourseon theState of theJews, nell'inclitacittca dimoranti Those Dwellingin theIllustriousCityof Venice),writtenby the Particularly prominentVenetianRabbi, Simone Luzzatto,was published.'This Italian 1. Partsof the Discorsohave beentranslatedintoLatin,French,Germanand English.For the Englishtranslation,see Commentary 3 (1947):371-77, 474-78, 13 (1952):589-93, and fora see BenjaminRavid,Economicsand TolerationinSevenlistingoftheotherpartialtranslations, teenthCenturyVenice:TheBackground and ContextoftheDiscorso ofSimoneLuzzatto(Jerusalem, 1978),pp. 7-8, note 1. The onlycompletetranslationis the Hebrewtranslationby Dante Lattes(Jerusalem,1950),withtwo Hebrewintroductions: Moses A. Shulvass,"Rabbi Simha Luzzatto" (reprintedin In The Gripof Centuries[Hebrew] [Tel Aviv-Jerusalem, 1960], pp. 33-55) and RobertoBachi,"Introductionto theHebreweditionofthe Discorsoon theState of theJews"(partlyreprintedin Italian,withadditions,in hisIsraeledispersoe ricostruito [Rome, 1952],pp. 97-139).

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wasaddressed to theVenetian work,184quartosizepagesinlength, patriciatewhichconstituted thegoverning bodyofthecity.On thebasisofinforina seventeenth-century first Hebrewchronicle mationcontained published in orderto avertan expulsion in 1949,it appearsthatit had beenwritten theJewsofVenicein 1636-37.2 whichthreatened TheDiscorsocanbe dividedeasilyintotwoparts.Thefirst, of consisting its sections are I to constitutes considerations as 10, (considerazioni, called) oftheJewsin the a pioneering approachto theproblemofthetoleration wastojustify theresidence ofthe Itsintention preemancipation diaspora.3 Jewsin Veniceon thebasisoftheirfiscalandcommercial utility, primarily maritime butalsointhatofmoneyinthesphereofinternational commerce, intheopening A studyofVenetian decadesofthesevencommerce lending. overthe renewalof thetenyear and of the discussions teenthcentury thefirstof whichwas issuedin 1589, charters of theJewishmerchants, is Discorso rootedintherealiaofitstimes. establishes that the firmly clearly to thestatusquo oftheJews Luzzattostroveas a defense attorney preserve ofVenice.4 ThesecondpartoftheDiscorso(considerations 11-18)dealswithtotally and shouldbe viewedand analyzedin thecontext different subjectmatter centuries and and seventeenth ofJudeo-Christian polemicsinthesixteenth which some induced the Jewish-Christian prominent "rapprochement," Jews(Leone Modenaand Menassehben Israel,forexample)to seekto totheChristian world.'ItwasLuzzatto'sspecific intention, explainJudaism to createa oftheJews,to continue theeconomicutility afterestablishing thetradiclimateofopiniontowardthembothbyrefuting morefavorable that theallegation current atthattime(especially tionalanti-Jewish charges and also,positively, inclinedtowardall non-Jews), by theywerehostilely and accountoftheirschoolsofthought a verybriefandsuccinct presenting theJewsin Italy" 2. See Moses A. Shulvass,"A Storyofthe MisfortunesWhichAfflicted in In the (Hebrew),HebrewUnionCollegeAnnual22 (1949): 18-20, Hebrewsection,reprinted discussion, pp. 99-101. For an Englishtranslationofthepassage and further GripofCenturies, see Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, pp. 10-13. 3. See YitzhakF. Baer, Galut(Berlin,1936),p. 69, Englishtranslation (New York, 1947),p. 83, and the reviewof the 1950 translationof the Discorsoby Salo W. Baron in JewishSocial Studies15(1953):313-14. on thecharterof 4. See Ravid, Economicsand Toleration, pp. 25-98, and morespecifically 1589, Benjamin Ravid, "The First Charter of the JewishMerchants of Venice, 1589," AJSreview 1 (1976): 187-222. 5. Such an analysisstillremainsto be undertaken.The problemhas been presentedin greaterdetail, and a tentativeapproach suggested,in Ravid, Economicsand Toleration,pp. 19-25.

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oftheirgeographic howtheywereallowedto dwellin distribution, showing

countries. many

otherthana passingremark So far,noevidence, intheabove-mentioned Hebrewchronicle, hasyetcometolightregarding theroleoftheDiscorsoin expulsionof the Jews.Clearly,theywerenot avertingthe threatened in thecity expelledfromVenicein 1637,and indeeddwelledcontinuously untiltheendoftheRepublicin 1797,andon intothenineteenth andtwentiethcenturies.6 As faras theliterary oftheDiscorsois concerned, itprofoundly history influenced Menassehben Israeland was also utilizedby Isaac Cardoso.7 the EnglishdeistJohnToland was so Earlyin the following century,

withthearguments oftheDiscorso thathenotonlyextensively impressed

summarized totranslate it partsofthebook,butalsostatedthatheintended intoEnglish, a planwhichapparently wasneverimplemented.s Significanttwo contemporary Christian ly,the Discorsoalso sufficiently impressed Melchiore Palontrotti and Giulio at least one ofwhom writers, Morosini,

wasa convert, to inducethemto attackitinwriting. A description and

is ofdoublesignificance; itwill analysisoftheirhitherto neglected critiques bothdrawattention to someperceived weaknesses intheDiscorsoandalso revealthe outlookand mentality of the onlytwo knowncriticsof the

volume.

II

Melchiore Palontrotti was a veryprolific antiseventeenth-century Jewish whowroteat leasttenanti-Jewish Yetdespite polemicist works.9 6. The basic historyof the Jewsof VenicestillremainsCecil Roth, Venice(Philadelphia, 1930),althoughmanypointsrequirerevision. 7. On Menasseh ben Israel, see BenjaminRavid, "How Profitablethe Nation of theJews Are: The HumbleAddressesof Menasseh ben Israel and the Discorso of Simone Luzzatto," Mystics,Philosophersand Politicians:Essays in JewishIntellectualHistoryin Honor ofAlexanderAltmann,eds. JehudahReinharzand Daniel Swetchinski(Durham, 1982), pp. 159-80 and on Cardoso, see Yosef H. Yerushalmi,FromSpanishCourtto Italian Ghetto(New York, 1971),p. 418. 8. On Toland, see Isaac Barzilay,"John Toland's BorrowingsfromSimone Luzzatto," JewishSocial Studies31 (1969):75-81. 9. The onlycomprehensive listofhiswritings is thatcontainedin CarlusJ.Imbonatus,Bibliothecalatino-hebraica (Rome, 1694),pp. 160-61. One of theitemson thatlist(not theBreve risposta)is containedin the BritishMuseumGeneralCatalogueof PrintedBooks, PhotolithographicEditionto 1955, 263 vols. (London, 1965-66), 179:203.None of his worksare to be foundin the Cataloguegendraldes livresimprimds de la BibliothiqueNationale,Paris or in the cataloguesoftheLibraryofCongressin Washington,D.C.

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these numerous noinformation whatsoever tobeavailpublications, appears

ableon hislifeoractivities.' It is notknown whether hewasborna Christian, or converted fromJudaism. Threeyearsaftertheappearanceof theDiscorsoPalontrotti hisBreverisposta a SimoneLuzatto[sic](Brief published Responseto SimoneLuzzatto)(Rome, 1641).This workwas includedby Imbonatusin his Bibliothecalatino-hebraica,"and Imbonatus'sreference

hasbeencitedbylaterauthors, sometimes to theBreverisposta on thebasis reference ofa subsequent sourcewithout to Imbonatus.12Sinceto dateno detailson eitherthelengthor thecontents oftheBreverisposta havebeen neverbeen noted,it can be assumedthatthisveryrareworkhas hitherto a briefthirteen The Breverisposta, can bestbe pagepamphlet, consulted.'3 characterized as a traditional, Christian anti-Jewish tract. harsh,polemical, WhileforthemostpartPalontrotti usedtheDiscorsoas a pointofdepartureforcitingbiblicalverseswiththeirstandardacceptedChristian antiJewishinterpretations, he did makea fewvalidcriticisms of someof the weakerapologetical advancedin theDiscorso.In thefollowing arguments themainemphasiswillnot be on systematically presentation, analyzing Palontrotti's anti-Jewish or ascertaining theirsources,but arguments on hisresponse totheDiscorso. rather, TheBreverisposta as itstitleimplies, a direct tothe constitutes, response DiscorsoofSimoneLuzzatto.It is written inthefirst with Luzzatto person, 10. Thereis no entryon Palontrottiin eithertheJewishEncyclopediaor theEncyclopaedia Judaica,and to date I have been unable to locate any biographicalinformationon him in Italian sources.Imbonatusapparentlyknewnothingabout Palontrottisincehe merelycharacterizedhim as "Vir in Sacra, & Hebraica literaturaapprim6versatusItalic6 scripsitOpera sequentia";Imbonatus,Bibliotheca,p. 160. 11. Imbonatusreproducedthetitleof theBreverispostainaccuratelyas "Breverispostada SimoneLuzzato [sic]Ebreoin Venetia";Imbonatus,Bibliotheca, p. 161. 12. See JohannC. Wolf,Bibliothecahebraea,4 vols. (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1715-33), 1:1146(entry2183), 2:1039; JuliusFfirst,Bibliotheca judaica, 3 partsin 2 (Leipzig, 1863),3:64; Moritz Steinschneider,"Letteraturaantigiudaicain lingua italiana," Vessilloisraelitico30 (1882):245. The Breverispostais also mentionedin EncyclopaediaJudaica(Berlin,1928-34), s.v. "Luzzatto, Simone"; Shulvass, "Rabbi Simha Luzzatto," p. 23; EncyclopaediaJudaica (Jerusalem,1971),s.v. "Luzzatto, Simone,"whereitis misdated1642;also theworkis alluded to in Roth, Venice,p. 229. 13. I should like to thankthe CentroNazionale per il Catalogo Unico delle Biblioteche whichrespondedto myqueryas to whereI could Italianee per le InformazioniBibliografiche me to theBibliothecaVallicellianain Rome,and obtaina copyoftheBreverispostabyreferring to the BibliothecaVallicellianaforsendingme,in thespringof 1969,virtually by returnmail,a ofthework. microfilm

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oftenaddressedeitherby name"O Luzzatto,"or in the"polite"Italian secondpersonplural"voi" form.Itsveryopeninglinesarehostileintone. relatesthat,inducedbytheurging offriends rather thanbythe Palontrotti Luzzatto'sbook and desireto wastetime,14he has gonequicklythrough whichledhimtobelievethattheaimoftheDiscorsowas notedsomethings thecraftiness of to placea veilovertheeyesso thatonecouldnotpenetrate itsauthor'sthoughts. hisresponse to theDiscorsowithLuzzatto'sfirst Palontrotti commences in whichhe claimsthatLuzzattohad saidthat"it is better consideration, thattradebe in thehandsoftheJewsthanofanyothernation."Actually, Luzzatto'sargument, forLuzzatto is notaccurately Palontrotti reproducing eitherin the firstconsideration of the had not made such a statement inthebook. Discorsoorelsewhere the key argument of Luzzatto Palontrotti appearsto be distorting in thesecondand thirdconsiderations of theDiscorso.In the presented secondconsideration, Luzzatto'smainthemewasthatsincethenativeVenetianmerchants had retired commerce and foreigners were frommaritime it it hands in it was better that be in the of the than those of Jews over, taking theforeigners.'5 In thethirdconsideration, Luzzattoelaboratedfurther on thisview.'6 Hisarguments wereprimarily with and social overtones. economic, political It wasdifficult to attract to thecity;theywantedto possessreal foreigners estatewhichwas in shortsupplyand thenafterbecomingwealthy, they soughttitlesof nobility, powerand jurisdiction. Finally,theywouldgo homeand taketheirprofits out of thecity,thereby ratherthan draining On it. the other the Jews had no homeland to whichthey hand, enriching to take their could real not own did seek not estate, office, aspired profits, titlesof nobility and powerand,as longas theywerewell-treated, would Luzalwaysremainin thecityand notremovewealthfromit.Therefore, since zattoconcluded, theVenetiancitizenshad givenup tradewiththe 14. Leone Modena employsthesamethemein theopeninglinesofhisrefutation oftheBibliothecasanctaof Sixtusof Sienna publishedby ClementeE. Ancona, "Attacchicontroil Talmud di Fra Sisto da Siena e la risposta,finorainedita,di Leon Modena, Rabbino in Venezia," Bolletinodell'istituto di storiadella societa e dello stato Veneziano5-6 (1963-64): 297-323, summarizedin Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, specifically p. 313,briefly pp. 23-24. 15. Discorso,consideration2, fols. lOr-12r,Hebrew translation,pp. 82-84. For further details,see Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, pp. 56-60. 16. Discorso,consideration3, fols. 12v-18r,Hebrewtranslation,pp. 84-89. For further details,see Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, pp. 60-66.

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forthegovernment andthecitizens themselves West,itwasmorebeneficial forcommerce to be inthehandsoftheJews, whosepersonsandpossessions weresettledin the city,ratherthanin the handsof foreigners (again, not"anyothernation"as relatedbyPalontrotti, whichwould "foreigners" also byimplication includethenativeVenetians), whowerealwaysforeign andalienfortheabovereasons. Thisargument ofLuzzattohadto be meton economicandcommercial In fact,Luzzattowastoa certain extent onthedefensive. Although grounds. and itsBoardofTradewerebasicallyfavorably theVenetian government charter towardtheJewsfromthetimeofthegranting ofthefirst to inclined for in 1589on, thereby their need the the Jewishmerchants indicating merchants and indirectly thearguments ofLuzzatto, Jewish corroborating the from on occasion minority favorablyinclined reportsdissenting theJewsof oftheBoardofTradeassumeda hostiletone,accusing majority shareofoverseastradestillinthehandsofthe takingawaythediminishing merchants." It was no doubtas a reactionto suchsentinativeVenetian heldincertain mentsexpressed bytheBoardofTradeand moregenerally hisdefense oftheroleoftheJews circlesthatLuzzattoformulated Venetian intheoverseas tradeofVenice. and Palontrotti, however, totallyfailedto respondto theinnovative on of reacted utilitarian emotionally apologetics Luzzatto.He only original ratherthandealing thetraditional theological planeof abstracthostility, withtheeconomicand commercial reality.See, he tellsLuzzato,ifyour sinceSt. PaulsaidthattheJews"killed ideaswillstandup toclosescrutiny, boththeLordJesusand theprophets... displeaseGod and opposeall "And theprophetforetold: men"(1 Thessalonians 2:15),whilepreviously and on the hand all the round on the shall devour about, right peoples they canonehopeforfaithfulleft"(Zechariah12:6).How,he asksrhetorically, intothehandsof nessfromhimwhohasno faith;whowouldthrowhimself in withthosewhoareeager howcanoneengage business an enemy; so fierce useful thosewhodealonlyfraudulenttodestroy one;howcanoneconsider anticoncludes,citinga traditional Who, Palontrotti ly and deceitfully. to thespecific and in no wayresponding Jewish apologeticaof argument oftheTalmudwhichcommands Luzzatto,doesnotknowtheharshprecept inanyway,as longas thegenofa gentile thatoneshouldtaketheproperty

17. See Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, pp. 38-49.

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as is written inchapter fourofthe tileis notawareofit,toavoiddanger, first tractate ofthefirst order.'8 thenmoveson to thefifth consideration of theDiscorso. Palontrotti his it was more for to bolster that There,Luzzatto, advantageous argument to deal with Jewish merchants than with other theVenetians merforeign chants,had claimedthattheJewswerealways,underall formsofgovernand obedient.Thiswas important, he believed,because ment,deferential whenforeign merchants becameembroiled in disputesoverrestrictions on

andthetransportation ofgoodsandother similar critical situanavigation to their ministers andconsuls andthusmere tions,theywouldcomplain affairs become ofstate.However, mercantile wouldoften incidents theJews,

all overtheworld,without a protecting head,werealways livingdispersed with to orders disposed obeygovernment prompt docility.19 werecorrect Luzzatto'sobservations on thedescriptive level,butPalontrottiexposedtheirunderlying homebrutally thefactthat reason,driving theJewhadno choice."I say,"hewrites, "thatoneshouldnotcallreverent ofthesubjectthatwhichis theharshnecessity oftheslavetoward deference

18. This charge,in a slightlydifferent form,was alreadymade in Judeo-Christian polemics by Nicholas Donin at thedisputationovertheTalmud in 1240,thefirstofthemajormedieval trialsoftheTalmud. Thereit was allegedthat"it is permissibleto deceivea Christianin every withoutcommitting a sin. The sages provebytheTalmudthatGod way by a ruseor ingenuity and gave to theJewsall thepossessionsofthegentiles."This was supportedbymisinterpreting falselygeneralizingfromtwo talmudictexts(B.T. Bava Qamma 38a and 113a-b).Specifically, itshouldbe pointedout thattheHebrewwordnokhriused in thetalmudicpassagesin question did not referexclusivelyto Christians,but ratherto non-Jewsin general(i.e., nokhrifromthe rootnkhr,foreign,includesall non-Jews, whilethespecifictermforChristianswouldbe noyeri, derivedfromthe place name Nazareth). Palontrottihere accuratelyuses the Italian gentile whichI have translatedby its Englishcognate"gentile,"but laterwhenallegedlyquotingthis passage fromtheTalmud,PalontrottiusesthewordChristianorum (see below). On thedisputationof 1240,see thearticle,withtexts,publishedby Isadore Loeb, "La controversede 1240 sur le Talmud," Revue des etudesjuives 1 (1880):247-61, 2 (1881):248-70, 3 (1881):39-57, especially2:265-67, JudahRosenthal,"The Talmudon Trial:The Disputation at Paris in the Year 1240," JewishQuarterlyReview,n.s. 47 (1956-57):58-76, 145-69, especially 151-52, and Salo W. Baron,A Social and ReligiousHistoryoftheJews,17 vols. to date (Philadelphia,1952-), 9:64-65, 79-83, and 277-79, notes30-32. For twomoderndiscussions of the passages in question,see Jacob Z. Lauterbach,"The Attitudeof theJewTowards the Non-Jew,"CentralConference ofAmericanRabbis Yearbook31 (1921):186-233, reprintedin Jacob Z. Lauterbach,Studies in JewishLaw, Customand Folklore(New York, 1970), pp. 159-206, especiallypp. 176-82 and also JosephS. Bloch, Israel and theNations(Berlinand Vienna,1927,fromtheGermanof 1922),pp. 92-143. 19. Discorso,consideration5, fols.21v-22r,Hebrewtranslation, p. 92.

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a virtue hismaster, foriftheJewdidnotobeypromptly, making cunningly wouldincrease,and he would thehatredand contempt out of necessity, andbeingbanished." oflosingallhispossessions incurthepunishment Palontrotti Most significantly, completely passedovertheremaining the which Luzzatto's economic of reallyconstituted apologetica, arguments he element.20 oftheDiscorsoanditsoriginal mainthrust Characteristically, the Veneoftheprofit derived Luzzatto'scalculation failedto challenge by had saidwas opento fromtheJews,whichLuzzattohimself tiantreasury on thetenth criticism.2 resumeshis responsewithcomments Palontrotti commercial andfiscalutilifrom whichservedas a transition consideration, an appealto theVenetian andcontained to religious tarianism apologetics In theBible,Luzzattoclaimed,God preferred senseofjusticeand nobility. to be calledthefatherof orphansand judge of widowsratherthanthe God's oftyrants. and subjugator ofproudmonarchs Similarly, oppressor than the exalted and more in the was used aiding depressed lowly clemency nextto andnoble,liketheraysofthesunwhichwarmtheloweratmosphere and rulers is to which closer the theearthmorethan upper it, beingrepreLuzzattothen of God, shouldbe clementas is God himself. sentatives whowasthe andwisestatesman relatedhavingheardfroman experienced in a citywhereJewslived,he ofa greatprincethatuponarriving minister oftheruler thetruesentiments did notknowa better wayofascertaining themanthanbycarefully andtherealnatureofthegovernment examining andjusticeshowntowardthe theJews.Benevolence nerinwhichittreated andfear;humanecouldderivefroma spiritofweakness nativepopulation for couldresultfromobsequiousrespect theirruler,but nessto foreigners showntowardtheJewscould have no and protection justice,clemency ofan ingenuous causeotherthanthenoblevirtue naturally disposed spirit, to raisetheoppressedand assisttheweak,fortheJewswerenotonlyof andconmeekandhumblespiritand alwaysusedto taxesand oppression combut also a even to emit not accustomed lament, languid sequently be who would the earth of in ruler without anyregion anyspecial pletely anddefender.22 theirprotector 20. See above, note3. 21. Discorso,consideration8, fol. 30r, Hebrew translation,p. 99; Ravid, Economicsand Toleration, pp. 74-88. 22. Discorso,consideration10,fols.34r-35v,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 103-4; Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, pp. 92-93.

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Luzzatto'sargument Palontrotti summarizes and adds some briefly The rulers to the Jews resultsfrom "clarifications." protection granted by withhumanmisery. Justas merciful whichis concerned theirmercy, God, notonlywiththehighand thesublimebutalso likethesun,is concerned withthehumbleand depressed and shareshisfavorequally,so too rulers arelikemanysunswhichspreadtheir calledbythenameofGod, elohim, warmth and raysuniformly andregardbenignly esteemed thingsas wellas abominable ones.Foralthough theJewis theabominable excrement ofthe in he too the which rulers as a earth, participates good dispenseliberally resultoftheirclemency rather thanthemerits ofthosewhoreceiveit.And thisclemency oftheirs towardtheJewsis notonlythevirtue ofan ingenuous butalso has a divineelement, foritwas a doctrine spirit, taughtbyJesus thetrueGod ofIsrael,whosaid"lovethineenemies," theChristian Christ, the Jew as a creature of even his God, loving thoughthrough ownfaulthe has fallenfromgrace.Therulerstreathimwellinorderto clasphiminthe loveofGod, so thatfreedfromthesnaresofdiabolicalservitude, he will return to hisnaturalliberty. continues even But, Palontrotti, thoughas our enemiestheyareto be loved,as enemiesofGod theyareto be subjugated and oppressed, fortheynotonlyare opposedto God and to theMessiah, butas a consequence theyviolatethedivineand humanlaws.Palontrotti claimsthathe couldrespondin thewordsofAugustine thattheJewsare tolerated becauseofthedivinewishto showthejusticeof God. Whatis andlifeinbattleortofallalive worse,heasks,fora kingtolosehiskingdom the into the hands of the toremainalivein among booty enemy? Certainly, thehandsoftheenemyconstitutes a worsepunishment fora nobleperson, as provenbySaul,whowhenwoundedaskedhisarmor-bearer to killhim so thathe wouldnotfallaliveintothehandsofthePhilistines. Once,the Jewswerethekingdom andpriesthood ofGod,buttheyrebelled andwere of all and for God wishes that now, torment, deprived well-being greater albeit divided and the world in eternal live, they fragmented throughout humiliation. Thus,hisrigorous justiceis metedouttotherebelsandtheyare inthekingdom andgrace,andas confounded, seeingthenationsreinvested a resulttheyareconsumed turnsto byrageandenvy.You say,Palontrotti addressLuzzattoinconcluding hiscritique ofthetenthconsideration ofthe whenheis oppressed, doesnotlament.23 Discorso,thattheJewsometimes, 23. "Voidite,chese l'Ebreotalvoltavien'aggravato, nonsilamenta"; thesegeneral words werenotusedbyLuzzatto, whowrotespecifically avvezzinellegravezze e oppressioni "sempre cheperbsonoacostumati dinonesalarepurunlanguido consideration Discorso, lamento"; 10, fol.35r,Hebrew translation, p. 103.

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Butthisis nota virtueas youpresume, butfeigned sinceby forbearance, naturetheJewis quarrelsome andcomplains foranyreason.He is quietand dissembles becausehe is afraid,butinwardly he schemesdiaoutwardly bolicalthoughts andkillshimself withhisownpoison.

Palontrotti continues with a critique ofthefollowing eleventh considera-

In thatconsideration, Luzzattohadclaimedthatifitwasdifficult to tion.24

characteristics ofanindividual, describe theinner howmuch moresowasit todescribe thoseofanentire thatoftheJews, whowere nation, especially allovertheworld various customs from thenations scattered andacquired he concluded, shouldanyonestill amongwhomtheylived.Nevertheless,

toinvestigate their ingeneral, customs desire

it couldbe said thattheyarea nationofa veryabasedspiritand weak,instateofanypoliticalgovernment, capablein theirpresent occupiedin their littleor notat all providing individual fortheirgeneral;theirparinterests, admireantiquity, andconsimoniousness approaches stinginess; theygreatly courseofevents;manyofthemareroughin manners, siderlittlethepresent inthe themselves littleto learning oflanguages; andtheknowledge applying insomematters observance oftheirlaws,according to theopinionofothers, To theseshortcomings theyexceedthelimit,and approachscrupulousness. indescribable ofsomeobservation can be contrasted: otherqualitiesworthy inthebeliefandobservance andtenacity oftheir firmness uniformity religion; whichthey ofdogmaregarding theirfaithforthecourseof1,550yearsduring ifnotinconfrontallovertheworld;admirable havebeendispersed constancy ofthesacred a singular at leastinenduring calamities; knowledge ingdangers, and hospitality toward humancompassion and itsinterpretation; scripture or foreigner, forthePersian anyoneoftheirnation,evenifhe be a stranger in withthetravails oftheItalian,thedistance and commiserates Jewgrieves of locationnotcausinganydivisionamongthembecauseoftheuniformity from thecarnalvices;theyarecareful and Thereis a greatabstinence religion. theirraceunmixed andpure;manyofthemareskilledin preciseinpreserving and deferential affairs; theyaresubmissive dealingwithall kindsofdifficult almost theirfaultsand delinquencies towardanyonenot of theirreligion; moreofthebaseandtheabjectthanoftheheinousandgreat. alwayspartake For thisreason,Luzzattocontinued,ifitshouldhappenthata Jewcommitsa crime,as willoftenhappenin anypeople,and disobeysthelaws ofthe Hebrewtranslation, 24. Discorso,consideration11,fols.35v-40r, pp. 104-8.

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is easy.Evilactionscan be dividedintotwokinds.The ruler,theremedy firstkindconsistsofdeedswhich,although wicked,haveas theiraimonly andwillnotspread,andindeedareconfined toa fewguilty personalbenefit oneswhowillnotinvolveothers becauseitisnotintheirinterest todo so; in thesecases,theordinary can copewiththesituation withthe magistrates ofexile,prison,galleys, mutilation oflimbsand death.The usualpenalties offenses committed by theJews,drivenbythegreedforgoodsor similar were baseness, alwaysofthiskind.Evildeedsofthesecondkind,however, in natureand extendto and penetrate are contagious an entirenationand a totalconspiracy suchas therebellion cannotbe carriedoutwithout ofa an invasionofa city,oran insurrection people,a changeinreligion, against theexisting orderandcivilstate.Suchcrimes areespecially andterfrightful and penaltiesare considered the rible,sincetheverypunishments by perto be theprizesandgloriousrewards fortheirdeeds,and,rather petrators thanfleeing deathin horror, theymeetitjoyouslyas oftenhappensincases ofvindication ofliberty and changeofreligion. Luzzattopointedoutthat in the case of the of the only worshipping goldencalf(eventhoughnotall wereguilty) andalsointherebellion ofKorahagainstMosesdidGod castigate all thepeople,becauseall wereinclinedand readyto commitsuch for excesses,butthisneverhappenedin thecasesofothertransgressions, God alwaysjudgedthepeopleindividually. However,in theabove two ofthelowermagistrates werenotadequate, cases,theordinary punishments withtheeminence and God had to intervene ofhismajestyand supreme theevilbycomplete andeliminate destruction. authority Movingon tothe of the Jews,Luzzattopointedoutthatinthecourseof postexilic experience thepast1,550years(i.e.,fromthedestruction oftheSecondTempleto his ownday),thewickedactionsoftheJewshadneverbeenofsucha pernicious nature.It is true,he conceded,thatin theworksoftheclassicalhistorians onereadsofcertain inthetimeofTrajaninAlexandria rebellions anda little laterin Cyprus,butthiswas at a timewhentheJewsparticipated in the of cities near the time of and the of Titus government (i.e.,the captivity of theTemple),whentheystillretained destruction someoftheir"native ferocity." the Finally,motivated byhisdesireto averttheexpulsionthreatening JewsofVenice,Luzzattoconcluded thatcondemning thegroupon account ofan individual was againstbothnaturaland divinelaw.Nothingin this worldwas so perfect thatit couldnotbe misused:Iron,so neededforso forhumanlife,wasoften a meansofkilling and manyinstruments necessary whilespeech,whichso ennobled wasalsooftena cause slaughter, mankind,

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no legislator had eversoughtto proofmisfortune and ruin;nevertheless, ofironor to forbidhumanspeech.Eveninthecaseof hibittheexcavation whohad exceededthehighest of Sodomand Gomorrah, theinhabitants fortheinnocence often was of wickedness and God enormity, apex willing of deserved men25 to avertthepunishment bysucha greatnumber people. ina peopleshouldsufthata fewoffenders Thus,itwasmostinappropriate ficetoprovoke thepublic'sindignation againstallofthem. his critiqueof the eleventhconsideration Palontrotti commences by in various that since the were Luzzatto's statement Jews dispersed repeating and he reproone couldnotdescribetheirnatureand customs, countries, the basic characteristics and with some distortion, duces, misrepresentation Thenhecomments enumerated byLuzzattointhepassagequotedabove.26 his be lengthier, that should on manyofthesequalities, noting presentation as TheJewis truly vile(readingLuzzatto'sinvilito butthathe willbe brief. andwithout without intelligence. prudence vile),indeedmostvilein spirit, 25. The text of the Discorso (fol. 40r) reads "cinque"; howeverthis was correctedto "dieci" on theerratalistprintedimmediately followingthetitlepage in somecopies ofthe 1638 editionof the Discorso.The Hebrewtranslationof 1950 (p. 108) also rendersthe numberas five,witha notepointingout thatthenumbergivenin theBible,Genesis 18:32,is ten. concededby Luz26. The distortionsare especiallyevidentin the negativecharacteristics zatto. His statementthattheJewsare "d'animo moltoinvilitoe fiacco" is renderedby Palontrottias "d'animo fiaccoe vile"; "incapace nelstatopresented'ognigovernopolitico"becomes "incapace di governo";"poco overo nienteprovididel loro universale"becomes"poco provido"; "la loro parsimoniaavvicinarsiall'avaritia" becomes "pid tosto avaro che parco"; "moltid'essi rozi di costumi"is reducedto "rozzo di costumi";"poco applicatialle dottrinee cognitionidelle lingue" is accuratelyrenderedas "poco applicato alla dottrinaet alla cognitionedelle lingue";however,Luzzatto'squalifiedconcessionthat"nell'osservarela loro legge, secondo il parer d'altrui, in alcune cose eccedendo il limiteaccostarsi alla scrupulosita" becomesmerelya run-onclause followingthe above quoted "cognitionedelle lingue" as "et all'osservanzadella legge."On theotherhand,Luzzatto'senumerationofthestrongpointsof theJewsis reproducedmoreaccurately,albeitsuccinctly.Luzzatto's introductory phrase"alli quali mancamentisi contrapongonoaltrequalitAdegned'alcuna osservatione"is renderedby Palontrottisimplyas "se ben ?"; Luzzatto's "fermezzee tenacitAindicibilenella credenzaet di dogmicirca osservationedella loro religione"becomes"tenacenellareligione";"uniformith la loro fedeperil corso di 1550anniche sono dispersiperil mondo" becomes"unita de dogmi li pericolial meno nel supportarele circa la fede"; "costanza mirabilese non nell'incontrare calamitA"becomes"costanza nel supportarecalamit."; "cognitionesingolaredella sacra scritsacra e sua interpretabecomes"singolarecognitionedella scrittura turae sua interpretatione" tione"; "humana caritAet hospitalitAverso qualunque della loro natione ben che esteroe forastiero"becomes"caritAgrandetra di loro"; "la distanzadel loco non cagiona in fraessi della religione"is reducedto one word "unione"; "circa li disunione,essendovil'uniformitA vitijcarnaliastinenzagrande"becomes"astinenzade vitijcarnaligrande";finally"soggettione e ossequio versoqual si sia fuoridella lororeligione"becomes"soggettione,etc."

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He is notonlyavaricious butmostavaricious, heis devoidofbothlearning and knowledge of thelaw of God and is envelopedin superstitions and

inhisfantasies. human laws.He is notonlytenacious butpertinacious No

hisintellect reasoncanmovehim,sincehehasobfuscated andperverted his willin orderalwaysto resisttheHolySpirit.Addressing Luzzattodirectly, askshimwherethatuniformity Palontrotti ofthedogmasoftheJewswhich he imaginedis, foralreadyin theTalmudtheJewsweredividedbetween HillelandShammai.Without herelates thatdifferelaboration, anyfurther encesofopinionexistbetween rabbisin hisowntime,for"todayin Rome someoftheJewsexplicitly of theTalmud,beingcondenythedoctrines vincedbyreasonthatit is repugnant to natureand to God, thecreatorof The perserverance whichLuzzattoclaimed,Palontrotti nature.""27 con-

isnota virtue butsimulated forbearance andcompulsory tinues, endurance, becausetheJewis verydisinclined to suffer and if theJews voluntarily, in captivity, it is notvoluntary toleratehardships butnecessary. FurtherofScripture, ifLuzzatto more,howcantheJewshavea singular knowledge himself to learning andtheobservance ofthe saysthattheyarelittledevoted law.28 Palontrotti continuesby expressing his astonishment thatLuzzatto daredto saythatamongtheJewsthereis harmony andcompassion29 ifthey themselves admit tobeing incaptivity onaccount ofhatred without cause.30 27. The reference to the disagreementamong "rabbis of our times"mustinvolveminor issues of ritualobservance.I have so farnot encounteredany information on Jewsof Rome who explicitlydeniedthe doctrinesof the Talmud in the late seventeenth century.The possibilitythattherewerethenin Rome a fewindividuals,maybeofconverso-marrano background, who had difficulties in acceptingthetalmudictraditioncannotbe precluded;alternatively, peris to Karaites. For an introduction to the problemof Jewishheresyin the haps the reference seventeenth century,see Ellis Rivkin,Leon Da Modena and theKol Sakhal (Cincinnati,1952), Review,n.s. 38: (1947-8). pp. 1-17, whichfirstappearedin JewishQuarterly 28. Palontrotti rendersLuzzatto's "poco applicatialle dottrinee cognitionidellelingue"as "poco applicatoalle dottrinee all'osservanzadellelegge." 29. Palontrotti rendersLuzzatto's"humanacaritAe hospitalitA" as "unionee carith." 30. PresumablytheItalian odiosenza causa is a translationoftheHebrewphrasesin'at nam,whichapparentlyappears only once in rabbinicliteraturein the followingcontext.The .inrabbisofthetalmudicperiod(A.D.200-500) did notwishto explainthedestruction oftheFirst Templeby the Babyloniansin 586 B.C.or thatof theSecond Templebythe Romans in A.D.70 in political-military reason. Accordingly,in terms,but rathersoughta religious-theological B.T. Yoma 9b, it is explainedthatthe FirstTemplewas destroyed"because of threethings: But whywas the Second Temple,when theywere idolatry,immoralityand bloodshed. and .... charitabledeeds,destroyed? Because hatredwithout occupiedwithTorah,commandments cause prevailed.This teachesyou thathatredwithoutcause is of thesame weightas idolatry, and bloodshed." immorality

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Eitherthehatredis notamongthemselves and it is without causeagainst JesusChrist, or indeedifitis amongthemselves, therecannotbe anycomPalontrotti whenitcomestothe concedes, However, passionandharmony. othernationstheJewsuniteto theirharmanddeceit,andinstigated bythe iniquitoustalmudiclaws,theypermittheruinof theirneighbor, priding themselves thatGod only"is enthroned uponthepraisesofIsrael"(Psalms 22:4). Luzzatto'sclaimthattheJewsabstainfromthecarnalvicesistermed an Palontrotti and not with evianswered by characteristically exaggeration denceofimmorality within hiscontemporary Jewish ofVenice, communities Romeor elsewhere, butrather withthecitationofbiblicalversesfromthe prophetsdenouncing immorality duringtheperiodof theFirstTemple. inventadvisesanyonewhowishestoknowthefilth Movingon,Palontrotti ed bytherabbisto readtheTalmud;in ordernotto offend chasteears,he willpass overthematerial, out thattheypermit anal interonlypointing coursewiththeirwives.31 Palontrotti attributes thefactthattheJew Finally, remains andfear,forthey subjectto rulersanddoesnotrebelto cowardice at evenare afraidwherethereis no fear.Butone shouldnotbe surprised when he the made Hadrian at this, grants, Bethar, by considering slaughter thepeoplearoseand acclaimedBar Kosibahas theMessiah.The Shevel inPersia,Englandand Yehudah32 relatesa verylargenumber ofmassacres, inwhichhundreds wereputto death.Thesubjugaofthousands elsewhere, sinceheis most tionoftheJewdoesnotresultfromthevirtue ofhumility, anddoesnotundertake whatheis unableto,remaining alwaysfull arrogant ofveryevildesires, andlife. butenduring so as nottolosehisproperty of an exposition a verylongandvituperative After digression presenting ofthename whatheclaimsto be thenatureoftheJewandthesignificance returns to theDiscorso, Ebreo,basedsolelyon biblicalverses,Palontrotti

all formsofsexualrelationsbetweenhusband 31. The classicalJewishauthorities permitted forbidden.I wishto and wife,butin thecase ofnonvaginalintercourse, ejaculationwas strictly thankMarvinFox fordrawingmyattentionto Nedarim20b and Maimonides,MishnehTorah, 21:9. The Laws ofForbiddenIntercourse textwritten 32. The Shevel Yehudahis a sixteenth-century bySolomon ibnVerga, primarily who had been among theSpanishexiles,and was firstpublished,withsome additions,by his son Josephin 1554; see EncyclopaediaJudaica,s.v. "Ibn Verga,Joseph";"Ibn Verga,Solomon." The specificincidentscited by Palontrottiare to be found on pp. 21 and 66 of the Hebrewtext,editedbyAzrielShohat(Jerusalem,1947).

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tothetwelfth the consideration.33 There,Luzzattohadanalyzed specifically oftheJewsinto causesofthehatredoftheJews.He dividedtheopponents andstatisti), threegroups,religious andthecomzealots,statesmen (politici themaincomplaint ofeach group, monpeople,and thenafterindicating of theirhostilepositions.The religious offered a briefrefutation zealots, thosewhoarenotofthegenerLuzzattoclaimed,complainthattolerating is a contempt In answer, ofreligion. he pointedout allyapprovedreligion thatitcan easilybe responded thattheyoughtto curbtheirpiouszeal and observethattheheadoftheChristian allowstheJewstodwellinhis religion owncityofresidence (Rome),wheretheyhavealreadylivedforover800 andno oneshould yearsand havebeenruledwithjusticeandcompassion, in to know matters of than its more head. Statesmen claim aspire religion thatit is notproperto toleratediversity ofreligion in thesamecity,both becauseofthescandaland bad examplethatone religion can derivefrom theotherand also on accountofthedissensions, disunionand hatredthat To this,Luzzattoresponded thatnoscanmayariseamongtheinhabitants. dal orbad examplecouldresultfromthepresence sincethereis oftheJews, Jewsand Christians, theirritesareso dissimilar, so littlecontactbetween in different and also theirbooksarewritten both languages.Furthermore, areforbidden fromdwelling as so describes often, (Luzzattohere, together inVenicewherea ghetto conditions socialcontactislimited existed), specific is forbidden bytheJewish dietarylaws,whilecarnalintercourse byboth Jewish andstatelaw andseverely andsubjecAlso,theweakness punished. tionoftheJewsleadsto theirbeingshunned andavoidedbynon-Jews, who convert toJudaism. discordanddissension, Luzzatto Then,regarding rarely claimedthattheJewsandChristians werenotopposites, as blackandwhite whichbeingbothsubsumedunderthegenuscolorare incompatible, but rather diverseas thesweetandthered,whicharewhollydistinct andhave in common,exceptthattheyare bothsubsumedunderthemost nothing Thusseparated, JewsandChristians cometo general genusofquality. rarely strife andconflict overmatters ofreligion, sincetheJews, because especially of theconditions of thetimesand theirmainteachings, are farremoved fromall thoughts ofspreading theirreligion; theyareoccupiedonlyinprotheirgeneral vidingfortheirneedsanddo notaspireinanywayto improve conditionsinceanysuchattempt wouldcertainly incurdeath.The statesadvanceanother that men,Luzzattocontinued, complaint againsttheJews, 33. Discorso,consideration12,fols.40v-46r,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 108-13.

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ofusury,a crimenotonlycondemned bydivinelaw,butalso universally the civil law as an exterminator ofwealthand destroyer of prohibited by families. Luzzattoresponded thattheusurypracticed the is Jews toleratby ed bytheirlawsratherthanexpressly allowed,as he willelaborateupon hecontinued, itcanbe affirmed withgreatprobability later.34 Additionally, thatthosewhomaintain themselves fromusuryareveryrare,forsincetheir domestic areverygreat,itis inconceivable thattheycouldsustain expenses themselves withan activity notauthorized or permitted bythelaw ofthe 35 ruler. Luzzattocontinued underwhichthe outthedisadvantages bypointing Jewish could at not time moneylenders operated.They any compelChristianborrowers redeem the to their pledgesandthusoncetheyhadinvested capital,couldnotgetitbackbuthadtoawaitthedesireandtheconvenience oftheChristian to redeemhispledge.36If montidi pietai, suchas thoseof 34. See consideration13, fol.47r-v,Hebrewtranslation, p. 114 and consideration14,fols. in theninth, 55r-56r,Hebrewtranslation,pp. 121-22. Luzzatto also deals withmoneylending considerationsof theDiscorso;fora briefdiscussionofhispresenand seventeenth fourteenth tationin the ninthconsideration,see Ravid, Economicsand Toleration, pp. 88-92, also n. 39, below. had allowedthe 35. This pointof Luzzatto's is remarkable,sincetheVenetiangovernment forover250 yearspriorto thewritingoftheDiscorso,and for Jewsto engagein moneylending themto do so in thecityof over a hundredyearshad issued chartersspecificallypermitting statedthatthepresenceoftheJews Veniceitself.In fact,on occasionthegovernment explicitly to fellowChristians. was toleratedonlyto preventChristiansfromlendingmoneyat interest in Venicepriorto 1509,see BrianPullan,Richand Poor inRenaisFor Jewishmoneylending sance Venice(Cambridge,1971),pp. 443-75; ReinholdMueller,"Les preteursjuifsde Venise au moyenage," Annales30 (1975):1277-1302; David Jacoby,"Les juifs i Venisedu XIVe au milieudu XVIe siecle," Veneziacentrodi mediazionetraorientee occidente,2 vols. (Florence, 1977), 1:163-216; EliyahuAshtor,"Gli inizidella comunitaebraica a Venezia,"La Rassegna in Venicefrom mensiledi Israel44 (1978):683-703. On theactivityoftheJewishmoneylenders 1509-1618, see Pullan, Rich and Poor, pp. 476-578, specificallyp. 521 for the statement and thatthe Jewsweretoleratedonlyto preventChristiansfromengagingin moneylending, BenjaminRavid, "The SocioeconomicBackgroundof theExpulsionand Readmissionof the VenetianJews,1571-73," Essays in ModernJewishHistory:A Tributeto Ben Halpern,eds. FrancesMalino and PhyllisCohen Albert(East Brunswick, N.J., 1982),pp. 27-55. 36. This statementis somewhatinaccurate.While it is truethatonce the Jewishmoneylendershad acceptedthepawn,theycould notcompeltheChristianborrowerto redeemit for one year,elaborateprovisionshad been formulatedforenablingtheChristianto redeemit at theend of theyear;shouldhe be unableto do so, thepawnwas to be sold at auctionunderthe supervisionof the Venetianmagistracyof theSopraconsoli,withtheJewreceivinghis capital and anyexcesssumgoingto theoriginalChristianowner.For theexactprovisions, and interest at thetimeofthe of 1624,stillin effect see clause 18 of thecharterof theJewishmoneylenders oftheDiscorso,publishedin Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, pp. 115-17. writing

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and Veronain whichhundreds ofthousandsof ducats Padua, Vicenza,37 one couldnotselltheirpledgesafter wereinvested forthesakeoftheneedy, in a short time would be out of with all their tied they money capital year, had it was inconceivable thattheJews,whoin comparison up. Therefore, inso disadvantageous themselves an underlesswealth, couldlongmaintain sincetheycouldlegallyengageintrade,wouldexpose and,especially taking, In actuality, to suchrestrictions.38 Jewish theirpossessions moneylending rather thanoftraders. wasan activity oforphansandwidows, oftheVenetian situation to theproblemof Movingfromthespecifics in Luzzatto maintained that those whoattackthe moneylendinggeneral, in a sin but still Jewsoughtto consider practiced usury alwayscondemned, of twogreatstimuliof all timesand placesbecauseof theconvergence thenecessity whopaystheusuryandthe humanweakness: oftheborrower ifthis whoreceives it.But,Luzzattosuggested, insatiable greedofthelender werenotcommitted transgression bytheJews, perhapsotherswouldnotbe with thatdepraved ofmoneylending profession lackingwhowouldexercise a greater extortion ofthepoorand needy,sincethenumber oftheusurers wouldhavebeenreduced.Luzzattorelatedthatsome,intending to defame theJewish the hadcalledthem bilgeandsewerofeveryfoul moneylenders, andturning thisinsultintosomething hepointedoutthat business, positive, theneedandurgency ofmoneylending, sincethebilge perhapsthisindicated was ofthegreatest to theshipand thesewerto thesumptuous necessity todefend butto suchactions, this,hereaffirmed, palace.He wasnotwriting like out that some were the not essential ofthe others, point they, properties

renderedas Venicein the Hebrewtranslation(cf. fol.42r and p. 109). No 37. Incorrectly montedipietawas everestablishedin VenicebecauseofthepresenceoftheJews,who especially from1571on werein effect to runninga montedipiet6;see David Kaufmann,"A Contribution theHistoryof VenetianJews,"JewishQuarterly Review,o.s., 2 (1889-90):303; Leon Poliakov, Les banchierijuifs et le SaintSiege du XIlle au XVIIe siecle(Paris, 1967),pp. 271-81, abridged to the Seventeenth English edition: JewishBankers and the Holy See from the Thirteenth Century(London, Henley, and Boston, 1977), pp. 199-210; Pullan, Rich and Poor, pp. 499-504, 538-40; Ravid, Economicsand Toleration,pp. 90-92; Ravid, "The Socioeconomic Background,"pp. 47-48. 38. Here again,thepresentation of Luzzattoreflects theVenetiansituation,wherefromthe mid-sixteenth centuryon, theloan bankswereno longersourcesof revenue,but ratherdeficit institutions financedbycorporateassessmentsnotonlyon theGermanTedeschiJews incurring of Venice,but also after1591 on the communitiesof the terrafermaand after1597 on the Jewishmerchantsresidingin thecity;see Pullan,Richand Poor,pp. 569-71; Ravid, Economics and Toleration, p. 28, n. 24; and Ravid,"The SocioeconomicBackground,"pp. 48-49.

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butrather werebychancecausedbythedifficulties Jews,as manyasserted, ofthetimes.39 oflifeandtheconditions As couldbe expected, Palontrotti raisesmanyobjections to arguments the advancedby Luzzattoin thistwelfth consideration. First,regarding in toleration oftheJews, claimsthatthegreatespecially Rome,Palontrotti nessof rulersis displayed morebyshowing to enemiesthanby clemency theJewsin orderto carryoutthe Moreover, takingrevenge. theytolerate divinewish,reflecting divinejusticewhich, no matter howmuchitpunishes inorderto makethemconvert at the them,stilldoeslessthantheydeserve end of days, when "all Israel shall be saved" (Romans 11:26). Augustinian pointsout Usingthetraditional analogyofCain,Palontrotti want the Jews be rather that thatGod did not to destroyed, but theylive woundedamonga thousanddeathsforhavingkilledJesus.Rulers,and thepopewhoholdstheplaceofGod, tolerate themin orderto especially And if theJewsabusethis bringthemto thetruefaithand knowledge. it is becauseGod permits themto do so, sincehe has blinded clemency, themanddoesnotwishthattheyconvert. at interest,Luzzatto was clearlyon the 39. In his justificationof Jewishmoneylending activiin thelightofpreviousChristianattacks.A discussionofJewishmoneylending defensive ties is far beyondthe scope of thispaper. Here, it sufficesto note that accordingto Judah Rosenthal,"Usuryfroma Gentile"(Hebrew),Talpiot5 (1951-2):475-92, 6 (1952-53):130-52, and Religion(Hebrew),2 vols. (Jeruin Studiesand TextsinJewishHistory,Literature reprinted salem, 1967), 1:253-323, "no newideas regardinginterestare to be foundin thebook ofLuzzatto," Studies,p. 316. However,fora slightlymorefavorableevaluation,see his concluding sentencestwoparagraphslater.See also SiegfriedStein,"The DevelopmentoftheJewishLaw on Interestfromthe Biblical Period to the Expulsionof the JewsfromEngland," Historia Judaica17 (1955):3-40, and also his "InterestTaken byJewsFromGentiles:An Evaluationof Source Material(Fourteenthto SeventeenthCenturies),"JournalofSemiticStudies1 (1956): 141-64. and seventeenth For somesixteenth centuryviewson usury,see theselectionfromDavid de Pomis, De medicohebraico(Venice, 1588), available in Englishtranslationfroma German translationin HarryFriedenwald,"ApologeticWorksofJewishPhysicians,"JewishQuarterly Review,n.s., 32 (1941-42):243, reprintedin The Jewsin Medicine,2 vols. (Baltimore,1944), 1:41-44; Leone Modena, Historiade ritihebraici(Venice, 1638),2:5, 4, reprintedin La Rassegnamensiledi Israel 7 (1932-33): 388-89; Menassehben Israel,HumbleAddresses,reprinted in Lucien Wolf,MenassehbenIsrael's Missionto OliverCromwell(London, 1901),pp. 100-1. Also, fortheviewsof Isaac Cardoso on usuryfromthegentiles,see Yerushalmi,FromSpanish Court,p. 403. See also the statementof Leone Modena in his Responseto Sixtusof Sienna, whichdid not receivepermissionto be printedand remainedin the VenetianState Archives untilpublishedby Ancona in "Attacchicontroil Talmud," pp. 317-20. CenturyJewish I have dealt withthisproblemin mypaper "Moneylendingin Seventeenth VernacularApologetics,"presentedat the Conferenceon JewishThoughtin the Seventeenth in March 1982. Century,heldat theCenterforJewishStudies,HarvardUniversity,

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turnsto Luzzatto'sstatement thatthereis no discord Next,Palontrotti betweenJudaismand otherreligions, Palontrotti especiallyChristianity. he doesnotbelievethatLuzzattoreallyeverthought this,unless,however, as Palontrotti indeedbelieves. Theenmity between was speaking ironically, is greaterthanthatbetweenthewolfand the theJewand theChristian consider the lamb,becausetheJewalwaysdesiresto devourtheChristian; harog(Kill the best of the goyim).40Palontrotti precept,tovshe-ba-goyim

on this,sincetheJewish statesthathe willnotelaboratefurther poisonis too evident.Look,he relates,in thefirst orderoftheTalmud,in thefirst 40. This phraseis encounteredin rabbinicliterature, sometimesin slightlyvariantforms, and was already utilizedin Judeo-Christian polemicsby Nicholas Donin at the disputation over theTalmud in Paris in 1240in thedistortedformnot encounteredin rabbinicliterature: occide"; "kill the best of the Christians."It should be pointedout "optimumChristianorum thatthewordgoymeansnationin generalin theBible and in rabbinicliterature, butin medieval EuropeanJewishusage,thewordgoyand itspluralform,goyim,was usedto referto ChrisThis rabbinicphrase continuedto be tians,since the Jewslived in a Christianenvironment. invokedby Christianpolemicistsin the followingcenturies.As a reactionto chargesagainst certain problematicsayingsof individualrabbis in rabbinic literature,postrabbinicsages affirmedthe difference betweenthe halakhicand the aggadic materialin rabbinicliterature: The halakhah,consistingoflegalrulings,was bindingon all Jews,whiletheaggadah,representing thenonlegalsayingsofindividualsages,was not bindingand did not have to be accepted. Obviously,the phrase in question fellin the categoryof aggadah, not halakhah. Modern scholars and apologetes alike continuedto reiteratethe distinctionbetweenhalakhah and aggadah and the meaningof the wordgoy in rabbinicliterature (Christianswould have been called see above, note 18). Additionally,theyintroducedtheelementofexplainingthe no;erim; in termsofthepersonality statement oftheindividualwho made it,thecontextin whichit was utteredand thegeneralhistoricalbackgroundof thetimes:The phrasewas utteredby Rabbi at thehandsoftheRomansin thesecondcentury; Simeonben Yobai who had greatlysuffered on Exodus 14:7,itwas used to refer apparentlyin itsoriginalexegeticalcontextas commentary to thoseEgyptianswho,althoughtheyfearedGod, nevertheless at thetimeoftheExodus from Egypthad lenttheirhorsesto theirfellowEgyptiansto enable themto pursuethe departing Israeliteswho wereapproachingthe Red Sea (accordingly,some versionsof thetextremoved fromthatSitz im Leben added thewords"be-'et milbamah,""in timeof war"); althoughthe formalcontextof thephraseis exegesisof a biblicalversedealingwiththe Egyptians,thereal importof theremarkwas angerat the Romans because of theharshnessoftheHadrianicpersecutionsand thesuppressionoftheBar Kokhba revolt. On the invocationofthispassage at thedisputationof 1240,see Loeb, "La controversede 1240," 1: 2 56-59, 2: 263-64, 3:55, and also Rosenthal,"The Talmudon Trial,"especiallypp. 150-5 1, and Baron,Social and ReligiousHistory,9:278-79, note31. For some moderndiscussions of thispassage, see also Lauterbach,Jewand Non-Jew, pp. 185-86 and Bloch,Israeland theNations,pp. 204-10. Nathan Siisskind,in "Tov Sheba-Goyim.. ." CentralConference of AmericanRabbis Journal23 (1976) 2:27-40, makes the interesting suggestionthatthe word harogshouldnot be takenas a verbin theimperative(kill!),but ratheras a noun expressinga usual, constantor notoriousactivity;thusthepassage should be translatedas "the bestof the goyimis a murderer[ofJews]."

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whichPalontrotti fourth tractate, (seeabove)andelsewhere, chapter sayshe willpassoverinordernottoarousehatredagainsttheJews. ThenPalontrotti movesto theissueofusury, whichhestatesis notonly notpermitted but even theold Deuterprohibited, invoking byanylaw, "Thou shaltnotlenduponinterest to thybrother" onomicprohibition: is 23:20).Luzzatto,he writes,assertedthattheChristian (Deuteronomy theJewscannot oftheJew;then,Palontrotti continues, Esau,thebrother it is an irrevocable taltakeusuryfromtheChristians, but,he reiterates, tractate ofthefirst orderthattheJewsbydeceit, force mudiclawinthefirst orusurytakethewealthoftheChristians.41 to convincethatthe whomis Luzzattotrying Next,asks Palontrotti, withusury? themselves heaskssarcastically, Jewsdo notmaintain Perhaps, him thatonlythebankers, theybecomerichfromsellingrags?It seemsto does arewealthy andrich.Whatwickedness wholiveon usuryandiniquity, theJewnotcommitout of avidityformoney;he loseshiswits,becomes his insatiable blindand doubtsthe existenceof God, all to legitimize voracity. evennicer, relatesthatLuzzattohad added"another, ThenPalontrotti in the it better to allow Jews to that was engage usuryso as proposition": to othersto do so at higherrates.How,asks notto givean opportunity tothepresucha thingwhichwascontrary wouldrulers Palontrotti, permit again" ceptof JesusthetrueGod who said: "Lend,hopingfornothing does theusuryoftheJewseemlightto (Luke 6:35). Finally,he inquires, the seemsto be ignoring here,likeLuzzattopreviously, you?Palontrotti the Jews were that and socioeconomic reality governments permitting legal bothbecausetheycouldbe requiredto makeit to lendmoneyat interest from Christians as wellas to prevent availableat lowerratesof interest, even should have Palontrotti inmoneylending. known, if Certainly engaging authorized inRomeitself, thatthepapacyhadspecifically hewerenotliving comin theeternalcity.42 theJewsto engagein moneylending Palontrotti 41. This time,Palontrottiuses the word "Christians"ratherthan "gentiles";see above, he wrote"e chi nonsa il rigorosoprecettodel Talmud,checommanda,che note 18. Previously, si levi al gentilela robba in qualsivogliamodo, purchenon se n'accorgaper fuggiri pericoli" and here"e puree precettonelTalmudirrevocabile... che gli Ebreio peringannoo per forza o con usuretolganole facoltiide Christiani." see EncyclopaediaJudaica,s.v. 42. For a generalintroductionto Jewishmoneylending, "moneylending"and "usury" and Baron, Social and ReligiousHistory,12:132-97. On the activitiesoftheJewsofRome, see situationin Venice,see above, note35. On themoneylending Attilio Milano, "Richerche sulle condizioni economiche degli Ebrei a Roma durantela

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on thepartoftheauthorities, whether pletelypassesoverall acquiescence at interest, and does notperor secular,in Jewish moneylending religious fortolerating thepresence ceive(oradmit)thatthiswasthesecularrationale Cain to the oftheJews, parallel theological argument. turnsto Luzzatto'smainargument Jewish Finally,Palontrotti justifying You he defend that the Jew yourself, says,bysaying moneylending. engages

inusury ofthestraitened circumstances oflife. bychanceandon account

thata manfinding inwantmaydisobey himself Fromthis,onewouldinfer heasks.Andhowdo thelawsofGod. Whatdo youthinkofthisconclusion, otherpeoplelivewithout thelegalrestraints on usury,he adds,ignoring in ofJewish economic mostforms counterreformation Palonactivity Italy. concludeshiscritiqueofLuzzatto'sdefense trotti ofJewish moneylending outthatitwasverycharacteristic fortheJewtolivefromusury bypointing and ifthepossibility to do so weretakenaway,he woulddie,likea fish takenoutofwater. Palontrotti agreeswithLuzzattothattheJewsdo notseektopropagate theirfaith.Thisis borneoutbyexperience, he adds,pointing outstrangely thatafterthecomingofJesus,one does notreadofanyonewhoexposed himself to flamesand chainsto defendhis superstition, as did theMaccabeanheroes,whotruly the divine all to law, exposedthemselves observing death.Finally,he concludes, whois so crazyas tojoin a superstitious reliwhichis basedonlyon talmudic fablesandlies,for gionsuchas Judaism, therabbisthemselves admitintheTalmudthattheobservance oftheirlaws wasintroduced bya devilcalledBenTamalion.43 clausuranel Ghetto(1555-1848)," La Rassegnamensiledi Israel 5 (1930-31):445-65, 545-66, 629-50, 6 (1931-32):52-73, 159-68; also HermannVogelstein,Rome(Philadelphia,1940),pp. 296-302; Cecil Roth,HistoryoftheJewsofItaly(Philadelphia,1940),pp. 317-19, 370; Milano, II ghettodi Roma (Rome, 1964), pp. 85-108, esp. pp. 93-95; Poliakov, Les banchieri,esp. 283-90, JewishBankers,pp. 211-18; Baron,Social and ReligiousHistory,14:65-66. In Rome, the interestrateof 18 percentwas loweredto 12 percentin 1670,and in 1682,Pope Innocent ended thelicensingsystemallowingtheJewsto operateloan banks,but certain XII officially familiesstillcontinuedto do so in theeighteenth century. 43. PresumablyPalontrottiis here drawingupon the "explanation" of a talmudicstory containedin the Pugiofideiof thethirteenth-century apostateRaymondMartini.The Babylonian Talmud Me'ilah 17a-b relatesthatafterthe Romans had issued a decree(in the latter theJewsfromkeepingtheSabbath and circumcising days of the reignof Hadrian) forbidding theirchildrenand requiringthemto have intercoursewithmenstruant women(forbiddenby Jewishlaw), it was decided to send Rabbi Simeon ben Yobai to Rome to tryto annul the decree,sincehe was experiencedin miracles.On thewaythere,Ben Tamalion(identified bythe medievaltalmudiccommentators as a demonor goblin)joined him.Ben Tamalionwentahead and enteredtheemperor'sdaughter.Accordingto themedievalexegete,Rashi, theemperor's

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In thethirteenth consideration of theDiscorso,Luzzattoclaimedthat Judaism aloneofall religions initsadherents inculcated a concern forthose ofotherfaiths, and amongmanyotherarguments pointedoutthatit was considered to defraudsomeoneof another by theJewsa greateroffense thanto defraud a fellow Jew.44 thisclaimbystatPalontrotti religion rejects ordeceitis worse.He doesnot ingthathedoesnotknowwhether ignorance thinkthatLuzzattois ignorant, becauseitis wellknown,as hesaidbefore, thatit is a talmudicpreceptto takeawaythewealthoftheChristians by Therefore Luzzattois employing force,deceitor usury.45 deceit,andPalontrotti knowsthathe is speakingironically, callingthesweetbitterand the darkness as Isaiahhadsaid. light, The fifteenth consideration oftheDiscorsois devotedto a verylengthy ofthemisinformation refutation and distortions abouttheJewscontained in book fiveof theHistories of theRomanhistorian CorneliusTacitus.46 Thisconsideration, whichhasnotyetbeenanalyzedandremains completely mustbe seeninthecontext oftheconsiderable inTacitus interest neglected, intheseventeenth which it Luzzatto found century, necessary explainswhy todealwithTacitusatsuchlength.47 daughtercontinuallyproclaimedthenameof R. Simeon,who was accordinglyinvitedto come and cure her.When he came, thetalmudictale continues,he called out "Ben Tamalion,leave her,"and Ben Tamalion did so. Thereupon,the gratefulemperortold R. Simeon to request whateverhe wishedas a reward,and led therabbito thetreasurehouse. ThereRabbi Simeon foundthetextof theevil decreesand toreit to pieces.On thebasis of thistale, Martiniwrote thatthebooks oftheJewsrelatedthatGod took away fromtheJewstheobservanceoftheSabbath, circumcisionand other ceremonialcommandmentsthroughthe Romans, and Ben Sabbath Tamalion,thatis, thedevil,returnedto themthrougha certainmiraclecircumcision, and theotherholidaysso thattheycould prayand studyTorah. I wishto thankKennethStow fordrawingmyattentionto, and sendingme a copy of,the to the articleof passage on Ben Tamalionin the Pugiofidei;FrankTalmageforthereference Reuven Bonfil,"The Image of Judaismin the Pugiofidei" (Hebrew), Tarbiz40 (1970-7 1): 360-75 (see especiallyp. 366); Chen Merchavia for directingme to informationon Ben Tamalion in his article"The Talmud in the Additionesof Paul of Burgos,"JournalofJewish Studies16(1965): 119. 44. Discorso,consideration13,fol.47v,Hebrewtranslation, p. 114.See theHebrewtransladocumentation. tion,p. 162,note78, forfurther 45. Unlike the two previousoccasions whenthischargewas made in Italian (see above, notes 18 and 41), thistimePalontrotti'swordsare in Latinitalics,givingtheimpressionthathe is quotinga text:"velvi,velfraude,velusurisdiriperebonaChristianorum." 46. For an analysisof the sourcesof Tacitus'spresentationon the Jews,see Anna M. A. Hospers-Jansen,Tacitusoverde Joden(Groningen,1949) and for an analysisof Tacitus's and his attitudetowardtheJews,see Yohanan Levy,"Tacituson theAntiquityof presentation theJewsand theirCharacteristics," 'Olamotnifgashim (Hebrew)(Jerusalem,1960),pp. 115-96. 47. For furtherdetails,see Ravid, Economicsand Toleration,p. 22, note 15; also Yerushalmi,FromSpanishCourt,p. 418, note 7, pointingout thatIsaac Cardoso citedLuzzatto's argumentsagainstTacitusin hisLas excelenciasde los Hebreos(Amsterdam,1679).

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does notrestateall thecalumniesof Tacitus,nordoes he Palontrotti ofLuzzatto,butlimitshimself to a fewpoints.He refute all theresponses relatesthatTacitushad saidthattheJewshatedall otherpeoplesand Luztheopposite,couldnotprovehiscase. Actually, zatto,whilemaintaining ofthischargehadreferred hisreadersto thepreLuzzattoin hisrefutation of theDiscorso,claimingthattheywouldshow vioustwoconsiderations howfarremoved theallegations ofTacituswerefrom theMosaicprecepts. He addedsomeviewstakenfromPhilo(who,he stated,had beenno less learnedthanTacitusand almosthiscontemporary), whohad relatedthat whilethepriestsof thenationsprayedonlyforthemselves and theirown the the of not for all of but Jewsprayed only people, highpriest humanity, also fornature, sinceheconsidered theworldhishome.Similarly, Luzzatto thatDariushad orderedthata daily pointedout thatEzra,afterrelating be providedat the royalexpenseat the Templein Jerusalem, offering was "thattheymayoffer explainedthatthereasonforthismunificence sacrifices ofsweetsavoruntotheGod ofheaven,andprayforthelifeofthe kingand ofhissons"(Ezra 6:10).If Tacitushad beenrightin sayingthat greathatredexistedbetweentheJewsand theothernations,whywould Dariushavebeenso naiveas to enrich theTemplewithpresents andbenefit a peoplewho,insteadofblessing othernations, wasaccustomed to cursing and blaspheming them?Andwhowouldbe betterinformed in thismatter thanDarius,underwhoseruletheJewsremained forso longa time?FurAlexanderthe Great,as Josephusrelatedin the Antiquities, thermore, notonlybyoffering butalsobyshowing and demonstrated, presents respect how he deemed it to have the of the God Jews reverence, advantageous profavorable ofthehighpriest.Finally, pitiatedand rendered bytheprayers Jeremiah theprophetin thenameofGod admonished theJewssubjectto theBabylonians to prayto God forthewell-being and tranquillity ofthe onecoulddetermine capitalcityofBabylon.Fromthis,Luzzattoconcluded, theextent to whichTacituslethimself be carriedawaybyhishatredofthe Jews.48

of Luzzatto.He thesearguments does notevensummarize Palontrotti the viewopposite maintained that Luzzatto as writes, alreadystated, merely it. Already, Palontrotti to thatofTacitusbutcouldnotjustify continues, men"(19:6),whileSt. Ezekielconfirmed Tacitus,sayingthat"he devoured Paul preachedthatthey"displeaseGod and oppose all men" (1 Thessalonians2:15),and thetalmudicpreceptlovshe-ba-goyim harogcontro48. Discorso,consideration15,fols.63r-64r,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 128-29.

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to Luzzatto'sdoctrine, Palontrotti vertsLuzzatto.According continues, therabbis,retainhatredas theserpent shouldnottheJews,andespecially poison?Has nottheiniquitous synagogue alwaysplottedagainsttheChrisofChristians Jewish and he certain tians, claims,citing alleged persecutions his views. Palontrotti them to crimescommitted Thus, against support ofTacitusthattheJewshateall thenations,and asserts,theproposition is notonlytruebutclearerthandaylight, theChristians, andone especially canonlyclaimthattheJew,blindedbypassionandjealousy,doesnotperceivethis. thattheJews ThenPalontrotti himself to Luzzatto'sargument addresses in chaptersixofthebiblicalbookof sinceit waswritten likedthenations, Ezra thatEzra had prayedforthehealthof thePersiankingDarius.49 thatsince,as Isaiahhad pointedout, Palontrotti counters thisbyarguing thetemple, itwasnot CyrusandDariusservedas agentsofGod inbuilding at all remarkable thattheJewsprayedfortheirhealth.Also,at thattimethe andtrueJews, thefollowers JewswerenotyetdividedintoHebrewseducers and whichdivision arosethehatred, oftheMessiah,from jealousy bitterness inanendlesspunishment. whichkepttheJewsoppressed wasa superstithatJudaism Palontrotti relatesthatTacitushadasserted was outthatsuperstition tioussect,whileLuzzattohaddeniedthis,pointing Palontrotti by divinelaw.5"The reasonforthisprohibition, prohibited to superwasthatGod knewthatthenatureoftheJewsinclined explains, stition.Pleasetellme,he asksLuzzatto,whatis thepurposeofsuchdili(i.e.,toassurethatthemeatis kosher)whichGod has genceinslaughtering do theJewslookat their notcommanded? Why,whensayingtheblessings, is to a customassociatedwiththehavdalah nails(presumably thereference oftheSabbath)?Whatkindoflawsarethose at theconclusion ceremony outsideorifshe the of the thatifthehairremains women, regarding bathing to thelawsof doesnottakeoffherring,shemustbatheagain(a reference inwater)?Repeating whichrequiretotalimmersion theritualbath[miqveh] ofthe critics invokedbyKaraitesandotherJewish an argument previously ofadding"a fencearound therabbinic orallaw,and disregarding practice asks why,if by divinepreceptPassoveris to be the law," Palontrotti forsevendays,theJewsobserveeight.Also,whycanonenoteat observed There first meatand thencheese,butin theoppositeorderit is permitted? tofilla book,heexclaims. areenoughofthesesuperstitions 49. Discorso,consideration15,fol.63v,Hebrewtranslation, p. 128. 50. Discorso,consideration15,fols.66r-70r,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 130-34.

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defends Tacitus'sassertion thattheSabbathserved Finally,Palontrotti doesnotreproduce Luzzatto'srefutation,51 as a dayofidleness.Palontrotti thatalthoughas a pagan whichcommenced withthegeneralobservation suchas thefactthatthe Tacituscouldnothaveunderstood explanations oftheworldorofthe as a recollection ofthecreation Sabbathwasinstituted reasons miraculous liberation fromEgypt(thetwo givenfortheSabbathin oftheDecalogue,Exodus20:11andDeuteronomy thetworecensions 5:15), the as a masterof raisond'etat,he shouldhaveunderstood nevertheless, Luzzattoexplained thatinthefirst Sabbathinpoliticalterms. placetheday butrather tothereposeofthebody, wasnotdedicated toimproper idleness, incontemplation to enablethepeopleto engagemoreconveniently during withthestatement ofScipioAfricanus, relatedby thattime,in accordance Cicero(inthenameofCato),thathe "wasneverlessidlethanwhenhehad sincesixdayswereallottedto to do" (De officiis 3); furthermore, nothing be devotedtopublicservice. itwasdesirable thattheseventh affairs, private Moreover,Luzzattopointedout,citingexamplesfromRomanpractices, if thatsincemanrequires restanddesires restrained pleasureandrecreation, a day werenotfrequently setapartforrest,thenidlenessand workand businessandpleasurewouldbe mixedto thedisturbance ofcivillife.Paloncounters that God a of rest and trotti established merely day manyfestivals but so thatmancouldelevatehisspirittoheavenly the Jewsclaim concerns, that Sabbathmeansrest,and thatto elevatethe thoughts and weary thanworkingwiththe body the mindis a moreseriousundertaking and therefore theyobservetheSabbathand thefestivals by idlenessand thinkonlyofjoy. Thuson theholidayof Purim,he relates,distorting a humorous rabbinic into a light-hearted saying religious requirement, they are commanded thattheycannotdiscernwhether to getso inebriated they are saying"cursedbe Haman and blessedbe Mordecai"or "cursedbe Mordecaiandblessedbe Haman." dealswithonepointmadebyLuzzattointhesixteenth Next,Palontrotti In itLuzzattohadstatedthattheJews,onceillustrious consideration.52 for theirmilitary valorand theirknowledge oftheartsand sciences, notonly lostall military fainthearted and completely gloryand becamecompletely enervated in spiritaftertheirsubjugation the Romans and the destrucby tionoftheTemple,theinvasionofJerusalem, theoppression oftheirreli51. Discorso,consideration15,fols.70v-71 v,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 134-36. 52. Discorso,consideration16,fols.73r-74r,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 137-38.

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and dispersion of thepeople,butalso thelightof gionand thecaptivity was almostextinguished and all thesplendoroferudition was knowledge wishto be accompanied obscuredsincethevirtues ease and comforts of by life. 5 He considers itto be thefulfillment Palontrotti picksupthisconfession. menshallperish" of of their wise oftheprophecy Isaiahthat"thewisdom howcouldyou (29:14).If,he asksLuzzatto,theJewis without knowledge, ofScriphavestatedthattheJewspossessthetrueunderstanding previously tellsLuzzatto,musthavea goodmemory. ture?A liar,Palontrotti turnsto thelast consideration of theDiscorso.54 Finally,Palontrotti a and demobefore of the There,Luzzatto, geographic presentingsurvey the Jewish out that the of had Jewsdifdistribution graphic people, pointed The feredfromall peoplesand nationsin one important respect. latterall the haveprescribed objects.Afterreaching periodslikeall otherterrestial either heightoftheirsuccess,theythendescendintotheabyssofoblivion, elseor intosomething andbecoming transformed completely disappearing and losingtheir theiressence,breaking whileretaining up intofragments likebrokenglassordividedwater.ThustheChaldeans, Persians, continuity and the have Romans and all Greeks, completely disappeared been pagans is whileofothers, that of some the name so transformed, known, only only a shipwreck. as a planksurviving recollection somefragmentary remains, brokenand The Jewsdid notundergosuchchanges,butrather, although dividedalmostintoinfinite partsand dispersedall overtheworld,still Luzzattostatedthatdoubttoa greatextent. retained theiressential identity such to endurefor have had own could not on their strength they lessly whichpreserved thewillof thedivinemajesty almost1600yearswithout toLuzzatto,eventhough themforreasonsknowntoit.However, according thatcouldhappen werethegreatest calamities and dispersion thecaptivity and scornof the it the vile and to a people,rendering abject, mockery forits survival,forthey nations,nevertheless theywereveryeffective from and prideand haughtiness removed envyand suspicionfromrulers, At thispointLuzzatto themhumbleand compliant.55 theJews,rendering were"ma anco quasi 53. The wordsof Luzzatto,notaccuratelyreproducedbyPalontrotti, s'estinsein loro ognilumedi sapere,e si oscur6qualunquesplendoredi eruditione."Palontrotti wrote"ch'affattosia persa l'eruditionee la sapienza nell'Ebraismo.""Quasi" (almost,nearly) is notthesameas "affatto"(completelyor entirely). 54. Discorso,consideration18,fols.88v-89r,Hebrewtranslation, p. 151. 55. On Luzzatto's conceptof diaspora,see Baer, Galut,pp. 83-92, and also theintroductionofBachito the 1950editionoftheDiscorso,bearingin mindtheeditorialnoteon p. 27.

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introducedone of thefewrabbinicmidrashimincludedin the Discorso.He recountedthattheJewishsages had contrastedtheconductof Balaam, the formerbitterenemyof theJewishpeople who,afterwards, wishingto bless them,likenedthemto theveryloftyand robustcedar,withtheconductof Ahijah the Shilonite,the Jew,who prophesyingevil whichwas to befall them,compared themto a marshreed that bent beforeeverywind. The sages, Luzzatto continued,had pointedout thatthethreatof thetrueand pious Ahijah comparingthemto thepliantand flexiblereedwhichyielded to all forceand therefore remainedintactwas preferable to theblessingofa Balaam who likenedthemto thecedar which,whiletryingto resistthefury of the stormand forceof the winds,was oftenuprooted.Returningto his main theme,Luzzatto assertedthatthedispersionnot onlyaided theJews themobedientto theirsuperiors,butalso preservedthemfrom by rendering innovationsin dogma and rites which could not penetrateand spread throughtheentirenationbecauseofitsdispersal.56 Palontrottibrieflystatesthat Luzzatto had observedthat undertheir various rulersthe Jewsdid not change but weredispersedthroughoutthe world,and thatthisdispersionwas thecause oftheirsurvival.However,for thedispersionwas not a positivefactor,buta negativeone, for Palontrotti, it had been done by God as a testimony to theChristianfaithand as a sign of divinevengeance.The survivaloftheJewishpeople was characterizedby eternalscornand disgraceas thepenaltyforhavingkilledJesus,just as Cain was to be a fugitiveand a wandererin the who, forthecrimeof fratricide, land, livingwith the soul condemnedto hell, undergoingthousandsof deaths withoutdying. Referringto Luzzatto's assertionthat the Jews, despite theirdispersion,retainedtheiressentialidentity,Palontrottiasks whatidentitytherecan be amongpeople livingwithoutdiscipline,God, or law, everyonemakinghis own laws and expoundingthe scripturesat his own whimand believingand denyingwhateverhe wishes. Turningto the rabbinic dictum mentionedby Luzzatto, Palontrotti accusesLuzzattoofsupportinghimselfon a reedbycomparingtheJewsto a reed whichbends in all directionwiththe wind.Judaism,Palontrotticoncludes, is indeed nothingbut a reed religion,moved now by the wind of pride,now by the windof avariceand now by the windof luxury.On the otherhand, the truefaithful Christianis like a firmrock facingthewaves; liketheanvilat theblow ofthehammer,he exposeshimselfforthetruefaith to hardship,to torments and to martyrdom. WhiletheJewvanishesas straw 56. Discorso,consideration18,fols.89r-v,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 151-52.

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theChristian remains likegrain driven flame, bythewindtoburnineternal in thecelestialgranary to enjoythefruitofhislabortogether withJesus thetrueGod ofIsrael,whowiththeFatherandtheHolySpiritlives Christ, forever. andreigns III

of refutations workcontaining The secondseventeenth-century specific is the Via della in Luzzatto Discorso of Simone advanced the arguments bornSamuelNahmias,in 1683.57 byGiulioMorosini, fede,published The bilingualHebrewand Italiantitlepage of thebook,firstDerekh theItalian (Way ofFaith,set in Hebrewtype)and underneath, 'emunah intended for thattheworkwas Viadellafede,clearlyindicates translation, withthisplan,thethree twodifferent parts groupsofreaders.In accordance to "the addressed thefirst ofthebookwerepreceded bytwointroductions, ofIsraelof children reader"andthesecondto "thedispersed kindChristian and in two these thepresent introductions, especialFortunately, captivity." information, ly thesecond,Morosiniincludeddetailedautobiographical muchmoreis knownabouthimthanis knownabout and consequently Palontrotti. fortheJewish readersbyasking hisintroduction Morosinicommences tolookovertheopening themfirst pagesinorderto findoutwhotheauthor he givesabouthimself, is, forfromtheinformation theycan eitherdecide andproceedwitha a taskinexcessofhisability thathe hasnotundertaken notto takethe hand decide on the other to read the or desire book, greater troubleto turnso manypagesfromwhichtheydo notbelievetheywill and Morosinistatesthathe hopesto achievethefirst derivebenefit. result, the and that is that not true declaresthathewillnotrelateanything greater 57. On Morosini, see Giulio Bartolocci,Bibliothecamagna rabbinica,4 vols. (Rome, pp. 126, 149; Wolf, 1675-93), 3:755-56, 855, 4:404; Imbonatus,Bibliothecalatino-hebraica, Bibliothecahebraea, 1: 1121 (item 2140), 3: 1126-28; Fiirst,Bibliothecajudaica,2:391, 3:8; "Die italienischeLit"Letteraturaantigiudaica,"pp. 372-73; Steinschneider, Steinschneider, 43 (1899): des Judentums teraturder Juden,"Monatsschrift fuirGeschichteund Wissenschaft 514-15; JewishEncyclopedia,s.v. "Morosini,Giulio," "Nahmias," also "Luzzatto, Simone"; EncyclopaediaJudaica,s.v. "Morosini,Giulio." The onlyarticleon Morosinito date is David Simonsen,"Giulio MorosinisMitteilungen zumsiebuiberseinenLehrerLeon da Modena und seinejildischenZeitgenossen,"Festschrift AbrahamBerliner's,eds. Aron Freimannand Meier Hildesheimer(FrankzigstenGeburtstage to on pp. 342-43, see furt,1903),pp. 337-44. For a discussionofthemusicalacademyreferred Israel Adler,"The Rise of Art Music in theItalianGhetto,"JewishMedievaland Renaissance Studies,ed. AlexanderAltmann(Cambridge,Mass., 1967),pp. 345-49.

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andmostrenowned inChrispartdealswithmanyoftherichest synagogues tianEuropeandtheOttoman Empire. Atpresent, hecommences, hebearsthenameGiulioMorosini, butifthe did not readerwillnotknowhimbythatname,just as Joseph'sbrothers in Egyptian, knowJosephwhentheyheardhimcalledZaphenath-paneah he willfollowtheexampleofthatgreatpatriarch whofinally, in orderto knownto them,said to them:"I am Josephyourbrother" makehimself waswhenhe lived add thathe is,orrather (Genesis45:4),and accordingly the Samuel ben the son David and grandson of of Nahmias, among Jews, Isaac calledtheba'al teshuvah His family, to a very according (penitent).58 andgenealogy listwhichitstillpossessed, wasdescended oldtradition from withEzra and otherleadersof the thebiblicalNehemiahwho,together Jewish thetempleofSolomonandcalleduponthecitizens people,restored to rebuildit.Therefore, thefamily crestportrayed an armedmanstanding on a towerholdingin hisrighthanda flagunfurled in thewindinrecollectionofhisveryfineaction,as couldbe seenin thefrontispiece ofa book his entitled'Ein Yisra'el,reprinted father in in Venice 1625;however, by Morosiniconcedes,these matterscannotbe assertedunquestionably becauseofthelength oftheexileandthedisorder ofthetribes.59 in Latin 58. Ba'al teshuvahis writtenin Hebrew charactersand also in transliteration characters.(The statementin EncyclopaediaJudaica,s.v. "Morosini,Giulio" thatMorosini's Isaac was "referred to as 'Paul Teshuvah'" probablyresultsfroma misreadingofa grandfather handwritten "baal" as "Paul.") It should be noted that manybiblical phrasesand Hebrew names,book titlesand expressionsare set in Hebrewtype,often,as in thiscase, also witha and an Italiantranslation. transliteration accordingto theItalianpronunciation 59. The familycrestis not foundin the list of Cecil Roth, "Stemmidi famiglieebraiche "Die italiane,"Scrittiinmemoriadi Leone Carpi(Jerusalem,1967),pp. 165-74. Steinschneider, italienischeLitteratur,"p. 372 claimed thatthe familytraditionwas falseand thatthe family originatedin Toledo (i.e., medievalSpain). 'Ein Yisra'el(usuallycalled 'Ein Ya'aqov),a collectionofaggadotand midrashimextracted in Venicein 1625(thesubtitleofthisedition, fromtheTalmudbyJacobibn Habib,was reprinted statingthat it is a collectionof materialin the six ordersof the mishnahis erroneous;the nrw i Hebrewtitlepage shouldread l,10o Do0as do the tDmr,1nn,'wi1 n'alK nvIn D'loratherthan othereditionsof 'Ein Yisra'el, withLeone .. . together nmtiw = "vo) ',, , ,aw Modena's Bet lehemYehudah,an alphabetical of therabbinicsayingsin the 'Ein subjectindex Yisra'el. The Hebrew prefaceto 'Ein Yisra'el,writtenby the "editor" of the 1625 edition, acknowledgesthe generosityof the brothersDavid and Joseph Nahmias, sons of Isaac who upon hearingthattheworkwas out of printand Nahmias,theleadersof thecommunity, itsrepublicationin accordancewiththehigheststandards unavailableat anyprice,underwrote on expensivepaperofthebestquality.(I wishto thankMenachemSchmelzerforsendingme a copy of this prefacefromthe volume in the libraryof the JewishTheological Seminaryof America.)Leone Modena also praisesthe two brothersJosephand David Nahmias fortheir n ' in his introduction to Bet lehemYehudah:-t3r ni* nw 3in generosity n '= rY' 0tYR n!D,i DOW.

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David Nahmias,had Morosininextrelatesthathisgreat-grandfather, left in to havetopretend to around the of order not secretly Spain age sixty liveanylongeras a Christian as hadhisfather beforehimandhadgoneby sea withhistwosonsto Albaniawheretheywereall circumcised. Then, aftersometime,theymovedto Salonicawheretheytradedso successfully their fromSpainandincreased forforty yearswiththemoneytheybrought

became masters allthetrade of wealth tosuchanextent thatthey ofalmost

theLevant.David diedin Salonicaand hisson Isaac (Morosini'sgrandaftercomingto Veniceon businessas a visiting Jewish Levantine father), and possesdecidedto settlein thecitywithhisfamily merchant, finally in Venice,trading inalmostallthecomsions.Isaac continued hisbusiness mercialcentersof Europeand afterhisdeath,hisson David (Morosini's inincreasing inturncontinued thebusiness. father) Theywereso successful merchants ofthe the theirwealththattheywereconsidered among leading can Thereputation ofthehouse(as, Morosiniaddsinparenthesis, times.60 ofits be statedwithout boasting)was increased bythegeneralrecognition it practiced, not onlytowardJewsbut also and theliberality integrity, him andthatof led to believe thathisconversion to all other people, equally hisbrother theirmerit, to thetruefaithwereactsofgraceexceeding grantbecausetheirpredecessors and they ed in partby the DivineLiberality mannerin acts of had alwaysengagedin the above-stated themselves toindicate the and faithfulness with all. Morosini states that in order charity hecouldwriteaboutthewealthitpossessedinboththe extent ofhisfamily he would East and theWest,butsinceit is notproperto praiseoneself, 60. Some evidenceof activitiesof membersof the Nahmias familyin Venetianmaritime ofshipsin Veniceand their commercehas survived.Whiletherecordsoftheactual movements cargoeshave not been preserved,AlbertoTenentifoundin thearchivesof two notariesin the Archiviodi Stato di Venezia recordsof formalacts of renunciationon the part of ownersof fireor otheraccidentsin returnfor shipsand cargoeslost at sea in cases of piracy,shipwreck, thematerialand tabulateditin four thepaymentoftheinsurancepremium.Tenentiintegrated columns: 1) name of ship, owner, route and fate (or as much of that data as available), 2) names of insurers,3) names of insuredparties(withthe amountof liabilitywheregiven), and 4) merchandise (wheregiven).Four membersoftheNahmias family,David, Isaac, Raffael and Solomon, appear in these records.Incidentally,one memberof the Luzzatto family, see theindexof Isaac-possibly thefatherof Simone-is also encountered.For thereferences, a Venise,1592-1609 (Paris, 1959). AlbertoTenenti,Naufrages,corsaireset assurancemaritimes The materialon the Jewsin thatvolumehas been analyzedby BernhardBlumenkranz,"Les Juifsdans le commercemaritimede Venise(1592-1609)," Revuedes dtudesjuives 119 (1961): 143-51; see also Baron,Social and ReligiousHistory,14: 344, note33. See also thecommentin theJewishEncyclopedia,s.v. "Nahmias," thatIsaac Nahmias,who along withhis son David was a prosperousmerchantin Salonica in 1611,"is perhapsidenticalwithIsaac ben David, praisedforhisbountybyLonzano ('Sheteiyadot')."

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hisreaders ofhisfather's refer to theposthumous rather inventory property the from and documents di madein 1642bytheVenetian Petizione Offizio in Venetian affairs the the civiland criminal involving family proceedings ofViadellafede.6' atthetimeofthewriting courtswhichwerestillpending thewealthofhisfamily, at mentioning Morosiniclaims Uncomfortable thathe wouldhavepassedoverit in ordernotto be accusedofboasting so thathe wouldnotbe wereit notfortworeasons:first, unnecessarily, consideraccusedofhavingconverted outofnecessity orothermaterialistic anditswealth, ations,andsecond,becausefromthedetailsabouthisfamily abouthisupbringing, andnotconsider onecouldcometo someconclusions which of that himto be an ignoramus understanding completely incapable he admitted was so important forthehealthofthesoul.Although thathe the hadneverbeena rabbiorkabbalist, heclaimedthathecouldunderstand in a the sacred the without transliteralsenseof books originallanguage lator,andthathehadalwaysbeen,andwouldalways,totheendofhisdays, be mostfamiliar withthem.62 oftheestatesofseveralmembersoftheNahmias familyare indeedextantin 61. Inventories thearchiveoftheGiudicidi Petizionin theVenetianStateArchives;theverydetailedinventory of theassetsofIsaac son ofDavid Nahmias,presumablyidenticalwiththegrandfather of Morosini (Giudicidi Petizion353/18,July28, 1631) includesa lengthylistingof books containing his businessrecords.An examinationoftheseinventories and otherspreservedin theVenetian State Archiveswould constitutean interesting and significant study.To date, only one such has beenpublished:ClementeE. Ancona,"L'inventariodei beniappartenenti a Leon inventory da Modena," Bolletinodell'istituto dellasocietaM e dellostatoveneziano4 (1962): 249-67. 62. Morosini'sclaimdoes notappearto be an idleboast. The textof Via dellafedeabounds in quotations fromthe Talmud, midrashicliteratureand subsequentrabbinictradition,the in general,quoted in Hebrewin Hebrewtypeface prayerbookand medievalHebrewliterature withan Italiantranslation.Most ofitspages containsome materialin Hebrewtypeface, either a biblicalverse,a quotationfromtheabovementioned vastrangeofliterature, or a termreflecting some religiouslaw, ceremonyor Customof theJews,withtheappropriateItalian translation. For a quick surveyof sources quoted or mentioned,see the incomplete"Indice degli autorie de'libriqui citati"at theend ofthebook. WhileMorosinitooksome ofhisinformation frompreviousChristianauthors,thewide rangeof authorscitedand extensivequotationsin theoriginalHebrewmakeitplausiblethathe was indeeddrawingon theeducationofhisyouth ratherthanon laterreadingspecifically undertakenforthewritingof Via dellafede.However, in his introductionto the Christianreader,he mentionsthatfriendsgave him variousbooks and relevantinformation, singlingout AndreaPeschiulliand especiallyGiovanniPastritio,lettoreofdogmatictheologyat theCollegio de PropagandaFede; see also Bartolocci,Bibliotheca magna rabbinica,3:755-56;, Imbonatus,Bibliothecalatino-hebraica, p. 126, and the penultimate paragraphof Morosini's introductionforthe Hebrew reader.Interestingly, mentionis made on p. 823 ofone oftheworksofPalontrotti, theRaccoltadi moltierrorie chimeresognate da'Talmudistisopra l'espositionidella Bibbia, e riferite da Rabbi Salomone particolarmente (Venice, 1649),butthereis no mentionof Palontrotti'sBreverisposta,neitherin the fewpages of Via dellafede devoted to the Discorso nor apparentlyelsewherein the book.

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Atthispointinhisintroduction totheJewish reader,Morosinibrings up thesubjectof his conversion, it not withoutvalueto givea considering thatGod alwaysdesiresourwelfare detailedaccountin orderto illustrate forrepentance. and neverceasesto giveopportunities Know,then,hetells as a greatnumber ofyou hisJewish thatlivingamongChristians, readers, stilldo, and havingalmostcontinually to associatewiththem,he noticed thanthoseoftheJews.Thisheattribthattheircustoms weremoresincere thanto thatofthepeople.He oftheirreligion utedmoreto thecharacter heardthemsayinggreatthings aboutthebirth, life,deathandresurrection ofthe ofJesus, andseemedto haveseenalmostalloftheminthepreachings been who had heard He also recollected LeoneModena, having prophets. anda rabbiofgreatreputeat thattime,praisethegoodoneofhisteachers nessoftheChristians.63 Morosinifeltfromtimetotimevery Additionally, pungentsecretstimuliin his heart,urginghimto embraceChristianity. Whilehe wasin sucha stateofmind,itpleasedGod to makehimhearthe last attemptof His divinecall in a disputewhichtook place in Venice twobrothers ofJewish descentwhosehomelandhe willnotmenbetween to liveas a Chriswhohadbeenpretending tionoutofrespect. Oneofthem, the Iberian andin lefthishomeland(presumably tian,furtively peninsula) himself a Jew.A while 1649cameto Venicewherehe publicly proclaimed brother foundthisout,thelatteralso cameto later,whenhis Christian hiserror to acknowledge theformer ofinducing Venice,withtheintention Sincebothwereverylearned,a greatdispute to Christianity.64 and return theJewish brother them.Finally, arosebetween acceptedtheproposalofthe of tothetrueinterpretation thattheywouldhaverecourse Christian brother that the loser was theseventy and theprophecy ofDanielregarding weeks, the to adoptthereligionof thewinner.Havingreachedthisagreement, whichis 63. On theinadequatelyexaminedattitudeofModena to Jesusand to Christianity, being investigatedby Howard Adelman in his Brandeis Universitydissertationon Leone ed. ShlomoSimonsohn(Jerusalem,1960)and also the Modena, see Modena's Magen va-berev, containedin Simonsen,"Giulio Morosinis presentationsand scatteredadditionalreferences Mitteilungen";Cecil Roth, "Leone Da Modena and the ChristianHebraistsof His Age," JewishStudiesinMemoryofIsraelAbrahams(New York, 1927),pp. 384-401; Roth,"Leone da Modena and England," Transactions of theJewishHistoricalSocietyofEngland11(1924-7): 206-27; Roth, "Leone Da Modena and His EnglishCorrespondents,"Transactionsof the JewishHistoricalSocietyofEngland17(1953): 39-43; Rivkin,Leon Da Modena,pp. 52-53. 64. Morosinidoes not revealthe identityof the brothers.See Yerushalmi,FromSpanish Court,p. 201, note 14, for the suggestionthattheymighthave been Fernando and Miguel Cardoso.

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wentto RabbiSimoneLuzzatto,65 Jewish brother whowas mostesteemed forhis Jewisherudition(stimatissimo per la letturaebraica) and also very

well thoughtof amongthe Christiansfor his learningand eloquence accreditatoper le sciencee per l'eloquenza)and asked him,in (grandemente

as hisbrother, toemployalltheforce orderto winovera personas worthy ofhisknowledge forhewouldobtaina goodreward. Luzzattothennotified theleadingrabbisoftheacademyandthemostlearnedwhostudiedthere. On theday set forthedispute,manycame,including Morosiniand his At first the two Butseeing brother, Joseph. antagonists quarrelled valiantly. thatthevictory wasclearlyinclining towardtheChristian, who Luzzatto,66 wasseatedat theheadas judgeofthecontest, both hands suddenly banged on thetableandsaid:"Theversewhichis beingdisputed, as youknow,has insucha manner leftall themostexcellent rabbisperplexed andbewildered thattheydo notknowwhether theyarein heavenor on earth."Andafter somemoresimilar on hismouthandadded:"Let words,heplacedhisfinger us kindly be silentandcloseourbooks,becauseifwecontinue tospeculate on thisprophecy of Daniel,it willcometo pass thatwe willall become Christians. It cannotbe deniedthatthereit is clearlyshownthatthe whose timeis alreadypassed,has come.Whether thisis Jesusof messiah, I do wish not to decide recollects Nazareth, Thus, Morosini,the hastily." forJudaism and debateended.He andhisbrother Josephlosttheirfeelings bothdecidedtoembrace Christianity.67 65. The name is misspelledin both Latin and Hebrewtype:Simon Luzzato for Simone Luzzatto,and in theHebrewwitha tavinsteadofa let. 66. This timecorrectly spelledwithtwot's. 67. The wordsplaced in quotationmarkswereitalicizedin the textof Morosiniand presumablyweremeantto representtheactual wordsof Luzzatto.A verybriefLatinsummaryof thisincident,withthe alleged statementsof Luzzatto translatedin theirentirety, was undertakenbyWolf,BibliothecaHebraea,3: 1127-28; thatversionseemsto have servedas thesource ofinformation on theincidentforsubsequentwriters.Morosini'saccounthas beenreproduced in theoriginalItalianin AngeloSacerdote,"Simone Luzzatto,"In memoriadi AngeloSacerdote (Rome, 1936), pp. 100-1. While Wolf and Giam BattistaDe Rossi, Dizionariostoricodegli autoriebreie delle loro opere,2 vols. (Parma, 1802), 2: 15 accepted the storyat face value, Jewishwritershave been more critical.Hananel Nepi and Mordechai S. Ghirondi,Toledot gedoleiYisra.'el(Trieste,1853),p. 317 denounced"the lyingpriestDe Rossi... whosaid thata convertwrotethatthewordsofthesaid Rabbi [Luzzatto]in hiscommentary on Daniel led him to convert."Graetz consideredMorosinito have eitherdistortedor misunderstood thestatementof Luzzatto,and suggestedthatLuzzattocould onlyhavemaintainedthattheverserefers notto themessiahbutto theperiodoftheHasmoneans,as Iaim Galipapa had interpreted the derJuden,11 vols. (Leipzig, 1853-76), 10: passage in Daniel; see HeinrichGraetz,Geschichte 164, note 1, omittedin the Englishtranslation.This assessmentwas repeatedin the Jewish s.v. "Luzzatto"; see also Roth, Venice,p. 231. Encyclopedia,

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A fewmonthslater,on November at the 22, 1649,Morosiniconverted he of shows it that be said that his conversion cannot 37,68 which, claims, age was an ill advisedyouthful act.He assumedthenameofGiulioMorosini, whilehisson David,whoconverted withhim,tookthenameAngelo.His brother also took a converted, thenameOttaviano,and married Joseph ofa mostrespectable Christian Giulio whoborehimtenchildren. family "Letteraturaantigiudaica,"p. 373,commentedthatsinceLuzzattohad died Steinschneider, in 1663,Morosinicould relatewhateverhe wishedtwentyyearslater;eveniftheentireanecdote werenot an invention,the famousauthorof the Discorsowould not have expressedthe words ascribed to him by Morosini. More cautiously,in "ItalienischeLitteratur,"p. 418, Steinschneider consideredMorosini's account of Luzzatto's alleged utteranceregardingthe p. seventyweeks of Daniel to be questionable.Simonsen,"Giulio MorosinisMitteilungen," 340 termedit certainlyat least verystronglycolored. Ludwig Blau, Leo Modenas Briefeund 2 vols. (Budapest 1905), 1: 122, rejectedthe idea thatLuzzatto utteredcertain Schriftstucke, doubtsabout Jewishdoctrineas completelyunbelievable.Sacerdote,"Simone Luzzatto," p. 101standsout as the onlyscholarnotto be so critical,statingthatwhileit is not necessaryto fromit dwellon thefactthattheaccountof Morosiniis not reliablein itsdetails,nevertheless one can at leastdeducethatLuzzattowas verybroad-minded. Shulvass,"Rabbi Simha Luzzatto," pp. 25-26 wrotethatmost of the scholarswho had dealt withthispassage consideredit to be completelyinvented,whileSimonsen,theonlyone consideredit to be veryexaggerated.Shulvasshimselfbelievedthat notto rejectit completely, to end and pointed therewas no doubtthatthestoryof Morosiniwas inventedfrombeginning out thatit becamealmostcustomaryin Italyto relateafterthedeathofJewishsages,who were wellknownamongChristians,thattheyeitherconvertedor leanedtowardChristianity, citing reportsthatElijah Levita,JudahAbrabaneland Leone Modena all converted.See also Roth, Christianobservers"otherthan Venice,p. 231; I have been unableto findany "contemporary Morosini; also, to date I have been unable to locate the source for Roth's statementthat Rabbi [Luzzatto] "cardinal Barberigoused to recounthow on his deathbedthe freethinking on thepart was onlypreventedfromembracingChristianity bya forcibleexerciseofauthority ofhisscandalizedcoreligionists." The informationgiven by Morosini has to be carefullyevaluated in the contextof the ofVenice,and especiallytrendsprevalentamong religiousclimatewithintheJewishcommunity the Marranosat the time;see Rivkin,Leon Da Modena and theKol Sakhal, and Yerushalmi, FromSpanishCourt.The specificdetailsfurnished by Morosiniregardingthebackgroundof and thechoiceofLuzzattoas thejudgeat such theincidentappear to giveitsome authenticity, ofthespecificwordsand actionsattria debatecannotbe precluded;howeverthe authenticity butedto LuzzattobyMorosiniremainhighlydubious. 68. Thus Morosinimusthave been born betweenNovember23, 1611 and November22, assertionsare to he did notstatewherehe had been born,and conflicting 1612;unfortunately, thathe had been bornin eitherSalonica or Venice.Bartobe foundin thesecondaryliterature locci,Bibliothecamagnarabbinica,4: 404 gave themonthofconversionas December,forwhich he was criticizedby Wolf,Bibliothecahebraea,3: 1128;see also 3: 1126;however,Wolfhimself had given the monthof conversionas "1649 22 Dec." on 1: 1121! Bartolocci'ssource for Decemberis unclear;see howeverYerushalmi,FromSpanishCourt,p. 201, note 14,fora reference to a depositiongivenby Morosini"to theinquisitionin 1661in whichhe statedthathis baptismtook place on Dec. 22, 1649," whichwould seem to contradicthis statementin Via dellafede.

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Morosini's own wife, however,obstinatelyremained a Jew under the influenceofherfatherand thesynagogue,and wickedlyschemedwiththem to persecutehimin themostcruelwaysimaginable,on which,however,he did notelaborate. his autobiographyto commenton the At thispoint,Morosiniinterrupts in prophecyof Daniel supportof theallegedstatementof Luzzatto. Then, takingup again thethreadof his account,he relatesthathis pious decision was praised by both the Venetiannobility,especiallyby Signor Angelo Morosini,theprocuratorof San Marco, who liftedhimfromthebaptismal fontand honoredhimwithhisillustriousfamilyname,and also bytheleadingcitizens,someofwhomhe acknowledgesand thanksfortheirhospitality and support,statingthatsincehe can do nothingelse,he willalwaysprayto God thatHe willmakethemprosper.

Justtwomonths after hisconversion, to hisown Morosini, according toconvert theJews ofVenice toChristianity. Ten account, beganstriving to Romewhere hedesired, his yearslater(i.e.,in 1659),hemoved despite fromgout,to obtainpapaldispensation to join the age and suffering order. hewaswellreceived AssesVizzani There, Capuchine byMonsignor whoobtained forhimanaudience withPope sore,thenoftheSant'uffizio, VII (1655-1667). Alexander In thecourseoftheconversation, Morosini mentioned thatsincehisconversion, hehadcontinually endeavored toconvertas manyJewsas possible to atoneforhaving whilestilla prevented, other Jews from WhenAssessore addedthatMoroJew, many converting. sinihadnotlabored invain,thepopeurged forthegreater benefit Morosini, ofthefaith, toremain a layman rather thanclosehimself offinthecloister, healthas an additional factor. Thepopeassured citingalso thelatter's Morosini ofpapalprotection, him that he would never haveto consoling wantforanything. Thispromise wasfulfilled; Morosini wasgiven a princiandalsoan assignment inthecongregation ofthe palpostinthecustoms Office andanother intheCollegio dePropaganda Fede,bothforlife. Holy The nextpope,Clement IX (1667-1669) himto one of the appointed scritturie in theVaticanlibrary, a postofnotable (research fellowships) honorandstipend.69 tothetitlepageofViadellafede, Morosini According wasresearch fellow oftheVatican in the Hebrew as library language wellas 69. This appointmentwas made afterthe death of Giovanni BattistaJona, accordingto Bartolocci,Bibliothecamagnarabbinica,4: 404; see also 3: 755-56. It appearsthatMorosini's onlyotherliteraryactivitywas the completionof Jona's workon textualvariantsin theTargumim,stillpreservedin manuscript.

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X in Hebrewin theCollegiode PropagandaFede.ThenClement lecturer of Hebrew at Lorenzo to the chair Morosini's nephew (1670-1676)assigned XI (1676-1689)increased theSapienza,and Innocent Lorenzo'sstipend.70 it pleasedGod, alwaysinfinitely to merciful, Thus,Morosinisummarizes,

his thosegreatpopes.He valuesmore, heclaims, blesshimagainthrough

richesleftto himbytheindustry fortune thantheabove-mentioned present

first in Hebrewandthenin ItalianProverbs of hisancestors, quoting

30:8-9: "Removefarfrommefalsehoodand lies;givemeneither poverty norriches;feedmewithmineallottedbread;lestI be fullanddenyandsay: 'Whois theLord?'or lestI be poor,andstealandprofane thenameofmy he asserts,he has relatedhisfelicity God." Furthermore, gladly,notonly to be ofsomemeritbytheChrisbecauseit showsthathe was considered readersshouldknowwithwhatcharitable tians,butalso so thathisJewish inits embraces all-and particularly Jews-whotakeshelter zealthechurch of thosewhohavequalitieswhichmakethemworthy arms,and especially

noteinsomemanner.

to be satisfied with Afterat leastsixyearsoflabor"sinceitwasdifficult his thatwhichthepenwrotethefirst or secondtime,"Morosinicompleted his ill and of health 1,470 failing magnum pages.7'Despite literally opus thepublication ofhisbookwashastened forwhichreasons,herelates, sight, hedied,Morosiniappearstohavelived before so thatitwouldbecompleted

forfour more until1687.72 years,

70. Accordingto Morosini,anothernephewof his,whom he does not name,came from Bosnia in 1660 underhis influenceto convert,and at thetimeof thewritingof Via dellafede was a hermitin Mantovano. 71. Pp. 627-36 appear twice,and an additional236 unpaginatedpagescontaincorrections and additions(45 pages), a subjectindex(176 pages), an indexof biblicalverses(7 pages) and an index of authorsand workscited (8 pages). One approbationprintedafterthe table of contentsis datedJuly24, 1677,whilea secondis datedJuly18, 1683.The textofthebook itself to the"presentyear,5440" whichwouldbe 1679-80 (p. 437). The opening containsa reference dedicationof Morosini is dated August 1, 1683. Accordingto the titlepage, the book was printedin theprintshopof theSacra Congregazionede PropagandaFede in 1683.Morosini's to the book, and bears theinscription:"iulius maurocenus portraitappears as a frontispiece olimsamuelnahmiasvenetusaetatissuae lxxiianno mdclxxxiii." 72. Accordingto Morosini's fellowresearchfellow at the Vatican, Bartolocci,whom to theChristianreader"a friendof manyyears" and whose Morosinicalls in his introduction Bibliothecamagnarabbinicahe praises(vols. 1 and 2 appearedin 1675 and 1678 respectively; of Morosini'sutilizationofBibforBartolocci'spraiseof Via dellafede and acknowledgement liotheca,see 3: 755-56), Morosini died in 1687; Bartolocci,Bibliothecamagnarabbinica,4: 404, and subsequentauthors.The date 1683givenin Adler,"The Rise of Art Music," p. 345 and EncyclopediaJudaica,s.v. "Morosini,Giulio," appears to be an error;probablyby mistakethedateofthepublicationof Via dellafedewas substituted.

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In his two introductions to Via dellafede,Morosini,in additionto pre-

hisreasons alsosetsforth forwriting the information, senting biographical book.Inhisintroduction totheChristian hestates thatthree readers, strong himto publish hiswork.First, induced hewanted to showthe purposes embraced heintended Jewsthathaving toclosehislifeinit, Christianity, andthebookwashispublicprofession offaith, theJewsmost although eveniftheyconverted asserted thatallofthem, toChristianity, insolently withtheMosaiclawintheir couldnothelpdying hearts. Second, having hisownconversion, twomonths after to convert Jewsof striven, starting bothsexesto Christianity, bothin Veniceandin Rome,without sparing or he has now endeavored to express hiswayoffaith ina money effort, with in the that the future at least a of the few Jews let book, hope might themselves beguided the his means of as book,just preby HolySpirit by voice.Third, hewasmoved viously theyhadbymeansofhisliving bythe hehadreceived from a scholarly andmostgracious encouragement prelate whooncein thecourseofconversation askedMorosini forinformation which hethenneeded abouttheJewish riteofcircumcision. After Morosini hadexplained to him that he undertake a it,theprelate proposed comprehensive oftheritesandceremonies oftheJews fortheinformaexposition tionofChristian sincesucha workdidnotexist(as faras he preachers, Morosini adds in to hisidea.73 knows, parentheses) arranged according thathecouldnotdisobey sucha command, andseeing thathe Reflecting couldalsothereby outhistwoother above-mentioned aims,Morosini carry thistaskafter undertook somehesitation, itnecessary toshow considering inthismanner theJews thattheyshould leavetheir fallen Mosaicandtalmudicreligion, whichwas fullofsuperstitions anderrors. Unlesshe is he the value of the book will be almost universal. He mistaken, claims, it that would not be to the since naively suggests perhaps unacceptable Jews, itconstituted a newwaywhich wouldeasilyattract themforitdealswith their nor it sinceinittheywouldfindthe ceremonies, would be unuseful totheir antidote thebookwillbenecessary forChrispoison. Additionally, tianpreachers about who,forpolemical purposes, oughtto be informed whattheJews orwithout use sayanddo,whileitwillnotbeunrewarding fortheother notonlysinceitisproper toknowhowa peopleas Christians, oldas theJews, whowereoncefavored almost theoribyGodandpossess 73. PresumablytheRitiof Leone Modena, to whichMorosinioftenrefers(see below,note a newtreatment would presentan opportunity 76), was not sufficiently detailed;furthermore, to add a critiqueoftheJewishritual.

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behaveandlive,butalsobecausethey ginalofa largepartoftheScriptures, willfindmanyscriptural verseswhichwillbolster theirfaith.Finally, itwill willbe ableto talkto theJewsinformed theJews,sinceChristians benefit willhave theJewstoChristianity, aboutJudaism and,as theytrytoconvert thenecessary knowledge. totheJewish oneofthese In hisintroduction reader,Morosinireiterates motives. He writes thatthemainaimofhislaborwasto revealthetalmudic whichgreatly thelawsoftheJewsandtoexplain contaminated superstitions thegreatest ones,thatkepttheJewsback especially awaythedifficulties, to thealways ofthedeformed frompassingfromthedarkness synagogue of of either reasons drawnfrom the church Christ, light by inextinguishable oftheearlyrabbiswhoweredivinely theBibleor fromtheinterpretations one hasto believebecauseof (this,Morosiniaddsin parentheses, inspired therebelthatexistsamongtheJews),rendering theadmirableharmony oftheirsuccessors inexcusable. liousness completely "On theCessationofthe Thefirst partofthebook,pp. 1-99,is entitled MosaicLaw as a ResultoftheComingoftheMessiahwhois Christour "On The secondpart,entitled are Demonstrated." LordwhoseMysteries or of Mosaic Law the andJudicial theCessationoftheCeremonial Precepts and BecauseoftheTransgressions, Ceremonies oftheJewish Superstitions of theReplacement oftheJewsand Through bytheCeremonies Impieties Some of whichare the ChristianReligion,Especiallythe Sacraments, is byfarthelongest Demonstrated" (pp. 101-1209).In thecourseofhispreof theritesandceremonies describes Morosinicomprehensively sentation, thattheyarefull theyear,alleging theJewsfrombirthto death,throughout in ofselection hisprinciple He indicates ofsuperstitions andtransgressions. his introduction to theJewishreaders,wherehe explainsthatsincethe to describe in theirrites,itwouldbe toowearisome Jewish groupsdiffered of those the himself heconfined themall,andtherefore Spanishand onlyto and notonlybecausetheyweremorepraiseworthy synagogues, Portuguese Morosiniapparently thantheothers(evenafterhisconversion, esteemed butalso because,whilehe had beena retained pridein hisethnicheritage) attended them,bothin ItalyandintheLevant,and Jew,he hadconstantly was certainthatno one could expoundthemwithgreaterdistinction.74 74. More specifically, p. 339,note2, has sugSimonsen,"Giulio MorosinisMitteilungen," and also thepracticesoftheJewsofVeniceprimarily gestedthatthecustomsoftheJewsreflect thoseoftheOttomanempirewhereMorosinihad traveledin hisyouth,ratherthanthoseofthe Jewsof Rome (wherepresumablysincehe was livingas a Christian,he had lessintimatecontact withtheirdailylivesand customs).A cursoryskimmingof Via dellafederevealsthatMorosini

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Finally,thethirdpartof Via dellafedewas, accordingto itstitle,intendedto showthatthepreceptsoftheDecalogue weredisobeyedbytheJewsthrough theirimpietyand superstitions. Via dellafede,which,as Cecil Roth has pointedout, is "extraordinarily forthe reconstruction of the social historyof the repletewithinformation Ghetto in his [Morosini's] day,"" still awaits a systematicexamination. Since Morosini in his introductionto the Christianreaders mentions Buxtorfand was familiarwithBuxtorf'sSynagogajudaica, as well as with it would the Riti of Leone Modena, whichis oftenmentionedin passing,76 ofJewishlaw withthatof be of relevanceto compareMorosini'streatment Buxtorfand of Modena, and in generalanalyzeit in the contextof seventeenthcenturyJudeo-Christian however,is polemics.Such an undertaking, beyondthescope ofthisarticle.77 Rather,relevantin the presentcontextis a passage of Via della fede devotedto a refutationof some argumentsin the Discorso. Althoughthis response to the Discorso was already noted by Wolf in his Bibliotheca hebraeain theearlyeighteenth century,it has neverbeen reproduced,sumit would be ofinterest, marizedor analyzed.78Incidentally, as an indication of theextentof thepenetrationof theDiscorsointotheChristianworld,to know whetherMorosini had been aware of thatbook (publishedin 1638) whilehe was stilla Jewpriorto his conversionin 1649 or whetherhe only discoveredit afterwards. Chapter twelveof the thirdpart of Via della fede is entitled"On the HatredthattheJewsBearToward Christians,and theSlanderingand Other EffectsofThis Hate and How in This Too TheyTransgresstheSixthCommandmentoftheDecalogue." Towardtheend ofthechapter,afteroutlining the provisionsof thepapal bulls issued againsttheJews,includingtheHe-

oftendrewattentionto differences in customsbetweentheLevantine,Portuguese,Spanishand ItalianJews,and on occasion specifically referred to institutions and practicesin Venice,Rome and theOttomanempire. 75. Roth, Venice,p. 118,see also p. 372. 76. The indexto Via dellafede,s.v. "R. Leon di Modena" containsnumerousentries,and a ofthebook yieldsadditionalreferences to Modena and hisRiti. cursoryskimming 77. See above, note 5 and Mark R. Cohen, "Leone da Modena's Riti: A Seventeenth CenturyPlea forSocial TolerationofJews,"JewishSocial Studies34 (1972): 287-321. 78. My attentionwas drawn to thiscritiqueof the Discorso by a reference in Wolf,Bibliothecahebraea,3: 1151, to the best of my knowledgenot referredto by any subsequent author.

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braeorum of 1593,Morosinimakes gensof 1569,andtheCaeca etobdurata thepointthatifoneconsiders from howmanystatestheJewswereexpelled, it wouldbe and how abominableand harmful theyare forChristianity, to exterminate them if Christian appropriate completely, piety,which their and benefit that some would save themselves, sought hoped perhaps didnotprevail. At thispoint,79 Luzzattoand his Discorso.He Morosiniintroduces relatesthat"RabbiSimon[sic]LuzzattowhoinVenicehadbeenfamousfor had [dottrina, learning, eloquenzae autorita]"80 eloquenceand authority in hisDiscorsoin defense ofhisnationthatthescornthattheJews written whichthepopuarouseon thepartofgovernments, thecriesofabhorrence ofthemorecommonpeopleresult laceraiseagainstthemandthederision ofthetimesand thelackoflearning fromtheconditions amongtheJews and its whichwouldenablethetruthto appear have say.And,continues Morosini,sinceLuzzattocouldnotconcealtheexcessesof theJews,on Luzzattoconbanished accountofwhichgovernments hadrigorously them, cededthatsomelawlessand wickedpersonswerefoundamongtheJews, thattheJewsingeneral butclaimedthatforthisreasonthesincerefeelings heldtowardtheirmostclement rulersshouldnotbe obscuredor denied. hadpointedoutthatjustas theskilledagriculLuzzatto,Morosinirelates, fieldbecauseitsometimes turalist doesnotabandona well-cultivated prothem andcutting ducesuselessgrassesandill bornplants,but,extirpating his workwiththeothers,so sincetheJewsare ofgreat down,continues oneshouldnotturnagainstall ofthem to theChristian community, utility butratherpunishthefewguiltyones becauseofsomelawlessindividuals, toprotect therestwithout andcontinue rigor.8' hissatisfaction thatLuzzattoconcededthattheJews Morosiniexpresses embrace wisdom.Iftheyhadany,he claims,theywouldeither arewithout not and would or at least cease thetrueChristian it, attacking religion be like wishedto unlesstheydeliberately andwickedness defend falsehood viceanddeceit defended to theircelestialbenefactor, thosewho,ungrateful MorosinirelatesthatLuzzattointheintrooutoftheirhumanself-interest. 79. Via dellafede,p. 1415. of Luzzattowiththeabove-citedphrasingin theintroduction 80. Cf. thischaracterization characto theHebrewreader;on p. 1116of Viadellafede,Menassehben Israelis verysimilarly terizedas "stimatoperl'eloquenza,eruditionee dottrina." 81. Discorso,prefaceto thewholework,fols.5r-6r,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 79-80; Ravid, Economicsand Toleration, pp. 51-53.

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theJewstotheatomsofDemocritus, duction tohisbookhadcompared and on Luzzatto's comments the taxes of the Romans: "The Romans, quotes orientedand moderate, who werepolitically nevertheless imposedtaxes evenon humanexcrements, whichwereextended also to thoseofthebrute and also shameful and obscene animals,calledthetax of thegrisargiro, to enrichtheirtreasury, actionscontributed fortheprostitutes and other to thepublictreasury a partof theirignodisreputable peoplerendered in additionto thehead tax imposedon themostvile miniousearnings, classesof thepeopleby thesame Romans."82 Morosinigrantsthatone couldverywellcomparetheJewsto suchvilematter, becauseof specifically theirwickedness andillicitgainsofusuryanddeceitto theprostitutes, and on accountoftheirfilthiness throwthemoutsideofthecommunity, similarwhichisretained as longas itcanbe tolerated. lytoexcrement TheJews,Morosinicontinues, areonlyofvaluetothestateinthesame wayas theabovementioned persons.Shifting quicklyfromtheeconomic heallegesthatinfacttheyareworse,sincetheysin planeto thetheological, and sinsagainstreligion are moreharmful; is againstreligion, blasphemy worsethanprostitution. Itis notjustthecaseoftheoffenses ofa fewlawless or butofthepeopleingeneral whousethosefewas theiragents, individuals, at leastapproveoftheiractions, andtherefore to cannot be they compared a field which sometimes bad but rather a bituminous to good yields plants, which forth throws noxious fumes. whirlpool Morosininowstateshisintention to refute Luzzattoon thebasisofthe latter'sownarguments. He refers to thepointmadebyLuzapprovingly zatto(alreadysummarized abovein connection withthediscussion ofthe workof Palontrotti) in theeleventh between consideration, differentiating thetimeswhenan entirepeoplehas to be punishedand thosewhenonly individuals haveto be punished.83 He alsorepeatsbriefly Luzzatto'sdistinctionin thetwelfth between the three typesofanti-Judaism, consideration84 thatofthepopulace,ofthestatesmen andofthereligious zealots,andLuzzatto'srefutations ofeach type:thatone shouldnotpay attention to the to thedecreesofrulers;thatdiversity is not ofreligion populace,butrather 82. Discorso, Introductionto This Treatise,fols. 7r-8r;Hebrew translation,pp. 79-80; Ravid, Economicsand Toleration, pp. 53-54. On theRoman taxes,see the 1950HebrewtranslationoftheDiscorso,p. 157,note3. Luzzatto'spurposein referring to theseRoman taxeswas to praiseVenice,whichdid notresortto suchmeasures;see Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, p. 54. 83. Discorso,consideration11,fols.38v-39v, Hebrewtranslation, pp. 106-7. 84. Discorso,consideration12,fols.40v-44v, Hebrewtranslation, pp. 108-11.

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an evilas longas thereis tranquillity; andthatoneshouldtakeas a rulethe sinceno one conductoftheRomanpontiff, headoftheChristian religion, shouldpresume to knowmorethanthehead.Morosinicounters byclaimJews is all that itisnot wickedness of the shared of and that the them, by ing be of of rulers that should the the but also they only opinion populace expelled.Moreover,popes,in bullsissuedaftera rigorousexamination, and thattheJewsalwaysgrewmorewickedand ungrateful complained evergreatercrimes,and shouldbe exiledfromall places; committed however, byChristian pietyinthehopethattheywillcontheyaretolerated buttheyabusethemand vert,and forthisreasongivensomeprivileges, to expeltheJews becomeworse.It is rulerswhohavejudgedit necessary fromtheirkingdoms becauseof thecrimestheyhave committed. This, ofLuzzatto,for Morosininotes,is correct also according to theprinciple topunishnotjustsome, itis necessary sinceall andnotjustsomeareguilty, butall. of theJews.Theywere themajorexpulsions Morosinithenrecounts timewasin 1198byPhillipII exiledfromFrancefourorfivetimes.Thefirst at thebeginning ofhisreignbecauseoftheveryharshusurywithwhichthe theFrenchandbecauseoftheirothercrimes Jewsconsumed againstChrishis need formoney. in because them the same of but he recalled year tianity, XI his return from in on a time 1233 Louis were second banished by They what "he discovered theHolyLand,because,Morosinirelateselliptically, who withtheMoorsagainsttheChristians thosewhocoulddid together wentto orresidedintheHolyLand,although theyletsomelive."Theywere banisheda thirdtimein 1306by PhilliptheGood becauseofthecrimes andalso becauseofusurybutweretakenbackagainbyhis againstreligion son Louis on hisaccessionto thethronebecauseof hisneedformoney. becauseitwas timein 1321inperpetuity Theywereexpelledforthefourth discoveredthattheyhad poisonedthe wellsand fountains. However, but"for sincein 1393theywereagainafflicted, somereturned, apparently ever without the same reasons"in 1395theywerecompletely expelled thelands in 1290fromEnglandandalsofrom returning. Theywereexpelled ownedbythekingof Englandin Gascony,becauseoftheirsuperstitious Beforethat, customs andbecausetheyledtheCatholicsastraytoJudaism.85 and at thattime,Pope NicholasIV (1288-1292)inveighed againstthem, 85. For a discussionofthereasonsadvancedfortheexpulsionoftheJewsfromEnglandin 1290,see HenryG. Richardson,The EnglishJewryunderAngevinKings(London, 1960),pp. 213-33.

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boththeinquisitors andChristian rulersto freetheirstatesofsuch advising were from in 1492 and They expelled Spain byorderofFerdinand pests.86 zeal after theexpulsion of Isabella,and eventhoughitwasoutofreligious theMoors,it was notforthereasongivenbyLuzzattothattherulersdid not want to toleratea different religion."The real reason,Morosini wastheharmanddisgrace thatboththeJewsandtheMoorscomexplains, He claimsthatthehistorians whorelatethisexpulmitted towardreligion. ofsucha greatmultitude sionclearlywritethatthekingdeprived himself and becausehewasawareoftheirmanycrimes againsttheCatholicreligion, thathe thatit can be concludedfromthemanneroftheterrible expulsion forsucha piousking wouldnothavedone so unlessmanywereguilty, thatit was a wouldnothavetakensuchan actionhad he notdiscovered ofother worseevilto toleratethemthanto banishthem.The experiences showthattheywerethesame andthereasonsfortheexpulsions kingdoms or similarto thoseof Spain. Shortlyafterwards, in 1496,theJewswere ofFerdinand ofSpainas a condition expelledfromPortugalat theurging butthereasonwasthe forKingEmmanuel's thelatter's daughter, marrying fromSpain,thatis,becausetheJewswere sameas thatfortheexpulsion enemiesoftheChristian faith.AndsinceKingJohnof knownto be bitter cousin the of had theexilesfrom Portugal, KingEmmanuel, notadmitted butfora limited followed thatat time,itnecessarily Spainunconditionally, theend of thattime,theywereeitherto be exiledor placedin servitude. to thatwhichJohnhad ordered, was However,sinceEmmanuel, contrary contented thattheyshouldlivein freedom, thekingofSpainhadjustcause forincluding the banishment of theJewsamongtheconditions forthe marriage. can Luzzattorespondto thesecharges, madenot What,asksMorosini, individual or the emotions or tumults of the subjects by by populace,butby in consideration "mostprusage rulerswhomhe calls the seventeenth Withcunning andfinesse, Morosinicontinues, Luzzattoutilized all dent"?88 86. On Pope Nicholas IV and theJews,see EdwardA. Synan,ThePopes and theJewsin the Middle Ages (New York, 1965), pp. 122-23, withreferences to the sources in notes 74-78. Nicholas IV was certainlynot one ofthemoreanti-Jewish popes ofthe Middle Ages and does notseemto havesoughttheirexpulsion.PresumablyMorosiniselectedhim(ratherthana more anti-Jewish pope) because he happenedto be pope at thetimeoftheexpulsionfromEnglandin 1290. 87. Discorso,consideration17,fol.87v,Hebrewtranslation, p. 150. 88. Discorso,consideration17,fol.86r,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 148-49. It shouldbe noted is used by Luzzatto not in thecourseof thatthe adjectivecitedby Morosini,"prudentissimi," hisown views,butin summarizing a potentialargumentagainsttheJews. presenting

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of his learningto respondin thatconsiderationthateverycityand country has different ways of proceedingand its own laws, and thatthe appeal to and had no validity;indeed,ifitdid,one shouldconclude example authority thatsincethemostprudentand wiseVenetianrepublickepttheJews,others also oughtto do so. But, Luzzatto had conceded,because of the dislikeof thepopulace towardtheJews,theauthoritieskeptthemaway,and therefore theVenetianrepublicallowed themin Venice,but notin Brescia,Bergamo, Crema and othercitiesin the state.Luzzattothenstated,Morosinirelates, that in generalthe Jewscan only maintainthemselvesby usury,by real estateor by thecrafts.Since thefirst(sic) and thesecond are prohibitedto them,thereremainsonlythethird(sic), whichis veryodious to thepopulace outside of Venice,because whiletherethe interestrate is onlyfivepercent, outsideitis higher.89 Then MorosinibrieflysummarizesLuzzatto's accountof theexpulsion of the Jews,foreach of whichLuzzatto had givena specificreason,albeit oftenremarkablyweak:90TheywereexpelledfromGermanyat thetimeof thecrusadesbecause thesoldiersdevelopedan aversionto all people different fromthem,and therefore, verymiserablyafflictedtheJews;theywere banishedfromFranceat thesame timeas theTemplarsforthereasonsgiven by the historians(Luzzatto did not elaborateupon thiscrypticstatement); fromSpain, sinceit was notexpedientforthegovernment to keep so many in religion,because theprudent thousandsof Moslems and Jews,differing rulercould come to suspectthattheymightplan a revolution,and he chose to expel theJewsand nottheMoriscosbecause theJews,unliketheMoors, had no head or king,and also because the Moriscos cultivatedthe land, unlikethe Jewsto whomeverycraftwas forbidden.Finally,Luzzatto had said thattheywereexpelledfromPortugalbecause of thecontinualpersuasion of the kingof Spain and because King Emmanuelof Portugalneeded

89. Discorso,consideration17, fols.86v-87r,Hebrewtranslation,p. 149. It is obvious that Morosini has confusedthingshere. If he presentsthe economic possibilitiesin the orderof to theJews, usury,real estateand crafts,thenhe should have statedthatthefirstis permitted whilethesecond and thirdare prohibited.Clearlya slip ofthepen took place. In the Discorso, Luzzattopresentedtheactivitiesin theorderof usury,craftsand realestate;thus,accordingto boththeorderof Luzzattoand of Morosini,Morosinishouldhavewrittenthatthesecondand it is mostsurthethirdwereprohibited,whileonlythefirstwas permitted.More substantially, prisingthat Morosini did not utilizethe opportunityto denounce usury,or at least make a of thatsubjectelsewherein the Via dellajede (e.g., partIII, chapter reference to his treatment 15). 90. Cf. Discorso,consideration17,fols.87r-88v,Hebrewtranslation, pp. 150-51.

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people to populate the Indies and thereforedecreedthe expulsionof the Jewsout of the necessityof makingthemChristians.Indeed hundredsof thousandsdid convert,as themosteloquentOsoriuswrote.91 butnonetheless thesearguments, Morosinihas ofcoursealreadyrefuted does so once more. See, he writes,how cunningLuzzatto was and how cautious not to offendthe Christians;he triedto appear fullyinformedof what happenedand of the truereasonsforit but I have alreadyexplained why theywere expelled fromthose places. The German crusaders,even thoughtheydid somethingin theHoly Land (presumablyMorosinimeans theJews),onlydid it becausetheywereannoyedbytheverybad slaughtered behaviorof theJews.In France,the reasonforexpellingtheTemplarswas different; althoughit could be said thatsome kingshad thepoliticalaim of

91. MorosinieitherdistortedLuzzatto's presentation, whetherdeliberatelyor througha or at leastraisedthepossibilityof misunderstanding on thepartof hisown misunderstanding, readersby his formulation.Luzzatto's phrase"as thiseventis narratedin the Historyof the most eloquent Osorius" (consideration17, fol. 88r, Hebrew translation,p. 151) apparently refers ofthedecreeofexileforall thoseJewswho wouldnot onlyto Emmanuel'spromulgation convertand the completeconfiscationof theirgoods, and not also to Luzzatto's preceding explanationof Emmanuel'sactionas resultingfromhis needforpeople to colonizetheIndies. That reasonwas not foundin Osorius(as Morosinipointsout below),who onlystatedthat"it gave Emmanuelgreatuneasinessto thinkthatso manythousandmen should be driveninto banishment,and he was desirousat least to bringover theirsons." For the presentationof Osorius,see his De rebusEmmanuelilibriduodecim(Lisbon, 1571),in Englishtranslation,The Historyof the PortugueseDuringtheReignof Emmanuel,2 vols. (London, 1752), 1: 28-31. OsoriuscharacterizedEmmanuel'sforcedbaptismas "a schemewhichin factwas contraryto justiceand equity,"althoughhe concededthatithad "good consequences." Of interestis Osorius's summaryof thedifferent viewspresentedby Emmanuel'scouncellorsas to whethertheJewsshouldbe expelledor not.Amongthearguments in favorofkeeping themwas the factthatthe pope allowed themto dwellin his territory (an argumentused by Luzzatto,see above) and inducedby his example,manyChristianprincesin Italy,Germany, Hungaryand elsewherein Europe allowed themto tradeand carryon businessof all sorts. Additionally,if theywere to be expelledfromPortugal,theywould probablygo to Africa, where,livingamong blind and superstitious Moslems,all hope of theirconversionwould be lost. Finally,"it would be greatlydetrimental to the public interestif thesepeople, some of whomwereconsiderablyrich,shouldcarrytheirwealthto the Moors, and enrichour enemies with those arts which they learntfromour nation." This last argumentis similarto that advancedbySarpitojustifyallowingMarranosto revertto Judaismin Venice;see Ravid,"The First Charter,"pp. 210-11 and Economicsand Toleration,pp. 35-36. On the otherhand, amongtheargumentsmarshalledagainsttheJewswas theconsiderationthatitwas in thepublic interestto expel theJewsimmediately so thattheywould onlytake withthemwealththey had gatheredin othercountries,ratherthanexpellingthemlateraftertheyhad amassed considerablerichesby fraudulentmeans in Portugal.For a similardiscussionas to whetherto toleratethepresenceofJewsin Veniceslightly overtwenty yearslater,see Pullan,Richand Poor inRenaissanceVenice,pp. 489-96.

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thatdidnotpreclude theirhavingotherreasons, obtaining money, justas someonewhohadsufficient reasonsto killsomeoneelsewaitsuntilnoticeis conceived a hatredoftheJews givenofa reward.The peopleofGermany and provenmisdeeds and itsuffices, becauseoftheirreported he adds,to talkwitha Germanto hearofmanyexamples, also recent, oftheevilsthe inthosecountries, Jewscommit evilswhichareexamined bythemagistrates andpunished orbyexecution. severely byburning The historical concludesMorosinion thispoint,dealwiththe records, misdeedsof the Moorsand of theJewsin Spain,and if previouskings tolerated did not.Morosininotesthatin 615 them,thezealousFerdinand had the Jews from Sisebut King expelled Spain becausetheycommitted ofevilsand wroteto thekingofFranceto do thesame,as had thousands Heraclitus andthisrendered theEmperor, theactionofthekingofPortugal at therequestofthekingofSpainverycommendable, eventhoughminors thefact(ofthe werebaptisedagainstthecanonlaw.AndOsoriusinrelating oftheJewsfromPortugal) didnotwritethatthekingdidso to expulsions but ratherto save theirsouls,just as manyare increasehis population, in the the tolerated by pope papalstatesso thattheymaysavethemselves.92 Morosinirelatesthatin thefourth consideration Luzzattohad written thattheJewswereabject,withouta protector, and therefore promptto to offense to the of and cautious not give populace theplace obey,needy whileinthethirteenth andfourteenth wheretheylivelesttheybe expelled,93 herelated thattheirlawsobligethemtodo goodtoall andthattheyhaveno writer, prohibition againstdoinggood unto othernations.O deceitful butithasbeen andhumbly, exclaimsMorosini, yououghtto actpeacefully shownabovehowtheoppositeis thecase so thatholypopes,inclinedto lawsagainstyou, topromulgate havebeencompelled rigorous compassion, councils. as haveatalmostalltimescouncilsofbishopsas wellas general what latter will tell Luzzatto the Morosini not,hecontinues, oughttodo forthey andthatwhichScripture teaches,becauseitis opposedto theJews, timeshave followtheTalmudand otherbookswhichpopesat different orderedto be burnedbecausetheycontainthe poisonof maledictions andeventhoughithas againstGod, againstChristand againstChristians, towritemorebooks.Morosinithencites theJewscontinue beenforbidden, theTalmudand relatedJewishbooksand manypapal bullsdenouncing 92. See thepreviousnote. 93. These exact wordsare not foundin the fourthconsideration,but the ideas in general are encounteredin severalpassagesin theDiscorso.

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themburnedand destroyed becauseof theirabominations and ordering Morosini cannot that which Luzzatto, asserts, deny popes blasphemies. withbulls.Whena bellringsat night, haveaffirmed peoplerun repeatedly thattheyarecalledeitherbecauseoffireor of outoftheirhouses,thinking war,butsomeremainin bedbecausetheydo notbelievethattheevilis so great.Butifthebellsoundsagaintwicemoreand formanyhours,almost thattheevilis verygreatand reasoning getsoutofbed,correctly everyone mostobvious.Thus,iftheTalmudand theotherbookshad beenbanned once,manypeoplemightperhapshavebelievedthatit happenedon the butsincepopesat different timesreiterated basisoflittleinformation, the andordered thatitbe burned, eventheignorant canconsameprohibition and rightly detestit.Andforthis cludethattheTalmudis indeeddreadful Luzzattonevermentioned theTalmud,becausehe reason,claimsMorosini, Intheplacewhereheshouldhave knewhowmuchitis heldinabomination. aboutit,he passedoverit shrewdly, saidsomething sayinginthesixteenth consideration onlythatsinceGod did not wishto maketheScriptures hiswillorallyso thattherewouldbe no doubt clear,he expressed entirely how to and that tradition waspassedon.94Morosinireminds act, regarding his readersthathe has dealtwiththisthemepreviously (p. 1131),never either the divine tradition or its butonlythattheimdenying necessity, offas thedivine.In thatsameconpietiesoftheTalmudpass themselves Morosinicontinues, Luzzattohad said thatsincetheJewsin sideration, theirmiseries werenotableto devotethemselves to anything otherthanthe fortunate in studyoftheSacredScripture, theycouldconsiderthemselves thisrespect.95 wouldto God thattheywouldonly But,counters Morosini, whichtheyconsiderto be thefirstobjectto studytheSacredScriptures, and almost for children. Theirmainobjectofstudyis theTalmud, study 94. Discorso, consideration16, fols. 75v-76r,Hebrew translation,p. 139. Morosini is slightlydistortingLuzzatto's presentation.Luzzatto relatedthatthe rabbissaid thatin many places the Bible was so obtuseand concisethathumanknowledgecould notpenetrateitsreal to sense,and sinceit was not believablethatGod should leave such uncertaininterpretations thefreeand hastyjudgmentofeveryone,itwas reasonablethathe revealedtheexplanationsto themostelectand close to himso thattheycouldtransmititat all timesto posterity. 95. Apparentlythis constitutesa distortedrenderingof consideration16, fols. 74v-75r, Hebrewtranslation,p. 138,whereLuzzatto statedthattheJews,afterthe destruction oftheir kingdomand duringtheirlong and miserabledispersion,wereabout to sinkintoa totalignorance had nottheneedto understandtheBiblewhichwas fullofsecretteachingsdriventhemto some moderateutilizationof theirintelligence and curiosityto know.See the remainderofhis thereand also theclosinglinesof theconsideration,fol. 85v,Hebrewtranslation, presentation p. 148.

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withwhichtheyoccupythemselveswithgreatjoy. Althoughtheygivethe it is, on thecontrary, impressionthatit is theexpositionof the Scriptures, the fanciesof the rabbis,and therefore does not deserveto be enumerated amongtheordinarybooks,butonlyamongtheimpious,sinceitconstitutes a sourceofcursesand hateagainstChristianity. Aftera fewparagraphspointingout the hostileattitudeof the Jews towardChristiansand callingupon themto changetheirways,in theclosing lines of this chapterof Via della fede, Morosini remindshis readersthat Luzzatto in the thirteenth considerationof the Discorso had writtenthat and do good to all nations.96 Jewishlaw requiredtheJewsto bear affection The JewsshouldhonorLuzzatto and notrejecthim,and thiswouldconstitutea repudiationof theTalmud and theimpiousbooks oftheJewswhich instillhatred,and would be a reasonableaction,in obedienceto thedivine oftheDecalogue: Thou shaltnotkill. commandment IV Breverispostaand Morosini's Via dellafedemayhavebeen Palontrotti's Christiansand withcriread withsympathetic agreementbycontemporary but the tical rejectionby contemporary Jews, impactof thoseworksin the of and of literature everydaypoliticaland legal lifeseemsto have spheres Both Palontrottiand Morosinifailedto address been virtuallynonexistent. themselvesto the new elementin Luzzatto: the economic considerations whichwereincreasingly beingacceptedin WesternEurope. WhileLuzzatto dealt withthepresentand anticipatedthe future,his two criticsdrewtheir argumentsfromthe arsenal of previouspolemics.Certainlyin the case of thediscussionof Morosiniand quitepossiblyalso in thecase ofPalontrotti, the Discorsowas motivatedby a desireto convertthe Jews;accordinglya rationalcritiqueof the Discorsoand its argumentsin thecontextof sevenVenicecould scarcelybe expected,although,as statedabove, teenth-century economicargumentsagainsttheJewswereon occasion advancedin sevenVeniceand it was as a reactionto themthatLuzzattoformuteenth-century lated certainargumentsin the firstpartoftheDiscorso.Palontrotti'sBreve risposta,despite occasional valid criticismsof weaker apologetical argumentsin theDiscorso,was characterizedbytraditionalreligiousanti-Jewish and subsequentgenerationsrelegatedbothit and itsauthor considerations, 96. Discorso,consideration13,fol.46r-v,Hebrewtranslation, p. 113.

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to completeobscurity.As statedabove, nothingis knownabout its author, and no indicationhas come to lightthatthe workitselfwas everactually consultedbyeithercontemporary or polemicists, subsequentbibliographers modernhistorians. Morosiniand his Via dellafedeare somewhatbetterknown.As has been and some seen,Morosinirevealedmuchabout himselfin hisintroductions, on himis extant.Also, subsequentlytheItalianrabbi externalinformation JoshuaSegre(ca. 1705-ca.1797) includedrefutations ofa fewpointsin Via dellafedein his own Hebrewpolemic'Ashamtalui,97 and Via dellafedehas been consulted by a handfulof twentieth-century scholars.98The book indeed deservesfurther attentionand analysisfor the information it containson Jewishlifeand practicesin seventeenth-century Italy. Yet Morosini's way of faithwas clearlynot the way of the Venetian government.Althoughthe Jewsof Venicewere viewedwithhostilityand resentment fortraditionalreligiousreasonsand becausetheywereperceived in certaincirclesas economiccompetitorsand exploiters,as well as out of political considerationssince theywere suspectedof being spies for the Ottomanempire,the Venetiangovernment maintainedits policyof economotivated toleration. It renewed the chartersof the Jewishmermically chantsand moneylenders thoughouttheseventeenth century.Subsequently, in the eighteenth century,the two sets of charterswerecombinedinto one and thepresenceand privilegesoftheJewscontinueddownto theend ofthe Republic.99 As thedecades oftheseventeenth centurypassed,itwas notthespiritof thewritings of Palontrottiand Morosinithatwas heededelsewherein Italy, and indeedin WesternEurope,but ratherthatof Luzzatto,who,as Morosini brieflysummarized,had statedthatifthe appeal to examplewould be valid in thevariablerealmof politicallife,thenthe Venetianpolicyof per97. See Samuel Krauss, "Joshua Segre und sein polemischesWerk," Zeitschrift far Bibliographie8 (1904): 20-27, and the rejoinderby David Simonsen,ibid., pp. hebriaische 43-45. Segre's statementthat Morosini convertedat the age of 70 (accepted by Krauss but to Via dellafede[seeabove]) may rejectedby Simonsenon thebasis of Morosini'sintroduction be based on a misunderstanding ofthefactthatMorosiniwas between70 and 72 when Viadella fedewas publishedin 1683(on Morosini'sdate of birth,see above, note68). See also Encyclopaedia Judaica,s.v. "Morosini,Giulio," as wellas "Segre,JoshuaBen Zion," whereit is stated erroneouslythatin additionto 'Ashamtalui,"Segrealso wrotea polemicagainstGiulio Morosini'sDerekhha-'emunah (La Via della Fede)." 98. See above, notes57,67 and 97. 99. I hope to discussthesechartersand publishtheirtextsin a futurestudy;in theinterim, see Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, pp. 25-49.

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theJewsto residewithintherealmshouldbe cited.'00The successof mitting fortheLevantineand thecharterof 1589issuedbytheVenetiangovernment inducedFerdinanddi Medicito granttheLa Livornina Ponentinemerchants charterof 1593,and theseeventscompelledthepapacyto granta charterto the Levantinemerchantsin Ancona in 1594. These developmentsled the in Venetiansin turnto renewtheircharteragain in 1598,and subsequently The VenetiansituationthenstimulatedLuzzattoto 1611,1625and 1636.o01 writehis Discorso(1638), and the Discorsoin turnstronglyinfluencedthe HumbleAddressesof Menasseh ben Israel (1655), writtento securethereadmissionof the Jewsinto England.1'02 Meanwhile,a briefparagraphconreminiscent of pointsmade by Luzzatto commercial considerations taining and Menasseh ben Israel was includedby the Jewsof Amsterdamin their petitionof 1655to thedirectorsoftheWestIndiesCompanyto inducePeter Stuyvesantto allow the Dutch Jewswho had fledBrazilto remainin New Amsterdam.'03Then, similarjustificationwas employedby the French in thelatterseventeenth centuryas the New Christiansof the government Southbeganto emergeopenlyas Jews.104 While Palontrottiand Morosini representedthe religiouslymotivated rejectionpole of thetraditionalEuropean ambivalencebetweenreligiously motivatedrejectionand economicallymotivatedtoleration,moreand more ofthestatesofWesternand CentralEurope beganadoptingan officiallegal policyof movingtowardthe oppositepole forreasons akin to thoseprowas by no means dead and posed by Luzzatto. Religiousanti-Jewishness humanitarianideals of the naturalrightsof man were stillin the future. Although the specific circumstancesunder which the Jews sojourned

100. Luzzatto, Discorso,consideration17, fol. 86r-86v,Hebrew translation,pp. 148-49; Morosini,Via dellafede,p. 1419. 101. See Ravid,Economicsand Toleration, pp. 33-38. 102. See Samuel Ettinger,"The Beginningsof the Change in the Attitudeof European 7 (1961): 209-19, passim,and Ravid, SocietyTowards the Jews,"Scripta Hierosolymitana "How Profitable." 103. See JacobMarcus,TheJewintheMedievalWorld(Cincinnati,1938),p. 71, and Ravid, "How Profitable," p. 174. 104. See Ettinger,"The Beginningsof the Change," p. 214, and ArthurHertzberg,The and theJews(Philadelphia,1968),pp. 23-24. FrenchEnlightenment

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raisond'dtatwas leadingthoseresponsible dependedon local conditions,'05 fortheeconomyas a whole,and especiallythesectorofinternational maritimecommerce,to an increasingacquiescencein thepresenceoftheJew. ofNearEastern andJudaic Department Studies Brandeis University MA 02154 Waltham,

105. This point has been developed in greaterdetail in Ravid, "How Profitable,"pp. 171-74.

Medieval Jewish Criticism of the Christian Doctrine of Original Sin Author(s): Joel E. Rembaum Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 353-382 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486414 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:29 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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MEDIEVAL JEWISH CRITICISM OF THE CHRISTIAN DOCTRINE OF ORIGINAL SIN by JOEL E. REMBAUM Withthe passage of timethe notionof originalsin became a matterof The foundaincreasingconcernformedievalJewishcriticsof Christianity.' NOTE:The authorgratefully acknowledgesthe researchsupportforthispaper providedby a grantfromthe Penrose Fund of the AmericanPhilosophicalSociety.The authoralso thanks thestaffsoftheInstituteof MicrofilmedHebrewManuscripts,JewishNational and University of Judaism,Los Angelesfortheirkind Library,Jerusalemand the Libraryof the University assistance.

1. The sourcesstudiedin thisessay are, in chronologicalorder: 1) JosephKimbi,Seferhaberit(ca. 1170),in FrankTalmage,ed., Seferha-beritu-vikkubei (JeruRaDaQ 'imha-noverim Berit.2) Jacob ben Reuben,Milbamotha-shem(ca. 1170), salem, 1974),pp. 21-56; hereafter ed. JudahRosenthal(Jerusalem,1963); hereafter Milbamot.On thedatingof thesetwo works see Rosenthal,Milhamot,introduction,pp. 8,21. 3) Ha- Vikkuabha-meyuhasla-RaDaQ (ca. 1200),in Talmage,Seferha-berit,pp. 83-96; hereafter RaDaQ. On thedatingof thisworksee Harvard Frank Talmage, "An Hebrew PolemicalTreatise,Anti-Catharand Anti-Orthodox," (ca. TheologicalReview60 (1967): 326. 4) Josephben NathanOfficial,SeferYosefha-meqanne 1250)ed. JudahRosenthal(Jerusalem,1970);hereafter Meqanne.On thedatingofthisworksee Rosenthal,introduction, p. 17. 5) MS Or. 53, BibliotecaNazionale Centrale,Rome (hereafter, Al (after1250),in JudahRosenthal,"Biqqoret yehuditshel ha-berit MS Rome 53), fragment Hisha-badashahminha-me'ahha-13," in Charles Berlin,ed., StudiesinJewishBibliography, tory,and Literaturein HonorofI. EdwardKiev(New York, 1971),Hebrewsection,pp. 123-39; B (after1250),in JudahRosenthal,"Pirqei vikhereafter MS 53A1. 6) MS Rome 53, fragment BaronJubileeVolume,3 vols.(Jerusalem,1974), kuah" in Saul Lieberman,ed., Salo Wittmayer

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tion of thiscriticismwas laid by the earlierpolemicalwriters,specifically those of the period fromthe second half of the twelfththroughthe early 3: 353-95; hereafter MS 53B. On MS Rome 53 see also E. E. Urbach,"Etudes surla littbrature to the fragpolemique au moyen-ige,"Revuedes etudesjuives 100 (1935): 49-77; references mentsof the MS followUrbach'sdesignation.On thedatingofthefragments see Urbachand Rosenthal'sintroductions to his editionsof thefragments. 7) Vikkuahha-RaMbaN, (ca. 1263), in C.B. Chavel,ed., KitveiRabbenuMoshehbenNahman,2 vols. (Jerusalem,1973), 1: 302-20; hereafter RaMbaN. On thedatingofthe Vikkuahsee Chavel, 1: 300. 8) MS Rome 53, fragment A2 (after1269),in JudahRosenthal,"Vikkuah dati bein hakhambe-shemMenahem u-vein ha-mumarve-ha-nazirha-dominiqaniPablo Kristi'ani,"Hagut 'ivritba-'ameriqah3 (1974): 61-74; hereafterMS 53A2. On this fragmentand its date see also J. E. Rembaum,"A Reevaluationof a Medieval Polemical Manuscript,"AJSreview5 (1980): 81-99. 9) Additionsto Beritadd. On these Seferha-berit(ca. 1270) in Talmage,Seferha-berit,pp. 56-68; hereafter additionsand theirdatingsee FrankTalmage,trans.,TheBook oftheCovenantofJosephKimhi (Toronto, 1972),pp. 18, 25-26. 10) Meir ben Simeon,MilhemetmiSvah(ca. 1270), MS 2749, BibliotecaPalatina,Parma; hereafter MiSvah.On thedatingof thissourcesee J.E. Rembaum, "The Influenceof SeferNestor Hakomer on Medieval JewishPolemics,"Proceedingsof the AmericanAcademyfor JewishResearch45 (1978): 167-68, n. 54. 11) Solomon ben Moses de Rossi, 'Edut ha-shemne'emanah(second half thirteenth century),in Judah Rosenthal,ed., 2 vols. (Jerusalem,1967), 1: 373-421; hereafter'Edut. See Rosenthal's Mebqarimu-meqorot, introduction, pp. 373, 376, for dating. 12) NiSSahonvetus(ca. 1300), in David Berger,The Jewish-ChristianDebate in the High Middle Ages, a Critical Edition of the Ni;;ahon Vetus(Philadelphia, 1979), Hebrew section;hereafterVetus.On the datingof the NiSahon see Berger,pp. 33-34. 13) ProfiatDuran, Kelimmatha-goyim(1396), in Frank TalKelimmat.On mage,ed., Kitveipulmosle-ProfiatDuran(Jerusalem,1981),pp. 3-69; hereafter the dating see Talmage, introduction,p. 14. 14) Hasdai Crescas, Bitlul 'iqqarei ha-noerim (1397), ed. EphraimDeinard (Kearny,N.J., 1904);hereafter Bittul.On thedatingof thiswork see Talmage,Kitvei,introduction, p. 14. 15) Yom Tov LipmannMuihlhausen, Seferha-nissahon (ca. 1405),MS 2402, JewishTheologicalSeminaryofAmerica,New York; hereafter Ni,,ahon. York On thedatingsee S. W. Baron,A Social and ReligiousHistoryoftheJews,17 vols. (New and Philadelphia,1966-80), 9:295. 16) Daniel ben Solomon,additionsand commentson 'Edut ha-shemne'emanah(fifteenth century),in Rosenthal,Mehqarim,1: 423-30; hereafter'Edut add. On thedatingof Daniel ben Solomon see Rosenthal,Mehqarim,1: 377, n. 1. 17) Simeon ben $emah Duran, Qeshetu-magen(1423) (Livorno, 1762-63); hereafter, Qeshet.For dating see Baron, History9: 295-96. 18) Elijah Hayyimben Benjaminof Genazzano, Vikkuah(ca. 1480),in JudahRosenthal,"Vikkulhoshel R. EliyahuHayyimmi-genagano'im nazirfranSisqani," Rosenthal,Mehqarim,1:431-56 (reprintfromSura 1 [1953-54]: 156-77); hereafter Genazzano. On the datingsee Rosenthal,Mebqarim1: 431, 433. 19) Abrahamben Mordecai Farissol,Magen 'Avraham(ca. 1500),MS 2433,JewishTheologicalSeminaryofAmerica.New York; hereafter Magen. On thedatingofthisworksee D. B. Ruderman,The Worldofa Renaissance Jew: The Life and Thoughtof Abrahamben Mordecai Farissol(Cincinnati,1981), pp. 62-64. 20) Yair ben Shabbetai da Correggio,IHerevpifiyyot (ca. 1565),ed. JudahRosenthal p. 7. 21) Isaac (Jerusalem,1958); hereafter HIerev.On thedatingsee Rosenthal'sintroduction, ben Abrahamof Troki,Hizzuq 'emunah(1593), ed. David Deutsch (Sohrau, 1873); hereafter to Moses Mocatta,trans.,Faith introduction Troki.On thedatingsee TrudeWeiss-Rosmarin, Strengthened (reprinted., New York, 1970),p. 9. 22) Anonymouscritiqueof the Acts of the Apostlesand Paul's Epistleto the Romans, MS 2252, BibliotecaPalatina, Parma,fols.4r-5r; hereafter MS 2252. I am tentatively datingthisca. 1600.This suggestionis based on thestyleof on fol. Ir to Azariah de Rossi's Me'or 'einayim, the Italian cursivescriptand the reference

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centuries.The laterauthors,2fromthe late fourteenth fourteenth through themid-seventeenth centuries,incorporatedpracticallyall ofthearguments theirgreater raised by theirpredecessorsand added newcriticismreflecting familiaritywith Christianbeliefsand literature.The earlierpolemicists, whileapproachingtheirtask froma rational,"commonsense" perspective, reliedheavilyon Hebrew biblical and, to a lesserdegree,New Testament passages. The laterwritersreflecteda greaterintellectualindependenceof as runscripturalsources.Because theearlierworksare generallystructured of texts relevant to their commentaries treatscriptural Christianity, ning mentof originalsin,and otherChristiandoctrinesforthatmatter,tendsto be unfocused.3The issuesthatare raisedemergepiecemealas thesalientbiblical passages are interpreted. The laterworkstendto be builton discussions of concepts.Consequently,a numberof argumentsare coalesced into coare the resultsof different herentanalyses.Such structuraldifferences patternsof inquiry.The earliertextuallyorientedcritiquesare, on the whole, productsof the Franco-Germanpolemicalwriters.The laterconceptually orientedworksstemfromSpain and Italyand wereproducedbyJewswho were more exposed to secular culturalinfluences,includingphilosophical traditions.The latterwould, therefore, tend to be more probingin their ideologicalinquiryand would relyon and generateideas and assumptions not part of the formers'frameof reference. amongtheassumptionsfoundin thelaterwritersand lacking Significant in theirpredecessorsis the explicitrecognitionof the centrality of original sin in Christianbelief.This awarenessis expressedin a varietyof ways. Three of the authors,Hasdai Crescas, Elijah of Genazzano, and Leone Modena, begintheirtreatiseswithan analysisofthisdoctrine.For example, Modena's firstwords are: "A knowledgeof the basic principleof the religion of the Christians,whichtheysee as the foundationof theirfaithand whichwas publishedin November,1573;on thisdate see S. W. Baron,HistoryandJewishHistorians(Philadelphia,1964),p. 168. This becomesthe terminus a quo forMS 2252. 23) Leone (Judah Aryeh da) Modena, Magen va-herev(1648), ed. Shlomo Simonsohn (Jerusalem, 1960); hereafterModena. On thedatingsee Simonsohn,p. 5. Regardingno. 22 see Appendix, For some preliminary commentson theJewishtreatment oforiginalsin see Berger,Debate,pp. in theMid247-48, 323, 324; 335 and D. J. Lasker,PhilosophicalPolemicsagainstChristianity dle Ages (New York, 1977), pp. 5, 18, 19, 107-8, 226. 2. See n. 1, numbers1-12 fortheearlierwritersand numbers13-23 forthe laterwriters. 3. Two exceptionsto thisgeneralstatement are theSeferha-nisabhon of Yom Tov Lipmann Mihlhausen and the Hizzuq 'emunah of Isaac Troki, both of which are structured accordingto a sequence of biblical passages but still have ratherdeveloped discussionsof fols. 7v-10vand Troki,pp. 86-96. originalsin and otherChristiandoctrines;see Nisah.on,

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doctrine,is what we have investigatedhere."4Similarly,Elijah and Abraham Farissolemphasizethatthedoctrineoforiginalsinis essentialto Chriswritersuggeststhat its tianity,and an anonymouslate sixteenth-century of Chriswould resultin thecrumblingof thecompletestructure refutation to the subtletiesof Christianity, tian belief.5Reflectinga like sensitivity withinChristiantradition ProfiatDuran definesoriginalsin as functioning as thefinalcause oftheincarnation.6 A closer examinationof the different methodologicalapproaches will remarks.The Jewishwriterswere aware of the clarifythese introductory various biblical passages used by Christiansto prove that all souls, even thoseof the righteous,weretaintedby originalsin and descendedintohell mostcommonlycited by the Jewsare: afterdeath. Among the prooftexts Gen. 2:17, 15:15,and 37:35, and Ps. 51:7.7Gen. 2:17, withthe apparently redundantmottamut("die you shalldie") was understoodbycertainChristiansas alludingto physicaldeath in thislifeand the soul's suffering after death.8In Gen. 15:15Abrahamis informedthathe willjoin his "fathers" ('avotekha) in peace. Christians understood "fathers" as referringto Abraham'sevil pagan ancestorswho surelywerenot in heaven.Abraham was tojoin them,although"in peace," thatis,he wouldnotsuffer greatpain as theydid.9In Gen. 37:35Jacobassertsthathe wouldgo intoshe'olmournby Christiansas a ing forhis son, Joseph.The termshe'ol was interpreted to hell,implyingthatJacob recognizedthatas his futureresting reference place.'0 Withthedevelopmentofthenotionoflimbuspatrum,theChristians held that the souls of the patriarchswere peacefullyawaitingJesus' first advent,at whichtimetheywould be freedand ascend to heaven." Finally, Ps. 51:7, "In iniquityI was broughtto birth,and mymotherconceivedme in sin,"I2 was viewedbyChristiansas beinga clearproofofthelatentsinful4. Bittul,p. 6; Genazzano, p. 345; Modena, p. 7. 5. Genazzano, p. 436; Magen, fols. 17v,18v; MS 2252, fol. 4v. 6. Kelimmat,p. 17. 7. On Gen. 2:17 see Meqanne,p. 36; Beritadd., p. 60; NiSSabon,fol. 7v; Ilerev,pp. 97, 98; Troki,p. 87; Modena, p. 7. On Gen. 15:15see Milbamot,p. 49; Qeshet,p. 8a; Modena, p. 13. On Gen. 37:35 see Milhamot,p. 49; Meqanne,p. 42; MS 53B,p. 386; MS 53A2,p. 68; NiSSabon, fol. 19v; Qeshet,p. 8b; Herev,p. 87. On Ps. 51:7 see Milbamot,pp. 58-59; MS 53A1, p. 132; Kelimmat,p. 17; Qeshet,p. 7b; Modena, p. 11; see also Vetus,p. 154. 8. See Talmage, Covenant,p. 72, n. 97. 9. See Milhamot,p. 49; Genazzano, p. 435, n. 3. 10. See Berger,Debate, pp. 247-48. 11. See n. 9 above. 12. This and all subsequentscripturaltranslationsare fromthe New EnglishBible (New York, 1976).

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These and otherChristianproofness found even in newbornchildren."3

textsl4evoked responseson the partof theJewishwritersthatrangedover

the entirebiblical corpus. In refuting theChristianassertionthatGen. 2:17 alludesto morsduplex, the Jews marshal an array of arguments.Among the more common responsesis thesuggestionthatsuch redundancydoes notpointto a multiplicityofmeaningsbutis simplya typicalaspectofbiblicalstyle.Othersuch the Bible,and to ascribeto all ofthem can be foundthroughout repetitions double meaningswould lead to absurdities.'5If thereis any special signifinatureof cance to mottamut,it is as an emphaticexpressionofthedefinitive God's ultimatepunishmentof Adam withphysicaldeath,even thoughon theveryday he ate the fruithe did not die.'6 ProfiatDuran goes as faras to suggestthatJesusand his disciplessimilarlyunderstoodthepassage accordto physicaldeath and in no way ing to its plain meaning as referring associated it withspiritualpunishment.'7Some of the Jewishpolemicists rhetorically accept the notionof a dual meaning.Thus, Yair ben Shabbetai of Correggioargues:"Perhaps thepurposeof therepetition[oftheverb]is to teach about his death and the death of all his physicaldescendants."'8 And, accordingto Isaac Troki, mot tamutalludes to the double physical punishmentmetedout to Adam: 1) his death and 2) the curseshe was to here endurebeforehe died. Trokiis quick to notethatthereis no reference to spiritualsuffering.'9 Like Yair ben Shabbetai and the other Jewish TrokiviewsGen. 2:17 onlywithina contextofphysicalpunishment. writers, If one could suggesta physical-spiritual dualityin the verse,a numberof the writersrhetorically argue,thenthe most one could say was thatonly To suggestthatthespiritual Adam was subjectedto two suchpunishments. punishmentwas transmittedto Adam's children(therebynecessitating God's incarnationand death as atonement)amountsto a contradictionof Ezekiel's maxim:"It is thesoul thatsins,and no other,thatshall die; a son shall not share a father'sguilt,nor a fatherhis son's" (18:20).20 13. See Thomas Aquinas, Summa contragentiles,4:50,7. See also n. 37 below. 14. See, forexample,theChristianuse of 1 Samuel28 to provethatSamuelwas in hellafter his death as notedin MS 53B, p. 386. On the Jews'responsesto thissee nn. 32-33 below. 15. See Meqanne,p. 36; Beritadd., p. 62; Herev,p. 97; Troki,pp. 94-95; MS 2252,fol. 5r; Modena, p. 9. 16. Troki, p. 87; Modena, p. 9. 17. Kelimmat,p. 20. 18. Herev,p. 97; see also n. 17 above. 19. Troki,pp. 87-88. 20. NiSSabon,fol. 10v; lerev, p. 97. See also Modena, pp. 9-10, withno reference to Ezek. 18:20.

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A brief is appropriate atthispoint.Ezek.18:20and,alternadigression

tively,Deut. 24:16 ("Fathersshallnotbe putto deathfortheirchildren,nor childrenfortheirfathers;a man shallbe putto deathonlyforhisown sin"), providetheJewishcriticswithone ofthemostbasic biblicalresponsesto the doctrineof originalsin. Given these clear-cutstatementsof what was an essentialcomponentof God's justice, the Christians'beliefsconcerning mankind'sspiritualculpabilityforAdam's sin appeared to theJewsto be and evenblasphemous.Especiallydifficult fortheJewsin this contradictory regard was the notion that the righteous,includingthe patriarchsand prophetswho precededJesus,did notgo to heaven.21It is clearthatsimilar questionscirculatedin Christiancircles,as may be seen fromAnselmof and Aquinas's concernin Canterbury'sdiscussionsin De conceptuvirginali his Summacontragentileswiththeimplicationsof Ezek. 18:20.22To be sure, theJewishwritersremainedfacedwitha dilemmaof theirown,giventheir forAdam's sinweretransacceptanceoftheidea thatphysicalpunishments mittedto all his descendants.23 In responseto the Christianviewthat,accordingto Gen. 15:15,Abraham was told thathe would residein hell,the Jewsarguedthatthe verse itselfcontradictssuch a conclusion.Noting that Abraham was promised thathe wouldjoin his fathers"in peace and be buriedin a good old age," theysuggestthatAbraham'sresidingin hell,evenin limbo,could hardlybe consideredpeacefulor good.24Moreover,theterm"your fathers"need not be viewedas alludingto Abraham'simmediate,pagan,ancestors.Rather,it can be understoodas referring back to his righteousforefathers (Noah, Shem,Eber,and so forth)who surelymade theirwayintoheaven.25 in Gen. 37:35 thathe wouldgo to she'olmourningthe Jacob'sstatement loss ofJoseph,is typicallyunderstoodbytheJewsas Jacob'sacceptingguilt It is arguedthathe mistakforhavingbeen thecause ofJoseph'ssuffering. have he would to undergopunishmentforhis owntransgresenlythought the writers cite Jacob's expressionsof reliefupon his sion.26Many of 21. See n. 20 above, and also Berit,p. 24; MS 53A1, p. 139; MS 53A2, p. 68; MiSvah,fols. 10r,28v, 101r;Biltul,p. 6; Nissahon,fol. 7v; 'Edut add., p. 427; Genazzano, p. 436; Troki,pp. 87-88, 93. See Lasker, Polemics,p. 227, n. 25. 22. Anselmof Canterbury,De conceptuvirginali, 24-26; Aquinas, SCG 4:51, 2; 52, 6. 23. See nn. 72-73, 78-81 below. 24. Milhamot,p. 51; MS 53A1, p. 139; MS 53B, p. 386; Beritadd., p. 62; NiSSabon,fol.7v; Qeshet,pp. 8a-b; Modena, p. 14. 25. Milbamot,p. 51; Qeshet,p. 8a; Modena, p. 14. 26. Milhamot,pp. 51-52; Meqanne,pp. 42-43; MS 53B, p. 386; NiSabon, fol. 19v;Qeshet, p. 8b; Modena, pp. 13-14.

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learningthatJosephwas alive and well and in thecourseofhistalkingwith Joseph,when he impliedthathe would die in peace.27Some respondwith the argumentthatshe'ol does not alwaysreferto hell. It can simplymean "the grave," as numerousbiblical passages indicate.28The latterpoint is made by otherpolemicistsin theirresponsesto theChristianargumentthat to she'ol by biblicalfiguresindicatetheirawarenessoftheirhavreferences ing to wait in hell untilJesus'coming.29 of the passages used by Christiansto These Jewishinterpretations the biblicalrootsof thedoctrineof originalsin sharea methodemonstrate dologytypicalof bothancientand medievalJewishpolemicalexegesis.The plain meaningof the Hebrewwordingis sought.Toward thisend,patterns of standardlanguageusage are noted,carefulattentionis paid to the exact wordingof biblicalphrases,and a heavyemphasisis placed on understanding words in the light of the contextsin which they appear. Christian is oftenviewedas being forcedand artificial.30 interpretation In a similarfashion,biblicalpassages relatingto otherpersonalitiesare introducedby the polemiciststo demonstratethat the righteousdo not sufferin hell. Enoch and Elijah are citedas examplesof righteousindividuals who, accordingto the Bible, were taken by God directlyto heaven well beforeJesuscame upon the scene. Clearly,the Jewsargue,theywere untaintedby Adam's sin and did not need the atonementprovidedby the sacrificialdeathofGod incarnateto assumetheirrightful place in theworld to come.31 would referto 1 Sam. 28, Saul's callApparently,Christianinterlocutors 27. Milhamot,p. 52, citingGen. 45:28, 48:21, etc.; NiSSabon,fol. 19v,citingGen. 46:30; Qeshet,p. 8b, citingGen. 48:21; Modena, p. 14, citingGen. 45:28, 46:30. 28. Milbamot,p. 52; Vetus,p. 18; Qeshet,p. 8b; Troki, pp. 95-96; Modena, p. 13. 29. MS 53A2, p. 69; HIerev, p. 99. Versescommonlycitedto provethispointare Gen. 3:19; Ps. 89:49; Job 14:13. 30. See Berger,Debate, pp. 9-13; Lasker,Polemics,pp. 3-4. It has been suggestedthatan importantfactorin themedievalJewishexegetes'emphasisoftheplain meaningofthebiblical text(peshat)was a feltneed to respondto theChristians'allegorizing;see E. M. R. Lipschtitz, ShelomohYisbaqi(Warsaw, 1912),pp. 163-64. See also E. I. J. Rosenthal,"The Studyof the Bible in Medieval Judaism,"in G. W. H. Lampe, ed., The CambridgeHistoryof theBible,3 vols. (Cambridge,England, 1969), vol. 2: The WestfromtheFathersto theReformation, pp. 252-79, esp. 260-74; and BerylSmalley,The Studyof the Bible in the Middle Ages (Notre Dame, 1964),pp. 149-72. For a Christianreactionto Jewishrepudiationof Christianexegesis see the statementof Bartholomew,bishop of Exeter,cited in Smalley,pp. 170-71. For an exampleof a thirdcenturyc. L. applicationof thismethodologyin a polemicalargumentsee Rabbi Simlai's discussionwiththe minim(sectarians),P. T. Berakhot12d-13a, citedin R. T. in Talmudand Midrash(London, 1903), pp. 255-66, 424-25. Herford,Christianity 31. MS 53A1, pp. 132, 139; NiSSabon,fol. 10r; Magen, fol. 20r; Troki,p. 90.

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ing on thedead Samuel's spirit,as proofthattheprophetwas in hell. How could the witch'sdemonicpowerspluckSamuel fromheaven?,theywould ask. In responsethe Jewspointto Samuel's initialwordsto Saul upon his return from the dead: "Why have you disturbed me. . . ?" (1 Sam. 28:15)

and ask: Weretheprophetin hell,wouldhe complainin thisway?Would he not be overjoyedto be givena respitefromhis infernalabode?32Yom Tov LipmannMdihlhausenadds thatduringtheinitialyearafterdeaththesoul returnsto the body to mournits death.Thus thewitchwas able to call up Samuel's soul because it was, at thattime,in Samuel's grave.This answer reflects a rabbinicinterpretation in theargumentmust whoseincorporation have been strictly fortheJewishreaderof theha-NiSSahon. It is difficult to imaginethat a Christianwould be impressedby this retort.33 Passages fromthe Psalms also serve the Jews' ends by provingthat David did not descendintohell.Ps. 16:9-10, 25:11-13 are oftencited,with the emphasis placed on 16:10 ("for Thou wilt not abandon me to Sheol ...") and 25:13 ("he shall enjoy everlastingprosperity"-literally, "his soul shallrestingoodness"). Regardingtheformer, theJewsare willing to understandshe'ol as referring to gehennaand not simplythegrave.And, theynotetheuse ofthetermhasidkhain 16:10,whichis understoodto be an allusion to David, who because of his pietyand righteousness was saved fromhell,and not because of Jesus'atoningforAdam's sin and freeingthe souls of the righteousfromSatan's clutches.As with God's promiseto Abraham(Gen. 15:15),theuse oftov,"goodness,"in 25:13 is understoodas precludingDavid's residingin hell and indicatinghis receiptof heavenly rewards.34

Such exegesison passages fromPsalms, demonstrating David's rightin stark and freedom stands from the effects of eousness original sin, contrastto one commenton Ps. 51:7, referredto above.35Jacob ben Reuben, in a sharp rhetoricalremarkin his Milhamotha-shem,tells his Christiandisputant:"This timeyou have in factbeenensnaredbythewords 32. Meqanne,p. 66; MS 53B, p. 387; NiSSahon,fol. 8r; Modena, p. 14; see n. 14 above. 33. NiSSahon,fol. 8r; see also MS 53B, p. 387. The rabbinicidea is in B. T. Shabbat 152a, 152b-53a; see also Tanhuma,Va-yiqra8. Josephben Nathan respondedto a Christianin a ratherinnovativefashionby suggestingthatthe witchdid not use demonicpowersto wrest Samuel's spiritfromheaven,but used ratherthepowerofGod's name to achievethismiraculous feat;see Meqanne,p. 66. 34. Meqanne,pp. 102-3; MS 53A1, p. 132; MS 53B, p. 386; MS 53A2, p. 69; Vetus,p. 18; NiSSahon,fols.8r, 103v;'Edutadd., p. 427; Modena, p. 8. Anotherpassage fromPsalmsused in thiscontextis 86:13. 35. See n. 7 above.

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of your own mouth.For, indeed,all creaturesborn of woman are immewiththesin of Adam upon enteringtheworld,as Scripture diatelyinflicted states:'In iniquityI was broughtto birthand mymotherconceivedme in sin.' And, since thisgod was born of woman, this versecan, likewise,be applied to him.Sin and guiltare foundwithinhim......"36 The verypassage forthe doctrineof original thatfunctionsforChristiansas a keyprooftext sin37is directedagainsttheverypersonwho is to be theantidoteforthatsin, Jesus. The Jewishcriticsuse two additionalbiblicalstatementsthatare noteAdam, worthy.One is Gen. 3:14-19, the spellingout of the punishments fortheirrebellionagainstGod. This is cited Eve and theserpentare to suffer in hellis not listedamongthespecibywriterswho pointout thatsuffering fied penalties.38Generalizingon this issue, Modena contendsthat if the whole matterof Adam's sin and Jesus'atonementweretrulya significant theological issue, then Moses and the prophetsshould have explicitly warnedpeople ofthefactand urgedthemto believein Jesus.Mere hintsand allusions,he argues,would have been to no avail.39The second biblical notionreferred to bya numberofpolemicistsis theoft-repeated maximthat God punisheschildrenfor theirfathers'sins down to the fourthgeneration.40They argue thatfromthisidea it is clear thatsin transfers down to fourgenerations,at themost,and thatthiscontradictsthe Christianbelief that Adam's sin passes to all subsequentgenerations.41 as wellas others,typify These arguments, theJews'employment ofbiblical materialin theircriticismofthedoctrineoforiginalsin.As notedabove, thismethodologyis especiallycharacteristic of the earlierFranco-German polemics. It is also employed,however,by the later Spanish and Italian who buildon thepolemicaltraditionsthatprecededthem.A signifiwriters, cant numberoftheJewishpolemicistsalso employNew Testamentpassages to demonstratethe untenabilityof the beliefin originalsin. Given the to thisidea in the New Testament,relatively paucityof explicitreferences 36. Milhamot,pp. 58-59. 37. See n. 13 above. See also thediscussionofthesignificance of Ps. 51:7 (51:5 in theChristian Bible) forthe Christiandoctrinesof originalsin and virginbirthin JaroslavPelikan,The ChristianTradition,A Historyof the Development of Doctrine,vol. 1: The Emergenceof the Catholic Tradition(100-600) (Chicago, 1971), pp. 289-90. 38. MS 53A1, p. 132; MS 53A2, p. 69; NiSSahon,fol. 10v. 39. Modena, p. 19. 40. Ex. 20:5, 34:7; Num. 14:18. 41. MS 53A1, p. 132; MiSvah,fols. 10r,101v;NisSahon,fol. 7v. See also Anselm,De conceptu,24-25.

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on thissubfewNew Testamentcitationsare foundin theJewisharguments this rule are the critiquesoforiginalsinpresented ject. The twoexceptionsto in ProfiatDuran's Kelimmatha-goyim42 and in Simeonben Semab Duran's If thereis considerablesimilarityin the earlyand late Qeshetu-magen.43 polemicalexegesisof the HebrewBible,thereare some strikingdifferences in the respectiveusages of New Testamentmaterial.While both the early and thelate polemicistsincorporatesynoptictraditionsin theircriticismof originalsin, only the later writersdelve into the Pauline sourcesand the withthe Book of Acts. This is evidenceof theincreasingJewishfamiliarity New Testamentthatevolvedwiththepassage oftimeand pointsto a general patternof New Testamentuse thatcan be seen in Jewishcriticismof other Christiandoctrines.44 to New Testamentpassage, Undoubtedly,the mostcommonlyreferred in late and polemical responsesto originalsin, is Luke appearing early Lazarus and thewealthyman. Employingthesame the of 16:19-31, parable in with the biblicaltraditionsregardingAbraused conjunction argument and Enoch ham,David, and, especially Elijah,45theJewishcriticsnotethat that Lazarus and Abrahamwerein heaven.Since thestoryclearlyindicates this situationexistedbeforeJesus' coming,theycontinue,one mustconclude thatAdam's sin does not keep the righteousout of heavenand that Jesus'death affordsno necessaryatonementfororiginalsin.46To reinforce hispoint,theauthorofNiSsahonvetusnotesthatAbrahamtellstherichman thatthewayto stayout ofhellis to listento Moses and theprophets.47 Thus, thisgospeltraditionis presentedas negatingoriginalsinand itsimplications withthe theJewishbeliefthatrighteousacts in conformity and as affirming the to heaven. Torah constitute way CitingJesus'declarationto thePhariseesthat,"It is notthehealthywho need a doctor, but the sick. . . . I did not come to invite the virtuous people,

but sinners"(Matt. 9:12-13), a numberof polemicistsarguethataccording 42. Kelimmat,pp. 17-23. 43. Qeshet,p. 8a. withtheNew Testamenton 44. The one exceptionto thispatternof increasingfamiliarity the partof laterpolemicalwritersis SeferNestorha-komer.This earlymedievaltractcontains to New Testamentbooks outsidethe Synoptics;see Rembaum,Nestor, numerousreferences pp. 155, 158-60. 45. See nn. 24, 25, 31, 34 above. 46. Berit,pp. 24-25; RaDaQ, p. 89; MS 53A1, p. 132; Vetus,pp. 135-36; Kelimmat,pp. 19-20; NiSyahon,fol. 9r-v; Qeshet,p. 8a; Troki,p. 94. 47. Vetus,p. 136.

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to Jesushimselftherighteousdo not requiresalvation.48 Again originalsin and Jesus' soteriologicalfunctionare depictedas being irrelevantto the righteous.An anonymoussource turnsthispointinto a reductioad absurdum,arguingthatifJesussaved onlythesinners,thenit mustbe concluded thattherighteouswereleftin gehenna!He goes on to suggest:"But in truth [Jesus]descendedto gehennabecause therewas to be his punishmentfor makinghimselfa god so thattheworldmighterrconcerninghim.And when theythaterredand died saw him,theythoughthe had come to takethemup out of gehenna.But afterhe descendedhe had no power,because a demon can cause thingsto entergehennabut cannot take themout. .. ."49 Matt. 15:24 enables the Jewishcriticsto raise a moral issue that challengesthejustice inherentin the notionof originalsin. NotingthatJesus told the Canaanite woman, "I was sent to the lost sheep of the house of ofa number Israel,and to themalone," Modena, in a mannerrepresentative of writers,asks: themandsavethem, If,indeed,hewassenttothemso as to benefit theybeing the"masters," whiletherestof thenationshe called"dogs,"50 howdid he decreewithdivinewisdomthathisdeathwouldbe at theirhands?Forhehad as we alreadysaidthathe wouldbe handedoverto theJewsforcrucifixion, said,so thatbythissintheyand all theirseedwouldbe lost,bodyandsoul. Andsincehehadtodietoredeem all,andhewantedthisto be at thehandsof andMoaborsomeotherforeign men,whydidhenotgo intoEdom,Ammon, nationso thattheywouldhavetransgressed, andnothisbrethren, thepeople closestto him,hisownflesh,namely, theJews,theverypeopleto whomhe was sent?For indeedGod, blessedbe He, makesthecausesand themeans to theends.5' appropriate Modena has woventogetherintoa coherentstatement threedistinctpoints thatrecurseparatelyelsewhere,sometimesin conjunctionwiththe Gospel passage and sometimesnot: 1) Jesuscame for the sins of Israel. Profiat Duran focuseson thispointto argue thatJesusdid not come to atone for universalhuman sin.522) It is unjustthatthe verypeople who wereto be 48. Vetus,p. 18; Kelimmat,p. 19; Qeshet,p. 8a. 49. MS 53B, p. 387. The Jewishassociationof Jesuswithdemonsis firstmentionedin the New Testament;see Matt. 9:34, 12:24,etc.This is also reflected in rabbinictraditionsconcerning Jesus;see David Rokeah, "Ben Sitra is Ben Pantera" [Hebrew],Tarbiz39 (1970): 18. 50. Matt. 15:26-27. 51. Modena, p. 18. 52. Kelimmat,p. 19. See also Qeshet,p. 8a.

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theirrolein theactthatbrought savedwererendered about guilty through In thesalvation.The NiS4ahon raisethisquestion.53 vetustraditions 3) the withtheends.Simidivineschemeofjustice,themeansmustbe consistent thattheperpetrating of one larly,Crescas,arguingrhetorically, suggests and a majorone at that-theJews'responsibility forJesus' transgression, indeeda death-is notjustifiedby theatonement afforded foranother, from the tree. The cure, minor, transgression-Adam's eating saysCrescas, the forsinis in comesin theformofa reversal ofbehavior. Thus, remedy in divine commands or andthose Modena'sarguments worship.54 fulfilling a ofothercritics notedaboverepresent of aspects largerquestionyetto be sinbe tenablewhenitgenerates discussed: Howcanthedoctrine oforiginal so muchinjustice?" sourcesfound We nowturnto themostextensive useofNewTestament in anyofthecritiques inthisstudy.Profiat oforiginalsinsurveyed Duran, in thethirdchapterof his uniquepolemic,Kelimmat cites ha-goyim, over An analysisof how from eleven New Testament books.56 fortypassages Due to the Duranemployseachofthesepassageswillnotbe undertaken. detailed sumand a of Duran's however, uniqueness approach arguments, maryof hiscritiqueis warranted. conwitha summary ofChristian Duranbeginshisdiscussion teachings as theopinionsof themat'im, cerning originalsin." Theseare presented afterJesusandhis authorities ofthegenerations "thedeceivers," Christian thetradiimmediate Thelatter, whoseteachings circleofdisciples. comprise Durancallstheto'im,"theerring tionsoftheNewTestament, ones,"who at a arrived on adhering to God's lawbutwhooutofignorance wereintent but The not erred also of it. mistaken knowingly understanding mat'im only intoa theteachings oftheto'im,thereby misleading Christianity perverted ofwhatChristian doctrine distorted oughtto havebeen.58 perception 53. MS 53A1, p. 128; Vetus,p. 122. 54. Bittul,pp. 20-2 1. Crescas's notionthatan antidoteshouldbe an oppositeofthedisease to be curedhas its parallelin medievalmedicine.Maimonides,forexample,followingGalen, dividedpoisons into two kinds,thosethatproducefeverand an excitedsoul and othersthat generatecold and depression.The curesforthe formerwereto be mildand quieting,whilethe See HarryFriedenwald,TheJewsand Medicine,2 remediesforthelatterwereto be stimulants. vols. (New York, 1967), 1: 209. 55. See nn. 82-97 below. 56. Kelimmat,pp. 17-23; see Talmage's indexof New Testamentpassages,Kelimmat,pp. 97-99. in Duran's 57. Kelimmat,pp. 17-18. The specificChristiantheoryof originalsin reflected presentationwill be discussedin n. 135 below. 58. For Duran's descriptionofto'imand mal'imsee Kelimmat,p. 4; see also Talmage'sdiscussion in Kelimmat,introduction, pp. 19-25.

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Duran thenproceedsto surveytheNew Testamentsourcesused by the mal'imto supporttheiropinionsregardingoriginalsin. He quotes Romans the 5:8-21, 6:5,8-9, 7:24-25 and 1 Corinthians15:21-22 as constituting 59 The citationofthesepassagesis prefacedbythe foundationfortheirbelief. followingremarkswhichindicatethe directionDuran's critiqueis to take: at all, even though "However,Jesusdid not mentionthisin his statements he oftensaid thatit was necessaryforthe son of man to die.60They concludedfromthisthatthisnecessitymeansthatitwas forthesalvationofthe humanrace and thatitwouldbe an atonementforthatsin.This is, however, theirown opinion and a notion with no proof."61 Duran concludes this presentationby notingthe New Testamentversesfromwhichthe mat'im derivedtheirviewthatsalvationfromoriginalsinwas affordedonlyto those who believedin Jesus(Romans 3:22; John3:36; Romans9:33). Accordingto thisnotionthe souls of thesebelieverswould enjoyeternalblissafterJesus, and resurrection, throughhiscrucifixion openedthegatesofheaven.62 In respondingto whathe considersto be an erroneousinterpretation on the partof the mat'imof theteachingsof theNew Testament,Duran offers whatamountsto his own theoryof systematic Christiantheologybased on his own understanding of the meaningof ChristianScripture.Like other Jewishwritershe learnsfromMatt. 9:12-13 thatJesuscame onlyforthe sake of people who personallysinned.The righteous,therefore, have no need of hissavingpower.63Salvationoffered byJesusis achieved,according to Duran, by followingGod's law. Deeds, not faith,determine whetherone is judged to be righteousor sinful.In developingthisargumentDuran notes thatJesusinstructedhis disciplesto become like littlechildrenso thatthey could inheritthe kingdomof heaven(Matt. 18:2-4). Jesusalso pointedto certainof thetencommandments as thekeyto achievingeternallife(Matt. and he his followers to pay heed to the teachingsof the 19:16-19), urged scribesand Pharisees(Matt. 23:2-3). The evil actionsof the Phariseesand thewealthyare citedby Jesusas impediments to heaven(Matt. 23:13; Luke 18:25; Matt. 19:24). The storyof Lazarus (Luke 16:19-25) proves that the righteousAbrahamdid not residein gehenna.Throughouthis discussion Duran emphasizesthatthesedicta of Jesusrenderuntenablethe theoriesoforiginalsinpropoundedbythemal'im.64 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. story.

Kelimmat,pp. 18-19. See, for example,Matt. 17:22-23, 20:18, 26:2, 24. Kelimmat,p. 18. Kelimmat,p. 19. Kelimmat,p. 19 whereMatt. 15:24 is also used. See also n. 48 above. to the Lazarus Kelimmat,pp. 19-20. See also n. 46 above forotherJewishreferences

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Movingtowardan explicationofwhattheNew Testamentdoes, in fact, of New say about Adam's sin, Duran firstsuggestshis own understanding Testamentpsychology,a theory grounded in philosophical notions.65 Unliketheadherentsto thetruelaw,Jesusand theto'imheldto a mistaken notionregardingthe natureof the humansoul. The formerrecognizethat the soul is includedin the categoryof incorporealsubstances,66 whilethe a a latterbelieved the soul to be materialthing,composed of veryfine materialsubstance.67 This is evidentfromJesus'statements regardinghimselfand regardingLazarus (Luke 16:23) and fromtheChristianbeliefthat Jesuswas seatedat God's righthand (Matt. 26:64,Luke 22:69,etc.). Duran contendsthatit would be hereticalforChristiansto suggestthattheseallusions to the soul's materialitybe understoodfiguratively. He also argues that this concept is associated with the Christiannotion of caelum empyreum.68 As regardsAdam's sin, Duran offersthe followingconceptualization based on hisexegesisoftheNew Testament.The to'imunderstoodGen. 2:17 to referto physicaldeath, ratherthan a spiritualpunishmentthat was decreedagainstAdam and his descendants.It was forthisthatJesus'death affordedatonement.Those who believein Jesuswillreturn and crucifixion to life,body and soul, whilethenonbelieverswillgo to gehenna,body and soul. The punishmentin gehennais, therefore, physicalin nature,as Jesus notedin Matt. 13:41-42. Jesusand Paul saw therewardforJesus'believers takingplace on resurrection day, whentheywould attaineternallife,also called the kingdomof heaven, and when theywould assume an angelic status.Jesusand Paul emphasizedthatJesus'atonementallowed forthis resurrectionand constitutedthe nullificationof bodily death that was Adam's punishment.Paul, morevoer,expected the resurrectionto take Duran weaves thisinterpretation around the following place imminently. 65. Kelimmat,p. 20. 66. 'Agamimnivdalim.For discussionsof thesetermssee H. A. Wolfson,Crescas' Critique of Aristotle(Cambridge,Mass., 1929), pp. 292-95, 328, 574-75, 666. ofthesoul 67. Amongthemedievalphilosopherswho are aware ofand criticizedefinitions as a materialsubstanceare Saadya (see AlexanderAltmann,trans.,Saadya Gaon: Book of Doctrinesand Beliefs,in ThreeJewishPhilosophers[Cleveland,New York, and Philadelphia, 1960],pp. 143-44, and see especiallyAltmann'snotes),Williamof Auvergnein his De anima (see E. A. Moody, Studies in MedievalPhilosophy,Science,and Logic [Berkeley,1975],pp. 23-28), and Aquinas, in SCG, 2:49-50. To be sure,none of theserelatetheissueofthesoul's materialnatureto Jesusand his followers. 68. Kelimmat,p. 20, n. 23.

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passages: Matt. 13:41-42, 22:23-32, 24:1-31,34; Acts23:6-8, 24:15,26:23; Romans 5:12; 1 Cor. 15:20,32.69 Lest thereaderassume thatthereis meritin theseNew Testamentideas on sin and Jesus'savingpowers,Duran concludeshis remarkson original sin withthesewords:"Indeed it has alreadybeen seen how theywentmad, and thatmorethanall ofthemJesuswentmad in thismatterand, similarly, in his givingthose who believedin him special signsthroughwhichthey would be recognizedand set apart fromothers.[A quotationfromMark 16:17-18 follows.]There is no doubt that all of this is an absolute falseoftheNew Testament'sviewofAdam's sin hood."70Withhisinterpretation and punishment,the soul, and Jesus' salvationin strictlyphysicalterms, Duran seeks to underminethe orthodoxChristianspiritualconceptionof originalsin and Jesus'soteriologicalrole. In thisemphasison thephysical aspectsof Adam's sin and on the spiritualbenefitsof Torah, Duran is well withinthe mainstreamof the Jewishpolemicaltradition,as will be shown presently. The second major categoryof Jewishcriticismof originalsin is comprisedof argumentsbased on reasonor commonsense.Here too, detailsof philosophical theories occasionally appear, especially in discussions of humanphysicaland psychologicalqualitiesas theyrelateto sin.71The matterof thephysicalversusthespiritualaspectsof humansin willbe the first topic addressedbelow. Othertopicsto be analyzedincludethe injusticeof originalsin,theinadequacyofJesus'sacrificeas atonementforsin,empirical proofsof the persistenceof the effectsof Adam's sin afterJesus,the of certainnotionsrelevantto the doctrineof originalsin, and untenability theJewishantidotesto humansin. Additionally, theevolutionofthesecritithe under will discussion be noted.The arguments that ques through period the and sin between of Adam's distinguish physical spiritualimplications beginto appear in theworksofSpanishand SouthernFrenchJewishcritics ofthesecondhalfofthethirteenth of Christianity century.Such argumentation is not foundin polemicalliteratureof NorthernFrance and Germany untilafter1400,and it is mostprominentin thewritings ofthelaterSpanish and Italianpolemicists.This themeis linkedto philosophicaland rationalis69. Kelimmat,pp. 20-21. Duran's concludingarguments, Kelimmat,pp. 22-23, focuson the problemscreatedby the delay in Jesus'second adventand the attemptsby themat'imto resolvethem. 70. Kelimmat,p. 23. 71. See nn. 66-67 above.

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tic issues and to subtletiesof Christiandoctrineof whichthe laterSpanish and Italian Jewswould be more aware. is thefirstofthepolemicalwritersto suggestthattheconseNal.manides sin cannot be transmitted of Adam's throughAdam's soul to the quences his souls of descendants.His own soul, Nabmanides argues,is as closely linkedto thesoul of his fatheras it is to thatof Pharaoh,and, he continues it can hardlybe said thathe willgo to hellforthesinoftheruler mockingly, of Egypt.72Later writersconsistently use thispoint as a basic elementin theircritiquesof thespiritualculpabilityof humanityforAdam's sin. Like ofphysicalpunishments, Nabmanides,theyadmitto thetransmission given the perceivedcontinuityof God's decreesagainstAdam and Eve in Gen. 3:16-19. Souls, however,even accordingto Christians,are individually createdbyGod ex nihiloforeach newhumanand carrynoneofthequalities and if oftheirparents'souls. Therefore, onlyphysicalfactorsare hereditary, of sinfultendenciesfromAdam it cannotbe at the thereis a transmission theJewishwritersviewthispointas a psychiclevel. Explicitlyor implicitly profoundchallenge to orthodox Christologybecause it invalidatesthe necessityfortheincarnationand crucifixion.73 contemporaryin SouthernFrance, Meir ben Simeon of Nah.manides' who was familiarwiththe Christianheresiesof the thirteenth Narbonne, of both originalsin century,74 incorporatesthisargumentinto a refutation and infantbaptismin a mannerreminiscentof the Pelagian hereticsof Augustine'sera. He asks: Whyis it thata child,born of Christianparents, mustbe baptized?The child's soul, newlycreated,is pure. The childis incapable of sinning,and the parents,having been baptized, are free of This originalsin. Should not the childinheritparadisewithoutbaptism?"7 in in Christian circles the later Middle Ages.76 questionreemerged 72. RaMbaN, p. 310. 73. RaMbaN, p. 310; Misvah,fols. 28v-29r, 102r;Bitjul,pp. 6, 14, 18; NiSSahon,fol. 7v; Genazzano, pp. 436-37; Magen,fol.20r;flerev,p. 97; Troki,p. 88; MS 2252,fol.4v; Modena, pp. 10, 11. On theChristianbeliefin thecreationofeach soul see Aquinas,SCG, 2:83-89; and the effects of originalsin see SCG, 4:51,4; 52, 8. on questionsregardingthe soul transferring 74. Meirexplicitly refers to hereticsand theirbeliefsin hisMilbemetmisvah;see MiSvah,fol. 215r-v,wherehe definestheirbeliefsin the followingterms:"They believein two deities,one beheldbytheeye'ssenseofsightis notthecreation good and one evil;theysay thateverything of the one good God, may He be blessed; theyare willingto destroytheirbodies and to renounceownershipof theirmoney."See also Misvah,fol. 42v. 75. Miyvah,fols.53r-v,102r. 76. Regardingthe Pelagian criticismof originalsin see Aquinas, SCG, 4:50, 2 and 52, 19; and on the Pelagiancritiqueof child baptismsee the decreeon originalsin of theCouncil of Trentin J. H. Leith,ed., Creedsof the Churches(Atlanta, 1973), pp. 406-7.

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Meir ben Simeon and, later,Abraham Farissol use the notion of the soul's creationex nihiloto criticizethedoctrineoforiginalsininyetanother way that echoes the ideas of Christianheretics.Thus, Meir argues that Christiansbelievethatthe humansoul is createdex nihilo.This beingso, he sin?The Christians, asks,how can thesoul be at all affected bya preexisting he continues,will respondthatwhenit comes into contactwiththe body thatcarriesthetaintofAdam's sin,transmitted throughtheparents'bodies, it itselfbecomestainted.However,Meir responds,thisleads to a conclusion thatblasphemesGod. The soul, a pure spiritualessence,yearnsfora spiritual existence.It residesin the body againstits own will and in conformity withthewill of God. Whyshould God requirethe soul to be blemishedby contactwitha taintedbody and thenpunishthe soul because of thatcontact?God is made to appear unjust.The echoes of Cathar thinkingcan be heard in this critique.77 In developingtheircontentionsthat Adam's sin, and human sin in general,is strictly physical,certainof the writersemphasizethatsin or the potentialto sin wereinherentin humannatureas createdby God. Farissol arguesthatGod commandedAdam to use theknowledgeof good and evil and the freewill withwhichhe was createdto avoid eatingthe fruitof the tree.By nottastingthesweetnessofphysicalpleasure,he would remainin a state of pure rationalityand in touch withthe divine,and he would live eternally.Adam, however,revoltedand ate the fruit,therebycausing a changein his nature.His rationalitywas compromisedby the sensationof physicalpassions,and the admixtureof physicalelementswithhis rational essenceinitiateda processof decay. As a consequence,Adam suffered two deaths: 1) his soul no longerbenefited fromGod's providential care,attainable throughhis formerly unadulteratedrationalfaculty;2) physicaldeath awaitedhimdue to thedecaythatsetin whenhe followedhissensesand not his reason and ate fromthetree.This decay-inducing admixturewas physitransmitted to his to this circumdefinition, cally According descendants."78 77. Mipvah,fols. 52v-53r, 102r-v.See also Bittul,pp. 15-16. Some Cathars held thatit is bad forsouls thatare purespiritto be placed in bodieswheretheybecomedefiledbycontact withthe materialbody. To suggestthatGod intentionally bringsabout thisprocessonly to punishthe soul would, in the lightof thisCathar idea regardingwhichorthodoxChristians were sensitive,tend to reinforcethe hereticsin theirblasphemiesregardingthe evils of the creatorGod. On these Cathar beliefssee Steven Runciman,The MedievalManichee(Cambridge,England, 1947), pp. 148-51; Arno Borst,Die Katharer(Stuttgart,1953),pp. 143-51; Milan Loos, Dualist Heresyin theMiddleAges (Prague, 1974),pp. 115, 136-41, 264, 284-85. 78. Magen,fol. 18r-v.For further discussionof thisaspectof Farissol'sthinkingsee n. 105 below. A similaremphasison the corruptingeffectsof the sin on thecompositionof the ele-

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cisionand Torah,whichcurband redirect physicaldesires,arethemeans fordealingwiththeconsequences of Adam'ssin.79 Like Farissol,ModenaseesAdam'ssinas primarily beinga failureto hisintelligence inthefaceofphysical exercise He suggests that temptation."0 in man'sphysical inan theimbalance naturecausedbyAdam'ssinresulted

inclination toward evilthatdoesaffect theindividual's soulonceitcomesin with thebody.Thesoulisinfluenced evilbythisinclination, contact toward

In thiswayitcanbe saidthatAdam'ssin sins,andisconsequently punished. On thispointModenawouldagreewith defilesthesoulsof hisprogeny. suchas PetrusGalatinusand withthebiblicaland rabthinkers Christian mustbe seenas Thisapparent binicpassagestowhichherefers. compromise an attemptto insurethattheseChristian by the opinionsare perceived Chrisas differing fromtheorthodox readeroftheMagenva-berev Jewish an incarnation sininthattheydo notnecessitate oforiginal tiandoctrine by to theprophets, thesonofGod. To thisendModenanotesthat,according theretheevilincarnation, thetruemessiahwillcleansehumanbodiesfrom himself before which he found the state in manto purified by returning Adamsinned.8 oforigiinJewish Thecentrality polemicsoftheclaimthatthedoctrine mentsofthehumanbodycan be foundin NisSahon,fol.7v.See also MS 2252,fol.4v.The ideas thatpassionsemanatefromthematerialaspectof man and thathumanbeingscan be tempted by physicaldesiresaway fromthe higherintellectualpursuitsare discussedby Maimonidesin his Guideof the Perplexed,2:8, 33. ed. Charles 79. Magen, fol. 18v.See also, PhinehasHalevi of Barcelona,Seferha-hinnukh, Wengrov(Jerusalemand New York, 1978),pp. 62-64 on theTorah as thevehiclefordirecting see humanintelligenceaway fromthe physical.Regardingtheauthorshipof Seferha-hinnukh IsraelTa-Shma,"Mehabberoha-'amittishel Seferha-binnukh," Kiryatsefer55 (1980): 787-90. On Torah as the antidote for the evil inclination,see JewishEncyclopedia(New York, 1901-06), s.v. "Yezer ha-Ra." 80. Modena, pp. 7-8. betweenJewishand Christianthinkers 81. Modena, pp. 11-12, Modena notesa similarity who definethe consequences of Adam's sin as the unleashingof the evil inclination;see Modena, p. 10. Galatinusreliedheavilyon RaymundusMartini'sPugiofideiforhisknowledge of rabbinicsources,and given the latter'sassociationof the Jewishevil inclinationwithan to findModena respondingto Galatinus'suse Aquinianviewoforiginalsin,it is notsurprising of Jewishsourcesin the way he does. Modena (ibid.) is also sensitiveto Aquinas's viewson originalsin and to how theyparallel, to some degree,Jewishnotions. On Galatinus see Modena, p. 3-5. On Martini'slinkingof Aquinas's notionsof originalsin withrabbinictraditionsconcerningtheevil inclinationsee Jeremy Cohen, "OriginalSin as theEvil InclinationA Polemicist'sAppreciationof Human Nature," Harvard TheologicalReview 74 (1981): 495-520. On the idea that the messiah will purify humans from original sin see Seferha-hinnukh, p. 66.

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nal sin resultsin greatinjusticeshas been noted.82The expressionof this argumenttakes manyformsas it evolveswiththepassage oftime.We have alreadyseen how universalwas theJewishresponsethatit is a principleof divinejusticethatsons are notpunishedfortheirfathers'sinsand thatbelief The Christianclaim that in originalsin would contradictthis principle.83 Jewsare culpableforJesus'deathmovedJewishpolemiciststo respondthat this,too, representeda perversionof justice on God's part, as discussed above.84ImplicitinthepreviouslynoteddiscussionofGod's forcingsouls to inhabitdefilingbodies and to suffer because of thetaintof sin is the matter in God's justice."8In general,questionsrelatingto divine of an imperfection justiceare developedin theearlierworkswithinthecontextofdiscussionsof those biblicalpassages thatdirectlyaddresstheissue. The laterworksconbut because of theirthematic tinue this line of scripturalargumentation, additional based on a rationalisticprobingof structure theypose questions Christianideas. The most basic questionposed by theJewishwritersrelatesto thevery heartof the Church'schristologicaldoctrine:If Adam sinned,whyshould the son of God, who committedno sin,die? The guiltyshould die, not the To be sure,thisnarrowpointskirtsthe issue of the necessityof innocent.86 Jesus' death as just compensationto God for Adam's sin. This matteris dealt withby manyof the polemicists.87 Often,thequestion independently of divinejusticeis similarlyhanded as a separatematter.These two points are linked,however,by Yair ben Shabbetaiof Correggio.IfJesusweretruly guiltlessand pure,he argues,thenhe would not have perverted justice by evil throughhis death.88The authordirectlyaddressesthe Chrisjustifying withitsemphasison thenecessaryfunctiontologyofAnselmofCanterbury ing of the Deus-Homo,whose humanelementwas freeof sin,as a sacrifice restoring humanityto a stateofjustitiabeforeGod.89CitingDeut. 25:1, Yair suggeststhat authenticdivinejustice seeks to justifythe righteous. Rhetoricallyacceptingthe Christiannotionthat the process of atonementfororiginalsin mustbe initiatedby God, some writerspointto ways 82. 83. 84. 85. 86. 87. 88. 89.

Lasker, p. 107. See nn. 20-21 above. See nn. 51-55 above. See n. 77 above. Beritadd., p. 61; Magen, fol. 19r; MS 2252, fols. 4v, 5r; Modena, pp. 16, 17. See, for example,nn. 98-102 below. Herev,p. 98. A similarpoint is made by Crescas, Bittul,pp. 19-20. Anselmof Canterbury,Cur Deus homo,2:1-7.

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God could have forgivenmankindwithoutperverting justice.The omnipotentGod can simplywillforgiveness; He can say "I forgive"and His wordis actualized.90 Modena argues thatAquinas recognizedthat thereare ways otherthanthroughJesus'deaththatman could have beenforgiven. He cites as stated that unlike a human who is bound by law, Aquinas having king God need nothavepunishedhumanity becauseofAdam's sin.No one other than God would have been uncompensatedwere man not punished,and God does not need such compensation.9'In selectingthisAquinian statement,Modena is employinga Christiansource to respond to what had becomean importantaspectofChristianthinking regardingthenecessityof the incarnationand crucifixion.Since the days of AnselmChristiansheld that divinejustice requiredthat satisfactiobe made to God because His honor had been impugnedby man's not subjectinghimselfto God's will. Because oftheimpediment oforiginalsinonlytheDeus-Homo,Jesus,could appropriately compensateGod.92Modena, relyingon Aquinas,attemptsto show thatGod did not requiresuch restitution, especiallysince it contradictedtheessenceof God's systemofjusticein whichthe individualis held responsiblefor his own acts. It was previouslyshownhow theJewishauthors,relyingon Hebrewbiblical and New Testamentsources,stronglydeniedthe Christiancontention thatthebiblicalpatriarchsand heroeswaitedin hellforJesus'advent.93 This responseis partof theJewishdenial of the notionthatthe righteous,who also bearthetaintoforiginalsin,do notimmediately ascendto heavenupon theirdemise.94To theJewsthisbeliefascribedso greatan injusticeto God as to be tantamountto blasphemy.95 A numberof polemicistsask how it could be that the prophetsand the otherrighteousones who partook of God's gloryin thecourseof theirphysicalexistencewould,afterdyingand beingfreedof theirmaterialbodies,be deniedthisglory.This appearedto themto be unjustand unreasonable.96 90. MS 2252, fol. 5r; Modena, pp. 16-17. See n. 112 below. 91. Modena, p. 16, quotingAquinas, Summa Theologiae,3:q. 46, a. 1-3. 92. Anselm,Cur Deus homo,1:11-15, 16-21, 25 and see n. 89 above. On Aquinas's treatmentof Anselm'snotionssee J.M. Colleran,trans.,WhyGodBecame Man, byAnselmofCanterbury (Albany, 1969), pp. 47-48. 93. See nn. 7, 9-11, 24-34 above. 94. See Aquinas, ST, 3:q. 52. 95. Berit,p. 24; MS 53A2, p. 68; Bittul,pp. 14-15; Modena, p. 13. This argumentis also foundin one of the oldest of the Jewishanti-Christian polemics,SeferNestorha-komer;see Abraham Berliner,ed., SeferNestorha-komer(Altona, 1875), p. 10. 96. 'Edut add., p. 427; Genazzano, p. 437; Magen, fols. 18v,19v,20r; Modena, p. 13.

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Hasdai Crescas, takinga slightlydifferent tack, argues that if Adam, beforehis sin, would have inheritedeternalbliss, thenAbraham and the otherrighteouspeople wereeven more worthyof God's graciousrewards. Adam was createdfreeof sin and its effects. Abraham,however,was born him.Yet he overintoa statein whichdefilingsin could have overwhelmed life.It would have been a greatinjustice came sin and led a virtuoussin-free on God's partif Adam, thoughsmallin virtue,would have meriteda place in theworldto come and Abraham,abundantin virtue,overcomingsin,and Implicitin all loyallyservingGod, would have been deniedsucha reward.97 different Jewishand Christianunderthesediscussionsis the fundamentally ofhumandeeds in thereconciliation of a sinner standingoftheeffectiveness withGod. An essentialelementin theChristianconceptualizationof thenecessity of Jesus'atonementfororiginalsin is the notionthata sin againstinfinite God requiresan atonementthat is, similarly,infinitein its proportion. Thus, only the Deus-Homo,incorporatingthe naturesof both God and to God forhumansin.98In response man, could make adequate restitution theJewsarguethata mercifuland graciousGod does notrequirean infinite or atonement.99 The anonymousauthorofMS Parma2252 propunishment vides us with one of the most comprehensiveJewishchallengesto this notion. He suggeststhat all sins againstGod, past and present,should be consideredinfinitein scope, and, therefore, Jesusshould regularlycome to be crucifiedforman's continuingsinfulnesstowardGod. Whichof Jesus' naturesreceivedthe punishment,he asks. If it was the human,material naturethenit would be to no avail sincethisnatureis finite.If it was the divinenaturethatwas punished,thenan absurditywould result,inasmuch as eventhe Christianswould agreethatGod is unmovedand unaffected by accidents.God, he continues,foresawthatmanwouldsinand stillHe created himwithfreewill.In anticipationofman's sinningGod createdtheantidotes to sin: repentanceand finitepunishment.Both repentanceand the finitepunishmentAdam suffered werefromGod, theinfinite being.Therefore,fromGod's perspectivethey,too, are infiniteand adequatelyprovide atonementforthetransgressions againstHim.'00Certainofthesepointscan 97. Bittul,pp. 14-15. 98. See n. 92 above. Crescas alludes to this in some detail; see Bittul,p. 12. 99. Magen, fol. 19r; Hlerev,pp. 97-98; Modena, p. 17. Yair ben Shabbetai cites Joseph Albo as the source of his thinkingon this matter;see Herev,p. 98, referring to Seferha'iqqarim,4:38, and see Herev,p. 98, n. 19. 100. MS 2252, fols. 4v-5r.

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also be found in otherlate works,all of themoriginatingin Italy in the period 1500-1650.10' Farissolmakes theadditionalpointthatman is, after be made to fitthecrime, all, finite,and sinceitis properthatthepunishment the finitesin of man requiredonly a finitepunishment.'02 Anotherapproach taken in refuting the notionof the infiniteproportionsof Adam's sin is simplyto denythegravityof thesin. This argument cenappears in the NiSSahonvetusand recursin sixteenthand seventeenth turyItalian worksas well.103There is some similarityin the argumentas posed by the authorof theNiSSabonand Modena. Both suggestthatAdam did not exercisecommonsensein acceptingthe fruitfromEve. Theyargue in thesensethatAdam did not intendto rebel. thatthesin was inadvertent such as Cain's murderof Abel or the Other more grave transgressions, an the latter goldencalf, representing overtdenialof God, did not resultin infinitepunishmentor the condemnationof souls to hell.'04 Crescas is aware of the Aquinian notionthatAdam was createdwith divinegiftsthatplaced him,priorto hissin,in a statussuperiorto thatofthe merenatural.The sin,accordingto thisconcept,resultedin theloss ofthese divinegrace.Thus, theeffects of originalsin supernaturalgifts,particularly were all the greaterbecause of the loftyconditionin whichman had previouslyexisted.This sin was carrieddown in humannatureand requireda supernaturalatonementto restoreto man thegiftof grace proportionately Crescas thisto mean thatsinceAdam was so perthathe lost.'05 interprets fected,the magnitudeof the sin he committedwas increased.'06Reflecting 101. Magen, fol. 20r; Hierev,p. 98; Modena, p. 17. 102. Magen, fol. 19r. 103. Vetus,pp. 153-54; Magen, fol. 19r; MS 2252, fol. 5r; Modena, pp. 7-8. 104. Vetus,pp. 153-54; Modena, p. 8. 105. See Billul,p. 12. On thisnotionin Aquinas see C. J. Keating,TheEffectsof Original Sin intheScholasticTradition fromSt. ThomasAquinasto WilliamOckham(Washington,D.C., 1959), pp. 8-27, and the Aquinian sources noted there. Farissol, like Aquinas, defines Adam's sin as an act of disobediencein whichAdam forsookhis rationalityforthe sake of physicaldesires,the resultbeinga loss of providentialprotectionand death; see Magen, fol. 18r.Farissol,also like Aquinas, sees the rebellionand its consequencesas emergingout of a oforihumannaturethatis notessentiallyevil.In Aquinas thisresultsin a qualifieddefinition see Keating,ibid.,and Cohen ginalsinwhencompared,forexample,to Augustine'sdefinition; in n. 81 above. This conceptof Adam's sin allows Farissolto arguethatsincethatsin was an outgrowthof humannatureas createdby God, it was not as heinousas thesinsof thegenerationof thefloodand othersimilarsins.Consequently,arguesFarissol,it does not warrantthe on thispassageoftheMagen For anotherperspective ascribedto itbyChristianity. significance 'Avrahamsee n. 78 above. 106. See Aquinas, ST, 2 pt. l:q. 73, a. 10.

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thefullscopeofAquinas'sthinking, Modena thispoint,although ignoring of Adam's sin by notingthatit attemptsto demonstratethe insignificance

thatAdamwas heldculpableforthe was onlybecauseof his perfection hecommitted. Had hebeena normalhuman, hissinwould minorinfraction in from which he suffered. Theimplithe dire nothaveresulted punishments of Adam, cationsof thispointis thatnormalhumans,thedescendants forAdam'sminorsin.107 shouldnotsuffer Jewish sinis most One ofthemostvenerable arguments againstoriginal to hisinterlocutor's claim by Responding lucidlyenunciated Nai.manides. asserts that the ChristhatAdam'ssinwas nullified Jesus, by Nahmanides Thepunishments ofAdamand tianshavecreateda veryconvenient theory. ofwhichthehumansenses Eve detailedin Genesis(3:16-19),punishments and werenotatonedforbyJesus.The are readilyaware,are stillin effect ofsoulsingehenna, notreferred tointhe Christians saythatthepunishment Yetthisclaimis notsubjecttoempirical veriwasnullified. Genesisaccount, fication;no one can disproveit. He suggeststhatthe Christianssend verification beforetheyask peopleto believe someoneto giveeyewitness is incorporated intothirteen thisidea.'08Thispoint,inoneformoranother, theperiodfrom thetwelfth the othersources,spanning through seventeenth centuries.09

froma philosophical a number ofpolemicists foundation, reject Arguing theoriginalsindoctrine becauseit leadsto untenable theological assumpis an impossibility, the tions.The incarnation says Crescas,therefore redemption uponwhichit dependsis impossible."How can God materializeandbe affected asksFarissol.Howcan He whois notsubbyaccidents, to death die to atone for a human choicetoincline towardthesenses,he ject that Farissol concludes continues. Christianity requiresa beliefin the impossible.'' Another tothetheological oforiginal sin,notphichallenge implications in is the strict sense of the raised Yom Tov term, losophical by Lipmann 107. Modena, p. 8. 108. RaMbaN, p. 310. 109. Berit,p. 24; Meqanne,pp. 36-37; MS 53A1,p. 132; MS 53A2,pp. 63, 69; Beritadd., p. fol. 10v;Qeshet,p. 8a; Genaz61; MiSvah,fols. 53v, 102v-103r;'Edut,pp. 420-21; Nisyabhon, zano, pp. 435, 437; Magen, fols. 20v, 21r; MS 2252, fol. 4v; Modena, pp. 14-15. 110. Bitful,p. 20. Incarnationis discussedmorefullybyCrescasin thefourthchapterofhis work; see Bittul,pp. 40-54. 111. Magen, fols. 19r,21r. See also Modena, pp. 15-16. For a moredetailedstudyof the Jewishcritiqueof the incarnationsee Lasker, pp. 105-34.

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Miihlhausenand Modena: The necessityof theincarnationand crucifixion as the antidotesfor originalsin impliesimpotenceon God's part. If the ChristianstrulybelievedGod to be omnipotent,theywould not hold such notions.I 2 Originalsin and itscorollary,limbuspatrum,are also seen as inventions to cope with inherentflaws in elementsof Christiantradition.Profiat Duran, and Simeon Duran and Modena afterhim, suggestthat Jesus inventedtheidea of originalsin to validatehimselfin thefaceof his failure as a messiah.," In a similarvein Modena contendsthattheidea of limbo was an inventionby Christiantheologiansto provide an answer to the potentiallyoverwhelmingquestion of how a just God would cause the patriarchsand prophetsto sufferin hell."14 RecognizingthatAdam sinnedand thatmancontinuesto be plaguedby the seductiveevil inclination,manyof theJewishwriters,in theprocessof the notionof originalsin,suggeststypicallyJewishsolutionsas to refuting and repenhow people can overcomesin: adherenceto thecommandments tance.'I5As notedabove, certainpolemicistsshowthatevenJesusurgedhis disciplesto followthe law."16A numberof authorsindicatethattheTorah This idea is groundedin Rabbinic was theantidoteto Adam's transgression. notionsthat associate the Torah withthe controlof the yeSerha-ra', the "evil inclination,"or with the cleansing of people of the zuhamah, the"filth,"introducedintohumanitybythesnake.'7 on behalfof thepowerof Torah to One of the mostoriginalstatements counteractAdam's sin is foundin Isaac Troki's Hizzuq 'emunah." Troki combinesthetwo approachesnotedabove, namely,a New TestamentcitaofTorah as theremedyforthe tionin favorof Torah and an understanding effectsof Adam's sin. He quotes Romans 5:14, wherePaul states:"Death held sway fromAdam to Moses." From thisTroki learnsthatPaul recog112. NiVSahon,fol. 8v; Modena, p. 16. See also nn. 90-91 above. 113. Kelimmat,p. 17; Qeshet,p. 7b; Modena, p. 20. 114. Modena, pp. 13, 14. 115. Regardingfollowingthe law see n. 79 above. See also Bittul,pp. 16, 21-22 and pp. 64-83 for Crescas's extendeddiscussionon the significanceof the Torah; Genazzano, pp. 438-39; Troki,pp. 91-93; Modena, p. 14. On repentancesee Magen, fols. 19v,20v;Herev,p. 97; MS 2252, fols. 4v, 5r; Modena, pp. 8-9. In theseargumentsphysicalpunishmentis an assumed componentof the penitentialprocess. 116. See nn. 47, 64 above. 117. See n. 79 above; Troki,pp. 91-93. On the Torah and the removalof the filthof the snake see B. T. Yevamot 103b. 118. Troki,pp. 91-93, 339.

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nizedtheTorah,givenby Moses, as bringingan end to thedeaththatAdam introduced.Accordingto Troki, Lev. 18:15,admonishingthe Israelitesto keepGod's law so theycan live,was understoodby Paul as thecorrectiveto foreatingthefruitof Gen. 2:17, withitswarningof deathas thepunishment the tree. It is evident,argues Troki, that law-abidingJewsdo not physically live forever.Hence, he concludes that the "life" mentionedin the to spirituallife.IfAdam's sin Leviticuspassage was seenbyPaul as referring was the cause of spiritualdeath,thenthe Torah of Moses was the key to ofPaul's words,canspirituallife.Jesus,accordingto Troki'sunderstanding not be the meansforthe soul's salvation.Trokirevealsa good senseofthe ironicin thispresentation.Paul, whosestatementin Romans 5:12 servesas one ofthemostbasic New Testamentsourcesforthedoctrineoforiginalsin to Christiandoctrineis hisassessmentofthe and whoseuniquecontribution law's inadequacy in justifyingman beforeGod, is representedas a proponentof Torah as the antidoteto Adam's sin. A reviewof our sourcesallows us to arriveat the followingconclusions regardingJewishcriticismof originalsin in the Middle Ages. As Jewish withand interestin thissubjectgrewwiththepassage oftime,a familiarity traditionof polemicalargumentsagainstoriginalsinevolved,withlatercriticsrelyingon earliersourcesas well as developingnewcritiques."I9 Citing both the HebrewBible and theNew Testament,Jewsdeniedthattherewas any biblical evidenceto supportthe Christianbeliefin originalsin. They contendedthat thisconceptled to a numberof absurd and blasphemous conclusionsregardingGod and divinejustice.Given theJewishconceptof the evil inclination,Jewsweregenerallywillingto admitthattheeffects of to all of Adam's descendants.They Adam's sin werephysicallytransmitted categoricallydenied,however,thatAdam's singenerateda permanentspiritual corruptionthatwas transmitted to the souls of all humans.Jewsalso denieda causal relationship betweensouls. Therefore, theJewssaw no need fora divineincarnationto atonefororiginalsin.Torah and repentance,said theJews,controltheeffects of man's physicaltaintand preparethesoul for eternallife,whilerewardand punishment ofthesoul dependstrictly on how people act. It is clear thatthroughouttheperiodunderinvestigation, fromthe late thirteenththroughthe mid-seventeenth centuries,Jews were aware of 119. A comparisonof the worksof Crescas, Farissol,the authorof MS Parma 2252, and of argumentsfromca. 1400 Modena, forexample,givesa clear indicationof the transmission throughca. 1650.

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numerousorthodox,philosophical,and hereticalChristiannotionsrelevant to theoriginalsindoctrine.120In hisSummacontragentilesThomas Aquinas citesa numberof questionsthatcould be raisedregardingoriginalsin and itsresolution.Amongthemare thefollowing,'2'all ofwhichcan be foundin the Jewishpolemical sources: For thesinofone manis notimputed as faultto others.So Ezekiel[18:20] Andthereasonfor ofthefather." says:"The son shallnotbeartheiniquity whicharein thisis thatweareneither praisednorblamedexceptforthethings Butthesearethethings to whichwearecommitted ourselves. bywill.Therefore,thesinof thefirstmanis notimputedto theentirehumanrace.22 him Butletitbe saidthatwesinnedinAdamas iforiginally thesincamefrom nature.Eventhisseemsimpossible, forsincean accidentdoes to us through itcannotbe passedon unlessthesubject notpassfromonesubjectto another, is passedon. Butthesubjectofsinis therationalsoul,whichis notpassedon butiscreated to us fromourfirst one,as was byGod ineachandevery parent, itisnotbyoriginthatthesinofAdamflowed on showninBookII. Therefore, to us.123 ifthesinofourfirst Further, parentflowsintoothersbecausetheyhavetheir He, also,it origininhim,then,sinceChristhadHis origininourfirst parent, to thefaith.124 seems,was subjectto originalsin.And thisis foreign Ifthesinofthefirst to hisdescenwasbyoriginpropagated man,moreover, down the same the other to their measure sins of dants,by parentspass with Andin thiswaythelatterwouldalwaysbe moreburdened descendants. ifinfact,thesin Thismustfollow, sinsthantheearlier generations. especially, cannotpass and thesatisfaction passeson fromtheparentto theoffspring, on.'25

Oncemore:ifitwassuitableforGod to becomeman,thishadtobe forsome 120. See nn. 8-11, 22, 57, 59, 62, 65-68, 73-74, 76, 77, 81, 88-89, 91, 98-102, 105,113-14, 118. 121. Aquinas, SCG, 4:51, 2, 4, 5, 14; 4:53, 3, 10, 17, 23-26. Translationsare fromC. J. O'Neil, trans.,Saint ThomasAquinas,Summa ContraGentiles,Book Four: Salvation(Notre Dame, 1975), pp. 215, 217, 224-27. 122. See nn. 20-22 above. 123. See nn. 72-73 above. 124. See n. 36 above. 125. Misvah,fol. 10r; MS 2252, fol. 4v.

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But whateverbe the utilitygranted,since God is utilitycomingtherefrom. He could producethisutilitymerelyby His will.Therefore,since omnipotent it becomes anythingwhatsoeverto be done as quicklyas possible,it was unnecessaryfora utilityofthissortthatGod unitehumannatureto Himself.26 Thereis more.If it was necessaryforhumansalvationthatGod takeon flesh, sincethereweremenfromthebeginningoftheworld,it appearsthatfromthe beginningof theworldHe oughtto have assumedhumannature,and not,so to say,in the last days,forit seemsthatthesalvationofall theprecedingmen was passed over.127 It seems,furthermore, impiousand cruelto commandan innocentto be led to death,especiallyon behalfof the impiouswho are worthyof death. But the itwouldhave been impiousifat the man ChristJesuswas innocent.Therefore, command of God the Father He had undergonedeath.'28 What is more,sin is not expiatedby sin,but increased.Then,ifChristhad to satisfyby death,His deathshouldhave been suchthatno man sinnedtherein; that is to say, He should have died not a violent,but a natural,death.'29If He Christ,moreover,had to die forthesins of men; sincemensin frequently should have had to undergodeath frequently.130 Now, let one say thatit was especiallyall because of originalsin thatChrist had to be born and to suffer, and thatsin had infectedthewholehumanrace whenthefirstman sinned.Butthisseemsimpossible.For, ifothermenare not fororiginalsin, neitherdoes the death of Christseem to equal to satisfying have been satisfactory forthesinsofthehumanrace,sinceHe Himselfdied in His human,not in His divine,nature.'3' if Christmade satisfactionenough for the sins of the human Furthermore, it seems thepenaltieswhichwerebroughtin, race, unjustthatmenstillsuffer sin.132 Scripturesays, by It stands to reason that the Jewish critics of Christianitywould be eager to 126. See nn. 90, 112 above. 127. RaDaQ, p. 94; MS 53A1, p. 131; MS 53A2, p. 65; Beritadd., p. 62; NiSSabon,fol. 10r; Magen, fol. 20v. 128. Biltul,pp. 19-20; Magen, fol. 19r; MS 2252, fol. 5r; Modena, pp. 16, 17. 129. See nn. 51, 54 above. 130. Magen, fol. 20r; MS 2252, fol. 4v. 131. See n. 100 above. 132. See nn. 108-9 above.

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incorporateinto theirpolemicsany questionsregardingoriginalsin,or any otherdoctrine,thatwere circulatingin Christiancircles. withcertainof the more subtleaspectsof Christian Jewishfamiliarity sin is evident,particularlyin the works of the later on thinking original withaspectsofAquinas's thoughton thesubauthors.Crescas's familiarity ject was notedabove.'33Modena is aware ofAquinas's definingoriginalsin as an intrinsic aspectofhumannature,akinto theJewishevilinclination.'34 Duran, in his summaryof the originalsin doctrine,notes thatdistinction betweenoriginaland actual sin,a notionhighlighted by Anselmand incorinto later Christian porated ideology.'35 Withthepassage of time,Jewishcriticismof thedoctrineof originalsin rootedin thesourcesof Chrisbecame moresophisticatedand morefirmly tian teaching.Traditionsof polemicsemerged,yeteach new generationof writersgainednewinsightsintotheworkingsofthisseminalChristianbelief and preparedmoreincisivecritiquesof it. The Jews'needsto confrontthe missionaryactivityof the friars,to stemthe tide of apostasy,to help the century relapsedconversosreturnto Judaism,and fromthe mid-sixteenth to on, to withstandtherepressionof thepapacy movedJewishintellectuals shoreup theideologicalrampartsofJudaism.Partof theirresponsewas to moveon theoffensive bywagingideologicalwarfarethroughthecreationof thepolemic.Criticismoforiginalsinevolvedintoa a newgenreofliterature, of this literaryattack on Christianity. major component ofJudaism University Drive 15600Mulholland CA 90077 Los Angeles,

133. See n. 105 above. to ST, 2 pt. 1:q. 81, 82; see also n. 91 134. Modena, p. 10, n. 12 and p. 11, n. 10 referring above. 135. Kelimmat,p. 17; and see Anselm,De conceptu,22-23.

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In Search of the "Book of Figures": Medicine and Astrology in Montpellier at the Turn of the Fourteenth Century Author(s): Joseph Shatzmiller Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 383-407 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486415 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:30 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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IN SEARCH OF THE "BOOK OF FIGURES": MEDICINE AND ASTROLOGY IN MONTPELLIER AT THE TURN OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY by JOSEPH SHATZMILLER AbbaMariofMontpellier between Theexchange ofletters (fl.1300)and RabbiSolomonIbn Adretof Barcelona(ca. 1235-1310),collectedin the over book Minhatqena'ot[ZealousOffering], openswitha controversy thebanissuedin Whiletheoutcomeofthiscontroversy, medicalastrology.' thesummer of 1305in Barcelonaagainstpremature studyofphilosophy, is it notat all thatclear eventin Jewish a well-known constitutes history, thestudents ofphilosophy, whyAbbaMarichoseto attackhisadversaries, Thedata practices. byraisingtheissueoftheirallegedmedical-astrological in hisfirst letters to Ibn Adrethintat whatmighthavebeentheextentof thathe inMontpellier of1300as wellas whothepersonalities thesepractices welearnthatat the letter havebeen.Fromtheveryfirst hadin mindmight 1. Abba Mari Moses bar Joseph,SeferMinbatqena'ot(Pressburg,1838).Thereis no translation of the lettersinto any European language. However, in ErnestRenan and Adolph du quatorziumesiecle (Paris, 1877), pp. Neubauer, Les Rabbinsfrancaisdu commencement of 647-95, thereis a comprehensivesummaryof each of these letters.On the controversy 1303-1306,see, among others,YitzhakBaer, A Historyof theJewsin ChristianSpain, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1971), 1: 289-305; JosephSaracheck, Faith and Reason (Williamsport,Pa., 1935),pp. 195-264; CharlesTouati, "La Controversede 1303-1306 autourdes etudesphilosoRevuedes etudesjuives 127 (1968): 21-37. phiques et scientifiques,"

383

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JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

in Montpellier-the sourceofall thetroubleweresomeJewish physicians nameofIsaac de Lattesis specifically an astromentioned-who employed talisman was which relief to an to logical ailingright supposed bring Abba Maricameto learnin aboutthe To hisgreatastonishment, kidney.2 sucha practice andthat year1300thatIbnAdretwasnotreadytocondemn it to be straighthe actuallyapprovedof it,whileAbba Mariconsidered forward intothecomplexities ofthe Makinga pointofinquiring idolatry. thatthetalisman, a figure ofa lion"withissue,AbbaMarisoondiscovered triedto put out a tongue,"wasjust one ofmanythatmedicalastrologers intocirculation and thattherewasactuallyoneforeachsignofthezodiac. was believedto havethepowerto curepeopleof Each ofthesetalismans In thebeginning ailments. Abba Mariseemedto have one or morespecific hisinformation fromhearsay, forhestatedinhisfirst letter gathered merely thathe "heardfroma certainscholarthatthereis a specialbook dealing withtheseissues."3 Sometimelaterhewasabletolayhishandsona copyof in Hebrew,inwhichdescriptions "The BookofFigures," "Seferha-$urot" with weregivenin detail.In hisnextexchange ofletters ofthesetalismans started withan assertion whichmight lead IbnAdret,AbbaMaritherefore us to believethathe had actuallyseenthebook:"Sir,wouldthatyouhave seen the [description of thetalisman]theway I saw it in the'Book of hewasmorehesitant towardtheendofthisveryletter, Figures.' " However, intothebook "KnowthatI inquired ofhisknowledge: abouttheimmediacy ofonly Thushenowclaimedknowledge andpartsofitreachedmyhands."4 the book. of parts to find? Whatwas this"Book of Figures"and whywas it so difficult the HowwasitthatevenSolomonIbnAdret,livinginthecityofBarcelona, 2. Minhatqena'ot,no. 5, p. 32. Abba Mari reportsto Ibn Adret:"All the authoritieshere ... are inclinedto ban [thetalisman]includingthehonorableMasterIsaac de Latteswho produced and conceivedthisfigure.He said to us: 'It is truethatI made thisfigurealthoughit is forbiddento do it in myopinion.But whatcan I do ifthegreatmaster... Ibn Adretpermitted ?K10X it" nVPmV -n '1K fLOKXn DKn rtrn,',l) DrTn3n1 ?tnn mn tD't~"tn -T 'n1nnI Dl--.noK In Ibn Adret'sResponsawe have whatis in all probabilitythe firstanswerthe sage of (nrrn. See Solomon Barcelona sentto Montpellierconcerningthe "figureof the Leo controversy." Ibn Adret'sResponsa,7 vols. (B'nai Brak, 1958), 1: 61-62. It is myconjecturethat it was in responseto a letterbyIsaac de Lattes.In theBodleyLibraryofOxford(see AdolphNeubauer's in theBodleianLibraryin theCollegeLibrariesofOxford, CatalogueoftheHebrewManuscripts 3 vols. (Oxford,1886, 1906), 1: 731-33, no. 2133 (Marsh. 347 [Uri 422]). and 1: 740-42, no. 2142 (Laud. 113 [Uri 496]), thereare listedtwo shortmedical worksby Isaac de Lattes. 3. Minhatqena'ot, no. 1, p. 21. 4. Ibid., no. 5, pp. 33 and 36. See below for fulltranslationsof thesestatements.

THE "BOOK OF FIGURES"

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at thattime,had to dependon Abba Marifor learning capitalof Jewish notmentioned aboutit?Whyis this"Seferha-$urot" information todayina of Hebrew Is it that the "Book of catalogue Figures" manuscripts? possible is one ofthesetreatises oftheHebrewMiddleAgesthatwas lostwiththe is Ibn Adret'sclaimthat sucha possibility vicissitudes oftime?Supporting theoffending talismanwas no novelty at thattime,and thatto hisknowledge none otherthanNahmanides(ca. 1194-1270),the greatrabbinic masterof Gerona,had recourseto it in his own medicalpractice.5 Even we less an earlierthanthat,in themiddleof thetwelfth find no century, than to such medicalMaimonides (ca. 1135-1204)referring authority to the Mishnah(Pesabim4:9, astrologicaljalismatin his commentary neither to IbnAdret).6 Maimonides However, quotedin Abba Mari'sletter the"Book of Figures"explicitly, and theyconnorIbn Adretmentioned As forAbba Mari tributed towardthediscovery ofitsauthorship. nothing withIbn whodevelopedquitea comprehensive ofletters himself, exchange in the"Book of Adretafter1303,he seemsto have abandonedinterest inhislaterletters whichhelpsus to Figures."In anyevent,thereis nothing the work. identify As willbe demonstrated hasledme on thisproblem below,myresearch to believethatpartsof thebook we are lookingforare to be foundin a Hebrewmanuscript todayinCambridge, England.Furthermore, deposited itmaybe demonstrated thata Christian inMontpellier professor University before1300,a contemporary ofAbba Mariand a manwhowas incontact withtheJewishscholarsof thecity,was theauthorof a Latinmedicalto the "Book of astrologicaltreatisethat bears strikingresemblance Our will us also to thecourtof Figures." bibliographical itinerary bring AlfonsotheLearnedofCastileinthe1250swheresimilar worksweretranslatedfromSpanishintoLatin. Jewishand ChristianScholarsinMontpellier

It is certainly no causeforsurprise to discoveran exchange ofmedical information betweenChristian and theirJewish phyisicians colleaguesin in 1300.Todaywe knowenoughaboutthirteenth and fourMontpellier teenth scholars in southern to realize that Christian menof century Europe scienceoftheseregions werequiteeagerto benefit from theachievements of 5. Ibn Adret,Responsa, 1:61, no. 167. See also note 32 below. 6. Minhatqena'ot, no. 5, p. 37.

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their Jewish contemporaries.Jacob ben Machir ibn Tibbon (ca. 1236-1307), theseniorJewishscholarin Montpellieraround 1300,boasted on morethanone occasion that"our wisdomand scienceare knownto the Gentiles."'7As if to supporthis claim, modernresearchhas recentlybeen able to bringto lightseveralinstancesin whichJacobben Machir(knownas "ProfachiusJudaeus"or "Prophachof Marseilles")was involvedin such a scientificcollaboration.Luke Demaitreof New York, relyingon previous findingsbyGeorgeSarton,LynnThorndike,EmmanuelPoulle,PearlKibre as well as on his own discoveries,was able to collectno less thansix references showingcontactsbetweenJacobben Machirand Christianscholars.8 In 1980, Demaitre was able to add yet another,seventh,piece of information.9 The earliestofthereferences goes back to 1263,whenJacobben Machir, the Master with Johnof Brescia,translatedfromthe Arabic into help of Provenqaland then into Latin the astronomicaltable knownas Saphea. Twenty-five yearslater,in 1288,Jacob'sown Quadransnovuswas translated fromthe Hebrew by MasterArmengaudBlaise. A thirdpiece of information concernedastronomicaltables whichBen Machir had drawnaround theyear 1300and whichweretranslatedintotheLatin fairlysoon. In about theyear 1301,theHebrewversionofCosta ben Luca's Practicaspheresolide done by Ben Machirwas translatedintoLatin. This timethetranslatorwas of StephanusArnaldi(also Arlandi)who laterbecame the vice-chancellor themedicalschool in 1319. In 1312,Ben Machir'streatiseon thephases of the moon was latinized by an unknown master of the university.On another,sixth,occasion Ben Machir was said to have translatedwiththe cooperationof BernardusMonofordin,a regimenby Avenzoarin 1299 at the requestof the physician,Master Petrusde Capistango,a scholarwho became the regentof the facultyof medicinein Paris in the early 1330s.'0 was discoveredby ProfessorDemaitrein a Latin manuThe last reference 7. See thedata gatheredin myarticle,"Contactset 6changesentresavantsjuifsetchr6tiens de Montpelliervers 1300," Cahiersde Fanjeaux 12 (1977): 337-44 and David Romano, "La Transmissiondes sciencesarabes par les juifsde Languedoc," ibid., pp. 363-86. See also the nextnote. 8. Luke E. Demaitre,"Theory and Practicein Medical Education at the Universityof JournaloftheHistoryofMedicineand and Fourteenth centuries," Montpellierin theThirteenth Allied Sciences 30 (1975): 103-23, especiallypp. 108-9. 9. Luke Demaitre,Doctor Bernardde Gordon. Professorand Practioner(Toronto, 1980), pp. 10-11, 67-68. en Franceau MoyenAge, des mddecins Dictionnaire 10. ErnestWickersheimer, biographique 2 vols. (Geneva, 1979), 1: 76, 2: 640.

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scriptat the BibliothequeNationale in Paris. It describesJacobben Machir drawinga concentricmap of the celestialsphereat the requestof Doctor Bernard Gordon, the famous medical professorat the Universityof Montpellierat thattime.The Latin textreads: "et sic completumest opus nostrumad peticionemmagistriBernardide Gordonio doctorisexcellentissimi in arte medicinein Monte Pessulano. Explicitde armillisProfacci."" That so manyindicationshave beenreconstructed to date encouragesus to indulgein speculationas to how intensethesecontactswerein reality. Even at thisstageofour investigation it is noteworthy thatso manyofthese Christianscholarswere connectedwiththe world of the universities. We know,in one way or another,about fiveofthem:theanonymousmasterof 1312, Stephanus Arnaldi, Petrus de Capistango, Bernard Gordon, and ArmengaudBlaise,who,as is well known,studiedmedicinein Montpellier. Informationabout thepossibleconnectionof theotherswiththeuniversity is not available, althoughit one day mightbe retrievedfromthe archives. In an earlier study,I dealt with a circle of Jewishand non-Jewish scholarsthatexistedaroundJacobben Machirin Montpellier.'2Unfamiliar thenwiththe workof Demaitre,I dealt mostlywiththe fascinating career of ArmengaudBlaise, who appears to have playeda keyrole in the whole story.A medical writerof some merit,he was veryactive as a translator fromthe Hebrewinto Latin" in the Montpellierof the last decades of the thirteenth century.Betweenthe years 1284 and 1305 he was involvedin no fewerthansixworks,all, it would seem,fromtheHebrew.In translating theprefaceto his translationofJacobben Machir's Quadrans,4 Armengaud explicitlystated that he achieved it withthe personal help of the author "secundumvocemeiusdem,"theOccitan languageprobablyhavingserved as intermediary betweenthe Jewishauthor and the Christiantranslator. own medicalcompendiumentitledDe remediiswas translated Armengaud's fromtheLatin intoHebrewin 1306or 1307,whenhe was alreadyservingas 11. Demaitre,Doctor Bernardde Gordon,p. 10. In my opinion,Jacob refersto thiscollaborationin his Hebrew introductionstating(Ernest Renan, Les rabbinsfrancaisdu commencement du quatorzieme siecle [Paris 1877],p. 617): 711nnmlr p1~' np ,:'i, nw11 The Latin translationof thisstatementreads (ibid, p. 618): "ad,t~ amicorum meorumet St,zzi. ad omniumutilitatem." generaliter 12. See note 7 above. 13. See Wickersheimer, au DicDictionnaire,1:40-41 and Danielle Jacquart,Supplement tionnaire(Geneva, 1979),pp. 25-26; AntonioCardoner-y-Planas, Histbriade la medecinaa la coronad'Aragd(1162-1479) (Barcelona, 1973), pp. 40-41, 50. See also note 7 above. 14. LynnThorndike,"Date of the Translationby ArmengaudBlaise of the workon the Quadrant by ProfaciusJudaeus,"Isis 26 (1977): 306-9.

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JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

physicianto the king of Aragon. The translatorwas Estori ha-Parhi (1280-1355?),who in theyearsthatfollowedwrotethefamousgeographical thathe book Kaftorva-ferah. Happily,Estorimentionedin Kaftorva-ferah was a relative,as wellas a pupil,ofJacobben Machir.15 It standsto reason that it was in the contextof thisJewish-Christian scholarlyexchangeand Jacob ben Machir that collaborationin Montpellierthat was createdby Estori musthave come to know ArmengaudBlaise. ArmengaudBlaise, however,was not the mostprominentphysicianin Montpellierat thattime.That titlebelongedto theillustriousand controversialArnoldof Villanova.'6Arnold,who may have had some fluencyin Hebrewas wellas some knowledgeofJewishdoctrines,17indeedtookpartin this exchangeof scientificinformation.His own Regimensanitatis,also knownas the "Arnaldina,"was translatedinto Hebrewin Montpellierduring his lifetimeby Jacob ben Machir. It is truethatthe Hebrewversionwe have today (MS Escorial G-III-20) was completedonly in 1322 well after the death of Arnold.'18 However, we are told by the transhad beenmade lator,CrescasCaslari,thatfifteen yearsbeforehandan effort to renderit into Hebrew. This translationwas almost finishedin 1306 whenthe decreeof exile fromFrance was promulgatedagainsttheJewsof Montpellier.Then, in the confusion,it was lost. This firsttranslationwas done,to quote CrescasCaslari,by"theking,thegreatphilosopher.. , who numberedthe clouds by his wisdom[cf.Job 38:37], Jacob Ibn Tibbon."'9 Arnoldmusthave also had contactwiththeJewishscholarlyestablishAs in thecase of mentof Montpellierthroughhis own familyrelationships. Jacob ben Machir and Estori ha-Parhi,we discoververyclose familyties Jean.Theywerehis betweenArnoldand ArmengaudBlaise and hisbrother, 15. See ErnestRenan, Les Ecrivainsjuifsfrancaisdu XIVe siecle (Paris, 1898),pp. 403-9. ed. AbrahamMoses Luncz,2 vols. (Jerusalem,1899),p. 351: "As was See also Kaftorva-feralh, explainedbymyrelative,myteacherR. Jacobben Machirben Tibbon" ( v"rn'~~n p -l izn ~ : pp. I"n',,: p. 352: "I got it frommyteacher,myrelative"(5", T~InT ,'~ ',-,n ,pr), R. Jacob ben Tibbon wrote" : :In:). ',nS~7), 699-700; "My relative 1'"n' ,'"n ~,p' (Tn 16. For up to date bibliographyon thisillustrious man, see Jacquart,Supplement(as in note 13), pp. 28-31. 17. See JoaquinCarrerasy Artau,"Arnaldode Villanova,apologistaantijudaico,"Sefarad 7 (1947): 49-61. Die hebriiischenUbersetzungen des Mittelaltersund die 18. See Moritz Steinschneider, Judenals Dolmetscher (Berlin,1893),p. 780. nKn[C!] N ' nm' ntDx 19. See MS EscorialG-III-20, fol.46v: i ro v,'w ,n , .x;,r~o n-nim pIn T:PT'"'I Inn:)MD01n7v 'IX 'n n '1 3 5 '-u p'nyi-iw -im-o ,-'!O 'vni KI

o,,x nw: vroi ri-wi xrwi -im ftn nviY. y-*= Ix, ninz-i t~r 73-i nrmmri;

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nephews,by his marriageto Agnes Blaise, theirfather'ssister.20These that,whenArnoldwas appointedphysifamilytieswereofsuchsignificance

ciantothecountofProvence, RobertofNaples,itwastogether withMaster

Jean Blaise thathe acceptedthe position.Later,in the 1320s,Jeanestablished himselfpermanentlyin Marseilles,wherehe carriedon a medical practicecoupled with a commercialcareer. As for Armengaud,he left Montpellierfor Barcelona sometimein 1305, wherehe became the royal physician,a positionheld also byhisnotoriousuncle.In BarcelonaArmengaud appears to have continuedto maintainhis contactswiththe Jewish scholarsexpelledfromFrance,as witnessedby Estoriha-Parhi'stranslation in 1306 of Blaise's De remediis. Thereis yetanotherindicationof a possibleArnaldineconnectionwith theJewishscholarlyestablishment of Montpellier,which,faintas itis, must stillbe mentionedat thispoint:Arnold's"Treatiseon Paralysis"was translated into Hebrewwhilehe was serving,in all likelihood,as a professorin the city.21Nothingof significance is knownabout the Hebrewtranslator,a certainJacob ha-Leviben Joseph,or Jacobof Ales, withtheexceptionthat he was translating medicalworksfromLatinintoHebrewbetweentheyears 1297and 1301in theMidi, and thathiscity,Ales,is quiteclose to MontpelOne cannothelp lier,a littlemorethanseventykilometersnorth-northeast. whether Jacob of Ales was not also a member ofthecircle wondering fringe of Jacob ben Machir. We can now understanda reportaccordingto whichArnold of Villanova made recourseto the talismansin his own medical practice.22In Anagniin Julyof 1301,he treatedthekidneyof noneotherthanPope Boniface VIII witha talismanof a lion. "When thesethingswere revealedto me," reportedan Aragonese ambassador to this monarcha bit later,23 20. I owe thisimportantpiece ofinformation to PierrePaul, "M6moirepour le diplomede de Provence,"diss.,2 vols.,Universit6 langueet culturer6gionalesde 1'Universit6 d'Aix, 1980, 1:4. 21. See Steinschneider,Die hebrdischenUbersetzungen, pp. 780 and 801; Renan, Les Ecrivains,pp. 655-66. 22. See BrunoDelmas, "M6dailles astrologiqueset talismaniquesdans le Midi de la France savantesarcheologiques (XIII-XVI siecle),"960 Congrksnationaldes socie'dts (Toulouse, 1971), pp. 437-54, especiallyp. 450 and also AlexandreGermain,De la mddecineet des sciences occultesa Montpellierdans leursrapportsavec l'astrologieet la magie(Montpellier,1872),pp. 14-15 and p. 21 whereevidenceis broughton the authorityof Gui de Chauliac. 23. HeinrichFinke,Aus den TagenBonifazVIII (Munich, 1902),pp. 205-7 and especially the documenton pp. xxx and xxxi:"Dixeruntmichietiamaliqui cardinales,cum revelarentur michipredicta,quod papa etiamdixiteis, quod magisterArnaldusmodo menseJuliipreterito,

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"some cardinalstold me thatthepope told themthatin the last monthof July,whenthe sun was in the sign of Leo, MasterArnoldmade a certain coin [denarius]togetherwitha belt [bracale],whichwhenhe carriedit,[the pope] would not sufferfromthe pain of the stone."The ambassadorintimated that "the cardinalswere quite astonishedabout the whole thing, about themasterwho getsinvolvedin suchthings,and about thepope; how could he publicizesuch thingsor even toleratethem?"It is clear thenthat Abba Mari was not the only one at thattimeto be indignantconcerning the turn the medical professiontook: while he reproachedthe Jewish Isaac de Lattes,"who producedand doctorsin Montpellierand specifically conceivedthis figure,"Arnold of Villanova was put on the defensiveat Anagni and had to bear the cold looks and indignationof the cardinals. Was there,in the case of the talisman,a linkbetweenArnoldof Villanova and theJewishdoctors?Nothingeitherin Arnold'swriting or in anyof thelettersin Minhatqena'otwould indicatesucha possibility.However,we now know enoughabout ArmengaudBlaise to suggestthathe could have betweenthetwo camps. Moreover,we knowfor servedas an intermediary certainthatArmengaud'sbrother,MasterJeanBlaise,who was so close to Arnold,made recourseto thesetalismanson morethanone occasion;in the ofhisgoods preparedin Marseillesin the 1320seighteentalismans inventory "Seven impressionsof a lion made of gold or copper are mentioned.24 in in which help againstthe pains of the impressed gold and eleven copper whichhe wrote kidney,especiallythoseofgold," statesJeanin theinventory in his own hand and whichcan be seentodayin theArchivesde la Villede Marseille(MS 9 ii 187, fols. 4v-5r).We thus establishthatparallel to the Villanova-Blaiseand Jacob ben Machirline of transmission oftranslations of medical and astronomicalworks,a similarpatterncan be discernedin termsof makinguse of thesemedical-astrological talismans.From the fact dum sol esset in signo Leonis, fecitquendam denariumet quoddam bracale pape, que cum portareturmalumlapidis amodo non sentiret.De quo dicticardinalesvalde miratifueruntum turnde magistro,qui se talibusimmiscebat,et de papa, quomodo poterattalia publicarevel etiamsustinere." 24. See thetextin BrunoDelmas's "M6daillesastrologiques,"(note22 above), pp. 450-5 1, note 45. The Provenqaltextreads: ". . e VII empreciosde leon empremadasen aur, e XI en coire que valon contradolor de ronhon,majormenaquelas de l'aur" (fol. 5r).JeanBlaise adds: "et d'aquestas enprecionsieu portealcunas a la fibladel braieret alcunas ves totas," which PierrePaul translates:"et de ces m6daillesmoi-m6me, j'en portequelques unesai l'6pinglede la ceinture[du calqon]." See also PierrePaul (as in note20). The well-knowndocumentwas also des Johan Blasi 1329-1339 published recentlyby Diedrich Hauck, Das Kaufmannsbuch (Saarbruck, 1965).

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that eyebrowswere raised about these practicesin Christianand Jewish circlesalike, we may assume that these talismanswere a kind of novelty to the around thistime. Moreover,it mighteven have been idiosyncratic in of scholars the smallJewish-Christian around "community" Montpellier 1300. year SigillaMagistriArnaldiand "The Book ofFigures" Could Arnoldof Villanovabe theauthorofthe"Book of Figures"?The notionthatArnoldwas in contactwiththeJewishscholarlyestablishment of with the his around about involveinformation 1300, together Montpellier mentwiththe Leo talisman,raises the questionof whetherhe mightnot have been the authorof the "Book of Figures,"especiallysincethereexists a treaamong theArnaldineworksone thatmightfulfilltherequirements, tise by the name of Sigilla magistriArnaldior De sigillis.Althoughthe author of these shortpieces of some 1300 words in all is not absolutely establishedin the Arnaldinecanon, thereis no compellingreason for its exclusionfromthecorpusof his writing.25 and conExaminingitsstructure tent,one noticesthateach of thetwelvesignsofthezodiac is treatedseparately, and that paragraphs only occasionally exceed the lengthof one hundredwords.Each paragraphstartswitha veryshortstatement concerningtheformoftheinvariablyroundmedal and thematerials,gold or silver, of which it should be made. An indicationis also givenbrieflyas to the astrologicalconstellationin whichthemedalmustbe engraved.Thencomes a ratherdetailed benedictionthat must be recitedupon that occasion, togetherwith very specificinstructionsconcerningthe inscriptionthat should be engravedon both sides of the coin, inscriptions which,in some cases, include Hebrew and Greek words. Naturally,each medal bore the pictureof thezodiacal sign.The Arnaldineparagraphthenconcludeswitha listof ailmentsthatmaybe cured,as wellas indicationsforsome otheruses of themedal. Quantitatively speaking,mostofArnold'sattentionwas given to the benedictionto be recited,as well as to theinscription to be inscribed on the medal. Verylittle,on the otherhand, was said about the various 25. See note 7 above. The De sigillisis publishedin manysixteenthcenturyeditionsof Arnold's Opera. The Robarts Libraryin Toronto has the Basel editionof 1585,whereit is found on pp. 2037-42. AlexandreGermainpublishedthe work in his De la medicineet des sciencesoccultesd Montpellier (note 22 above), pp. 15-18 followingtheLyonsEditionof 1509.

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astrologicalconjunctionsunderwhichthe medal should be struck.Also, Arnoldwas quitesparingwhendescribingtheimagesthatwereto be depicted on each of the medals.Thus, theparagraph"Leo" says simply"sculpatur in Leone formaleonis" with no furthermentionof the specification "withouttongue,"one so integralto our Hebrewdescriptionofthetalisman. A comparisonof the Hebrewreportof the talismanof Minhatqena'ot and thetextofArnold'sSigillarevealsthatAbba Mari does notmentionthe and inscriptions ofArnoldat all, but thismightbe incantations,recitations, natureor brevityofhisstatement. Afterall, he explainedbythefragmentary merelyreportedwhat he heard or saw and did not intenda faithfultranslationof anyportionof thebook. More disturbing is thequestionofwhatis to be made ofsomeelementsthatMinhatqena'otdoes containwhichare not to be foundin theArnaldinetreatise.Abba Mari insists,forexample,that the medal mustbe executedperfectly; he agreesit should be made of gold, but insistsit willhave a muchbettereffect-inthecase ofLeo-if fumigated throughmastic.Nothinglike thisis recordedin theSigilla. Minhatqena'ot, betweenan ailmentof therightkidneyand that furthermore, distinguishes of the leftkidney;finallyMinhatqena'ot had the engravingof "a woman ridingon a lion," on the talisman,while no woman is mentionedin the Arnaldine treatise.Given this obvious lack of agreementbetween the Hebrew reportand the Arnaldinetreatise,one cannot identify the anonymous "Book of Figures" withthe ArnaldineSigilla. Although,as we have seen,Arnoldand his Jewishcolleagueshad recourseto similartalismansin their medical-astrologicalpractices,they must have used different coin motifs.

BernardGordonandhisTractatusad faciendumsigilla Could BernardGordon have been the authorof the book we are seeking?He too was in Montpellieraround thistime,he too was committedto medical astrology,and he too collaboratedwithJacob ben Machir on at leastone occasion. Bernard'scareerwas notas spectacularand breathtaking as thatofArnold;insteadofspreadinghis activityin foreigncountriesin the courtsof kingsand popes, Bernardappearsto haveidentified himselftotally with the facultyof medicineat Montpellier,and acquired his reputation throughhis teachingthereand throughthemanyscholarlybooks and compendia he wrote.Among his dozen-oddmedicaltreatises,thereis one, still

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in Vienna and Wiesbaden,entitledTractatusmagistri in manuscript

Bernardidi Gordonioad faciendumsigilla et ymaginescontrainfirmitates

whichdeals,as the titleindicates, withthemakingof medical diversas, wasnotcontent The authoroftheTractatus withonetalisman talismans.26 ofTaurus,described foreachsignofthezodiac,but,withtheexception two As onemight or eveninthecaseofScorpio,Leo andVirgo,threeversions. also indicated ineachcasethespecific theTractatus diseasesthatthe expect, individual talismanwouldcure. BecausetheTractatus has notyetbeenpublished normadethesubjectof any systematic study,verylittleis knownaboutits date of composition in thefirst itsdependence on (sometime quarterofthefourteenth century), otherGordonianworks,and its immediate or remotesources.We may observethat,unlikeArnold,Bernardwasverymuchpreoccunonetheless with timeofdayand withtheastrological the underwhich conditions pied thesetalismans wereto havebeenmade.Theimpression ofthetalisman of the first to turn to of the which was to cure maladies Aries, twelve, supposed ofthehead,hadto be made(ViennaMS Cod. Vidob.3162,fol.239r):"Sole existente inprimafacie.Etcaveatur cumsitimpressio quodlunasitcrescens et precedatsolemad minus7 gradibus,hec dicuntsapientesIndi. Et Saturnuset Mars nonsintretrogradi et Venussitin Aquariovelin Scorestquia estdomussua. Et si Jupiter sit pione.Et si sitinThaurooptimum cumSole optimum est.Et sitSol superorizontem nonindomo4tavel 8va. Et fiatin die solisvel Jovis2a hora." Thetalisman Libra(ibid.,fol.240r),topickjustanother caseat random, dealtmostlywithailments ofthestomach.While,according to Bernard, it couldbe madeofanykindofmetal,muchattention andcarehadtobegiven to celestialconditions: "Sole in Libraexistente inprimafacieipsius,etnon sitVenusretrograda, et Luna sitin augmento. Et si sitin Libraeritvalde bonum.Fiatquoquein die et horasolisetnontamenaliterquampercutiendo."Similarly, werespelledoutrepeatedly foreach precisespecifications of the zodiac. It is to be recalled also that Abba that Mari reported sign "Seferha-Surot" insistedas wellon "many"astrological conditions. Whatthenofthepossibility thatthisBernardine Tractatus is the"Book 26. See Luke Demaitre,DoctorBernardde Gordon,(note9 above), p. 181(item37) and 194 (item74). I wishto thanktheAustrianNational Libraryin Viennaand the HessischeLandesbibliothekin Wiesbadenforsendingme xeroxcopies of theseMSS, respectively Cod. Vidob. 3162,fols.239r-241rand MS Wiesbaden79, fols.54r-56r.This last MS is dated,accordingto Demaitre'sinformation,1518-1520. The Vienna MS, on whichI relyhenceforth in myreferences, dates fromthe fifteenth century.Generallyboth manuscriptsagree in the readings.

394

JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

ofFigures"we areseeking? Ofthetwostatements Minbatqena'otcontains in letterno. 1, does notyieldvery aboutthe"Book of Figures,"thefirst, It reads:"I gathered results. fromonescholarthatthereexists encouraging inwhichtheheavenly inthesematters, a certain book[specializing] sphereis whichare thetwelvesignsof the dividedintoforty-eight constellations northern constelandfifteen southern constellations zodiacplustwenty-one arederived. andthesefigures themthatallthissorcery lations.It is through somearemadeofspecialmetal,which[thephysician] [Asforthese]figures, colorandfor[whichhe]then thenwrapswitha clothtintedin a particular or burnsincenseofmyrrh wax."27 [Hebrew:mor] through not mention at all eitherthe does Bernard'sTractatus, bycomparison, 12 + 21 + 15. calculation of constellations nor Ptolemaic any forty-eight themetalwitha clothorofa particuofwrapping Noris thereanymention is dyed.Thereis,to be sure,inBernard's larcolorin whichthetextile text, forfumigation. as we shallimmediately However,it was see,a procedure butratherwith or wax,as Minbatqena'otrequired, notdonewithmyrrh talismanof Leo theBernardine "mastic"or camphoror aloes. Similarly, termsbutrather ofpuregold. was notmadeof"specialmetal"in abstract It wouldappeartherefore thatweareagaincomparing appleswithoranges it is knownon Abba books.Fortunately, and dealingwithtwo distinct on hearthatthisfirst ofhiswasbasedmerely Mari'sownauthority report on theissue.In hisdefinitive statement say and shouldnotbe considered whenweturntohissecond becomemuchmoreencouraging anycase,things to hisownwords,is basedon themoreimmediate which,according report, contacthe by thenhad withtheoriginal:"And hereis whatI havediscoveredin the'Book ofFigures':Thatforthesakeofsickpeople[suffering ofa lionshouldbe made,without theillnessof]therightkidneya figure not deformed in a and way.Also,ithas to be madeon a tongue, straight it thatnothing sun'sdayandinitshour.Thebookstatesfurther supersedes mastic.For thesick ifthefigureis madeofgold and fumigated through ofa womanriding theillnessof]theleftkidney, [a figure] people[suffering inherhanda stickora bridle. and[holding] a lionshouldbe made,covered, 27. Minhatqena'ot,no. 1, p. 21. In square bracketsI presentadditionsand betterreadings of Minhatqena'otin theVatican, thanthe printededition'sreadingsaccordingto manuscripts fol. 16rand Parma (no. 1348), the end of no. 19. I am thankfulto my friendProf.Bernard Goldsteinof PittsburghUniversityforhelpingme withthetranslationof thispassage: 'nuval , x, il -Tnl.'? p fD v -xrxn ,!n na ['[IM]17 nf,,nn n?11 n111['ull] " "rw "*Mn , n1)tt" ,flnfl'T

l-M -17.1 Y:IY:I ...-11= M-1? 11-MI-In -.1-MID.-I -1WI

THE "BOOK OF FIGURES"

395

tothesignof On topofittherearevariousotherconditions."28 first Turning results inalmost between Abba and the Mari Bernard, Virgo, juxtaposition agreement: perfect Abba Mari

For thesicknessoftheleftkidneya figureof a womanridingon a lion shouldbe shownveiledand [holding]in herhanda stickor bridle.

BernardGordon (Vienna MS Vidob.3162,fol. 240r)

et aliomodofacta,subvenit morbis renis sinistri;fiat figuramulieris equitantissuper leonemfrenatum tenentisin manuhebenaset avem unamhabentem caputinvolutam.

Not onlyis themajorfeature ofthepicture ofa womanriding on a lion inbothcases,butthedetailsoftheharness identical andthesticks whichshe almostperfectly. It goeswithout holds,correspond sayingthatbothAbba fortheleftkidney. Mari and BernardGordontalkabouttreatment and perfect, however;thatthe Thingsare not all thatsymmetrical a birdwithitsheadcovered, as doestheLatin Hebrewtextdoesnotdescribe is a minor more aredistext, just Other, difficulty. important discrepancies, is carriedout.WhileAbbaMaridoesnot coveredwhena closecomparison wordson thetalismanofVirgo,forBernardGorspendmorethanthirty constitute don,thesetwoand a halflinesin theViennamanuscript justa sometenpercent linesthathisdescription orso,ofthetwenty confraction, tains.As a matter offact,whatis described in Minhatqena'otrefers tojust BernardcitesforVirgo.The last,whichtheTractatus one ofthreefigures is a uniusvel duarumexistentium in navi first, "figuramulieris presents involute etcaput[MS Wiesbadenadds"in"] velomundo."On topofthat, Abba Marididnotmention at all thetechnical, Berdiscussion yetminute, aboutthevariousastrological nardpreserved conditions underwhichthe talismanmustbe made.He omitted it,yethe knewwellthatthe"Book of sincehe statedat the end of this Figures"containedsuch discussions, secondpassage:"Thereare also variousotherconditions." A comparison madeoftheparagraph thesignforLeo renconcerning dersthelimitations oftheHebrewdocument evenmoreapparent. Although 28. Minhatqena'ot,no. 5, p. 33. For theHebrewtextsee thefollowingpage. For thesake of thetranslation, theabove mentionedmanuscripts offered someslightvariants.It is noteworthy thatwhilethe printededitionand MS Neophiti 12 (fol. 29) read o. MS Parma 1348reads ,tfnot xi~, ox whichconformsmoreto theLatin. mo~n tinvy nn;

396

JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

thistimemoreverbose,Abba Mari again omittedalmostall oftheastrologionce moreon thepictureengravedupon the cal discussionand concentrated talisman.While Bernardallowed the reader to choose among threeversions,Abba Mari presentedonlyone, whichwas to remedyany sicknessof we are able to discoverin the therightkidney.Yet,despitetheselimitations, Gordoniantexteverydetailthatwas knownto Abba Mari, as thefollowing juxtapositionindicates: Abba Mari

BernardGordon (ViennaMS Vidob.3162,fols. 239v, 240r)

1. For the right kidney a figure 1. figuraque leonis subvenit egritudini cordis et renis specishould be made of a lion missing its tongue. Also, it has to be aliter dextri ... vel aliter fiat made ... in a straightand not a figura hominis [MS Wiesbaden has "leonis"] non torta deformedway. sed recta sine lingua . .. et hec subvenitmorbisrenidextri. 2. Also, it has to be done on a sun's 2. .... in die et hora solis vel martis... day and in its hour. 3. The book states furtherthat 3. Et fiat ex auro, argento vel plumbo ut testaturexperimennothing "surpasses" it if the fumiis made of and tum sculpendo vel percutiendo figure gold scilicet uno ictu. Dicunt etiam gated throughmastic. quidam quod mastix pistetur cum vino bullito et pistato imprimaturfiguraleonis ... et hec impressio disciperetur in aqua rosis [MS Wiesbaden: rosatea] et detur in potu patienti et non patietur in anno. Dicunt etiam quidam quod si ex auro vel argento fiat figuraleonis . . cum horis et conditionibus supradictis, suffumigeturquocumque mastice subvenit habentibus costas fractas.

THE "BOOK OF FIGURES"

397

oftherightkidney, Bothtexts,then,dealtwiththesickness andwitha andAbbiMariinsisted lion,who"lacksa tongue."BothBernard particular thatthemedalmustbe theoutcomeofa perfect achievement: technological "Immaculate"as Abba Mari putsit; "sculpendovelpercutiendo sed uno ictu"as Bernardhas it.Bernard also addsin histexta variantofa "figura Leonis[theViennaMS reads"hominis"]nontortuasedrectasinelingua." is evenmorestriking The similarity onceone getsintothefumigation "The bookstatesfurther itifthefigure thatnothing is procedure: surpasses made out of gold and fumigated mastic,"claimedAbba Mari. through whorecorded different forthefirst thefolBernard, metals,recommended "Dicuntetiamquidamquod mastixpistetur cumvino lowingprocedure: bullitoetpistatoimprimatur Leonis... ethecimpressio figura disciperetur in aqua rosissetdeturin potupatienti et nonpatietur in anno."Thenhe continued to citewhatmighthavebeenAbba Mari'simmediimmediately "Dicuntetiamquidamquodsi exaurovelargento atesourceofinspiration: fiatfiguraLeonis ... cum horiset conditionibussupradictissuffumigetur

habentibus costasfractas."Finally,forthe quocumquemastice,subvenit thirdmedal, Bernardmentionsbrieflythe talismandone "cum auro mastici."Thistalismanwas supposedto relievethepatientfrompainfora wholeyear. it mightbe saidthattheresemblance Giventheresultsofthisanalysis, theLatinandHebrewdataisindeedstriking. between Thetextual similarity isjustonepartofit.Whatmatters no lessis thefactthatalmosteverything foundin thesecondHebrewreportin Minhatqena'otis encountered inthe GordonianLatintext.Therecan be littledoubttherefore thattheunknown "Book ofFigures"had muchin commonwithBernard's Tractatus. For all a definite identification between the this,it is stillnotpossibleto establish "Book of Figures"and the Tractatus, becausethesectionreproduced by Abba Mariis muchtoo limited. Whatwealsohavebefore us aresimilarities and resemblances, not explicitcitationsor unequivocalreferences. As a to such a it could be claimed that possibleobjection proposedidentification, Bernard's is an Tractatus elaboration onthelostHebrewbook.Equally,one thatbothBernardand theanonymous authorof "Sefer mayhypothesize whichis not ha-?urot"reliedon a third,commonsource,a possibility altogether unlikely. An Anonymous HebrewTreatise Medical-Astrological The suggestionthat Bernard's Tractatuswas not necessarilythe only

398

JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

place fromwhichAbba Mari could have learnedabout thesetalismansof Virgoand Leo is based on the factthatthereexistedin the Middle Ages a similarmedical-astrological treatise,writtenin Hebrew,fromwhichall this could have been easily derived.The only knowncopy of this information text,called "$urot shneim'asar mazzalot" ["The Figures of the Twelve Constellations"]is to be foundtodayin the libraryof CambridgeUniversity29on folios 94v-97vof MS Add. 1741. Nowheredoes the manuscript reveal the identityof its authoror a possible translator,nor is thereany indicationas to the date of its compositionor translation.One may only thatthecopy at Cambridgewas state,givenpaleographicalconsiderations, in Italysometimearoundtheyear 1400,whichrepresents, ofcourse, written the date for its latest only possible composition. Severalconsiderationswould lead me to submitthatthedate ofcompositioncould nothave been muchearlierthan 1300.For althoughtheanonymous Hebrew author did not identifyhimselfanywhere,he did leave his so to speak, in three recognizableinstances. First, when fingerprints, describingthe talismanof Virgo and speakingin firstpersonsingular,he or inspiration,was the "Book of revealedthat his source of information, He declared that the "Book of Figures"specifiedmany although Figures." conditionsunderwhichthetalismanof Virgoshouldbe made, "I willmenThus we have not onlya newassurancethat tiononlythemostessential."30 this mysterious"Book of Figures" actuallyexisted,but also clarification thatwhatwe have in frontofus in CambridgeMS Add. 1741is nota translationof it, but ratheris based on it. Second,our anonymousauthormade to thecontroversy thatsurroundedtheuse ofthis albeitindirectly, reference, talismanin Jewishcirclesaround 1300. Solomon Ibn Adret,we mayrecall, displayeda much moreliberalattitudethan did Abba Mari towardthese talismans.He agreed neverthelessthat to the extent medical-astrological thatincensewas a partofthepractice,ithad to be consideredidolatrousand And yetsuch incensewas required,as hence condemnedand forbidden."3 HebrewManofit (no. 17496)is depositedat theInstituteforMicrofilmed 29. A microfilm to thankits staffforthe uscriptsat the National Library,Jerusalem.I take thisopportunity assistancetheyalways extendso generously.

i.) :ixni30. Fol. 96r: "ap "~1~T1 m'ny-i"

In:) rcr a1. wnman MWn

31. Responsa,1:,:n 145,no. 413; readingsfromMinhatqena'ot,no. 3, p. 23 are added in square i v~ ' i1-)1r, rn' nM.n -In rfKI brackets:'Tin' [Yiin] TnW r.72 -TIt DO,lv C3Dnv n'anX ,nzn

..1.

X

n:In)D 525.X.V

THE "BOOK OF FIGURES"

399

as wellas by this has beennoted,by BernardGordonin his Tractatus, first in the the Hebrewtext.Therequirement appears paragraph concerning talismanforthesignofCancerand thenagainforthatofLeo. In thefirst instancethe Hebrewwriteradded the cautionaryand quite confused notto be foundin Bernard'sTractatus, thatfumigation "is notto remark, It shouldbe to ourbeliefas itis contrary to religion. be followed according to discreetindividuals communicated even Now we understand only."32 betterwhyAbba Marifocusedon thisobviousweaknessin the"Book of andthatforhispart,theanonymous Hebrewauthoreither anticiFigures," even or reacted to such a attack. theological pated Thethirdindication thattheHebrewversiongivesas to a possibledate istheshortest, ofitscomposition themostimportant yet,inmanyrespects, one.It is foundinthesameparagraph of"Scorpio"whereBernard referred to a certain"MasterMoses"on whoseauthority herelied.Bernard didnot revealtheidentity of theman,butcontented himself withthe laconically statement thatwhathe saysis, according to theViennaMS, "secundum The Hebrewversionreadsin theparallel Moyses."33 opinionemmagistri theteacher,"34 signifipassage,"accordingto theopinionof themaster, the this name Moses. Who was That weare Master Moses? cantlyomitting with a indeed illustrious is from the omisobvious famous, dealing authority sionofhisnamein theHebrew;it mayalso be surmised fromtheutmost esteemconveyed "ha-rayha-moreh." Few peoplecould bytheexpression for such a the first nameto cometo mindis thatof distinction; qualify Moses Maimonides, butthispossibility has to be dismissed immediately, sinceMaimonideswouldhavenothing to do withastrology and actually ardentoppositionto thediscipline.35 expressed aredifferent inthecaseofMosesbenNahman.Forone However, things an like "the theteacher," couldnodoubtfithimas master, thing, expression for he was esteemed in the second half of the thirteenth as the well, century K K,~Kw '~iv n 13 ,In nimn 32. Fol. 95v: ~ ''t'?Y ; :,~fn '11 ,w '1 ',n~tU n ,f lr,",tn y m Latin text has "Mastix, aloes, camphor."] [The n'n y~ n r ;n ,nm ,1n31=l nituY, ,1K 33. MS Vidob. 3162, fol. 239v. MS Wiesbaden79, fol. 55r reads: "Et est opinio magistri Moyses." 34. MS Add. 1741, fol. 95v: rnin n3nnr y,- . 35. See notablyhis responsum to thesages ofthecommunity of Marseillesin Qove teshuvot ha-RaMBaM ve-'iggerotav, ed. A. L. Lichtenberg(Leipzig, 1859), fols. 24-26 and Isadore to theCode of Maimonides(MishnehTorah)(New Haven, and London, Twersky,Introduction 1980), pp. 481-82.

400

JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

in southernEurope.36 "We do nothave anybody supremerabbinicauthority who surpasseshimin wisdomand in piety,"stateshisdiscipleIbn Adretin a letterto Montpellieraround 1300. Second, we have it on good authority that Nahmanides, who practicedmedicine,made use of such medicalastrologicaltalismans:Solomon Ibn Adret tells us about it in that same letter,where he stated that "I heard that my teacherRabbi Moses ben Nahman would also treatthissicknesswiththesame figureofa lion and did not have any hesitationabout it."37To this statement,which Ibn Adret reiteratedon severaloccasions, we mightbringsome corroborationfrom thefactthatHebrewmanuscripts in Hamburg,Munich,Oxfordand Milan, to name contain just astrologicalamuletswhichare attributedto four,38 Nahmanides.Althoughthequestionof theseamuletshas stillto be studied, it is obvious thattheirattribution to Nahmanidesis not necessarilygratuitous, giventhe testimonyof his discipleIbn Adret. of "Master Moses, the Acceptingeven tentativelythe identification master,theteacher"withthepersonofNahmanidesstilldoes notprovideus withmuch more than a terminus a quo forthe compositionof the "$urot shneim'asar mazzalot," whichshould be dated sometimearound theyear 1250.That it existedin itspresentstatein theCambridgemanuscriptbythe froma combeginningof the 1300smightbe deduced withsome certainty in the Abba and between Mari included context, excerpts parison, language in Minbatqena'otand whatit has to sayabout Leo and Virgo.The comparii n 36. Ibn Adret,Responsa,1: 145,no. 413: ria 1u5 4m... rT pnr 1 ,r% 1~

ITan tn

irli

9 n 91 m'fln mD 37. Responsa,1: 61, no. 167:ri I L, WI931 n n r"T oa, nfl n nniyrnixn -ri n)) In 825 the statement reads: 1: no. 'innn h mnvixw 250, Responsa rnvL wwn ,n im. whilein Responsa,1: 145,no.,newn 413 it ti n)-nv)x nwI n"T "**nin, nix n-an r*:) wvin13a,nrvxw pr l? I=L) r' ?,"1n -i says: r",vyi irli L n L??'n?rir r'n ,rVxi. "l and TheirLocation,2 vols., 38. See Aron Freiman,UnionCatalogueofHebrewManuscripts Die and Moritz Steinschneider, (New York, 1964, 1973) no. 9416: ll~* pnx 'T w e,9np, in Mlinchen(Munich, 1895),p. 177: derK. Hof undStaatsbibliothek hebrdischen Handschriften Din K. GershomScholem,"ChaptersfromtheHistoryof '% Nri I=nm XV1wU nnW , 'rn ""T "-" nW CabbalisticalLiterature"[Hebrew] KiryatSefer4 (1928): 286-327, suggests(pp. 319-20) that thetalisman pInxnwr in MS OxfordNeubauer 1539,fol.95 is thesame as theone to be 7"zwm foundin JerusalemMS 8" 330, fol. 209 and mightperhapsbe attributedto Nahmanides.The medical personalityand possible medical-astrological activityof Nahmanidesis still to be studied.For thetimebeing,see C. B. Chavel,Rabbi Moshe benNachman,His Life,Timesand Works[Hebrew](Jerusalem,1973), pp. 37-38 and notes47, 48; David Margalith,Hakhmei Yisra'elke-rofe'im (Jerusalem1962),pp. 128-35 and Samuel Kottek,"Nachmanidem6decin, (1174-1270)," Revue d'histoirede la medecinehdbrai'que20 (1965): 23-28. Also see Amos Funkenstein,"Nahmanides' Typological Reading of History" [Hebrew], Zion 45 (1980): 35-59, especiallyp. 50.

401

THE "BOOK OF FIGURES"

son of the Virgo data in both documentsindicatesagain how scarce and was. It revealsat thesame timea complete partialAbba Mari's information all Abba of Mari's usage and vocabularyis to be foundin linguisticidentity; the Cambridgemanuscript. qena'ot, p. 33 Minh.at nm 1rl m1'n Tyl nVmn1m~ :)uim 1K T'n,

"$Surotshneim'asar mazzalot," MS CambridgeAdd. 1741,fol. 96r

W-11 IN 70-1 ;112 ?17?z1 m-T'9211 j~ .:)"y 01,21SK~ ~~

n-1-121 ?y n 1is Y nI3:1 nurlyt3 ,' ,.1wx mr ? nminM IN 'lfl K'r11 1K n 70Kxvl= 71

IV-' nrxnv .0-t1,nbanr,7Tp7* nn~= Mm1 1Kxnrt'jO T .17!00'In: v ' 1 Inn .1K

n

i

1

Mt7nzlv''?n n-12 MSlt -,.11' :2nnz nI-nn

rlun nn? MY 0-1-111nn nift Mnl ;n M1l J-1nm -?-TY 0-Y17mv0-1-T IinSIY On= nrn: rnv wws ;n L/M~1 P [ Y] rrin I-10 n lvlnorl Inn .".17 nn Mh In-r p10 rl11l IN Illivy-1 ':) IN= llin nonn .71-10p =I INrlm Orn fm n2 .111WH 2".17 n-11-I Y -TY rsk nIM3b nl'n,' n-122 ?Z,' OSK11 i'~'~Y1K rnflLi'K ;1;

~

n

'Klt ~a1'~ 71TV

Turningnow to the Leo paragraph,it becomesevenmoreapparentthat Abba Mari is veryselectivein his report.Yet in thecase ofVirgo,thereis no in establishingthat the phrases he chose and the words he difficulty employed are identical with those one finds in "Surot shneim 'asar mazzalot." Min1hatqena'ot, p. 33

"Surotshneim'asar mazzalot," MS Cambridge Add. 1741, fols. 95v-96r

mi UMV InYU7:11 nlYn P1m "llivYY91 MK 7v-g

,-In5:: nnwz~n x,,xn ? n31bn

'nIv.,91.,t .

nS .,,, ,y"-.I.,,

ls nm

402

JOSEPHSHATZMILLER

' :1b;'1'r7 ;'t" ;'t,"1!7 DR~ iKa rXT K "IDO: TlllYs PK1 i

.,"1,1n

77 TR

,1,11"1," ;

On InYtU7 t; ,"11=11"1 .,"131U

mn -;111m3 .*Ynn 17n;2N~;3~1 OZ'n

OKI vlm 7.9m .;1'jf nl~ln-r K1mv moo n"33 0 n-9w n-9 .9n~12~ N2vty 7.1-9.1-9 n5,* 1r-lM' [M9 r-lM'. nnn 11 1n? -1? uv-)?lvm ;113?1 3nl:) 0.11D..1P mi mimi ? :)i niy?Y pi i73 nr?5:;m -m=~rl oxiv xym myi :in:) ornm nniY rowyyn imn n iv? 3 "mi oxiv nix n mrwytY trIt) l t1 ORIV nix 711rft?* 12T-Im -lruv=~~ ) mnim ?: *in mn-r oy 1 mins xvq1i ?=r 1il" orn i w ormn m 3 raw nniY $3nnv 7m vnivi rom wun niiy IN nirom vnvroi1 il-?-g; -7mP ,imr3 ravy-9 Ow IN nym %mvgt mirn ? -lmm rinim alvn vqun nyv3 ?y y ,3 )rvvm rumv-1w -t oxi II Y -lyin al?*Ym nr2 rrrr m u?b lyin K? mP-ll

r iv "in 0 '1n-gy n)31I n-933 Mt71 M:l ,'3.1 ;rsln , 1~N'K jill' InlK 1N~r 1 i) [96 ,"t',"t Pl," ,"~t IN qowz IN 3"llt "la rollwYZ1 yt91" "l"Iu",,ltum V w.l;

.*1

'yb l 7"I tY ',l ;'1"J

.*yn )Yn' 1"Y?*l n'lv-yggn

DS1;'Kr'"r11It7 ' '"rT rlt~l=tx

~~1Y KZ~~~ ,1~'1~ ~"1 1~

."inr3

To concludethenthatwhatAbba Mari saw in Montpellierin theearly 1300swas necessarily theHebrewtreatisewe findtodayin Cambridge,or an earliercopy ofit,would be to overstatethecase: sucha conclusionis onlya possibilitybut not a certainty.On the otherhand, I believe that we are entitledto suggestthatthereexistedin Montpellier,in theearly1300sat the latest,a Hebrew versionof the "Book of Figures,"whateverits original language,and that this Hebrew version,known to Abba Mari, is incorporated today in the Cambridgemanuscript. in disTurningonce again to Bernard'sTractatus,thereis littledifficulty

THE "BOOK OF FIGURES"

403

similaritiesbetweenit and between"Surot shneim coveringoverwhelming 'asar mazzalot." In the "Scorpio" paragraph,to quote one example,Bernard drewthe followingpicture:[fol.240v]"Vel aliterfigurascorpionisest figuracorvivel hominishabentisin manusua corvumvel hominisequitantis super equum. Enoch tamen scribitquod multomeliorest figurahominis habentiscorvumin manu sua et hoc probavitexperimento."The Hebrew textreads: "There are those who [describe]him as a man ridinga horse. Enoch wrotethatthe best [wouldbe] a man holdingin his hand a crow.""39 The Hebrew versionthen has the followingqualification:"However, the sages of India requiredthatSaturnhas to be abovetheearth,"whileBernard Gordon has in the parallel place: "Dixerunt tamen sapientesDeodii [de India?] quod Saturnussit super terramet Jupiteret Venus sub terra." In the case of Libra, to turnto a second example,the Hebrewversion insiststhat "its weightshould be of seven grainsof mediumweight"and describes"a straightman havingtwobalancedbalancesand at thetop ofhis hand,a bird,whichis halfblack,halfwhite."The Latintexthas in thisplace [fol. 240r] a "figurahominishabentisin manibussuis 2 librasrectaset in capite unius manus navem [for: avem] unam mediam albam et mediam nigramex quocumque metallo sicut dictumest ad pondus 7 granorum frumenti." Toward theend of theLibra paragraph,theLatin originalreads (fol. 240v): "Experimentator quoque qui feciteam dixitquod debetfieriin principiodiei quintiantediem,love existentesuperterramnon percutiendo sed pingendo et inveniteam mirabilem[MS Wiesbaden adds now: in effectum]Et opinatus est quod causa efficacieistiussit quia Jupitererat super terram."The Hebrew equivalent reads: "The person who experimenteddiscoveredwhenmakingit once at thebeginning[ofthe fivedays] thatit was extraordinary, thatthereis no betterone thanit. In myopinion, it was so because Jupiterwas above earthwhenhe did itand itwas notdaytime.Also he experimented withmaking[thefigure]withfinger[s]and not throughengravingor striking."40 39. Fol. 96v:rrnix,wnv wnx r'ri , r, miDnn'y x wxw ' ru1 w, ri rrinnn n'Y- w nx 9'n, ri, nmi Il :iY . ' Dmu ... i p-Trfnl T Int wnIf X: n--n DiXNI ,n:V T,', i' r,1 ,zYri9:n"im .m=y : 'r ix w mrm m nm:r n;mn ox -9 40. Fol. 96r-v::nm ... j :' ,j'y'yi't"?pwn,v-: t :nnvy? ?:), N0 -9vx-= w Iyn Myn... p, ,'rn -1ntu mwx -irg t3 vr' w" v fiy D-ix tr m-93ir rn D'9mv 'nwn miy ;105w.;1

9D~i gny-r rftn? -invq: -. Ow -11:y: .-m-9wri nnx In rftn?L I-P1 ;I;1y ?n rinngri ri;iyn rinngri n~nn: tDys -.1xv X, ri yX I-x I iy 0i &1 -i - I&, l WYny: y-flI.Prof.Libby oi vi= mrn ,W1i flm7n fl'Imq lx: Garshowitzkindlycheckedthe readingsofthismanuscriptand made a numberof helpfulsuggestions.

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JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

in goingoverall twelveparagraphsand Therewould be no realdifficulty such resemblances between Bernard'sTractatusand the Hebrew indicating shneim 'asar mazzalot." Obviouslythereexistsa veryclose affinity "$urot theirresemblance betweenthetwo tracts.Yet we are entitledonlyto affirm and similarityand not theirperfectcorrespondence.For, while Bernard two or moretalismansforall butone signofthezodiac, theHebrew offered treatiseomitsas a rule the firstGordonian suggestionand offersonlythe second and thirdversions.Even there,sentencesare not presentedin the same orderand the Hebrewcontainsdata (especiallyin its insistencethat cloudydays should be avoided) thatone cannotfindin the Tractatus.This calls forthe conclusionthatboth the Hebrewand Latin textswererelying upon a third,common source. ThePicatrix,BernardGordonand "Seferha-Surot" One suchcommonsourcemightbe an appendixto theLatin translation of an eleventhcenturyArabic treatiseon astrologicalmagiccalled Ghdyat to theAndalual-hakim(The Aim of theSage), a treatisefalselyattributed sian scholaral-Majriti(second halfof thetenthcentury)and also knownas thePicatrixafterthetitleofitsSpanishand Latintranslations.41The Ghayat was renderedfromthe Arabic into Spanish underthe patronageof King AlfonsotheLearnedof Castile,betweentheyears1256and 1258;verysoon after,a Latin versionwas prepared.Thereis good reasonto believethatthe translationfromArabicintoSpanishwas carriedout byJudahben Moses, a well knowntranslatorof similarworks.ProfessorDavid Pingreeof Brown whoseeditionof theLatin Picatrixis about to be publishedand University, who kindlydirectedme to the treatise,42was good enoughto send me the talismans(II, 12,39-51). Comsectionsthatdeal withmedical-astrological parison reveals a remarkableresemblancebetweenthe Picatrix and the 41. On the Ghdyatal-hakimand the Picatrixsee David Pingree'sarticle,"Some of the Sources of the Ghayatal-hakim,"Journalof the Warburgand CourtauldInstitutes43 (1980): 1-15 as wellas his article"BetweentheGhayaand PicatrixI: The SpanishVersion,"Journalof 44 (1981): 27-56. theWarburg and CourtauldInstitutes 42. Prof.Pingreekindlymade me aware also of the factthat"thereare two fragmentary in theAdlercollectionin New York ofa HebrewtranslationoftheLatin Picatrix; manuscripts its date and provenanceare not as yet established;nor is it knownwhetherit containsthe Hermetictreatiseat the end of Book II. But it is clearlya possible source for the Hebrew texts."

THE "BOOK OF FIGURES"

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Hebrew "Surot shneim'asar mazzalot." The talismansdescribedand the conditionsoftheiruse are almostcompletelysimilar;theorderofphrasesin each of the twelveparagraphsis identical.To illustratethis remarkable resemblanceI comparethe second paragraphin the Picatrixas deciphered by Prof.Pingreewiththe Hebrew of "Surot shneim'asar mazzalot." The subjectis Taurus. Similarresultswould be obtained fromcomparingthe otherelevenparagraphs. "Surotshneim'asarmazzalot," II, 12,41 fol.95r Picatrix, rnn~in nv Formaeiusestpositasupraeparetsuper "nn mn omneseiusinfirmitates. Et fiat m~3vni .'-T9n in in primafaciea primograduusque n -IyrIn1a 'of tn irine lain .~9 X .nzywrnnlad nonum.Non sitSaturnusin n1, ,m ' Piscibusnec Luna in Scorpione, et pY1: nnanx trS sit Mars etiam directus; oportet 17n1.?1'q, ,9imo, .nina nn~i : r mutare.Fiatenimin die multum m1' ~,ar1 et horaSolis;nonsitSol sub 21 z nnn vin rniW nn, K1 r 2im.9! Et nonfiatin secunda terra. t D'n33 n,~ L .nut1 '3 Imn 01 039!0.'9a W., dicunt enimaliquisecundam facie; ' n01t1w1 n' min ?y faciemessesuprainfirmitatem ,1in et terciam infirmitatem '?In ?y avlvv, 0.91a! fellis, canne. Et fiat forma eiusad nrirn mn'y inYn.,ipn SIcrtr-I 1~7n?D1r1V formam cauda eiusmagna,os bovis; n oculi Et nlin3 n;3vyf~L parvum magni. fiatde ere .n~i a 1~'7t3p .zr T0"K rubeo. It is thereforeverytemptingto conclude that,withthe Ghdyator the Picatrix,we have finallycome close to "Seferha-Surot."Admittedlythere are minor differences betweenthe two, even in the section concerning Taurus just quoted. Anotheroutstandingdiscrepancyconcernsthe talismans of Scorpio,and Leo, wherethe Hebrewtexthas concludingsections not foundin the Latin. Also noticeableis a lack of any hostilereference to fumigationin the Picatrix,a subjectabout whichthe Hebrew,as we have to "haseen,was quite sensitive.In the talismanof Scorpio, thereference One wonRav ha-Moreh" is made in the Picatrixto a magisterdoctrinalis. ders therefore whetherBernard,whenwriting"MagisterMoyse," was not misledto believethatit refersto Maimonides or Nahmanides. Two importantquestionswill have to await further The investigation. firstis, of course,whether"$urot shneim'asar mazzalot" is a translationof

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JOSEPH SHATZMILLER

the Picatrixor thereverse.It is no less intriguing to ask whereBernardgot his versionof the Picatrixand on whatsupplementary data he drewforthe additionalinformationhe conveys. Conclusion The fascinationwith furtherconclusivebibliographicresearchshould thatwas not distractour attentionfromthesocial and humanenvironment informafor such an of scientific, medical-astrological exchange responsible wentfromHebrewto theLatinor the tion.Whetherthelineoftransmission in imaginingBernard other way, one would experiencelittle difficulty Gordon collaboratingwithhis Jewishcounterpartsin Montpellierat the turnofthefourteenth centuryand comingout witha Tractatusadfaciendum diversas.What we know now, on the sigillaet ymaginescontrainfirmitates otherhand, about simultaneoususe of thetalisman,and about themanner and extentof scholarlytranslationof medicalastronomicalworksmakesit possibleto envisiona physicianlikeIsaac de Lattes,or anyotherin perfectly thecircleof Jacobben Machir,adoptingfortheuse oftheJewishcommunity the resultsof experimentsapproved by a memberof the facultyof Montpellier.That around 1301-1303 the talismanof Leo gave troubleto membersof both Christianand Jewishcommunitiesindicatesthat these scholarswere quick to exchangeinformation. Most of us todaywould considerthisinterestin astrologya stepbackward forthe Universityand a setbackin the scientific developmentof the medicalprofession.43 Indeed,we discoverthatmanyfourteenth centuryconIn astrontheir these shared that doctors, defense, temporaries opinion. Ibn as did Adret and of have claimed, omers, astrologers Montpelliermight in thefirstletterto Abba Mari,44thatalthoughtheoperationofthesetalis43. For a medicalexplanationof thepossibleworkingofthedevice,see theHebrewarticle of David Margalithabout Nahmanidesas a doctor in his Hakhmei Yisra'elke-rofe'im, pp. 133-39. See also Samuel Kottek,"Le symboledu lion dans la m6decinede l'antiquit6et du de la medecinehibraique20 (1967): 161-68. MoyenAge," Revued'histoire as: nnxn 44. See especiallyResponsa,1: 145,no. 413, such statements 1 niYrn iM=-13a v5r't - '?Kfl n n Zy fl'K -1.110p2 nxnl Tn 5DW. . ji-'Ovi 'pin T'. nn55D313-X 13K -Y-.1T x'K?-11K-10V -ID"YK -1n1inTI1 5Y11=5 flTbT DKI ...,;K11 o1u nnKXn3WI1nZ 15KD fl1fl03 nfL rvY5

l'15Y:: ITIM-1 OM-IY 13? ...I'IY7)1'2 (XIMM. JMD0

407

THE "BOOK OF FIGURES"

mans was not fullyunderstood,experiencehad it thattheyactuallybrought and with reliefto suffering people. Withtime,withmoreexperimentation, of methodology, so mighttheirargumentscontinue,medical therefinement and astrologicalsciencewould be able to explainbetterthe "why,"and not be limitedonly to the "hows" and the "whens." Abba Mari was not interestedin thisline of argument.His activitiesin the threeyearsbetween1303-1306, as documentedby his lettershe later collectedin Minhatqena'ot,indicatedthathis real aim was to limitas faras possibletheinterestin philosophicalstudieswithintheJewishcommunity. For him the talismanpitfallin whichJacob ben Machir and his friends a startingpointin a strategy thathad as foundthemselveswas just a pretext, an aim the defenseof the trueJewishfaith.To startby claimingin general termsthatphilosophymustbe equatedwithheresywas almostan inconceivable propositionin the Midi, especiallysincethe Jewstherewentthrough such an examinationduringthe firsthalf of the thirteenth century.The prestigethat Maimonides, the Tibbonides and so many translatorsand astronomers attacka futileone. enjoyedwould makesucha straightforward By thattime,fartoo manyJewsearnedtheirlivingas medicaldoctorsto permit such a discreditingof the rationalistictraditionto take place. However,to revealthatthe new medicalpracticesin Montpellierinvolved strange"Babylonian" astrologicalpracticesand especiallyproceduresof fumigation,using incense,was anotherthingaltogether.In that case the confrontation was not on thelevelof principlesand generalities, buton the levelof legal technicalities, withAbba Mari tryingto expose transgressions in religiouspractices.In termsof Jewishreligiousthinkingthis seemed therefore to be quitea promisinglineofattack.Nevertheless, it did nothave in momentum it to Abba all the Mari enough carry through controversy, and he had to come back in theensuingthreeyearswithfreshideas and new data to keep the fireburning.Still,thetalismanpredicament was sufficient to a start pretext controversy. ofHistory Department ofToronto University CanadaM5S IAI Toronto,

Sefirot as the Essence of God in the Writings of David Messer Leon Author(s): Hava Tirosh-Rothschild Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 409-425 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486416 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:30 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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SEFIROTAS THE ESSENCE OF GOD IN THE WRITINGS OF DAVID MESSER LEON by HAVATIROSH-ROTHSCHILD I

to themiddleofthe The periodfromthemiddleofthefifteenth century in Jewish intellectual in the marks a transition sixteenth history century the decline of rationalism characterized Jewish and ItalianRenaissance by withtheprinting theriseofkabbalah.'Thisprocessreacheditsculmination ofSeferha-Zoharin 1558-59,an eventaccompanied byheatedcontroversy whounambigon manyfronts.2 Duringtheseyearswe findthosethinkers theirallegianceto one campor theother,butwe also find uouslyprofess isatleastsuperficially ambivalent. manywhoseallegiance intheItalianRenaissance wereversedto somedegreein Manythinkers and it is therefore bothdisciplines, difficult to drawa finelinebetween 1. For an overviewof the relationshipbetweenkabbalah and philosophyin the Italian Renaissance, see Robert Bonfil, The Rabbinatein RenaissanceItaly [Hebrew] (Jerusalem, 1979),pp. 174-90; idem,"Bittuyyim le-yihud'am yisra'elbe-'Italyahbi-tequfatha-renesans," Sinai 76 (1975): 36-46; Isaac Barzilay,BetweenReason and Faith: Anti-Rationalism in Italian JewishThought(1250-1650) (The Hague, 1967) and the reviewby JosephSermoneta,Kiryat Sefer 45 (1970): 539-46; UmbertoCassuto, Ha-yehudimbe-Firenveh bi-tequfatha-renesans, trans.MenahemArtom(Jerusalem,1967),pp. 245-46; 275-77. 2. See Isaiah Tishby,"The Controversy about theZohar in theSixteenthCenturyin Italy" [Hebrew], Peraqim: Yearbookof the Schocken Institutefor JewishResearch 1 (1967-68): 131-82.

409

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HAVA TIROSH-ROTHSCHILD

andkabbalahintheirwritings. Thattheymadeuseofbothsysphilosophy temsdemonstrates at leastthattheydid notregardthetwoas mutually exclusive;in fact,manywereeagerto harmonizethem.It is precisely to integrate becausetheyattempted twosystems whichin latertimeswere areeasilymisunderstood. diametrically opposedthattheirwritings One such misunderstood is David MesserLeon (ca. 1460thinker 1535),3son of the greatrabbiof Mantua,JudahMesserLeon.4David MesserLeon is characterized who by modernscholarsas "a philosopher a philosopher whoknewkabbalahbutdidnotreally dabbledinkabbalah,"5 believein it,6 "a kabbalistphilosopher,"7 and a kabbalistwho used his inphilosophy erudition tosubstantiate kabbalist beliefs.8 cannotall be correct. Theveryfactthattheyare Thesecharacterizations inconflict in meansthattherelationship between kabbalahandphilosophy MesserLeon'sthought in thatofhiscontemporaries as well) (andpossibly hasnotbeengraspedproperly, as we shallseebelow(sectionII). Theconflictimpliesas wellthatwe needbetter the criteria bywhichto understand in of medieval between kabbalah and the writings relationship philosophy fromkabbalists, Jews.The besttestfordistinguishing among philosophers is one employedby thosewho presumed to harmonize thetwosystems, It is foundin an influential ofthe thinkers ofthisperiodthemselves. letter Isaac Mar Hayyim.In 1490he wroteto Isaac ofPisa: "... Do kabbalist, theirprinciple, and not followthosescholarswhomakereason[muskal] Rather whointerpret kabbalahin a mannerthatagreeswithphilosophy. makekabbalaha principle and tryto makereason[sekhel,i.e., human warnsagainstphilowith it."9In otherwords,Mar Hayyim reason]agree 3. For thebiographyand worksof David MesserLeon, see my"The Philosophyof David Ben YehudahMesserLeon" [Hebrew],Ph.D. diss.,HebrewUniversity, 1978,pp. 1-9. 4. For a discussionof JudahMesser Leon's thought,see Abraham Melamed, "Rhetoric and Philosophyin 'NofetSufim'by JudahMesserLeon" [Hebrew],Italia 2 (1978): 7-38, and at p. 10,n. 8. bibliography 5. Barzilay,BetweenReasonand Faith,p. 68. 6. See JosephBen-Shlomo,The MysticalTheologyofMoses Cordovero[Hebrew](Jerusalem,1965),pp. 72-74. 7. GershomScholem,Kabbalah(Jerusalem,1974),p. 69. 8. See EfraimGottlieb,"'Or 'olam le-rabbi'Elbanan Saggi Nahor," Studiesin theKabbalah Literature[Hebrew](Tel Aviv,1976),p. 405. 9. Yael Nadav, "An Epistleof the Qabbalist R. Isaac Mar HayyimConcerningtheDoctrineof 'Supernal Lights'" [Hebrew],Tarbiz26 (1957): 458. Concerningthe correspondence betweenIsaac Mar Hayyimand Isaac ofPisa, see JosephHacker,"Some Letterson theExpul-

SEFIROT IN DAVID MESSER LEON

411

whether a particular Theimportant issueisnotsimply reductionism. sophic

or kabbalistic or both;rather itis writer teachings philosophic incorporates

ina writer's isforemost works. which system

a philosopher; histreatment Bythistest,David MesserLeonwasclearly ofkabbalahwasprecisely thatphilosophic reductionism againstwhichIsaac

sawfitto warn.He madea comprehensive MarHayyim to harattempt

as two complementary both monizereligionand philosophy disciplines, for the the attainment of human final with God. i.e., end, devequt necessary In so doing,he foundneedto incorporate it kabbalah'0andto subordinate tophilosophy.

ofMarHayyim's Theapplication testtoevery Leon's aspectofMesser

Oneaspect,however, is,ofcourse,beyondthescopeofthisarticle. writings is crucial,namely, thatofdivineattributes, to be discussedbelow(section III). The philosophic conceptofGod is crucialto MesserLeon becausehe

baseshisattempt toharmonize thetwodisciplines uponit.Godis reason whoseessence is identical to Hisactofexistence: sikhli benimga "'eem I Thustherevelation fo'altamid." ofGod becomestherevelation ofreason, andthedivinelawgivento Israelis thelawofreason.'2Accordingly, thedif-

ference between in humanreason,and religion, philosophy, grounded

in divinereason,is buta difference inorderanddegree.Theforgrounded merparticipates and resembles, and deficiently, the thoughimperfectly

Inother latter. andphilosophy donotnecessarily contradict words, religion

each other;rathertheyaretwocomplementary twoparallelways systems,

ofonetruth. toward attainment Thisattempt at harmony is MesserLeon'sversion ofthedoubletruth and itrevealshismajorphilosophic Averroes andThomas sources, theory,

sion fromSpain" [Hebrew],in EmmanuelEtkes and JosephSalmon,eds., Studiesin theHistoryofJewishSocietyPresentedto ProfessorJacobKatz on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday(Jerusalem,1980),pp. 64-97. HackercorrectsNadav's datingofthisletterfrom1491to 1490. 10. Messer Leon uses theterm"kabbalah" in threedifferent senses:(a) rabbinictradition as recordedin the Mishnahand Talmud;(b) revealedtheologyas presentedand studiedbyrelithoseoftheSpanishschool ofthethirgious philosophy;and (c) mysticalteachings,specifically teenthand fourteenth centuries.This variedusage is not atypical;see,e.g., Simeonben Zemah Duran, Magen 'avot; JosephAlbo, Seferha-'iqqarim;and Abraham Shalom, Nevehshalom. "Kabbalah" is used hereinin thethirdsenseonly. 11. David Messer Leon, Tehillahle-David(Constantinople,1576),p. 72b; compareibid.,p. 71a; "'eSem sikhliba-po'al ha-gamur." 12. See my"The Conceptof Divine Law in theWritingsofDavid MesserLeon" [Hebrew], Jerusalem 2 (1981): 94-117. StudiesinJewishThought

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HAVA TIROSH-ROTHSCHILD

combination ofAverroism and Thomism'4 in Aquinas.'3It is thespecific MesserLeon'sphilosophy thatenabledhimtoincorporate kabbalahintoit. thiscombinawho exhibited Otherfifteenth-century Jewishphilosophers tionwereJosephAlbo,15 AbrahamShalom,AbrahamBibago,JosephIbn OnceMesserLeon's ShemTov,JudahMesserLeon,and Isaac Abravanel. Mar Hayyim's is we can see that he meets clear, philosophic background hereinterprets themajorkabbalistic testofa philosopher: doctrine, sefirot, to fita philosophic framework. (See below,sectionIV.) Thus,thefactthat term doesnotmakehima kabbalist, a kabbalistic MesserLeonthendefends thattermwitha philosophic sinceinfacthehasinvested meaning. A historical questionnow arises:If MesserLeon's allegiancewas to kabbalahto philosophy and if he could subordinate only philosophy, suchmajorcontortions, whydidheaddresskabbalahatall?In fact, through kabbalah thephilosopher JudahMesserLeon,simply dismissed hisfather, intelJewish ofseriousstudy.16 Theanswermayliebothwithin as unworthy milieu ofDavid'stimeas wellas inthegeneralRenaissance lectualcurrents ofhisday. exilesfrom Within Jewish circles, Spainhadbeguntospreadkabbalahin AmongthemwereIsaac Mar HayyimandJudah Italyevenbefore1492.17 kabbalahand withthemthatattempt to harmonize Hayyat,whobrought Shalom ben in from the time of found Ashkenazi, Joseph Spain philosophy Isaac Ibn Latif,JosephIbnWaqar,andSamuelIbn Motot.'8Bytheeveof MesserLeon could no longerignorekabbalah. the fifteenth century, 13. See George Hourany,Averroeson theHarmonyof Religionand Philosophy(London, 1961),pp. 44, 51, 56-71; AlfredL. Ivry,"Toward a UnifiedView of Averroes'Philosophy," The PhilosophicalForum4 (1972): 87-113; Thomas Aquinas, Summatheologicala, q. 1,art.3; idem, Contragentiles1, 1; EtienneGilson, The ChristianPhilosophyof St. ThomasAquinas (New York, 1956),pp. 15-25. 14. For the influenceof Averroistand Thomistscholasticismupon Jewishphilosophyin general,see JosephSermoneta,"ScholasticPhilosophicLiteraturein Rabbi JosephTaitasak's 'Porat Yosef" [Hebrew]SeferYavan1 (=Sefunot11 [1971-78]): 135-85. 15. See JuliusGuttmann,"Le-beqer ha-meqorotshel Seferha-'iqqarim,"Dat u-madda', trans.Saul Esh (Jerusalem,1957),pp. 169-91. 16. See JudahMesser Leon's letterto the Jewishcommunityof Florenceof 1454-55, in Simbah'Assaf,"From theHiddenTreasuresoftheLibraryin Jerusalem"[Hebrew],Minhahleyisra'el... R. David Yellin(Jerusalem,1935), p. 227; David-Qove, ma'amarimbe-bokhmat excerptedin David B. Ruderman,The Worldof theRenaissanceJew: TheLifeand Thoughtof AbrahamBen MordecaiFarissol(Cincinnati,1981),p. 194,n. 75. 17. See Hacker,"Some Letters,"pp. 69-78. 18. See Sara O. Heller-Wilensky,"Isaac Ibn Latif: Philosopher or Kabbalist?," in AlexanderAltmann,ed., JewishMedievaland RenaissanceStudies(Cambridge,Mass., 1967), surla philosophieet la pp. 185-223; Scholem,Kabbalah,pp. 63-64; GeorgesVajda, Recherches kabbaledansla pensiejuivedu MoyenAge (Paris, 1962),pp. 143-247.

SEFIROT IN DAVID MESSER LEON

413

a Christian kabbalahwasthenemergitself, BeyondtheJewish community which tried to in between kabbalah and Jewish tradition distinguish ing, theformer ordertoembrace andtodiscardthelatter. Jewish some thinkers, to Christianity converted and somenot,supported thismovement.'9 By kabbalahintoa systematic Jewish MesserLeon incorporating philosophy, couldattackthosethinkers, and thereby thwart theChristian to attempt eliminate fromkabbalah.Further, MesserLeon'suseofkabbalistic Judaism reflects an eclecticstylecharacteristic of Renaissancephiloterminology sophersin general,suchas Pomponazzi,MarsilioFicino,and Giovanni PicodellaMirandola.20

MesserLeon'ssubordination ofkabbalahtophilosophy is mostevident in hisdiscussion ofthesefirot. A controversy ragedovertheirnature:Were or weretheyinstruments of theytheessenceof God (theoryof 'aymut), divineactivity, to God,butstillontologically distinct from closelyattached God (theory ofkelim)?2' thesefirot as theessenceof MesserLeon defined of'aSmutagainstRecanati'sviewofthesefithetheory God, and defended rotas kelim.ThatMesserLeonappearsto defend at all is thesource sefirot ofthemodern ofhisthought. misunderstanding Thecontroversy overthenatureofthesefirot inthethirteenth originated attheverybeginning ofthesystematization ofSpanishkabbalah.It century, continuedthroughthe fourteenth centuryin Spain and Italy,mainly Recanati'sbook,Ta'ameiha-misvot, andthrough thefifteenth centhrough in at the of of David Tivoli that he tury Italy.Consequently, request analyze MesserLeonwroteMagenDavid,oneofhisthree issues,22 majortheological and includedtherein a discussion ofthesefirot. majorworksstillextant,23 Thatdiscussion 180folios. occupiesonlytenofthemanuscript's 19. See Ruderman,World,pp. 44-56; Isaiah Tishby,Mishnatha-Zohar,2 vols.(Jerusalem, 1971),1:42-48; Scholem,Kabbalah,pp. 196-97. 20. Paul O. Kristeller, RenaissanceThought and itsSources(New York, 1979),pp. 196-210. 21. Concerningthis controversysee Scholem, Kabbalah, pp. 101-5; Efraim Gottlieb, ma'arekhetha-'elohut,"in his Studies "Ha-Qabbalah be-khitveiR. YosefGiqatilia u-ve-Sefer inKabbalah,pp. 293-315. 22. On the relationshipbetweenMesser Leon and R. David of Tivoli, see Cassuto, Hayehudimbe-Firenyeh, pp. 275-58; Daniel Carpi, "R. JudahMesser Leon and his Activityas a Doctor" [Hebrew],Michael 1(1972): 277-301, esp. pp. 278,n. 9; 285,n. 51. 23. Magen Davidis extantonlyin MS Montefiore290,whichI examinedin microfilm at the Instituteof Microfilmed HebrewManuscripts,JewishNational and University Library,Jerusalem. The other two are Tehillahle-David and 'Ein ha-qore,Bodleian MS Opp. Add. 108 (Neubauer 1263).

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The late EfraimGottliebwas thefirstto discoverthatMesserLeon's consisted discussion oflargesectionscopiedfromthetwoletters ofIsaac MarHayyim toIsaac ofPisa.24 discovered thatMar MosheIdelhasrecently Hayyim'sfirstletter,quoted above, was writtento disputeYohanan version ofthetheory ofkelim, andwhothen whohelda modified Alemano, withIsaac'sfamily as theguestofhisfather, RabbiYehielNissimof resided Pisa.25 In thisletter, who MarHayyim characterized Alemanoas a philosopher that becomes to suit his a characterization kabbalah interprets philosophy, since MesserLeonas well.Evenso,theyheldopposingviewsonthesefirot, Alemanodefendedthe theoryof kelim.Nonetheless, at least by Mar to onesideortheotherinthesefirot controtest,evenadherence Hayyim's not se or does determine a thinker's status as philosopher kabversy per balist. offer and EfraimGottlieb, Two modernscholars, JosephBen-Shlomo of MesserLeon's defenseofsefirot as 'asmut. conflicting interpretations his studyof MosesCordovero,26 was familiar Ben-Shlomo, only through withthosepassagesofMagenDavidwhichCordoverocopiedand usedto thatMesserLeon attackMesserLeon.Ben-Shlomo agreedwithCordovero To that his ofsefirot. wasa philosopher andnota kabbalist, defenses despite of the three Messer Leon's Ben-Shlomo added sefirot points:first, concept is anotheraspectofhisconceptofdivineattributes; second,hisconceptof followshispositionon theproblemofuniverdivineattributes necessarily studiedthe hisconceptofuniversals is "nominalism."27 Gottlieb sals;third, 24. See Gottlieb,Studies in Kabbalah, pp. 404-11. Messer Leon followedthe common his own commentswithinsectionscopied fromelsewhere. medievalpracticeof interspersing whilehe copied Mar Hayyim'suse of the of Mar Hayyimwas discriminating: His treatment firstper'sonverbatim,he also correctedMar Hayyim'scitations,i.e., whereMar Hayyimhad attributed Seferha-peraqimto Plato, MesserLeon correctedit to Galen. See Magen David,fol. 9r. ha-kelimbi-tequfatha-renesans,"Italia 25. Moshe Idel, "Bein tefisatha-'agmutli-tefisat me to thisarticleand forhismosthelpfulcom3 (1982) (in press).I thankDr. Idel fordirecting mentsthroughout. 26. Ben-Shlomo,MysticalTheology, pp. 72-74, 102-3. 27. Ibid., at p. 73. Thereis confusionin theapplicationof theterms"nominalism,""realin medievalJewishphilosophy. ism,"and "conceptualism"to theanalysisof divineattributes in thisfield,changedhis viewsand appliedtheterms HarryA. Wolfson,themajorcontributor overthecourseoftime.See HarryA. Wolfson,Repercussions oftheKalam inJewish differently Philosophy(Cambridge,Mass., and London, 1979),p. 34, n. 22. Ben-ShlomofollowedWolfin applyingtheterm"nominalism"to MesserLeon's positionon unison's earlierdefinitions versals; by currentdefinitions,the term "conceptualism"would be more appropriateto Ben-Shlomo'sanalysis.See n. 38 below.

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of MagenDavidand arguedthatMesserLeon clearly originalmanuscript be onlymental,i.e.,as believedthatthesefirot exist,evenifthatexistence mind. of the divine are unitedwiththemind They ontologically thoughts thatthinksthem.GottliebthenclaimedthatMesserLeonwas a kabbalist and belongedto a groupof kabbalistswho in his day debatedthesame ElhananSaggiNahor,JudahHayyat, andIbn issues,suchas MarHayyim, Gabbai.28 betweenBen-Shlomo and Gottliebcan be resolvedifone The conflict that it is on quitedifferent, theonehand,fora nameto havea recognizes on otherhand,forthethingnamedto be inexistence.29 the and, reference, mustnotbe confused In otherwords,themodeofsignification ofthesefirot with their mode of existence.Ben-Shlomodiscussesthe mode of ofthesefirot and comesto theerroneous conclusion thatthey signification andtherefore thattheydo notexist.He corarenameshavingno reference, whoidentified MesserLeon as a philosopher thesefirot rectlyrecognized withdivineattributes, buthe erredin deeming thatpositionnominalism. Gottlieb,however,discussesthe mode of existenceof the sefirotand observescorrectly thattheyarenotmerely nominal, i.e.,thattheydo exist in But from the mind. this correct hedrawsthe divine observation mentally thatMesserLeonwasa kabbalist. wrongconclusion, namely, buthedidnotholda nominalist MesserLeonwas,then,a philosopher, In fact,he was a moderate realist, positionon theproblemofuniversals. a trendthatcan be tracedto elements of thephilosophies of continuing Duns is and It Scotus. moderate realism that Averroes, Avicenna, Aquinas, intohisphilosophy enabledMesserLeontoincorporate thekabbalistic doctrineof sefirot, neutralize-one even yet might sayexpel-theirmythical nature. theosophic III

MesserLeon fitMar Hayyim'stestof a philosopher the by reducing to a divine doctrine. could then attributes, sefirot clearlyphilosophic Only he defend thetheory of'asmut, withtheessenceofGod. To equatingsefirot 28. Gottlieb,StudiesinKabbalah,pp. 295,403-25. 29. See ElizabethEnscomband PeterGeach, ThreePhilosophers (Oxford,1961),p. 91. This is thecornerstone ofAquinas's analysisofdivineattributes, distinction whichinfluenced, along withChristianscholastics,such Jewishphilosophersas JosephAlbo, Abraham Bibago, and David MesserLeon.

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understand thatreduction and equation,we mustfirstturnto Messer ofdivineattributes Leon'sdiscussion themselves. ThefocusofMesserLeon'sanalysisofdivineattributes is theattribute His majorpremise is an epistemological maxim:"The knower "knowing." knowsaccordingto thenatureof theknowerand not accordingto the natureofthethingknown."30 Thismaximis fundamentally and Thomistic, in for in fact the frequently repeatedit, as, Aquinas example, "For is takesplaceaccording as thethingknown in statement, knowledge Butthethingknownis intheknower theknower. tothemodeof according ofeveryknower is according Hencetheknowledge theknower. tothemode ofitsownnature."3' The distinction betweenwhatis knownand themannerin whichit is knownis crucialto MesserLeon's discussionof divineattributes. The it has accounts because ramifications, premise metaphysical epistemological ingeneralandforourknowledge fortheoccurrence ofhumanknowledge of in in all that God MesserLeon followedAristotle asserting particular. is foundedinperceivable knowledge objects.He followed Aquinasinarguofperceivable objectswe can provetheexisingthatfromourknowledge fourofAquinas'sFiveWaysto tenceofGod and he in factincorporated If God's existence as thecauseofall beingscan ProveGod's Existence.32 thusbe proved,we therefore thattheproposition havepositiveknowledge intheanalysis of is "God exists"is true.Thispositive knowledge significant in attributes weemploy religious discourse. thatof Aquinas'sinfluence upon MesserLeon does not overshadow himselfas a MesserLeon's Jewishpredecessors. Althoughpresenting of MaimonidesagainstGersonides, staunchdefender Crescas,Albo,and Abravanel,MesserLeon in factdepartsfromMaimonideson many ofMaimonides' it,adoptspositions accounts, and,without fullyadmitting is a modification ofGercritics. MesserLeon'sversionofdivineattributes andthe ofbothAverroes theinfluence sonides'view,whichinturnreflects scholastics.33 Christian 30. Magen David,fol.4v. 31. Aquinas, Summatheologica,Ia, q. 12, art. 4, trans.AntonC. Pegis, ThomasAquinas' Basic Writings (New York, 1954),p. 97. 32. Messer Leon incorporatedverbatimAquinas's firstand second proofsin Tehillah le-David,p. 71a. He weaved the thirdproof,the so-called"cosmologicalargument,"through his analysisof"necessarybeing,"and frequently repeatedthefourthin Magen David. see AlexanderAltmann,"The Divine Attri33. On Gersonides'viewof divineattributes, butes:A HistoricalSurvey,"Judaism15 (1966): 54-56; HarryA. Wolfson,"Maimonides and Gersonideson Divine Attributesas AmbiguousTerms,"in Isadore Twerskyand George H.

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ofbothnegative and affirmative MesserLeonassertsthepropriety preofnegative dicatesofGod. He adoptsa weakerversion attributes, however, thatthenegative thandoes Maimonides, termsareonlyformally asserting a positive thatis,God's existence as thecause negative. Theysignify reality, whatwesayaboutGod is necessarily oftheworld.34 Therefore trueofHim as thecauseofall perceivable Fromourknowledge ofcreaprecisely things. can we deduce some about but not vice tures, God, correctly knowledge in other we cannot deduce from God about words, versa; anyknowledge Witha negative creatures. we denyofGod theimperfection and attribute, whichtheattribute to ourmodeofexistence deficiency impliesin reference as createdbeings, butwedo notdenytheapplicability ofthetermtoGod in a manner withGod's modeofexistence, an infinite, compatible namely, perwithHis actofexistence.3 fectbeingwhoseessenceis identical MesserLeonallowsattributes ofrelation andofactionto Consequently of be affirmatively God's attacks he Crescas's essence,although predicated viewofessential He follows in Gersonides those affirattributes.36 analyzing mativeattributes as analogicalterms andexhibits someinfluence ofAquinas thereas well.WithGersonides, MesserLeonassertsthatsomedivineattributesarenotto be interpreted as pureequivocation, butrather as attributes secundum He copiedfromGer"bi-qedimah priusetposterius. u-ve-'ibur," hissource)a passagethatdifferentiates sonides(without between crediting thesubjectof discourse("nose be-ma'amar")and theexistential subject God is thesubjectofdiscourse oftheattributes ("nosebi-me$i'ut").37 prediWilliams,eds., Studiesin theHistoryof Philosophyand Religion,2 vols. (Cambridge,Mass., 1977), 2: 561-82; Shlomo Pines,"ScholasticismafterThomas Aquinas and the Teachingsof Hasdai Crescas and His Predecessors"[Hebrew], in his Studiesin theHistoryofJewishPhilosophy(Jerusalem,1977),pp. 204-22. 34. This argumentwas suggestedearlierbyHasdai Crescasin 'Or 'Adonai,1.3.3. im r )r 35. Tehillah ) ph le-David, p. 72b: ? xaK b vu Kininr t Kxam %,v nxn im,, ~,theassertion ni, nY a Kx~m,fromwhichpremise follows in umni 'Ein ha-qore,fol. 114v:inxK t 'v K,1 36. Messer Leon rejectedCrescas's theoryof "essentialattributes"(te'arim'asmiyyim) as identicalto thatof MutaziliteIslam refutedby Maimonidesin Morehnevukhim, 1: 53; 'Ein haofCrescas'stheoryin his Commentary on qore,fol.20r.Abravanelmade thesame identification Morehnevukhim ofCrescas's [Hebrew],1: 51. Whetheror not Messer Leon's characterization theorywas accurate,Messer Leon's thoughtbore greaterresemblanceto thatof Crescasthan MesserLeon was readyto admit. 37. See Gersonides,Milbamot'Adonai,3: 3 (Leipzig, 1866),p. 135,and theanalysisofthis passage in NorbertM. Samuelson,The WarsoftheLord: TreatiseThreeon God's Knowledge (Toronto,1977),pp. 210-13. The passage was copied by succeedingJewishphilosophers,e.g., AbrahamShalom and AbrahamBibago.

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catedofHiminhumanlanguage, andas suchHe maybe saidtohavemany His attributes without destroying unity.38 ofanalogicalpredicates: MesserLeonthenacceptstheThomist version In regardto whatis predicated, a perfection theanalogicaltermssignify in but in to of such the manner bears God, regard predicating, every predicate thatdeficiency andimperfection oftheknowledge ofGod whichwederive fromperceivable whenweapplythe God.39Forexample, things resembling term"good" to God, themeaningis notthatGod is merely thecauseof but what in rather that we call God accordgoodness, "goodness"preexists to of In is God's mode existence. other because God words, ing good,He diffuses into act.40 the creative goodness things through theproblemofdivineattributes and Hereliestheconnection between theproblemof universals thatis relevant of Messer to an understanding of'asmut.Following Leon'stheory MesserLeon assertsthatthe Aristotle, forexample,goodness,existsin things, universal, but,following Aquinas, inGod ina manner he asserts thatitdoesso becauseitpreexists compatible Wethenknowthe withGod'smodeofexistence, reality.41' namely, complete universal such the universal existsinour an act of that abstraction, through is bestcharacterized notas nominalism but mindas a concept.Thisposition which differs from Plato's as as moderate realism,42 realism, is exaggerated below. explained 38. In an articlefirstpublishedin 1916,H. A. Wolfsoncalled suchan attribute"nominal" called or "inventeduniversal,""Crescas on Divine Attributes,"Studies2: 284. He therefore Gersonidesand Jewishphilosopherswho followedhim,e.g., Albo, "nominalists."JuliusGuttwas in error,becauseWolfsonfailedto dismannfirstnoticedin 1929thatthischaracterization tinguishbetweentheoryof predicationand theoryof universals.See "Levi Ben Gersons zum 75-jahrigen Bestehendes Jiidisch-Theologischen Theoriedes Begriffs," Seminars, Festchrift 2 vols. (Breslau, 1929),2: 131-49; in Hebrew,Dat u-madda',pp. 136-48. Wolfsonlaterclariand called Gersonidesnota nominalistbuta conceptualist;see n. 27 above. fiedhis definitions, So too was MesserLeon nota nominalist. ofdivineattributes betweenthetreatments 39. Thereis a striking byMesserLeon similarity and Aquinas. Compare,e.g., Tehillahle-David,3: 8 withSummatheologica,la, q. 18, art. 3; Tehillah3: 9 withSumma,la, q. 10,art,2. MesserLeon frequently expressesthenotionofparticipationof beingsin God's being,e.g., Magen David,fol. 23v: n pmnm In pinnKnnn n"',zniV 40. Messer Leon here followsAquinas, e.g., Summa,Ia, q. 13, art. 2. See also Gilson, ChristianPhilosophy,p. 109; FrederickA. Copelston,Aquinas(London, 1955),pp. 135-36; Enscomband Geach, ThreePhilosophers, p. 89. 41. This formulation of the theoryof universalsis veryclose to thatof Avicenna,who, as EtienneGilson proved,influenced Aquinas. of 42. I suggestthistermbecause it is usuallyapplied to Aquinas's and Scotus's treatment See Anton universals."Realism" recognizesthedebtto Plato,and "moderate"thedistinction.

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To sumupthispoint:MesserLeonmaintains thatdivineattributes, such as "good,""knowing," are "merciful," analogicalpredicates "just," propofGod's essence.Theysignify inGod,butthey perfections erlypredicated inGod.Thedivineattributes do notintroduce areontologically multiplicity withone anotherand withthedivineessence.However, identical sincewe deriveourconceptsaboutGod's essencefromitsvariedrepresentations in finitethings,we introduce distinctions whereno real distinctions exist. Therefore forus thedivineattributes are notsynonymous or redundant; is one and thesamebeing:God's essenceidentical theirreference rather, withHisexistence. Whileweknowthattheproposition "God exists"is true, we do notapprehend God's modeofexistence. whilewe know Likewise, thatperfections existinGod,theirmodesofexistence eludeusas well. MesserLeon's positionon divineattributes is veryclose to Joseph whichalso exhibits directinfluence of Aquinas.The conceptof Albo's,43 inGod is alsosharedbyotherJewish analogicalterms signifying perfections ofthefifteenth suchas AbrahamBibago,Abraham philosophers century, WhenMesserLeon defends thetheory of Shalom,and Isaac Abravanel.44 'asmut,he does so as a philosopher.

IV MesserLeon identifies attributes of action,analogically of predicated God's essence,withthesefirot. This reduction of thekabbalistic to the is foundintheintroductory ofhisdefense of'aSmut, philosophic paragraph C. Pegis,"The Dilemma of Beingand Unity,"in RobertE. Brennan,ed., Essays in Thomism (Freeportand New York, 1972),pp. 151-83,esp. 174-78. 43. JosephAlbo, Seferha-'iqqarim2:25: rinm,nimLK rvni~ rmnxx73p9K 'L D"Knn mnbr,-1': 7 'K 1 -1:-r y '11 Dj'K i ar'K1 V1' L)n ivIV vinInyly D:1m 1-1 jnLr

73-vK~L

13innwar 1X nuwn vL

,

p1

D'KV1iy

'n: :n. Summa,la, q. 13,art.7. Albo n,n ,r? , 1=in' CompareAquinas, and MesserLeon agreeon thephilosophicconceptofperfections in God but differ on theapplication of thattheoryto the kabbalisticdoctrineofsefirot:Albo identifies'ein sofwithperfections in God, and distinguishes sefirotas theseparateintellects;Messer Leon identifiesboth withthedivineperfections. See sectionIV below. 44. Compare Bibago, Derekh 'emunah,pp. Ilib, 17c,withShalom, Nevehshalom(Venice, 1574), p. 257b, and Abravanel,e.g., Mifalot 'Elohim,7: 4 (Lemberg,1863),p. 51b. See also Abraham Nuriel, "The Philosophyof Abraham Bibago" [Hebrew], Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University, 1975, pp. 45-47; Alan Lazaroff, The Theology of Abraham Bibago (University, Al., 1980) pp. 12-15; HerbertA. Davidson, The PhilosophyofAbrahamShalom (Berkeleyand Los Angeles,1964),pp. 26-42, esp. 32-33.

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in Tahafut to PlatomadebyAverroes whichfollowsa reference al-tahdfut.45 "whowascalleddivinenotin MesserLeonpraisesPlatoas a manofvirtue, vain" and whoseopinionsare theopinionsof the"truekabbalah."46 He thenstates:"In regardto Ideas one shouldrealizewhatwe havealready He issaidtobe all.Andtherefore said,thatHe,blessedbe He,encompasses theLordofhosts,sinceHe is theLordofhostsaboveandbelow,i.e.,the hostsof the entireworld.And 'judgment,' 'justice,'and 'mercy'are in God,becauseHe is theircause,andtheyproceedfromHim.AndHe is one are the ofthem,as we haveexplained.Now I shallprovethatthesefirot essenceof God fromthewordsof thesagesand fromthewordsof the inthewonderful kabbalists Seferha-Zohar."47 greatest Thispassageexplicitly identifies thedivineattributes, perfecsignifying follows ofsefirot MesserLeon'sinterpretation tionsinGod,withthesefirot. inthediscussion ofdivineattributes, thesamelogicintroduced i.e.,he disbetween their mode of "'erekh 'el tinguishes signification, ha-meqabbelim," "'erekh'el ha-meSi'ut." andtheirmodeofexistence, The mode of signification of thesefirotis thatof analogicalterms, inourreligious ofwhichisone:God's infinformed thereference discourse, MesserLeon of To illustrate their mode ite,perfect, signification, reality. thatwecan tothesameextent drawsan analogytothesoulanditsfaculties: inreality thereis butone talkaboutdifferent faculties ofthesoul,although therebe but so canwetalkaboutGod's different substance, sefirot, though n2vvnW' 45. Magen David, fol. 5v: A?n = ? floV 1l? "L 1i0o k 'qnn l

'nK:uv n"7pMln "t* ", x nm

nalml. Compare Simon Van Den Bergh,trans.,Averroes'TahafutAl-Tahafut,2 vols. nrln~~K to Averroes("be(London, 1954), 1: 361. I could not locate Messer Leon's second reference maqom Leon's praiseof Plato is not accidental.Plato influencedMesserLeon's philo46. Messer 'a.her"). Italy,mainlythrough sophy,and Platonismexperienceda revivalgenerallyin fifteenth-century Marsilio Ficino's works. Even so, thiscomplimentmay be the resultof a case of mistaken identity.Messer Leon thoughtthatPlato, and not Ibn Aflah,wroteSeferha-tamar;'Ein haqore, fol. 157r.GershomScholem,in his criticaleditionof Seferha-tamar(Jerusalem,1927), notesthatit may have been a sourceof theZohar; ifso, thismay accountforMesser Leon's See Shlomo Pines, "Le SeferHa-Tamar et les Maggidimdes Kabmistakenidentification. balistes,"GerardNahon and CharlesTouati,eds.,Hommage6 GeorgesVajda. Etudesd'histoire etdepense'ejuives (Louvain, 1980),pp. 333-63.

xvi 7* ?xI ??i: n-9 47. MagenDavid,fol.5v: n'-'-1.ix117 vtin -', ,

20-9i?21 ODL~l;1nn 1;1'11DO pnnfl

in:3v)

nr vi1,-9)= ,x-'1

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oneGod.48Thedifferent nameswhichweascribetothesoulsignify different so too do thedifferent ofonesubstance; namesofthesefirot refer activities to oneandonlyoneessence:God. MesserLeonconcludes: "For thesefirot blessedbe He, andthemultiplicity areunitedintheessenceoftheCreator, the and diversity diverse activities whichproceedfromthe [sic] signifies of the not that there is within Him It isthisstateCreator, unity diversity."49 which is source of the ment the mistaken notionthatMesserLeon was a nominalist. Cordovero tookitoutofcontext, anderrocopieditverbatim, itto meanthatthesefirot areonlynamesemployed to neouslyunderstood in the world.50 referto God's activity Restoredto its originalcontext, thisstatement refers ofthesefirot however, onlytothemodeofsignification in humandiscourse, and notto theirmodeof existence. AlthoughCordovero(andlaterBen-Shlomo) missedthisdistinction, MesserLeonclearly madeit. If therebe anydoubtthatMesserLeon understood and consciously such doubt is dispelledby his employedthis philosophicdistinction, ofa passagefromtheZoharwhichassertsthatthesefirot are interpretation theessenceof God. ThereMesserLeon clarifies hisviewof themodeof ofthesefirot existence as well.Thepassagefrom'IdraZuta,wastruncated and translated as follows:"de-'atiqaqaddishahu meforash ve-'einomefohu ve-'eino He then asserts that thestatement rash, metuqqan metuqqan."5' can not be takenliterally, forit wouldbe self-contradictory and conseHe thenequates"meforash" with"mefursam," and quently unacceptable. 48. As Moshe Idel has notedin "Bein tefisat,"MesserLeon drewthisanalogyfromMenaMS JewishTheologicalSeminaryofAmerica1887,fol. 137r. hem Recanati,Perushha-tefillot, Meir Ibn Gabbai took it fromMesser Leon, 'Avodatha-qodesh(Warsaw, 1883),p. 14b. Cordoverouseditin Pardesrimmonim; see Ben-ShlomoMysticalTheology, pp. 127-34. 49. Magen David, fol. 7v: 11- minn n 7n K~1n nl1 'imin 'n,' minxn~ vnim 7' n1 nino-n ,9 50. Moses Cordovero,Pardesrimmonim (Cracow, 1592),pp. 22a-b; Ben-Shlomo,Mystical Theology,p. 73. 51. MesserLeon's treatment ofthispassage ofZohar typifies his philosophicbias. In Isaac Mar Hayyim'ssecondletterto Isaac ofPisa, MesserLeon read thepassagebothintheoriginal, 7IpnnK K017lnnK, and in Mar Hayyim'stranslation,tuptynirm 7x pn. Messer Leon rejected interalia Mar Hayyim'suse of mitqashet(beautified,bedecked of jewelry),and translated insteadmetuqqan(perfected, fixed).Whileboth are acceptable,(see Yehuda Liebes,"Sections of theZohar Lexicon" [Hebrew],Ph.D. diss.,HebrewUniversity, 1976,p. 197),Messer Leon rejectedthat whichagrees more readilywiththe mythicalsymbolismfoundthroughoutthe Zohar. Further,havingexplicatedhisown interpretation, he thencitesAristotle'sMetaphysics forsupport,chap. 12.

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thefirst theknowledge ofHisactivity part:God is knownthrough interprets in theworld,butHis essenceis notknown.MesserLeonthenties"metuqandinterprets thesecondpartinthefollow(existence), qan" to "qiyyum" is the cause all we realize,through manner. Because God of existence, ing we do not thatproceedfromHim,thatGod exists;however, theactivities God'smodeofexistence. Messer comprehend Bythisinterpretation thereby itstermsto philoLeon notonlymakestheZoharintelligible byreducing inits healsoasserts thattheZoharis limited sophicconcepts, byimplication ofthesefirot. ofthemodeofexistence understanding ofthesefirot, MesserLeon followsa To explainthemodeofexistence from to Christian andIslamicphilomedieval tradition, long Neoplatonism in the ideas the divine asserts existence of mind.52As stated which sophy, with divine attributes andwiththe Messer identified such ideas Leon above, he creditedPlato,he clearlydepartedfromtheoriginal Although sefirot. Platonicsenseof suchideas,and in facthe elsewhere adoptedAristotle's Plato'sassertion oftheexisofPlatonicideas,andopenlydisputed critique MesserLeon employedAquinas's tenceof ideas outsideany intellect."3 ofmaking) (i.e.,principle theoryofdivineideas:theyare bothexemplars of and theobjectsof God's knowledge (i.e., principle knowledge).54He inGod as well." forms Averroes' discussion of perfected employed as ideasinthe ofthesefirot MesserLeonexplainsthemodeofexistence theanalogy to a stockvehicleinmedieval divinemindbyresorting thought, ofthearchitect:". .. God knowstheunityofthesefirotin His mind,blessed

be He,becausetheyexistinGod liketheroomsandtheatticsandallaspects anduniofa houseinthemindofan architect. Theyarethereinan abstract and butwhenhe startsto buildtheythenbecomepluralized fiedmanner, in the in and no exist because outside, matter, longer perfecthey multiplied, whichweredivermind.Thusarethesefirot, tiontheyheldinthearchitect's Allofthem sifiedandsaidtobe tenwhenindividual beingsbecameexistent. of modesof are includedin thosetennames,accordingto thediversity being."56 52. See HarryA. Wolfson,"The HistoryofPlatonicIdeas," JournaloftheHistoryofIdeas 22 (1961): 3-32. 53. Magen David,fol.22r. 54. CompareMagen David,fol. 13rwithAquinas,De veritate, I, q. 2, art.2. 55. CompareMagen David,fol. 13vwithVan Den Bergh,Averroes,1:130.

,, inix3 mrxi ir nv iyLn) *1rinrim ni-nmri 5=3 ni-virn 7wr innIb n~twri inninx ninvwnOl 1In al inin niftrn fol.202v:5Ln 56. 'Einha-qore, irn , nrinri

trivwl '

non ni-inx n,,i, "lnr;=nm

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MesserLeon moldsand usesthearchitect analogyformorethanan existence of mode of alone. his explanation Throughit he summarizes and and it we understand ontology, theology, epistemology, through may hisconceptofthesefirot as theessenceofGod. According to DavidMesser oftheidentity Leon,God knowsHis ownessence,i.e.,thesefirot, byvirtue ofHisessenceandHisactofexistence. Thecontent ofGod'sself-knowledge inwhichall perfections is God's infinite existunderoneunified, perfection, order.God's self-knowledge is causativeofall otherexistence, intelligible and He knowstheparticulars His self-knowledge. ofHis creationthrough in God's beingin variousdegrees, Thoseparticulars share,or participate, thehierarchy whichconstitute ofbeingsin theworld.CreationthenproGod's fromGod's infinite to the ceeds,through knowledge, perfection, finite of each individual created imperfection being. Humanknowledge ofGod, bycontrast, proceedsfromhumanknowlGod. Throughtheactofabstracedgeofperceivable thingsthatresemble essenceofthatthingwhichpartion,thehumanmindknowstheindividual least in at to the divine some essence.Thatknowledge is ticipates, degree, thebasisformeaningful discourse in this life about God,although religious it is onlya knowledge ofGod's representation in thingsand notofGod's essence. The problemthatthesefirot havea finite Ifthey number, ten,remains. aretheessenceofGod,thenis God notlimited as well?Thisofcoursecan notbe. (Theproblem wouldnothaveoccurred had MesserLeonembraced thetheory ofkelim,foran infinite can have a finite number ofinstrubeing solve the To Messer Leon first the kabbalist conments.) problem, equates with the First as had Ibn Cause, cept,'Ein Sof, philosophic Waqar and othersbeforehim.He thenidentifies with the first keter, sefirah, 'EinSof thetranscendence of'EinSofoverthesefirot. Sincethe thereby eliminating arenowontologically withtheessenceofGod,theycan be identical sefirot in existence, infinite eventhoughtheyare limitedto tenin numerically humandiscourse. Thatfinite numberis justtheirmodeofsignification, a of the finitude human of necessary consequence knowledge. Byrecognizing thisproblem and MesserLeon'ssolution to it,wecanseethatthekabbalist Mar Hayyimcould correctly unmaskMesserLeon as a philosopher, becauseMesserLeondiscussesthesefirot notto makemanifest God's hiddenlife,butrather tosolvetheancient of "the oneover philosophic problem themany," the of universals. i.e., problem A finalexampleofphilosophic is foundinMagenDavidat reductionism

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424

Thereheasserts theconclusion ofMesserLeon'sdefense ofthesefirot.57 that the universeproceedsfromtheintelligible orderin God's mind(which and shouldultimately return to its MesserLeonequateswiththeTorah)58 the in he God. To this process, employs metaphor origin explain ontological termteshuvah.59 He ofa cycle,whichhe thenequateswiththekabbalistic treatise Liber drewthemetaphor from the de itself, however, neoplatonic In fact, causis,probablyknownto himthrough Aquinas'scommentary. hisentirediscussion ofthisontological MesserLeon mayhavestructured inDe veritate.60 to Aquinas'sdiscussion counterexample processas a Jewish In anyevent,it is clearthatMesserLeon attempted to harmonize philokabbalahtophilosophy. sophyandkabbalahbyreducing V

thatthesefirot do exist DavidMesserLeoncouldassertas a philosopher dishumanphilosophic and thattheycan be thesubjectofa meaningful thatitis course.It is meaningful todiscusstheirexistence onlyto theextent to discussthe existenceof universalsin the divinemind, meaningful it is also clearwhyMesserLeon unitedwithGod. However, ontologically that couldnot,and needednot,indulgein detailedkabbalistic symbolism divine life certain characterisunravels thedynamic of and assigns process As a resultofhiscontention thatGod's essenceandHis ticsto eachsefirah. MesserLeoncould actofexistence cannotbecomprehended byhumankind, Thatis why in elaborating on thenatureofthesefirot. notjoin kabbalists inhiswriting, andwhy thereareveryfewpassagesofkabbalistic symbolism thosefewareall copiedfromothersources.David MesserLeonmakesno even standsapartfrom to kabbalahandtherefore contribution independent 57. Magen David,fol. 13r. 58. See my"Tefisatha-Torah,"n. 12.above. as teshuvah 59. The Gerona kabbalists,e.g., R. Ezra and R. Jacobben Sheshet,interpreted the ontologicalprocessof the returnof all thingsto theirdivinesource.See EfraimGottlieb, TheKabbalahin the Writings [Hebrew](Jerusalem,1970), ofR. Babya Ben AsherIbn .Halawaupon the biblical verse,"vepp. 61-62, 119-21, 233-37. They foundedthis interpretation shavtem'ish 'el 'abuzzato," Lev. 25:10, and made it the major tenetof theirdoctrineof sheto a non-Jewish source,and mittot.R. Ezra citesforsupport"he-bakham,"usuallya reference came fromthe first Aristotle.R. Ezra repeatsa neoplatonicconcept,"everything oftentimes thenreturnsto the firstcause." Messer Leon thencould and did claim cause and everything hathat the kabbalisticconcept teshuvahwas verifiedby the metaphysicians(ha-filosofim 'elohiyyim). 60. Aquinas,De veritate, I. q. 2, art.2. Cf. Isaac Abravanel,Mifalot 'Elohim,7: 4.

425

SEFIROT IN DAVID MESSER LEON

thosekabbalistswho,alongwithhim,embracedthetheoryof 'asmut,sefirot as the essence of God. He stands togetherwith otherphilosopherswho oftheirphilosophy,such treatedkabbalisticdoctrineswithintheframework as Moses Narboni,61 Abraham Bibago,62 Joseph Albo,63 Abraham MesserLeon concurswithAbravanelthat Shalom,64and Isaac Abravanel.65 the sefirotare the essenceof God, and he differswithAlbo, Shalom, and Bibago, who identifiedthesefirotwiththe separateintelligences. Although Meir Ibn Gabbai, a kabbalist,copied MesserLeon's defenseofthesefirotas theessenceof God in orderto attackAlbo,66a comparisonof MesserLeon with Ibn Gabbai would make manifesttheirsharp and significant differences. In thelong historyofcross-influence betweenphilosophyand kabbalah, David MesserLeon standsat an important is theculcrossroad.His writing minationof fifteenth-century Jewishphilosophy,which combined Averroism and Thomism. Through that combination,he could incorporate

kabbalahintohiswriting and modify it to fithisphilosophic framework.

Even so, his contemporariesIbn Gabbai and Solomon Alkabez, whose allegianceto kabbalah is undisputed,could use Messer Leon's philosophy to advancetheirkabbalisticdoctrines.Kabbalah and philosophyare tightly intertwined in medievalJewishintellectualhistory,and muchworkis still to unravel thethreads. required ofHistory Department ColumbiaUniversity NewYork,NY 10027

61. See AlexanderAltmann,"Moses Narboni's'Epistleon ShiurQoma,"' JewishMedieval and RenaissanceStudies(Cambridge,Mass., 1967),pp. 225-88; AlfredIvry,"The Implications of Averroes'ThoughtforJewishPhilosophy"[Hebrew],Proceedingsof theSixth WorldCongressofJewishStudies(Jerusalem,1977),3: 321-27. Ivry'sconclusionsare valid notonlywith of respectto Narboni's philosophybut also withrespectto thatoflaterJewishcommentators Averroeswho dependedgreatlyupon Narboni's works.These includeJosephand Isaac Ibn Shem Tov, Abraham Bibago, and David Messer Leon, whose commentariesto Averroesare extantmainlyin manuscripts. 62. See Lazaroff,TheologyofBibago,p. 57,wherekabbalistictextscitedin Derekh'emunah are listed;Nuriel,"PhilosophyofBibago," pp. 7, 30. 63. See Albo, Seferha-'iqqarim,2:11,26. 64. See Shalom,Nevehshalom(Venice,1574),p. 81b. The controversy of 'asmutand kelim is treatedat lengthin Elia Delmedigo, ha-dat(Vienna, 1833),p. 45. 65. Isaac Abravanel,'Ateretzeqenim Beh.inat (Warsaw, 1894),p. 41b. 66. See MeirIbn Gabbai, 'Avodatha-qodesh,1: 4.

‫משמעותו וגילגוליו של נסיון שנכשל אברהם אבולעפיה והאפיפיור‬ Author(s): ‫משה אידל‬ Source: AJS Review, Vol. 7/8 (1982/1983), pp. 1-17 Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of the Association for Jewish Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1486417 . Accessed: 27/06/2011 13:30 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at . http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=cup. . Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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