A Leisure of One's Own: A feminist perspective on women's leisure

A LEISURE OF ONE’S OWN: A Feminist Perspective on Women’s Leisure

A LEISURE OF ONE’S OWN: A Feminist Perspective on Women’s Leisure

Karla A.Henderson University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill M.Deborah Bialeschki University of North Carolina-Chapel Hill Susan M.Shaw Dalhousie University Valeria J.Freysinger Miami University

Venture Publishing, Inc. State College, PA 16803

This edition published in the Taylor & Francis e-Library, 2003. Copyright © 1989 Venture Publishing, Inc. 1640 Oxford Circle State College, PA 16803 All rights reserved No part of the material protected by this copyright notice may be reproduced or utilized in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or by any information storage and retrieval system, without written permission from the copyright owner. Cover Design by Sandra Sikorski Production Assistance by Bonnie Godbey Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number 89–50208 ISBN 0-203-21011-5 Master e-book ISBN

ISBN 0-203-26798-2 (Adobe eReader Format) ISBN 0-910251-29-0 (Print Edition)

Dedicated to our mothers, sisters, and children

CONTENTS Preface xi Women and Leisure: More Truth than Facts 1 Basic Assumptions about Women 3 Why Study Women 4 Why Study Women and Leisure 6 Defining Leisure and the Significance of Leisure 9 Social Psychological Perspectives on Leisure 12 Feminism, Women, and Leisure 14 Summary 16 Discussion Questions 16 The Ideal Woman: A Historical Perspective on Women’s Leisure 19 The Victorian Ideal 21 Family and Women’s Leisure 24 Work as an Influence on Women’s Leisure 26 The Interaction of Women’s Leisure and Social Reform Movements 30 The Influence of the Early Women’s Movement on Leisure 32 Recreation Activity and Leisure Experiences of Women 34 Summary 42 Discussion Questions 43 Feminism and Leisure 45 Approaches to Feminism 48 Feminism and Women’s Reality 50 Perspectives on Feminism and Leisure 51 Making the Lives of Women More Visible 53 Summary 55 Discussion Questions 56 The Meaning of Leisure in Women’s Everyday Lives 57 The Leisure Experience 57 Defining the Dimensions of Leisure 58 The Leisure Experience as Shared Meaning, but… 60

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Contents Women’s Leisure Containers 62 Freedom and Constraint in Daily Activities 67 Leisure Meanings and Life Situations 70 Summary 71 Discussion Questions 72

Leisure as a Developmental Issue 73 A Developmental Perspective 73 The Roles and Psychosocial Issues that Define Women’s Development 76 Roles and Events 76 Psychosocial Tasks and Issues 78 Stability and Change in Leisure 83 Developmental Models of Leisure 84 A Family Life Cycle Model 84 A Model of Personal Expressivity 86 Leisure Motivation and Activity from a Lifespan Perspective 89 Motivation 89 Activity 91 Summary 93 Discussion Questions 93 Leisure Participation for Women: Problems and Possibilities 95 Sex/Gender Differences 96 Sex Differences and Recreation Participation Research 97 Social Settings for Women’s Leisure Participation 101 The Family 101 With Friends 102 Time Alone and Minute Vacations 103 Women and Activity Participation 104 Sports and Fitness 104 Volunteer Activities and Community Service 105 Hobbies and Home-Based Activities 106 Outdoor Recreation 108 Educational Activities 110 Sexual Behavior and Intimacy 112 Summary 114 Discussion Questions 115

Contents Constraints on Women’s Leisure 117 Paid and Unpaid Work 120 Family Concerns and an Ethic of Care 122 Lack of Entitlement 124 Gender Defined Personality Traits 126 Socioeconomic Status of Women 128 Health and Safety 129 Implications 129 Summary 131 Discussion Questions 131 Women and Leisure: The Future 133 Women Have Come a Long Way—Maybe 134 Introduction to the Future 135 General Trends in Society 136 Role of Women in the Future 137 The Future of Feminism 138 Future of Women and Work 139 Future of Women and the Family 141 Role of Leisure for Women in the Future 142 Providing Leisure Services for Women in the Future 145 Additional Research Needed and Further Questions to be Raised 146 Scenarios about Women and Leisure in the Future 147 “Handmaid’s Tale” Scenario 148 “Wanderground” Scenario 149 “Equal Rights” Scenario 150 “Social Issue” Scenario 150 Summary 151 Discussion Questions 152 Bibliography 153

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PREFACE A Leisure of One’s Own: A Feminist Perspective on Women’s Leisure is an introduction to issues and questions about women and their leisure. The book emerges from the concern among some leisure service providers, educators, and researchers that women have not been visible regarding unique freedoms and constraints concerning their leisure. The book offers a social psychological analysis of women and their leisure from a feminist perspective. It assumes no prior knowledge in women’s studies or leisure studies. The book is designed to complement women’s studies or leisure studies courses. A Leisure of One’s Own makes a unique contribution because it reflects the state of the knowledge concerning women and leisure. The newness of this area of study means that little conventional wisdom and methodological agreement exists. Even so, we have tried to build upon a framework that will enable further research to be conducted concerning the issue of women and leisure. It is hoped that the knowledge base of this area of study will expand rapidly in the coming years as it has begun to do since 1985. A growing body of women’s studies literature and leisure literature exists. This book represents an attempt at synthesizing these two areas. The book is organized in a way that allows the reader to view women’s leisure from several perspectives. The introductory chapter provides a basis for studying women and leisure by addressing the frameworks of leisure, social psychology, and feminism. A historical perspective on women and leisure, which departs from a typical chronological historical approach, is addressed in the next section. Feminism and its theoretical assumptions that can be applied to leisure research and practice are presented in Chapter Three. Issues of meaning for women and the leisure “containers” that exist for them are then described. A lifespan perspective offers another way to understand women’s need for adaptability and flexibility in their leisure over the life course. Leisure participation for women based on research that has been conducted is discussed in a subsequent section. The constraints to leisure that have particular significance to women are then explicated. The final chapter provides a summary of what might be expected for women and leisure in the future. Several scenarios are offered to provide a framework for analyzing the future that would be likely or preferable for women.

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Several cautions are offered to the reader of A Leisure of One’s Own. First, it is difficult to describe women in a “generic” sense. All women are not the same and a diversity of lifestyles is evident among them. We have tried to identify some of the common aspects of women, but the reader is reminded that great variation exists. Much of the research about women has used white, middleclass, married women as the sample. Much remains to be learned about other aspects of women including the impact of race, income, and employment. In addition, the perspective presented here is largely a North American perspective. Similar trends may be occurring in other parts of the world but these have not been specifically addressed. The thesis of this book is that women’s lives need to be made more visible through opportunities for freedom of choice within leisure. The elimination of gender-imposed roles will do much to enhance the leisure lives of women. Women are constrained in their lives and this affects their leisure. It is hypothesized that if women are given opportunities to take control of their leisure, they may be able to create social change in other parts of their lives. A “leisure of one’s own” is not the panacea for women, but it may go a long way toward providing individuals with opportunities for equality and integrity. Clearly many people need to be acknowledged for their contributions to this book—colleagues, mentors, friends, and family. The book has been formulating for years because of the kinds of questions we have asked ourselves and because of the questions our students and peers have asked. We want to thank all the people who inspired us as well as all the people who challenged (infuriated) us enough to want to address this issue of women and leisure. Many people have been helpful to us whom we have not met, but whose spoken and written words have had a profound effect Although a little unusual, we would like to thank ourselves. It is not easy to write a book in a collaborative manner from a feminist perspective. Our associations with one another have been most exciting (and sometimes frustrating) but we have learned and grown through the support we have given one another. Our colleagues at our respective past and present universities need particular “thank-you’s”: University of North Carolina Chapel Hill (particularly Leandra Bedini and Doug Sessoms), University of Wisconsin-Madison, Dalhousie University, Miami University, and Texas Woman’s University. We are particularly indebted to our students who continually challenge us as well as to students in other universities who have come to us with pressing questions about research on women and leisure. We also appreciate the interests of our professional colleagues who have provided information and interest in this topic. Lastly, we would each like to thank our “family” members who have patiently supported us through this effort: Arend, Ben, Amanda, Anthony, Joyce, Lisa, Angela, and Joan. Because of all who have cared, encouraged, and supported us, we had “a room of our own” and an opportunity to write this book.

More Truth than Facts

WOMEN AND LEISURE: MORE TRUTH THAN FACTS …I soon saw that it had one fatal drawback. I should never be able to come to a conclusion. I should never be able to fulfil what is, I understand, the first duty of a lecturer—to hand you after an hour’s discourse a nugget of pure truth to wrap up between the pages of your notebooks and keep on the mantelpiece for ever. All I could do was to offer you an opinion upon one minor point—a woman must have money and a room of her own if she is to write fiction; and that, as you will see, leaves the great problem of the true nature of woman and the true nature of fiction unsolved…But in order to make some amends I am going to do what I can to show you how I arrived at this opinion about the room and the money. I am going to develop in your presence as fully and as freely as I can the train of thought which led me to think this. Perhaps if I lay bare the ideas, the prejudices, that lie behind the statement you will find that they have some bearing upon women and some upon fiction. At any rate, when a neglect is highly controversial—and any question about sex is that—one cannot hope to tell the truth. One can only show how one came to hold whatever opinions one does hold. One can only give one’s audience the chance of drawing their own conclusions as they observe the limitations, the prejudices, and the idiosyncrasies of the speaker. Fiction here is likely to contain more truth than facts (Excerpts from A Room of One’s Own by Virginia Woolf, copyright 1929 by Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc. and renewed 1957 by Leonard Woolf, Reprinted by permission of the publisher).

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Leisure is the right of all people, but it is not equally accessible or available to all people. The role of leisure in the lives of men, especially as it relates to work, has been the focus of research in a variety of disciplines. The literature has suggested that women’s experience of leisure is similar to men’s; however, until the resurgence of the modern women’s movement, little scholarly or popular interest occurred in the study of women and leisure. The shift in women’s consciousness, coupled with changing economic and social conditions, turned the attention of some leisure scientists to women’s lives and women’s leisure. Just as Virginia Woolf (1929) advocated for “a room of one’s own,” women today are seeking a leisure of their own, a realization of leisure as an important personal and political reality in their lives. The purpose of this book is to present a synthesis of the research and writings on women’s leisure from an integrated personal and social perspective. Some facts and empirical data exist, but much is yet to be learned about leisure, especially as it specifically relates to women. The authors of this book suggest that as a result of a scholarly and personal understanding of women and their leisure, greater freedom of choice in leisure may be achieved for both women and men. This book addresses various aspects of women’s leisure: historical changes in the roles of women and the implications for leisure; a feminist framework for examining leisure; the meaning of leisure for women; women’s leisure over the lifespan; recreational pursuits of women; constraints to leisure for women; and the future of women and leisure. The focus of this book is on women as a group; however, the different lifestyles of women reflected by marital status, motherhood, race, class, sexual preference, age, and nationality are acknowledged whenever applicable and/or possible. Philosophical, historical, and developmental issues that are central to women’s daily lives and to the understanding of women and leisure are presented and discussed. This book is a Koan. A Koan is like a riddle that may require many perspectives to solve it. Just like the Zen masters’ Koan technique, this book is designed to shake readers from routine ways of thinking and acting, to open new possibilities, and to help individuals realize their full potential (Patton, 1978). The challenges addressed by the book include defining the experience of leisure for women, critiquing and analyzing existing theory and models of leisure, and constructing new ways for understanding leisure for women. As in other areas of women’s studies, using the appropriate language and transcending sexist biases are attempted. The intent is to create a consciousness and to facilitate growth in understanding the relationship between women and leisure. The ideas concerning women and leisure can then be questioned further by the reader in scholarly or personal exploration. The book is written by authors who have feminist perspectives. The book is offered as one way of “knowing” about leisure, specifically the leisure of women. The goal is to improve clarity in thinking about the issues surrounding women and their leisure. This introductory chapter sets the stage for subsequent

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chapters by discussing the underlying reasons for studying women’s leisure. The basic assumptions of the book, the need to study women, why the study of women and leisure is necessary, definitions of leisure, a social psychological perspective on women and leisure, and a feminist framework for leisure are presented as background information in this introductory chapter.

Basic Assumptions About Women Several basic assumptions were used in the development of this text: 1. Women have been oppressed in most aspects of their lives, including leisure. 2. The differences between men and women are not inherently good or bad,butsimply different. 3. Diversity exists in the lifestyles of women creating variations, as well as commonalities, in women’s leisure experience. Women have been oppressed in all societies throughout the world. This oppression has been both explicit and implicit and has included economic, social, political, and sexual subjugation. Laws that reduce or regulate explicit oppression have been instituted in many countries in the world; however, implicit oppression continues even within the most “developed” countries. Women function in a world that is governed and controlled by men. Males are responsible for most major decisions and women are socialized to accept a role that is subordinate to men, even though it may result in their own oppression. Although overt oppression today may not be as prevalent in industrialized countries or for women in the upper classes, it still exists. Women’s unequal access to and participation in leisure are closely linked to other more frequently analyzed areas of women’s oppression such as domestic labor, reproductive roles, marriage, and waged work (Deem, 1982). The purpose of this book is not to elaborate further on women’s oppression. The purpose, rather, is to show how women’s leisure is often a reflection of their oppression, and moreover, how leisure can contribute to the development of identities that can help women overcome issues of oppression in other aspects of their lives. Sex and gender differences are of concern in the study of leisure for women and men. The leisure literature in general has viewed sex and gender differences in one of two ways: (a) explicit differences between males and females have been identified relative to leisure time, activity, and meaning, or (b) an assumption has been made (usually without empirical evidence) that no differences exist. While both views have validity, they also have drawbacks. Comparing time and activity between women and men may be a problem because of different realities and lifestyles of women and men, and because specific measures of time or activity may be sex biased. In addition,

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making assumptions of no difference concerning leisure is poor science, especially given evidence of gender-based differences in other areas of life. As in most other facets of life, women may also have a different reality (Schaef, 1981) or a different voice (Gilligan, 1982a) than men in their perceptions of leisure. Where differences exist, they need to be explored, but not judged as better or worse, based upon sex. Comparing the leisure of women and men is not the focus of this book. The intent is to promote the understanding and valuing of the leisure experience of women. This intent is carried out through a reappraisal of leisure as it relates to meaning within women’s lives, not generally as contrasted or compared to men’s lives. As noted by Williams (1977), generalizations create myths and stereotypes. Thus, an attempt is made to avoid generalizations about women and leisure so as not to add to existing ageist, racist, classist, and heterosexist attitudes. While a discussion about groups of women provides insights into their lives, these perspectives must be tempered by the recognition that select characteristics cannot and should not be generalized to all women. For example, lifestyles, life situations, and developmental stages affect what women do with their time and energies. While lifestyle and lifespan developmental research describes the common issues, roles, and concerns faced by women in particular stages of life, the research also reveals the uniquenesses of individual women’s lives. When more is known about the common world of women, specific questions such as, “What is she like?” or “Is this true for me?” can be asked. By understanding the experiences of women as a whole and variations in such experiences, a phenomenon like leisure can be better understood.

Why Study Women Some roles of women in society are changing rapidly while others are changing more slowly. Women’s experiences in leisure have to be addressed in light of these various changes. Many women, particularly in the industrialized world, have greater educational, sexual, and economic freedom than ever before. These freedoms have given rise to new lifestyles. Because of the extent and impact of the changing lives of women, a new field of inquiry called women’s studies has emerged. Women’s studies is interdisciplinary in nature, is generally viewed within a feminist framework, and has been concerned with making women’s experiences visible within society. Women need to be studied to correct the past distortion and invisibility of their social and economic lives. Studying women is important because a number of social forces have been instrumental in changing the lives of women, including the following: technology that can potentially free women from housework and unwanted pregnancies; liberalization of divorce and abortion laws; new views on sexual morality and an increasing emphasis on permissiveness and individualism; and

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the women’s movement with egalitarian educational and economic goals. While these social forces have led to many improvements in women’s lives, progress has been sporadic with periodic backlashes to these changes. Other demographic and social changes in women’s lives are also evident and need to be more fully understood. For example, in 1985, more than 58 percent of the white adult females in the United States were in the labor force while 60 percent of the black adult females were employed outside the home. This rate compared to 46 percent and 50 percent, respectively, in 1970 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1985). In 1985, 60 percent of all adult females were married while 18 percent were single and the remainder widowed (13 percent) or divorced (8 percent). In 1970, 69 percent were married, 14 percent were single, 14 percent were widowed, and 4 percent were divorced. Similar trends are evident in Canada and other industrialized and semi-industrialized nations (Eichler, 1983). As indicated, labor force participation has become an experience of a larger proportion of North American women. Several reasons exist for women’s increased participation in the labor force: the growth of service sector employment and the classification of these jobs as “female”; the emergence of women in non-traditional occupations; longer life spans; fewer children; financial need, especially in female-headed families; increased levels of education; and the availability of child care and other services through the public and private sectors. Women also need to be studied because of some of the problems and struggles encountered by women employed in the labor market. Employment statistics in many countries clearly show that women are clustered in traditional “women’s jobs” which tend to be low status, low freedom, and low salaried jobs. Although some job stereotypes are breaking down and women are entering non-traditional areas of work in increasing, albeit small, numbers (as evidenced by the 1986 census figures from Canada and by the 1980 U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics), a sex-based salary gap still remains. Women appear to be receiving fewer rewards from their employment—both psychological and material rewards—than men receive. Moreover, since women retain responsibility for the family and the household even when they are employed, a major struggle for the employed woman with family responsibilities is finding time for herself and time for leisure. Dramatic changes in family life, educational level, and gender roles are a phenomenon of this century and have implications for the study of women. For example, women are spending a smaller proportion of their adult lives in the bearing of and caring for children. Since women are living longer and having fewer children, they are seeking other opportunities to find meaning in their lives. In addition, women’s rising levels of education may be a principal factor in their increasing employment and labor force participation, in their having fewer children and having

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them later in life, in their demand for greater career options, in women’s increasing job aspirations, and in their emerging cognizance of a right to leisure. Through the process of this social change, women have had to learn first to be conscious of their own needs and then to value them as strongly as they value the needs of others (Marciano, 1981). Women have never shared power, privilege, and status on an equal basis with men. Almost every society has distinguished men’s work from women’s work and has created barriers for sex cross-over in work (Tavris & Offir, 1977). The barriers have not, however, precluded women from developing values, meaning, and a culture that benefit them and reflect the reality of their everyday lives. This emerging culture deserves further study. While many recent societal changes have been positive, the transitions have also created struggles for many women. For example, the “just a housewife” syndrome is a problem for some women and men who believe that housework is of little value because it produces nothing in the way of monetary exchange. Because the work of housewives is devalued, they may feel they have not “earned” leisure, and thus, feel guilty for taking time for themselves (Darlison, 1985). In addition, many women find housework boring or unsatisfying because they are overqualified for the job. The role of housewife is poorly defined and practically invisible, and the expectations for women may be unclear or contradictory (Williams, 1977). If a woman does not find her domestic role gratifying, she may have no other major role that she considers legitimate in society. This perspective needs to be understood in light of the changing roles of women in society as it may result in women believing that they do not deserve the same rights and rewards as men, including leisure. The position of women in any community is the most striking index of the level of culture attained in the community (Veblen, 1899). Regardless of the lifestyle, women have typically and traditionally had the home as the stage and setting for their lives. In most cultures, women’s primary roles have been those of wife and mother, not worker and citizen. The importance of women’s contributions both inside and outside the home, particularly in industrialized societies, has become apparent during the 20th century as women have moved into the public sphere, including the labor force. These changing roles have raised questions about the sense of leisure entitlement (Deem, 1986) that women may feel as well as the difficulty women have in finding the time and space to fit leisure opportunities into their everyday lives. It is important, thus, to study leisure as both a significant asset and an obvious deficit in women’s lives.

Why Study Women and Leisure Virginia Woolf (1929) was faced with what the title of “women and fiction” might mean. The ideas of “women and leisure” also carry various inextricably related

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meanings including women and what they are like, what they do, and what is assumed about them. A commitment to the systematic study of women and leisure implies that such study is needed because of past neglect and/or because of the inadequacy of the existing body of theory and knowledge needed to produce understanding. The assumption is also made that women as a group have certain attributes, conditions, and experiences which differentiate them from men and require that they be studied separately if their behavior is to be understood. Analyzing the various aspects of women’s lives provides a broader basis for understanding their leisure. Concomitantly, an understanding of women’s leisure may provide insight into the interrelationships of all areas of women’s lives. The study of leisure is more than an issue of quantity of leisure time for women, although this in itself is significant. It is also the issue of quality of time and the freedom associated with leisure choices. As women seek to have choices in all aspects of their lives, they desire options and choices within leisure as well. It may also be that through leisure, in which the essence of the experience is one of choice, women can learn to value themselves as individuals and challenge some of the societal restrictions and stereotypes surrounding women. Deem (1982) suggested the need to understand how the interstices of patriarchal relations affect women’s leisure interests and their relative “freedom” to pursue leisure activities. She stated that because women’s exploitation and subordination is so deeply entrenched at every level of society, most women have little choice about their patterns and space for leisure. Women are placed in a situation where they have to make sense of their lives in whatever ways are possible. The tenets of feminism suggest that freedom from oppression for women involves not only equity, but also the right of women to freedom of choice and the power to control their own lives (Bunch, 1985a). To the extent that leisure is freedom (Talbot, 1979), as the conditions of women improve, their capacity for leisure increases. As women gain more control of their leisure, other aspects of their lives concerned with freedom and control may improve as well. In general, women are becoming less bound to the home in their leisure as well as in their work. They are gaining more financial control and a new balance of freedom and independence in marriage. Some research would suggest that fewer women are subordinating their individual interests to the family. Instead, they are finding a greater recognition of individuality, and discovering an identity apart from the family at various stages of their lives (Degler, 1981). Women, however, continue to experience barriers in gaining access to leisure spaces, and activities and leisure opportunities for women and men continue to be unequal. Men have more free time than women who work for pay because men typically do not have the same responsibility for household chores (Brock-Ute, 1985). When women are employed outside the home, they essentially have a dual career: one in the labor market and one in the home. When women, particularly from lower socio-economic backgrounds, enter the labor market,

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their leisure is reduced but not their work at home (Brock-Ute, 1985). Those women who stay at home generally work longer than their husbands, have less leisure time available to them, no vacation, no sick leave, no pension, and no salary. Employed women may feel a greater sense of leisure entitlement because they have “earned” the right to leisure by working (Deem, 1986) but they have difficulty in finding the time and space to fit leisure opportunities into their everyday lives. Thus, it is important to study if and how leisure may be a significant asset or deficit in women’s lives. Any study of leisure must take into account the interacting influence of biology, socialization, life changes and lifestyles, and personality on women’s behavior. No single aspect can be studied without considering the implications of the other factors. For example, leisure has not been central in most women’s lives; it has been peripheral. This peripherality may change over the course of women’s lives as roles, responsibilities, life issues, and values change. The interaction between leisure and these life factors may contribute to the growth and well-being of women. The leisure behaviors of women cannot be explained in only one context, such as socialization, but require a number of perspectives. As a result of studying women and leisure broadly, new social psychological concepts of leisure can be developed that take into account women’s lifestyles and the research on women’s identity formation (Kelly, 1983a). Beyond the question of identity formation, though, there may be a more basic issue related to women’s status and women’s oppression. Since leisure can be a form of freedom and self expression, it does have revolutionary potential (Dawson, 1986). Leisure participation for women, therefore, could be a means of liberation from restrictive gender roles and social scripts, and thus, a means of empowerment. This is not to say that leisure participation necessarily functions in this way. Many leisure activities could be seen as acting to reinforce or reproduce traditional gender stereotypes. Nevertheless, the potential of leisure for social and personal change through identity development or personal freedom and empowerment is present. Until the past 10 years, women were largely neglected in the study of leisure. Leisure was defined in relation to labor market employment and few women were employed in jobs that were valued. Some of this neglect of the study of women was due, in part, to male researchers who were in the majority. Research in most fields has been primarily a male enterprise, reflecting male perspectives and values. Women as researchers, however, have been taught to pursue research as defined by men and have been rewarded for their conformity. Because history and research are written by those in charge (Tavris & Offir, 1977), women have often not been the conductors or the focus of research. Women need to become a subject of discourse as they experience leisure and must be involved in the formation of ideas about themselves. Women need to be placed at the center of thinking and have the right to define as well as the right to decide what is valid, true, and meaningful about their lives (Lerner,

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1986). The practice of leisure research needs to move beyond its focus on activities and the paid work experience (an androcentric orientation that focuses on the experience of males) toward development, values, and applications that incorporate female perspectives (Bella, 1986). By including women’s perspectives, an understanding of human behavior can be broadened and improved. Women and leisure share a common status. Women and their contributions have been devalued in society just as leisure and its benefits often have been considered a luxury or a frill. In addition, the life experiences and patterns of women have not necessarily supported the traditional models of leisure, particularly those related to work. The importance of leisure to quality of life must be recognized and women’s right to a leisure of their own advocated.

Defining Leisure and the Significance of Leisure Leisure researchers suggest that there may be no aspect of human behavior that holds a greater potential for self-fulfillment than does leisure (Iso-Ahola & Weissinger, 1984; Kelly, 1983a; Neulinger, 1982). Kelly (1983a) stated that it is leisure in one’s interstitial time that gets a person through the day. Leisure is a phenomenon that is not easily separable from other aspects of women’s daily lives and is closely interwoven into everyday lives (Deem, 1986). Deem (1982) also suggested that the factors contributing to women’s overall subordinate position in society have a strong relationship to a lack of leisure. Lack of leisure is a problem for many women. It is not, however, simply a matter of quantity but more importantly, a question of the distribution of leisure opportunities and attitudes associated with leisure. The experience of leisure may have unique meanings for women. While some of the models and paradigms concerning leisure can be related to the female experience, it is important to examine the perceptions and assumptions of women if leisure or lack of leisure in women’s lives is to be fully understood. “Recreation,” “leisure,” and “free time” are words that are often used interchangably. The terms are not mutually exclusive, but each has a distinct meaning. In general, recreation refers to particular activities done during free time, although recreation may not always involve overt activity. The context of recreation is much wider than that of sport alone. It includes cultural, outdoor, and home-based activities. Free time is unobligated time or time when a person has freedom to choose what to do or not to do. That is, free time is discretionary time that people have available to use in whatever way they wish. Free time might be leisure, but it is not necessarily so (Shaw, 1986). Leisure has proven to be a more difficult term to define than either free time or recreation. Both free time and recreation might be leisure, but they are not necessarily so.

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Shaw (1985b) has elaborated on the lack of definitional consistency of leisure. The traditional view of leisure as non-work time has provided the framework for much of the research on the distribution of free time (Szalai, 1972; Carter, 1970) and on the work/leisure relationship (Parker, 1972; Wilensky, 1962). To define leisure, however, as time away from “work” (paid employment) is obviously problematic for people who are not formally employed in the labor market: children and adolescents, students, the elderly, and the unemployed as well as many women who are full-time housewives and homemakers. Since the majority of women in today’s society have major responsibilities in the home, whether or not they are employed for pay, and since these responsibilities are culturally defined as “women’s work,” women’s leisure can obviously not be equated simply with time away from labor market activities. Another approach to defining leisure has been to associate leisure with participation in certain activities such as sports, media, arts, and socializing. This type of definition, however, does not make sense in terms of how people experience their everyday lives. Particular activities may be perceived as leisure by different people and in different situations. This activity approach is particularly problematic for women. Gregory (1982) has suggested that women’s leisure is unique in that their time and activity is characterized by a high degree of fragmentation, and that leisure and work often occur simultaneously. Leisure for women is largely home-based. Since home is also a place, if not the place, of work for women, it is not surprising that work and leisure activities are often intertwined and indistinguishable. Empirical research shows that women are more likely than men to be engaged in more than one activity at a time (Shaw, 1984). Often dual activities such as ironing while watching the television, or talking to a neighbor while looking after children, include both work and leisure elements. Females may make a less clear distinction between work and leisure than males (Young & Wilmott, 1973). Researchers have suggested that the definition of leisure as “an experience” that occurs within the context of time and activity is the best approach to the conceptualization of this somewhat elusive notion (Kelly, 1982; Murphy, 1974; Neulinger, 1982; Shaw, 1985b). Thinking of leisure as an experience avoids the work/non-work dichotomy and the problem of activity categorization. This conceptualization is the way that most individuals, both women and men, understand leisure in their own lives. This approach is, therefore, valid in that it is more meaningful and intuitively congruent with everyday life experiences. This way of defining leisure fits into the social psychological paradigm with its emphasis on feelings and cognitions and on self and others. A number of researchers have attempted to identify the components of the leisure experience (Freysinger, 1988; Gunter & Gunter, 1980; Iso-Ahola, 1979b; Kaplan, 1975; Kelly, 1983b; Kraus, 1978; Neulinger, 1982; Samdahl, 1988;

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Shaw, 1985b). These components include free choice or freedom from constraint, intrinsic motivation, enjoyment, relaxation, role interactions, personal involvement, and self-expression. Despite the number of dimensions suggested, the idea of perceived freedom or free choice is common to, and in many cases the primary component of, proposed leisure models. Freedom, in some form at least, is essential to the leisure experience. This notion of freedom alone, however, may not provide a complete definition of leisure or permit a clear distinction between leisure and other types of experience. Freedom includes both “free from” and “free to.” Leisure is time so free from obligation that the individual can choose how to use it (Talbot, 1979); time that allows one to realize a sense of freedom, choice, and enjoyment or pleasure whether through relaxation and contemplation or activity. If there are commonly shared meanings of the leisure experience, leisure takes on different forms for women based on their particular lifestyles. While more research is focusing on women, much remains to be known about the leisure behavior and needs of women, particularly in the private sphere of the home. This dearth of research is due partly to difficulties in doing research in homes. Because home-based recreation is out of the realm of public leisure provision, it has not been considered a particularly useful area of study by the practitioner-oriented recreation profession. This bias needs to be rectified to better understand the wide range of leisure experiences in the lives of women (as well as men) and to enhance women’s leisure choices and opportunities. Sex-typing of recreational activities also may serve to obscure leisure meanings and choices. Sex-typing means that a large majority of those participating are of one sex with associated normative expectations that it should be that way. This sex-typing of activities influences what women choose to do with their time and constrains their participation in many forms of recreation. It is not always clear whether women would choose different activities if they had a wider range of choices, or to what extent their activity patterns represent choice, chance, or constraint. Other factors such as marriage, economic security, number of children, and educational level might also influence participation in leisure and the significance it has in women’s lives. Kelly (1983a) suggested that leisure may have significance because it is one of the life spaces in which people develop self-definitions and present them to others as an identity. Many barriers, however, exist that preclude women from defining themselves through leisure. For many women, leisure may be dependent on their relationships with the men in their lives. Women have a tendency to put the needs of men and children first in many realms of life, including leisure. It has been asserted that women function as “servicers” to their family’s leisure (Talbot, 1979) or as the “social chairmen” [sic] for the family (Chapin & Logan, 1969). These assertions have led Talbot (1979) to argue that the majority of women follow family leisure patterns, with only men and a few more privileged women having the supportive networks and freedom

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to follow individualized leisure patterns. Thus, family stage in the life cycle and role constellations have been investigated for their effect on women’s leisure behavior (Angrist, 1967; Kelly, 1978b; Osgood & Howe, 1982; Witt & Goodale, 1981). Because women may be encouraged to find satisfaction in their lives through their partners and family, they may be constrained by male definitions of appropriate leisure activities (Deem, 1986). Kelly (1983a) has suggested that people’s leisure, and the authors would add particularly women’s leisure, may be constrained by role responsibilities, uncertainties with relationships, limited resources, and a generally restricted view of life’s possibilities. In Western societies, recreation and leisure do not appear to take a consciously prominent position in either women’s or men’s lives at this time. The importance of leisure needs to be reaffirmed as well as acknowledged for the fulfillment it can bring. A pluralistic approach to leisure suggests that leisure may be multi-faceted in terms of its form and social context, it may be more or less constrained and constraining for people in different life situations or life stages, and it may be central or peripheral to self-definitions (Kelly, 1983a). For women, leisure often has been constrained and largely peripheral. The performance of unpaid domestic labor, the primary child care role of women, the generalized oppression of women, the cultural representation of masculine and feminine images, and sexual politics including female sexuality and social control all contribute to the lack of power women have in relation to leisure. With changes in society, however, great potential exists for leisure to be established as significant to society and to both women’s and men’s psychological self-definitions.

Social Psychological Perspectives on Leisure While psychological and sociological models have provided a framework for understanding leisure behavior as experience and a social function, respectively, they do not provide the needed framework for a comprehensive view of women and leisure. People’s reality, especially the reality of women, is not just individual experience or social function but is created in the interaction of the two. Thus, a perspective which recognizes that a woman acquires a style of life and leisure through interaction with others is needed. According to Mandle (1979), such a perspective can be found in social psychology. Social psychology suggests that it would not be possible to understand women without understanding the socio-cultural environment in which they have been nurtured. In general, social psychology is the study of the experience and behavior of individuals in relation to other individuals, groups, and culture. The central focus is on how individual (micro) forces intersect with societal (macro) forces. Specifically, Kelly (1983a) noted that a social psychological approach to understanding

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leisure incorporates both the social context of the roles that change through the life course and the development of identities (personal and social) in and through those roles. Personal identity is the definition of the self to oneself. Social identity is the identity assigned by others. Role expectations strongly influence both social and personal identity and are, in turn, affected by these identities. Leisure is a product of the interaction between personal experiences and situational/social influences. Leisure is, thus, pluralistic and varies according to its social context (Kelly, 1983a). A tendency has existed for social psychologists, both in the leisure field and in other fields, to focus on feelings and cognitions and to place less emphasis on the macro or societal forces. This tendency may lead to masking inequalities. For example, actual inequalitites in leisure for men and women may be masked in a society where there is an ideology, or expressed belief, about equality and equal rights. While equality may be professed, in actuality, roles, institutions, and attitudes may be inconsistent with this ideology. It is important, therefore, that a social psychological approach focuses on both micro and macro forces. Thus, a model of leisure behavior cannot ignore individual characteristics or the situational, cultural, historical, and social influences on the individual. In accordance with feminist theory, a social psychological perspective also recognizes that women’s personalities and ways of being in the world are not simply determined by biology. Biological determinism also conflicts with empirical findings that demonstrate that the experiences and behaviors of women in different cultures are diverse (Oakley, 1972). Leisure behavior for women is not based only on biological sex, but on a biosocial gender context (Williams, 1977). It is important to understand that gender is a cultural definition of behavior defined as appropriate for the sexes in a given society at a given time. While sex is a biological given, gender is culturally created (Lerner, 1986). Another focus of social psychology that relates to a feminist exploration of women and leisure is that of the collective personality (Mandle, 1979). Collective personality refers to the similar personality characteristics among groups of individuals living in a particular culture and social structure at a given historical moment. The collective personality of a group includes notions about self-esteem, self-identity, achievement motivation, autonomy, barriers, power, and past history. These factors are important when trying to understand how and why people function in society as they do. The collective personality is integral to understanding women and leisure. In addition, a social psychological perspective can be developmental in nature. Gender roles are related to changing psychosocial stages of life. Within the developmental perspective, assumptions are made about ways of being and becoming in the world, as well as about gender differences in development (Gilligan, 1982b). Specifically, women have typically put more emphasis on the

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development of relationships across the lifespan. In addition, Chodorow (1978) suggested that in society, feminine personality comes to define itself in relation or connection to others through parenting practices, identity development, and socialization experiences. Most theories of human development have been theories of male development with women seen as the exception. Gender differences have been judged as good, bad, normative, or deviant—not simply as differences. Norms regulate the behavior of members of society. In general, women and men differ, not just biologically but also in socialization experiences, role expectations, and patterns of psychosocial development. Yet, it must be remembered that great variation also exists among women in their attitudes and behaviors because of differences in lifestyles and personal and social factors. The differences among women created by the interaction of individual experience and social function are discussed in greater detail in later chapters.

Feminism, Women, and Leisure To better understand the leisure behavior of women, it is necessary to combine philosophy with social action. A philosophy is comprised of a combination of beliefs, attitudes, and interpretations of reality that are derived from one’s experiences, knowledge of what one presumes to be facts, and values. Philosophy and theory can not be absent from any movement interested in social change. A feminist perspective based on theory and ideology provides a way to understand, explain, and interpret the way modern societies function. Feminism is defined as a philosophical framework that embodies equality, empowerment, and social change for women and men. Certain goals for women are inherent in this framework: to make visible women’s power and status, to redefine existing societal structures and modes of existence, and to enable every woman to have equity, dignity, and freedom of choice through power to control her life and body, both within and outside the home (Bunch,1985a). Women have been largely invisible in society until the most recent resurgence of the women’s movement. For example, in the leisure literature, the majority of studies concerning women and the acknowledgment of sex or gender differences have occurred only in the past ten years (Henderson, 1984). Women are now asserting themselves as a force with which to contend, but there is still a long to way to go before the goals as outlined by Bunch are realized. Feminism encompasses a broad continuum of meaning. While the various approaches to feminism are discussed in more detail in a subsequent section, several points need to be made at this time. Traditionally, explanations of women addressed the ways in which women differed from men and concluded that these differences were a reflection of some basic intrinsic diversity that

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transcended reproductive capabilities (Freeman, 1979). This view suggests that historically women had less power, less influence, and fewer resources than men as a result of the natural order or biological differences. A feminist perspective, on the other hand, focuses on the many similarities between the sexes, places no value judgment on differences, and concludes that women and men have equal potential for individual development The differences in realizing potential result from externally imposed restraints, from the influence of social institutions, and from values. Feminism seeks to give women, as well as men, the opportunity to be what they can best be. The focus of feminism is on redefining the value of women’s lives by empowering individual women and by making women visible in society. Feminism is a world view that celebrates both differences and similarities regardless of socialized gender role expectations. Bunch (1985a) believes that feminism is perhaps the most important social force for addressing the world’s problems. Morgan (1984) stated that the goals of feminism are not only to change drastically the powerlessness of women worldwide, but to redefine existing societal structures and modes of existence. A global movement of women and enlightened men could affect all aspects of life—reproduction, production, natural resources, political systems, nationalism, human sexuality and psychology, science and technology, youth and the family, economics, religion, communication, health, philosophy, and leisure. Feminists see the confinement of women to traditional roles as a major deterrent to the realization of the goals of equality and freedom of choice (Williams, 1977). Not all traditional roles are necessarily a deterrent to individual women; however, feminists suggest that women must be given a choice concerning the roles they will accept for themselves. Feminists recognize that this power to choose may or may not include choices of traditional roles or activities. The centrality of the right to choose, whether it is when to bear a child or what to do with her time, is inextricable for women (Henderson, 1986). Issues of feminism relate directly to power. The totality of human interaction cannot be understood without the concept of power. Power has traditionally referred to “power-over” or domination. French (1985) describes “power-to” which refers to ability and capacity, and connotes a kind of freedom. Feminism asserts the need for both men and women to discover their own “power-to” in the world. For women, power means controlling one’s life and body. New understandings of power are possible through feminism and this power enlarges the human spirit. Several dimensions of society have changed because of feminism. Changes have occurred in beliefs about the value of the family and the role of women within the domestic sphere, the manner in which child care is implemented, the role of marriage in people’s lives, and the possibility for selfexpression and economic independence through work. Some debate has occurred about whether changes have been simply at the attitudinal level (i.e., a belief in gender equality) rather than at the behavioral level (i.e. actual equality).

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Studies show, for example, that many young people believe in equal sharing of tasks and chores in a marriage and may intend to have an equitable marriage. In practice, the traditional division of labor with the woman bearing the bulk of the household chores usually develops (Koopman-Boyden & Abbott, 1985). Others have argued that we should expect attitudes to change first, and that behavioral change is likely to follow (Eichler, 1983). If this time delay between attitude and behavior change is the case, great potential does exist for the influence of feminism on leisure and the impact of leisure on women’s lives.

Summary The purpose of this chapter was to provide a framework for beginning the discussion of perspectives on women and leisure. Important reasons exist for studying women and the significance or lack of significance of leisure in their lives. The authors have suggested that women have been oppressed in many aspects of their lives including leisure, a different leisure experience may exist for women in general, and great diversity is evident in the leisure lives of women. Leisure research has focused on the effects of various roles and role combinations on activity and participation levels for both women and men. The research, however, has not examined a number of critical questions such as the interrelationships among the type of work women do inside or outside the home, in a career, or as a job; the nature of family relationships; women’s prior leisure experiences and interests; perceptions of work, family, and leisure roles; and current leisure perceptions of meaning and behavior from a lifespan perspective. The leisure patterns and perceptions of single women, women without children, or women experiencing life events at different points in the life cycle also have not been explored. By comparing women on such factors as age at marriage and childbearing and the relationship and interaction among life events, leisure interests and behaviors may be better understood. Gender roles that constrain a woman’s enjoyment and use of free time need to be further examined and an awareness of how such roles limit women’s access to leisure developed. Feminists advocate for women (and all people) to have freedom of choice and control over their lives. The intent of both feminism and leisure is to encourage choices, not to set limits (Henderson, 1986). Issues of activity, time, and meaning within leisure have a direct relationship to feminism. At the core of leisure are the elements of freedom and choice, and thus, empowerment. Leisure has the potential to facilitate self-development, liberation, and behavior change in many aspects of women’s lives. At the same time, a woman’s increased status, power, and personal control in life can enable her to find a leisure of one’s own.

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Discussion Questions: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Why should a focus be given to women in the study and understanding of leisure? Discuss the similarities and differences as well as the perceptions and misconceptions of the terms: work, leisure, recreation, play, and free time. Discuss the differences between the terms “sex” and “gender.” What implications might these have to understanding leisure? How might a feminist perspective aid in the exploration and understanding of women’s leisure? In what ways might leisure serve to empower women? How may/does leisure reinforce traditional gender stereotypes of males and females? Are gender and sex the major factors distinguishing a leisure experience? Discuss what other factors might influence this experience. What can a social-psychological perspective add to our understanding of women and leisure?

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THE IDEAL WOMAN: A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON WOMEN’S LEISURE What is certain is that hitherto woman’s possibilities have been suppressed and lost to humanity, and that it is high time she be permitted to take her chances in her own interest and in the interest of all. Simone de Beauvoir (in Kaplan, 1979, p. 186). I earnestly want to point out in what true dignity and human happiness consists—I wish to persuade women to endeavor to acquire strength, both of mind and body… Mary Wollstonecraft, 1792, “The Rights of Women” (in A Wollstonecraft Anthology, 1977, p. 86). Just as women have always worked, women have also always had leisure. These concepts of work and leisure, however, have not been necessarily embodied in the same way for women as for men. When analyzing the past two hundred years of American history, it may be difficult to understand the leisure of women. As societal perspectives have changed, so have actual leisure experiences. Examples of women involved in the arts, physical activities, and hobbies are found in the history of the United States (Dulles, 1965). Other structures and frameworks for leisure that brought women pleasure and choice also can be found. Because of social definitions of the time, a number of activities were not necessarily considered leisure by those who typically wrote the history. Leisure has reflected the cultural values of a society. For example, during the Greek era and more recently in the late 1800s, leisure was thought to exist only for the upper classes who did not have to work to live. At other times, such as during the Protestant Reformation, leisure was equated with “idle time” and was condemned by

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various religions. Work was seen as the way to be recognized as a valuable human being both now, and in the hereafter. While women were subject to such societal views, additional circumstances existed which influenced their leisure. Women had inferior status in the patriarchal society and had particular expectations and restrictions placed upon them which affected their leisure. A recorded history of women’s leisure is virtually nonexistent. Little has been written about the leisure of notable women, let alone of the “common women.” A delineation of the leisure of women and men has been lacking; the experiences of women have not been acknowledged or separated from those of men. Instead, it has been assumed that their leisure was the same; therefore, the history of “leisure” has been in reality a history of men’s leisure. As suggested by Lerner, “Only a new history firmly based on the recognition (of women) and equally concerned with men, women, the establishment, and the passing away of patriarchy can lay claim to being a truly universal history” (1975, p. 13). The traditional way in which history has been written has been to address change within the political sphere, especially power and conflict among nations, based upon chronological time. As women’s historians have discovered, though, the history of women demands a different periodization than political history (Lerner, 1975). Women’s history is not a history of wars. Rather, it is a perspective that addresses women’s influence on patriarchal society in light of their inferior status and their relegation to traditional functions based on sexuality, reproduction, and child care. This approach is applicable to all aspects of understanding women’s place within a historical perspective, including one which focuses on leisure. Attempts to incorporate women into history are often handled in two ways: through a discussion of “notable” women or by looking at the contributions that women have made. The problem with focusing on “notable women” is that the concept of “noteworthiness” has itself been defined by patriarchal standards. To limit a historical perspective to “women worthies” does not tell us much about the activities in which most women engaged, nor the significance of women’s activities to the society (Lerner, 1975). In fact, some historians suggest that these notable women were not representative of most women, but were the “goody-goodies” who fit within patriarchal expectations and did not threaten men by their actions (Firestone, 1971). The use of contribution history is also inadequate. This methodology attempts to apply questions from traditional history to women and tries to then fit women’s part into the empty spaces. The problem with this approach is that it deals with women from a male-defined societal perspective. The way in which women grew into a consciousness of their own is ignored (Lerner, 1975). For example, during World War II women were heavily involved in supporting the war effort through their work in manufacturing war materials. However, the capabilities of women in the labor market were largely ignored when the United States returned to a peacetime economy when women were once again needed

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in the home. Thus, the contribution of women was defined by what the patriarchal society needed at that particular time. To analyze the experience of women from a historical perspective, one must consider the cultural situation of the time. Culture does not refer solely to behavior. It also refers to those patterns and abstractions that underlie behavior or are the result of everyday experience (Luschen, 1974). When the culture surrounding women is discussed, this culture consists of beliefs, norms, and signs that are held to be true or acceptable for women. The role of culture in history is complicated by the fact that in every culture, men and women play different roles within the social organization. Socially sanctioned images of femininity and masculinity are always relative. They differ from era to era, from culture to culture, and from group to group within a given social organization (Metheny, 1973). To fully understand the influence of roles and social movements, a woman’s position within the specific cultural context must be considered. A new historical approach to understanding women’s culture and their leisure is imperative. The remaining portion of this chapter provides a primarily American historical perspective of women’s leisure based upon issues and roles that were integral to women’s lives. The topics range from the personal to the institutional, from self and family to group and society. Historical categories that are more appropriate to the roles and issues of the “common” woman’s leisure are explored. These categories include the influences of the Victorian ideal of woman, the family, women’s work, women’s involvement in social reforms, the feminist movement, and women’s involvement in physical activities and sport.

The Victorian Ideal Women have been perceived as the weaker sex. Often this perception was based on biological structural observations which showed that women in general had narrower and smaller shoulder girdles and broader pelvic girdles than men. This perception was believed to make “running, throwing, striking, and climbing activities more difficult for her than the typical man” (Bowers, 1934). Because of these physical differences between the sexes, many ideas evolved to help explain the perceived differences. These explanations were often mythically based and attributed to Mother Nature and to mystery. Perhaps the most pervasive myth to evolve was that of “female goodness” (Williams, 1977). The myth of female goodness created an image of the ideal woman as an ethereal person. She was put on a pedestal somewhere above the realities of life (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974). This ideal was praised in endless writings and from pulpits, bringing extreme pressure to bear on women to behave according to this image. To defy it was to be unwomanly.

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A comparison of the Victorian ideal and the traits exhibited in leisure reveal that they were often antithetical to each other. For example, some leisure experiences, especially those involving physical exertion, did not allow gentility. They connoted vigor while the ideal woman was supposed to be delicate. Leisure that occurred outside the home and allowed for expression of emotions also conflicted with the ideal woman’s propriety, modesty, and circumspectness. The traits of passiveness, obedience to husband, circumspectness of behavior, and most of all, attractiveness were deemed necessary to maintain the Victorian image of womanhood. By avoiding exercise and cultivating a pale face and an incapacity to do work, a woman gave the appearance of gentility—to have facial color and muscular strength was a sign of having to work for a living (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974). The concept of the Victorian woman was not necessarily reserved for upperclass women; even working class women who had to work hard each day were still expected to maintain a mythical gentility. Dress and physical characteristics also reflected the desired ideal. Veblen (1899) believed that women’s delicate and diminutive hands and feet and slender waist (as well as the other related perceived “faults of structure” that commonly went with them) were proof that the woman was incapable of useful effort and must be supported in idleness by her “owner” as valuable evidence of his pecuniary strength. Veblen’s view of the ideal woman reflected his criticism of the capitalist society. In the following quote Veblen symbolized women’s position in the capitalist society by describing their attire: The high heel, the skirt, the impracticable bonnet, the corset, and the general disregard of the wearer’s comfort which is an obvious feature of all civilized women’s apparel are so many items of evidence to the effect that in the modern civilized scheme of life the woman is still, in theory, the economic dependent of the man—she is still the man’s chattel (Veblen, 1899, p. 222). The dress of women, which was held as an important visible indication of womanliness, was much lamented by women who wanted to engage in more physical leisure activities. Women were held back more than anything else by their own image of themselves and the well-learned precept that they should always consider how their bodies looked rather than how they felt (Kaplan, 1979). Fashion not only hindered exercise but contributed to the preservation of the weaker sex concept. For example, medical research conducted by Dickinson (1887) showed that the corset exerted pressure between 30–80 pounds which weakened the abdominal wall and displaced and damaged the liver. Yet, some women defied the restrictions of dress and risked being perceived as less than womanly in order to pursue their leisure interests.

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Mary Shaffer, one of the explorers of the Canadian Rockies in the early 1900s commented: Why must they settle so absolutely upon the fact, that the lover of the hills and the wilderness drops the dainty ways and habits with the conventional garments and becomes something of coarser mould? Can the free air sully, can the birds teach us words we should not hear, can it be possible to see in such a summer’s outing, one sight as painful as the daily ones of poverty, degradation, and depravity of a great city? (1911, cited in Hart (Ed.), 1986, p. 19). Medical concerns also influenced the concept of the ideal woman and had a relationship to leisure. Social practices of the late 1800s and early 1900s set the stage for the popular view among physicians and others that women were physically and biologically incapable of participating in physical activity and sport. The four social practices that reinforced the weaknesses of women were: (a) girls were usually confined to the house and not allowed to run, jump, and play actively; (b) the practice of tight lacing of corsets caused biological ailments; (c) since there were few other acceptable forms of birth control other than being “sick,” this “sickness” method contributed to the public image of women’s general weakness and frailty; and (d) the unhealthy conditions of the times (polluted air, poor diet, crowded and unsanitary conditions in the cities) caused general medical problems for everyone (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974). The major medical concerns focused on the detrimental effects of physical leisure activities on girls and women. In particular, there was widespread concern over the increased incidence of “pelvic disturbances” as a result of “over-activity.” Many people were convinced that falls were inherently more dangerous for females because they might affect menstruation. Activity was viewed negatively, because it ultimately was perceived as having a harmful effect on the all-important role of motherhood. The Journal of the American Medical Association promoted this idea in 1925 when an article implied that young girls in this “age of feminine freedom” were overdoing athletics (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974). The other major health concern had to do with psychological effects of physical activity. Many people felt that the emotional strain of physical leisure experiences would be injurious to the mental well-being of women. For example, Bax (1913) believed that women should not pursue leisure experiences that were physical because women were physiologically less well-organized and less well-developed than men and were mentally inferior. Bax (1913) further added that men refused to admit that woman is entitled, as well as man, to enjoy all the achievements of civilization, to lighten her burdens, to improve her

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condition, and to develop all her physical and mental qualities. Even many women who believed that physical leisure experiences should be an option, believed that special care needed to be taken to avoid strains which could undermine either their physical or emotional stability (Bowers, 1934). Not all people accepted these medical myths, and dissenting voices could be found as early as 1831. For example, an article,“Calisthenics” argued that women’s inactivity was dangerous and unhealthy: The consequences are, a greater tendency to stoop, and acquire false and injurious attitudes-deformity of the spine and the like; together with an acquired nervousness of temperament, which makes them, in after years, a prey to dyspeptical and hysterical disorders, and an inequality of spirits distressing to themselves, and often exceedingly annoying to friends…nor are the monstrous absurdities of their dress, at all calculated to diminish these evils. For fear inaction of the muscles of their chest and back should not be sufficiently enfeebling, tight dresses, under various names, compress those parts and almost paralyze their actions (1831, p. 191). Gradually the ideology surrounding women’s place and the definition of femininity as the Victorian ideal began to change. Many of these changes grew out of other social issues such as women’s involvement in the paid labor force, the feminist movement, changing marital relationships, and a redefinition of family (Mandle, 1979). These changes, in turn, affected other aspects of women’s lives, including their leisure.

Family and Women’s Leisure In every society people have specific roles and they are expected to fulfill these roles concordant with the expectations and values of the society. For women this social indoctrination has imposed upon them a value system which in most, if not all, cases has restricted their range of choices to a greater degree than for men. Women have been trained to fit into institutions that have been shaped, determined, and ruled by men; women’s own definitions of selfhood and fulfillment have remained subordinate to patriarchal concepts (Lerner, 1977). Historically, boys and girls have been trained to fill different social roles. For girls, the world was to be the family and the field of action was to be the domestic circle. Society has ascribed to women the functions of child rearing

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and family nurturance. Women’s capacity for reproduction was (and still is) sacred because to survive, society needs women to bear children. In the past, women were legitimately visible in only three ways: they married, they gave birth, they died (Ulrich, 1979). The primary function of women related to the family was reinforced institutionally in many subtle ways. Women have been socialized to put family needs first and to feel that the role of wife and mother is the highest recognition and expression of their femininity. Women’s education was sporadic (if at all) and often interrupted. Formal education was not seen as necessary for girls to fulfill their life roles, and often education was perceived as competition with traditional roles. Scheduling of education, job training, and work developed to fit the male life cycle (Lerner, 1977). Leisure could also be added to that list. Women’s time (each day and across their life span) was (and still is) perceived as time that could be interrupted for whatever needs or crises arose, particularly those needs related to the family, while the time of men was respected as private. Throughout history some women have defied traditional roles. For example, some women explicitly stepped outside tradition when they chose to work outside the home, even though they had young children. Other women involved themselves as volunteers in social reforms such as women’s suffrage and the temperance movement, but carried out these activities within the context of their family responsibilities. In both examples, women defied the tradition of women’s sole commitment to family. However, sex-role indoctrination, training, and practical experience encouraged women to accept and to internalize the beliefs that would keep them adjusted to living in subordinate status in a patriarchal world. Lerner stated, “The final brick in the wall enclosing women within the garden of domesticity was her horror and fear of deviance” (1977, p. xxxv). The threat of deviance was so powerful that it kept women in line ideologically and emotionally, and hindered them psychologically. The ways in which societal expectations of women’s role in the family have changed and some of the differences in the functions assigned to men and women have fluctuated, but sex-role indoctrination as related to the family has remained constant over time. Before the 20th century, most women fully internalized the wife/ mother role. The isolation of women within their homes was not necessarily caused by environmental and economic necessities, but by societal strictures which had a decisive and often negative effect on the status and self-perceptions of women (Lerner, 1977). Women often perceived themselves as “helpless.” Society had not yet developed an ideology that would proclaim the social value of motherhood (Norton, 1979). Married women were taught to feel little responsibility for the engrossing duties of the outside world, because they were to be absorbed in maternal functions (Blackwell, 1972).

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In the late 1870s, however, women were starting to question more openly their complete relegation to the home. In a paper read at the Third Women’s Congress of the Association for the Advancement of Women in October, 1875, Antoinette Blackwell stated: The temptation to absorb all of one’s powers in home affairs is specially strong with mothers. It is they who most need warning against this influence. When they believe that duty calls them to this, they, their families, and the world will suffer together in consequence…women have no right to crystallize their whole versatile natures into any one set of functions, however central and important these may be. This would be destruction to men; it has been destruction and desolation to women (1972, p. 354). She continued in her speech to encourage women not to claim maternity as a barrier to their own self-achievement. Blackwell (1972) contended that it was time to repudiate the idea that marriage and a practical life-work were incompatible. Other women were also addressing the ever increasing problems associated with traditional family roles of women. They saw the conflict arising from women becoming more individualized, yet, still suffering from the primitive and undifferentiated conditions of family life (Gilman, 1972). Women have always had their own recreation and leisure ways, although they have not always been perceived as such by others. The leisure experiences of women have been unstructured, self-initiated, and generally connected with home and family duties. Women’s leisure experience was incorporated into their daily tasks or was viewed as an extension of their mandated sex roles. As homemakers and mothers, women often had fewer opportunities for social cooperation and team work. Thus, they differed in interests and tastes from men who always experienced competition and cooperative activities in the hunt, in tribal life, in war, and in the industrialized system (Bowers, 1934). Women have had to make leisure secondary in importance to the needs of the family. Family was an important component, both positive and negative, for women’s leisure and continues, today, to exert great influence on women’s lives.

Work as an Influence on Women’s Leisure While women were historically relegated to the private sphere of the home, the ways in which women contributed to the production of valued goods also reflected their social status. The inferior status of women in industrial societies was a result of the separation of the domestic, private sphere of women from the economic, public sphere of men (Lenz & Myerhoff, 1985;

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Rosaldo, 1974). Women were often not involved in labor market activity or their involvement was tangential. Women’s work was usually privatized within the household. Thus, their general status was lower than men’s and their access to valued resources was reduced (Shaw, 1985a). Because of this lower status, leisure and leisure time were not as available for women as they were for men. Prior to the industrial society, the family functioned as an economic unit. For example, in the agrarian setting, everyone in the family contributed to the production of food. With the industrial revolution, however, men went to the public sphere of the marketplace while women continued to work at home. As a consequence, women became separated from the activities most valued by a society that measured value in monetary terms. This change had dramatic repercussions for women. Work in the home was not valued because it was not paid for in cash; in turn women, because of their continued association with and confinement to the domestic sphere, were devalued. This shift in the value of women’s and men’s roles (and thus, in being female or male) was evident in the United States. For example, in colonial society marriage and motherhood were the expected life pattern for women, and marriage and fatherhood were expected of men. In industrial society, there was a decisive shift. Fatherhood became connected with a man’s successful performance in labor and business as a way of showing that he could provide for his family. Marriage and motherhood remained the societally approved career for a woman. Thus, the world of men, work, and business became physically separated from the domestic sphere, and motherhood and the “work” associated with that role remained the world of women (Lerner, 1977). The changes that occurred because of industrialization also sharpened class distinctions among women. Many middle-class women began to enjoy the benefits of fathers’ and husbands’ increasing wealth. They had more relief from household drudgery and greater educational opportunities. They became “ladies of leisure” and epitomized the ideal toward which all women aspired (Lerner, 1977). Such a woman was the social ornament that proved a man’s success; her idleness, her delicacy, her childlike ignorance of reality gave a man “class” that money alone could not provide (Ehrenreich & English, 1973). Those women unable to reach the ideal of becoming “ladies” had to be satisfied with a lesser status by accepting their “proper place” in the home as mothers and caretakers (Lerner, 1979). Throughout the industrial revolution, the labor of lower-class women was required. Unlike men, however, entry into paid work did not mean improvement of women’s status. For working women, industrialization meant a day of double burdens. Outside work was added to home and child-care responsibilities. Since they had been trained to believe that their domestic responsibilities were Godgiven and natural, women often felt guilty for working outside the home and rationalized that the work was only temporary (Lerner, 1977). This cultural

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rationalization provided an excuse for employers to pay women less than men, because as temporary help, these women only required “pin money.” Thus, work designated as “women’s work” became characterized by poor pay, low status, and no security. As a result, industrialization and its ideology lowered women’s status and diminished their paid opportunities (Lerner, 1977). According to Lerner (1977), industrialization yielded one positive outcome for women. Because of the demands and needs of industrial society, some women were able to overcome the educational discrimination that had kept them subordinate. When they faced obstacles to entering into professions, these women organized separate female institutions. In the process, a “new woman” evolved who became economically independent: a well-educated professional whose feminist consciousness found expression in the demands for rights and the organization of female pressure groups. As industry became more mechanized, sex differences in physical strength should have become increasingly irrelevant to occupational qualifications, but this perception was generally not the case. Examples of how these differences were irrelevant occurred during wars. For many women, the Civil War transformed their lives. Some women moved for the first time from the confines of their homes. These women showed others, and revealed to themselves, that they were capable of performing demanding tasks, such as managing farms and plantations, as well as providing crucial services by assuming roles once assigned to men (Welch & Lerch, 1981). During the years of World War II, women in many of the allied nations filled jobs, which had formerly been held by men, in the munitions factories. Yet, after each of these wars was over, women were mandated to assume traditional “feminine” attributes valued by patriarchy: passivity, dependence, nurturance, submissiveness, and subordination. Activities that were incompatible with this image were, not surprisingly, seen as a threat to power relations between the sexes predicated at the most basic level on male strength and female weakness (Lenskyj, 1986). The implications of unpaid and paid labor as it evolved over time for women’s leisure are many. First, the popular definition of leisure centered around the idea that leisure was a needed opportunity to recuperate from time spent at work. Leisure gave the paid worker a chance to relax and recuperate so that the individual could return to work refreshed and ready to be productive. This definition of leisure was particularly problematic for women who remained in the home as unpaid workers. These homemakers were often perceived as not earning the right to leisure because they were not making valued financial contributions to the family. Therefore, leisure was an experience seen as existing outside the realm of many women’s rights or needs. Many women believed this assumption to be true. The guilt often felt at wanting to take time for self or at not being a paid worker contributing to the economic welfare of the family was an overwhelming obstacle to women’s

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experience of leisure. Certainly, participating in any leisure experience which required money was difficult for most homemakers who were economically dependent upon a male family member. Another common view of working women in the home was that all of their time was leisure. Again, the work they were doing was not valued by society because it was not linked to a cash product, and it happened within the private sphere of home. Many people saw a homemaker’s time as basically free time to be filled with prescribed role activities, such as child care, cooking, and cleaning. These activities were to be done “at her leisure” or perhaps more accurately, “as her leisure.” The assumption that women who remained at home did nothing or only those pleasurable activities of their choosing was inaccurate for most classes of women. Women, however, who worked exclusively within their homes did find opportunities for leisure. To adhere to the strong work ethic, women often used household obligations as a way to fulfill leisure needs. For example, cornhusking, maple sugar gathering, harvesting, quilting parties and other sewing tasks provided women with practical forms of recreation. While being unpaid work, these activities were also seen as recreation because they gave women an opportunity to socialize with other women and get out of the isolation of their own homes. At the same time, these activities allowed women to get their work done in a more pleasant and enjoyable way. This strong need for socializing and bonding with women through a work/ leisure situation was apparent even in the immediate family situation. For example, Charlotte Perkins Gilman in 1898 pointed out the values of such experiences for mothers and daughters: For the daughters to sew while the mother read aloud to them was esteemed right…in the period of common sewing and reading the women so assembled were closely allied in industrial and intellectual development as well as in family friendship…hence the ease with which this group of women entered upon their common work and common pleasure (cited in Cott (Ed.), 1972, p. 368). For women who were employed outside the home, leisure experiences were still primarily home-based and home-centered. By the end of the 19th century, however, the strict work ethic had led to a concern for the quality of life, at least for men. Some companies started employee recreation programs in which some women participated. Formal employee services programs were the result of changing social forces, increased education, and an acceptance of leisure. Industries supported employee recreation in the early 1900s to promote loyalty, fellowship, high morale, and physical and mental health among their employees (Tober, 1988). While women workers were still under severe restrictions

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because of sex-role expectations, they were able to be involved in some programs. The 1916 Goodyear Tire and Rubber Company’s women’s field hockey team is one example of such participation (Tober, 1988). In general, the norm for working women was similar to women working within the home in that their leisure experiences were scarce and often tied to their socio-economic class. Regardless of whether women worked for pay because of choice or necessity, or whether they worked without pay in the home, leisure as defined by the patriarchy was not seen as the right of most women. Thus, women sought ways to create social change and legitimize their free time.

The Interaction of Women’s Leisure and Social Reform Movements All over the world, the emergence of social movements, such as the woman’s rights movement, was dependent on a class of educated women with free time and leisure (Lerner, 1979). These educated “leisured” women were shapers of history not only through their economic lives but through community-building and politics. Women built community life as members of families, as carriers of cultural and religious values, and as founders and supporters of organizations and institutions (Lerner, 1977). Much of this community-building appeared to be a leisure experience for the women involved. In the United States, the late 1800s and early 1900s were years filled with social reforms, and women were instrumental to the success of many of these movements. These movements were often based on compassion, spirituality, and concern for improving the quality of family life which were characteristics of a proper lady. For many women the transition from the private sphere of the home to the public sphere of political action was tenuous, yet justifiable when viewed as an extension of the prescribed roles of women. Women who benefited most from the newfound freedoms in an urbanized society, the advances in industrialization and technology, and leisure activities, were educated middleclass wives. To advance their rights, educated women have always needed the time to work for social change and the movements have needed to have the commitment of these women (Lerner, 1975). As Blackwell stated in 1875: Today, it is not simply exceptional women who feel impelled to put their woman’s shoulders to some of the lagging wheels of social revolution…women belong to humanity; they must work, then for the human weal (cited in Cott (Ed.), 1972, p. 352).

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Women of various movements called upon the “leisured class of women” to take upon themselves in earnestness and singleness of purpose the world’s highest work. They called upon the rich, married women, the childless wives, and the “old wives” (classes in the earlier days despised and set aside) to become the standard-bearers of a higher culture (Blackwell, cited in Cott, 1972). Blackwell challenged these women: Will the matrons who have leisure, or can make leisure for themselves, consent to go on aimlessly frittering away their best energies? We have seen that they are not content…they who have leisure are fast learning how to utilize it in line with the inquiring spirit of the times…the time has come for women of leisure, for all they who need neither toil continuously for the bread they eat, nor spin a thread of raiment which they wear, it is for all women to begin fairly to test themselves and their capabilities (1972, cited in Cott (Ed.), p. 355). The impulse for organizing arose whenever an urgent social need was perceived and remained unmet. Social movements such as the Women’s Christian Temperance Union, the anti-slavery movement, the settlement house movement, the birth control movement, the American Equal Rights Association, and the National Woman Suffrage Association, were examples of types of “righteous” concerns that women felt were within their realm of concern. The growth in women’s clubs and especially women’s involvement in the abolition movement were central to the emergence of the first American feminist movement. Through such activities, women gained autonomy, yet generally were not perceived as being deviant from prescribed sex-roles. The establishment and growth of Women’s Clubs was a large movement in the United States. An example of this type of organization that was operated within women’s free time and often for leisure and recreational reasons was the black women’s clubs. The virtual absence of social welfare institutions in many southern United States communities and the frequent exclusion of blacks from those that existed, prompted black women to found orphanages, old folks’ homes, day-care centers, nursery schools, and other educational institutions. These black education institutions often became the centers for community organizations, women’s activities, and a network of supporting institutions. For example, the Tuskegee Women’s Club, started in 1895, was composed of educated women who participated in social and recreational programs, literary discussions, guest lectures, and self-study circles (Lerner, 1979). Recreation was, at times, the starting point for some of these women’s clubs and organizations which eventually broadened their focus toward other social concerns. For example, in 1908 the faculty wives and women residing in

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the neighborhoods around Spelman and Morehouse Colleges met to find some means for meeting the urgent need for children’s play space. In Atlanta, Georgia, not a single playground or park existed for black children. The women persuaded the administration of Morehouse College to allow use of part of its grounds for a playground. The women in turn agreed to organize the supervision of the playground and to raise funds for playground equipment. This venture brought the women closer together, gave them confidence in their own abilities, and inspired them to look for other community problems to solve. From this original recreation need, the focus expanded to include children’s clubs for recreation, education, and day care. These clubs also attracted children’s mothers to other activities (Lerner, 1979). The social movements which occurred were largely a result of women using their free time to create social change. The outcomes of these movements in providing positive leisure as well as a better quality of life were beneficial to all socio-economic groups and to both women and men. While many social movements were influential, one of the most important social movements for women was the women’s movement.

The Influence of the Early Women’s Movement on Leisure The early women’s movement of the 19th century was important to women throughout the world. This social movement of the largest disenfranchised group in the world was instrumental in extending women’s rights to include the right to leisure experiences. The first women’s movement of the 19th century and early 20th century was the result of many social factors and concerns converging. For example, in America: (a) during the Civil War, women succeeded in positions formerly occupied by men, (b) many women began to get involved in the public sphere through social reform movements, (c) women were beginning to be allowed further educational opportunities, (d) women began to see contradictions between the “ideal woman” and her supposed capabilities, and the realities of women’s lives, and (e) a “class” of women with the inclination and time to organize existed with strong motivation to extend the rights of all women. To reach this consciousness took a long time, but the groundwork was set for histrionic change in women’s lives throughout the world. Dramatic differences prevailed in the philosophy and goals of some of the initial women’s organizations. Basically two divisions emerged from the early organizing years: a suffrage focus and a feminist focus. The single-issue suffrage groups were primarily concerned with getting the right to vote extended to women. The feminist group was broader in its goals and approaches. This group was concerned with women being allowed to vote, but voting was only

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one of many critical issues that feminists believed all women faced. They also believed that many rights, such as reproductive rights, equal opportunity in work, and educational rights, were denied women through the patriarchy, and as a consequence, much of women’s autonomy was sacrificed. These feminists formed various organizations such as the American Equal Rights Association as well as informal feminist groups such as the Heterodoxy luncheon group that formed in New York City in 1912 (Schwartz, 1982). At times, these two major groups worked together, but at other times, the more conservative suffrage groups did not become involved with (and in fact, often did not even support) the issues of the feminist movement. For some women, the feminist movement was too radical. Feminists were suggesting changes that brought into question some of the most basic underpinnings of such societal institutions as the church, the family, and the law. At times, these ideological differences were so great that they retarded the movements by isolating activists, leaving them open to charges of deviancy and discouraging women from getting involved. This radical feminist movement was built by women who had very few rights. The demands for equality and for freedom from oppression came from the women themselves, and not through the government, the educational system, religious institutions, or professional groups (Williams, 1977). Even though the feminist movement lost prominence after suffrage was granted to women, it continued to spread and legitimize a new image of women, family, and marriage, and developed an alternative set of ideas and values. The emancipation of women came about through women finding a heroine within themselves which enabled them to overcome obstacles in their path to autonomy (de Castillejo, 1973). These early suffrage and feminist movements did much to promote and advance opportunities for women’s leisure. Most women were aware that they had virtually no rights that extended beyond the care of their homes and families. It became apparent that while women had few legal rights, they certainly had fewer leisure rights. While leisure rights were not a primary focus of the major women’s organizations, most of the groups did give some attention to the leisure needs of women, particularly for physical activity. Often, this attention to women’s leisure was connected to the larger rights issues. For example, Stanton criticized the traditional clothing of women as a detriment to physical activity and therefore, the health of women: How can you…ever compete with man for equal place and pay with garments of such frail fabrics and so curiously fashioned, and how can you ever hope to enjoy the same health and vigor with men, so long as the waist is pressed into the smallest compass, pounds of clothing hung on the

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A Leisure of One’s Own hips, the limbs cramped with skirts, and with high heels the whole woman is thrown out of her true equilibrium (Stanton, Anthony, & Gage, 1889, p. 469–470).

Other organizations of the women’s movement also assigned increasing importance to women’s recreation. At the National Woman Suffrage Association Convention in 1893, Haven (Anthony & Harper, 1902) gave a speech on “The Girl of the Future” and predicted that women would have some “leisure for recreation.” In the fall of 1920, representatives of the National Woman Suffrage Association, the National Women’s Trade Union, the Young Women’s Christian Association, the National Women’s Christian Temperance Union, and the General Federation of Women’s Clubs agreed to promote physical health among women. They also recommended use of recreation centers for educating women about the importance of emotional as well as physical health (Goodsell, 1923). From these women’s movements came some major societal changes. Women were granted the vote and increased freedoms such as less restrictive clothing and greater sport opportunities. The notion of the “ideal woman” also began to wane. While an era of conservatism returned in the 1930s, women’s strides were never lost. Feminist issues continued to exist and were supported by various organizations, albeit more quietly, until the years of the Depression, World War II, and the 1960s when they once again began to gain visibility. These war years were times when society could not ignore the talents of half its population. From the time of that first feminist movement until present day, many gains were made by women in opportunities for leisure, particularly in the area of physical activities and sport.

Recreation Activity and Leisure Experiences of Women Throughout history, the actual experiences in which women found leisure have been as varied as the women themselves. As previously discussed, leisure was often an outgrowth of a household task, a part of social encounters, a function of family interactions, or a concept of time that was attached to class status. Regardless of the type of experience, the concepts of time and activity, as well as the way in which the experience was perceived psychologically, were critical factors which interfaced with the social conditions of women. Typically, previous literature categorized recreation activities as leisure and discussed leisure from an activity perspective. As one analyzes women’s leisure, it becomes apparent that activities traditionally defined as leisure were not necessarily leisure experiences for women. For example, women who went on camping trips with their families often had sole responsibility for packing,

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for gathering together the necessary provisions, for carrying out “female work” at the site (preparing the food, taking care of the children, cleaning up), and upon returning home, for unpacking the gear, and heating up water to wash the clothes, children, and equipment. Whether or not camping was a leisure experience for some women is questionable. Much of the existing historical literature addresses the leisure activities of women without looking at how women perceived those activities. In this section, the growth of women’s involvement in various recreation activities, particularly sport, is addressed. While it may be true that not all traditional recreation activities were actually experienced as leisure by all women, these activities and women’s participation in them have had an influence on women’s lives. One of the first shifts in women’s transition from home-based leisure was through spectating. While women were not actively involved in the activity while a spectator, they were given a connection to and made familiar with many activities. One of the earliest spectating activities was ice skating (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974). It was thought that women in the audience made a sport more respectable. Thus, ladies’ stands were erected for horse racing, baseball, and other male athletic meets. This early solicitation of women as spectators was supported by society at large. Such involvement was praised because it got women outdoors and provided women with needed social contact Although it is true that spectating got women out of the home and in contact with sport, it nonetheless helped to teach them that their chief role in sports was to provide applause (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974). Women were still filling the role of supporter for males and once again found themselves as the “givers.” From spectating, a few women began to challenge the passivity of females and began to take up physical activities and sports. In The Journal of Health in 1831, women were encouraged to engage in restricted calisthenics such as making circles with their arms, jumping rope, and playing badminton (Calisthenics, 1831). At this same time, frontier women, particularly the elderly and the young, unmarried women, began to demonstrate outstanding riding skills (sidesaddle, of course) and attended shooting matches where the women sewed and exchanged stories (Welch & Lerch, 1981). A primary purpose of early physical recreation seemed to be the opportunity for a respectable social encounter between men and women. In an age of Puritanical sexual morality for women, recreation gave women and men a common ground and something to do together. Thus, most of the early physical activity (including competitive sport) was conducted in a mixed setting (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974). For example, croquet was one of the first such social sports adopted by American women and was firmly established by the time the Civil War ended in the late 1860s (Welch & Lerch, 1981).

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While sports gained in popularity, they were essentially activities of the upper class. Most female participants were women who had the leisure time and the finances to belong to clubs with appropriate facilities. Tennis was one activity that became popular through tennis clubs. However, the women who first played tennis during the late 1800s had to be wealthy enough to join the clubs as well as have access to the needed equipment. Many of the early recreation activities for women in the 19th century were outdoor-oriented. Indoor recreation facilities had not yet been constructed on any large scale. Also, being outside was considered healthy for women. Some of the popular outdoor activities were horseback riding, swimming-bathing, ice and roller-skating, biking, and sleigh/carriage riding (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974). During this time of initial growth in women’s outdoor recreation, most of the accepted activities were still those endeavors that did not interfere too drastically with the perception of the “ideal woman.” Any activity that emphasized beauty and aesthetic appeal was most in keeping with the transcendent female image, and was more acceptable from the viewpoint of society. This attitude affected not only the choice of outdoor activities, but the style in which they were played: Essentially, sport for the 19th century American woman was initially in a few acceptable activities. Croquet, archery, bowling, tennis, and golf were the primary sports, though a few women played baseball, rowed, and participated in track and field competitively…sports were chosen which could be performed without acquiring an indelicate sweat (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974, p. 4). Clubs were often formed during this early period of recreation growth so women would have the opportunity to participate. These clubs offered facilities as well as organized competitions. One of the first clubs in North America was the Ladies’ Club of the Staten Island Cricket and Baseball Club. It was started in 1877 and the chief activity was tennis. Another well known club was the Ladies’ Berkeley Athletic Club in New York. This club was known as “that temple of feminine sport and gymnastics” (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974, p. 29). Bowling became an upper-class activity for both women and men, with many clubs for women in New York City and other large cities (Welch &Lerch, 1981). Some recreation opportunities were also available to young, working women. For example, the YWCA ran a summer camp program in 1874 at Asbury Park, New Jersey that provided working women with “pleasant respite from their jobs” (Welch & Lerch, 1981, p. 226). The YWCA encouraged improved physical health to help young women withstand the rigors of factory

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and shop work. By 1916 some 65,000 women were enrolled in gymnasium classes and more than 32,000 entered swim programs (Welch & Lerch, 1981). Perhaps one of the single most important activities that encouraged the growth of women sport enthusiasts was the popularity of bicycle riding. Where roads and nerve permitted, the old, high bicycle gained its advocates. With the velocipede and tricycle even more women were able to bike. In 1887, with the advent of the safety bicycle (chain driven with wheels of equal size) and with pneumatic rubber tires that were soon devised, new worlds were opened to women (Paxson, 1974). To accommodate the ladies’ need for modesty, a drop frame was designed. Women could also purchase a folded screen which attached to the front of the bicycle in order to keep the feet and ankles from view when mounting or riding the bicycle (Welch & Lerch, 1981). By 1898 the League of American Wheelmen had more than 100,000 female and male paying members and it seemed that women had taken a great step toward equal treatment by freely participating with the men. These recreation and sport clubs and their male members, however, still exerted control over what was acceptable in the way of women’s participation. For example, in February of 1889, Madison Square Garden hosted its first women’s “go as you please” competition. The field consisted of one Irish, one English, and ten American women competitors. Hopeful contestants biked a track inside Madison Square Garden over a six-day period ranging from Monday to Saturday. An American, Miss Stanley, earned first place honors (and $1634) by pedaling 624 miles and two laps (“Women on Bicycles,” 1889). However, women’s racing was brought to an end as a result of social pressure and by the efforts of the influential American Wheelmen’s Bicycling Club which did not approve of contests among females. As women continued to demand and take their place in the world of physical activity at the end of the 19th century, they took a big step toward their personal and collective freedom. This advancement was summarized in the following quote: And who shall say that when our women took up tennis and the bicycle they did not as well make the great stride towards real emancipation, or that the quickened pulse, the healthy glow, the honest self-respect of honest sport have not served in part to steady and inspire a new Americanism for a new century? (Paxson, 1974, p. 96). Up until the 20th century, most recreational activities for women were not team sports. Only when the colleges began to develop programs of physical activities for women did team sports develop. These colleges had parallel kinds of clubs for sports as were found in the general society, but college clubs had competitions for females only and even male spectators were not welcome. For

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example, the first intercollegiate women’s basketball game was between Berkeley and Stanford on April 4,1896. Only women were allowed to observe the game because it was not considered proper for men to see women sweating from vigorous effort As documented in the newspaper the following day: A man looked in at one of the windows. Instantly the spectators broke forth in hisses so loud and vehement that he fled in terror. The hissing of an assemblage of women (was) a formidable affair (“Waterloo for Berkeley Girls,” 1896, p. 11, cited in Welch & Larch, 1981). In the early decades of the 20th century it was still more important for women to look good than to win. People, especially men, wanted women first and foremost to have a neat, attractive appearance. Disagreeable expression, uncouth language, yelling, screaming, or any form of “masculine” behavior were thought to detract from the aesthetic feature of the game. For example, in 1906, it was a rule at one college “that form was one of the requirements for making the university class teams and that no girl who persisted in careless dress and playing could play in any match game” (Gerber, Felshin, Berline, & Wyrick, 1974, p. 13). Even though the aesthetic received the most attention, women continued to increase their participation in physical pursuits. The belief that girls and women had the right to participate in sports in and out of school and that school sports should not be limited to just boys’ programs continued to grow (Cozens & Stumpf, 1974). A 1901 issue of Cosmopolitan indicated that open-air athletics for girls were very popular the entire year. Among the sports mentioned were skating, tobogganing, rowing, tennis, golf, lacrosse, swimming, riding, cycling, and certain track and field events (Cozens & Stumpf, 1974). The following year The Delineator, a popular women’s magazine, ran a series of nine articles on the appropriate attire, the proper execution of skills, and the benefits of participating in fencing, basketball, swimming, bowling, rowing, golf, tennis, track and field, and horseback riding (Welch & Lerch, 1981). As in other areas of women’s lives, progress was frequently followed by periods of retrenchment. Considerable criticism of female sporting activities may have been because women’s sport participation represented a threat to traditional gender roles and to the patriarchy in general. Sporting ability was hardly compatible with women’s traditional subordinate role; in fact, sport had the potential to equalize relations between the sexes. By minimizing socially constructed sex differences that had only tenuous biological bases, sport posed a serious threat to the myth of female frailty (Lenskyj, 1986). Time after time, the desire to engage in physical recreation activities would lead to the belief that participation in such activities brought out unladylike behavior and masculine appearance in women. Since it was also believed that women were unable to

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bear prolonged mental and physical strain, it was suggested that games and sports be modified for women and that women should cultivate good form rather than establish records (Welch & Lerch, 1981).

Representative of this opinion was the following statement by Sargent: (Women should) know enough about sports to be sympathetic admirers of men and boys…this kind of devotion has made heroes of men in the past, and it will continue to make heroes of them in the future (1909, p. 171). Women were also trying to overcome restrictions based on sex in less-widely accepted leisure pursuits than sports, where elements of life-threatening dangers were ever present. Women had always been portrayed as needing protection, and yet, by participating in certain activities, some women were demanding that this perception be changed. The adventures of women explorers document clearly the fact that in some cases women were successful in over-coming the stereotypes and the view that their actions were aberrations from the norm (Olds, 1986). For example, Mary Schaffer and Mary Adams explored many areas in the Canadian Rockies at the beginning of the 20th century, including many places in the Banff-Jasper area. The following passage, taken from Schaffer’s diary, illustrates the frustration and yet the determination of wanting to explore even though they were women: From the States came Allen and Wilcox, men of course, to tell again to our eager-listening ears of the vast, glorious, unexplored country beyond…came Fay, Thompson, and Coleman—all men! There are few women who do not know their privileges and how to use them, yet there are times when the horizon seems restricted and we seemed to have reached that horizon, and the limit of all endurance—to sit with folded hands and listen calmly to the stories of the hills we so longed to see, the hills which have lured and beckoned us for years before this long list of men ever set foot in the country…We looked into each other’s eyes and said: ‘Why not? We can starve as well as they, the muskeg will be no softer for us than for them; the ground will be no harder to sleep upon, the waters no deeper to swim, nor the bath colder if we fall in’—so we planned a trip (1911, in Hart (Ed.), p. 17).

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After the liberal decade of the 1920s came several decades of conservatism. The vote had been won, but many women’s rights issues were still unsolved. Male supremacist values tended to be fostered by the post World War I economic depression, the growing influence of anti-feminist Freudianism, the “Red Scare” (which swept the United States and Canada after World War I and targeted such women as Jane Addams, Carrie Chapman and organizations such as the Women’s Christian Temperance Union and the Young Women’s Christian Association), and the growth of the authoritarianism in governments. These conservative attitudes influenced women’s leisure and sport experiences. For example, women who were teaching physical education or planning organized recreation programs for girls and women declared that the problem with physical activities for women was that they should not follow the male model. For girls and women, it was felt that the emphasis should be on the joy of playing rather than on winning championships. Unlike the men’s programs, these women did not want to neglect the “many” in order to train the elite. They did not want sport and recreation activities professionalized. They wanted to avoid excessive publicity of women and the sporting events in which they engaged. Female physical educators and recreation programmers did not want to see women exploited in the ways that men had been (Bowers, 1934). From these concerns grew an alternate approach for girls and women who wanted to participate in physical activity. On one hand, the approach was conservative, because it continued to be protective of girls; on the other hand, the approach was radical because it was antithetical to traditional sporting values placed on competition, elitism, and winning at all costs. Some physical education teachers and recreation leaders promoted leadership by women because they felt that women were more experienced, sympathetic, tactful, and capable of meeting the individual needs and interests of girls and women (Bowers, 1934). Physical educators and recreation programmers during the 1930s felt that recreation and leisure could be a means for emphasizing the need for altruism that was attributed to girls and women. Physical recreation with a de-emphasis on competition provided an outlet for the perceived “natural urge” for females to care for and help somebody or something; caring for others developed social understanding, broadened outlooks, and helped girls and women find joy in altruistic service. By focusing on group welfare, it was thought that girls and women could participate in sports and avoid developing into self-centered women who were unhappy and unpopular (Bowers, 1934). Once again, the image of the “ideal” woman emerged, even though it was slightly less restrictive than previously. During the 1930s many communities started Girls Recreation Councils that were organized to promote more and better recreation for girls and women. These councils were organized by physical education and recreation

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professionals from organizations such as Girl Scouts, Campfire Girls, Girl Reserves, city recreation departments, YWCAs, YWHAs, settlement houses, Girls’ Friendly, and industrial plants. Often these councils worked with the Mothers’ Clubs of the town. These mothers’ clubs helped by purchasing and developing play areas; employing women leaders on all playgrounds; and helping pass laws, ordinances, and bonds to further recreational development (Bowers, 1934). The councils had ambitious objectives to accomplish, as detailed in the following quote: The objectives were to strengthen and broaden recreation programs; to provide more leisure time activities for all girls; to educate girls for wise use of future leisure time; to protect and aid girls in health, morals, character, and social growth by providing proper environment, leaders, and programs…(Bowers, 1934, p. 261). The social mores of masculine and feminine gender roles, however, continued as a powerful influence on women’s leisure pursuits. The traditional view of what was feminine had a powerful, often discouraging, influence on women’s participation. To step beyond these ascribed gender roles often resulted in a woman being labeled as deviant and as a lesbian. This accusation was threatening to many women who did not want the stigma to interfere with the rest of their lives. Thus, the homophobic attitudes deterred some girls and women from active pursuits, especially in sports. From the ensuing conflict between the stereotypic views of femininity and a woman’s desire to pursue “non-traditional” leisure interests arose the “female apologetic”. These “apologetic” women often tried to avoid being labeled as deviant by assuming the seemingly insurmountable task of trying to remain feminine and yet excel in non-traditional leisure pursuits. The apologetic was seen when women attributed their success to luck and not skill, when they dressed as femininely as possible, and when they treated their achievements as trivial. From the decades of the 1930–1950s, women continued to make small gains in their “public leisure activities.” Much of women’s leisure was still centered within the home and was a function of family and sex-role expectations. It was not until the social tumult of the 1960–1970s that recreation and leisure for women was perceived as an issue of freedom and equality. Gains in recreation activity for women in North America were reflective of the societal changes in attitudes wrought by continued social reforms based on the revived feminist and equal rights movement, the civil rights movement of the 1960s, and the increased social awareness and commitment to change of the 1970s. One of the most significant legislative advances for women in the United States was the passage of Title IX of the Education Amendments of 1972. This act required that schools provide equal opportunity for both sexes to participate

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in its intramural, interscholastic, intercollegiate, or club athletic programs. While this act has resulted in complications, it nevertheless was visible proof that girls have legal equality with boys in extracurricular areas. This legislation also has influenced indirectly the recreation and leisure of women. More women are seeking opportunities to continue recreation pursuits after leaving the educational environment. They are looking for opportunities through organized recreation programs as well as on their own. The attitudes of the public have broadened concerning what is acceptable behavior for women. The notion that recreation is important in building character in girls and women is a key change that is exerting influence on the socialization of girls. Seldom had recreation and sport been viewed as a way to “build” women since “real women” were not supposed to be independent, assertive, competitive, or oriented toward mastering their physical environment. Present-day women often describe their leisure as enhancing self-confidence and feelings of self-empowerment through outcomes made possible by defying rigid gender role norms (Freysinger, 1988). It is likely that these outcomes may carry over into other aspects of everyday life so women feel empowered in all dimensions of their lives.

Summary As illustrated throughout this chapter, the leisure of women has been heavily influenced by the patriarchal structures that dictated sex roles, family structures, work, and appropriate characteristics for women. At times these structures have been overly repressive and oppressive of women in all aspects of their lives; at other times, when demanded by women or needed by the society, these strict expectations have eased. Women then were allowed more freedom in which to grow personally and collectively and develop their own leisure apart from the patriarchal definition. The advancements were sometimes slow, yet the forward striving for rights in all aspects of women’s lives, including leisure, continued to progress. When Gertrude Ederle swam the English Channel in 1926, Carrie Chapman Catt, a leading suffragette, said, “It is a far cry from swimming the Channel to the days to which my memory goes back, when it was thought that women could not throw a ball or even walk very far down the street without feeling faint” (“How a Girl,” 1926, p. 56). In addition to being a personal experience, leisure participation can be seen as a social institution. A parallel has existed between the changing social roles of women and emerging opportunities for recreation and leisure. The leisure of women has been broader than that portrayed through the historical leisure literature that described traditional recreation activities based on what men were doing. Throughout this chapter, the institutionalization of the contexts, roles, expectations, and attitudes have been explored to provide a

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framework from which to view participation, perceptions, and meanings of leisure for women. During the past century, opportunities have expanded for women and some barriers have been overcome. While most of the examples in this chapter have focused on changes in the United States, similar changes have often occurred around the world. Women have shown their strength and power to overcome social and leisure obstacles, yet greater challenges remain. It is hoped that women will not be content to remain below their potential in any area of their lives, including leisure, but will continue to strive to reach their ultimate, as their foremothers have done before them.

Discussion Questions: 1. What are the feminist concerns with the way that history has been traditionally written? 2. Discuss how the concept of the “ideal woman” has influenced women’s leisure pursuits. 3. What have been the positive and negative aspects of linking women to the “private sphere” of the home? How has this influenced their leisure? 4. Describe the relationship which evolved between women’s leisure and social movements. How did this fit with the concept of the “ideal woman?” 5. What parallels can be found between the early feminist movement and women’s involvement in active leisure activities? 6. What is the “female apologetic” and how has it affected women’s leisure? 7. What has been the value of “women-only” groups such as Women’s Clubs and universities for women? 8. If you were to write a history of women in leisure twenty years from now, what might you identify as the “historical events” affecting women’s leisure during the present time?

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FEMINISM AND LEISURE Long afterward, Oedipus, old and blinded, walked the roads. He smelled a familiar smell. It was the Sphinx. Oedipus said, “I want to ask one question. Why didn’t I recognize my mother?” “You gave the wrong answer,” said the Sphinx. “But that was what made everything possible,” said Oedipus. “No,” she said. “When I asked, What walks on four legs in the morning, two at noon, and three in the evening, you answered, Man. You didn’t say anything about woman.” “When you say Man,” said Oedipus, “you include women too. Everyone knows that.” She said, “That’s what you think” (“Myth” by M.Rukseyer, source unknown). Feminism has broad meanings and connotations. When feminism is related directed to leisure, connections are both implicit and explicit. Feminism and leisure are inextricably linked by the components of choice and freedom. The purpose of this chapter is to explore the relationship that exists between feminist theory and women’s leisure. As was mentioned in the previous chapter, the feminist movement of the past 25 years is rooted in a philosophy developed almost 125 years ago. The current women’s movement, however, is broader in its approach than any of the previous movements. It is a global, political movement organized around women’s oppression and addresses more than purely economic issues. The goal of the present women’s movement is not to eliminate male privilege but to abolish inequities based on biological sex and to eliminate proscribed and restrictive gender roles. As a philosophy of the women’s movement, feminism challenges the typical views about everyday reality. Feminism is personal and emphasizes the validity of women’s experience. It is also political in that it focuses on women understanding their own lives juxtaposed with their oppression and subordination in society. Morgan (1984) suggested that an indigenous feminism has been present in every culture in the world and every period of history since the suppression of women began. It is not geographically narrow or a recent event.

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Further, women constitute not an oppressed minority, but a majority of almost all national populations and of the entire human race. Feminist activity and thought are a transformational and global movement. The view of feminists as a privileged elite within each country has only served to isolate women from one another; the feminist movement is occurring within all classes and ethnic groups. The global perspective has been useful to feminists as it has reinforced the need to understand diversity. Feminism and feminist theory are often used interchangeably; feminism is not only a set of beliefs but also a set of theoretical constructs about the nature of women’s oppression and the part that oppression plays within social reality (Stanley & Wise, 1983). Feminism is the belief that all people (women and men) should be treated as human beings independent of categorical judgments based on such aspects as sex and gender roles, race, class, and sexual preference. Bunch (1985a) described feminism as a political perspective on all issues of concern to human life. She stated that freedom from oppression for women involves not only equity, but also the right of women to freedom of choice and the power to control their own lives. Three major goals of feminism can be explicated. The first goal is the correction of both the invisibility and distortion of female experience in ways relevant to social change. For example, women’s role in history has been largely overlooked. As historians interested in uncovering this past develop a more complete picture that includes the common woman, these new insights may lead to social change in areas such as education. A second goal of feminism is the right of every woman to equity, dignity and freedom of choice through the power to control her own life and body within and outside the home. The most prominent example of this goal can be found in the global work surrounding women’s reproductive rights. A third goal is the removal of all forms of inequality and oppression in society. An example of this goal is the movement toward equal opportunities and comparable worth. In many ways, feminism is a revolutionary idea, and yet it epitomizes what many people believe are basic human rights. While feminism is a perspective born of women, any man concerned with fundamental change can and should explore what feminism means for men as well as for women. The feminist movement has been a women’s movement because women are the group that has been oppressed under patriarchy. It is, however, founded on the philosophy of freedom and equity for everyone including men as well as women. Feminism has had male supporters who believe in the principles of equality and integrity. It offers men, as well as women, freedom from restrictive gender roles. Feminist theory and/or philosophy can guide one’s understanding of social change. As applied here, a theory is a belief, policy or procedure proposed or followed as a basis of action. It provides the body of generalizations or principles that are used within a practice or a field. Similarly, a philosophy is a

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love or pursuit of wisdom and a search for underlying causes and principles. Feminist philosophies and theories help people to understand the world of women better because this new perspective relates more closely to women’s experiences. Morgan (1982) described feminism as a holograph. In other words, one cannot examine feminism by focusing on one dimension but must view it from a variety of perspectives. Gender, race, class, global politics, family structures, economics, and leisure are all important to the understanding of feminism as we view the holograph from changing perspectives. Feminist theory is not a single body of work, and one can not make general statements about it or review it comprehensively (Stanley & Wise, 1983). Rather, feminism is a philosophical framework that has application to numerous facets of society, yet is reflective of each individual’s unique life experiences and values. Stanley and Wise (1983), however, have identified three commonly accepted assumptions about women that are common to all feminist theories: (a) women are oppressed and share a common set of oppressions, (b) the personal is political in that the personal experience is affected by the “system” in everyday life, and (c) a feminist consciousness and the understanding of what it means to be a woman can be developed. These assumptions suggest that in any discussion of theory, it is essential that women simply not be “added in” to what already exists in the patriarchal world. The theories should be pragmatic, practical, and applicable to everyday life for women. For example, there are no single-cause theories for women’s oppression—a cause-effect relationship can not be assumed (Stanley & Wise, 1983). Many theories and explanations exist for how and why women have been traditionally considered the “second sex.” To fully grasp feminist theory, one must understand feminist consciousness. Lerner (1986) described four steps in developing a feminist consciousness: (a) an awareness of the wrong, (b) the development of a sense of sisterhood, (c) the autonomous definition by women of their goals and strategies for changing, and (d) the development of alternative visions of the future. To become a feminist is to develop an altered consciousness of oneself, of others, and of a “social reality” that is apart from traditional views of women’s roles (Lafontaine, 1982). Stanley and Wise (1983) also indicated there are three stages of feminist consciousness: false consciousness, consciousness-raising, and true consciousness. No beginnings or ends exist for these three stages. Rather, feminist consciousness is a spiraling type of realization; it is both a state and a process. A false consciousness is the beginning stage where the individual goes from not seeing and understanding women’s oppression to sensing that something is wrong. Consciousness raising involves a woman’s understanding of her life being transformed so that the woman feels and understands in a new and different way but at the same time has the perspective available from her old way. True feminist consciousness implies the daily “doing of feminism” in

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whatever way it is embodied by focusing on the power that is within each woman. To be human, an individual must consider herself the subject, recognize her own importance, and resist the passive acceptance of others’ definitions of her as an object (Mandle, 1979). Based on the assumptions of feminism and feminist consciousness, feminist theory attempts to explain women’s oppression and status and to seek ways in which changes can be effected. The focus of feminism is on both understanding and rectifying the invisibility and distortion of the female experience.

Approaches to Feminism A number of approaches have been used to understand women’s position in society. No universal explanation exists. The issues, however, of oppression, the personal as political, gender differences, female consciousness, and values underlie all the approaches. Perreault (1984) has provided one of the most useful discussions of feminist perspectives and philosophy. She identifies the three feminist perspectives as liberal, leftist, and radical and further links equality, liberation, and integrity as the key ideas related to each, respectively. Liberal feminism addresses the need for equality of opportunity for women within the society. Leftist feminists exhort liberation and the transformation of social institutions. Radical feminists are concerned with women’s integrity and the need for a complete countering of the patriarchal society through revolutionary changes in society rather than incremental steps. Liberal feminists have been successful in documenting the problems and the barriers encountered by women. For example, issues concerning women’s health care are now being addressed worldwide because the unique problems of women became visible. Liberal political theory in general suggests that an individual ought to be allowed to grow to maximum potential and not be fixed to a prescribed place because that individual is female, black, or a “commoner.” Liberal feminists suggest that women’s unequal status and lack of education are the major reasons why they have been oppressed. These feminists do not challenge fundamental beliefs of society but believe that women should be integrated into the society through equal access. They believe the burden for change should be shared equally by both men and women. Sexual discrimination, sex-role socialization, and women themselves are all responsible for women’s oppression. Barriers can be eliminated by laws and by helping women successfully combine their careers and family life. Freedom of choice is important but the emphasis is on equality of opportunity, not on the equality of the outcome per se. The private sphere of the individual’s life, not the public sphere, is the focus of liberal feminism.

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Leftist feminists ask questions about values, structures, and the interaction of content and process. Within this perspective, there is a recognition of the intersection of race and class as well as a focus on scholarship for women, not just about them. Leftist feminists are concerned with the individual’s exploitation, alienation, and oppression. They suggest that women are trained through socialization for their oppressed roles, for positions of subordination. Leftist feminists criticize the split between the everyday world of action and the world of thought. Focusing on social change within institutions and eliminating all forms of oppression, not just providing women with equal opportunities, is needed. In other words, a liberation from structures that are oppressive is exigent. Criticizing the society and specific institutions which are a part of it, such as education and leisure systems, brings to light the larger issue of societal transformation. In this process individual freedom and allegiance to the transformational community are also important. One of the criticisms of leftist feminism is women may be considered secondary to “larger” societal causes such as poverty and nuclear disarmament. At the same time, one of the advantages of leftist feminism may be the incorporation of a broader view of different forms of oppression. The concerns of radical feminists are with reclaiming women’s integrity and countering patriarchy. According to this perspective, women typically have been viewed as invisible and thus given little importance except when defined in relation to men. Radical feminists are strongly committed to women’s autonomy and self-definition; they believe society needs to be drastically changed. Problems faced in effecting such change include the existing patriarchy and women’s co-option by society. Radical feminists’ goal is to build a “common world” for women with women at the center of this world. In such a world, women are seen as subjects and not objects of inquiry. According to radical feminists, feminist issues are central to any larger revolutionary analysis; that is, women are the center of all issues. This approach also emphasizes women’s experience and intuition. In this radical philosophy, women are central and women’s centrality is crucial for changing the world and developing completely new visions of the future. The obvious difference between leftist and radical feminism is the perception of the central issue: for the leftist feminists, it is women in relation to larger societal causes; for the radical feminists, it is women. Each of these philosophies—the liberal, the leftist, the radical—addresses the uniquenesses of women and what women have to contribute to humanity. The goal of these perspectives is not to make women the “same” as men but to celebrate the unique and essential contributions of women by increasing their visibility. The reality of the female experience provides evidence of the contributions that women can make.

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Feminism and Women’s Reality Women have the right to expect the highest quality of life for themselves in work, family, and leisure. In looking for this quality, it is useful to understand how there may be common areas of female reality and also how the experience of women may differ from woman to woman. Women as a group may have a different voice, a different perspective than men. Some feminists believe that traditional “feminine” values, such as nurturance, intuition, and sensitivity, would make for a less volatile world. These feminists argue that an acceptance of such values will lead to the lowering of barriers among people, the elimination of war, the valuing of cooperation instead of competition, and a greater attendance to inner life and less to outer arenas (Williams, 1977). For a long time, women have been associated with humanism, pacifism, nurturance, and reverence for life. Further, women are believed to have a unique connection to the earth. The notions of mother earth and women’s bodies sharing periodicity with the moon are examples of this connection. Patriarchy may have evolved from fear of the mystery of women’s power. One thesis is that because of the uncertainty of this power, it was necessary for society to restrain or control women and devalue their contribution. Schaef (1981) described a female system of reality that differs from the white male system. This comparison validates and confirms the femaleness of the culture as well as affirms the world of men. According to Schaef, male and female systems may be different but one is not better than the other. The intent is not to train and prepare women to be like men. Rather, the strengths of each system need to be recognized and combined in relevant ways. Schaef described the differences between the male and female systems in relation to time, relationships, focus, power, leadership, thought, responsibility, decision-making, process vs. product, and conservation and exploitation. For example, Schaef (1981) contends that in general, women look at time as a process, a series of passages, as cycles; men view time as linear clock/calendar time. Men generally view relationships as one up-one down while women tend to see them as peer. Men focus on self and work while women focus on relationships. Women see power as limitless and coming from within while men see it in a zero-sum fashion. Men may want to lead while women may want to facilitate, delegate, and nudge from behind. Women tend to use multivariate and multidimensional thought while men are linear in thought. Women view responsibility as the ability to respond while men view it as accountability and blame. Most women are consensual in decision-making while most men are systematic and methodic. When producing a product, women are generally more interested in the process while men generally view the ends as justifying the

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means. Women are more likely to view the earth as something to be concerned about and live with while men are more likely to want to control nature. Gilligan (1982a) has further described the different voice of women. According to Gilligan, women’s overriding concern is for relationships while men’s concern is for rights. Neither Gilligan nor Schaef, however, addresses the root of these differences between male and female reality. Some people believe the differences between men and women are genetic, inevitable, and sex-linked. Others believe that the differences are socio-cultural due to differences in socialization experiences, prescribed gender roles, and women’s lower social status. Whatever the underlying causes, it is important to understand that these different realities exist for many women and men and they have implications for leisure.

Perspectives on Feminism and Leisure Views on feminism and women’s reality have particular implications for examining and understanding the leisure of women. In general, feminism provides a means for addressing social change that may result in greater opportunities for women to experience leisure. Traditionally, recreation programming has been conservative with little linking of feminism and leisure (Darlison, 1984). Similarly, little leisure research has been approached from a feminist perspective. A number of parallels exist between feminism and leisure. Both concepts are more visible today than at any other time in history. At the core of leisure are the elements of freedom and choice (Carpenter, 1985); freedom and integrity are the core of feminism. Thus, freedom is central to both concepts. The goal of both feminism and leisure is to encourage choices, not to set limits. Women have not had the same opportunities for leisure because of the oppression that they have faced (Henderson, 1986). For example, when the average American woman makes only $.59 for every dollar the average American man earns, the discretionary income available for her to use is limited and thus, recreation choices may be limited. Leisure has been largely an androcentric concept just as society has been largely patriarchal. Both feminism and leisure focus on a revolt against domination. Both are devalued by those in power. Both offer a transformational perspective with new goals for social change. The goals of the feminist movement can be applied directly to women’s leisure. The feminist movement strives to correct the invisibility of women by valuing what women do, whether in work or in leisure. Another goal is to strive for the inclusion of women as a central focus for understanding the world. Until leisure research addresses the unique experiences of women and builds theory upon this information, a comprehensive understanding of leisure behavior will

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be lacking. Getting control of one’s body and one’s life is another major goal of feminism. Through leisure, a woman has the opportunity to take responsibility for herself and her time. The three feminist perspectives concerning liberal, leftist, and radical thinking offer a way to understand leisure and social change. All three perspectives present a framework for viewing leisure as a universal right of women as well as of men. In the past leisure has been grounded in androcentricism and masculine subjectivity. Women’s thoughts, interests, and experiences have generally been excluded from the leisure literature. Further, not only has the literature excluded women and assumed that the study of men represents women, but it also has served to justify women’s subordination and oppression. The three perspectives illustrate the range of views about leisure that feminists might hold. Proponents of a liberal view of feminism would suggest that equality in leisure means that women have equal opportunity for participation in activities of their choice. Liberal feminists would interpret the facts about discrimination and sex bias found in leisure participation and prescribe the need for equity. They would seek modifications to make participation possible on an equal basis. Leftist feminists would view women’s lack of leisure as one example of a repressive society. In specifying the causes of women’s subordinate position in leisure, they would focus on the relationship between leisure and societal structures, especially economic ones. Leftist feminists would say that the content and the process of leisure reinforces roles of dominance and submission. They would also argue for the need to recognize class and racial differences as they influence leisure. An important strength of a radical feminist perspective for leisure is in the call for an end to the dichotimization of world views and gender roles. The focus of the radical feminists is on the centrality of women. They argue that women must not be set aside, addressed in relation to others, or “added on.” All leisure experiences of women must be considered valid in their own right. Radical feminists not only challenge leisure’s androcentric orientation, but consider women’s experiences as worthy of study. They would like to radically alter perceptions of leisure for women and create new alternatives for the conceptualization and embodiment of leisure that would result in a greater sense of autonomy. The male and female systems of reality described earlier have implications for how leisure for women might be understood within a feminist framework. These different realities might suggest that women are interested in the quality more than the quantity of leisure. Cooperative activities may take priority over competitive ones. The opportunity to be with others may be a more important leisure motivation than that of achievement.

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Deem (1986) emphasized the strengths and importance of the forms of leisure which women have in this statement: …solidarity with their own sex but in a spirit of friendship and companionship rather than competition or status struggles, an emphasis on caring and on co-operation, a lack of aggression and selfishness, enjoyment of everyday things and happenings, an emphasis on the creative and aesthetic aspects of life, a willingness to include rather than exclude others, greater detachment from consumerist values. There is certainly no future in advocating that women’s leisure should become more like men’s, if this means women become involved in activities which are selfish, hierarchically organized, over-commercialized, aggressive, competitive and focused on rivalry rather than companionship (p. 149). The women’s movement has been concerned with increasing the choice and entitlement of women. This entitlement seeks to provide women with the opportunity to make choices about what activities they will pursue for their self-expression and identity. The attainment of the goals of equality, liberation, and integrity through the power to control one’s self may increase the visibility of women’s experiences in leisure. The removal of inequality and oppression in society cannot help but advance the potential of leisure for women.

Making the Lives of Women More Visible Many ways exist to call attention to the lives of women and to work for social change for leisure. Research related to leisure is needed on, for, and by women. Feminist research is one way to make the worlds of women (including the leisure world) more visible. This research approach is different from the traditional research paradigms because it suggests that experience and feeling must be at the heart of the research (Stanley & Wise, 1983). Feminist research is the systematic process used to change and correct the invisibility and the distortion of female experience (Lather, 1982). Feminist researchers focus on the need for social change and the vision of a preferred future. Ehrlich (1976) has been critical of “feminist” research that has only made visible the oppression or filled in the knowledge gaps but has not led to social change. Lather (1982) identified five tenets of feminist research: It must integrate consciousness, women must benefit from the research, it must deal with the issue of getting women to speak in their own voices, it must not

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contribute to the ideology of sex differences, and it must be collaborative and interdisciplinary. Methodology is an important part of feminist research. Researchers need to be aware of the assumptions of the world view they are using as these assumptions may or may not be consistent with a feminist philosophy. For example, phenomenology and symbolic interaction may be useful approaches for feminist research because they emphasize the interaction of individuals and their experiences within a specific context. The feminist researcher acknowledges the interaction between the person and the context of the social structure. The methodological task of the feminist researcher is to generate and refine more interactive, contextualized methods so that patterns and meanings of behavior can be discerned. Furthermore, feminist researchers seek understanding, explanation, and change, but not prediction and control (Lather, 1986). The elimination of biases and prejudicial attitudes in research is an aspect of research that needs to be addressed. Sexism is any arbitrary stereotyping of males and females on the basis of their gender. Sexism appears in research in the form of unexamined assumptions about the sexes and untested distinctions based on sex (McHugh, Koeske & Freize, 1981). A prerequisite for feminist research is an absence of sexism. Biases may be evidenced in topic selection, design, sampling, measurement, and the generation of conclusions. For example, past research which has tried to determine participation rates in leisure experiences for women has used activity checklists. These lists, however, generally did not contain many of the “non-traditional” activities which may be leisure for women, such as talking on the phone with friends, taking a baby for a walk, or taking a bath. Sexism and a sex bias may exist in research without the researcher even knowing. Feminist researchers have identified several actions that can result in sexist research (Eichler, 1983; Frieze, Parsons, Johnson, Ruble & Zellman, 1978; Vickers, 1984). These actions include studying only areas of life with which males are familiar, formulating hypotheses without considering sex-role stereotypes, using male-oriented tests and situations, using only male subjects, building theory that is based on one sex, ignoring the effects of researcherparticipant interaction, viewing behavior as stereotypic, not testing for sexrelated differences, interpreting sex-related differences as absolutes, publishing only results with significant differences, ignoring the qualitative dimensions of research, considering feminist interpretations as biases, and incorporating only the value system which is prevalent in the researcher’s culture and training. By making research as non-sexist as possible, a more comprehensive understanding of both women and men will be developed and incorporated into the literature. Leisure research can also be examined within the context of feminist research goals. Specifically within a feminist context addressing leisure, the researcher may want to ask the following questions:

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1. Can a correction in both the invisibility and distortion of female experience occur because of the research? 2. Is the right of every woman to equity, dignity, and freedom of choice through the power to control her own life and body within and outside the home being addressed? 3. Does the research contribute to the removal of inequality and oppression in society? Leisure researchers and leisure philosophers must be aware of the basic assumptions made about leisure and women and what these assumptions mean to the society at large as well as specifically to women. Leisure researchers have begun to describe the inequalities women face in leisure and to talk about stereotypic activity participation. They generally, however, have not addressed issues of social change. Leisure researchers wishing to make the leisure lives of women visible ought to be cautioned against having an “add on” philosophy related to women and leisure. The invisibility of women in previous leisure research may be due to women not fitting with the existing conceptualizations and theories. Therefore, it may be necessary to develop new conceptualizations of leisure that will include women rather than force them into theory that may be based on inappropriate assumptions. Stanley and Wise (1983) suggest that feminist research ought to question all established ways of thinking. They propose that through feminist research it is possible to recognize the personal, direct experience underlying behaviors and actions. Through reclaiming, naming, and describing women’s experiences, the visibility of women and the meaning of leisure can become evident.

Summary Conscious and unconscious attitudes affect the study of recreation and leisure (Henderson, 1984). Leisure is a complex phenomenon that is difficult to define and operationalize. Leisure researchers and practitioners could enrich their understanding of leisure for all people by adopting the tenets of non-sexist and feminist research. The feminist theory described in this chapter offers social scientists and leisure professionals a framework for exploring leisure in a more inclusive way. Such research is concerned with eliminating the invisibility and distortion of the female experience of leisure. It is also concerned with the implications for social change that will affect women’s, as well as men’s, leisure experiences. Using a feminist perspective in leisure research, from conceptualization to implications, may help illuminate new perspectives on leisure.

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A feminist perspective is also a challenging and applicable way to study women’s leisure. As described in this chapter, there are many parallels and similarities between the concepts of feminism and leisure. Both are concerned with freedom of choice, self-definition, autonomy, and elimination of constraints. While some individuals may view feminism as a radical perspective, feminism is one way of thinking about the world and the interactions that occur in it. The degree to which an individual wants to apply feminist concepts to leisure may be more the issue than the philosophy itself. For example, most individuals would not argue against equality of the sexes and freedom from constraints based upon sex or gender roles. The conscious actions of the leisure researcher or leisure provider, however, will determine the extent to which feminist concepts are applied to leisure behavior. The challenge of understanding leisure within a feminist perspective lies in getting beyond the stereotypic images and terms to the symbolic meanings of leisure for women and the social issues surrounding leisure. The issue of women and leisure goes beyond simply equality. It is not just a matter of assimilating women into already established notions about leisure lifestyles. Feminists do not necessarily advocate that women’s leisure should become more like men’s. The main issue is the recognition that women, like men, have a right to freedom of choice within leisure.

Discussion Questions: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

6. 7. 8. 9.

Describe the commonalities between feminism and leisure. Discuss examples of how the three goals of feminism could be applied to women’s leisure. What were the steps in the development of a feminist consciousness about sport from a historical perspective? Describe the possible approaches to feminism and how leisure would be perceived within each of these approaches. Give examples of how leisure research conducted within a feminist framework might lead to social change. What objections and concerns for bias would need to be taken into account? How might practitioners implement a feminist perspective in recreation programming? What types of sexism can you identify that you have experienced in leisure research or practice? Should leisure researchers and practitioners be concerned with issues of social change? Why or why not? To what extent does leisure serve to oppress women, people of color, economically disadvantaged, people with disabilities, and other groups such as these?

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THE MEANING OF LEISURE IN WOMEN’S EVERYDAY LIVES One step toward validating women’s leisure experiences is understanding the meaning that leisure holds for women in their everyday lives. Understanding is also a prerequisite for effecting change. Although women may be disadvantaged in terms of the availability and accessibility of leisure, it still plays a qualitatively important role in their lives. Events, activities, social interactions, or even brief, fleeting moments which are perceived, experienced, and remembered as leisure are significant contributors to the quality of life. In this chapter, the nature of these sometimes elusive, but significant, leisure experiences is explored. This discussion includes how leisure is defined, the social-psychological parameters that make up “the leisure experience,” and when leisure typically occurs for women. Answers to such questions as “What activities or social and interactional contexts are more or less likely to be associated with leisure experiences for women?” and “Under what situations and conditions is leisure more or less available, and why?” will increase the understanding of the role of leisure and the need for leisure in women’s everyday lives. Important differences among women may affect their accessibility to leisure. While there are some commonalities that women share simply because they are women in a patriarchal society, it should not be concluded that women’s leisure experiences are all similar. Social class, marital and familial situation, employment status and type of occupation, as well as individual factors, may affect the availability of leisure and the manner and circumstances in which leisure is experienced.

The Leisure Experience Thinking of leisure as an experience seems to be the most appropriate way to define this concept. The notion of leisure as an experience, rather than as a particular activity or period of time, is congruent with the way people think

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about their own leisure in everyday life. The quality of a particular experience and the nature of that experience are important to people and result in their perceptions of leisure. During the latter half of the 20th century, leisure theorists advocated for the need to describe leisure as an experience. The “classical” theorists, such as de Grazia (1964) and Pieper (1952), viewed leisure as a “state of mind” or “state of being.” For example, Pieper described leisure as both “an attitude or contemplative celebration” (1952, p. 42) and as “an attitude of non-activity, or inward calm, or silence” (1952, p. 41). The roots of these classical conceptualizations of leisure can be traced to the Greek philosophers, especially to the ideas of Aristotle and Plato. Social psychological theories also have implications for leisure as an experience. Maslow’s (1954) concept of “self-actualization” has been equated with leisure by some writers, like Farina (1973). Other leisure theorists think that Csikszentmihalyi’s (1975) notion of “flow,” or of optimal experience, might be a more appropriate way to conceptualize leisure. Whichever terminology is used, it is clear that most leisure theorists subscribe to the notion of leisure as a subjective experience. This conceptualization should not suggest that participation in recreational or leisure activities is irrelevant, or that the study of activities is unnecessary. Understanding activity patterns and participation rates is important in predicting the needs for certain goods and services, planning programs and facilities, and analyzing patterns of expenditures. From a social psychological perspective, the type of activity in which people participate, and the social and physical setting, can be seen as the “container” within which leisure experiences may occur (Bennett & Bennett, 1970). It is important to understand the dimensions of this container and how certain types of containers may constrain or restrict leisure while others may facilitate it. Through the social psychological approach, the leisure experience is recognized as having primary importance to the qualitative value of the individual’s everyday life.

Defining the Dimensions of Leisure Various attempts have been made by researchers to define and describe the leisure experience. These descriptions have meant, in most cases, trying to determine the most significant dimensions or parameters of leisure. Neulinger (1974, 1981) suggested two basic dimensions that combine to create the leisure experience. These dimensions are perceived freedom and intrinsic motivation. In Neulinger’s model, the primary dimension that distinguishes leisure from nonleisure is the perceived freedom-perceived constraint continuum. At the perceived freedom end of the continuum, a leisure state of mind will be

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experienced; increased constraint as perceived by the participant leads to a nonleisure state of mind. The motivation dimension qualifies the leisure and nonleisure states. In this model, perceived freedom and intrinsic motivation lead to “pure leisure” while the presence of extrinsic motivation leads to “leisure-work” or “leisure-job.” Iso-Ahola (1979a) empirically tested Neulinger’s model of leisure and found that perceived freedom was the critical regulator used by people to distinguish between the subjective states of leisure and non-leisure. He also found that motivation had some, though a weaker and less consistent, effect on leisure definitions. Another study by Mannell and Bradley (1986) attempted to create the leisure experience in a laboratory setting. The theoretical base for this experiment was Csikszentmihalyi’s concept of flow. Although this researcher used a different technique and theoretical framework from Iso-Ahola’s study, Mannell also found that perceived freedom was a significant factor affecting the leisure experience. Other empirical research studies on the meaning or definition of leisure have used more qualitative and grounded theory approaches, rather than a model-testing approach. In these studies, respondents were allowed and encouraged to describe leisure and leisure activities in their own words, rather than respond to a pre-determined set of questions. Interview studies by Shaw (1985a), Bialeschki and Henderson (1986), and Freysinger (1988) explored the meaning of leisure experiences in everyday life and the subjective factors which affected whether people perceived a particular situation to be leisure. Another study by Gunter and Gunter (1980) applied a grounded approach to explain the dimensions of leisure by using self-report essays that focused on memorable leisure experiences. All of these studies found freedom of choice to be a crucial element to the experience of leisure. However, they also uncovered other important factors or dimensions of leisure. These factors included: enjoyment (all four studies); relaxation (Freysinger, 1988; Shaw, 1985a), intrinsic motivation and lack of evaluation (Shaw, 1985a), a sense of involvement (Gunter & Gunter, 1980), and a desire to separate or escape from the everyday routine world (Freysinger, 1988; Gunter & Gunter, 1980). In addition, recent studies by Freysinger (1988) and Samdahl (1988) have shown the significance of self-expression as an important qualitative dimension of the leisure experience. Based on these and other studies, it is evident that perceived freedom or lack of constraint is central to, and an essential aspect of, the leisure experience. Free choice, though, cannot be equated with leisure. Perceived freedom would appear to be a necessary, but not sufficient, condition of leisure. For example, playing with children may well be rated as high freedom, although it is less likely to be perceived as leisure (Bialeschki, 1984a). In other words, leisure would imply a positive dimension as well as simply the absence of constraint. This positive dimension may be thought of as enjoyment, personal involvement,

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self-expression, or intrinsic motivation; researchers are not agreed at this point about which of these concepts are the most appropriate. The situation of negative freedom, or freedom in the absence of a positive dimension, is “anomic leisure” (Gunter & Gunter, 1980; Samdahl, 1988). However, from the social psychological perspective where the meaning system of the participant is deemed to be paramount, the term anomic leisure is problematic. There are situations in which people report free choice, or freedom from constraint, but in which such conditions are not pleasurable. An example of this situation is people with “time on their hands,” or who are simply “passing time.” Their experience may be predominantly one of boredom, even depression, and they would be very unlikely to define such a situation as “leisure.” This condition is certainly one reason why the unemployed cannot be seen to have lives of leisure. “Anomic leisure,” then, is a researcher-imposed concept used to categorize a particular type of experience. From the point of view of women and men in their everyday lives, however, it would appear that only situations perceived as positive freedom are experienced by them as “leisure.”

The Leisure Experience as Shared Meaning, but… Given the substantial body of research and scholarship concerned with defining and understanding leisure from the participant’s perspective, it is surprising that relatively little attention has been given to differences in leisure meanings among people. Few researchers have addressed the question of whether class, race, age, gender, or other individual differences affect the dimensions which comprise the leisure experience. It seems a general assumption exists that leisure meanings are universal or are consensually shared among individuals and among different social groups. With respect to gender, most empirical studies of leisure meanings have used both females and males in their sample populations, but gender differences have not been the focus of attention and often not been analyzed at all. Where gender differences have been systematically examined, such differences have been found to be small (Freysinger, 1988; Iso-Ahola, 1979b; Shaw, 1984). It would seem that the meaning of leisure as an experience and the pattern of dimensions that make up this experience represent a generally agreed upon meaning system, at least in modern Western society. This shared meaning does not denote, however, that leisure experiences are equally available or accessible to all members of society. It also does not mean that leisure is experienced in similar situations (or within similar “containers”) for all individuals. Not only do some people have more freedom of choice in their lives than others, but the types of activities and settings which are pleasurable, involving, or intrinsically motivating vary as well.

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Kelly’s (1978a, 1983a) model of leisure (see Figure 1) provides some insights into different forms of leisure and may be particularly relevant to understanding women’s leisure. Kelly did not attempt to distinguish leisure from non-leisure but suggested that even within leisure activities, some variation in perceived freedom as well as different forms of personal motivation may occur. By distinguishing intrinsic from social motivation, he directed attention toward the important role of leisure experiences that revolve around family and other significant relationships.

Figure 1 Leisure: A Revised Paradigm

From Kelly, J.R. (1983a). Leisure identities and interactions. London: Unwin Hyman Limited (permission granted)

The inclusion of low freedom conditions in the model may be somewhat confusing given the earlier discussion of perceived freedom as a necessary condition of true leisure. However, the model illustrates different types of constraints that reduce or restrict leisure. While work constraints (including employment and housework) affect just about everyone, role-determined social constraints are likely to be experienced disproportionately by women and especially women with children. The expectations associated with the female sex role, including responsibility for shopping, cooking, cleaning, and the

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overall running of the household, involve a considerable amount of work that must be done each day. In addition, the expectation that women are responsible for the physical, mental, and emotional well-being of their children is a time-and energy-consuming responsibility that leaves many women with little opportunity to feel totally free of such concerns. For example, fathers are seldom seen in physicians’ waiting rooms because it is almost always the mother’s responsibility to remember, schedule, arrange, and take children for doctor’s appointments. This example shows only one minor part of the total responsibility of being a mother in our culture. Although the meaning of the leisure experience may be consensually shared, leisure does not necessarily play the same role in the everyday lives of women and men. The type and degree of constraints may vary, as may the situations in which leisure tends to be experienced. The activities and the physical and social setting (the container) of leisure experiences may be dissimilar for different people in diverse life situations. To understand women’s leisure, it is important to examine these containers. Such an examination will show the situations which are typically perceived as leisure (or non-leisure) for women and how leisure fits into women’s everyday lives.

Women’s Leisure “Containers” The types of activities, the social settings, and the physical locations are the “containers” in which women are likely to experience leisure. Research has shown women to have less leisure than men (Shaw 1985a). Women have less time which is perceived and experienced by them as leisure. This finding is particularly true on weekends when women’s household labor activities take up a considerable amount of time whether they are employed in the labor market or whether they work full-time in the home. Apart from simply calculating leisure time, women’s leisure opportunities may be disadvantaged in other ways as well. Deem (1982) suggested that women lack “space” for leisure, a notion that includes temporal, physical, social, and psychological opportunities to experience leisure. Based on research in England, Deem concluded that women’s leisure spaces were differently arranged and less well suited to available leisure opportunities than spaces available to men. The question of how women experience leisure in the home is open to debate. Gregory (1982) argued that distinct advantages may exist for women who work in the home because of the potential for integration of work and play. Deem (1982), on the other hand, contended that leisure spaces are particularly difficult for women to find in their own home. This latter position is congruent with other studies, such as Gavron’s The Captive Wife (1968), which showed that married women with children had little or no time for themselves.

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One way to explore this question of leisure in women’s lives is to look at the distribution of self-defined leisure across different daily activities. A Canadian time budget study by Shaw (1985b) examined the question of women’s leisure containers. This study examined the frequency with which different everyday activities were defined by the participants as leisure

Table 1. The Distribution of Leisure Among Different Daily Activities for Married Women

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experiences. The study used a sample of 60 married women and their husbands and collected time-diary information for a 48-hour period, including one weekday and one weekend day. Shaw found that free time activities were more likely to be experienced as leisure than “obligatory activities” (see Table 1). Reading, social events (especially if they were outside the home), and some media activities were particularly likely to be experienced as leisure. Among obligatory activities, personal care activities (especially eating) were experienced as leisure about half of the time, while child care was perceived to be leisure about one third of the time. Even employment-related activities were leisure nearly a quarter of the time, while housework and household activities had by far the lowest leisure rating. Women in this study (who included 33 women employed in the labor force and 27 full-time housewives) recorded more household labor activities

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than any other category of activity. Household labor was the main at-home activity for these married women and was unlikely to be experienced as leisure. The main types of household labor that were experienced as leisure were gardening, animal care, and some forms of shopping—all activities that typically took place outside the home. The constraints on women’s leisure at home were particularly evident from this study when comparisons were made between women’s and men’s household labor. While the men recorded considerably fewer household labor activities than their wives (263 as compared to 714, respectively), men also experienced four times more leisure in these activities than did women (Shaw, 1988a). The reason was primarily that the men had more choice than women over the housework and household maintenance activities, including choice over what to do and when to do it. Recording the leisure associated with different daily activities does not show the complete picture of everyday leisure; the leisure container is made up of a number of different parameters apart from activity type. The social and

Table 2. The Distribution of Leisure Among Different Social Settings and Physical Locations for Married Women

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interactional setting, for example, is also an important aspect of the total situation. Table 2 shows the distribution of leisure across different social settings for the women who participated in Shaw’s time-budget study. The lowest proportion of leisure experiences were recorded in settings with work colleagues, when the women were with their children, and when they were alone. This proportion was not because of those social settings per se, but because of the activities in which women typically participated in those settings. Obviously the presence of work colleagues characteristically implies participation in job-related activities. However, the time women spend with their children and the time on their own is usually filled with domestic “work.” It is not time devoted primarily to enjoying the company of their children or simply enjoying themselves. The time spent with husbands, with friends, and with friends and family together represents the majority of the leisure opportunities for these married women. Analysis of the location of leisure events showed that the place of work or employment is not one where leisure experiences are readily available. Nevertheless, Shaw’s study also revealed that women perceived the home as less likely to offer leisure opportunities than out-of-home locations (including the outdoors, shopping centers, recreational centers, and other people’s homes). Even though fewer activities take place outside the home, a greater percentage of these activities were perceived as leisure. When considering actual leisure episodes, however, the home was the most frequent location because more activities occur in the home than anywhere else. Another factor in understanding everyday life activities is that it is not uncommon for people to be doing two or more activities at the same time. This fact is particularly true of women because of their multiple role responsibilities and may be an indication of “time deepening” (Godbey, 1985) or the desire (or pressure) to be more efficient with one’s available time. The approach used in Shaw’s time-budget study was to record a maximum of two activities at the same time (although this is an over simplification since there may well be situations of multiple rather than dual activities). The results showed that participating in dual rather than single activities did not always decrease the quality of the experience. Two free time activities (such as watching television while socializing at the same time) was generally more likely to be leisure than a single free time activity (such as watching television alone). However, combining an obligatory activity (such as housework) with another obligatory activity (such as child care), or with a free time activity (such as watching a soap opera), decreased the quality of that leisure experience (see Table 3). Overall, the notion of the integration of work and leisure in the lives of women appears to be an ideal that is not being realized. Rather, the multiple roles that many women have (i.e., primary responsibility for the household as well as for the care of children and other family members) impinge on and constrain the possibility of leisure in their everyday lives. Most of the leisure experienced by women seems to be during free time activities, is associated with

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Table 3. The Distribution of Leisure Among Different Dual and Single Activity Events of Married Women

social interactional settings, and is more likely to be perceived as leisure when it occurs outside the home where household responsibilities have less chance of interference.

Freedom and Constraint in Daily Activities Another way of exploring leisure possibilities in women’s lives is to investigate the freedom and constraints that women experience. Freedom or free choice, though, is not as obvious or straightforward as it might appear. Researchers in the leisure studies field, while supporting the contention that free choice is a central and essential dimension of leisure, have also been careful to distinguish between absolute freedom and perceived freedom (Neulinger, 1981). It is the individual’s perception of whether freedom exists that is important, rather than whether freedom actually does exist in an absolute sense. This distinction between absolute and perceived freedom makes sense from a phenomenological or social psychological perspective, but it also has its potential dangers. One danger is assuming that perceived constraints are only in the mind and are not real, or in other words, thinking that the solution lies only in a simple “change of attitude.” This “blame-the-victim” approach is not justified, though, since perceived constraints not only reflect reality, but are

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experienced as real and thus have a significant effect on both behaviors and on the quality of experience (Thomas & Thomas, 1970). Another issue in the free choice debate is whether it is too simplistic or too static to think of a particular situation as representing either freedom or constraint. Perceived freedom or perceived constraint is more realistically constraint. Perceived freedom or perceived constraint is more realistically conceptualized as a continuum that also may be too static to really capture freedom as “ongoing consent” (Harper, 1986). Despite these problems, some attempts have been made to measure perceived freedom in everyday life situations. A recent time budget study by Shaw (1987) asked respondents to rate all recorded diary activities in terms of the degree of perceived free choice on a scale ranging from zero (no choice at all) to 10 (complete freedom of choice). This study was done with a stratified

Table 4. Mean Choice Ratings of Daily Activities for Women and Men

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random sample of 88 employed and non-employed men and women (20 employed men, 19 non-employed men, 29 employed women, and 20 nonemployed women). The free choice ratings of different categories of daily activities were calculated for both women and men (see Table 4). It was found, overall, that women perceived less free choice in their daily lives than did the men (7.1 compared to 8.0 mean choice ratings, respectively). Sex differences in free choice ratings were particularly large with respect to child care activities; women perceived child care as constraining (3.8 mean choice rating) while men perceived child care with more choice (6.1 mean choice rating). The data also indicated less free choice for women compared to men in their employment activities, in their household labor, in their personal care, and in their free time activities. Various reasons exist to explain why women experienced less free choice, and therefore less leisure, in their everyday activities than did men. In general, the most obvious reason has to do with role-related constraints. The traditional female gender role in our society includes responsibility for the running of the household, including the care of babies and children. If women perceive these activities to be their role and their responsibility, and if men also perceive these roles to be “women’s work,” this places a particular constraint on women and reduces their freedom of choice. The emotional work that women do as part of their family role responsibilities may be partly reflected in the reduced choice they experience. This type of emotional work is difficult to measure with standard survey or time budget instruments; other methodologies may be needed to explore the extent to which this emotional caring and concern acts as a constraint to women’s freedom and leisure. One recent exploratory study by Bella (1987), for example, used in-depth interviews with 12 women to explore the emotional work related to Christmas. These women put considerable time, energy, and concern into trying to ensure that Christmas was a positive experience for their family members, even though this meant some self-sacrifice. The lower perception of freedom that women appear to have in their employment-related activities, compared to that experienced by men, may also relate to gender roles and to women’s generalized social status. Bialeschki (1984b) suggested that women experience less choice in their employment partly because their jobs tend to have less autonomy. Employment opportunities have been largely limited to those occupations which have been thought of as “appropriate” for women. These jobs, such as nursing, teaching, and clerical work, typically “complement” or reflect women’s family roles. Thus, women not only receive lower wages for their paid work compared to men’s wages, but they also tend to have jobs which have lower status and less individual freedom, autonomy, and control (Armstrong & Armstrong, 1978).

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Another aspect of women’s reduced freedom, which has received less attention, is the selection and control of leisure activities. Deem (1986) suggested that recreational and leisure activities are often male-defined and male-controlled. The data presented in Table 4 do not provide much support for this notion in that women perceived similar amounts of free choice compared to men in free time and recreational activities. The issue of male definition and male control should be further explored empirically, using a different research strategy and methodology. The question of women’s roles and degree of freedom or constraint in everyday life can be analyzed using Kelly’s (1983a) notion of social versus intrinsic motivation. Much of women’s leisure appears to be socially or relationally, rather than intrinsically, motivated. However, many of the rolerelated constraints are also social in their orientation. To the degree that women’s social motivations are constrained (or role-determined) rather than freely chosen, women’s leisure possibilities will continue to be restricted. Women’s leisure constraints and restrictive roles relate to the overall structure of our patriarchal society. Women also seem to lack opportunities for unconditional or “pure” leisure. For many women, few activities are done strictly for their own pleasure or enjoyment. It is not simply a question of different social roles for men and women but of unequal roles and unequal status. Although women and men may define the experience of leisure in similar ways, women face particular constraints with respect to freedom of choice and opportunities for leisure. These constraints are especially evident in the home where responsibility for household labor and for the emotional well-being of the family tend to prevent women from experiencing leisure for themselves.

Leisure Meanings and Life Situations The qualities associated with the leisure experience appear to be similar for everyone, but the availability of leisure and the form or “container” in which leisure is experienced vary considerably. Women may be seeking affiliative or relational leisure that seems to be highly valued by them. Their leisure typically occurs during social or interactional settings with friends or family, although meaning may be found through other types of nontraditional leisure activity such as caring for children or through employment. Focusing on the meaning of leisure to women as a group, and the availability of leisure, tends to ignore the differences that exist among women. Although there are commonalities among women such as societally-based gender roles, there are social class, employment status, age, and family status differences that affect opportunities for leisure as well. One of the major factors affecting people’s usage of time is, of course, whether or not they are employed in the labor market. While employment increases the number of work roles and obligatory activities, it may also lead to

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more leisure opportunities. This possibility may be because employment for women is associated with greater control and autonomy. Employed women are more likely to compartmentalize their work and leisure time and to assert their need for, and entitlement to, leisure (Deem, 1986). Apart from employment status, type of occupation may also affect the availability and meaning of leisure for women. A study by Allison and Duncan (1987) compared the leisure experiences of professional and blue-collar women. The study focused on women’s “flow” experience (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975) and on “anti-flow” (meaning boredom, frustration, or anxiety). Professional women were found to experience flow both in work (employment) settings and in nonwork spheres. Clearly the professional women were benefitting not only from greater economic rewards and financial independence, but also from the quality of work life where flow (and presumably, leisure) experiences were a possibility for them. For both groups of women, flow in non-work experiences revolved around free time activities, especially in the interpersonal domain of the family. Moreover, anti-flow in non-work settings was typically associated with doing household chores. Age, marital status, living arrangement, and the number and ages of dependent children all greatly affect women’s everyday lives and the meaning of leisure. Each life course transition affects not only the distribution and allocation of time, but also the type and quality of that time. Of all the life course transitions affecting women, it is probably the birth of the first child that has the most dramatic effect on leisure, including the availability of leisure in general and the type of situations in which leisure is possible. This is not to say that motherhood is all work and no leisure, but it certainly changes leisure opportunities, meanings, and values. Based upon Kelly’s model of leisure (1983a), it is logical to suggest that any close relationships, including relationships with spouses, lovers, children, and even close friends, increase the amount of relational leisure in women’s lives. As suggested earlier, it is perhaps the distribution of relational versus roledetermined leisure (freedom versus constraint) that is more significant to the quality of life and quality of leisure, rather than the relational-intrinsic balance. In other words, the significant question is whether marital and family relationships (and other close relationships) provide more positive relational experiences or more role-constrained obligations. From the research to date, it would seem that family interaction and family leisure is a very meaningful aspect of leisure (Allison & Duncan, 1987; Freysinger, 1988; Kelly, 1983a).

Summary The qualities associated with the leisure experience appear to be similar for everyone, but the availability of leisure and the form or container in which leisure is experienced varies considerably. Women may be particularly seeking

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affiliative or relational leisure and this seems to be particularly important and highly valued by them. Their leisure typically occurs during social or interactional settings with friends or family, although leisure is also available through other types of activity such as caring for children, and even through employment for some women. Nevertheless, it is evident that gender role expectations constrain women’s leisure in the home. The potential for the integration of work and leisure in the home may exist, but for many women their home is more a place of work than a haven for leisure. Women’s responsibility for the emotional well-being of the family also further encourages them to put others first, and to put their own leisure interests last. The question of entitlement, or the belief that one has a right to one’s own leisure, is important to understanding meaning in leisure. Each person needs a leisure time and space of one’s own, but this condition is often difficult to obtain. Although leisure is an experience or state of mind, it cannot be achieved simply through a change of attitude. Instead, changes need to be made in the structure of existing gender roles, the work world, and the family. While there are differences among women in terms of leisure opportunities and leisure entitlement, gender-role constraints are pervasive and affect women in all situations.

Discussion Questions: 1. Develop a definition of leisure for yourself and describe the key criteria of a leisure experience. How important is perceived freedom? 2. Describe why past definitions of leisure have been perceived as male models. 3. How might gender-role expectations for women influence the meanings associated with leisure? 4. For 24 hours keep an activity time budget. Every half hour list the activity, the degree of choice and enjoyment of the activity, and whether you thought the activity was leisure for you. Discuss your findings. 5. Discuss the concept of “leisure entitlement” as it relates to women.

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LEISURE AS A DEVELOPMENTAL ISSUE FOR WOMEN This discussion of women, leisure, and development focuses on women from young adulthood through older adulthood, or from the second decade of life through old age. While numerous “facts” can be reported, many unanswered questions and issues remain to be explored. In general, these questions and issues pertain to the patterns of women’s development and change or stability and to the continuity or discontinuity of leisure behavior, attitudes, meanings, and motivations across the lifespan. Research has barely begun to address how the process and experience of development and how the significance and meaning of leisure may be different or similar for women of varied life situations or backgrounds. For example, the literature rarely focuses on women of color, single or never-married women, socially and economically disadvantaged women, or single mothers. Thus, it should be recognized that the developmental research primarily reflects the lives of white, middle-class, married, North American women. In this chapter, leisure as a developmental issue and the usefulness of a developmental perspective in understanding women’s leisure are discussed. What is known about the lives of women or the development of women across the lifespan is summarized related to women’s changing roles and their psychological or psychosocial development. Stability and change in leisure meaning, activity, and time over the lifespan is discussed in light of the external (social) and internal (psychological) factors that define the lifespan or life course of women.

A Developmental Perspective Behavior is the result of accumulated experiences, attitudes, and beliefs; individual personal and social development; the current situation; and individuals’ perceptions of these factors (Schmitz-Scherzer & Thomae, 1983). People act according to who they are, which is an integration of all that they have been and expect to be. Therefore, to add to the understanding of human

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behavior at any particular point in time, an understanding of human development across the lifespan is increasingly important. Gergen (1980) and others (Riegel, 1976; Thomae, 1979) have noted that individual development over time is influenced by a number of interacting factors: psychological, socio-cultural, historical, and biological. Behavior is multi-dimensional and complex in its meaning and development. A lifespan developmental perspective requires that one looks at individuals’ lives as a whole, at the interaction and integration of the many parts. According to this perspective, development is not a process that ends with adolescence as previous theories have implied, but a process that continues across the lifespan. In addition, a lifespan model suggests that there is both constancy and change in development. While there may be times of stability in human behavior and experience, change can also be expected as a function of age, time or current situation, and/or cohort or generational experiences. For example, research has noted the low level of involvement in physical activity by females, particularly among older women. While such decline in participation may be partly due to the changes in physical strength, stamina, and flexibility that occur with age, different generational experiences also have an influence. Older cohorts of women experienced fewer opportunities for and greater sanctions against their involvement in sport and physically active leisure than have more recent or current generations of females. Thus, older women’s lower levels of participation may best be explained by a combination of such factors. The separation of age, time (current situational), and period (cohort or generational) effects is a concern of, and integral to, a developmental model. Age and gender are two variables whose relevance for and impact upon development are being examined, particularly in adulthood. Physical, psychological, and social development have been closely tied to age during childhood and adolescence; starting in early adulthood normative patterns of age changes are difficult to find. This lack of normative patterns has been attributed to a number of factors including the lack of universal physical changes during this time and the diversity of situation contexts and demands experienced by adults. For example, if development occurs through the interaction of psychological and social factors, the demands faced by a single, career-oriented woman and a married, full-time homemaker and mother of five are quite different. While it can be argued that children also deal with diverse environments (in homes, neighborhoods, and schools), the developmental tasks are seen as more defined and more uniform than those of adults because children do not have the options and choices of lifestyles that adults have. Concerning gender, researchers are increasingly challenging the applicability of developmental theory for females (i.e Baruch, Barnett, & Rivers, 1983;Gilligan,1982a,1982b,1982c; Veroff & Smith, 1985). Developmental theory has been predominantly derived from studies of male populations. However, women’s lives are believed to be less predictable and less uniform

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than men’s. Women’s lives and development are affected by their reproductive and family roles in a way that men’s are not (Barnett & Baruch, 1978). Gilligan (1982c) contended that women and men differ in their moral and psychosocial development because of differential sex role socialization and norms and because of the different roles women and men are expected to fulfill in a patriarchal society. Basically, women’s lives and their development are influenced by an ethic of care which evolves from women’s dominant role or function of nurturing others. The psychological growth, development, and wellbeing of women have been affected by this role (Livson, 1981). Leisure is a developmental issue in that leisure behavior, motivations, values, and attitudes are affected by developmental stages, social roles, and psychosocial preoccupations that change across the lifespan (Freysinger& Ray, 1987a, 1987b; Freysinger, 1988; Iso-Ahola, 1980; Kleiber & Kelly, 1980; Rapoport & Rapoport, 1975). Concomitantly, leisure may stimulate development. The experience of leisure may assist individuals in coping with the changes and transitions that are a part of human growth or development For example, Csikszentmihalyi (1981) hypothesized that leisure was a crucial factor influencing adolescents’ transition to young adulthood and the world of work. Kleiber (1986) tested this assertion and found that challenging recreation activities required structured attention and discipline and engaged an adolescent in a world of symbols and knowledge. Kleiber hypothesized that the enjoyment found in such leisure may lay “a groundwork for experiencing enjoyment in more obligatory adult activities” (p. 11). Other research has also shown how the experience of leisure may assist individuals in coping with change. Kelly, Steinkamp, and Kelly (1986) found that leisure was used to cope with the transitions of aging. Similar findings were reported in the research of Freysinger (1987, 1988) who found that leisure as separation from the real world enabled adults to cope with the roles and responsibilities, as well as the psychosocial preoccupations, of middle adulthood. Specific to women, Kleiber and Kane (1984) reviewed the research on sex differences in the use of leisure. They viewed leisure as a context that allows for expressive behavior and self-expansion that are not available in other more rolebound contexts. In leisure there is the possibility for free experimentation with alternative forms of behavior that do not fit with existing sex-role norms. Kleiber and Kane concluded that an individual who is willing to experiment with alternative styles and behaviors in leisure might become more selfactualized as a result. This finding illustrates the developmental potential of leisure.

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The Roles and Psychosocial Issues that Define Women’s Development An understanding of women’s development may be found in the series of life events and roles which delineate stages or transitions of female life. Some of these events or roles include chronological age, parenting status, change in work-life events or roles, hormonal changes, and the mix of activities in which one is engaged (Brooks-Gunn & Kirsch, 1984). Adjustment to changing roles and events is believed to depend to a large extent on their “timeliness,” that is, to the extent to which one feels the changes are “on time” (Neugarten, 1977). This “life course” approach to the study of adult development focuses on social patterns in the timing, duration, spacing, and ordering of life events. In contrast, those researchers exploring adult development from a lifespan approach are more likely to be interested in individual development and to focus on psychological qualities such as ego strength, personality, or moral development. Thus, research on adult development takes account of both the psychological and social aspects and increasingly the interaction of the two.

Roles and Events According to Sales (1977), the major points of adult life are marked by role changes. For individuals, roles define behaviors expected by others, are major sources of feelings about the self, and expose individuals to experiences that can affect subsequent attitudes, feelings, and behaviors. The major roles that most women occupy at some time during adulthood include worker, spouse or significant other, parent, and homemaker. Increasingly, the roles of student and caretaker of aging parents or in-laws are also defining the lives of women. Sales (1977) presented stages of the life cycle for women and described the impact of the changing roles of life experiences of women on their personality. The stages are characterized by: 1. 2. 3. 4.

Demands for adaptation created by women’s roles. A relationship between expanded role involvements and satisfaction. Decreasing role demands with age. Psychological growth of women in the adult years.

The eight stages include: (a) young adulthood (ages 18–21), (b) choosing life roles (ages 22–24), (c) role completion (ages 25–29), (d) readjustment (ages 30– 34), (e) becoming one’s own person (ages 35–43), (f) midlife crisis (ages 44– 47), (g) mellowing (ages 48–60), and (h) old age (after 60). As noted by Sales, “the age at which an individual experiences each life stage has wide variation. It

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is the sequence of stages, not the ages, that appear to have the most general applicability” (1977, p. 167). From an extensive review of the research, Sales concluded that a major theme in women’s development is adaptability. At each stage women are faced with attempting to fulfill the external expectations placed on them while building additional roles that may enrich their personal satisfaction. These additional roles may include leisure. Women’s adaptability allows them to adjust more easily to changes that occur; at the same time, this adaptability impedes long-range planning. The result is that women are often deprived of the pleasure of attaining goals that require extended time commitments. An exception to this result is in women’s maternal or parenting role. Many women with children see their child’s progress toward maturity as a woman’s most substantial contribution to the world. Barnett and Baruch (1983) explored the relationship between the various role combinations women held in midlife and their psychological development or well-being. They found that the major source of stress for women in the middle years of life was the parent role, rather than that of paid worker as traditionally had been cited. Women who were not employed outside the home appeared to experience a lack of structure and legitimacy in their commitments. They were often seen by themselves and others as endlessly available. Their lives were spent juggling the demands of others. Barnett and Baruch reported that full-time homemakers often experienced feelings of having too much to do. These women attributed such feelings to personal inadequacy, rather than to the nature and structure of the homemaking role. Research by Lopata and Barnewolt (1984) on the importance of various roles for women ages 28–55 found that: 1. The role of worker took a primary focus when the roles of wife and mother were absent from a woman’s current life. 2. Women tended to see their involvement in social roles in life-course terms, expecting a shift from the role of mother to that of wife if they were presently involved in childrearing. 3. Women expected their involvement in roles outside the home (friend, organizational membership) to increase after age 55. 4. Women in the middle years were especially likely to ignore roles outside of home and family. Few identified the role of worker as being, having been, or going to be important at midlife. Lopata and Barnewolt used a cross sectional representation of women in 1956 and again in 1978 and found that both groups gave similar importance to roles. In other words, despite any social-structural changes that may have taken place during this time in terms of gender roles, women’s perceptions of the importance of various roles did not change.

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While it has been argued that the roles and, thus, the lives of women are changing, Rossi (1980) suggested that some of the changes actually have not taken women very far from where they have been. In particular she noted the popular myth that couples in their forties are largely post-parental. According to Rossi, the post-parental stage is not reached until retirement age, for a number of reasons: (a) the higher unemployment rate of youth and increasing years of post secondary education have resulted in a longer economic dependency of children on their parents; (b) because first births are taking place at an older parental age, childrearing is extended to later ages; and (c) there has been a greater change in the status of women in the workplace than in the division of labor at home. In addition, as the number of older people are increasing and the years of a dependent old age are extended, women of all age groups (but predominantly those in the middle years) are assuming the caretaker role for these older people. In other words, rather than being a time of increased freedom, the trend may be for the 40s and 50s to be a time of continued constraints and family responsibilities for women. In summary, adulthood for women is characterized by changing roles and responsibilities. Most research has found that family roles are central in defining women’s lives. These roles influence a woman’s perceptions of personal adequacy and identity. Little comparative research, however, exists on the central life interests of women with various lifestyle patterns, such as women who are not and/or do not intend to be wives and or mothers, women who have established careers before starting a family, or single mothers.

Psychosocial Tasks and Issues Researchers have examined the psychological changes experienced by women in adulthood as well as delineated the changing roles of women’s lives. These issues or concerns are typically defined as psychosocial, because they are felt to evolve out of the interaction between the individual and her environment. Much of the work that has been done on women’s psychosocial development tests or challenges established theories that were developed on male populations. Thus, in this discussion sex differences are noted because they reflect the research to date. Havighurst (1972) delineated developmental tasks for each stage of life, including young, middle, and older adulthood. The tasks of young adulthood include selecting a mate, learning to live with a marriage partner, starting a family, rearing children, managing a home, getting started in an occupation, taking on civic responsibility, and finding a congenial social group. Middle adulthood tasks are achieving adult civic and social responsibility, establishing and maintaining an economic standard of living, assisting teenage children to become responsible and happy adults, developing adult leisure-time activities,

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relating to one’s spouse as a person, accepting and adjusting to the physiological changes of middle age, and adjusting to aging parents. In older adulthood the tasks include adjusting to decreasing physical strength and health, adjusting to retirement and a reduced income, adjusting to the death of a spouse, establishing an explicit affiliation with one’s age group, meeting social and civic obligations, and establishing satisfactory physical living arrangements. These tasks are widely accepted as reflective of the various stages of development. Developmental tasks come from three sources: (a) physical maturation, (b) cultural and societal expectations, and (c) personal values and aspirations (Merriam & Mullins, 1981). According to Havighurst, through the achievement of these tasks, growth occurs and personal well-being or happiness evolves. While these tasks are often cited by researchers discussing adult development, Merriam and Mullins (1981) noted that they rarely have been empirically tested, and their relevance for women and men, different income groups, and different age cohorts has been questioned. Merriam and Mullins (1981) found that the young, middle, and older-aged adults in their study were as likely to see the tasks of young and middle adulthood as equally important. In terms of sex differences, women in general saw the tasks of every stage as more important than the men. In addition, the tasks tended to be seen as more relevant by middle-class persons. From a psychoanalytic background, Erikson (1963) defined development as the resolution of a series of psychosocial issues. In adolescence the issue is one of identity formation (individuation, establishing an autonomous sense of self) versus identity diffusion. For young adults the concern is with establishing an intimate relationship. The issue of middle adulthood is generativity (the capacity to guide and nurture succeeding generations in their development) versus stagnation. Integrity (the ability to integrate the successful and disappointing experiences of one’s life and find meaning) versus despair is the psychosocial issue faced by older adults. Erikson’s theory has been criticized for being androcentric and its applicability for women has only been recently explored. For example, Ryff (1985) combined and examined the major theories of adult development, including Erikson’s, in an examination of gender differences in personality development. She found that women changed in the ways proposed by these developmental theories. In other words, early adulthood is characterized by concerns with intimacy, middle adulthood with generativity, and late adulthood with ego integrity. Since Ryff was studying adult development, however, she did not consider sex differences in the psychosocial issue of adolescent identity formation versus identity diffusion. According to Gilligan (1982a, 1982c), adolescence is the time when females and males diverge and identity development is the issue that distinguishes subsequent development. Erikson (1963) proposed that girls and

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boys resolve the identity issue differently. A girl’s resolution of the identity issue is held in abeyance because identity for females is found by merging with another or in intimacy. Adolescent boys, on the other hand, are encouraged to forge ahead and establish an autonomous, initiating self. According to Gilligan, “While for men, identity precedes intimacy and generativity in the optimal cycle of human separation and attachment, for women these tasks seem instead to be fused. Intimacy goes along with identity, as the female comes to know herself as she is known, through her relationships with others” (1982c, p. 12). The sequence of development for women is one of intimacy, individuation, and generativity, while that for men is individuation, intimacy, and generativity (Gilligan, 1982a). Yet, while recognizing this difference, Erikson did not change his life-cycle stages (Gilligan, 1982c). The research of Stewart (1976), which actually preceded Gilligan, offers support for Gilligan’s conclusions. Stewart explored the applicability of Levinson’s (1974) theory of adult development for women. She found that for many women, the 30s was a time of transition and dis-ease when issues of individuation and a sense of an independent, identifiable self needed to be addressed. The developmental tasks of women in their 30s varied greatly depending on whether a woman had formed a stable marriage and family life in her 20s, remained single, and/or pursued a career during this decade. Sales (1977) suggested that women who do not seek new or additional roles in their 30s will experience difficulty later on in life. Researchers have shown that women who are exclusively family focused during early and middle adulthood scored lower on measures of well-being and were less satisfied in their later years (Barnett & Baruch, 1983; Maas & Kuypers, 1974). Women in their 40s are often characterized as exhibiting a sense of increased freedom, increased time and energy, and a satisfying change in selfconcept (Neugarten, 1968b). For married women with children, needs for achievement and for making an impact outside the realm of marriage and family are often felt (Baruch, 1967). The 40s are a time of increasing self-awareness, reflection, selectivity, manipulation and control of the environment, mastery, and competence. For both women and men, this stage seems to be a time of selfassessment, re-evaluation, and time of personal control and power. Depending on the roles and responsibilities a woman still has, latent talents and abilities may be put to use in new directions. The relational, affiliative character of women has been attributed not only to adult roles and socialization for these roles, but also to the different initial developmental experiences of females and males. Chodorow (1978) and others (Hunt, 1980) have noted that because mothers are the primary caretakers, the formation of gender identity is experienced differently by female and male babies, as is individuation or separation in adolescence. Male identity is contingent on separation from the mother. For females, identity is an ongoing primary relationship with the mother that does not involve separation.

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As a result of this lack of separation, women do not differentiate self from other and tend to feel a diffuse guilt for the welfare of their families and a responsibility for others. These initial differences in childrearing and development are further supported by socialization processes which foster achievement and self-reliance in boys and nurturance and responsibility in girls. Researchers have found that beginning in middle age, women become more responsive and less guilty about aggressive and egocentric impulses (Chiriboga, 1981; Gutmann, 1964; Rodeheaver & Datan, 1985). Women become more expressive of all aspects of self. Cooper and Gutmann (1987) described middle age as the “addition of masculine characteristics” and a “return of traits that had been repressed.” This repression has been attributed to what Gutmann (1964) called the “parental imperative.” The responsibility of women for the care and nurturance of others, particularly children, is a responsibility that requires the suppression of the aggressive, competitive, independent self. When such responsibilities no longer dominate, women are free to express other aspects of themselves. Cooper and Gutmann (1987) found in their recent study that post-parental women saw themselves as more “masculine” than did parental women. Post-parental women, however, still perceived themselves as nurturant. In addition to a re-emergence of the “masculine,” older adulthood is a period when women increasingly must deal with a changing time perspective, a restructuring of the social world, and a changing self-concept and identity as they face the contingencies of retirement, widowhood, illness, and personal death. Women experience both role losses and role changes. The instrumental activities of family and/or work no longer predominate as they did in young and middle adulthood. Physical health has a great effect on a woman’s activities and her satisfaction with life (Riddick & Daniels, 1984). While older adulthood is usually seen as a period of declining energies, such degenerations do not necessarily indicate declining interests, as noted by Florida Scott Maxwell: Age puzzles me. I thought it was a quiet time. My seventies were interesting, and fairly serene, but my eighties are passionate. I grow more intense as I age. To my own surprise I burst out with hot conviction. Only a few years ago I enjoyed my tranquility; now I am so disturbed by the outer world and by human quality in general that I want to put things right, as though I still owed a debt to life. I must calm down. I am far too frail to indulge in moral fervor (1979, p. 11–12). Tremendous individual variation is evident in a woman’s experience of development. This reflects the process of increasing differentiation that also defines development. Thus, while adult life has often been perceived as a series of psychological stages or social roles, the focus of research is shifting away

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from neat and orderly transitions to explaining why changes occur when they do (Giele, 1982). According to Giele, some people experience distinct stages of development while others do not. She noted that a critical factor is the degree of social complexity on the job or in other aspects of everyday life. Giele stated: Those who must learn a great deal and adapt to many different roles seem to be the most concerned with trying to evolve an abstract self, conscience, or life structure that can integrate all these discrete events. By contrast, those with a simple job, limited by meager education and narrow contacts, are less apt to experience aging as a process that enhances autonomy or elaborates one’s mental powers (1982, p. 8). Thus, according to Giele, developmental stages are not consistent for all people and in all social settings. Others (Neugarten, 1968a; Farrell & Rosenberg, 1981) have concluded that the timing, issues, and meanings of adult age periods may vary by social class, and perceptions of change or development exist across classes. Several factors have been found to influence an individual’s ability to cope with the role and psychosocial changes that occur across the lifespan. These factors include perceived choice, the “timeliness” of events or transitions, and the success of previous coping strategies. For example, those adults who feel they have some say in the changes they are undergoing, who are going through them “on time,” and who have adapted well previously, are better able to cope with life’s transitions. In older adulthood, physical health and financial security also greatly influence personality changes and adjustment. While many see women as more relational and nurturant, Astin (1976) has noted that we do not know if this is “intrinsically” so. She noted: Even though the literature on adult development has described developmental differences between youth and adulthood and between adult men and women, it has not differentiated adult women by past roles and experiences. Adult women described in the literature have the primary roles of wife and mother. There is no information on the similarities and differences between women with career commitments and those primarily with family commitments. Also, do women who had careers, who were involved in scholarly, scientific, and artistic endeavors, have adult crises similar to those of men? Do adult women who have always been outwardly oriented show needs or affiliation in adulthood similar to those of men? (1976, p. 1).

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It may be that women’s focus on the roles of mother and/or wife at different ages reflects a lack of meaningful employment opportunities as well as a relational orientation. Another little explored issue is the ability of different women to “call forth” the repressed “masculine” sides of themselves, even though the detrimental effect of constricted sex-typed roles and traits on women’s psychological health or well-being has been noted. Indeed, the development and well-being of both the individual and society are seen to lie in women’s and men’s acceptance and expression of both the masculine and feminine in themselves (Gilligan, 1982c; Jung, 1933). While there is no agreement on a single pattern of women’s development, examining women’s changing roles and personality is useful in understanding women’s concerns and interests. Research has shown that women’s lives are characterized by diversity in multiple and changing roles. Adaptation is a major theme of women’s lives. The extent to which women are able to be adaptable, however, varies by individual (Livson, 1981). Despite the number of unanswered questions, insights into the development of women provide a sense of the diversity of life patterns and both the commonality and uniqueness of being female. Such insights also provide a challenging new perspective from which to examine women’s leisure.

Stability and Change in Leisure Recent research suggests that both women’s roles and their psychosocial concerns influence their leisure behavior in adulthood. The effect of changing adult roles and responsibilities on leisure activities and involvement have been explored by many. Family and work have been shown to be important dimensions of women’s lives that interact with leisure in varying ways (Angrist, 1967; Freysinger, 1988; Horna, 1985; Orthner, 1975; Shaw, 1982, 1985b; Witt & Goodale, 1981). In addition, the work of several researchers suggests that personality, when viewed as preoccupations, concerns, and psychosocial issues of stage or phase of life, also influences leisure behavior (Kleiber, 1985; Osgood & Howe, 1984; Rapoport & Rapoport, 1975). Overall, the psychological and sociological research has found that both continuity and change in leisure behavior exist across the lifespan. Research from a sociological perspective usually discusses adulthood in terms of changing roles. Thus, distinctions in women’s leisure behavior are increasingly being made on the basis of marital, parental, and/or work status or roles and not on the basis of age. Research, however, on the relationship between the psychosocial preoccupations or issues of various stages of adulthood and leisure behavior and meanings is limited. The possibility of purposive, patterned change in psychosocial concerns is rarely recognized. Change in leisure behavior is often examined from a static perspective and the interaction of various social

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and psychological factors across the lifespan is not considered (Iso-Ahola, 1980). Furthermore, much of the research on leisure activity, time, and meaning either does not look at both women and men or does not examine the leisure activity, time and meaning of women and men separately. Still, the research that has been done contributes to our understanding of stability and change in women’s experiences of leisure in adulthood.

Developmental Models of Leisure Before examining what the research has shown in regard to women’s leisure activity and motivation over the lifespan, two developmental models of leisure will be presented: (a) a family life cycle model (Rapoport & Rapoport, 1975) that focuses on the interaction between social-environmental conditions and the individual, and (b) a model of personal expressivity (Gordon, Gaitz, & Scott, 1976) that explores the relationship between leisure and mental health or inner psychological growth. While the research from which these models were developed did not focus specifically on women, gender differences were explored. Because both models were based on cross-sectional studies, the findings reflect age (cohort) differences and not necessarily age changes or development. These models, however, provide insights into the nature of change that might be expected in women’s leisure over the lifespan. A Family Life Cycle Model. Individual lives are defined by the weaving together of three strands: work, family, and leisure (Rapoport & Rapoport, 1975). The patterns of one’s overall lifestyle are predominantly defined by one’s “preoccupations.” Preoccupations are mental absorptions or concerns which arise from psycho-biological development, maturation, and aging processes as they interact with social-environmental conditions. Given preoccupations may be present all through the life cycle and they reflect patterns of development and change over the course of the lifespan. These changing preoccupations are manifested in interests that “arise in people’s awareness as ideas and feelings about what they want or would like to have or do, about which they are curious, to which they are drawn, through which they feel they might derive satisfaction” (Rapoport & Rapoport, 1975, p. 23). Leisure activities are an expression of interests which are an outcome of the interaction between preoccupations and social environments salient for individuals at different phases of the life cycle. Interests and their meanings for individuals may change or remain constant. Any activity may have various meanings for different people in relation to their interests. The salient social environments and preoccupations of young, middle, and older adults were explored in depth by Rapoport and Rapoport (1975). They found that the most salient preoccupation of young adults was that of identification with social institutions. Rapoport and Rapoport discovered that

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occupational roles and interest had a strong influence on young adults’ expectations and activities in the contexts of family and leisure. Sex differences were evident in the importance of occupational interests which were a more predominant focus of the males than the females. The compatibility of leisure interests and activities also were found to be an important element in the “mate selection” process. Assisting young adults in maintaining interests and activities was advocated as a base or resource for later in life. This maintenance of interests is particularly important for women who are more constrained in their leisure by family and household responsibilities and likely to be more affected by changes in family structure and dynamics in middle adulthood. Research has suggested that women adapt or give up interests more than men do after marriage and the birth of the first child (Bernard, 1984; Kelly, 1983a). Rapoport and Rapoport (1975) referred to middle adulthood as the “establishment” phase or the phase of life investments. The preoccupation of early establishment (when pre-school age children are present) is with productivity, making choices, and plans. For both wives and husbands, this early establishment phase tends to be a home- and child-centered time when selfinterests are sacrificed for the sake of establishing oneself and meeting the demands and needs of others. The mid-establishment phase (when children are of school age) is characterized by a concern with performance, sensory gratification, and competence and effectiveness at what one has chosen. The mid-establishment phase is potentially a period of great enjoyment with a peak in family-centered activities, both in and outside the home. During this phase, working class subjects were more passive and less articulate in the pursuit of leisure interests and activities than were middle class subjects. This finding was attributed to differences in financial resources and levels of education. During the late establishment phase (when children are out of school), adults were preoccupied with evaluation and revision concerning the meaningfulness of commitments. Adults were confronting whether to change as well as what to change and how to make those changes. Rapoport and Rapoport noted that the establishment phase was experienced differently by individuals with a complex of variables affecting the degree of turbulence and concern experienced. These variables included personality, social class background, values and aspirations, and the specific event in context. Rapoport and Rapoport concluded that work commitment marks the establishment phase as a whole and that leisure meaning and activity patterns related to the type of job held. The more flexibility in this phase, the more “porosity” there was between work and leisure. Involvement in family networks also had the greatest potential during this phase. Because gender was not a factor of interest in their study, the applicability of these conclusions for both women and men was not discussed. Older adults’ focal preoccupation is that of achieving a sense of social and personal integration. Rapoport and Rapoport found that “In the later years the

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‘recreative’ element of ‘leisure’ has less relevance than in the establishment phases when, in many instances, it made sense to think of ‘free time’ activities in terms of their restoring the individual to productive efficiency” (1975, p. 271). A number of factors were found to influence activity in the later years, including education, income, and health. Where all three of these factors were high, activity was high. Family and kin relations as well as housing and residential situations also influenced the development of lifestyles during this phase. The validity of Rapoport and Rapoport developmental model of leisure has rarely been tested. Horna (1985) examined the concept of “preoccupations” by focusing specifically on the establishment phase and its comparison with other phases. She found family and marital relationships to be a “pervasive and ubiquitous” preoccupation at all stages. Horna reported that work and leisure domains “did not even approach” the predominance of the family. When women in her sample engaged in leisure activities, most of them preferred activities with their spouse or other family members. Whether or not these women worked outside the home was also strongly associated with family needs. The shifts in preoccupations that were found in middle adulthood were largely manifested not as an abandonment of the preoccupation with the family, but rather as a relative de-emphasis of the family and marital relationship. Horna reported that this deemphasis was consistently more apparent with the men than with the women in her study. This finding contrasts with developmental research cited earlier that suggests that while women turn their interests and energies to pursuits outside the home during middle to late adulthood, men often emphasize relationships and turn to the family for fulfillment. The age and family stage of Horna’s sample may have influenced her findings. Griffin (1981) criticized the Rapoport and Rapoports’ developmental model for the emphasis given to personal resourcefulness and the lack of attention given to the impact of social-structural factors in creating a meaningful life. According to Griffin, the model’s concept of the family life cycle is present, situationally based, and divorced from the cultural and socio-historical context of women’s lives. Rapoport and Rapoport recognized social constraints as barriers to be overcome rather than “…material conditions which are based on sets of power relations inherent in patriarchal society, and which, if challenged, can have equally real and problematic effects on women’s lives” (1975, p. 114) Thus, from Griffin’s view, the Rapoport and Rapoport developmental model of leisure can provide only a limited descriptive account of women’s leisure.

A Model of Personal Expressivity. Gordon, Gaitz, and Scott (1976) conceptualized leisure as activity that varies according to the intensity of expressive involvement In other words, leisure activities range from low to high in personal investment Five levels of activity exist: relaxation, diversion, developmental, creativity, and sensual transcendance (see Figure 2). Gordon,

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Gaitz, and Scott coupled this concept of leisure with Gordon’s (1971) lifespan framework to gain an understanding of changes in leisure across the lifespan. Eleven stages constitute Gordon’s developmental framework. The stages are produced by the interaction of physical maturation, cognitive elaboration, social role acquisitions and relinquishments, and economic resources throughout the lifespan. The underlying assumption of Gordon’s developmental framework is that human action is oriented toward the attainment of one or more socially defined goals or value-themes. Value themes are a cluster or complex of culturally defined, idealized aspects of human life and social interaction, such as achievement, acceptance, compliance, and self-control. To test this model of personal expressivity, Gordon, Gaitz, and Scott (1976) interviewed persons concerning their participation in six different types of leisure activities (active, passive, external, internal-homebound, and individual leisure), their participation in activities constituting the five different levels of the expressivity continuum, and their leisure pleasure. They found that the older the respondent, the lower the general level of leisure activity. External, high-intensity activities decreased with age. Homebound, moderate intensity activities did not change over the lifespan. Relaxation and solitude (low intensity activities), increased with age. While few sex differences existed, females were higher generally in internal, individual, low-intensity activities, and males were higher generally in external, social, high-intensity activities. Women and men scored essentially the same, however, on level of involvement in active pursuits, and males scored slightly higher on passive leisure. Gordon, Gaitz, and Scott believed that leisure activities enhanced personal development because they performed a “bridging function, bringing together and integrating major meanings from the security and the challenge themes at any particular stage…” (1976, p. 333) In addition, they concluded that the qualitative form and breadth of leisure activities may be more related to sex roles than is the absolute amount of pleasure derived from the activity. They found no important differences on leisure pleasure by sex at any age. In terms of age changes the researchers stated: Development and creativity do not vary with age, but diversion and sensual transcendence are negatively associated with position in the lifespan. The overwhelming majority of our respondents have either traded away the intense levels of potential happiness and even joy obtainable from some of these highly expressive leisure forms for a more sedate existence, or perhaps they had been socialized in a time when highly intense forms of leisure activity were not part of one’s social psychological repertoire (Gordon, Gaitz, & Scott, 1976, p. 334).

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Figure 2. Qualitatively varying forms of leisure activity (expressive primacy in personal activity), according to intensity of expressive involvement. From Gordon, C.Gaitz, C.M. & Scott, J. (1976). Leisure and Lives: Personal Expressivity across the lifespan. In R.H.Binstock & E.Shanas (Eds.), Handbook of aging and the

social sciences. New York: Van-Nostrand-Reinhold Co. (Permission by publisher)

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Such a conclusion seems particularly relevant to women for whom negative sanctions to intense leisure often exist. Furthermore, the validity of Gordon, Gaitz, and Scott’s value themes for women also need to be examined. These two models provide developmental frameworks within which to study leisure behavior. While not specific to women, they provide suggestions as to the multiple factors that may affect the leisure activity, meaning, and time of women. While some research has examined changes in leisure by age, most have “substituted” the more discriminating factor of roles associated with various stages of life. Roles related to stage in the family life cycle, however, actually explain little of the variance found in leisure behavior (Holman & Epperson, 1984; Witt & Goodale,1981). Other factors, such as personality and age, also need to be considered.

Leisure Motivation and Activity from a Lifespan Perspective Many factors may affect the leisure motivations, satisfactions, and activity of women. Women’s personal development, growth, and well-being may be linked to the way leisure time, activity, motivation, and meaning are perceived over the lifespan. Meaning in this context refers to an individual’s motivation or reason for participating in or seeking leisure.

Motivation. Osgood and Howe (1984) noted that meaning and motivation are not clearly distinguished in the leisure research. Motivations are the “reasons which underlie why an individual behaves as he or she does” (Osgood & Howe, 1984, p. 179). Meaning, on the other hand, refers to a phenomenon’s essence. According to Osgood and Howe (1984), little is actually known about the changing motivations for and meaning of leisure across the lifespan and the relationship to changing developmental issues, values, and concerns. They stated: We know something about what activities individuals participate in at different points in the life cycle, but we know comparatively little about changing motivations and meanings of participation for individuals as they move from early to late life. We also have little data on values over the life cycle in terms of their relationship to various biological, psychological, and/or social changes during each life stage. We don’t know what effect these values or value shifts may have on leisure participation, motivations, and meanings (Osgood & Howe, 1984, p. 178).

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Osgood and Howe concluded that the same activities can have different meanings for different individuals or even for the same individual at different points in the life cycle. For example, a woman’s place in her family career as well as her work career may have an impact on her motivations for leisure. Havighurst (1957, 1961) was one of the first researchers to study changes in leisure motivations in adulthood. His exploration of leisure focused on the significance of or motivations for leisure activities as related to individuals’ psychological characteristics rather than socio-demographic categories. He found that while the significance of these adults’ favorite leisure activities was highly related to personality and moderately related to social class, the relationship between leisure significance and both age and sex was weak. The principle leisure motivations identified by these adults included: just for the pleasure of it, welcome change from work, new experience, chance to be creative, chance to achieve something, contact with friends, makes time pass, and service to others. In terms of sex differences: (a) men indicated development of talent more often than women as the significance of leisure; (b) women were more passive and men more active in physical energy input; (c) for women, recreation “fit in” with their housework but was seldom seen as a relief from or contrast to work while the opposite or no relationship existed between men’s work and leisure; and (d) women clustered at the service end of the service versus pleasure scale. Havighurst concluded that the significance of leisure is an aspect of personality. More variability in reasons for pursuing favorite leisure activities could be found among people of a given sex, age, or social class than could be found between groups. In a study of later life leisure, Kelly, Steinkamp, and Kelly, (1986) identified seven clusters of leisure motivations, including companionship in the activity, strengthening primary relationships, competence and skill-building, expression and personal development, health and exercise, meeting role expectations, and general enjoyment. While meeting role expectations was seldom mentioned, enjoyment almost always was. When looking at age and sex differences, the researchers found that males ranked higher than females on health and exercise, companionship, and skill development motives. Kelly, Steinkamp, and Kelly (1986) concluded that leisure was important to later life adults as a context for expressing and maintaining primary relationships and as an opportunity to express and develop self-definitions of ability. It appears that leisure motivations and meanings do vary somewhat over the lifespan as the “container” of leisure changes. The significant changes in women’s leisure related to age are likely a reflection of changes in opportunities, physical capabilities, economic resources, roles and responsibilities, and preoccupations that occur over the lifespan.

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Activity. The research on activity consistency across the lifespan provides contradictory and inconclusive findings. From a review of the research on adult development and social activities, Knox (1977) noted that except for times of major change, adult activities are characterized by a high degree of stability and are based on a characteristic structure of participation in family, occupational, political, organizational, church, educational, and leisure activities. Cheek and Burch (1976) also believed that continuity across the lifespan was more likely in non-work or free time activities than in work activities. Conversely, Kelly (1982) concluded that leisure, as relatively free activity, may be the part of life with the least continuity. A similar assertion was made by MacPherson (1984) who argued that the meaning and function of leisure activities often varied from one stage in the life cycle to the next. MacPherson attributed this variation to role transitions, age-based norms, and changing opportunities. Iso-Ahola (1980, 1981) contended that leisure activity patterns continuously change over the lifespan because of an individual’s need (based upon socialization) to seek novel and arousing experiences. He further suggested that leisure behavior reflects a basic human need for both stability (security) and change (variety) which is evident in patterns and total behavior, but not individual activities. The importance of childhood play or recreation as a basis for adult leisure behavior has been a research focus. Iso-Ahola (1980) suggested that early recreation experiences provided the setting and direction for individual changes in leisure patterns during the later stages of life. Most studies on the significance of childhood recreation patterns for adult leisure behavior indicated that approximately half of all adult recreation activities are “carry-overs” from childhood (Kelly, 1974; Yoesting & Burkhead, 1973; Yoesting & Christiansen, 1978). Based on such findings, Kelly (1983b) developed the “core and balance” model of leisure activity. The “core” are those activities which are fairly stable across the individual’s life, while the “balance” of activities vary according to the current life situation, roles, and preoccupations. While the research mentioned above focused on the relationship between childhood and adulthood activity, an indication of the influence of early adulthood activity patterns on later adulthood activities was examined by Maas and Kuypers (1977) in their exploration of personality and lifestyle. They discovered that lifestyle categories differed in the degree to which they exhibited stability and change. Some lifestyles (and associated recreational activity and interest patterns) remain more stable than others. In general, Maas and Kuypers found that early adult life had more relevance for the aging lifestyles of men than women. In other words, the lifestyles of men were more stable than those of women. This is supported by other research that has found that women’s lives are characterized by flexibility and adaptability. The implications of this for a woman’s sense of continuity and integrity, as well as for the delivery of leisure services, have yet to be explored.

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The type or content of and degree of involvement in leisure activity across the lifespan have also been studied. Findings suggest a gradual decline in activity involvement—educational, recreational, and voluntary—with age (Cookson, 1986; Cross, 1981; Gordon, Gaitz, & Scott,1976; Havighurst, 1957; Johnstone & Rivera, 1965; Knox, 1977). Patterns of involvement, however, may vary by activity type (Knox, 1977), adult roles, and gender as well as age. For example, Unkel (1981) examined differences in both the intensity and variety of adults’ participation in three types of physical recreation activity by age, sex, and family stage. She found a decline in both frequency of participation in and number of physical recreation activities with age. The overall decline, however, was influenced by family status. For example, participation declined significantly faster for single persons of either sex than for non-single persons or persons with children. Her conclusion that consideration need also be given to type of activity when studying involvement is important. Smith, Stewart, & Brown (1980) also concluded that the rapidity of decline in activity participation depended on the kind of activity being studied. Havighurst (1957) found that types of leisure activity vary by age and sex. The main sex differences he found were that women were more involved in formal and informal association and reading while men were more involved in sports, fishing, and gardening. Age differences were also found in a number of categories. Participation in formal association declined with age, though not among women until they reached their 60s. Men’s participation in informal groups was highest from ages 50 to 60, but women’s participation in such activity was equal at all ages. Pfeiffer and Davis (1971) found that women spent more time socializing than men and that this activity increased with age for women while age did not affect men’s participation. On the other hand, Kleiber and Rickards (1985) noted the importance of socializing for both females and males in adolescence and young adulthood. This may reflect the preoccupation with intimacy characteristic of young adulthood. At the same time, Pfeiffer and Davis’s finding may be an indication of cohort effects and the sex-typed activity sanctions experienced by their sample. Angrist (1967) was one of the first and only researchers to examine the effects of women’s multiple roles at various life cycle stages on their leisure activities. Angrist hypothesized that stage in life, involving specific sets of constellations of roles such as wife-mother or having a pre-school age child, was related to amount and type of leisure activity. The findings showed that women in the role constellations did not differ significantly in overall leisure activity scores but they did differ in terms of specific types of activities. Furthermore, those women with regular household and child-care help were significantly more active in leisure participation in all categories than those with little or no help. Angrist concluded that the general hypothesis cannot be

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either entirely accepted or rejected. Role categories were similar in leisure activity level but the differences found among women in type of activity suggested that each category may have predominant interests which can be pursued under conditions of available time. Because of the influence of domestic help, Angrist suggested that research needs to explore whether highly active women seek help so they can be freer for leisure pursuits or whether women with domestic help find themselves with time to fill and, therefore, seek out activities. The research indicates that it is not enough to look at age or sex alone when examining leisure motivations and activities over the lifespan. Consistent with a developmental perspective, personal as well as socio-cultural and historical factors also need to be taken into account

Summary Women’s lives are characterized by changing roles and preoccupations. Research suggests that the differences that have been found either between women and men or among women in leisure motivations and activities across the lifespan can be attributed to these changes. Yet little is actually known about how changing role demands affect leisure over the life course. Nor has research explored if and how women in various life situations perceive change in work, leisure, and family across the lifespan. These questions need to be answered before a fuller understanding of stability and change in women’s leisure can be attained.

Discussion Questions: 1. How does a lifespan perspective provide insights into the life patterns, commonalities, and uniquenesses of women’s leisure? 2. Select one model of development and describe the implications this model has for leisure in your life. 3. It has been suggested that women are more relational than men. How does this influence the leisure of a female over the lifespan? 4. Since women’s lives are characterized by flexibility and adaptability, what implications does this have for leisure service providers? 5. What effect might age, time, and cohort have on gender differences in leisure? 6. How do you see your leisure interests and motivations differing from those of your mother, your grandmother, or your younger sister? What might be the reasons for these differences?

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A Leisure of One’s Own 7. Think of your favorite (or frequently participated in) leisure activities. When did you begin them, where/from whom did you learn them, have your reasons for participating in them changed, have your satisfactions gained from them changed? 8. How do you envision your leisure activities, motivations, and interests changing in the next 10–20 years? How have they changed in the past 10 years? 9. Does leisure enhance or influence your life? How or why not?

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LEISURE PARTICIPATION FOR WOMEN: PROBLEMS AND POSSIBILITIES From the beginning of time girls as well as boys have had their play ways, women as well as men their recreations, although the leisure time activities for girls and women have been largely individual self-initiated, and in the main connected with home duties. Recently, however, many radical changes in women’s lives have indicated that some of their recreation needs to be organized if every girl is to have an adequate opportunity to play and every woman wholesome and satisfying ways of using her free time (Bowers, 1934). Fifty years ago, Bowers described how recreation might be organized within a changing society where people were primarily city dwellers, where women wore clothing that permitted activity, and where women could participate (at least more than in the past 100 years) in athletic activities. She also described perceived barriers to recreation that existed for girls and women. These included too much emphasis on competition, the lack of interest by girls in athletics, the lack of freedom still encountered by women, and the absence of female recreation programmers who understood girls and women. Bowers elaborated on the typical age groups used in recreation programming as Betty the Baby, Peggy the Pre-Adolescent, Alice the Adolescent, Beatrice the Business Girl, Ida the Industrial Girl, and Martha the Matron. Thus, recreation for girls and women was beginning to receive attention during this time, but only within society’s definition of what was appropriate for girls and women. Since Bowers’ book was written (1934), age-appropriate activity categories have been the traditional way to provide recreation activities for girls and women. As was described in the previous chapter on lifespan development, women’s lives and thus their participation in specific recreation or leisure activities are characterized by flexibility. This chapter addresses more than just activities for, and age group characteristics of, girls and women. The problems with explanations of sex and gender differences concerning participation are explored. While the authors of this

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book have made the assumptions that differences exist between women and men and value judgments should not be associated with these differences, the leisure literature has not made this assumption explicit. Therefore, a critique and a summary of the empirical research currently available is used to describe what is known about women’s present leisure activity participation and what problems and possibilities exist for further understanding women’s leisure lives.

Sex/Gender Differences Williams (1977) tells the story of an 18th-century British writer, Samuel Johnson, who when asked who was smarter, man or woman, replied, “Which man—which woman?” Obviously, biologically-based sex differences exist. However, what Johnson’s question connotes is that the meaning of sex differences is an issue that is complex, and one that goes beyond the distinct biological capabilities of women and men as groups. Since the purpose of feminism is to eliminate the invisibility of women, the focus on women as a collective personality rather than on how women differ from men provides a better framework for understanding women. The practice of studying women by looking at the ways in which they differ from men has the clear potential for reinforcing the use of a masculine model as a standard for being human (Williams, 1977). It is sometimes, however, useful to describe sex and gender differences to determine their origins and implications. Much of the social science research on differences between the sexes has been descriptive in nature. To be described as “different from” leads to being considered “other” or “less than.” Because of this description, women’s reality or being is seen as deviant, a problem, or not normal. The past research on sex differences has not led to particularly notable advances in a broad understanding of gender and leisure. Researchers have tended to rationalize the subordinate status of women by explaining it in terms of demonstratable inferiority; have been guilty of bias in the selection of variables, methods used, and interpretation of results; and have had the effect of preserving sex stereotyping (Bernard, 1974). Further, the research at times implicitly suggested that women must prove themselves worthy by being no different than men. In cases where sex or gender differences were not studied, it implied that women were the same as men, or it was assumed that the gender differences were so obvious or so mysterious that they did not warrant study (Freize, Parsons, Johnson, Ruble, & Zellman, 1978). When female behavior could not be easily explained, it was often ignored and studied no further. Feminists are acknowledging that gender differences do exist and that women’s psyches may be different from men’s. Feminists, however, object to the notion that women have to be or ought to be different from men (Bernard, 1974). In the 1980s, feminists, as well as other researchers, agree that

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differences between individuals far outweigh sex or gender differences. Many questions still remain concerning how differences are socio-culturally attained, as opposed to biologically determined. The new emphasis is on understanding individuals, not on understanding women as compared to men.

Sex Differences and Recreation Participation Research Research on leisure and recreation in the past 20 years has addressed both activity participation and leisure satisfaction. Differences between women and men in activity participation have been found to vary according to type of activity. Until the 1980s, however, most of this research was grounded in androcentric theory (Bella, 1986) and used traditional male-oriented recreation and leisure activity measures. For example, women’s activity participation has been studied relative to typical recreation activities (sports, outdoors, cultural arts) and contrasted to men’s participation; the research has largely ignored the possible different context of leisure and recreation in women’s lives. Activity participation studies have rarely taken into account the individual’s perception of the activity. Yet, the meaning of activity is most important and a better indicator of the impact of leisure and the quality of life it engenders. Participation rates may be similar for women and men, but the social context and the quality of the activity may vary. For example, swimming rates may be similar for females and males, but men may be more likely to go swimming for their own personal health or pleasure whereas women may be more likely to go to the pool in order for their children to swim. It is important, therefore, to look at motivation and the social context associated with different leisure activities. It is difficult to generalize about either the extent or meaning of women’s activity participation for a number of reasons. First, as in other research on sex/ gender differences, greater differences in activity participation may exist within each sex than between the sexes (Duquin, 1982). To generalize from sex differences found is often misleading. For example, Bialeschki (1988) found in a study of intramural sport participants that there was as great a range in frequency of participation for women as there was for men even though men, on the average, participated more frequently in intramurals. Second, it is difficult to imagine any human behavior or activity that is not heavily influenced by the context in which it occurs (Guba & Lincoln, 1981). For example, two women may visit a park. One may go to be by herself to enjoy the natural environment by sitting quietly and reading poetry. The other woman may go to the playground to take her children. While both women are participating in the same activity, they are done for different reasons. Third, activity participation research has often compared male and female involvement in sex-stereotyped activities and has resulted in unexplained

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findings. When differences are found, little interpretation of why such differences exist are offered to help the reader understand the origin of these differences. For example, several studies (Kelly, 1983a; Tinsley, Barrett, & Kass, 1977; Young & Kronus, 1977) have found drinking to be more a man’s leisure activity than a woman’s. None of these studies described why this difference occurred and what the implications might be for both women and men. Just to describe sex differences does not provide insight into the meaning of the activities. Fourth, it is difficult to generalize about women’s leisure participation because appropriate activity categories have not been designed. Much of women’s lives is focused on home and family, yet the ways that women meet their leisure needs in conjunction with these role responsibilities have not been explored. Finally, research on women’s leisure activities has not been conducted from a feminist perspective. The research has tended to be descriptive and has ignored the relationship between women’s activities and their status in society. Leisure research generally has not proposed solutions or suggestions for changing the status of women’s leisure. An example of how leisure research might be consistent with feminist principles is found in the work of Riddick and Daniels (1984). In this study of the contributions of leisure to the mental health of women, implications and directions for public policy were presented. A number of problems exist with the research on sex/gender differences in leisure behavior. Research comparing men and women on activity participation, time available, leisure motives, and other aspects of leisure behavior has tended to be disjointed, stereotypic, and sometimes contradictory. In general, much of the research has not produced conclusive or cumulative results. For example, findings on women’s and men’s identification with work and leisure ethics has been contradictory. Iso-Ahola and Buttimer (1981) found that both the work ethic and the leisure ethic were higher for early adolescent and early adult males than for females. At the same time, the women in this study perceived intrinsic motivation as more important for leisure than did males. It may be that intrinsic motivation was more important to the women because they felt more constrained by external forces. Furthermore, men may have scored higher on both work and leisure ethic scales because these two realms of life are distinct for them. Work and leisure ethics as separate concepts may not be valid for women for whom these realms of life are often integrated. On the other hand, Kleiber and Crandall (1981) found that college women tended to have a high leisure ethic and a relatively low work ethic, and to be external in locus of control. A negative correlation was found between work and leisure ethics for women. In explanation, Kleiber and Crandall suggested that women who are career oriented may feel they need to suppress an affinity they have for leisure so they can succeed in a male-oriented work world. Differences in participation rates between men and women have been identified in relation to the range of activities, frequency, intensity, and amount

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of free time available for leisure pursuits. Studies related to recreation activity levels among adults have been contradictory. For example, Hantrais (1985) noted that women enjoyed a narrower range of activities than men. Zuzanek (1978) derived a different conclusion concerning activity level when he concluded that overall activity participation rates did not differ between females and males and the total number of leisure activities were only slightly smaller for women than men. On the other hand, Freysinger and Ray (1987b) found in their longitudinal study that during certain life stages, women were involved in more informal educational activities than were men. The research on participation in types of recreation activities has produced mixed results. In a content analysis of sexism in leisure research, Henderson (1984) found that about half of the studies that examined sex differences in activity involvement uncovered none. Zuzanek (1978) noted that the similarities between women and men in leisure participation rates were more striking than the differences. Kelly (1983a) also contended that differences in participation in most leisure activities between men and women in the United States were negligible or non-existent. For example, Kelly stated that the frequency of activity participation was the same for both sexes for swimming, walking, bowling, playing tennis, attending movies or conceits, gardening, giving parties, watching TV, and driving. He suggested that based on his research, women tended to read and shop for pleasure more than men, and men were inclined to hunt, fish, do team sports, golf, and drink in bars more often than women. Kelly concluded that differentiating variables like sex were useful but did not identify distinct leisure types. Other studies found distinct sex differences in activity participation. For example, Colley (1984) suggested that for women the chief incentive in leisure activity was social, but for men it was competitive. Colley also confirmed that sex-typing of activities existed, with certain activities such as knitting and shopping being considered more suitable for women. The problem with participation research is that it tends to perpetuate sex-stereotypic leisure activities because it does not discuss the socialization for “sexappropriate” recreation that occurs. This leads to the perpetuation of sexstereotypic activities because of the activity categories used and the expectations of the researchers. This perpetuation may also be due to the researcher’s failure to recognize, explain, and interpret this stereotyping. Another concern of the leisure participation literature is that little multivariate research has been conducted on how the intersection of race, class, and sex affects leisure behavior. For example, Hutchison (1988) stated that many problems exist in the study of black-white differences in leisure and recreation. It is difficult to look at only one factor such as sex or race. Rather, researchers need to examine the interaction among these variables to understand differences in leisure participation. The quality of the research conducted using sex differences as a variable has been diverse. While the study of sex and gender differences has produced some

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results that have been useful in understanding leisure behavior, the research has not necessarily contributed to social change or change in leisure service delivery. The research that has been most useful in addressing sociocultural implications has addressed women’s contextual reality. For example, in the work of Shaw (1985a), the explanations of status differences between females and males were grounded in dependent labor theory and resource participation theory. Shaw found that housewives tended to be more affected by their husbands’ jobs and their family obligations than were employed women. It was consistent with these findings to suggest some gain in independence for women when they entered the labor market but that this gain was often offset by the additional time demands of paid labor and did not necessarily translate into more leisure time. In other words, women’s leisure appeared to be dependent on others and was affected by their different relationship to the labor market as compared to men. Shaw suggested that changes in leisure behavior would likely not occur until changes in other aspects of society occurred for women. The value of this research lies not only in its explanatory power concerning gender differences in time available for leisure, but in its insights into the way that role responsibilities and the labor market influence women’s leisure. In summary, findings on sex/gender differences in activity participation are inconclusive. Differences in participation in sex-typed activities are commonly discussed in the literature, but little is known about why or how this relates to gender differences and inequities in society in general. Studies that have considered the leisure behavior of women have contrasted female and male leisure behavior and have not interpreted the results in light of the different personal and social contexts of women and men. Research questions that focus on interpreting results in the social context are needed for a better understanding of women, leisure, and activity participation. An emerging alternative for studying women and leisure is to examine the lives of women only, and not in relation to men. This approach enables researchers to describe the unique contributions and problems of women and to develop new theories for explaining leisure behavior. Such understanding of the individual characteristics of women can lead to social change and the empowerment of women. Just as women may have a different voice in other realms of their lives, they may also have a different voice in their leisure. Some examples of this relevant approach to women’s leisure were studies done by Shank (1986), Allison and Duncan (1987), and Bialeschki and Henderson (1986) that used only female subjects and described the unique leisure experiences of women. With the changing roles of women and a new understanding of women’s lives, creative methodologies and new approaches are needed to fully understand the leisure behavior of women. Much of the value of these studies will depend on how they are conducted. A female-only sample does not guarantee that a study will be more “feminist” or “non-sexist.” Studying women and their experiences from a feminist perspective, however, may lead to new insights.

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Social Settings for Women’s Leisure Participation The containers for women’s leisure activities include the social settings, the types of activities, and the physical locations. In this section, the literature about the social settings (family, friends, and alone) as primarily related to sex and gender differences are discussed. As has been shown, the home, especially for women, is the major site of leisure activity (Bialeschki & Henderson, 1986; Glyptis, 1988; Glyptis & Chambers, 1982). The greater the number of roles that a woman accumulates, however, the less leisure she is likely to have in the home or elsewhere. While the relationship of women to the family has been discussed in detail, several points will be re-emphasized.

The Family The family as it exists has been the central life interest for many women. Even though periods of singleness may become more common for all in the future (Kelly, 1981), the family is still the predominant focus for women, in spite of the changes and transitions they may experience. Kelly (1978b) found that half of the leisure activity participation of adults was with family members. Forms of family leisure identified included informal around the home interaction, scheduled family activities, and vacations (Kelly, 1983a). Women frequently have a major role in meeting the family members’ leisure needs. Glyptis and Chambers (1982) found that in most cases, the women they studied perceived family leisure as their leisure and were more attuned to the social benefits rather than to personal benefits from leisure. Kelly (1978b) stated that the family may be a leisure group of preference, convenience, or obligation. The kind of group the family is for women is likely to be highly situational because of women’s perceived family role obligations. Leisure companionship is a major element in family life and marriage. Kelly (1983a) suggested marriage and leisure were reciprocal resources for each other. Orthner (1976) found that interaction in leisure activities was related to interaction in marriage, but that this relationship varied over the marital career. The major change in both men’s and women’s leisure, however, seems to occur with the birth of the first child (Horna, 1987). The transition to parenthood has a powerful effect on a couple’s recreation patterns and often curtails the women’s leisure activities most (Bernard, 1984). Shaw (1985a) found that children affected the availability of leisure for both parents, but this effect was stronger for mothers than for fathers. Research has shown that mothers spend considerably more time with their children than fathers do even when the mother is employed in the work force (Shaw, 1988b). Horna (1987) concluded that mothers were more active in their children’s leisure than fathers as

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evidenced by the sex differences in rate of time expenditure, frequency of participation, variety of pursuits, and lack of solitary leisure. While family leisure often takes place in the home, it also occurs outside the home. Activities engaged in outside the home may be seen as an extension of home life or as complementary to these experiences (Gregory, 1982). In other words, besides visible family activities outside the home such as vacations, women are frequently involved outside the home in activities that support the family structure.

With Friends If the primary interaction for most women is through the family, the next most important social setting is with friends. These may include women-only groups and mixed friendship groups. Bialeschki (1984a) found visiting friends to be one of the most common activities in which women participated. Only sleeping, jobs, media (TV/radio), eating, and meal preparation/clean-up were participated in with greater frequency. The research on friendship, particularly female friendship, is limited because friendships are difficult to study in that they are not a social role as work and family are, and they are voluntary associations which may or may not be publicly visible. Deem (1986) suggested that friendship may affect a woman’s willingness to be involved in out-of-home activities in several ways. Female friendship may give women confidence to assert the right to take time for themselves as well as alleviate their feelings of vulnerability in “going out” to places alone. Friendships with other women may also be particularly important to women because of the lack of role expectations associated with them. Women generally are not expected to meet any particular gender role and can be themselves within their friendships. Csikszentmihalyi (1975) suggested that being with a good friend is quite similar to the experience of climbing, camping, and dancing because of the warm feeling of closeness to others and the loosening of ego boundaries. The nature of friendship patterns may differ for women and men. Women tend to be more intimate with friends, more likely to have one-to-one relationships, and receive understanding and security in their personal identities rather than in necessarily sharing a task with a friend. Men, according to Tesch (1983), tend to have friendships in groups which are less relational and which revolve around activities. Many women’s friendships also revolve around shared interests; this shared activity, however, may take a number of forms ranging from structured sport activities to “just talking.” Aside from the family, the leisure of women often occurs in the context of one-to-one or small group interaction. Friendships between women may also be a way to combine workrelated tasks with recreation activities. For example, a mother might meet a friend in the local park so the children can play on the playground; this

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experience may give her an opportunity to socialize with her friend at the same time she is taking care of the children. In leisure, opportunities exist for women to be involved in women-only activities. Research on male and female behavior in same and mixed group interactions suggests that in a women-only group, women do not have to compete with men and are free to experience themselves as women, not as women in relation to men (Sadker & Sadker, 1986). In women-only groups, women can experience themselves and their abilities while in mixed friendship groups, men may have a tendency to “take-over.” Research on women’s activities has shown that women can participate and grow from a female environment whether it is a community club, a class, or an informal social gathering (Henderson & Bialeschki, 1987). Women-only groups are a way that women may experience recreation and leisure more freely because they are a less role-restricted environment. Much remains to be studied about female friendship patterns and their implications for leisure and quality of life. As a source of interaction, female friendships have offered and will continue to offer an important leisure social setting for women.

Time Alone and Minute Vacations Women’s solitary activities or “minute vacations” may be a third setting for leisure. These activities (primarily psychological) refer to the short periods during the day when women can take the time just to enjoy being alone. Daydreaming is an example of this type of leisure experience. An appreciation of the aesthetic and the beauty around oneself is another example. These examples can be described as short-term “vacations” into the psyche. They are portable experiences that may occur at any time with any amount of joy or even sadness. It is the experiencing of these moments that is important for one’s quality of life (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975; Kelly, 1983a; Neulinger, 1981; Pieper, 1952). The study of daydreaming, leisure escapes, or minute vacations is not extensive. It is difficult to study these episodes or interludes because they most often occur simultaneously with another overt activity and thus are hard to distinguish. Yet, in the interviews with farm women conducted by Henderson and Rannells (1985), these minute vacations were evident when women talked about what they were doing and how they had processed their lives over time. An example of a minute vacation was expressed by this rural woman: “…and this one afternoon, it was really a hot muggy day and the sun was shining. Maybe it was around 4:30 pm and I came out of the (hay) mow and sat on the elevator…In looking…west …beside our house, there was a row of maple

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Further research is needed on the meaning of “minute vacations” in the lives of women. Such “time off” allows both women and men to recuperate for the many tasks and demands they face daily. Women are beginning to acknowledge the value of brief escapes through this psychological time alone into “minute vacations.”

Women and Activity Participation Six common categories of activities have been selected to illustrate research on the participation of women in traditional recreation activities. These categories include sports and fitness, volunteer activities, hobbies and home-based activities, outdoor recreation, educational activities, and sex and intimacy. These activities are not mutually exclusive, but they provide a framework for analyzing some of the past research as well as future research questions that ought to be addressed concerning women’s recreation and leisure participation.

Sports and Fitness Much has been written about sports and fitness for women, the differences between males and females, and the competitive aspects of sport. Women’s involvement in sport has paralleled women’s general emancipation. Sport, however, has tended to be the eminent domain of males. Because of the myths defining sport as a male realm, to pursue sport and physical activities was considered unfeminine and socially deviant for girls and women. Although some social stigma remains today, societal mores have changed so that more opportunities are now available for women who want to pursue physical activity. Interest in fitness and sports participation by women is growing. The Canadian Fitness Test (1985) found that more than 50 percent of the women surveyed were active in their leisure time; they participated in sport or fitness for three hours each week. Activity and fitness levels declined in early adolescence, and women over 60 years were more active than women age 40–50 years. The most appealing physical activities for women were walking, swimming, and cycling. The Canadian study also indicated that 76 percent of the women wanted to increase their activity but less than half regarded physical activity as important

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in their lives. Some of the reasons suggested for why sports participation may not be important for women today included: lack of early skill development and early opportunities to learn, peer pressure, negative image of women in sport, ethnic and cultural constraints, dominance of males in sport, inequities of funding women’s athletics, and the lack of women in decisionmaking roles (Alberta, 1988). Other studies have also shown how women change over time in sport participation. Bolla and Pageot (1987) found a great difference in the frequency of sport participation between men and women college freshmen but found this gap narrowed greatly over four years with increased education and opportunity for women. Unkel (1981) found that women participated less than males in team sports and outdoor activities, but more in individual and dual sports. Sports participation tended to decline with age. There has also been a movement toward mixed-sex sports, according to the Miller Lite Report (New World Decisions, 1985). This movement has resulted in sports partners of equal skills, women teaching males more about humane competition, and women feeling more confident about their abilities. More research needs to be conducted on women’s involvement in sports and fitness activities. Little research has focused on the value and implications of physical activity for the “common woman.” For example, little is known about the value of sports and fitness activities for women in building needed social contacts, improving feelings of self-worth, and counteracting mild depression (Wakat & Odom, 1982). Sports and fitness activities can be liberating for women because they defy the cultural stereotype of women as passive and weak. The role of sports in counteracting cultural and sex-role prescriptions (Kleiber & Kane, 1984) also needs further exploration. The social appropriateness of sports and fitness seems to be more widely accepted now, although certain sports (i.e., ice hockey, football) are still considered inappropriate for girls and women. The value of fitness and sport for all people must be continually emphasized.

Volunteer Activities and Community Service Volunteerism traditionally has been an activity of women and this community service has been both an invisible and visible activity. Many of the social reforms in the United States can be attributed to the volunteer activities of women. Women, many of whom were denied traditional employment, worked hard as volunteers for social change. Not only have these women cared about social change and their communities but they also have found volunteering a way to use their skills to express their ethic of care. Some volunteer activities, such as helping in hospitals, have reinforced traditional sex-roles while other volunteer activities, such as political activism, have countered such roles.

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Today, as in the past, women are more likely to volunteer than men. The number of men volunteering is increasing but women continue to be the backbone of direct community service. For example, 44 percent of the women in the Alberta poll (1988) indicated that they volunteered. In the most recent Gallup poll in the United States, the majority of volunteers were women (Gallup, 1982). Volunteering may have a number of meanings within a wide variety of service activities. Horna (1987) found that women particularly tended to do voluntary activities related directly to the family. For example, women are likely to choose school-related or youth-oriented activities like Scouts that give them a chance to interact with their own children while providing a direct community service. Men, on the other hand, have been more likely to serve on administrative boards, although concerted efforts are being made to change these imbalances. Some of women’s motivations for volunteering are unique. Henderson (1983) found that women placed greater importance than men on the motivations of being with their children, liking to help people, expressing care and concern for others, and preferring to work with groups rather than alone. Men said they were more likely than women to volunteer because of the recognition they might receive. Volunteering met the affiliative needs of women to a greater extent than it did for men. Women also stated that volunteering provided them an opportunity to interact with others and helped them maintain their personal growth. Volunteerism has generally been referred to as “work” rather than leisure. However, volunteering has been a way for women to express themselves, use their free time for a “greater” cause, and develop personal skills. The extent to which volunteering is leisure varies by individual and the situation according to the amount of freedom and enjoyment that is perceived. Volunteering has been a way that women have moved from the private sphere of the home into the public sphere. The outcomes of volunteering for women have been similar to the outcomes of other leisure pursuits but have also provided the additional aspect of service to others.

Hobbies and Home-Based Activities Home-based activities are a significant part of people’s leisure lives. Not only do people, both women and men, spend most of their free time at home, but home is also the location where family activities and family interactions typically occur. To participate in home activities requires little effort from the participant and does not require much commitment unless role obligations are evident. Little research, however, has been directed toward understanding the meaning of home-based leisure activities. This is partly because it is more difficult to carry

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out research in people’s homes and partly because home-based research is often not seen to be relevant to recreation programming. Another difficulty associated with research on home-based leisure activities is that the home is both a place of work and a place of leisure. This duality is especially true for women who spend much of their time at home involved with various types of household or family chores, but who also are less likely than men to be involved in out-of-home recreational activities. According to Gregory (1982), women who work in the home realize some advantages in that work and play can be integrated. However, Deem (1982, 1986) maintained that women have difficulty finding the time or space for leisure at home because of never-ending household demands and responsibilities to other members of the family. Glyptis and Chambers (1982) suggested that women have higher rates of participation in home-based leisure because few men take responsibility for the household chores, fewer leisure activities exist outside the home for women, and women have to match their activities with unexpected free time. This study also found that the free time at home of many women with families was generally relegated to small time slots and combined with housework or child care. Thus, it was seen as a continuation of their house or job work and not as a change of pace or restful. Despite the barriers that women face, especially women with young children, in enjoying leisure in their own homes, a range of home-based leisure activities prevail in which many women participate. The most common homebased leisure activity for both women and men is television viewing (Harvey & Elliott, 1983; Harvey, Elliott, & Macdonald, 1983). Women, however, actually spend less time watching television than do men. For many people television seems to serve a rest and relaxation function—as a time to sit down and “put your feet up.” This function is supported by the fact that although people report spending a considerable amount of time in front of the television, they often cannot remember what program they actually watched. The relaxation aspect of television may be more important than the intrinsic nature of the specific program watched. For women, television also serves another function. It is often a secondary activity done in conjunction with other household tasks. For example, women often watch television while doing other household chores such as ironing or mending. These types of dual housework/free time activities, however, are unlikely to be perceived as “leisure”, but watching television does make a household task more pleasurable (Shaw, 1988a). Home-based activities for women range from solitary activities (i.e., reading) to activities where other people are present but little interaction occurs (i.e., television viewing), to highly social activities such as family interactions, casual visiting, or more formal entertaining. All of these levels of interaction are important and the “ideal balance” of such activities varies by individual and situation. While women who work full time in the home may seek and need interaction with others on a daily basis, many women with children frequently

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face difficulties in being able to find any time or space where they can be alone (Freysinger, 1988). Home-based hobbies, arts and crafts, home repair, and gardening can provide an outlet for creative expression. Sometimes these are traditional skills which women learned at home from their mothers or grandmothers, and sometimes they are skills women have learned on their own or through recreation classes. However, hobbies and crafts are not always leisure activities for women. Gardening and sewing can be experienced as work or chores as well as leisure, especially when these tasks are seen as part of the woman’s role and as her expected contribution to the household. In general, women typically fit their leisure activities around their responsibilities and choose activities that can be done at home, in between or in conjunction with family and household tasks. It is not clear whether most women would continue with these home-based interests and activities or whether they would choose more out-of-home, time consuming, or nontraditional activities if they had greater personal choice.

Outdoor Recreation Women have always considered themselves to be a part of nature, not dominant to nature (Schaef, 1981). Women, however, have not always had the same opportunities for enjoying and being in the outdoors. As evidenced by current research, men are more involved in outdoor recreation activities than are women (Kelly, 1980; Kelly, 1987; McKechnie, 1974; Young & Kronus, 1977; Zuzanek, 1978). Nisbet (1981) suggested several reasons for this finding including women’s lack of confidence in their physical ability, the lack of confidence in their ability to succeed, girls being perceived as not being tough or strong enough to participate, a lack of female role models in the outdoors, and the media’s interpretation of the outdoors as a male world. A number of studies have addressed the differences between men and women in specific outdoor recreation activities. For example, Wellman (1979) found that males fished longer each day than females. Young (1983) indicated that males were over-represented in wilderness use and that females had less intention to use the outdoors. Young and Kronus (1977) established a relationship between outdoor recreation and drinking patterns. Alcohol consumption was found to be compatible with selected outdoor activities and males were heavier drinkers than females. Ulrich and Addams (1981) concluded that females were more likely to use parks for passive activities while males were more likely to use them for active or fitness activities. Other studies have shown no difference in outdoor recreation participation based on sex (Eastwood & Carter, 1981; Johnson, 1978; Lindsay & Ogle, 1972; Wenger, Wiley, & Videbeck, 1969). Findings on sex differences in outdoor

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recreation are inconclusive. Thus, it may be more fruitful to try to understand the experience of women in the outdoors. Women may perceive the outdoors differently then men do (Schaef, 1981). Women tend to perceive the outdoors through their rhythms and styles, including all the elements of nurturance, caring, community, sustenance, and wholeness (Eckart & Cannon, 1981). The stereotypic feminine personality traits that may be held by either males or females are strongly evident in the outdoor experience. In the outdoors, women’s concern for relationship as it exists to others and to nature is emphasized (Henderson & Bialeschki, 1986). More information is becoming available on the needs of women for outdoor recreation. Miranda and Yerkes (1982) found that women were an emerging outdoor adventure audience interested in freedom from genderimposed roles. In the outdoors, sex-role stereotypes and preconceptions about the inherent weaknesses of women can be challenged. Women often find a new feeling of groundedness as they perceive new strengths and stability. They often find they have more physical and inner strength than they thought. The new skills for the outdoor can provide women with opportunities for personal challenge and increased self-confidence. Through outdoor experiences, women can enhance their pride in themselves as individuals and as women. Lichtenstein (1985) suggested that when women take on difficult, even impossible, challenges in the outdoors, the spirit that develops is not a testing of themselves against others, but one of intense bonding, cooperation, and support. For example, Henderson and Bialeschki (1986) found that women-only groups in the outdoors were often chosen by women as a way for them to have a supportive environment while building their outdoor recreation skills. The spiritual value of the outdoors may also be evident for women, particularly in terms of solitude. Women are often socialized to believe that aloneness is to be feared and avoided, not sought and enjoyed. Women, however, have found there is much to be learned about the value of solitude. An outdoor experience may lead toward wholeness as women begin to integrate the beauty, the strength, and the power of the outdoor experience into their lives. Women can then transfer this new learning about themselves into other aspects of their lives at home. The important learning may be to bring those outdoor lessons home and keep them going despite the difficulties that may be faced by many women. Additional research is needed on women’s experiences in the outdoors. While it may be interesting to know about participation patterns of women and men and the resulting similarities and differences, women’s participation in outdoor activities might be better understood in terms of why they go outdoors and the outcomes they are seeking. A focus on the outdoor leisure experiences of women in both mixed and women-only activities would provide insights into the leisure experience in general for women.

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Educational Activities According to Cross (1981), between 1969 and 1978, women constituted the fastest growing segment of adults participating in adult eduction in the United States. This was a trend which she predicted would continue. Cross attributed this rapid increase in women’s involvement in educational activities to a decline in traditional roles and a rise in new roles. Women participate in educational activities to take advantage of new opportunities and to meet the demands of changing roles. While not examining reasons for participation, Freysinger and Ray (1987b) found that women’s participation in informal educational activities was significantly greater than men’s in both young and middle adulthood, as was women’s participation in formal educational activities in middle adulthood. In general, women have also been found to express a greater interest in (Cross, 1981) and excitement about (Brady, 1984) learning experiences. Several explanations have been offered for women’s greater interest and participation in educational activities. For example, in the longitudinal study of Freysinger & Ray (1987b), the finding that women’s participation in informal educational activities exceeded that of men in both young and middle-age was partly attributed to the types of activities that were included in the category of “informal education.” Some of these activities were home-based, such as listening to an educational radio or television program. A number also seemed to be family oriented or family inclusive such as visiting a museum, attending a fair or exhibition, or checking books from a library. Additional analysis revealed that in young adulthood, women’s employment status was significantly related to their involvement in informal educational activity. The fewer hours a woman worked outside the home, the higher was her involvement in informal educational activity. Women who were not employed outside the home may have participated more in informal educational activities as these activities offered mental stimulation and challenge, a contrast to routine and often “mindless” household tasks. This was supported by Freysinger and Ray’s findings that satisfaction with homemaking was significantly and negatively related to a women’s activity involvement. Whether dissatisfaction with homemaking led to increased activity involvement or increased activity involvement led to decreased satisfaction with homemaking could not be determined by this study. Deem (1982) offered another explanation for women’s participation in educational activities. Based on her research in Britain, Deem concluded that for women, educational activities were an “acceptable” form of leisure activity for women. The extent of women’s involvement in evening vocational courses reflected not only their disadvantaged position in the labor market, according to Deem, but also the extent to which going out to evening classes was seen as an appropriate form of leisure activity for women. Similarly, women may indicate

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social interaction as a motive for educational participation because such activities provided an “acceptable” arena within which to make contacts and friends. Whether their involvement is motivated by work, family, recreation concerns and interests, or social sanctions, educational activities can be leisure for women. According to Goldman (1969), at one time liberal education for adults was leisure education and itself a form of leisure activity. Research by Freysinger (1988) on the experience of leisure in adulthood found support for this relationship. For example, in talking about educational activity, a divorced mother of a teenager commented, “I’ve taken art classes, drawing, painting, which have helped me in my work but have also been a wonderful expression outlet, relaxation outlet. A lot of it is leisure and recreation but a lot of them have a dual function” (Freysinger, 1988, p. 132). Adult education and leisure share the goals of self-expression and development, as well as those of self-actualization and an improved quality of life. Furthermore, many of the defining dimensions or principles of adult education are compatible with those of leisure. Among those dimensions, adult education is learning that is freely chosen, enjoyable, challenging, and personally meaningful (Darkenwald & Merriam, 1982; Lindeman, 1961; Parker, 1976). Jones (1987) and Csikszentmihalyi (1982) suggested that when education is playful, intrinsically motivating, and self-rewarding, learning and continued interest in learning will result Thus, education and leisure are intrinsically related. Learning may occur in a woman’s leisure and a woman may experience learning as leisure. Astin (1976), in a study of women participating in continuing education activities, found that the women were searching not only for integrity but also identity. Other motivations for learning activities identified by research included social interaction, life events or transitions, time away or escape, enjoyment and satisfaction, personal improvement, and stimulation (Brady, 1984; Cross, 1981; Freysinger, 1988; Parker, 1976). Women have been reported to be more interested in social and familial subjects than other subjects (Cross, 1981; Merriam & Mullins, 1981). Hobby and craft-oriented learning is especially high for those 60 years of age or older (Cross, 1981). Cross noted, however, in her review of educational participation research that the interpretation of survey data can be tricky and often misleading. She stated: “When all women are grouped together and contrasted with all men, even a modest number of full-time housewives interested in flower arranging and child care can push women’s data into the traditional stereotype of feminine interest when contrasted with a male sample with no such interest groups” (1981, p. 205). It should also be noted that motivations for or perceptions of education vary by age, sex, and social class. Groups of individuals not pressured to participate in education for economic or job-related reasons, such as women not in the labor force or retired persons, often cite personal satisfaction as a

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major motivation for learning (Cross, 1981). Furthermore, learning for personal growth is a predominant outcome sought in education by older adults, particularly older women (Brady, 1984). As for social class, Johnstone and Rivera (1965) noted that “learning” and “spare-time enjoyment” convey quite opposite meanings for lower class adults. They stated, “One consequence of the fact that the lower class adult does not conceive of education in terms of personal growth or self-realization, for example, is that he [sic] is much less ready to turn to continuing education for recreational learning than for vocational learning” (p. 22). However, as noted by Parker (1976), “lowerclass” is generally the result of lower education. Parker predicts that as the general level of education improves, so, too, will participation in leisure learning. Cost is a constraint on the educational participation of low-income women, as well as women of any income level who have little discretionary income or feel guilty spending money for themselves. Cross (1981) felt that the growing involvement of women in educational activities was noteworthy because of the cost of education, as well as women’s lower educational attainment. Education tends to be an activity of better educated, more affluent adults. Other constraints for women’s pursuit of educational opportunities are also evident. Cross (1981) noted that women in educational situations often initially lacked self-confidence. Learning environments which offer both emotional (counseling, peer interaction) and intellectual (“brush-up classes,” advising) as well as practical (child care, lighted parking) support services are needed. Darkenwald and Valentine (1985) identified other categories of educational deterrents including time constraints, low personal priority, and personal problems. Despite these constraints, women’s participation in educational activities is high. Education provides women with the knowledge, skills, and credentials to find, change, or advance in work or to deal with personal or family concerns. In addition, educational activities may also enhance a women’s sense of competence and self-worth and provide her with a sense of personal growth and satisfaction (Weathersby, 1977). In this way, educational activities are an important leisure experience for women.

Sexual Behavior and Intimacy Little has been written about the relationship between sexual behavior and leisure. In particular, there is a lack of research about sex as leisure for women. It is known, however, that sexuality is a significant aspect of people’s lives. It is closely related to personal and social identities, and sexually intimate relationships are highly valued (Kelly, 1982, 1983a). The quality of these

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relationships may be a good predictor of the overall quality of people’s lives. Williams (1977) defined sexual behavior as behavior that is related to the arousal and gratification of sexual feelings. Intimacy may be more broadly defined to include those feelings of caring and closeness. Lorde (1979) suggested that the erotic needs to be experienced in women’s lives so they can “feel this joy of which we are capable.” This erotic is a source of power and information and may be very similar to a peak leisure experience or a flow experience (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975). The sexual experience for women can be rich, complex, and highly variable and women can experience pleasure and gratification in the sex act even in the absence of orgasm. Comfort (1976) suggested that sex has three uses or functions in our society. These functions are procreational sex for parenthood, relational sex where the significant factor is the intimate relationship between two people, and recreational sex where sex is a type of physical play. Victorian morality, based upon Puritanism, maintained that the only acceptable function for sexual activity was as a duty, within marriage, in the service of procreation. This attitude still affects thinking today, and society (especially North American society) is not very open or liberated about sexual matters. Nevertheless, there have been some major changes in attitudes during this century, especially concerning women. Acceptance of the legitimacy of relational sex is more widespread (Godbey, 1985), although this acceptance seems to extend only to heterosexual relationships. According to Godbey (1985), recreational sex is also becoming more acceptable among some segments of society, although the AIDS epidemic may be negatively affecting these increasingly liberal attitudes. Any meaningful discussion of sexual behavior and sexual attitudes has to take into account the different realities of women and men. All too often textbooks and articles ignore or gloss over these sex differences. A double standard of sexual morality for men and women is typical in most societies both historically and cross-culturally. In the Victorian era, for example, recreational sex for men was widespread and tacitly acknowledged, if not actually condoned. Women, on the other hand, were expected to not have sexual feelings or desires, and females who were not “chaste” were particularly looked down upon and stigmatized. Even today, the understanding of women’s sexuality is limited and society as a whole does not approve of sexually active women. Women are not granted the same freedom to be sexually active as men (Morgan, 1984). Moreover, women continue to face a number of specific barriers with regard to their potential for enjoying sex and intimacy as leisure. When women’s participation in sexual activities is considered, it is particularly evident that the three functions of sex as procreational, relational, or recreational are insufficient. In addition, sexual activities are not always freely chosen, pleasurable, or experienced as leisure. Sex can be work. This is obviously the case for prostitutes (most of whom are women) who not only experience sex

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without eroticism, but who also receive payment for their services. Sex can also be work or a “chore” when participation is seen as a duty or simply for the purpose of procreation. This sense of duty is more likely to be the case for women than men since in many societies wives are expected to “service” their husbands. Sex can also be associated with fear and violence for women who have been victims of sexual assault. Rape and other forms of sexual violence seem to be more common than once assumed; women and children are the usual victims. In addition to these issues is women’s concern for birth control. Women usually take responsibility for birth control—something which requires thought, time, and money, as well as possible physical discomfort and related health problems. It is also women who bear the consequences of unwanted pregnancies both in the short term (pregnancy and childbirth) and long term (child care). Moreover, in many if not most societies, women continue to lack freedom of control over their own reproductive functions. Another barrier which inhibits the enjoyment of sex as leisure for women relates to the depiction of sexuality in the media. Without a doubt, the media, including television, movies, and books, have become more “liberal” in the sense that more explicit depictions of sexual activities are displayed. The media, however, have been widely criticized by feminists for presenting only a male view of sexuality in which women are seen as sex objects for men’s pleasure. Feminists’ concern is particularly strong in the case of the pornography industry which has been criticized not only for its depiction (and thus legitimation) of sexual violence, but also for its misrepresentation of female sexuality. Despite these barriers that women face in achieving satisfying and enjoyable leisure through sexual activities, the potential for sex as leisure remains high. Sex and sexual intimacy evoke powerful responses in both women and men. Sexual activities can be extremely rich and rewarding in the context of an equal relationship, freedom of choice, and control over one’s own sexuality. A better understanding of women’s sexuality, eroticism and intimacy, and an understanding of the barriers to achieving leisure through sexual activities is needed. It is also important to understand more about the significance of sex and intimacy for women.

Summary The development of leisure skills for women is of paramount concern if women are to experience a variety of activities within their leisure. Women are capable of and desire involvement in many leisure activities. The societal stereotypes and limitations of the past should not preclude women from participating in activities within varied environments today. While it is important to describe and provide recreation opportunities for women, it is just as important to understand the complexities and context of the leisure experience.

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Based upon research that has been done to date, the leisure activities of women have been examined largely in relationship to typical male activities. While it is important to understand differences between women and men, much of the research is limited in various ways. In particular, few researchers have analyzed barriers to women’s leisure activities and explained how such barriers might be removed. Further, research on recreation activities has tended to reinforce traditional gender-roles rather than provide more inclusive ways of looking at the unique leisure experience for women such as through work/ leisure integration and home-based informal recreation. A significant component in understanding women’s leisure may be to focus on the meaning of leisure, whether juxtaposed to men’s or considered on its own basis. Leisure activity has the potential for liberating women by offering freedom and integrity through activity participation which may result in increased feelings of empowerment.

Discussion Questions: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

What problems are encountered when viewing women’s leisure participation within traditional activity categories? What is the “sex-typing” of activities? How has this influenced women’s leisure? Taking a lifespan perspective, describe how the family might influence a female’s leisure participation throughout life. Describe how the concept of “minute vacations” are important in women’s lives. Discuss why sex might be considered leisure for women and why it might not be considered leisure. What would be some interesting topics for further research on women and leisure participation?

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CONSTRAINTS ON WOMEN’S LEISURE Women have never been able to do anything right. They are supposed to be sexy and seductive but men complain that they are insatiable and immodest. They are excluded from participation in political machinery of society and accused of being sneaky, manipulative, and indirect. They are deprived of education and professional training and men complain they’re dumb. Women are disparaged as inferior, weak, and passive, yet when they seek equality in a strong and active manner, men panic (Tavris & Offir, 1977). Recreation participation and leisure involvement are important for a balanced life. One aspect of the quality of life is the opportunity to choose what to do during free time. It has only been within the past 10 years, however, that leisure researchers have examined why some people do not choose or cannot choose to participate in certain activities or use certain facilities (Searle & Jackson, 1985a). Specifically, researchers have begun to look at why women have been constrained from full participation in recreational activities. Males also experience constraints in their leisure, but the unique perspectives of women and their lives may give additional insights about constraints in general. An exploration of the relationship among participation, non-participation, and the constraints to participation needs to be undertaken if women’s leisure behavior and the subsequent recreation activity choices are to be understood. This information can then be added to the growing body of knowledge to broaden our understanding of the leisure behavior of women. A constraint may be defined as any factor which intervenes between the preference for an activity and participation in it. A term which has been commonly used in the literature is “barrier,” a discrepancy between the actual and the desired situation. Jackson (1988) recommended that the term barrier be replaced with constraint because barrier fails to capture the entire range of reasons for nonparticipation. Inherent to the definition of a barrier or constraint to recreation is

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what Ellis and Radmacher (1986) defined as “…any factor which precludes or limits an individual’s frequency, intensity, duration, or quality of participation in recreation activities” (p. 33). Constraints inhibit people’s ability to participate in leisure activities, to spend more time doing so, to take advantage of leisure services, and to achieve a desired level of satisfaction. The value of studying constraints lies in the enhanced ability to explain and understand participation. An understanding of leisure constraints helps to discern latent demand for leisure. An example of latent demand might be a woman’s desire for an aerobics class but only if child-care opportunities were provided at the recreation site. Constraints also have implications for leisure philosophy, policy, planning, and the marketing of services. By understanding the constraints to leisure, the possibility exists that some of the obstacles can be reduced or entirely eliminated. Little theory exists, however, to guide researchers in their study of constraints. In the research that has been conducted, conclusions have been limited by specific settings and thus results have not been generalizable. In addition, the explanatory power of participation models has been low (Romsa & Hoffman, 1980). A body of knowledge, however, is beginning to emerge from comparable data collected in different settings. Some information is now available on both constraints to leisure for women and on sex differences. For example, it appears that women may have different behavior expectations in leisure because of their role responsibilities (i.e., wife and mother) and implicit structural situations (i.e., home-based, family-centered activities) (Kelly, 1983a). Leisure behavior can be attributed to internal (personality) and external (situational) factors. In everyday life, people create explanations for their own and others’ behavior. From a social-psychological perspective, an interaction occurs between the individual’s perception of self and intervening social expectations. For example, a woman may not identify specific leisure barriers or constraints when asked, yet allude to the fact that there are leisure pursuits that she is unable to follow because of family commitments, time, or money. These constraints may not appear as barriers to her because she sees them being encountered by all women as a matter of their role expectations. Research on recreation constraints has concentrated on two major categories of non-participants: those who do not desire to participate and those for whom participation is desired but some constraint exists (Searle & Jackson, 1985b). When constraints are present, reasons for non-participation can be divided into two categories. The first category consists of external constraints that are outside the person, such as situational or environmental barriers. Examples of external constraints include the availability of recreation facilities, the safety of recreation areas, and the ability to pay fees and charges. The second category of constraints is internal. Internal constraints include the individual’s perceptions of personal capacities and capabilities, the individual’s knowledge of opportunities, a woman’s belief that she is entitled to leisure, and

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the ndividual’s interest in the activity. Other terms that have been used to describe these external and internal constraints include environmental and personal constraints (Ellis & Rademacher, 1986) and intervening and antecedent constraints (Henderson, Stalnaker, & Taylor, 1988). Several researchers have focused on broad constraints to recreation participation. For example, Romsa and Hoffman (1980) examined four constraints to general recreation participation: lack of time, lack of interest, lack of facilities, and lack of funds. Witt and Goodale (1981) identified similar barriers: time, skills, money, and opportunity. In reviewing the research on leisure barriers, Searle and Jackson (1985b) found five common constraints: interest, time, money, facilities and opportunities, and skills and abilities. They concluded that non-participation in recreation activities was situational and that different constraints were associated with specific activities. Research indicates that the constraints to recreation and leisure experienced by women are numerous, unique, and distinct from those experienced by most men. Deem (1982) suggested that regardless of social class, women are relatively more constrained in their leisure than men. A strong relationship exists between women’s status in education, employment, family, public life, and leisure. For example, a woman who has not had formal educational opportunities may not be aware of the leisure opportunities that exist or may feel that she does not have the ability to participate. Sex differences have been found in the studies that have examined constraints to participation. Searle and Jackson (1985a) reported that women experienced more barriers to participation than men. These additional barriers included lack of partners, family commitments, lack of information, shyness, lack of transportation, and physical inability. Deem (1982), in her research on women and leisure in England, found that many women felt constrained about the amount of time they had for leisure. In this study, it appeared that time of day was the greatest influence on women’s opportunities for leisure. For example, many women had little time available for leisure in the early evening because of family responsibilities, such as meal preparation, clean-up, and child-care responsibilities. Deem concluded that the time and spaces that most women have available for leisure were differently arranged and less suited to existing leisure opportunities than are the time and spaces available to most men. Other specific constraints to leisure for women found by Deem included husband’s or partner’s attitude toward the woman going out, husband’s or partner’s job demands, need for child care, lack of set hours and tasks in housework, responsibility for taking children to their leisure activities, lack of transportation, fear of going out alone, not having friends or relatives with whom to participate, lack of discretionary money and dependence on a male for income, and time required for household tasks regardless of whether a woman was in the paid workforce. While in the Western world many of the legal barriers that constrain women have been eliminated, perceived societal and personal barriers still exist.

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For example, Title IX has provided equal educational opportunities for women in competitive sports, yet women and girls in sport do not receive equal media coverage. Thus, their participation is less visible than that of males. Another constraint unique to women is that they perceive they do not have a right to leisure. Women’s lives are structured around taking care of others, and taking care of self through personal leisure is neither a priority nor a possibility. Because of social and personal expectations, women not only face constraints to participation but also constraints to enjoying and valuing leisure. In the following discussion, the factors that are particularly constraining for women’s leisure are examined. Existing ideas about constraints to leisure are useful in looking at people in general, but do not take the reality of women’s lives into account. Constraints that reflect the reality of women’s lives include paid and unpaid work, families and the ideal of care, a perceived lack of entitlement to leisure, gender-defined personality traits, socioeconomic status, and health and safety concerns. A major leisure constraint for both women and men is lack of time. Lack of time is not discussed as a unique constraint of women but is implicit to most of the other constraints identified.

Paid and Unpaid Work Many women are “damned if they do and damned if they don’t” when issues of paid work and employment are discussed. Those women who stay in the home and participate in unpaid work face many constraints to leisure just as do those who are involved in work outside the home although the type of constraint may vary. Women’s involvement in the paid workforce has increased to the point where almost 60% of all American adult women work outside the home (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1985). In the United States, black women have always been involved in work outside the home; today, the percentage of white women in the labor force is almost equal to black women. When women work outside the home, role responsibilities may change slightly. The wife may do fewer household tasks and the husband may accept more. The home and children generally continue to be the primary responsibility of the woman. A number of studies have shown that employed women, especially married employed women, have a dual work role (Bird, 1979; Bodin & Mitelman, 1983; Luxton, 1980; Shank, 1986). That is, they still maintain primary responsibility for the household and do most of the household labor (Coverman & Sheley, 1986; Spitze, 1986). Even though employed women spend less time on housework than non-employed women, their household labor still greatly reduces their free time. As a consequence, employed women spend less time in free time activities, experience more time stress (Shaw, 1987), and are more fatigued than non-employed women (Deem, 1982).

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On the positive side, women who work in the paid labor force often become involved in leisure pursuits because of their work affiliations, and because they often have more disposable income available to them (Darlison, 1985). The increased income, self-fulfillment, and creative work involvement of dual career women may positively affect the leisure of these women. A problem with women’s unpaid work, either within the home or in the community, is that this work is not valued by society at large precisely because it does not generate income. Thus, this type of work, such as housework, is considered “hidden” from society and goes largely unnoticed and unrecognized. Women who “only” work in the home have no personal income, little power or prestige, and low status in the society (Shaw, 1985a). Morgan (1984) stated that women are the world’s proletariat and have no voice in defining what work means—they suffer from “gross national product invisibility.” Women who work full-time in the home may have more free time and less time stress than women who work for pay, but this does not mean that their lives are filled with leisure. Women do not “earn” the right to have leisure if juxtaposition to paid work is the basis for leisure. Further, the ideology of housewifery emphasizes self-sacrifice, not the fulfillment of needs (Mandle, 1979). Household labor represents a major constraint affecting women’s access to leisure because the responsibility for household labor can expand to fill all available waking hours. It seems that there are similarities among women of different social classes in terms of household chores and family responsibilities, although higher income women are more likely to pay other women to do some of the household chores. Full-time housewives or homemakers also tend to experience other types of time-related problems such as monotony and boredom (Gavron, 1968; Oakley, 1976). Housewives with young children are likely to perceive little freedom in their lives because of constantly being “on call” (Meissner, 1977), and are restricted to their activities and geographic movements by child care and often by the lack of transportation (Deem, 1986). Moreover, the quality of the time at home is never guaranteed because of constant family interruptions; and homes often do not contain the space or facilities for leisure activities (Deem, 1986). Despite having more “free time,” homemakers often find that this free time is not translated into leisure experiences. In fact, one research study showed no significant difference between employed and nonemployed women in terms of time experienced as leisure (Shaw, 1987). The work ethic of North America has resulted in conflicting understandings of the meanings of work and leisure. It is evident that some women think of their work as a job rather than a career. Over the life course they may be dropping in and out of a job. For some women, work is seen as primary with leisure only being subsidiary. For other women, the family is by far the most important with work being secondary and leisure tertiary. Paid work may be important for women who have not traditionally worked, because such work may give them an identity they

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are unable to find through family or leisure roles. In addition, leisure seems to be more available at work for professional women, although it may also be the case that professional women tend to work longer hours at their jobs and are particularly prone to role conflict and role overload (Gray, 1983). Little research has been done on the effect of part-time employment on women’s leisure. Bialeschki and Henderson (1986) found that part-time employed women experienced less choice in their leisure than either homemakers or women who were employed full-time. It is possible that parttime workers not only devote time to their jobs, but also expect to accomplish everything that is normally associated with the full-time housewife roles as well. White (1983) suggested that part-time women workers are doubly disadvantaged, although she was focusing on economic and other employmentrelated benefits, rather than on free time or leisure. Paid and unpaid work can both complement and constrain women’s leisure. Perceptions of constraints on leisure that presently arise from women’s work may change over time as women’s work becomes more valued in society. Until that time, though, women may continue to struggle with their personal desire for leisure experiences and the. obligations to work. The old rhyme, “A man works from sun to sun but a woman’s work is never done” seems to illustrate women’s struggle for leisure.

Family Concerns and An Ethic of Care One-third of the families in the world are headed by women and, in developing countries, almost half of all single women over age 15 are mothers (Morgan, 1984). For many women, the family is a major contributor to role identity, life satisfaction, and leisure opportunities. On the positive side for most married women, the family is the primary context for leisure expression (Orthner, 1976) and is highly valued (Kelly, 1983a). The potential exists within the family for individuals to learn much about cooperation, love, and creativeness. However, family commitments may also be one of the major constraints to women’s leisure (Searle & Jackson, 1985b). The basis for family commitments rise from social expectations, socialization, lack of educational or employment opportunities, necessities such as in a single headed household, and from the “ethic of care.” Gilligan (1982a) defined the ethic of care as an activity of relationship, of seeing and responding to need, of taking care of the world by sustaining the web of connection so that no one is left alone. This ethic of care evolves from the belief that self and other are interdependent and that a connection must exist between people. Nevertheless, because society has equated personal autonomy and maturity with a focus on individuation and individual achievement, this concern with relationships is often seen as a weakness rather than a human strength.

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While the focus on relationships is an integral part of being a woman and a family member, it often becomes a constraint to personal leisure fulfillment. When taking care of others is always first in a woman’s life, her “freedom to” and “freedom from” are limited. Changes in marriage conditions have had both positive and negative effects on women’s leisure. The percentage of women marrying is decreasing (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1985). This trend may be an indication that women perceive choice in their lives concerning family responsibilities. At the same time, the number of divorces is increasing, usually leaving a woman as the head of the household. For women with children, this role provides a greater constraint on leisure, not only because of increased family responsibilities but also because of decreased discretionary income. When the family commitments are primarily or solely a woman’s, her access to leisure is greatly constrained or at the very least changed. Marriage and the monogamous nuclear family in the present form have been criticized by some feminists for being oppressive of women because family role expectations limit a woman’s freedom of choice (Williams, 1985). Williams suggested that the recognition of women as individuals and women’s increasing participation in non-domestic activities may mitigate against large families and a lifelong dedication to serving them. According to most feminists, reproduction ought to be the right of an individual woman. Women need to have the right to choose whether or not, how, and when to bear a child. Without this choice, little freedom exists for women (Morgan, 1984). Women today continue to be pressured by society to marry and have children, albeit not as strongly as in the past Many women, however, consider their role as mother to be their most important contribution to society. It is ironic that a role which often consumes only a portion of a woman’s life becomes so important. If marriage and childbearing are placed in a different perspective, then women could plan to achieve satisfaction through their own abilities and efforts rather than solely through the lives of their husbands and children. Children constrain women’s leisure not just because of the considerable physical care required by babies and young children, but also because of their social and emotional needs. The responsibility for child care, which falls disproportionately to women in society, reduces women’s leisure options and inhibits a considerable number of leisure activities that are not compatible with the care of young children. Single mothers are particularly disadvantaged because of total household and child-care responsibilities, coupled often with low incomes. Research has shown that family stage has a great impact on the leisure of both men and women (Witt & Goodale, 1981). In the cross-sectional study of three separate samples of Canadian adults, Witt and Goodale examined the relationship between family stage (based on presence of children at home and age of youngest child) and barriers to leisure enjoyment. They found the effect

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of family stage was differentiated by gender. For example, “not having enough free time” and “too many family obligations” were noted as barriers in early and later family stages, especially by women. While both women and men showed an increase in the barrier “feelings of daily stress,” according to Goodale and Witt, men’s feeling of increased stress over time appeared to have less to do with family expectations than did women’s. Thus, the family obligations and the “ethic of care” are aspects that may become constraints to leisure for women.

Lack of Entitlement Many women and men assume that equal rights and opportunities have been won. They do not see that implicit assumptions may be preventing some people from fully enjoying leisure. For example, women traditionally have not been allowed to participate in the same types of sporting events as men, because these activities have been perceived as harmful to women’s bodies. There is often no scientific basis for the systematic difference in treatment of women because of the great and small rhythms and sizes of their bodies. The result, however, is that women may be excluded, avoided, ignored, or forgotten in the activity; or the opposite may occur and they may be patronized or overprotected. A leisure constraint for women that is difficult to describe and often neglected in theoretical explanations of constraints is the feeling of some women that they are inferior and do not deserve to have leisure. This feeling has been attributed to a lack of sense of entitlement, a lack of feminist consciousness, an absence of freedom, a fear of success, a guilt complex, or a lack of opportunities for fulfilling leisure. Leisure, thus, is constrained by psychological and social attitudes or guilt feelings that arise when a woman allows herself to “indulge” in leisure. Women have been expected to put family and work first in their lives with little concern for their individual needs. Many women do not see evidence of inequality or do not identify with the idea that they may be a member of an oppressed group. This feeling that equal opportunity exists may be because of a greater acceptance of the ideology of equality, a perceived change in attitudes, or a perceived change in gender roles; discrimination today is subtle. Women are often concerned about fitting into role expectations and learning what is “appropriate.” Therefore, less attention is given to examining the basis of such roles, and little is done to promote change. Many women do not realize that extra effort and special sacrifices are required to achieve the privileged positions that men expect to have (Lafontaine, 1982). Terminology also provides a message about one’s rights and abilities. The use of male terminology and phallologocentric structures such as “girls” for women or “men” for men and women may give explicit messages about how women do not want or deserve certain leisure opportunities. For example, the terms associated with many leisure activities such as “assaulting” a

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mountain peak may also give unconscious messages that the activity is too dangerous or too violent for women. In certain other activities, such as weight training, the media portrays an image of muscular men participating; thus, women may not perceive that this activity would be a healthy and enjoyable leisure choice. Women’s sense of entitlement to leisure outside the home may depend on the women’s social and power relationships (Deem, 1982). Women feel a lack of entitlement to leisure because they often put the leisure of others first in their lives. For example, men frequently expect women to be supportive of their leisure activities and require the woman to fulfill traditional female roles such as preparing food for the event or showing loyalty by attendance as a spectator. Women may be very glad to do these things, but such expectations also convey the message that the woman’s own activities are not as important Women are infrequently called upon to find the power within themselves necessary for independent functioning in the world. Lorde (1979) has suggested that women fear the “yes” in themselves. They often fear success in their lives, including their leisure, because it may threaten their own perception of the feminine image, or they may worry that their success may threaten males. It is often difficult for women to accept success in their lives without external validation. O’Leary (1974) suggested that women are often caught in a double bind because of the demands to simultaneously meet the role requirements of the “socially desirable, achieving individual” and those requirements of “the ideal woman”—role requirements which are generally incompatible. Most of the leisure literature has described perceived freedom as a critical factor in women’s and men’s definitions/conceptions of leisure. To the extent that women lack choice or freedom in their lives, their ability to experience the freedom that is leisure is limited. If women lack a sense of entitlement or feel guilty at putting their own leisure preference first, this sense of freedom is never fully achieved, and women face a psychological barrier to leisure. In some cases, a constraint to formal leisure activities for women relates directly to discrimination and a lack of opportunities and thus a sense of a lack of entitlement. Traditionally, much of the recreation programming has been organized by males who have been professionally trained by conservative academics who reinforced the status quo. Few professional preparation courses have recognized the unique leisure needs of women as they differ from the typical male model of recreation (Australia, 1985). Public, private, and commercial recreation agencies have devoted more time to males than females (Godbey & Parker, 1982), although this may be changing as women are seen as a potential new “market.” When women have not had equal opportunities for recreation activities, this lack has been inappropriately attributed to a lack of demand. In a sense, women have at times been silent partners in their own oppression, because they

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did not realize their own leisure needs. The assumption is that men have power, and therefore, the future status of women depends upon men’s good will and benevolence (Lafontaine, 1982). Therefore, women have not asserted their right for recreation activities out of concern that they might lose what they presently have. While some women are able to realize that sex discrimination has occurred in the provision of leisure services, they do not see themselves personally affected. Nor do they see that it is women as well as men who are responsible for the elimination of this discrimination. No empirical support currently exists for this lack of a sense of entitlement as a constraint to leisure for women. As issues of integrity, autonomy, and self-determinism have emerged from the feminist movement, women have begun to realize that they are oppressed in various aspects of their lives. One form of the oppression has materialized in women’s leisure as this feeling of lack of entitlement A false consciousness has advanced this lack of entitlement into a potential constraint to leisure. Perhaps, as women take control of their lives and realize the value of their work and leisure, this constraint will be minimized.

Gender Defined Personality Traits The combination of personality and gender roles may be an internal barrier worthy of study because of the specific implications for women. One of the dominant theories of personality is “trait” theory. This theory explains personality as a complex and differentiated structure of traits that remain relatively stable over time. Iso-Ahola (1980), among others, has argued convincingly that it is the interaction between the person and the situation that accounts for psychologically interesting variance in leisure behavior. While personality traits alone are not predictors of leisure behavior, the personality and gender roles that a woman assumes may enhance or constrain her leisure. The gender role orientation of individuals is one of many personality areas that has been studied in relation to leisure. This research has found that the sex-typed individual is highly attuned to definitions of masculinity and femininity and is motivated to keep her or his behavior consistent with these definitions. The stereotypic ideal is accomplished by selecting behaviors and attributes that enhance or are consistent with the sex-typed image and by avoiding behaviors and attributes that violate that image. For example, to the extent that a woman’s personality is based upon traditionally feminine stereotypic notions, she will be hesitant to engage in behavior requiring conduct societally typified as male sex-role appropriate (O’Leary, 1974). In contrast, the androgynous individual is less attuned to these cultural definitions of femininity and masculinity and is less likely to regulate her or his behavior according to these prescribed behaviors.

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The concept of androgyny suggests that it is possible for an individual to be both assertive and compassionate, instrumental and expressive, stereotypically masculine and feminine, depending upon the situational appropriateness of these various modalities (Bem, 1977). Androgyny is a balance between the characteristics that are culturally defined as masculine and feminine. Androgyny is a valuable concept because it allows us, if only artificially, to separate socio-culturally constructed gender roles from biological sex. Much of the research to date has shown that women who were high in both masculine and feminine traits (i.e., who are androgynous) were highest in self esteem (Whitley, 1984). Females and males who were low on both aspects were lower in selfesteem. Sex role prescriptions are pervasive in our society. While the women’s movement has done much to make important changes, differences still exist between expectations about what males should do and what females should do. The problem with sex role prescriptions is that the characteristics associated with masculinity (activity, initiation, strength, rationality) are valued more highly than those characteristics associated with femininity (passivity, receptivity, gentleness, and emotion). These traits are acquired through socialization and sex role identification. Sex role identification is an extension of gender identity; it involves the internalization of the role typical of one’s sex in the society and the reactions and attributes characteristic of that role (Williams, 1977). In the field of leisure studies, Gentry and Doering (1979) found that biological sex was more strongly related to leisure behavior than measures of masculinity and femininity. These researchers also found that androgynous persons engaged in a greater number of leisure activities than those people adhering to traditional sex roles. In another study, Hirschman (1984) found that gender role, rather than biological sex, was consistently able to explain more difference in leisure activity motives. Hirschman found that there was a tendency for androgynous persons to pursue multiple, diverse motives in their leisure behavior. While these studies by Hirschman (1984) and Gentry and Doering (1979) were contradictory, they provide a foundation for examining constraints based on gender-role and personality traits. In the research done by Henderson, Stalnaker, and Taylor (1988), the relationship between perceived barriers to recreation and gender-role personality traits as measured by androgynous, masculine, feminine, and undifferentiated personality types was studied. They found that women with stereotypic masculine personalities perceived the fewest leisure constraints. Androgynous women experienced the next fewest number of constraints. These findings of fewer constraints for masculine and androgynous personality traits parallel much of the other literature that suggests that masculine and androgynous personalities are more

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psychologically well-adjusted (Baruch, Barnett, & Rivers, 1983; Gutmann, 1964; Whitley, 1984). Personality alone does not account for much of the variance found in leisure behavior. However, it appears that personality, in combination with the diverse situational factors experienced by any individual woman, such as gender-roles, must all be considered if the leisure of women is to be fully understood.

Socioeconomic Status of Women Socioeconomic status has a great influence on leisure behavior and recreation activities. Research has shown that (a) a positive relationship exists between recreation expenditures and income, (b) households in the middle of the family life cycle tend to spend more on recreation, (c) education is positively related to recreation expenditures, (d) urban households tend to spend more than rural, and (e) non-blacks spend more money on recreation than blacks (Dardis, Derrick, Lehfeld, & Wolfe, 1981). In households where women work for pay, more money is spent on recreation, but not at a significantly greater rate. Income provides a filter for the consideration of many kinds of leisure (Kelly, 1983a). For example, a woman on a restricted income may fish at the local lake while a woman with access to greater discretionary funds may go on a deep sea charter trip. Women of the upper class may experience leisure in a different way, because they often have more access to leisure opportunities and more discretionary income to devote to leisure. Another example of a constraint related to Socioeconomic status is lack of mobility, which is more likely to be a problem for women of lower incomes. A connection exists between women’s oppression and the intersection of race, class, and gender in society. Examples of class issues that affect women are numerous. While women represent half the global population and one-third of the labor force, they receive only one-tenth of the world’s income and represent two-thirds of the working hours (Morgan, 1984). In industrialized countries, women are paid one-half to three-fourths of what men make, are categorized into female-intensive jobs, and are generally the first fired and the last hired. The incidence of double discrimination or double constraints is great for women; in addition to being women, they are also often poor, uneducated, a minority, elderly, or live in rural areas. Unemployment or underemployment affect both income and the meaning of discretionary time. Women who are disadvantaged economically or dependent on someone else for discretionary income may perceive a lack of freedom in realizing the full range of opportunities for leisure. As long as the Socioeconomic conditions of women remain below that of men and as long as women remain economically dependent upon men, women will continue to be more constrained in all aspects of their lives, including leisure.

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Health and Safety Health and safety issues appear to be of greater concern for women than for men. In terms of health, women outlive men, are most of the world’s elderly, and have increased health problems as they age. Related to health is the concern for the body. Changes in physical ability inhibit women from beginning or continuing to participate in some activities. Henderson, Stalnaker, and Taylor (1988) found that body image was a major constraint to leisure for women. For example, overweight women may not want to participate in an aerobics class, because they feel self-conscious about their weight. Women, more than men, tend to have a more negative body image. Safety is also an issue of which women are cognizant in their leisure. The rise in crime has created an atmosphere that leads women to limit their leisure activities, especially in the evening. Sexual assault is a form of terrorism that severely limits the freedom of women (Deem, 1986; Griffin, 1978). Rape is also a crime where the victim is treated as the victimizer which causes further lack of freedom. Women’s leisure lifestyles are affected by their ever present concern with emotional and physical safety. Simple factors such as where to park in relation to a recreation facility, the location of the program facility, as well as the time schedule of leisure opportunities, are important considerations for women’s leisure involvement. Women’s freedom to establish whatever lifestyle and activities that they desire or choose is affected by their need for a feeling of health and personal safety.

Implications As has been discussed, a number of factors contribute to the oppression of women in general and to their oppression in relation to leisure specifically. These factors include women’s performance of unpaid domestic labor and traditional home-based existence; the ascribed role as homemaker and child-care provider; the generalized oppression of women by men politically, economically, and ideologically; the position of women in social relation to the capitalistic mode of production (low pay, lack of security, poor treatment); the general experience of women in the educational system with hidden curricula and curricular differentiation; the cultural representation of masculine and feminine images through socialization; the sexual politics and social control exerted over women; second-class legal status; and sheltered condition of adolescent women (Deem, 1982; Godbey & Parker, 1982). Many of these are external barriers which require sweeping changes in the status and role of women in society; both internal and external constraints ought to be addressed by providers of leisure services.

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Research has shown that women who have the fewest constraints to leisure have fewer family obligations in terms of a spouse or children under 18, have a higher education, have some kind of outside income, and have access to transportation (Deem, 1982). Spaces (including physical, temporal, and psychological) for leisure in the lives of most women are differently arranged and less suited to traditional leisure activities than those of men. In addition to these external or intervening barriers, it is suggested that other barriers exist that are “hidden.” These hidden or antecedent constraints include the nature of women’s work, lack of a sense of entitlement, gender roles, and health and safety. Further, agreement on the characteristics of a virtuous woman which include being a faithful, loyal, submissive, dedicated, loving housewife, and an unquestioning supporter of the moral and religious values of her society, leaves little time or freedom for leisure. Deem (1986) has grouped the kinds of changes necessary for women’s leisure under three main headings: creating an environment in which women’s leisure is safe and practical, changes in women’s social position, and leisure provision by both commercial and public as well as the individual. Creating an environment for women’s leisure would include considering the interface of transportation, housing, and education as they relate to leisure; providing leisure facilities in neighborhoods; considering street and footpath design and lighting; providing child-care facilities after school and on holidays; and effectively implementing existing legislation such as sex discrimination and domestic violence acts. Changing women’s social position requires a change in societal relationships, structures, and ideologies. Changes in women’s social position that would affect their leisure might include providing equal pay for women, changing the perception of the sexual division of labor, and making women less sexually passive. Leisure provision for women has many aspects which include direct services as well as facilitating individual experiences. Leisure provision includes focusing on better programming and management of recreation opportunities to minimize some of the constraints for women. For example, leisure service providers can schedule activities so that they are available when people, especially women with little available time because of work and family demands, have time to participate. By providing specific programs focusing on women (target marketing) and their unique needs, women will be encouraged to value their leisure. Since money is a constraint for many women, the leisure service provider might want to consider how fees and charges can be set for older women on fixed incomes, for single parents, and for women in general who on the average make less than two-thirds of a dollar for every dollar made by men in the United States. Lack of entitlement as a leisure constraint can be reduced by letting people know that facilities and activities are available with the explicit message that recreation activities are not just for sports jocks or for children. Recreation agencies can deal with the constraint of negative body image by providing positive opportunities for women to change

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these feelings about themselves. A sense of lack of entitlement to leisure also may be overcome through leisure counseling. One of the primary goals of leisure counseling for women may be to help women accept and value their leisure needs. In addition, family concerns are a dominant leisure constraint for women. Leisure service providers might want to consider how family activities might be included in their program offerings or how child care might be provided in order to encourage greater participation.

Summary In conclusion, both women and men are constrained in their leisure. Much remains to be done by society and individuals before these constraints can be overcome. Because of the general oppression of women in all aspects of life, they face additional constraints in their leisure. Social changes, such as those resulting from Title IX and the women’s movement, have highlighted the value of leisure for women and have mitigated some of the constraints. Until women obtain the integrity in society that they deserve and until leisure is seen as an integral part of the quality of life, however, women will continue to face unique constraints in their lives and leisure.

Discussion Questions: 1.

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Everyone experiences constraints to leisure, but women seem to have some unique constraints. Describe three of these and provide examples of how these could be lessened by women themselves and by leisure service providers. What is meant by the “double day” of women? How does this idea influence women’s leisure? How does the perception of “women’s work” influence women’s leisure? Give examples of external and internal constraints to leisure you face in your own life and the steps you could take to eliminate these constraints. How might leisure constraints change over the lifespan for women? What would each of the feminist philosophies discussed in Chapter 3 address as the source of leisure constraints? What is the relationship between leisure entitlement and gender roles today?

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WOMEN AND LEISURE: THE FUTURE This opportunity, as I think, is now coming within your power to give her. For my belief is that if we live another century or so—I am talking of the common life which is the real life and not of the little separate lives which we live as individuals—and have five hundred a year each of us and a room of our own; if we have the habit of freedom and the courage to write exactly what we think; if we escape a little from the common sitting-room and see human beings not always in relation to each other but in relation to reality; and the sky, too, and the trees and whatever it may be in themselves;…if we face the fact, for it is a fact, that there is no arm to cling to, but that we go alone and that our relation is to the world of reality and not only to the world of men and women, then the opportunity will come… (Woolf, 1929, pp. 117–118). Looking toward the future is not an easy task. Some people think it is ludicrous and a virtual impossibility to try to think about what the future may hold. However, as Alice in Wonderland learned from the Cheshire cat, if you do not know where you wish to go, it does not matter in which direction you turn. People who care about the future also care about the directions chosen. The preferable future can be created through concerted efforts to visualize the future and to develop steps to achieve it. The purpose of this final chapter is to summarize the current status of women and leisure, to describe the value of developing alternative futures, to define general societal trends and their implications for women, to describe future conditions for leisure, and to suggest ways that women’s leisure can be enhanced in the future. Lastly, several scenarios will be provided as a way to illustrate what could occur in the future for women and leisure.

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Women Have Come A Long Way—Maybe The preceding pages have described the status of women and leisure predominantly from the perspective of North American and Western societies. The thesis of this book has been that a woman is entitled to “a leisure of one’s own.” The liberating goal is the elimination of gender-role restrictions placed on women that affect their leisure choices. Women’s entitlement to leisure and the possibilities for their empowerment and free choice through leisure were made exigent. The theoretical framework for this discussion was grounded in the basic premises of feminism. Parallels were drawn between feminism, the conditions of women in society, and leisure. By addressing the issue of women’s leisure and the scholarship which is currently available, the invisibility and distortion of the female experience in leisure was brought to light. It was proposed that by developing freedom of choice in leisure, a woman’s personal power may be advanced in other areas of her life as well. At the same time, as women’s status in society is elevated, their leisure potential will also be ameliorated. In other words, leisure was presented as a catalyst for the empowerment of women. By examining women’s lives, leisure meanings that reflected a common world of women were depicted. Both sex/gender similarities and differences exist in leisure as well as other aspects of life. The dimensions that comprise the experience of leisure seem to be shared by both women and men. Research has shown, however, that allocations of leisure time and some recreation activities are differentiated by sex. Furthermore, the “container” of leisure may be different for women than men in many ways. Women do have a “different reality.” Historically, the oppression of women and the juxtaposition of leisure with work resulted in women’s leisure being primarily relational and role-defined. For women, leisure has been experienced in non-traditional ways such as “minute vacations” and community service. This contrasts with the outside-the-home, traditional activity-based orientation of men. While differences prevail between women and men, it is also important to note that leisure expression may differ among individual women by age, social class, age and number of children, marital status, employment status, sexual preference, race, and other unique characteristics. The most appropriate way to examine leisure for all people, and specifically for women, is as an experience. The container of leisure varies in many ways but the essence of leisure is the meaning associated with the experience and the improvement of one’s quality of life. Women’s leisure experiences are affected by their perceptions of freedom and the concomitant constraints often inherent in ascribed gender roles. The major constraints to women’s leisure include paid and unpaid work,

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family commitments and an ethic of care, a lack of entitlement to leisure, gender roles and personality, socioeconomic concerns, and health and safety. Freedom and constraints within leisure change over the lifespan as the roles and events that are part of women’s lives change. Psychological and social factors combine to impinge upon a woman’s leisure and require adaptation in her leisure over the lifespan. Women’s leisure is changing. When one compares the role and status of women 100 years ago to today, it would appear that great strides have been made. In some cases, women’s leisure is more visible, and yet some of the changes have led to increased stress and decreased leisure time in women’s lives. However, further social change at the individual as well as societal level is necessary to continue to create better environments for women’s leisure, to increase appropriate leisure services, and to improve women’s status. In the future, improvements in women’s lives in general and their leisure lives in particular will require new ways of thinking about the meaning of leisure, as well as new ways of “knowing” about the relationship between women, leisure, and the quality of life. Research grounded in feminist approaches offers one way of acquiring a new way of thinking about women and the social change that ought to occur in the future.

Introduction to the Future Toffler (1980) suggested that humanity is facing a quantum leap forward. He proposed that society is encountering the deepest social upheaval and creative structuring of all times. The challenge to people is to be knowledgeable about the future and what it may hold. Incorporating the emerging roles of women is integral to this creative structuring. It is imperative to think about the future for several reasons. Systematic reasoning about the future is often missing in many institutions today. Longrange and strategic planning are necessary so people can be ready when changes occur. Choices and decisions need to be made, and if women do not have a part in making them, decisions will continue to be mandated by the existing power structure. Studying the future should result in the discovery of both the opportunities offered by the future as well as the problems that are presented. If women turn away from the future, they abdicate their responsibility to shape it. Futures forecasting is one of the major ways to analyze and begin to create the future. A forecast rests upon an explicitly stated set of logical assumptions, data, and relationships. In this way forecasting differs from opinions or prophecy. The ultimate goal of futures forecasting is to provide information to assist in planning for the future and to bring about desirable change.

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It is not possible to visualize the future for women and their leisure without first considering other aspects of the future society and how these aspects may impinge on women and their lifestyles. Large-scale thinking, a macro perspective, must be utilized to avoid getting bogged down in details or becoming single-issue oriented. One must scrutinize the “whole” in order to understand the parts. Three major premises underlie the field of futures study: (a) the future is not completely predictable, (b) the future is not pre-determined, and (c) future outcomes can be influenced by individual choices (Amara, 1981). In examining the future, one should consider the likely and the preferable futures. These are interrelated and are exemplified by different end results. The likely future is based upon what researchers and futurists have empirically and systematically determined to be possible. The preferable future is a more ideal future based on what a particular group visualizes should happen. Further, it must be emphasized that the future is currently being created by people’s actions and inactions of today.

General Trends in Society To forecast the future for women and leisure it is necessary to examine the positive and negative trends that are discernable in society today. In general there seems to be a higher level of diversity and greater acceleration of the pace of activity. A number of specific trends are likely to continue. No simple solutions to economic problems either on a societal or a personal income basis are likely to occur. The gap between the “haves” and “have nots” will probably continue. It is preferable that economic issues not become so paramount that human and environmental needs are overlooked. For example, society may need to explore issues such as guaranteed incomes, national health insurance, environmental protection, and the quality of life in lieu of economic gains. This may be particularly important in metropolitan areas. The demographics of the population are likely to change with a continued lower birth rate and an increasing number of older adults. Adults will probably continue to be the focus of society with less emphasis on the youth culture, although concern for children’s needs will remain important People will probably continue to marry later, divorce more frequently, and have fewer children. In North America, the trends suggest that the percentage of minorities will continue to grow and single person and single headed households will also continue to rise in number. The jobs of the future will likely be service-oriented with education and training required for most higher paying jobs. Technology will provide a decrease in the number of jobs and unemployment rates are likely to increase.

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Income will probably remain constant with the cost of living. The increased participation of women in the paid work force may increase competition for some of the available jobs. People will continue to seek meaning in the activities they do, whether those activities are considered to be work or leisure. The higher levels of education of individuals in the future, it is hoped, will make people aware of the options that can be used to create meaning in their lives. Technology also will continue to make life easier for most people, but will not negate the need for human interaction. It will continue to help people live healthier and hopefully happier lives. Future lifestyles are likely to be best described as diverse with many options available to people, and people will be forced to make many decisions because of the multiple options that will be available in their lives. The concept of self-help suggests that people will be looking for meaning by focusing on networking, citizen involvement, and decentralization in all areas of life. Clearly, the world is likely to continue to “shrink” in the future. The realization of how what is done within one geographical location affects people throughout the world will become even more apparent, and a new awareness of the environment and the issues surrounding it will become imperative for survival. The preceding trends will have direct implications for the roles of women in the future and their leisure. As the traditional roles of women are replaced with new ones, these newly prescribed roles will also help to shape these trends.

Role of Women in the Future In considering what kind of future is preferable for women as well as for men, two predominant views, equality and integrity, will provide the framework for discussion. The equality perspective suggests that the future will be a linear extension of what exists today; the future will be similar to the present with a focus on the problems women face and how women can “fit into” and find equality in the patriarchal world and thus modify and reduce the power of the patriarchy. The integrity view suggests that basic, more radical changes are needed in ways of thinking in order to improve women’s lives in general and their leisure lives in particular. The structure of these frameworks may be evolutionary or revolutionary. A continued movement toward equality might be considered the likely future, whereas the perspective of integrity will be considered a “revolutionary” way to bring about social change in the future. On one hand, the possibilities for women in the future seem wide open. On the other hand, the movement toward equality will likely be interspersed with returns to some traditional forms of gender roles.

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The Future of Feminism Most feminists would agree that the preferred future for women lies in a movement away from sexual polarization and imposed gender roles toward a society where individual roles and personal behavior can be freely chosen. The concept of androgyny provides an example of what a future with no sex-typed characteristics assigned to individuals might be. Androgyny allows for a range of possible ways of “being” in the world. Feminism will probably remain a dominant social force in the future. Many perspectives on feminism will continue to exist, but all will continue to embody the basic goals of correcting the invisibility and distortion of female experience; enabling every woman to have equity, dignity, and freedom of choice; and removing all forms of inequality and oppression in society. Some feminists will work for equality while others will work for integrity through radical changes such as the restructuring of the patriarchal society. It is hoped that opportunities will be created for women to work together for common goals despite differences in approaches and orientations. Further changes toward equality are likely to occur slowly because of the belief that exists among many women (and men) that women have already attained equality. Certainly, more attention has been paid to gains that women have made in the past 20 years. For example, the media give more attention to notable women, particularly to women’s “firsts” such as Sandra Day O’Connor, the first woman Supreme Court Justice in the United States. In addition, the media have dealt with social issues on prime-time television such as rape, teenage pregnancy, and lesbianism, which would lead one to believe that society is sensitive to women’s issues. People have been also led to believe that many women have been upwardly mobile in their careers. The women “making it,” however, are relatively few compared to the general work force. Further, many women deny sexual discrimination because they have never been discriminated against, are unable to recognize it, or believe that sexual discrimination is not a problem because it is no longer legal. Even though attitudes toward women are changing, behavior has been slow to follow (Benokraitis, 1986). In addition, many women and men are comfortable with their traditional roles and would prefer to maintain the status quo. It is unlikely that the patriarchal society will be replaced with a “gynocentric” society in the near future. Feminists who consider themselves radical will likely continue to seek ways to make women more visible in society other than just through equality. They will seek a wider separation from male culture and institutions. The belief that feminism can transform the world by focusing on new visions of peace and integrity for all will be an ideal of these feminists. Some feminists may seek to revolutionize ways of thinking about the world while others will seek to remake the world as a matriarchy.

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Feminism will continue to be viewed from many perspectives. It is evident to many feminists that the agenda for the future will grow longer rather than shorter each day.

Future of Women and Work Women are likely to continue to make gains in the work place, although these gains may come slowly and in small increments. Women will work both out of necessity and as a way to find meaning in their lives. More women in the fulland part-time workforce will permit a higher standard of consumption for twoincome families and may cut down on the number of spouses with second jobs. As more women desire entry into the paid workforce, continued structural unemployment and a lack of jobs for women as well as for men are likely. High competition in some jobs (mainly professional) could even lead to longer working hours and higher stress levels. However, in the preferred future, both females and males would have the opportunity to work a shortened workweek which would enable more people to have employment as well as more free time for other pursuits. The meaning of work for women will continue to change in the future. Women’s work has been typically defined as something that was supposed to be done out of love, instinct, and devotion to some higher cause than the self (Rich, 1977). Women may still undertake much paid and unpaid work for these reasons, but present trends indicate that they will also be seeking additional personal fulfillment and economic rewards in the careers and jobs they pursue. The meaning of work will also probably change as women view work as a more primary life interest than as “something to fall back on” or to provide “extras” in the two income family. A greater continuity of employment, as contrasted to women “dropping in and out” to raise a family, may provide more career mobility for women. When women’s unpaid work at home is shared by other family members, work outside the home may also take on greater meaning. In the future, it is likely that some women will choose to pursue leadership and management positions even though they may continue to face unique problems. These problems center on issues of socialization that may make management “foreign” or undesirable to some women (Hennig & Jardim, 1976). For example, in the past women were not socialized to be competitive, yet many management tasks in corporations require high sales productivity. Role conflict may also be created because of the nature of management positions as currently structured and the expected role of the ideal woman as employee as well as family caretaker. Hopefully, the movement towards more humanistic concerns in management will make these types of jobs more attractive and less conflictual for women as well as men in the future.

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Evidence suggests that sex-typing in jobs will continue in the future. Even though women are more visible in traditionally male dominated careers (i.e. law, medicine), the percentage of gain will continue to be relatively small (Reskin, 1988). The predominance of women in traditional female occupations, which are largely service oriented, is likely to remain the same in the future. These service jobs will not be the higher paying jobs of society. While women are beginning to enter other areas of work that have been primarily male realms, this change is occurring very slowly. Alternative work models for women in the preferred future would enable them to adjust to changing social roles. For example, available and affordable child-care centers would be helpful in allowing women freedom in choosing their work opportunities. In addition, alternative work schedules such as flextime, job sharing, and four-day (40-hour) work weeks would be helpful to many women who wish to combine family and career. Longer maternity leaves with pay or providing paternity leaves as well as maternity leaves would also be preferred ways to improve the work environment for women in the future. Women often “fall into” particular lifestyles for practical/pragmatic reasons rather than out of choice. Changes in attitudes toward women working must accompany and perhaps precede these new models for these models to be effective. As women obtain more education, they are likely to have more options open to them in the workplace. Further, it is likely that there will be more realistic job counseling for women with a shift in attitudes, opportunities, and a variety of career choices made possible for women in the future. The personality traits typically thought of as female may be more evident and needed in the workplace of the future. For example, the humaneness, sensitivity, and nurturance which are typically thought of as feminine traits may be important and valued for certain jobs, especially in the service sector. While increased valuation of these traits may not increase the pay, it is likely that a combination of characteristic masculine traits (leadership, assertiveness) and stereotypic feminine traits (cooperation, gentleness) will be highly desirable in some jobs. Advanced technology is allowing people in a variety of jobs to work at home more easily (Toffler, 1980). As paid work becomes more home-centered, there are both positive and negative implications for women. Women can be a model for these changes since they have had to integrate work and leisure in the home over the years. On the other hand, housework/family obligations may infringe upon paid home-based work. Another disadvantage to home-centered work is that it eliminates the benefit of working outside the home. In the past, one of the values of paid work has been the opportunity to get one out of the house to meet new people and have social interactions in new environments.

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Higher incomes for women in the future will be symbolic of their increased social status. Direct access to income will continue to be crucial to individual worth, personal and political power, and social prestige. For women to achieve equality in society, it will be necessary for them to have greater financial means and independence. Clearly, economic independence and equality are inextricably related. Economic independence will progress slowly for women as long as inequality in the work place exists. From an integrity perspective, a complete restructuring of the capitalist value system needs to be considered and implemented to provide greater opportunities for women and other oppressed groups. In searching for meaning in life, areas of achievement other than formal education and work experiences may become viable options. For example, some people may choose unpaid volunteer work as a primary means of selfexpression. This volunteering may be in areas such as church-related or social organizations. Meaning might also be found in avocational pursuits such as amateur sports or a variety of leisure activities. Because diversity of lifestyles is likely to occur in the future, paid work may not continue to be the primary definition of success. Many outlets for meaning, including paid and unpaid work, will hopefully be available for both women and men.

Future of Women and the Family The structure and ideology of the family will continue to be central to women’s position in Western society even though reproductive rights and the equal division of household labor are likely to become more widely accepted. It is hoped that both the expressive role of family caretaking and the instrumental role of “breadwinner” will be valued with a fusion of both the caretaking and provider roles of women and men across their lifespans. The traditional family structure is likely to change in the future. Low birth rates and a higher number of divorces will result in smaller family sizes (Kelly, 1981). This trend will continue because some women will wait to have children later in life, some will choose a higher standard of living over the expense of supporting children, and others will choose careers that will make child-raising a low priority. In addition, some couples may consciously choose not to have children and some women will consciously choose not to marry. The number of single-female headed households, with and without children, will continue to increase dramatically. Alternatives to the traditional family such as couples living together before marriage, blended families, households of small or large groupings of people living together for an unspecified time and with no specific interpersonal relations, gay and lesbian partnerships and parenting, and transitional periods of living alone and with others in a variety of relationships are more likely in the future.

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As these changes in family forms occur, they are likely to lead to reduced socialization of women into traditional roles and goals. For example, when young people see adults sharing work, home, and family tasks, it is likely that these changed role expectations will be adopted by this new generation. Family functions traditionally determined by gender role will gradually change to reflect the broader options that are available. Therefore, other forms of validation and self-definitions outside the family, such as through paid work or community service, will become more conventional for women. Regardless of the family structure chosen in the future, childrearing should be a shared responsibility of family members as well as of society in general. The wider acceptance of day care services and latchkey programs as a viable option for working adults will provide new forms of socialization for children. In other words, women will no longer be solely responsible for raising and caring for their children. Many feminists, especially radical feminists, also believe that it is important that women be liberated from compulsory motherhood (Firestone, 1971). In other words, they believe the role of women in society will change when marriage and reproduction will be strictly a matter of choice and devoid of social pressure to conform. In the preferred future, it is hoped that more women will assert their sexual freedom. It is hoped that women who choose heterosexual relationships will do so with issues of equality in the forefront. Some women may choose the lesbian lifestyle which frees them from imposed gender roles even though the stigma attached to lesbianism will change slowly. Other women will choose to remain single as that lifestyle continues to be more valid and less stigmatized. In general, the lifestyles of women are likely to be diverse and more freely chosen in the future. Changes in the roles of women in the future will not be without problems. Women will struggle with re-defining what it means to be a woman freed from traditional ascribed gender roles and expectations. However, women who seek self-esteem, who lead interesting and rewarding lives, and who find their work and leisure contributing to their quality of life are less likely to have negative reactions to the social change that will occur.

Role of Leisure for Women in the Future Changes in society’s valuation of leisure will affect leisure for everyone, including women. Ideally in the future, leisure will not be defined simply as the antithesis of work, but will be prized because of its intrinsic value to individuals and to the society. If all activity were done for its own sake and not defined as work or leisure, a new definition of life quality would emerge. The adoption of the “worth ethic” (Dustin & Schultz, 1981) would have profound implications for how people might perceive their lives. This focus on worth might be

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envisioned as self-development. People would seek amusement or relaxation solely as a respite from the routine of living and as a means of personal identity development In the future, individuals are likely to continue to associate a number of outcomes with recreation and leisure. These will include individual growth and self-development; rest and relaxation; social interaction; strengthening of family ties; developing social, physical, and emotional well-being; appreciating the outdoors, building physical fitness; and an indication of social status through the “display” of leisure possessions. In the preferred future, more emphasis will be put on “quality of being” rather than quantity of activities or quantity of time. Ideally, people will seek “peak experiences” in their leisure and will look for opportunities for aesthetic response, the achievement of personal goals, and positive feedback from others. In the ideal leisure world, increasing emphasis will be put upon the concepts of the quality of life, self-actualization, creativity, individualism, and humanism. Moreover, people will view their leisure experiences as individual and self-centered and will expect society to respect the individuality of each person. Women in the future are likely to continue to seek equal opportunities for leisure just as they will seek equal opportunities in other aspects of life. It is hoped that women will see their lives open to many options that will enable them to be adaptable and flexible in choosing leisure opportunities. As women’s leisure needs are recognized and valued at a personal as well as a societal level in the preferred future, increased importance will be placed on meeting these needs. Ideally, individual differences among women on such dimensions as race, class, and marital status will be acknowledged when analyzing leisure needs. The “common world of women”,? however, and what women seek in attaining equal opportunities for leisure will be a focus. The time available for leisure will vary from woman to woman in the future. For example, with an increased number of women working, especially in professional positions, and with more female-headed households, women may find that their “clock time” will be more constrained than ever before. However, with changes in perceptions of leisure and a belief in entitlement to leisure, women may make leisure a higher priority and may use free time for leisure pursuits. In addition, with a change in the sharing of household responsibilities and with new family forms, women may find they have more access to discretionary time. Perceived freedom, intrinsic motivation, and enjoyment will continue to be both the conscious and unconscious motivations for leisure in the future. Women likely will continue to seek affiliative or relational leisure and this interaction will be highly valued by them. Entitlement to leisure will provide a basis for making time and space available for women’s leisure, but this right to entitlement will evolve slowly. As gender roles change, new meanings will be associated with leisure for women.

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As in the past, women probably will continue to integrate their work and leisure because of their role responsibilities. This integration will be necessary until women exercise their right to a leisure of their own. Some leisure scholars believe that the ideal future is one in which the lines between work and leisure will be so blurred that they will no longer be dichotomized; all meaningful activity (including traditional paid and unpaid work as well as leisure) will be valued. Other scholars would suggest that work must be evident for leisure to exist and that a defining dimension between leisure and non-leisure is a work component. More research should be conducted to help to solve the controversy. The “containers” for leisure will probably expand as women’s social status is improved. Although new leisure situations and spaces may unfold for women, the home will likely continue as a primary place where leisure will occur. However, with smaller family sizes, women may not consider family recreation to be synonymous with their personal recreation in the future. Leisure outside the home may be used as a substitute for some of the companionship, personal support, and regular interaction which may be lost in society due to family transitions such as divorce (Kelly, 1981). As traditional family roles and responsibilities consume less of a woman’s time and offer less pervasive meaning through the lifespan, the role of leisure (in and outside the family) will likely assume increased importance and meaning. Typical and atypical recreation activities will likely be open to women in the future, although some social stigma may continue to be attached to traditional sex-typed leisure pursuits. More opportunities for skill development through women-only outdoor organizations or recreational equipment designed specifically for women may encourage participation and enhance the potential for satisfying leisure experiences. Some women will become more highly skilled in typical leisure pursuits such as sports and may become intensely committed to excellence in their leisure activities. Because education is a good predictor of recreation participation, women will take advantage of more opportunities for leisure as their educational level increases. In addition, since recreation is a cumulative experience, participation in one kind of activity will encourage participation in others (Zuzanek, 1978). Income is another factor that has implications for leisure and recreation participation. When survival and subsistence are priorities, little excess income is available for recreation. Because women will make slow progress toward equal pay, it is likely that many women will not have access to large amounts of discretionary income to use for recreation. As sufficient income becomes available to women, more opportunities will exist for a variety of leisure pursuits. Constraints to women’s leisure will be overcome only slowly. As women’s overall status in society improves and as better environments for leisure are created, it is hoped that some constraints such as lack of entitlement, family commitments, health and safety, and gender roles will be mitigated. For both

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women and men, work and socioeconomic constraints will likely continue but not with the same disparity as in the past. Until women balance their own interests and well being with that of others, their leisure will continue to be constrained. Information and research about the unique aspects of women and leisure will expand in the future. Feminism, with its focus on choices and the removal of imposed gender roles, should provide a framework for contextualizing women’s leisure in the future. When women are no longer oppressed by societal mores, imposed gender roles, and devaluation, their leisure will also become more accepted, available, and meaningful. In the same way, as women take control of their leisure lives, they will be empowered to question traditional gender roles and constraints operant in all aspects of their lives. Some of the data generated about women may be useful in developing new paradigms about leisure. Where appropriate, the differences between women and men as well as the divergent lifestyles of women will be noted; efforts will be made to understand all the factors that contribute to the phenomena of leisure to improve the quality of life for both women and men.

Providing Leisure Services for Women in the Future Women’s leisure in the future must be addressed from both a “public” and a “private” perspective, just as the private and the public comprise women’s lives as a whole. The public sphere of recreation includes those community, quasipublic, and commercial providers that offer organized, structured opportunities. The private sphere refers to how women experience leisure in their day-to-day, home-based activities. Women need opportunities and entitlement to leisure in both spheres to assure a satisfying quality of life. A number of recommendations can be made to leisure service providers that will address some of the unique needs of women. Greater choice in leisure in the public sphere must be accompanied, however, by changes in the private sphere. For example, if the traditional division of labor within families were lessened, women might be able to more freely pursue structured leisure activities outside the home. Recreation providers of the future will need to move beyond a narrow focus on recreation activities toward enabling and facilitating a variety of leisure experiences for women. In other words, providers will need to think in terms of human experiences, not just activities. Programming will need to move beyond merely responding to what women want, to looking at how inner needs can be met. This intention can partly be accomplished by obtaining input from women for whom leisure services are being provided. Women who are actively involved in leisure pursuits can serve as role models for girls and women to show that a variety of leisure options are available. Marketing recreation programs specifically to women by offering special programs that address their interests and time schedules will be important.

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Programs for families and mixed age and sex groups will also be attractive to many women. Scheduling of activities for women can no longer be limited to weekdays. The employed single parent, often restricted in both time and money, will require special attention. Affordable child care must be made available for women in conjunction with recreation programs in order to make leisure experiences more accessible to women. A consciousness of the leisure needs and constraints of women will lead to additional new activities and to other “containers” for facilitating these experiences. Leisure education may be another way for women to gain access to leisure in the future. The mission of leisure education will lie in reshaping the opportunities available for leisure involvements, as well as providing the supportive and skill training services needed to facilitate participation. Leisure education should encourage the development of leisure lifestyles which are consistent with the interests and resources of the individual woman. It can also help a woman understand the phenomenon of leisure, enlarge independent and social leisure skills, and develop a sense of entitlement to leisure. A final aspect to consider in the provision of leisure services for women in the future is the professional involvement of women as providers of recreation activities. Their visibility may enhance sensitivity to the types of activities that women need. Women providers alone will not be the solution to more leisure opportunities in the public and private spheres, but they may promote the needs of women for leisure activities in the future.

Additional Research Needed and Further Questions To Be Raised Although recreation and leisure will play an important role in the health, selfimage and confidence of women, leisure alone will do little to rectify the blatant gender inequalities which exist in those institutions that influence, and to some extent control, our lives (Ross, 1981). Thus, a combination of broad social change and “women-focused” leisure research and programming will be necessary to improve women’s leisure in the future. Much remains to be explored about women and their leisure. Some of the possible questions that have been introduced or partially explored in this book include: 1. How can a sense of leisure entitlement be obtained? 2. What situational containers offer the best leisure potential for women? 3. What leisure activities are likely to lead to a sense of empowerment for women? 4. What is the impact of types of paid work on women’s leisure? 5. How does guilt as a result of role conflict affect women’s leisure?

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6. What is the experience of women in leisure related to meaning and definition? 7. What are the antecedent constraints to leisure for women and how can they best be identified? 8. How does leisure for women vary cross-culturally? 9. How does the intersection of race, class, and gender affect women’s leisure? 10. How do the economics of leisure affect women? 11. What is the history of women’s leisure as related to social reforms? 12. What are the impacts on women’s leisure as women age? 13. What impact does divorce and other life transitions have on women’s leisure? 14. Is family leisure for women a convenience, preference, or an obligation? 15. What is leisure like for women living in alternative lifestyles? 16. How are girls being socialized for leisure, aside from sport socialization? Finding the answers to these questions will not be easy. The invisibility of the female experience in the past emanates from erroneous, stereotypic perceptions. Women’s invisibility has hindered the understanding of the reality of women’s leisure. Empowering ideologies as well as pluralistic research methods are needed. This involves incorporating the social worlds of women in this research. The research about leisure has been dominated by positivism which is the use of empirical methods to discretely measure phenomena. Therefore, more qualitative/grounded/experiential approaches are needed to balance the types of leisure research previously done. Reappraising women’s leisure using appropriate small-scale qualitative techniques and developing meaningful concepts will be helpful in understanding women’s leisure. A need exists for inquiry that involves naturalistic kinds of observations, listening to respondents, sensitivity to the patterning of phenomena, and personal involvement of the investigator. Longitudinal studies that explore women’s leisure patterns across the lifespan are necessary to understand the relation of changing social roles and leisure. New models for understanding human nature need to be adopted; feminism offers one such way.

Scenarios about Women and Leisure in the Future As a means of summary, the following four scenarios are offered as ways to view the future. Using the three approaches to feminism which include liberal, socialist, and radical perspectives along with a traditional, conservative view of society, four examples of possible future societies are presented based upon information in this book. The scenarios are offered as catalysts to stimulate thinking, and not as predictions of the future. To change the role of women and leisure, it is necessary to have a vision of what the preferable future should hold.

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Some of the ideas presented are not necessarily desirable but could occur. Readers are encouraged to pick and choose the ideas that will be most useful in visualizing their desired future.

“Handmaid’s Tale” Scenario It is the year 2020. Women’s primary role is within the family. Gender-imposed roles are strictly rewarded and the division of labor between men and women is extreme. Women are expected to be gentle and nurturant and to define themselves in relation to men and family obligations. Women are economically dependent upon their husbands, who control all the family income, even income made by a woman who works outside the home no more than part-time. It is the duty of women to bear, raise, and socialize children for their future genderdistinct adult roles. Women who do not conform to these rigid societal expectations (i.e. heterosexual marriage and mothering) are discriminated against by receiving only the most menial low paying jobs. Men have control over all decisionmaking and women are not allowed to voice their opinions on “anything that matters.” Reproductive rights issues have reverted to their pre-1970s standards, as have equal rights issues. Older women are particularly vulnerable within this system if they outlast their family usefulness and protection. The predominant social ethic of value revolves around productive work. A person is judged by the type and amount of work completed within the public sphere of the labor market. Women’s contribution is to the invisible economy located within the home. This household and family work is not valued, but can serve as a source of retribution if done poorly as evidenced by deviant children or unattended spouse care. Leisure is viewed as a frivolous pursuit within this society and is practically non-existent for most women. The few leisure opportunities that do exist for women are sex-role appropriate in that they focus on family interaction or result in a tangible end product that will serve some useful household purpose. The meaning of leisure is hard to determine for women because the past criteria of freedom to choose and intrinsic motivation and reward are not within women’s reality. Leisure pursuits may not interfere with the primary roles of child bearer and child raiser, so physical limitations on activity are adhered to strictly. Most women do not object to this standard because they accept that they are dependent upon the patriarchal system and find their value and self-worth in their biological destiny that must be fulfilled in order to be a complete woman.

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“Wanderground” Scenario Thirty years from now, women have taken control of society and a matriarchy has replaced the patriarchy. In the mid 1990s women organized themselves in a global solidarity that allowed their collective power to emerge and predominate. Consensual, non-hierarchical models are the norm for all businesses and governmental structures. Women exercise the “power within,” place value on all human life, and encourage diversity among individuals. These values provide abundant opportunities for women and men to explore and fulfill their potential. Work is shared by women and men, although less time is spent in traditional work with flex time and shortened work weeks as the norm. Menial work has been alleviated through technological advances. The “worth ethic” is more important than the work or leisure ethic. Housework is communally shared or those individuals who are “good” at and enjoy these activities are allowed to do them. The activities of housework and family caregiving are valued and seen to be just as important as traditional paid work because they contribute to the betterment of all. Volunteerism and community service are common for everyone. There is a commitment to join together to create a superior quality of life as the right of all people. Families in the “wanderground” society are diverse. Many forms of living arrangements are possible and no judgment is placed on the gender of one’s significant other or the number of significant others that one may have. Child rearing is shared by men and women and is considered best done when there are many adult caretakers. Children are socialized to believe that they are capable of numerous occupations, relationships, and leisure pursuits. No gender-imposed roles are evident. The focus is on the individual and what she/ he is capable of being. The matriarchy has solved many of the global problems by tranformational thinking. The threat of nuclear war no longer exists. Enough food is available worldwide. Health issues are the responsibility of each individual but governments make sure that adequate health care is available for all. Environmental problems are being solved as quickly as possible, although severe problems remain because of a lack of environmental concern at the end of the previous century. The distinctions between work and leisure are minimal. Both women and men are able to engage in “meaningful activity” which may be traditional recreation activities or may be integrated with work. A diversity of activities are available for people. While activities are sometimes competitive, much activity is cooperative with the focus on relationships. Health and wellness are the central focus of all undertakings. Providers of organized activities offer a diversity of programs at costs that all can afford. Leisure in the home is common. Women and men take responsibility for their own leisure lifestyles with guidance available from facilitators, leisure counselors, and leisure enablers.

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The “Equal Rights” Scenario Total equality has come to women in the year 2020. The goal of equality between the sexes as espoused by the liberal feminists has finally come to fruition. Women are receiving equal pay for their work and have equal opportunities in all aspects of life. Essential components of the former patriarchal structure still remain, but women now have equal opportunities within that structure. The nature of work remains much the same, but a confluence of sexstereotyped work has occurred. More men are employed in the service sector than in 1990, while more women are in professional positions. Housework is equally shared by males and females as are the child rearing activities. Some opportunities exist for outside child care, but each woman or man has the choice of whether to stay home and care for the child (and receive a subsidy for these efforts) or work for pay. This decision is generally made by both the husband and wife. The traditional family of husband, wife, and children is still the norm, although diversity in family forms is accepted. Women are given choices in their lives and can choose traditional roles if they wish. It has been the women who have worked for equality and they are responsible for the way that their lives are lived. Because of the emphasis on equality, women and men do not have as much freedom as in the past. In some situations, free choice has been a trade-off to guarantee equality for all. Education has been an equalizing factor for women. It was felt in the mid 1990s that if women were given educational opportunities, they would be able to succeed in the job market with men and be able to self-actualize. This assumption has proven to be true. Leisure opportunities for women and men are homogeneous, although leisure is not a high priority for either women or men and, in fact, is considered peripheral. Similar activities and facilities are available for both sexes and many co-ed activities are encouraged. Women have opportunities to be in women-only situations on a limited basis. Little justification exists for women-only activities now that women have equal opportunity. Women have the same entitlement to leisure as men and are free to express their identities through a variety of possibilities in both the private and public spheres.

The “Social Issue” Scenario In the socialist feminist view of the world in 2020, a modified governmental structure exists that is still largely controlled by patriarchy. However, the patriarchy is sensitive to aspects of race, class, and gender and how these intersect to create oppression. Women are not favored more than any other group; however, there is an acknowledgement that women have been oppressed

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in a society that has viewed “different” as deviant. The power of the system rests in the power of the people to make laws for the common good. Women have benefited from all the social reforms that have taken place. While women are not singled out specifically, their lives are less oppressed, and they have gained status and opportunity as a result of the socialist feminist perspective. Work is shared by all. All work has value but paid work is more important than unpaid work. The work ethic is most highly valued although invisible work such as housework is recognized for its important contributions to the labor market. Housework is done by whomever has the time to do it but is no longer considered the sole responsibility of women. All people are guaranteed a wage and compensated for the contributions they make to society. Social problems are addressed through programs that give special assistance to individuals needing help in areas such as health care, birth control, and housing. Leisure is considered important for all because of its recuperative value. Many leisure opportunities exist with the focus on the improvement of physical, mental, and emotional health. Access to leisure is equal regardless of gender, race, or class. Leisure is affordable to all and provided for by the government. The government controls leisure policy with input from the people and leisure is considered necessary for the overall health of the nation.

Summary Each person must take an active role in forming her or his own future. For women, many choices must be made concerning work and leisure, family and household, gender roles, and the quality of life. People can create the desired future with efforts at both the macro and micro levels. On the micro level, women can take control of their own lives and make choices that will lead to a meaningful and satisfying lifestyle. On the macro level, it is necessary to work for social change through legal mandates and social reforms. Changes in the status of women will come with equal rights, reproductive rights, and greater educational opportunities. Such change will affect the leisure experiences and leisure opportunities of women. Reciprocally, by taking control of their lives and bodies through leisure, women may also redefine their status and create social change. The interrelationship between leisure and social change cannot be explicated at this time; further efforts are needed to understand the meaning and significance of leisure for all people, but especially for women. The metaphor used by Virginia Woolf (1929) that a woman’s greatest need is for a room of her own, refers not only to women’s need for physical privacy (a place), but more importantly, to her need for private time and time alone. During this time, she should be entitled to choice as well as control of her actions and activities. She needs to be freed from constraints imposed by socialized gender roles to pursue experiences that are rewarding, self-defining, and enjoyable.

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Every woman has the right to a leisure of her own. The challenge for the future may be in getting individuals, as well as society, to recognize the importance of this right, not only for the well-being of the individual, but for the overall quality of life as experienced by over half our world’s population. The entitlement to leisure as well as the empowerment of women through leisure is critical to the social changes that are necessary as we move toward a global society in the 21st century. In the future, a true acceptance of the need for a “leisure of one’s own” for all people is imperative.

Discussion Questions: 1. 2.

3. 4. 5. 6.

Is leisure possible when there is no work as a contrast to the leisure experience? What is it about the homemaker role that makes it a “deadening” experience for some women? How might it be restructured to make it more meaningful and rewarding? What socio-structural changes need to occur before a life of leisure can be had? What personal changes? What will be the likely future relationship between women’s work and leisure? Write your own preferred scenario of the future. What societal changes will need to occur for this scenario to become a reality? Select one aspect of women’s leisure that is a concern for you. From a feminist perspective, describe how this concern could be addressed in the future.

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