Diversity in Africa: The Coming of Age of a Continent

Diversity in Africa The Coming of Age of a Continent

Edited by

Kurt April and Marylou Shockley

Diversity in Africa

Also by Kurt April DIVERSITY: New Realities in a Changing World (Palgrave Macmillan) KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT PRAXIS (Juta Academic) PERFORMANCE THROUGH LEARNING: Knowledge Management in Action (Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann) THE KNOWLEDGE MANAGEMENT WORKBOOK (Kagiso) E or b e@ten: E-Business Redefining the Corporate Landscape (Butterworths) RETHINKING LEADERSHIP (University of Cape Town Press)

Also by Marylou Shockley DIVERSITY: New Realities in a Changing World (Palgrave Macmillan)

Diversity in Africa The Coming of Age of a Continent Edited by Kurt April and Marylou Shockley

Selection and editorial matter © Kurt April and Marylou Shockley Individual chapters © Contributors 2007

2007

All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The authors have asserted their rights to be identified as the authors of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2007 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN-13: 978-0-230-00684-3 hardback ISBN-10: 0-230-00684-1 hardback This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Diversity in Africa: the coming of age of a continent / edited by Kurt April and M. Shockley. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-230-00684-1 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Pluralism (Social sciences)—Africa 2. Africa—Social conditions—1960– I. April, Kurt. II. Shockley, Marylou L. (Marylou Lorraine), 1943 HN773.D58 2007 305.906—dc22 10

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To Thelma April, Ronald Vollenhoven, Raymond Shockley, and Sandra Shockley

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Contents List of Tables

ix

List of Figures

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List of Contributors

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Foreword

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Acknowledgements Introduction: The Multi-faceted Continent

1

1. Rethinking Leadership and Wealth Creation in Africa Lovemore Mbigi

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2. Cave Canem! The Art (or Science?) of Western Management in an African Context Nadine Mendelek Theimann and Kurt April

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3. Understanding Culture-based Diversity Through the Development of a Skills-based Model of Leadership Linda van der Colff

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4. Managing Cultural Diversity: A South African Perspective Lize Booysen 5. The Lions Mark Their Territory: The African Thought System Nadine Mendelek Theimann 6. Facilitating Paradox Liz De Wet

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93 106

7. Contributions of Women to the Process of Development and Unity in Africa Madelein Mkunu 8. Social Identity Changes: Challenges Facing Leadership Lize Booysen 9. The Hunter’s Spirit in Leadership: An African Wounded Soul Theory Perspective Lovemore Mbigi vii

119 127

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10. South African Market Labour Market Trends: An Analysis of 1995 and 1999 Labour Statistics Haroon Bhorat

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11. Setting the Transformation Example Through People Potential Best Practice: Kumba Resources Ryno Verster

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12. Within-country Diversity Steven Burgess

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13. Access to What? Gender and Higher Education in Africa Máiréad Dunne and Yusuf Sayed

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14. Diversity Challenges in Community Research and Action Lawrence Matemba

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15. The Road to Wellness: Human-scale Developments for Boosting “Community Immunity” to HIV/AIDS John G.I. Clarke

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Conclusion: A Diverse Africa

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Afterword

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Index

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List of Tables Table 1.1 Table 2.1 Table 2.2 Table 2.3 Table 2.4 Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 4.1 Table 4.2 Table 10.1 Table 10.2 Table 10.3 Table 10.4 Table 10.5 Table 10.6 Table 10.7 Table 10.8 Table 10.9 Table 11.1 Table 11.2 Table 12.1 Table 13.1 Table 13.2 Table 13.3

Levels of consciousness in organizations and communities Comparison of elements of the Western “ideal” leadership with East Asian and African paradigms Comparison of different organisational management systems in Africa Contrast between Western and African views of training Comparison of different management attributes in Africa Skills-based model of leadership A comparison between a skills-based model of leadership and the African tree concept The competitive advantage of managing cultural diversity Descriptions of eight universal cultural dimensions Employment shifts by sector and occupation, 1995–99 Share of employment by sector, 1995 and 1999 Community services employment, excluding domestic services, 1995 and 1999 Employment and EAP changes, by race Employment and EAP changes, by gender Employment and EAP changes, by education level Tertiary employment growth, by race Unemployment levels and rates, 1995 and 1999 Enrolment numbers of natural science and engineering students, 1990–96 Further and higher education levels of Kumba employees on Levels 2 to 8 of the NQF General education levels of Kumba employees on Level 1 of the NQF The 30 most populous countries in 2015 and selected others Enrolments by level of education in 1996 Female enrolment in selected North African countries by fields of study Female enrolment in selected Sub-Saharan African countries by fields of study

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8 19 22 28 31 37 43 57 66 166 168 173 174 176 177 178 180 183 195 198 221 228 232 233

List of Figures Figure 3.1 Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6 Figure 5.1 Figure 8.1 Figure 8.2 Figure 13.1 Figure 13.2 Figure 13.3 Figure 13.4 Figure 14.1 Figure 14.2 Figure 15.1 Figure 15.2 Figure 15.3 Figure 15.4 Figure 15.5 Figure 15.6 Figure 15.7

The African tree concept Diversity management policy evolution Workforce diversity mix Three levels of uniqueness in mental programming Primary and secondary diversity dimensions Model of multicultural understanding Valuing diversity: an integrated strategic framework for managing diversity Schematic representation of the person as conceptualized in Africa Power shifts in South Africa since the first democratic elections Percentage distribution of legislators by race and gender Percentage of female enrolments by third level Rate of female enrolment (1980  100) Percentage of female enrolment by country Percentage of female students and staff by country Orientation of mindsets Summary of acculturation process Comparison of survival profiles of HIV/AIDS victims The wheel of fundamental human needs Ethel Nosipho Dyabuza Ethel’s office in Site C, Khayelitsha The Road to Wellness poster The Learning Journey poster CEPAUR symbol

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41 55 56 60 63 63 82 96 133 138 227 227 229 230 255 259 264 284 286 288 292 294 296

List of Contributors Editors Professor Kurt A. April PhD Prof. Kurt April, University Senate Member and Professor at the Graduate School of Business (University of Cape Town, South Africa), lectures and researches in the disciplines of Leadership, Diversity and Knowledge Management. He also is an Associate Fellow of Saïd Business School (University of Oxford), is a Research Fellow at Ashridge Management College (UK), and is a regular Visiting Professor at Rotterdam School of Management (Erasmus University, The Netherlands). Previously the Academic Director of the Centre for Leadership & Public Values (a collaborative initiative with Duke University, North Carolina), Kurt ran a Leadership Workshop for Harvard Business School as part of its “Making Markets Work” program in 2004. Outside of academia, Kurt is Managing Director of LICM Consulting, Additionally, Kurt is an Advisory Board Member of KMPro (Knowledge Management Professional Society, USA), Member of the Midwestern Organizational Learning Network (USA), Member of the Black Management Forum (SA), Member of the Editors Forum (South Africa), Member of the IEEE (USA), Member of the Sainsbury’s Fellows Association (UK), Member of the Academy of Management (USA) and Member of the British Academy of Management (UK). He has been educated at the University of Cape Town, having obtained the following there: PhD (in conjunction with the University of Oxford, where he was the first Sainsbury Fellow in 1998–99 researching ‘IT Strategy and Sustainable Competitive Advantage in Financial Services Companies’), MBA, Masters degree in Electronic Engineering, Bachelor’s degree in Electrical Engineering, Higher Diploma in Education; in addition, Certificate in Japanese Production (Nagoya, Japan), as well as two National Diplomas (Electronic Engineering; Logic Systems) at Wingfield College. Prior to entering academia, Kurt worked in a number of industries: international defence industry, rail transport, nuclear power generation, education, oil and gas, and financial services. He currently consults, and has consulted on various projects in the areas of knowledge management, leadership and diversity to, and behalf of, a range of industries, including: Shell International (Europe, Africa, Asia and USA), SABMiller (Global), De Beers (SA, Namibia and Botswana), Lufthansa (Germany), Old Mutual (SA and UK), Sanlam (SA), Zurich Assurance (UK), Mithras Consulting (Switzerland and China), Standard Chartered Bank (UK, Singapore, Thailand and Africa), IBM (Global), Show Business (UK), AngloGold Ashanti (Global), Impala Platinum (SA), African Banking Corporation (Africa), Presidential Leadership Programme for SA Government DGs, DDGs and Heads xi

xii List of Contributors

of Department (SA), Department of Labour (Employment Equity, SA), RWE (Germany), Novartis (Switzerland), NHS (UK), Thames Water (UK), Innogy (UK), Trihelix (Netherlands and China), EIRIM (Netherlands), and the Cool Group (Netherlands). Kurt has published a number of management research articles and papers including two award-winning research papers in electronic engineering journals. He has also authored and co-authored six other books (Rethinking Leadership, e or b e@ten: E-business Redefining the Corporate Landscape, The Knowledge Management Workbook, Knowledge Management Praxis and Performance Through Learning), and has another book out in 2006 (Diversity as Reality). He is also currently researching a number of other books (stewardship; IT complimentarity for sustainable competitive advantage; patterned identity through diverse personal story). Kurt is the Executive Editor and Advisory Board Member to the Journal for Convergence, is an Editorial Board Member for the academic accredited journal, South African Journal of Business Management, is an international reviewer in the strategy and knowledge management disciplines for the Academy of Management in the United States, and is an article and book reviewer of the internationally accredited academic journal, Journal of Management Education (USA), and is a book reviewer for US-based Emerald.

Dr Marylou L. Shockley PhD Dr Marylou L. Shockley is an Associate Professor and Chair in the School of Business at the California State University – Monterey Bay. She completed her Doctor of Philosophy degree at Oxford University – Saïd Business School. Dr Shockley is also a researcher and consultant whose interests include knowledge management, diversity, social application of IT network technologies, and corporate governance with emphasis on social responsibility. Dr Shockley has significant experience in the telecommunications industry working for both ATT and Pacific Bell. She was one of the first women selected to participate on the fast track programs at ATT to develop women for senior management. Her career of over 25 years has provided Marylou with significant managerial and leadership experience in the telecommunications industry. She has led teams as large as 8,000 employees at SBC Pacific Bell. Her last position held at SBC Pacific Bell was in charge of one of the company’s operating subsidiaries. While in this position, she co-led an industry-wide forum that developed legislation in the US Communications Act of 1996 to restructure the payphone industry. During her career, Marylou was one of two women selected from Pacific Bell to attend the Stanford Business School as a Sloan Fellow. She has also held and sponsored many community activities which included Board membership in such organizations as Junior Achievement-Bay Area Chapter and Zyzzyva a San Francisco based literary magazine. She acted as a Key Advisor on the development of Pacific Telesis’ Corporate Diversity Policy, and was a Senior Executive sponsor and advisor to Pacific Bell’s Executive Women in

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Leadership education program. She was also voted the “Leader of the Year in 1993” by ACCA, an Asian employee and community organization at SBC Pacific Bell. While at Oxford, Marylou tutored undergraduate engineering students in organization behaviour. She has made the following presentations on research: “Research: a Highway or Labyrinth?” (joint University of Oxford-Warwick Business School Research group), “Research: Qualitative Methods” (Singapore’s Ministry of Education Staff); and “Internet Adoption Among Teachers” (Information Technology in Education Association). Marylou Shockley has been a reviewer for the journal Technology, Pedagogy, and Education. Some articles written or co-authored by her include: The Economics of Change: The Role of Innovation and Evolution in Technology Adoption, BETT Journal, Spring 2001, 3: 1; How Ready is Your Organisation for Knowledge Management?, Global Knowledge Review, September, 2004 co-authored with Kurt A. April; and IT and HRM: Meeting Minds or Hitting Heads?, co-authored with Dr Peter Cunningham and Kurt A. April (in progress).

Contributors Haroon Bhorat Haroon, a South African, is currently Director of the Development Policy Research Unit (DPRU) and Associate Professor in the School of Economics, University of Cape Town and Deputy Dean for Research in the Faculty of Commerce (SA). His research interests cover the areas of labour economics, poverty and income distribution. He has done extensive work for numerous South African government departments, most notably the South African Department of Labour, the Presidency and the National Treasury. He has served on several government research advisory committees. He has recently co-authored a book on labour markets and poverty issues in South Africa. Haroon is also a regular referee for the journal, Development Southern Africa and is a Board member of the Centre for Policy Studies (CPS) and a Commissioner on the Employment Conditions Commission (ECC). He is a member of the Editorial Boards for the South African Journal of Economics, Agenda and the populist journal Frontiers. He has a PhD in economics from Stellenbosch University (South Africa).

Lize Booysen A Professor of Organizational Behaviour and Leadership at the University of South Africa’s (UNISA) Graduate School of Business Leadership, she engages in management consulting, and facilitates workshops on personal and professional growth for women managers, diversity and leadership development. She was included as one of fifty role models for South African women,

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and as a leadership expert in the 2003 book Inspirational Women @ Work. Lize holds an MA in clinical psychology cum laude (Rand Afrikaans University), an MA in research psychology cum laude, and an MA in criminology cum laude (University of Pretoria). Her doctorate in business leadership at UNISA was a pioneering study on The Influences of Race and Gender on Leadership Attributes of South African Managers.

Steve Burgess An American, Steve is Professor of Business Administration in Marketing at the Graduate School of Business, University of Cape Town, challenges marketers to reap the benefits of diversity. He is a leading South African academic, and has held senior executive positions in South Africa in the Altron Group and Johnson & Johnson. His research focuses on marketing strategy and behaviour in less industrialised countries, and appears in International Journal of Research in Marketing, Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology, International Journal of Advertising, and Advances in Consumer Research, among others. International Marketing (with Bothma, Oxford University Press) is his fourth book. He is a Faculty Affiliate of the William Davidson Institute at the University of Michigan and was Professor at the University of the Witwatersrand (SA) and at Ohio State. He received Ohio State’s Fisher College International Alumni Award for lifetime achievements in the United States and South Africa.

John Clarke John, a South African, is a professional social worker, development consultant, counsellor and freelance writer focusing on the interconnection between environmental, humanitarian and public health concerns in Southern Africa. A conscientious objector during Apartheid, he has always sought a career path to effectively combine humanitarian action with developmental reflection. His postgraduate research at Oxford and the University of Cape Town focused on the need to better understand poverty and vulnerability in Southern Africa. He founded the Network for Human Scale Development in 1995, to support the Reconstruction and Development Programme and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission. He helped establish the GreenHouse Environmental Centre in Johannesburg’s Inner City, in 2001–02 and was then contracted by the World Health Organization, first to assist Dr Gro Brundtland and the WHO delegation to represent global health concerns at the WSSD in 2002, and subsequently to promote a broad public health approach within the UN humanitarian response to the Southern African drought of 2002–04, the Indian Ocean Tsunami in 2004, and the Nutrition and HIV/Aids consultation process in 2005.

Bience Philomina Gawanas Bience, born in Namibia, is Commissioner of Social Affairs on the African Commission. She was a Commissioner on the Public Service Commission in

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Namibia from 1991 to 1996, and an Ombudswoman in the Namibian Government from 1996 to 2003. She has also been a Lecturer in Gender Law at the University of Namibia, Director of the Board of the Central Bank of Namibia, and involved in many non-governmental organizations including Secretary-General of the Namibian National Women’s Organization and patron of Namibian Federation of Persons with Disabilities. As Chairperson of the Law Reform Commission she oversaw the passage of the Married Person’s Equality Act. The commission also did extensive work on Rape Acts and other important laws that were eventually passed after her time. She attended secondary school at St Theresa Catholic school in Tses in southern Namibia. From Tses she went to the University of the Western Cape (UWC) in Cape Town, South Africa, to study law; Gawanas’s interest in law was sparked after her beloved elder brother Jeka was picked up by Whites and beaten to death while hitch-hiking, and police decided it was a “road accident”. Bience was sent home from UWC during demonstrations in 1976 and became an active member of the SWAPO Youth League in Namibia and a teacher. She went into exile and lived in Zambia, Angola and Cuba. In 1981 the International Labour Organisation (ILO) sponsored her as an intern at their headquarters and subsequently on a labour law study. After this Africa Educational Trust sponsored her through a law degree at the University of Warwick (UK) and then qualified as a barrister at Lincoln’s Inn, London. Her practical training included work with Lord Tony Gifford on human rights cases such as the “Birmingham 6” appeal of alleged bombers who were later exonerated. Throughout her exile, Bience continued to campaign for Namibia’s freedom from South African rule. In 1988 she travelled to Zambia to visit her daughter and was detained by SWAPO. Over an extended period the movement detained many thousands of Namibians as part of a “spy scare”. These allegations were never proved despite months of solitary confinement and torture. Gawanas later became one of the first Namibians to return alive from the “dungeons” in Lubango, Southern Angola, in 1989, some months before many other surviving detainees were released. By July 1989, she and her daughter were repatriated by the United Nations and were back on Namibian soil. Her first job back in Namibia from exile was with Advocate Anton Lubowski, which ended when Apartheid agents murdered Anton on his front doorstep in an unsuccessful attempt to destabilize the 1989 UN-supervised elections. She then worked as with the public-interest Legal Assistance Centre until 1991 when she was appointed by Parliament to the Public Service Commission of Namibia. Her work there included extensive rebalancing of the Namibian civil service. Former President Sam Nujoma appointed her Ombudsman, on recommendation of the Judicial Services Commission, in 1996 and she served here, investigating and resolving complaints of maladministration at all levels until 2003. She also served as Executive Secretary of the African Ombudsman Association.

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In July 2003 Bience was elected by the African Heads of State as Commissioner of Social Affairs for the African Union, based in Addis Ababa, Ethiopa. She has since been seeking to increase the profile of social development issues on the continental agenda.

Liz De Wet Liz, a South African, is an organizational development and learning specialist. She is a partner in Change Moves, an organisation development agency that she co-founded in 1999. The consultancy is grounded upon the principles of people-centred, participatory action-learning and systems thinking. Liz has 13 years’ experience as a participatory process facilitator, working in the field of diversity and personal development. In addition to consulting to a wide range of clients, she is also the Academic Director for the INSETA Leadership Advancement Programme run by the University of Cape Town. Her qualifications include an MA (with distinction) UCT; BA Honours in participatory education (with distinction) UCT; BA (with distinction in drama) UCT. She is also completing a Masters degree in systems thinking for leadership/organisational development.

Máiréad Dunne Máiréad’s research interests centre on sociological issues in education, encompassing inclusion, identity, social class, gender and ethnicity. Having obtained her MA from the University of Sussex and PhD from the University of Birmingham, her concerns include the mediation of educational policy at the micro and meso levels through research within the educational arena and in their circumscribing institutions. In addition, she has a special interest in assessment, mathematics and science education. Máiréad sustains these research interests in both local and international contexts. Within USIE she is involved in two major research themes: “teaching, learning and assessment” and “international education”.

Lawrence Matemba Lawrence, born in Tanzania, works at The Presidency in the Policy Coordination and Advisory Services Unit in the area of monitoring and evaluation of the implementation of government programmes, policy development, and policy analysis in Pretoria, South Africa. Previously, he worked at the Institute for Democracy in South Africa (IDASA) as Budget Researcher, and as Policy Analyst at the Parliamentary Liaison Office of the Southern African Catholic Bishops’ Conference. He holds a Masters Degree in commerce in business administration from the University of Cape Town’s Graduate School of Business and is currently studying financial analysis and portfolio management at the School of Economics at the University of Cape Town.

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Lovemore Mbigi Lovemore, a Zimbabwean, is a Board Member and Visiting Professor at Ivestec School of Management at Rhodes University, and exciting and creative thinker, and storyteller of note (even at the World Economic Forum), specialising in the area of managing transformation – working throughout Africa and in North America. Formerly the Executive Director of Eastern Highlands Tea Estates, Director of the Dorbyl Group, Executive Director of Nampak Management Services and Director of Nampak Corrugated, Lovemore is currently the Executive Director of Rainmaker Consultants, which has offices in Sandton, Johannesburg and in Florida, and specialises in practical solutions to change management and strategic challenges. He holds an MBA degree in strategic management from the Northeastern University in Boston, as well as a Masters Degree in management and social science from the University of Zimbabwe. He has taught and been a guest speaker at a number of Business Schools, including UNISA, Milpark Business School, University of Cape Town and Witwatersrand University. A well-published author, Lovemore has written three best-selling books – his latest is In Search of the African Business Renaissance.

Madelein Mkunu Madelein is the Founder and President of Organisation for Development and Unity of Africa’s Women. She holds a degree in accounting, a certificate in creative writing and journalism and a certificate in leadership and management. Born in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), she grew up in the country until the age of 24 when she relocated to South Africa, where she now lives and works (in the hospitality industry) with her husband and son. In May 2005, Madelein successfully directed the first Women of Africa Annual Conference, which took place in Cape Town.

Janah Ncube Janah is a gender expert and policy strategist. She has 10 years’ experience in the development sector, civil society and politics. Her dedication to issues of justice and freedoms has led her to champion the causes of the poor and the disadvantaged with a keen emphasis on women. She is a founding member of several NGO initiatives in Zimbabwe and has held leading positions in the Zimbabwean civil society as former chairperson of the women’s coalition (2002–2004), Vice chairperson of Crisis in Zimbabwe (2003–2004) and continues to be a board member of several NGOs. She is an Alumni of several international networks such as Salzburg seminars, British Council Performance Leadership Club, African Women Leadership Institute and currently a fellow of the Arch Bishop Desmond Tutu Fellowship for emerging leaders. A Chevening UK scholar, Janah holds a Masters Degree with Merit in Gender and Women’s Studies. In 2005, the University of Bradford (UK) awarded her the Hilary Rose Prize for outstanding contributions in addressing issues of Diversity.

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After working and serving her country, in 2005 she served and worked in the SADC region as SADC Secretariat’s Gender Advisor before moving to her current position as Gender Thematic Manager for a Pan African NGO ACORD. She continues to speak and write on gender, politics and Africa.

Yusuf Sayed Yusuf worked at the Centre for International Education, University of Sussex (UK) Institute of Education until 2003 – currently he is working for UNESCO, after a period with DFID (Department for International Development, UK). Born of Indian descent in South Africa, and doing his Bachelors degree through the University of South Africa, his Honours and Masters degrees through the University of the Witwatersrand, and his PhD through the University of Bristol (UK), Yusuf came to Sussex from the University of the Western Cape, South Africa, where he was Head of the Department of Comparative Education. During his time in South Africa, Yusuf was closely involved in the policy dialogue in South Africa during the period of reconstruction, and it remains an ongoing area of his research and teaching work. His major research interest is in policy development, with special reference to educational governance and management, higher education and the role of information technology in education. Yusuf has extensive interest and expertise in Southern Africa, and is also working in Ghana and Sri Lanka. He is involved in, and directs, several higher education link programmes with South Africa, Lesotho, and Ghana.

Nadine Mendelek Theimann Nadine earned her PhD in economics from the University of Paris X Nanterre, France. She is a former Visiting Fellow at Princeton University (Department of Economics), USA. In addition she holds a Master of Science in Consulting and Coaching for Change, a joint program between HEC Paris and Saïd Business School/Templeton College, Oxford University, and has studied intercultural management at the Norwegian School of Management, BI in Oslo. She worked for the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) managing private sector development programs in Africa and the Middle East. Nadine is currently working in Dar Es Salaam, Tanzania as an independent consultant and researcher. She is a founding member of The Change Leaders, a global network and community of practice on change management (www.thechangeleaders.com).

Linda van der Colff Linda, a South African, is the Director of Education for Netcare, a large corporate in the healthcare industry in South Africa. She publishes extensively in the field of business management and management education, including articles on leadership, diversity and skills and competency development. Of the more than seventy articles, book chapters and international journal papers she has

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written, a number of them deal with the issue of women in leadership, innovation and entrepreneurship. She lectures in the fields of research methodology and strategic human resource management (previously, she was the Director of Milpark Business School). Her consultancy clients include both corporate and public sector institutions, where she focuses on strategy implementation and leadership development. Further to delivering conference papers at international and national conferences and being invited as a guest speaker on a range of business-related training and development topics, she has appeared on several television and radio broadcasts, talking on a wide range of learning and people development issues.

Ryno Verster Ryno, a South African, has had the good fortune to experiment with his industrial psychology education during the past 38 years in human resources management, research and in lecturing capacities. This includes being a Researcher in the Personnel Research Division at the University of the Free State (OFS) for 13 years, Head of the Department of Industrial Psychology and Dean of the School of Administration and Management at the University of Bophuthatswana for seven years, and for eleven years in various training/ development capacities in Eskom, mainly on the strategic level. As of October 1996, he has been with Iscor Mining/Kumba Resources at the corporate level, focusing on strategic and policy issues in the human resources development field. He is registered as a general personnel practitioner with the South African Board for Personnel Practice and as Industrial Psychologist with the Health Professions Council of South Africa. He is serving a second term as member of the National Skills Authority and is also a member of the National Board for Further Education and Training, representing organized business in both these bodies. The Institute of Personnel Management awarded him the HRD Practitioner of the Year Award in 1993. He also obtained his PhD in industrial psychology from the University of the Free State in 1975.

Foreword When Professor Kurt April asked me if I could write a foreword for this new book on Diversity in Africa, I had no hesitation to accept because it seeks to make explicit some of the ‘oral truths’ about this wonderful continent, and any book on cultural diversity can only foster an enhanced understanding of intercultural dialogue and of how African cultural practices can be used to enrich organizational cultures in Africa and elsewhere. Africa is a continent of great diversity and there is a common thread that binds all of Africa – its socially-oriented people and their deep, often suppressed humanity that is focused on “others first”. It is the humane, generous spirit which will inspire the confidence with which Africa will solve its problems, face its challenges and build an integrated, prosperous Africa, that will divide the Africa of the 20th century from the Africa of the 21st century. The Africa of the twenty-first century witnessed the birth of the African Union and a new African consciousness encapsulated in the African Renaissance. I believe that as much as there is an American Dream, a Confucius philosophy and a samurai tradition, so we can and must have an African dream that informs, inspires and allows us to search for and discover our true African identity, and that will continue to contribute to the building of a universal civilization. In that context, the African Union aspires to use culture as a vehicle of social, economic, and political integration. Hence, culture should serve the great cause of holding African people together and strengthening their unity in diversity, whether within families, communities or organizations. Culture, religion, ethnicity, and language should not be used to divide Africans from themselves and from the rest of the world. Rather, they should help us to make sense of ourselves in order to assert our roots, reflect on our troubled past and to forge a better, safer and prosperous way forward through a shared and collective African Vision. This can be achieved by promoting, protecting, and renovating our cultural assets, tangible and intangible, individually and collectively, at local, national, and regional levels. The African Union, spanning the largest land mass in the world, has an opportunity and responsibility to showcase to the world that Africa is the cradle of humankind, the base DNA for all of the world, has incredibly rich cultural diversity, millennia-old indigenous knowledge, warm and engaging people, rich biodiversity and vast resources, and seeks to re-establish, reclaim and supplement the contribution it has made to global civilization and humanity (contributions such as music, mathematics and astronomy, communication, metallurgy, medicine, agricultural science, architecture and engineering, navigation, writing systems, and so on). xx

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Culture is the foundation of society and development and thus integrates the vision, values and customs of a people – not integrative in the sense of “assimilation” and drive to “mono-culturalism”, but integrative in the sense of “inclusion” and “valuing difference”. These are the elements that promote interaction and dialogue amongst diverse people, about their diverse dreams, hopes, fears and insecurities and also the ones that unite them, whether in the community, public life or in organizations. In this regard, one notes the importance of inclusionary culture as a vehicle, and a lens, for social, economic and political advancement, without which no meaningful development can take place on the continent. Equally, culture informs the view that an individual has of life, success and achievement as well as their views on leadership and management. It provides the necessary pillar which Africans have sustainably held on to through unprecedented chaos and turmoil, and always managing to emerge at a different humanistic-level – this chaordic pillar/root, place of solace, has set in place the foundations for personal pathfinding and community-identity formation, the by-product of which has been personal governance. Uncritically applied Anglo-Saxon, Middle-Eastern, and European identity-forming colonial constructs, which often separate individuals and social structures such as organizations, often cut across the grain of an integrative African understanding or inclusionary psyche – because, for an African, there is no separation of the myriad dimensions of life. This book also supports the basic contention that conventional forms of corporate governance, which place too much emphasis on structures, are unlikely to be of great value to corporations operating in an African context. Such forms of governance should be underpinned by the centrality of a human perspective. This dynamic view of governance recognizes therefore that, mastery of “soft” issues which are rooted within an organization’s culture and values, as well as a country’s social and economic development, are likely to be as important as the former “hard” issues of control and traditional, money-oriented-only measurements. Measurement of the effectiveness and efficiency of organizational governance must not be solely limited to the financial bottom-line, but must also incorporate human development, human rights, values that are inclusive, diversity of cultures, encouragement of entrepreneurship and creativity inherent in people. The focus must be on relationships and interactions between people in myriads of social/work webs, as they are emotionally engaged in the transformations within organizations rather than seeing organizations in a mechanistic way. When affirmed in this way, people willingly offer their discretionary effort and “show-up” self-motivated – as opposed to acting out roles designed by previously, and current, dominant social groups. The book makes the point that Africans, ordinary African people, must be the judges of whether the systems are working for them or not. And if not, they, Africans themselves, should confront their challenges, foster and engender appropriate and context-relevant solutions, and leverage local knowledge – not only

xxii Foreword

knowledge from abroad (which has, and still is, so widely practiced across the continent). The danger exists that industries, and therefore development, can be taken away from African countries if they are not continually innovating and using their local capabilities, because things can change very fast in global economies – Africa has to start thinking more regionally, and African countries need to proactively seek to help each other on pathways to context-relevant development. Joint ventures with other countries, outside of Africa, are plausible as long as such ventures are not exploitative in nature and are being aligned with the national goals of host African countries and host African regions. Africans should give licences to partners to operate on their soil, where appropriate, but no longer to the detriment of Africa and its people. The inclusion of gender in this book is to be applauded as leadership and management have gendered dimensions, although most writings do make some linkage to this. Women have long maintained that gender is a social construct and the authors in this book equally assert and unpack that fact, and such constructs play important roles in shaping individual and collective identities. Women managers have been described as either emotional (female traits) or tough (masculine traits) and this has influenced how they are perceived as managers and leaders. It is equally true that women managers have unquestionably accepted and applied dominant concepts of leadership and management. In this regard they too have made decisions and policies that might have been far removed from the cultural context, ignored the gendered nature of the decisions and its intended, and unintended, consequences. In traditional Western human resource parlance, we refer to employees as disloyal, unproductive, having low morale and we seek for solutions through the improvement of technical systems, organi-structural redesign and dressing up externally-focused working conditions. The authors however, urge us to rather look at the fact that we have turned organizations, inhabited by Africans, into alien organizations far removed from their social and cultural realities, and separated their work and personal/social lives. Organizations in Africa, emulative of previous colonial and contemporary Western approaches, put emphasis on individuality and measure success by monitoring financial bottom-lines, rather than as noted in this book, i.e., it should also be measured by the enhancement of “collective personhood” and democratic wealth creation. The question therefore posed in the book is “who” defines and designs the dimensions for leadership and management within organizational life, for “whose” benefit, and “what” do they mean in an African cultural context? Here the various authors cite useful African concepts that could enrich organization life and make it more encompassing, such as consensus-building, collectivism, bi-cultural identity, rituals, spirituality, transformative practices, indigenous pedagogy and knowledge, distributed resource stewardship, networked relationships, collective wisdom and the oral tradition, symbolism and cultural

Foreword xxiii

practices, ability to recognize and value the “other” and manage diversity through coordination and communication. African people’s lives are extrinsically linked to social, cultural, political and economic environments and therefore they do not make a separation between community and the workplace. As such, and under girded by the philosophical underpinning of Ubuntu, they expect that the organizations within which they work will have inclusive value systems that take into account the diversity from within, and that it would serve the social purpose of the staff and the organization. As noted in this book: Though he may work in industry, the African lives in a wider society – and it is from this society, outside of the workplace, that the elements which constitute the framework which the African indigenous thought system operates derive. Culture as one important human attribute, sets a people apart – or keeps them together – their ways of doing things, their norms, values and traditions that cement and define their relations with each other. But at the same time, cultures influence and are influenced by other cultures as people must interact with other cultures, change and yet maintain their own unique characteristics. The authors refer to the complimentarity between different cultures rather than submerging, or assimilating, them into one. In this regard, it might be possible to learn from the African value system as much as from Western, Northern, and Eastern business principles without the one becoming subordinated to the other. As Africans we can learn from the experience of the West, North, and East in that their moral philosophies were combined in devising management and leadership principles that could be applied in multicultural environments (unfortunately, in the West, the shift from humanistic approaches to scientism has engendered non-sustainable practices – but, many of which, are under re-design in the West). It is my belief that only when we acknowledge and emphasize the centrality of cultural beliefs and values, combined with the centrality of human rights in governance or organizational discourse, that the true contribution of African culture, values, perspectives and knowledge can be realized in appropriately multicultural and positive diverse ways. This is put thus in the book: the opportunity exist for Africans to extract the useful (and discard the dysfunctional) Western insights and knowledge to raise up (in relevance and in training and development) its context-appropriate native insights and knowledge, thereby creating something unique, a hybrid, a gift to the world. I therefore believe that African leaders and managers, as well as scholars of Africa and those who live in Africa, will find this book of interest as Africa

xxiv Foreword

moves towards a new African consciousness and a humanist vision. We will gain a better understanding of, and afford a new meaning to the concepts of, leadership and management that do not alienate people but are relevant to the social purpose of all people. Advocate Bience Gawanas

Acknowledgements Africa, its beautiful people, its human-ness and gifts for all of the world, its future and its rightful place on the global stage, are extremely important to us – and we would like to thank a few important people who support us in our relentless pursuit in playing a role in realizing the continent’s possibilities. FOR KURT: My wife, Amanda, who has, and still is, an ongoing inspiration to me, and constantly reminds me of the “Common good” and “doing the right thing” – she truly lays the platform and at the same time challenges my moral courage, on a daily basis. Jordan, my brilliant son, who at 3 years of age calls me to task each day, to tap into my deepest character, and is a proud African already (I wish we can populate the continent with more like him). FOR MARYLOU: My heartfelt gratitude to Sandy Hale, the retiring Dean of the College of Professional Studies, and former Chair of the School of Business at the CSUMB. Sandy, you are my inspiration ... I hope my contributions to the academic growth of the CSUMB’s School of Business, and its outreach to the world, will be as enduring as yours. We are grateful to all of our contributing authors who shared their passion and visions for Africa, and for the people in it. It has been wonderful to collaboratively create some exciting pillars for ongoing dialogue and conversation (even debate) – thank you! To Jacky Kippenberger, at Palgrave Macmillan, for taking on this project – for her own enthusiasm and hope for the continent of Africa. Thank you also to Mirabelle Boateng and Linda Auld for their administrative, editorial and continuity expertise, insights and assistance, and especially for keeping us pegged to our milestones. Thanks also to all the staff at Palgrave – in the UK and India – for assisting in making this project a reality. We are also indebted to Kai Peters, CEO of Ashridge Business School (UK), who graciously extended Ashridge’s lovely premises for meeting and contemplative writing. To our respective Deans: Frank Horwitz, Dean of the Graduate School of Business (University of Cape Town, SA) and Martin Tadlock, Dean of the College of Professional Studies (California State University – Monterey Bay, USA), who provided the resources and time for us to complete an extensive project such as this one.

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Introduction: The Multi-faceted Continent

At the turn of the new millennium, a renewed, sometimes confused, search for meaning and identity affirmation started gathering momentum around the globe. The Chinese are reaching out for the American dream, Africa and Eastern Europe are straining to transform itself into competitive, industrialized world forces, Latin America seeks to reaffirm its socialist aspirations, the Nordic region is trying to balance the challenges of being a competitive region against socionational institutional demands, and the West is turning to ancient cultures to regain a sense of meaning and well-being. Western humankind is attempting to rediscover its roots in the native cultures that it has suppressed and exterminated, and as the Western world is beginning to reflect upon and question its reality, the so-called developing countries are straining to catch up with the industrialised world. It is within this reshaping of societies, economies and technological infrastructures and institutions, that the issue of regional identity becomes critically important. We see the role of Africa as one that brings back to the world a sense of ancient wisdom, reconnection with the environment, meaning and spirituality – an acknowledgement of the true potential of people, people’s interconnectivity with nature and animals, the resilience of the human race, the strength of diversity and multiculturalism, as well as the raising of awareness of the multiplicity of meaningful perspectives. However, Africa itself is grappling with being both an example on some fronts for the world and at the same time struggling with its own identity and coming of age. Africans, who inhabit an extremely rich continent in both natural resources and in human spirit have, for the two-centuries colonial period, been oblivious to the cause of their own oppression – mind, identity and consciousness colonization. It is therefore imperative that Africans everywhere, on the continent and in the diaspora, together with others who care for the people of this beautiful continent and humanity in general, come together to rid themselves (Africans and others) of the mind, identity and consciousness shackles that bind all of them. Through the years, African greats such as Mandela, Nkrumah, Nyerere, Biko, Lithuli have appealed to Africans to take 1

2 Diversity in Africa

purposeful action towards their unshackling from a sophisticated form of perpetual servitude. More recently, in 1998, the then Deputy President of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki (now President), who popularised the concept of an African Renaissance, made a speech in which he challenged people everywhere to dispel the lie that everything African is an aberration, and he further asserted: “. . . I dream of the day when these, the African mathematicians and computer specialists in Washington and New York, the African physicists, engineers, doctors, business managers and economists, will return from London and Manchester and Paris and Brussels to add to the African pool of brain power, to enquire into and find solutions to Africa’s problems and challenges, to open the African door to the world of knowledge, to elevate Africa’s place within the universe of research, Africa’s renewal demands that her intelligentsia must immerse itself in the titanic and all-round struggle to end poverty, ignorance, disease and backwardness, inspired by the fact that the Africans of Egypt were, in some instances, two thousand years ahead of the Europeans of Greece in the mastery of such subjects as geometry, trigonometry, algebra and chemistry.” The African Renaissance is an attempt to end the pockets of violence, unashamed elitism, endemic corruption and widespread poverty that seem to plague parts of the African continent, and replace them with a more just, context-relevant democracy and equitable order, that works for the many. This book, in part, is a small attempt to unite concerned and determined practitioners and intelligentsia in forwarding the sense-making and moral call for Africa to become aware of the causes of its oppression, and highlight compelling visions of African potential through the maximisation of the rich diversity existent on the continent. An eclectic mix, the book serves to enrich the African debate in the areas of culture, competitive advantage, the role of women, education, leadership, identity, power, community and development, paradox and ambiguity, wealth creation, labour trends and practices, emotions, cognition and spirituality, HIV-Aids and transformation. A new African consciousness is currently dawning, in which ordinary Africans, particularly women and the youth, who strive to live responsibly and who shun the uncritical emulation of other parts of the world in pursuit of making the continent authentically great, are reinterpreting what it means to be African. A context-relevant African way and a twenty-first century continental Renaissance, which incorporates the rich diversity of the many religions and tribal practices and Franco, Anglo, Latin, Dutch and Belgian, Arabic, Germanic and African perspectives – is forging its head in order to establish the continent’s rightful place on the global stage – and our authors commit their voices to the multitudes, on the African continent and elsewhere, who are helping to shape the continent in the way it can be (as opposed to only the way it currently is).

1 Rethinking Leadership and Wealth Creation in Africa Lovemore Mbigi

Introduction I live in one of the richest suburbs in Africa; Sandton in the north of Johannesburg in South Africa. It is a suburb full of beauty. Everywhere there are beautiful buildings, green lawns and attractive gardens. The people are also well fed, well groomed, well educated, well cared for and very successful. In short, it is paradise regained. But there is something revolting to the eyesight; every house is surrounded by very ugly high walls and high electric fences and armed guards. Every resident of this rich suburb lives in fear of their life. They fear being mugged. They fear being murdered. They fear becoming victims of violent crime. This is because we have created a terrible society, characterized by an endless pursuit of material wealth with no compassion for the unfortunate and the poor.

The spirit of Ubuntu The result has been a social and psychological nightmare. This is not the society that inspired our liberation struggle for which so many gave up their lives. There is a need for us to rethink the role of leadership in society and the purpose of wealth creation in Africa. It is important to rethink and reposition wealth creation and value creation in our mother continent. We need to create communities that respect wealth creation. Africa is the only continent in the world that has come to treat poverty and suffering as a virtue. We have come to treat poverty as a blessing. This can only be a gross misreading of the Bible, Matthew 5 – the Beatitudes read as follows according to my own interpretation: “Blessed are the poor in spirit”, NOT material, “for they shall see the Kingdom of God”. It is important for all of us to understand that poverty is not romantic; it is degrading and dehumanizing. The purpose of life is not to suffer, but to enjoy life. No-one can create happiness for us. We have to fashion for ourselves a good life characterized by a high life purpose and a passionate desire to serve our community in the spirit of 3

4 Diversity in Africa

service and harmony, which is the essence of the emancipating philosophy of Ubuntu. The Sub-Sahara African worldview at its best is, and should continue to be, characterized by a deliberate emphasis on people and their dignity – the emphasis on the collective brotherhood of mankind called Ubuntu, which is the African perspective of collective personhood derived from muntu or munhu. Ubuntu literally translated means “I am because we are; I can only be a person through others”. There is deliberate emphasis on solidarity and interdependence which is a key characteristic of African communities of affinity. Therefore, the purpose of leadership and wealth creation in Africa is to develop a sense of shared destiny in the celebration of our rainbow diversity.

An African model of free enterprise There is a dire need to rethink the whole notion of free enterprise in Africa so as to give it a sense of inclusive purpose. Handy (1997), the British management philosopher, is correct in observing that there is a cancer in the heart of capitalism that lacks a cause that can give meaning and stir the heart to action. There is no sense, according to Handy, as to what all this wealth created by capitalism is for and controversy for whom its created. There is a need for the African leadership class to reposition and rethink wealth creation, as well as the free enterprise system in the African context. There is a need to develop and popularize an inclusive model of free enterprise, whose agenda must include an empowerment of the poor with knowledge and portable economic skills, as well as ownership of a stake in both society and companies. Ownership of limited shares in companies should be financed on a home ownership mortgage model. Employees should be allowed to purchase a reasonable amount of shares from the owners of a business financed on such a model, so that they can develop a legitimate stake in the business. The current Western model of free enterprise will not be acceptable and sustainable in Africa, where poverty and suffering is the order of the day. The Western model is exploitative, disempowering and alienating. It generates resentment, anger and desperation in the poor. This model of free enterprise is dehumanizing; it depends on workers working very hard to make other people, the financiers of the enterprise, very rich in the vain hope that they too will become rich in the process. This is an illusion – a misplaced dream that will never be realized. It is difficult to get rich without owning a stake in the business. The workers are manipulated and eventually become “useful idiots” of the owners of the business. This is satanic and unacceptable. The African model of free enterprise should be based on four cardinal principles of sustainable development and economic liberation, which are detailed below.

Market principle The market principle is the only known way of creating wealth. The downside is that it creates unacceptable inequality and economic injustice. This should be minimized by the democratic principle.

Rethinking Leadership and Wealth Creation 5

Democratic principle The democratic principle bestows full organizational and community citizenship on every employee, helping to create a fair society and a fair organization where the aspirations of everyone can find a home.

Inclusion principle The inclusion principle ensures that we do not create a divided society of the “haves” and the “have nots”. This is what Benjamin Disraeli called the two nations. Every effort should be made to create an inclusive social wage by ensuring access to basic needs and basic social needs and basic social services for everyone. In indigenous African communities, everyone has access to opportunity and resources, such as land. There is a need to prevent the creation of a rootless underclass with no stake in society by ensuring that every citizen and employee has equal access to opportunity and resources, but full acceptance of inequality of outcome. The poor must have free access to quality housing, education, employment, social services and health services, as well as information and resources to create wealth. As stated before, there should be a home ownership mortgage financing model to enable each employee to buy a limited amount of shares in the company, while allowing the original owners of the business to obtain a controlling shareholding in the business. Africa should go for a broad-based inclusive stakeholder model of free enterprise.

Knowledge principle The knowledge principle uplifts the skills of everyone in order to continuously build solid sustainable intellectual capital for the organization. The training model should be based on continuous systematic on-the-job training. This is supplemented with workshops and guided reading. The key objectives of worker and leadership education are informed by the pedagogical aims of indigenous African education, which are detailed below: (1) The aim of worker and leadership education is to enable organizational members to raise their consciousness so that they can analyse their own situation and arrive at their own personal truth. Our reality is only one reality out of many possible realities. (2) The purpose of worker and leadership education is to enable organizational members to achieve personal growth aimed at making them good people who are capable of creating a good and just society characterised by happiness. (3) The purpose of worker and leadership education is to create very deep cultural understanding of organizational members so as to enable them to create and appreciate beauty at a deep level, which generates reflection on the mysteries of our existence. In the global knowledge economy, the creation of intellectual capital through research is crucial and African leadership should understand its

6 Diversity in Africa

value and appreciate the importance of research, as well as be prepared to invest substantial resources in research and development (R&D). Companies such as Motorola, Nokia, Intel, Microsoft, Toshiba and Sony, spent over $20 billion annually on research. The African leadership does not in general value knowledge creation; as a result African countries and institutions pay very little attention to research. South Africa, which is the biggest economy in Africa, spends about $2 billion annually, of which over half goes into research on mining issues. According to Harvard’s Professor Skinner’s 20–40–40 rule, research has 40% capacity of contributing to a country’s development and to a company’s competitive advantage.

Africa and world trade Africa’s first integration into world trade was a tragic historic event. The continent entered world trade through the slave trade, to provide cheap labour to advanced Western economies. When slavery ended, Africa’s role in world trade did not change. African countries became victims of colonialism to continue providing cheap raw materials and labour to European empires. When colonialism collapsed, Africa’s role in the global economy did not change, and the continent continued to supply cheap raw materials and labour to its former colonial masters. The only difference is that the former colonial masters no longer carry the burden of colonial administrative costs. African independence from colonial rule deepened its dependency on Western economies, as well as its marginalization in the global economy. Africa’s total contribution to world trade is about 2%, and this is against the background of enormous natural resources. Africa’s major problem is that it has never participated in the intermediate and final stages of production on a significant scale. The challenge for African leadership is to develop the confidence, knowledge and skills to manufacture finished goods. This is what is enabling the Asian Tigers and China to overcome collective poverty. Currently in Africa, only South Africa manufactures finished goods on a meaningful scale, mostly for local consumption, but it too has yet to capture a significant market share in the global economy. This sad story of failure to participate in the intermediate and final stages of production is replicated in the business of academic knowledge creation. African scholars in their research endeavours provide raw data to Western scholars who will then develop theories and products from the raw data. African scholars and institutions need to participate in the intermediate final stages of knowledge production by developing the capacity to formulate theories and to develop competitive products from research activities. Hountondji (1996, 1997) makes the observation that modern science was introduced to countries in Africa by way of colonization. He asserts that at there is a decisive stage in which African scholars have not yet been included. It is the stage in scientific production between data collection and application of theoretical

Rethinking Leadership and Wealth Creation 7

findings to practice. It is the stage of theory building. As a result, a theoretical vacuum exists in which intellectual and experiential processes – the foundations to a culture of science – are missing because much of this work was done in the “mother country”, not in the colonies. In the global knowledge economy, intellectual capital is a central factor in the production process. Knowledge empowers employers to own one of the crucial factors of production. Therefore, in today’s global knowledge economy, knowledge is the key form of empowerment for both employees and management. Handy (1997) eloquently suggests that the new source of wealth is intelligence, not the traditional accumulation assets of land, land, raw materials or technology. This intelligence, he claims, rests within the brains and the skills of people. Handy becomes more provocative when he asks who own this intellectual capital. He argues that it is not the shareowners. It is the people who work for these companies. The consequences are that organizations will have to understand the role of training and development to stimulate the growth of intellectual capital. Governments, too, have a role to play as they provide access to learning for all of their citizens at all stages of life.

African concept of consciousness The role of worker and leadership education is to raise people’s consciousness about wealth creation and to enable them to develop their potential. This is because in order to get more from life, we must become more. The American business philosopher Rohn (1996: 22) states, Knowledge or lack of it will . . . shape our lives. So can results of our efforts . . . of all the factors that affect our lives, none has as much potential power for doing good as our ability to dream. Dreams are projection of the life we want to lead. Therefore, if we allow them to “pull” us, our dreams unleash a creative force that can overpower all obstacles hindering the attainment of our objectives. Rohn also assails ignorance as poverty that leads to devastation. He encourages the need to nourish the mind like the body. Organizational training and education in Africa should rest on the four pillars of indigenous African education, by ensuring that worker education and leadership development programmes are designed to raise the levels of collective consciousness in the enterprising community. The ultimate aim of these programmes is to create the seven levels of consciousness. An important aspect of this consciousness is to be able to create a paradigm that embraces and respects wealth creation. The collective consciousness within a community is represented in Table 1.1. As shown in the table, these seven levels also fulfil the human need structure.

8 Diversity in Africa Table 1.1: Levels of consciousness in organizations and communities Human Needs

Consciousness

Spiritual

7. Service 6. Making a difference 5. Meaning 4. Transformation 3. Self-esteem 2. Relationship 1. Security

Mental Emotional Physical Source: Barrett (1998).

The most important level of consciousness is cosmic consciousness, which is a permanent state of genius enabling the individual to simultaneously achieve both greatness and full potential. The next level is divine consciousness, where the individual experiences a strong connectedness to the whole of creation. Meaningful work can no longer be satisfying. There is a strong urge to make a difference in society. This leads to unity consciousness where one is seeking to make a difference in everything one does; one’s life becomes a life of service to humanity and planet Earth. This fulfilment of the spiritual need level is depicted in the table as creating meaning (5), and making a difference (6) through service (7). Therefore, organizational education and training have to build a strong service and contribution ethic, as well as a sense of purpose in people. The role of wealth creation in society should be to free people from poverty and to help them find a sense of purpose to make a difference to African communities and to live in the spirit of harmony and service. The mental need leads to a transformative (4) level that brings to consciousness the “other” in the community. It is with the transformative consciousness that the emotional and physical levels through focus on an individual’s own emotional wellbeing and physical well-being are transcended. It is only after personal emotional and physical needs are met through the consciousness levels of self-esteem (3), adequate social relationships (2) and survival (1) that people are prepared to face the transition to consciousness of meaning and service. If, for example, the stomach is hungry, then survival becomes the prevailing consciousness level. It is, therefore, the role of leadership in Africa is to create value and to reposition free enterprise in a way that can help people in communities and organizations to create a sense of shared destiny and legacy, in order to celebrate the mystery of their existence. Handy (1997) observes that nothing is more satisfying than a sense of purpose that goes beyond oneself. He reflects that we need to change the meaning of business as merely instruments to drive owner profits and wealth to a meaning that engages the organization to create a community of purpose. Leadership

Rethinking Leadership and Wealth Creation 9

and the human resources (HR) function in organizations should assist organizations to develop an inclusive purpose and citizenship, as well as ownership. The role of business is to create value, to create wealth in society and help to overcome poverty, so as to create a platform for creating happiness, prosperity, beauty, culture and purpose in life.

References Barrett, R. (1998), Liberating the Corporate Soul: Building a Visionary Organization, Woburn, MA: Butterworth-Heinemann. Handy, C. (1997), Rethinking the Future, London: Nicholas Brealy. Hountondji, P. (1996), African Philosophy: Myth and Reality (African Systems of Thought), Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press. Hountondji, P. (ed.) (1997), Endogenous Knowledge Trails, Dakar: Codesria. Rohn, J. (1996), 7 Strategies for Wealth and Happiness: Power Ideas from America’s Foremost Business Philosopher, Roseville, CA: Prima Publishing.

2 Cave Canem! The Art (or Science?) of Western Management in an African Context Nadine Mendelek Theimann and Kurt April

Western management limits in African organisations The West has continued to supply leadership and management ideas, political systems, and economic infrastructures to Africa, from colonial times to the present. Understandably, most Western theories that are continuously being used in organisations in Africa, with their seemingly good intentions, have not achieved the desired outcomes, because many Africans find it difficult to relate to them and have to sacrifice their authenticity in order to fully embrace them. Some have identified the limitations of perspectives and practices formulated solely in the West (Blunt and Jones, 1992; Kamoche, 1993, 1997; Nzelibe, 1986), while others have offered empirical evidence on the nature of extant practices, pointing to their appropriateness or lack thereof (Blunt and Jones, 1986; Kamoche, 2000a; Seddon, 1985). This growing critique has highlighted the need to understand the African context as well as the indigenous thought system and, in particular, the perspective of the African worker. The unquestioning use of Western models of management in Africa merely stifles the incentive to examine critically the real needs of organisations on the continent. The results of these imposed theories are counter intent and innumerable unintended consequences, as the leadership and management styles are not well guided by theories that are meaningful to the majority of the African populace. True to the “African Way”, African theories are seldom captured in literature, and specifically not in organisational literature – the wisdom of the ages usually used to be passed on through the oral tradition. This no longer appears sufficient, as many Africans, particularly educated and skilled Africans, have been drawn to, and into, urban lifestyles, thus separating them from the traditional forms of oral transfer and additionally placing them in direct contact with often dominant Western organisational norms and cultures – and it has therefore become imperative that such traditional and contemporary African wisdom be captured in supplementary communication forms, for example, modern African music, art, and popular, praxis and academic literature. 10

Cave Canem! 11

The acceptance of sociocultural, economic and political realities in Africa leads us to make the following statements: (1) The use of Western planning techniques cannot be assumed to guarantee any anticipated outcome ( Jones, 1989), because the African environment is adaptively complex – exhibiting a complicated order without predictability, that is rarely stable but over short time periods is dynamically stable – and which contrasts much of the experiences in industrialised countries. (2) There should be congruence between African and Western cultural values and applied leadership styles in Africa and, therefore, the African leadership style must agree with the merged, and emerging, hybrid cultural values to be effective. (3) The collectivist values, inherent in African society, need to be made explicit and globally credible, and there needs to be management mapping of practices and techniques, that tend to contradict them. For example, as Jones (1989) points out, it is not difficult to understand why Western performance appraisal and management by objectives schemes may find intellectual acceptance by African managers, yet fail in practice. (4) Jones (1989) also claims that similar considerations apply to teaching African managers about the benefits claimed, in the Western context, for delegation of authority, sharing of information and a generally more participative management style. A common observation is that the current management style of African managers tends to push decisions upward in the organisational hierarchy. It involves managers in routine, trivial activities, and hinders the sharing of information within the organisation, thus possibly reducing its capacity to anticipate and cope with change. It encourages highly dependent behaviour and reduces opportunities for subordinates to engage in more interesting work. (5) African managers require highly developed political skills and political acumen, both in monitoring developments that may affect them, as particularistic criteria influence decision-makers inside and outside of their employing organisations, as well as with governmental and civil society bodies who legitimise and provide the “license to operate” for their organisations, and in their relationships with organisational superiors, colleagues, subordinates, community members and families. Such skills are not necessarily a major focus in Western management development strategies. (6) According to Jones (1989), African managers require well-developed diplomatic skills in two contexts: (a) with their boss, who expects to be treated deferentially, far more than is the case in Western views of such a relationship, and (b) with the extended family and kinship groups that put demands on him or her from outside of the organisation and which might well conflict with the manager’s organisational role.

12 Diversity in Africa

(7) When African managers are taught the Western organisational values of effective and efficient use of scarce resources, it is important that they consciously balance this against the consideration of what it means to be responsible with respect to resources, values and others’ hopes. African managers therefore must understand the implications of implementing these values in their respective societies, where there is a greater concern for social relationships than for workplace performance, where there are social expectations about the role of organisations that are greater than is customary in the West, where time is circular and at any one point an African employee will consider past, present and future dimensions of time, and where the notion of considering the individual as a resource is strange. (8) African workers tend to have higher expectations about the organisation’s ability and willingness to accept a degree of responsibility for their welfare and development than is the case in the industrialised West ( Jones, 1989). At the same time, there is a more economic attitude toward work, involving fewer considerations of loyalty to the organisation, and the worker is often motivated by stimuli beyond the workplace. An uncritical teaching of Western motivation theories to African managers needs to be challenged. (9) African managers should more deeply develop the art of noticing and developing more confidence in the validity of their own experiences, others’ experiences and how these shape their worldviews. It should be made unacceptable for Africans to defer such mental model construction to Westerners and other outsiders. Four interrelated premises are commonly used to support the above assertions that African ways of leading and managing are “the” way forward. These have variously been articulated, and can be briefly stated as follows: First, African leading and managing, inspired by native cultures, can offer valuable leadership and management lessons. Second, that it is best suited for the African context. Third, it has the capacity to inspire the transformative processes, so necessary in a dynamic Africa. And, finally, it is the best approach for the multicultural context which characterises Africa. Hence, this assertion implies that African leading and managing are the best routes toward a better society, quality of life and business culture. If we pause to consider some of the assumptions underlying these premises, we might consider the following in turn.

The “valuable leadership and managerial lessons” premise There is something original in the quality and experiential texture of African polities and the exercise of leadership and management within these polities that differs from those of other polities, such as, for example, the Northern European, Eastern, North American, Middle Eastern, or Latin and thus offers

Cave Canem! 13

something of value that these do not have (Lessem, 1996). These qualitative aspects of leadership, broadly deriving from the uniqueness of “native or indigenous cultures” are potent in their own right. They therefore have value in current contexts and situations that differ from their original situations and are transferable to different polities, and therefore can be valuable contributions to leadership practices in the government, institutions, firms and other forms of social organisation.

The “suitability” premise The suitability premise assumes that “when in Africa, do as Africans do”. It assumes that leadership and management should primarily emerge from, and be adapted to, local conditions and cultures. The interactive dynamic among the dimensions of leadership, councillorship, governance (management) and followership that together are important determinants of leadership cultures, should therefore all preferably have a common cultural substrate. To express it differently, there should be a significant skein of African cultural and leadership values woven into the rope of leadership in the continental context.

The “transformative potency” premise The transformative potency assumption, by implication holds that African leadership and management have great potential to transform people and attitudes. By implication such a view raises the inherent status of African leadership and management, implying that “other”, exogenous leadership/ management cultures are not necessarily appropriate for sustaining a broadbased transformation in the subjects of African society, and by extension its organisations and other collectivities, to an equal extent. This is because they do not tap into the deeper psychic resources of indigenous collectivities as well as African leadership/management is capable of doing. Such other leadership/management cultures are therefore not as potent in releasing creative energies. African leadership and management are inherently somehow generative, and have transformative potency, capable of creating new and greater awareness and of inspiring subjects to greater outputs. This is not necessarily limited, however, to subjects of indigenous extraction. This implicit raising of the status of African leadership and management culture relativises the status of exogenous leadership/management cultures, and “emancipates” African leadership and management to hold its own in relation to them. Through such a relational repositioning, elements of exogenous leadership/management cultures can therefore legitimately be rethought or modified, augmented by, or integrated with African leadership and management.

The “multicultural” premise The multicultural context assumption suggests that African leadership and management are better suited to a multicultural context such as on the continent, characterised by language, religious, spiritual and ethnic diversity. This

14 Diversity in Africa

suitability is apart from the fact that even the subcultures are of African origin, which was noted under the suitability premise above. Rather, African leadership and management have qualities that allow for a leadership/management culture that is more integrative in character. Hence its underlying integrative premises make it a better custodian of minority interests and promoter of diversity for dealing with diversity, perhaps more tolerant of minority interests and, an African (person) is best able to lead a (predominantly) African polity or organisation. This makes it incumbent upon us to define the desired outcomes of leadership/management actions in Africa. For the sake of analytical practicality, we can identify three perspectives that leadership/management culture can embrace, but wish to offer the latter as the way forward.

Convergence, divergence and “cross-vergence” perspectives Increased international business activity and emphasis on globalisation have rekindled interest in the convergence/divergence thesis that dominated much of the US and European management research in the 1950s and the 1960s. An extension of the framework is the inclusion of “cross-vergence” (Ralston et al., 1993), which seems to embody the disparate positions of convergence and divergence. The convergence thesis maintains that economic ideology drives cultural values. Ralston et al. (1993) deconstruct the argument that exposure to Western ways of engaging in business will result in adoption of Western values. They state that this argument suggests that the demands and opportunities of a technologically advancing society shape value systems that respond to industrialisation, rather than to indigenous cultural forces. As a result, industrialised nations will share common values with regard to economic activity and work-related behaviour. Advocates of the convergence view hold that, over time and irrespective of culture, human resource management practices will tend towards common human resource management universals, and that these universals are present in all industrial or industrialising societies. Culture is treated merely as something accidental that happens to be as it is, but also could have been different. However, while convergence could occur at the level of organisational structure and technology (macro-level variables), individual attributes and values (micro-level variables) might remain culturally distinct. According to Child (1981), external factors impose certain limits within which organisations develop in harmony with the culture of the country. It could be argued that although culture variables do not have much to do with how an organisation is structured, they may have much to do with how it functions. With respect to a structural variable such as “formalisation” (the presence of formal rules and procedures), there are few cultural prescriptions, but the extent to which employees adhere to the rules will differ among cultures.

Cave Canem! 15

The divergence perspective recognises country and cultural differences. Its proponents maintain that culture is deeply rooted and drives the values of any society beyond economic ideology. The divergence perspective is consistent with the dominant view of some cross-cultural theorists (e.g., Hofstede, 1980, 1991; Adler, 2002) who emphasise that all management practices are in large part culturally determined. There is little consensus on the significance of cultural variables, however. Opinions differ along two main dimensions. The first concerns the contrast between institutional-level and individual-level variables. Organisational structure is primarily a concept from organisational sociology, and tends to be defined at the institutional level. The second dimension concerns the role of culture. The lack of consensus reflects a paucity of research on the relationship between organisation-level and individual-level variables, and how the two levels interact. Ward et al. (1999), as well as, Ralston et al. (1993) refer to the anthropology roots of acculturation theory to suggest a third alternative. When two cultures meet, a blending may result in some new crossbred-form of values. The “crossvergence” perspective recognises the importance of economic ideology and national culture, and the interaction between the two. “Cross-vergence” results “when an individual incorporates both national culture and economic ideology influences synergistically to form a unique value system that is different from the value set supported by either national culture or economic ideology” (Ralston et al., 1997: 183). Moreover, the cross-vergence perspective is consistent with a more balanced perspective of global integration and local responsiveness. Country-specific characteristics, such as culture, socio-economic factors, political-legal climate, and technological factors, however, influence the meaning, interpretation and implementation of the foreign practices in these organisations.

Cultural synergy and change management Adler (2002) devoted a whole chapter to cultural synergy, with a strong emphasis on organisational change theory. Multiculturalism may be a disintegrative influence, where members of cultural groups tend to make in-group, out-group decisions (Hogg, 2001), but also strengths may be drawn from cultural diversity in increasing creativity and better decision-making (Govendo, 2005). Recent work on multicultural teams suggests that highly heterogeneous teams develop a strong hybrid culture, that are better at learning in the accommodation and elaboration dimensions, compared with those that are less heterogeneous (Driver, 2003; Yang et al., 2004). An inability to revert to previous identities and norms could explain it. This necessitates the need to develop a new common culture and dialogic identity (April and April, 2006) through information seeking towards hybrid socialisation, when coordination and communication are required among a number of different participants (Morrison, 1993).

16 Diversity in Africa

A common sense of identity within the emerging culture may be discernible by investigating inferred variables such as: agreement on the perceptions of organisational and management attributes, in terms of what the current situation in the organisation is; what the desirable ideal situation should be, in terms of management style and organisational factors, such as level of hierarchy, decision-making process and control, and how this contrasts with the way these aspects are likely to change. Logically, organisations are likely to change in a positive way if the perceptions of the various stakeholders concur about the current nature of the organisation and its management, and the desirable character of change. The hybridisation of management systems is an important consideration in Africa. Concepts of “cross-vergence” indicate that, rather than a tendency toward convergence (the coming together of value systems) in regions and countries that have had high levels of influence from other cultures, there is a tendency toward “cross-vergence” (the developing of hybrid value systems as a result of cultural interactions).

. . . Towards hybrid leadership and management models? African humanism, that has existed in Africa for thousands of years and embodied in ritual, story, cultural practices, symbolism and myth, takes the human being as the starting point, and emphasises the “dignity” and “worth” of the interconnected individual. A basic premise of humanism is that human beings possess within themselves the capacity for truth and goodness. In Western Europe, humanism originated in the study of classical culture and was part of the Renaissance that took place in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It got its name from one of the era’s most important goals: the promotion of a new educational curriculum. This curriculum consisted of a group of subjects known collectively as the studia humanitatis, or the humanities. The humanities are a group of academic subjects united by a commitment to studying aspects of the human condition and a qualitative approach. Humanities subjects included grammar, rhetoric, history, poetry and ethics. These disciplines were all studied, whenever possible, in the original classical texts. The humanities curriculum conflicted with more traditional education that was based on scholasticism. Contrary to a humanistic education, a scholastic education concentrated on more “factual” subjects, such as logic, natural philosophy (science), and metaphysics, or the nature of reality. Scholars often clashed sharply over these two systems of education. A lot was at stake in these academic controversies. The controversy was, and still is, related to the issue: “what do you use your education for?” As the West traverses a re(discovery) path towards more and more humanistic approaches, particularly in business and in the government today, Africa is beating itself up (aided by the rest of the world) for not being scholastic enough (and for being too humanistic in its leaning – whether that be in

Cave Canem! 17

government, business or in civil society). Modern Africa still stresses the importance of human needs, both on an interconnected individual basis and, more importantly, on a collective basis. In fact, African humanism requires interconnected individuals to contribute to the welfare of the society in which they reside – not as a post-self action, but as a pre-self intention and action. This, in many ways, underpins what the rest of this book highlights as Africa’s gift to the world, that is, social leadership within a context of humanistic citizenship. This approach, hybrid in both conscious and unconscious design, is often not the most expedient or efficient, but promises a more sustainable (yet complex) society and not short-term individualistic trappings as rewards. There is evidence from India ( Jackson, 2002), for example, that hybrid human resource development systems are being designed to manage different Western (instrumental) and Indian (humanistic) orientations in organisations. Their applicability in other regions, such as Sub-Saharan Africa, also needs to be investigated. The Japanese (holistic) management approach has also provided systems of management in East Asia that appear to be successful in collectivist societies, and that may have some parallels with African societies. The influence of Asian management collectivist philosophy has to be taken into consideration, since important investments (particularly in South Africa, but also in other African countries) have taken place in recent years. We believe that the multi-variable contextual framework identified by Budhwar and Debrah (2001) and the integrative framework of De Cieri and Dowling (1998) may be instructive and require empirical testing in a comparative Afro-Asian context (Horwitz et al., 2002). Ahiauzu (1986: 54) points out that “though he may work in industry, the African lives in a wider society; and it is from this society outside the workplace that the elements that constitute the framework within which the African indigenous thought-system operates derive”. This thought system includes features such as a high degree of harmony between woman/man and the world around her/him, the use of symbolism to make sense of the world, a spiritual connection to something larger than the individual, the use of an oral tradition for passing on collective wisdom, and a strong emphasis on family and the immediate community. This importance of family is seen in the network of interrelationships, extended family and mutual obligations, not dissimilar to the paternalism found in Thai organisations (Kamoche, 2000b). This results in a sense of communalism and traditionalism (Nzelibe, 1986; Onyemelukwe, 1973), which is not unlike the Confucian influence on Asian cultures (Horwitz et al., 2002). This has led some authors such as Maruyama (1984) to propose an epistemological shift away from the predominant Western management theories to alternative theories based on Asian and African perspectives. Maruyama proceeds to identify epistemological aspects in which both Asia and Africa share some common ground, inclusive of cultural heterogeneity as a source of mutually beneficial win–win cooperation, a polyocular vision with regard to what constitutes “objective” truth, the mental and spiritual connectedness

18 Diversity in Africa

the worker shares with group members, the idea that the individual assumes a relational existence and dialogic identity whose raison d’être is located within the community to which he/she belongs. Three dominant types of management organisations in Africa have been identified in the literature by Jackson (2002): (1) post-colonial, (2) postinstrumental and (3) African Renaissance. The analysis of those three systems will help illustrate and highlight the potential and actual conflicts in the workplace, and address issues of crosscultural management in African countries, as well as how a combination of features from the three models could give rise to hybrid management models.

Post-colonial leadership and management systems Literature often views leadership and management in Africa as: fatalistic, resistant to change, reactive, short-term oriented, authoritarian, risk-reducing, contextdependent, and basing decisions on external, relationship criteria. Kiggundu (1989), for example, describes the internal climate of organisations as follows: understaffing of competent people, poor motivation, risk-aversion, unwillingness to take independent action, close supervision of subordinates with little delegation, operations often inefficient and high-cost with low-productivity, over-staffing of non-qualified personnel, under-utilisation of capacity, poor pay, poor morale indicated by high turnover and absenteeism. Top leaders and managers are likely to be overworked, while reluctant to delegate work. Those leaders and managers are generally typically learned, articulate and well travelled. However, at the middle-management level, there are weak systems and controls, inadequate managerial expertise and skills with a lack of industrial knowledge. Blunt and Jones (1992, 1997) also represent the developed/ developing world dichotomy. Jackson (2002), however, argues that the tendency to cast the problem into a “developing/developed” world dichotomy is not only pejorative, but it also hampers critical research into the subject. African management in the literature is mostly representative of a post-colonial heritage, reflecting a theory X style of management, in McGregor’s (1960) terminology, which generally mistrusts human nature with a need to impose controls on workers, allowing little worker initiative and rewarding, individually, a narrow set of skills simply by financial means. This system is identified in the literature as being imposed onto African society, originally by the colonial powers, and being perpetuated after political independence (often not economic independence), perhaps as a result of vested political and economic interest, or purely because this was the way managers in the colonial era were trained. There is typically a lack of clear, community/stakeholder-endorsed mission statements or sense of common/shared direction. A lack of results and objectives realisation are often then observed, and leadership is viewed as detached, highly centralised, hierarchical and authoritarian (see Table 2.1).

Cave Canem! 19 Table 2.1: Comparison of elements of the Western “ideal” leadership with East Asian and African paradigms Element

Current Western leadership “ideal”

Leadership in East Asia

Leadership in Africa

Influences on leadership practices

• Paramount concern for organisational performance • Drive for efficiency and competitiveness • Urgency induced by short-termism of economic model • Followerdependent for operational effectiveness, thus operationally participative • Individualistic • Emphasis on capital markets and unquestioned instrumental reason

• Maintenance of harmony fundamental • Attention to social networks and particularly familial networks • Consensus valued • Respect for seniority, age, experience • Expectation that managerial authority will be exercised with concern for country and community

• Highly centralised power structures • High degrees of tension as management seeks clarity and control against employee comfortableness in uncertainty and ambiguity • Emphasis on control mechanisms rather than organisational performance • Bureaucratic resistance to change • Acute resource scarcity • Individual concern for basic security • Stakeholder focus • Importance of extended family and kin networks

Managing authority

• Relative equality of authority and status between manager and subordinates • Delegation/ decentralisation • Teamwork • “Empowerment”

• Leadership from the top • Respect for seniority • Goals set by top management • Acceptance of wide power and status differentials between managers and subordinates

• Authoritarian/ paternalistic leadership patterns • Centralisation • Bureaucratic controls • Preoccupation with rules and procedures • Reluctance to judge individual performance (Continued )

20 Diversity in Africa Table 2.1:

Continued

Element

Current Western leadership “ideal”

Managing uncertainty

• High degree of • Deep-rooted, • High degree of conservatism and shared theologies tolerance of stability-seeking and philosophies ambiguity behaviour provide relative • Change-resistant • Uncertainty certainty and organisational accepted as normal security hierarchies, • Continuous change • Long-term view of reinforced by viewed as natural evolving change preoccupation • Sense of urgency • Hierarchy and with rules conformity stressed • Social networks • Collectivist mutual crucial to provide duties individual security

Managing • Trust superficial and relationships offered upfront. Deep trust seldom offered. • Tolerance of others • Openness valued • Open confrontation of differences • Open debate and conflict valued. Deep private conversation and dialogue avoided • Support of followers essential • Drive to secure commitment and high morale

Leadership in East Asia

• Emphasis on maintenance of harmony and personal dignity • Deep trust earned over time. No offering of superficial trust • Persons valued over issues • Avoidance of confrontation and conflict • Open debate and conflict avoided. Deep private conversation and dialogue valued • Maintenance of social networks important

Leadership in Africa

• Openness to others • Deep trust earned over time. No offering of superficial trust • Emphasis on harmony with others, nature and the spirit world • Confrontation and differences privately dealt with • Open debate and conflict avoided. Deep private conversation and dialogue valued • Extended social networks importance for sustainability

In the African context, it is probably more correct to write and speak about “leadership”, and in some ways “management”, as socially constructed concepts, and this being the preferred dimensions for most Africans, as opposed to “leaders/managers” (individual, Western constructs). Hogg’s (2001) “social identity theory of leadership”, which views leadership as a group process generated by social categorisation and prototype-based depersonalisation processes

Cave Canem! 21

associated with social identity, goes a long way in unpacking the social nature of leadership and therefore provides deeper insight into African leadership/ management concepts. According to Hogg (2001: 184) “group identification, as self-categorisation, constructs an intra-group prototypicality gradient that invests the most prototypical member with the appearance of having influence; the appearance arises because members cognitively and behaviorally conform to the prototype”. Because most multinational managers and highly skilled Africans take their intra-group norms from the West, the previous colonial West, it is they who are ascribed the apparent influence as leaders – while African employees seek to emulate them in culture, behaviour and norm, often suppressing or denying their authentic selves (as a cost). The belief in modern, urban Africa has always been one which characterised the “employed person at his/her organisation” as separate from the “home person” (effectively enabling depression around the resulting outer-/inner-persona split). As a result, in the workplace, the appearance of influence for the Western prototype person becomes a reality through depersonalised social attraction processes that make African employees seemingly agree and comply with the leader’s/ manager’s ideas and suggestions. Hogg further argues that consensual social attraction also imbues the leader/ manager with apparent status and creates a status-based structural differentiation within the group into leader(s)/manager(s) and followers, which has characteristics of unequal status inter-group relations (so characteristic of African workplaces). In addition, a fundamental attribution process constructs a charismatic leadership/managerial personality for the leader/manager, which further empowers the leader/manager and sharpens the leader–follower, or manager–follower, status differential. The leader(s)/manager(s) in return therefore daily views a self-fulfilling, dependent-appearing employee, that hangs off his/her commands and knowledge, and therefore seeks to limit organisational risk through implementing controls. Hence, organisationally in Africa, the emphasis is on control mechanisms, rules and procedures rather than performance, and there is a high reluctance to judge individual performance. These aspects are grouped as “control” factors in Table 2.2. The “character” of such overly-controlled organisations may also well reflect local public sector, local parastatal or recently privatised local organisations that are not foreign-owned. There is broad agreement concerning the poor performance of the African public sector, which has engendered support for a reduction in its size, all across Africa. Most democracies in Africa occurred during the second half of the previous century and, as a result, much of the public sector is stuck with ex-“war heroes”, ex-“exiles”, ex-“political prisoners”, ex-“labour movement leaders”, and so forth, as government leaders/managers – when many of them unfortunately did not get any formal education and training to lead and manage, and if recently acquired, did not have the time to practise their skills and competences for sufficient periods and over sufficiently complicated and extensive resources (as many of them sacrificed

22

Table 2.2:

Comparison of different organisational management systems in Africa Post-colonial

Post-instrumental

African renaissance

East Asian/Japanese

Main principles

• Theory X • Western/postindependence African • Instrumental

• Theory Y • Western/“modern” • Functionalist

• Humanistic • Ubuntu • Community collectivism

• Humanistic • Corporate collectivism

Importance

• Continuing legacy through political and economic interests

• Looked to as alternative • Influence from multinationals, management education and consultants

• Some elements may prevail in indigenous organisations • Of growing interest internationally

• Developing importance through East Asian investment • May be seen as alternative

Strategy

• Inputs and process orientation • Lack of results and objectives • Risk aversive

• Results and market oriented• Clear objectives • Calculated risk taking

• Stakeholder orientation

• Market and result orientation • Clear objectives • Low risk-taking

Structure

• Hierarchical • Centralised

• Flatter hierarchy • Often decentralised

• Flatter hierarchy • Decentralised and closer to stakeholders

• Hierarchical and conformity

Governance and • Authoritarian decision making • Non-consultative

• Often consultative • Increasing emphasis on “empowerment”

• Participative, consensus seeking (indaba)

• Consultative but authority from top

Control

• Rule bound • Lack of flexibility • Outside influence or control (family, government) often seen as negative

• Clear rules of action • Flexible • Outside government influence decreasing

• Benign rules of action • Outside influence (family, government) may be seen as more benign

• Consensus and harmony above formal rules • May have a lack of flexibility

Character

• May not act ethically towards stakeholders • Not very efficient • Static

• • • •

• Stakeholder interest may be • Harmony and face may be more important than “ethics” more important than ethics • Success related to • Efficiency development and well being • May be slow to change

More ethically responsible Aims to be successful Change is a feature Probably foreign owned

of its people • Indigenous

• Probably not foreign owned Internal policies

• Discriminatory • Employee policies aimed at duties rather than rights

• Non-discriminatory • Access to equal opportunities and clear employee policies on responsibilities and rights

• Stakeholder interests • Access to equal opportunities

• Can be discriminatory (towards women) • Employee relations may be more implicit

Internal climate

• Employee alienation common • Weak trade unions • Inter-ethnic friction • Discourages diversity of opinions • Promotion by ascription

• Emphasis on employee motivation • Weak or cooperative unions • Move towards interethnic harmony • Diverse opinions often encouraged • Promotion based on achievement

• Motivation through participation important • Unions protect rights • Inter-ethnic harmony taken into consideration • Everyone should be able to state their opinions • Promotion based on legitimisation of status

• Aims at employee commitment (job satisfaction may be low) • Company trade unions • Inter-ethnic relations may not be an issue • Consensus rather than diversity of opinions stressed • Promotion by seniority

External policies

• Lack of customer/client • Clear policies on policies customers/clients • Lack of result • Result orientation orientation

• A clear awareness of and articulation of stakeholder interests

• A focus on business and customer networks rather than explicit policies

Management expertise

• Educated management elite with low managerial expertise

• High, result-oriented managerial expertise is aimed for

• Management expertise based on people orientation

• Management effectiveness based on collective skills

People orientation

• Control orientation

• People and result orientation

• People and stakeholder orientation

• People (in-group) orientation

Source: Jackson (2002).

23

24 Diversity in Africa

such taken-for-granted competencies for fighting for democracy for the benefit of the many) – as a result, many are “learning-by-doing” (Gorelick et al., 2004). In addition, the public sector often finds it difficult to attract the most talented local employees (multinationals and the private sector does so). The post-colonial private sector in several African countries are often no more rational in goal-seeking than its public sector, which shares its inefficient performance partly due to the levels of corruption and unofficial behaviour toward their stakeholders (“character” in Table 2.2). Internal recruitment decisions and promotions by ascription are of a particularistic, rather than universalistic, nature, and may therefore be regarded as discriminatory. Employee policies are aimed at duties of workers rather than on rights, reflective of a lack of organisational democracy. Managers who fit in well in a post-colonial system are expected to be motivated by control features of their jobs and economic security. Management principles may be related to an external control, where events are considered as not within the individual’s control, where creative potential is regarded as being limited and people are generally fixed in their ways and not malleable or changeable. Decisions are typically focused on the past and present, rather than the future. Action is focused on the short-term, and success orientation may be moralistic, rather than pragmatic as a result. This may reflect an apparent lack of achievement and status orientations. Management practices stem out of the principles previously defined that lead to an authoritarian leadership style with reliance on the hierarchy, use of rank, low egalitarianism and a lack of openness in communication and information giving. It seems that the main management orientations within post-colonial systems are toward managing internal processes and power relations. Individuals’ perception about the controllability of what happens to them is a core element of their understanding of how they live and have meaning in the world (Shapiro et al., 1996). In initial investigations about the related perception and beliefs of the individuals, clinical psychology researchers found that some clients changed their behaviours more than others after new experiences. The proposed variable to account for this difference, known as “locus of control”, has been the expectancy or belief about the reinforcements that follow a behaviour (Rotter et al., 1962). Western culture promoted internal control orientation as a bulwark against unquestioning submission to authority. People are expected to perceive themselves as the active determiners of their fates and accept full responsibility for their outcomes. This Western sociocultural emphasis has significantly influenced the development and application of the “locus of control” construct over the years. The dimension of “locus of control” has unfortunately been simply an euphemism for “good guys-bad guys”, with internality being substituted for “desirable, intelligent and bright” whereas externality for “failure, dull and inadequate” (Lefcourt, 1982: 182). The research and practice in the area has been biased by the popular assumption that “internal locus of control” is a positive asset and externality is a deficit

Cave Canem! 25

(Evans et al., 1993). An “internal locus of control” became the “moral vision” of Western cultural ideology (Christopher, 1996). Since cultural biases and prevailing values have always had significant effect on psychological theory (Gergen, 1985), it is not surprising that the group with more power or prototypical control in society – higher socio-economic Westerners – have defined desired characteristics also for locus of control, which are adopted by researchers and practitioners. Driven by the belief that internality is superior to externality, researchers have apparently continually found confirming evidence for their hypotheses. The measurement tools and criterion situations that have been used in these experiments have focused upon events that are largely in the range of controllability for the subjects under examination. Consequently, internality regarding achievement-related and performance behaviours were found to be appropriate, and therefore a prognostic indicator of achievement/ performance-facilitating behaviour. An intelligent inquiry about locus of control, however, would question the reality of beliefs in control; consider the delusions of omnipotence, the problems of grandiosity, the creations of God and inevitable life experiences that are beyond man’s ken; and take cultural, conceptual as well as measurement differences into account. Rotter (1966) has suggested that locus of control measures should have a curvilinear relationship in which individuals who believe they are responsible for each and every important event that occurs through their lifetime, should be as aberrant as the individuals who feel themselves to be entirely at the mercy of external circumstances. In this regard, a useful alternative conceptualisation of locus of control is provided by Wong and Sproule (1984). In their study, they noted the importance of distinguishing “realism” from “idealism”. When locus of control was assessed, respondents’ reality considerations tended to account for external scores and their ideals seemed to account for internal scores. The authors’ conceptualisation of locus of control has also involved a dual dimensional view. Dual control, or what is called shared responsibility, was described in terms of internal and external control. They labelled the group of individuals, who understand control to be from both internal and external sources, as “bilocals”. Bilocals are considered individuals who strike a healthy balance between their beliefs in internal- and external control. Wong and Sproule (1984) hypothesised that bilocals cope more effectively because they observe an optimal mix between personal responsibility (internal control) and faith in appropriate outside resources (external control). It is argued in this chapter that emphasising the importance of both internal and external aspects of control, instead of emphasising only on the benefits of being internal (ascribed to Western leaders/managers) or the distresses associated with being external (ascribed to mainly African employees) is a sensible alternative to prevailing discussions of locus of control. Considering this multidimensional focus that came to the perspective, external control beliefs is not necessarily dysfunctional. As described by the measurement scale of Levenson (1981), an

26 Diversity in Africa

external belief may be derived from powerful others, in which a potential for control exists, as opposed to chance. Similarly, Gurin et al. (1978: 292) argued that scores of greater externality on measures of locus of control among minority (oppressed) groups were incorrectly interpreted in several reports as demonstrating that “cultural values and beliefs in external forces needed to be altered, when in fact their sense of low personal control reflected a correct perception of a harsh environment over which they had little control”. That indicates, early evaluations did not distinguish between realism and idealism aspects of control; thus, it is not possible to understand which factors actually accounted for the observed differences in external control. These findings lend further evidence regarding multidimensional character of locus of control attribution having differing developmental, social, and behavioural correlates. Moreover, especially in multicultural environments, bilocals are expected to be better adjusted than controllers (those with internal control beliefs) and controllees (those with external control beliefs) in many ways (Wong and Sproule, 1984). Therefore it is important to take these factors into account while assessing effects locus of control can have on any behavioural change as well as work achievement and performance. Others (Hannerz, 1969; Valentine, 1971; LaFromboise et al., 1993) have referred to “biculturalism” when postulating about the impact of cultural acquisition and the creative tension between maintaining a dualistic balance between internal and external control. In African-American literature, it was DuBois (1961) who remarked about “double consciousness” and the “twoness” of living dual cultural realities. The concepts of “bilocals” and “biculturalism” appeal to us as key concepts for making sense out of the collective behaviour and social life, as well as the individual and work life, of the African community, in which they draw upon both a distinctive repertoire of standardised African group behaviour and, simultaneously, patterns derived from the mainstream cultural system of Western derivation. For most Africans, socialisation in both of the systems begins at an early age, at home and in school and through the mass media, and continues throughout life – and is therefore of equal importance. Jackson’s (2002) contribution, tries to capture this notion, in his focus on what he calls “locus of human value”. He distinguishes between an instrumental view of people in organisations that perceives them as a means to an end, and a humanistic view of people, which sees them as having a value in their own right, and being an end in themselves. The Western concept of “human resources” unfortunately typifies the former approach in its view of people as another resource to meet the ends of the organisation. It is likely that this concept would predominate in post-colonial African organisations. The author suggests that the instrumental/humanistic approach may avoid some of the pitfalls of applying a developing/developed dichotomy (as in Jaeger and Kanungo, 1990) or of applying a Hofstedian “simplistic individualism/ collectivism model” to cultural analysis in explaining differences between

Cave Canem! 27

indigenous and imported views of human relations. It may also explain the levels of inappropriateness of what is termed “post-instrumental management systems”.

Post-instrumental management systems There is a danger that the objective of development is to make the “developing” world more like the “developed” one through industrialisation, and that this should be reflected in the direction of organisational change and the way people are managed. “Most organisations have been primarily shaped by the narrow range of perspectives and experiences of Western European, White, heterosexual, physically able-bodied males” (Weber, 1993: 93). This is reflected in a trend whereby Western approaches to management are imported into African countries either through multinational companies, Western-governed institutions such as the World Trade Organization, International Monetary Fund and World Bank, or through African managers who are increasingly being educated according to Western-style leadership and management curricula (in Africa and abroad). The contrasting views of training and development perceptions are illustrated in Table 2.3. The opportunity actually exists for Africans to extract the useful (and discard the dysfunctional) Western insights and knowledge and raise up (in relevance, and in training and development) its context-appropriate native insights and knowledge, thereby creating something quite unique, a hybrid, a gift of difference to the world. The West, and its mentioned institutions, may, in return, achieve the added benefit of enriching its own perspectives and reconstitute its organisations if “. . . [they dare to] begin to be shaped by more diverse cultures and perspectives, [then] there is every reason to expect that organisations will change” (Weber, 1993: 93). There may be beliefs, practices and processes in the West or by Western organisations in Africa, which are currently considered right or good, that can be reconsidered. When Western human resource practices are implemented in cultures that have a different concept of people, and a different regard for people in organisations, it is likely that incompatibilities will be manifested through lack of motivation and alienation, leading to low productivity and labour strife. Followers may even at times prefer a leader who is kindly, considerate and understanding to one who is overly dynamic and productive, and possibly too demanding. Valuing diversity in African workplaces seems to be compatible with stressing common goals and standards, if the attention to diversity is not allowed to undermine the emphasis on community, and what the community stands for. And since African employees are engaged in common effort, not individual effort, organisational processes, human resource practices and policies should seek to guide behaviour standards that are not idiosyncratic to the individual, but rather be group-appropriate (shared goals, shared rewards, shared performance standards, shared operating norms, and

28 Table 2.3:

Contrast between Western and African views of training

Western

African

• Individual responsibility for selfactualisation • Learning viewed as an individual problem-solving process towards positivistic reality, involving puzzlement, perturbation, even discomfort for the learner – knowledge to be hoarded as a source of power and the tension of “not knowing” is skillfully managed at an individual level • Individual agency in social relationships, that enables maximised organisational goals • Self-confidence in his/her relationship with his/her employing organisation, thereby ensuring positive individual affirmation • Heightened awareness of hierarchical levels within organisations mainly, as well as deference to organisational authority • Education seen as a way to enhance both individual status and personal growth • A view of the professional as an individual of independent judgment • The value of self-discovered knowledge as opposed to prescribed knowledge from an early age – and knowledge is to be used for one’s own advancement • Power of teacher rests in his/her expert knowledge, information and skills. An emerging view of the teacher-learner relationship as involving interdependence and growing equality as learner approximates teacher’s knowledge • Development as involving individual risk and change for learners, but reward is potential individual prosperity • Training viewed as an opportunity even if it involves, within a

• Group determined self-actualisation • Learning viewed as a group-responsibility process towards constructivist reality, involving risk avoidance for the group but acquiring additional information on an individual level – knowledge to be hoarded and protected as a source of power and the tension of “not knowing” is skilfully managed at an individual level • Collectivist nature of social relationships, that enables compromised group goals • Self-confidence in his/her relationship with his/her stakeholder group, thereby ensuring positive individual affirmation • Heightened awareness of hierarchical levels within organisations and outside of organisations, and deference to tribal/ familial authority • Education seen as a way to enhance individual status, rather than for personal growth • A view of the professional as better able to make interdependent judgements • The value of prescribed knowledge from an early age, with self-discovered knowledge emerging with maturity – and knowledge is to be used for the group’s advancement • Power of teacher ascribed to him/her by virtue of his/her position. View of the teacher-learner relationship as one in which the learner stays dependent and cannot easily achieve equality with the teacher • Development as involving group risk and individual change for learners, but reward is potential group prosperity • Training viewed as a threat rather than an opportunity if it involves an admission of

Cave Canem! 29 Table 2.3:

Continued

Western trusting training context, the admission of individual ignorance and shortcomings • Increasing degree of openness, as trust is assumed upfront in relationships (mainly among peers)

African group ignorance and group shortcomings

• Increasing degree of openness, as trust is developed over a long period of time of intention explicitness (among everyone)

Source: Authors, and adapted from Jones (1989) and Jackson (2002).

so forth). Alasdair MacIntyre made the following comments on the relationship between pluralism and a common culture: “If we do not recover and identify with the particularities of our community, then we shall lose what it is we have to contribute to the common culture. We shall have nothing to bring, nothing to give. But if each of us dwells too much, or even exclusively, upon his or her ethnic particularity, then we are in danger of fragmenting and even destroying the common life” (quoted in Quay, 1991) The statement above captures the challenge for Africans – (1) the wonderful, humanistic orientation for community has to extend beyond particular ethnicities and sole tribal allegiance to include community encompassing all ethnicities and tibes within a nation state, or even within the African Union. (2) Also, and in contrast to the West (whose focus is on getting teamwork/communal behaviour even though individuals are individually competent) Africans need to be empowered with individual skills and competencies, in order to leverage their ability to work as a collective for the benefit of all. (3) In addition, such a communal orientation needs, through joint effort, to develop a complementary, strong civil society infrastructure that brings together diverse perspectives to enrich understanding of the commonly shared good and common ventures – but all need to be assisted in what they can bring to the whole (a whole beyond the ethnic and tibal whole) in a spirit of wanting to cooperate with others. The three key points made above highlights the inherently paradoxical nature of Africa’s dilemma. Such attitudes, however, run counter to Western market philosophies, which espouse the survival of the fittest. In the current Western paradigm, for instance, an important part of the leader’s job is to get rid of poor performers (“mean and lean” organisational paradigm). Vision vested in individuals in positions of power, in the Western sense, may therefore be out of place in many organisations in Africa. It is expected, almost taken for granted, that African organisations will not pull together because of ethnic and/or family-based rifts. The

30 Diversity in Africa

extent to which such manifestations are the case in foreign-owned and Western management-oriented companies in Africa has been little researched or empirically established. For Jones (1989), organisational behaviour is influenced by a complex set of interrelated factors. The Western notion of “rational” behaviour is itself the product of such factors, but it is not automatically applicable in other contexts. What appears to a Western observer of African organisations to be “irrational”, on closer examination can be seen to reflect a set of values that are different from, but no less valid than those of, the West.

The African Renaissance system Some African authors have called for a return to African values and indigenous knowledge systems (Stremlau, 1999; Ajulu, 2001; Mbeki et al., 2004). This movement for an African Renaissance follows the precepts of Ubuntu. Literally translated, Ubuntu means “I am who I am through others” in contrast to the Western tenet cogito ergo sum. Mbigi (1997) has more specifically set about defining and elaborating the management philosophy of Ubuntu, which is based on the sense of community. Key values can be summarised as follows: • Sharing: a need for security in the face of hardship has provided a commitment to helping one another. This value is not based on simple exchange, but is a result of a network of social obligations, based predominantly on kinship. • Deference to rank: simplistic reference to power distance. Although traditional rulers were such by their title to the senior lineage, they had to earn the respect of their followers and rule by consensus. People were free to express opinions and dissension. At the same time, taking one’s proper place in the social scale is an important aspect of the virtue of humility (legitimisation of status). • Sanctity of commitment: commitment and mutual obligations stem from group pressures to meet one’s promises and to conform to social expectations (obligations to stakeholders in Table 2.2). • Regard for compromise and consensus: the main characteristics of traditional African leadership are: a chief who personifies the unity of the tribe and who must live the values of his community in an exemplary way; not being an autocrat, the chief must rely on representatives of the people to assist him, to be guided by consensus. Failure to do so would result in his people ignoring his decisions and law. The people are strongly represented, with a duty to attend court hearings, and all have a responsibility to each other collectively to ensure that the laws are upheld. As a result of this collective responsibility, everyone has a right to question in open court. • The concept of openness: is an important value, and implies that no-one should receive retribution for anything said correctly in an open forum.

Table 2.4:

Comparison of different management attributes in Africa Post-colonial

Post-instrumental

African Renaissance

East Asian/Japanese

Management motivators

• Economic security • Control

• Belonging • Development of personal and group security

Management commitment

• To business objectives • To relatives • To organisation

• • • • • • • • •

Management principle

• • • • •

Management practices

• • • •

• Belonging • Development in corporate context • Elements of economic security • To business objectives (the corporate) • To results • To work • To relatives • External locus of control • Theory Y (in-group), theory X (out-group) • Trust of in-group members • Relational and relativity aspects of decision-making • Status through seniority • Consultative (ringi) • Communicating and information giving to gain consensus • Maintaining harmony

Main orientations

External locus of control Deontology Theory X Mistrust of human nature Status orientation

Reliance on hierarchy Use of rank Low egalitarianism Lack of open communication • Lack of open information • Managing process • Managing power relations

• To group • To people

• • • •

Internal locus of control Teleology Theory Y Conditional trust of human nature • Achievement orientation

• Internal and external locus of control • Trust of human nature • Status and achievement orientation

• Some participation • Mostly communicating openly • Providing open information when necessary • Confrontational • Managing results (external focus) • Managing people

• Participation • Egalitarianism • Communicating openly • Providing open communication • Managing people (internal stakeholder focus) • Managing results (defined by stakeholder interests)

• Managing people (in-group/ out-group relations) • Managing results (defined by stakeholder interests)

31

Source: Jackson (2002).

Managing uncertainty Self-enhancement Autonomy Independence Achievement To self To results To ethical principles To work

32 Diversity in Africa

In Table 2.2, this is reflected in structures that have flatter and more accessible hierarchies, consensus-seeking decision-making, an internal climate of participation and openness, and protection of rights. Management practice also reflects a participative, egalitarian and open approach (see Table 2.4). • Good social and personal relations: commitment to social solidarity. The tensions of management/labour relations that have been a feature in African organisations can be attributed largely to a lack of the human dimension, and the adversarial attitudes of colonial employment relations.

Where do we go from here? An investigation of leadership/management and organisation in Africa must consider the different and overlapping systems previously described, through the lens of cultural interactions. It must consider how these systems vary through the influence of diverse post-colonial systems and their different operating versions (Portuguese, Belgian, French, Dutch, English, German, Arabic, etc.) on the one hand, and the interaction with post-instrumental systems represented by various multinationals present on the African continent (North American, European and Asian companies) on the other hand. It is necessary, however, to first focus on the “African” values and thought system in order to understand their impact on the working behaviour of African leaders and managers.

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Cave Canem! 33 De Cieri, H. and Dowling, P.J. (1998), “Strategic Human Resource Management in Multinational Enterprises”, adapted from Schuler, R.S., Dowling, P.J. and De Cieri, H. (1993), “An Integrative Framework of Strategic International Human Resource Management”, Journal of Management, Vol. 19, pp. 419–59. Driver, M. (2003), “Diversity and Learning in Groups”, The Learning Organisation, Vol. 10, No. 3, pp. 149–66. DuBois, W.E.B. (1961), The Soul of Black Folks: Essays and Sketches, New York: Fawcett. Evans, G.W., Shapiro, D.H. and Lewis, M.A. (1993), “Specifying Dysfunctional Mismatches between Different Control Dimensions”, British Journal of Psychology, Vol. 84, pp. 255–73. Gergen, K.J. (1985), “The Social Constructionist Movement in Modern Psychology”, American Psychologist, Vol. 40, pp. 266–75. Gorelick, C., Milton, N. and April, K. (2004), Performance Through Learning: Knowledge Management in Practice, Burlington, MA: Elsevier Butterworth-Heinemann. Govendo, J.A. (2005), “Workforce, Diversity and Corporate Creativity”, Handbook of Business Strategy, pp. 213–17. Gurin, P., Gurin, G. and Morrison, B.M. (1978), “Personal and Ideological Aspects of Internal and External Control”, Social Psychology, Vol. 41, pp. 275–96. Lefcourt, H.M. (1982), Locus of Control: Current Trends in Theory and Research, 2nd edition, Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Hannerz, U. (1969), Soulside: Inquiries into Ghetto Culture and Community, Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell. Hofstede, G. (1980), Culture’s Consequences: International Differences in Work-Related Values, Beverly Hills, CA: Sage. Hofstede, G. (1991), Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind, London: McGraw-Hill. Hogg, M.A. (2001), “A Social Identity Theory of Leadership”, Personality and Social Psychology Review, Vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 184–200. Horwitz, F., Kamoche, K. and Chew, I.K.H. (2002), Looking East: Diffusing High Performance Work Practices in the Southern Afro-Asian Context, paper presented at the 3rd African Regional Congress of the International Industrial Relations Association, Cape Town, South Africa, 6–8 March 2002, pp. 1–19. Jackson, T. (2002), International HRM: A Cross-Cultural Approach, London: Sage. Jaeger, A.M. and Kanungo, R.N. (1990), Management in Developing Countries, London: Routledge. Jones, M.L. (1989), “Management Development: An African Focus”, International Studies of Management and Organisation, Vol. 19, No. 1, pp. 74–90. Kamoche, K. (1993), “Towards a Model of HRM in Africa”, in J.B. Shaw, P.S. Kirkbride and K.M. Rowland (eds), Research in Personnel and Human Resources Management, Greenwich, CT: JAI Press. Kamoche, K. (1997), “Managing Human Resources in Africa: Strategic, Organizational and Epistemological Issues”, International Business Review, Vol. 6, pp. 537–58. Kamoche, K. (2000a), Sociological Paradigms and Human Resources: An African Context, Aldershot: Ashgate. Kamoche, K. (2000b), “From Boom to Bust: The Challenge of Managing People in Thailand”, International Journal of Human Resource Management, Vol. 11, pp. 452–68. Kiggundu, M.N. (1989), Managing Organisations in Developing Countries, West Hartford, CT: Kumarian Press. LaFromboise, T., Coleman, H.L.K. and Gerton, J. (1993), “Psychological Impact of Biculturalism: Evidence and Theory”, Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 114, No. 3, pp. 395–412. Lessem, R. (1996), From Hunter to Rainmaker, the African Business Sphere, Randburg: Knowledge Resources.

34 Diversity in Africa Levenson, H. (1981), “Differentiating among Internality, Powerful Others, and Chance”, in H.M. Lefcourt (ed.), Research with the Locus of Control Construct, Vol. 1, New York: Academic Press, pp. 15–63. Maruyama, M. (1984), “Alternative Concepts of Management: Insights from Asia and Africa”, Asia Pacific Journal of Management, January, pp. 100–111. Mbeki, T., Diallo, G., Nehusi, K., Muchie, M., Friedman, S. and Lewis, R. (2004), African Renaissance 2nd Issue: Who is an African, London: Adonis & Abbey. Mbigi, L. (1997), Ubuntu: The African Dream in Management, Randburg: Knowledge Resources. McGregor, D. (1960), The Human Side of Enterprise, New York: McGraw-Hill. Morrison, E.W. (1993), “Longitudinal Study of the Effects of Information Seeking on Newcomer Socialization”, Journal of Applied Psychology, Vol. 78, No. 2, pp. 173–83. Nzelibe, C.O. (1986), “The Evolution of African Management Thought”, International Studies of Management and Organization, Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 6–16. Onyemelukwe, C.C. (1973), Men and Management in Contemporary Africa, London: Longman. Quay, J. (1991), “Center for the Common Good: A Concept Paper”, Vesper International Forum, San Leandro, CA: Vesper Society Group. Ralston, D.A., Gustafson, D.J., Cheung, F.M. and Terpstra, R.H. (1993), “Differences in Managerial Values: A Study of US, Hong Kong and PRC Managers”, Journal of International Business Studies, Vol. 24, No. 2, pp. 249–75. Ralston, D.A., Holt, D.H., Terpstra, R.H. and Kai-Cheng, Y. (1997), “The Impact of National Culture and Economic Ideology on Managerial Work Values: A Study of the US, Russia, Japan, and China”, Journal of International Business Studies, Vol. 28, No. 1, pp. 177–207. Rotter, J.B. (1966), “Generalized Expectancies for Internal versus External Control of Reinforcement”, Psychological Monographs: General and Applied, Vol. 80, No. 1, p. 609. Rotter, J.B., Seeman, M. and Liverant, S. (1962), “Internal versus External Control of Reinforcements: A Major Variable in Behaviour Theory”, in N.F. Washburne (ed.), Decisions, Values and Groups: Proceedings of a Conference held at the University of New Mexico, New York: Pergamon, pp. 473–516. Seddon, J.W. (1985), “The Development and Indigenization of Third World Business: African Perspectives in the Workplace”, in V. Hammond (ed.), Current Research in Management, London: Pinter. Shapiro, D.H., Schwartz, C.E. and Astin, J.A. (1996), “Controlling Ourselves, Controlling our World: Psychology’s Role in Understanding Positive and Negative Consequences of Seeking and Gaining Control”, American Psychologist, Vol. 51, pp. 1213–30. Stremlau, J. (1999), “African Renaissance and International Relations”, South African Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 6, No. 2, p. 64. Valentine, C.A. (1971), “Deficit, Difference, and Bicultural Models of Afro-American Behavior”, Harvard Educational Review, Vol. 41, No. 2, pp. 137–57. Ward, S., Pearson, C., Entrekin, L. and Winzar, H. (1999), “The Fit between Cultural Values and Countries: Is there Evidence of Globalization, Nationalism, or Crossvergence?”, International Journal of Management, Vol. 16, No. 4, pp. 466–73. Weber, L.J. (1993), “Ethics and the Praise of Diversity”, Business Ethics Quarterly, Vol. 3, Issue 1, pp. 87–96. Wong, P.T.P. and Sproule, C.E. (1984), “An Attributional Analysis of the Locus of Control Construct and the Trent Attribution Profile”, in H.M. Lefcourt (ed.), Research with the Locus of Control Construct, Vol. 3, New York: Academic Press, pp. 309–60. Yang, B., Watkins, K.E. and Marsick, V.J. (2004), “The Construct of the Learning Organization: Dimensions, Measurement, and Validation”, Human Resource Development Quarterly, Vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 31–55.

3 Understanding Culture-based Diversity Through the Development of a Skills-based Model of Leadership Linda van der Colff

Bridging the two This chapter aims to explore the way in which traditional “African management values” (Ubuntu) should be integrated into the organisation. This should be done in such a way as to provide opportunity for leadership to dismantle the past organisational culture, promote the development of a new, more inclusive culture, and in the final instance, create a set of leadership skills and competencies that enable globalisation processes. Part of the discussion focuses on the historical development of leadership as a concept, dealing with the distinct difficulties faced by South African managers and leaders alike, due to the complexity of a multicultural environment. It provides clarity on, and an explanation for the way in which “Western” notions of leadership are found within “African management”, and how the two styles can interact to bring effectiveness and efficiency to the organisation. The chapter’s aim is also to show the significance of these values in traditional Western concepts of leadership, including how Ubuntu can be used in the “real world” of management. While organisations, generally, readily accept and even embrace technological advancement, there seems to be less of a tendency to be innovative and accepting when it comes to changing the paradigm in people management. Particularly in South Africa, where leaders are being entrusted with leading their operations into the twenty-first century, into an era where the lack of global competitiveness and discriminatory employment practices is still impacting on corporate productivity. In this era, the competitive advantage of firms is increasingly dependent on how the workforce is being managed. According to writers such as Fiona Plani, it is understandable that it is easier for leaders to deal with more tangible realities that have a direct causal relationship to the balance sheet. It has become imperative for all involved to effectively deal with indirect influences on bottom-line that is reflected in the dynamics of managing people. Hendrikz (in Bezuidenhoudt, 1997) argues that the South African environment could be considered to represent a more challenging and demanding 35

36 Diversity in Africa

role for managers than anywhere else in the world. The pace of change within the economy as a whole is asking managers and leaders alike to become more flexible and progressive in their management style, including developing entrepreneurial and innovation skills. Especially in the South African environment, it is important for leaders to realise the incredible potential in valuing the diverse perspectives and talent of each person. The leader of the future has to learn to assist people of divergent values, beliefs and backgrounds and to weave all employees’ efforts into ultimately benefiting each individual and the organisation as a whole.

Leadership in renewed environments To ensure global competitiveness, individual companies need to assess the leadership style necessary for such a task. Each and every company needs to do a critical evaluation with respect to the leadership values already instilled in the company, and its appropriateness (Van der Colff, 2003). This process should include an analysis of those values that still need to be instilled to take the company forward as a global player. What needs to be ascertained is the impact that issues such as diversity and organisational culture bring to bear on leadership style. In the past 75 years, empirical investigations of leadership have been conducted without establishing an unequivocal statement of what distinguishes leaders from non-leaders, or, as Bennis and Nanus (1985) state, “effective” leaders in organisations from “ineffective” leaders in organisations. In the current environment in which organisations exist, characterised by turbulence and change, the increasing complexity of problems and growing external and internal competition, new models of leadership are emerging which are less concerned with understanding how to manage order and predictability, and more concerned with predicting who can best ensure survival in a constantly changing environment. This is the key thinking of writers such as AlimoMetcalfe (1996) and April, Macdonald and Vriesendorp (2000). According to Hermann, in an article by Katz (1990), the future is one of diversity with the evolution of management moving into the phase of the leader. A skills-based model of leadership must be developed for each organisation, defining the diverse skills and competencies necessary for leaders to manage future change in an innovative and entrepreneurial way. For managers facing the challenges of world-class competition, it is imperative to develop strong bonds of collective unity within the organisation’s culture. It is also important for organisations to leverage diversity as a competitive business strategy, rooting it in the company’s culture to engender inclusivity. In the skills-based leadership model proposed in Table 3.1, each competency has a certain number of skills attached to it. The organisation should consider each of these competencies as a positive investment in creating leaders for the future. In general, leaders in organisations must balance their focus on task

Understanding Culture-based Diversity 37 Table 3.1:

Skills-based model of leadership

Competency

Skills/characteristics measured as important

Vision

• • • • • •

Empowers and enables others to act

• Enables others to act through participation • Enables others to act through the leader’s personal role

Personal value commitment of leaders

• Modelling the way by personal convictions such as: 䊊 the leader’s personal commitment to the values of the organisation 䊊 enabling others to see, believe and understand the vision 䊊 be motivated, empowered and committed as a leader • Modelling the way by personal skills such as: 䊊 ability to set milestones and clear goals 䊊 ability to break projects into achievable chunks 䊊 assuring that organisational values are adhered to

Challenging the process through individual development

• • • •

Teamwork and team development

• Celebrates milestones with employees • Recognition of others’ achievements and giving praise for a job well done • Ensure staff works well as a team, and have the necessary resources to achieve goals

Participative decisionmaking

• Greater knowledge and expertise is brought to bear, employees can generate a wider range of values and perspectives, potential obstacles can be identified and solved, involving employees enhances skills

People development and empowerment

• Leaders must value individual differences • Leaders must give personal attention to all employees and build relationships

Change and innovation

• Encourages staff to use their imagination and to rethink their old ways of doing things • Encourages “possibility thinking” by building an attitude of challenge, encouraging people to see change as full of possibilities

Managing of diversity

• Leadership legitimacy, communal enterprise and value sharing are measured through issues of respect and dignity, interconnectedness, continuous integrated development, collectivism and solidarity

Organisational culture

• Defining and managing organisational culture

Source: Author.

Describes a future to be created and sets expectations Shares dreams Forecasts the future and enlists a common vision Connects the aspirations of others, finding common goals Is a visionary and is able to see the bigger picture Encourages others to make a commitment to organisational achievement

Entrepreneurship Innovation Personal self-development Employee development and innovation

38 Diversity in Africa

accomplishment with a focus on concern for people. In this model, leadership is not framed in terms of specific behavioural patterns, but rather in terms of certain skills and competencies that make effective leadership possible (Van der Colff, 2002a).

Organisational culture redressed It is very important to note that the creation of a new “South African business culture” cannot be dealt with in a prescriptive way. Every organisation should develop a personalised approach in adopting and recreating the business principles and organisational culture that would be enabling to that specific organisation. There is no one culture that can be prescribed for achieving individual and organisational goals – every organisation will have to find its own optimal culture. The culture of an organisation can be viewed as the soul of the organisation. It provides meaning and direction not only for the organisation itself, but also for the individuals that make up that organisation. Unless the dominant culture fits the strategic approach, the organisation will struggle to achieve and maintain its overall goals and direction. Not only should one assess the complexity of the impact of culture, but also focus on how cultural diversity is woven into a company’s functioning. On the one hand, organisational culture ensures the beliefs, values and norms. On the other hand, it also provides the spirit of the organisation. One of the most important functions of a leader is to shape an organisation’s culture by inculcating specific values and beliefs. In the South African environment, there has been a dramatic increase in the frequency with which managers from one culture are called upon to lead work groups and teams composed of members from other cultures. What needs to be developed, by the new generation of leaders, is an organisational culture that helps employees generate a sense of meaning in their work and a desire to challenge all to utilise diversity and difference as competitive advantage, rather than a stumbling block to be overcome. The primary role of a leader is to create the vision for an organisation, and shape and mould the culture that must support the achievement of that vision. To truly understand the impact of ethnicity and culture on the functioning of organisations in the South African environment, it is necessary to understand the characteristics important in defining culture in South Africa. Writers such as Porter and Samovar (in Rensburg, 1996) define the following:

Culture is not innate: it is learned From early in childhood, people belonging to a specific culture learn how to behave and what to think in any given situation. These perceptions and behaviours are learnt, both consciously and unconsciously and form the foundations for cultural competence. Within the workplace, these beliefs

Understanding Culture-based Diversity 39

rule behaviour and if employees are culturally predisposed to only understanding their own cultural values, conflict will develop. It will be impossible for leaders to lead diverse teams should they not be aware of certain culturally specific norms and values.

Culture is transmissible from person to person and generation to generation Culture is transferred through certain symbols. It is through these symbols that one understands and interprets culture. Culture makes use of both verbal and non-verbal communication to pass on symbolic meaning. The use of these symbols is seen as central since it enables a culture to transmit meaning in an interpersonal way. The problem with intercultural communication is that, in most instances, people are unsure as to the meaning of these symbols. This can lead to misunderstandings that can cause conflict. In many ways, South Africa can be seen as one of the most culturally diverse “melting pots” in which to work.

Culture is dynamic and changes over time It is important not to see culture as being static or unchanging. Even the meaning of certain symbols changes over time, and from generation to generation. Many cultures adopt ideas from others by means of diffusion. As cultures meet, they also assimilate aspects of different cultures. In this way, there is no stereotype of what each individual within a specific culture should “act and look” like. Broad-based education can be seen as one of the fundamental keys to unlocking a basis for understanding and culturally specific knowledge, skills and competencies.

Facets of culture are interrelated Culture is a complex whole in that as soon as one issue is addressed within culture, other areas are affected. Leaders should therefore have a multifaceted understanding of culture to ensure that they are able to develop as broad an organisational culture as possible.

Culture specific information Further to the understanding of organisational culture in South Africa, is the identification of culture-specific knowledge that will impact on the way in which organisations are able to deal with the complexity of culture. Culturespecific information includes: (1) Kinship terminology: In Xhosa, first cousins are called brother and sister and paternal uncles and aunts are called “small mother” and “small father”. (2) Colour terminology: In spoken discourse in Xhosa, only one word exists to describe the colours green and blue, namely uluhlaza. As African

40 Diversity in Africa

(3)

(4)

(5)

(6)

(7) (8)

languages are context languages, meaning is derived from description. We will therefore hear a description of something being blue like the sky or green like the grass. This will impact on the directness or indirectness of general speech. Notions of taboo: In certain cultures, it is inappropriate to say that someone has died, it is better to say someone has passed on. Certain topics or subject areas are also seen as inappropriate to talk about. Sensitivity to this needs to exist in how issues are dealt with in the work situation. Xhosa speakers, motivated by considerations of diplomacy, put requests subtly and indirectly. English speakers may become impatient and intolerant because discourse rules within English culture require one to be to the point. Greeting: In certain cultures it is not sufficient simply to bid someone the time of day. We are expected to inquire about the person’s health, wellbeing of their family, etc. Embarrassment caused through loss of face can differ from culture to culture. Subsequently some people will refrain from querying issues with which they are not familiar. Certain European cultures have been brought up with the active quest for knowledge predominating. Audible levels of language may differ from culture to culture. Some cultures may deduce that you are gossiping when speaking very softly. Worldview: The importance attached by certain cultures to, for example, status being ascribed rather than achieved will impact on the way in which they see the world.

Although this culture-specific knowledge is not inclusive of all the similarities and differences between cultures, it will impact on the way in which business is done. This underscores the importance for managers and leaders alike to become aware of cultural differences that may impact on the achievement of organisational, and individual, goals in an organisational context. It is imperative that future leaders study these characteristics to ensure the development of an organisational culture that is able to effectively deal with diversity. However, cultural knowledge is not enough. Knowledge should be combined with awareness. Through self-awareness, leaders and employees alike must become aware of how all of our lives are shaped by culture. Once we become aware of our own biases, it will be easy to develop an attitude of respect and sensitivity as well as understanding of the fact that stereotypes affect the way in which we interact with culturally different people. People should become comfortable with differences. Leaders should recognise that there are differences and try and incorporate all values. Beyond selfawareness and knowledge, leaders should also have a clear understanding of the emotional challenges faced by all in the process of discovering appropriate culturally sensitive behaviour.

Understanding Culture-based Diversity 41

Breaking the corporate mould: competitive advantage To ensure the development of a truly inclusive corporate culture in the diverse environment that is South Africa, diversity should be seen as a great opportunity to be encouraged and nurtured. It should be utilised in such a way as to increase the organisation’s problem-solving and decision-making ability using the strength of having a diverse workforce. In general, any organisation’s competitive differentiation will rest on whether a comprehensive diversity strategy is implemented and related to all organisational efforts. Although none of us try and deny the influence that culture and diversity plays in the way in which we interact in society (the concept of the rainbow nation) or the way in which we do business every day (where we look at concepts such as Ubuntu), some of us might still not understand the significant role that the management of diversity must play in the company’s bottom-line.

Managing cultural diversity: task-related leadership The interface between African and Western leadership principles According to the African tree concept (see Figure 3.1) developed by Delani Mthembu (in Lessem and Nussbaum, 1996), the main stem that underpins all the most important values of African history can be traced through Ubuntu. Ubuntu can be seen as the key to all African values and involves collective personhood and collective morality. Therefore, values around harmony are

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Figure 3.1: The African tree concept Source: Delani Mthembu in Lessem and Nussbaum, 1996.

Communal enterprise

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42 Diversity in Africa

deeply embedded in African communities. The branches to the tree are formed by leadership legitimacy, communal enterprise and value sharing. The concept of the African tree is used to explain African management, empowerment and transformation. Should one try and assess whether a link exists between the skills-based model of leadership (Western dominant notion) and the African tree, an important question arises: Is Ubuntu not a concept that flows out of the values of leadership legitimacy, communal enterprise and value sharing, rather than the other way round? In this way, an inversion of the African tree would ensure that Ubuntu flows out of these values. The values therefore become the roots out of which a collective personhood and collective morality can flow. Further to this, it becomes clear that these values should not only be seen as African values, but human values important in establishing both an enabling organisational culture and a set of skills and competencies valued in all the organisation’s leaders. A comparison of the two theoretical constructs is summarised in Table 3.2.

Leadership legitimacy Traditionally, African leadership is built on participation, responsibility and spiritual authority. According to Lessem (Lessem and Nussbaum, 1996), African leadership requires the elements of transparency, accountability and legitimacy. It therefore becomes imperative for the enterprising business community in South Africa to stop imposing a foreign organisational culture on people and to create an inclusive culture, enabling everyone to be nurtured in a cohesive, yet diverse unit. One of the most important values in a Western leadership paradigm is that leaders should model the way for employees by personal value commitment. The only way in which leaders can be legitimate is to be role models for their followers through their actions, showing personal commitment to the values and goals established in the organisation. Successful leaders, therefore, have the ability or capacity to relate a compelling image of the organisation’s vision through enthusiasm and personal buy-in. Leaders should be trustworthy themselves before expecting the same from employees. Furthermore, leaders should model the way for their employees by their own personal value commitment, both taking their personal convictions and personal skills into consideration. Not only is it imperative for leaders to be productive in their own right, but also the leader must create an environment for all employees that is enabling. The role of the leader in modelling the way includes the ability to foster a productive work environment. This is done through the leader’s personal convictions and personal skills. Therefore, it is important for leaders to be flexible and adaptable to the needs of the employees in such a way that employees become more empowered. The leader should be helpful, fair and considerate and support employees in their legitimate requests and convey appreciation. Leaders must see their

Table 3.2:

A comparison between a skills-based model of leadership and the African tree concept

African Ubuntu value

Western leadership principles

Overarching values

Leadership legitimacy

Modelling the way by personal value commitment

• Modelling the way by personal convictions such as: (1) the leader’s personal commitment to the values of the organisation, (2) getting others to see, believe and understand the vision, (3) be motivated,empowered and committed as a leader • Modelling the way by personal skills such as: (1) able to set milestones and clear goals, (2) able to break projects into achievable chunks, (3) assuring that organisational values are adhered to. (4) entrepreneurship, innovation, personal self-development Employee development and innovation

Challenging the process through individual development Vision

Communal enterprise

Teamwork and team development

(1) Describes a future to be created and sets expectations (2) Shares dreams (3) Forecasts the future and enlist a common vision (4) Connects aspirations of others, finds common goals (5) Is a visionary and is able to see the bigger picture (6) Encourages others to make a commitment to organisational achievement (1) Celebrate milestones with employees (2) Recognition of others’ achievements and giving praise for a job well done (3) Staff must work well as a team and must have the necessary resources to achieve goals (Continued )

43

Continued

Value sharing:

44

Table 3.2:

Participative decision-making

African Ubuntu value Empower and enable others to act

(1) Greater knowledge and expertise brought to bear, employees Interconnectedness generate wider range of values and perspectives, potential obstacles identified and solved, involving employees that enhances skills Western leadership principles Overarching values (1) Enables others to act through participation and through the leader’s personal role

Value sharing: Continuous integrated development

People development and empowerment

(1) Leaders must value individual differences (2) Leaders must give personal attention to all employees and build relationships

Value sharing: Respect and dignity

Development of respect and dignity through organisational culture

(1) High performance organisations include following values: dignity, respect, integrity, care (2) Leaders spend time communicating the vision and directing employees to achieving goals (3) Corporate objectives translated down to functional and employee objectives (4) Employees are empowered through an acute awareness of the organisation’s vision and direction (5) Innovation and entrepreneurship is valued and encouraged (6) Organisation’s infrastructure is utilised to ensure a high level of cross-functional communication

Value sharing: Collectivism Change and innovation Managing and solidarity diversity

Source: Van der Colff (2002b).

(1) Encourage staff to use their imagination and to rethink their old ways of doing things (2) Encourage possibility thinking by building an attitude of challenge, encourage people to see change as full of possibilities

Understanding Culture-based Diversity 45

employees as resources that must be valued and developed, to build their opportunities and in this way build their own legitimacy. For any organisation to manage change proactively, it needs to create a culture of innovation and entrepreneurship. The factor that can be used as a guideline to develop leaders, that creates an enabling innovative culture, is as follows. Leaders must seek individual challenges and must be thirsty for self-knowledge. Any company needs leaders that ask the question: what can we learn? Leaders are the custodians and communicators of organisational vision. The vision should be identified, communicated and translated in such a way as having grown out of the needs of the entire organisation. Vision is seen as a key factor that increases the ability of leaders to lead employees. Not only should leaders incorporate the set vision of the organisation into the organisation’s culture, but also it should be reinforced by participative decision-making. In this way, the vision will grow out of the needs of the entire organisation. Only when the vision is truly inclusive will leaders achieve the commitment of all employees to organisational achievement, such as seen at Axiz in South Africa. Vision by itself is not enough. Two processes must effectively complement it. First, the leader must articulate the context of the vision and, second, the leader must communicate his/her motivation to lead (Lategan, 1999). The vision is expressed in such a way as to create a strong identification with future goals, and a compelling desire to be led in the direction of the goal despite possible hurdles. The leader should be able to create disenchantment with the status quo, and have a strong willingness to lead employees to the proposed future vision. Further, and most importantly, in articulating their motivation to lead, leaders demonstrate their own convictions and dedication to help materialise the vision they are advocating. By defining vision, leaders are involved in what is created as a picture of the future orientation of what the organisation wants to become. This also implies that the organisation makes a choice on its dominant values and value systems. An interesting example of how the leader’s vision of the organisation is translated to all employees through communal values can be found in the story of Madiba’s Clothing Factory. Madiba’s Clothing Factory has developed praise singing (an African tradition), focused on the company’s values. Board members, as part of the company’s induction process, tell their stories of how they came to join the company. In this way, business embraces humanity and values each person who has played a role in the organisation’s success by translating each leader’s vision to all employees through communal values.

Communal enterprise To enhance South Africa’s global competitive economic advantage, it is imperative that there is an acknowledgement and utilisation of the African value system alongside Western and Eastern practices. A practical way in which managers could implement this is through making use of work teams. The

46 Diversity in Africa

organisation must provide a style of leadership that would help the individual to see the connection between individual direction and organisational direction. Teams and autonomous workgroups can be used in the organisation to ensure collectivism and solidarity. This form of work method can be used on crucial business issues such as training, decision-making, production-related issues, as well as reward systems. Within the organisation, people from very diverse backgrounds are brought together to effectively manage and develop organisational solutions. The leader must be able to synergise individual effort to achieve organisational goals. This is achieved by balancing individual and group needs in order for a positive climate to prevail within the workforce that is motivated and productive. The leader must also be able to bring together the different knowledge, skills and abilities of people in continued team effort. In this way, teams will develop a sense of mutual accountability and common goals. The only way for this to happen is if leaders set clear responsibilities for each team member. Although members of a group may have certain goals in common, each individual is also unique. In managing diverse situations, leaders must be able to manage and understand both the commonalities and differences of group members and how these cause people to relate to each other in various ways. It is clear to see that the leader must play a role in teams on both an individual and collective basis. The only way in which it can be expected of groups to achieve their common objectives is through the leader ensuring a resource-rich environment. Not only is it the duty of the leader to give support to his/her team, but also the leader should passionately tell others about the team’s work. In this way, the final outcome will be enhanced. Therefore, the only way in which an organisation can renew itself is when it is possible for employees to work in cohesive and productive teams to aspire to a common set of objectives and organisational vision. An excellent example of the role of leaders in ensuring the development of productive teams can be seen in the story of Velaphi Ratshefola’s use of “Nurturing the cows that never die” at Nampak. Nampak has made use of the significance of owning cows in traditional African culture to develop productive teams. In African culture, it is a shame to allow a cow to die, because of the accompanying personal dignity, spiritual responsibility and symbolic significance. Nampak has engaged the commitment of their employees through teamwork in valuing themselves, the company, and the machinery with which they work.

Value sharing The values of interconnectedness, continuous integrated development, respect and dignity, collectivism and solidarity is seen as value sharing.

Continuous integrated development According to Delani Mthembu (in Lessem and Nussbaum, 1996), if organisations can be seen as communities, and not just as structures of power, it

Understanding Culture-based Diversity 47

would be possible for organisations to provide the fertile ground necessary for individual empowerment. Organisations should therefore make use of continuous integrated development. In the end, it is imperative that the organisation ensures a development process implemented for all staff whereby all competencies could be developed. To this end, developing employees will ensure the ability of all staff to integrate the skills necessary to become future leaders. All employees should be seen as important resources that must be developed, thereby building opportunities to ensure the full utilisation of the company’s most important resource, namely people. The only way in which leaders will be able to maximise commitment to organisational goals and strategy is through people development and empowerment. In this way, empowered employees can be mobilised towards the organisation’s vision. Empowering employees will give people the freedom to innovate and experiment with taking calculated risks. Coaching is important in certain circumstances as it would help employees identify their strengths and weaknesses, and tie these to personal career development. Through empowerment, leaders will be able to delegate to employees who will then take on autonomy and responsibility of their own world experience.

Respect and dignity In order to receive dignity, leaders firstly need to treat people with dignity. According to Kouzes and Posner (1987), the legitimacy of all leaders within an organisation will be dependent on whether leaders are able to encourage the heart by recognising employees’ contributions, as well as celebrating team accomplishments. Respect and dignity can only be created by leaders’ personal value commitment to the development of all employees. It is recommended that leaders ensure that corporate objectives are translated to functional objectives. As a result, the management of organisational culture should be seen by all leaders as essential in achieving corporate objectives. The only way in which employees can become empowered, is through the creation of an inclusive organisational culture that communicates the organisation’s vision and direction in appropriate language, content and terms. A good example of the development of an inclusive culture is the use of industrial theatre in “greeting people, greeting companies, sanibonani” at Brollo Africa. The greeting Sanibonani in Zulu literally means, “we see you”. Therefore, when meeting someone, Zulus start by affirming that person’s humanity. Brollo Africa made use of industrial theatre in the development of an inclusive culture. In this way, employees could reflect collectively in an effort to identify new company values. Stories of the company were told through plays, which was more impactful on employees as they were actively involved.

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Interconnectedness A key characteristic of African culture is the belief that all things and people are interconnected and bound together. In the business environment, it is important to accept the relevance of group solidarity and interconnectedness. By building a sense of interconnectedness through sharing of the company’s values, vision and overall goals, a sense of interconnectedness will flow from this. Part of interconnectedness can be seen in two Western leadership values, namely participative decision-making and empowerment. The more operational information is shared with employees through participative decision-making, the greater the ability of staff to make decisions that are in the best interest of both individuals and the organisation. Companies should invest in a participative decision-making style to ensure greater commitment from all employees. In this way, greater knowledge is brought to bear, as diverse employees bring with them a set of untapped skills. As development and empowerment of employees is such an important issue within all modern day organisations, participative decision-making can also be utilised to enhance the skills and abilities of all employees. When all employees are involved, a greater range of values is represented, thereby ensuring better and more innovative decisions. In the case of empowerment and enabling others to act, the leader plays two roles. The first role of the leader is empowering employees through participation in all processes. The second is the personal role of the leader in enabling others to act.

Enabling others to act through participation Part of enabling employees and colleagues to act is that leaders must value differences in such a way that the management of diversity is seen as an organisational imperative, that is a necessity in creating competitive advantage for the firm. In the end, leaders are only as powerful as the ideas that they can communicate. Therefore, it is imperative for leaders to translate the organisation’s vision of the future into employees’ action. In this way, the workforce will be enabled. To further empower employees, leaders must develop cooperative relationships with all staff and always democratically involve others in planning. If employees feel that they own the projects they work on, they will feel empowered.

Enabling others to act through the leader’s personal role To be enabling as a leader, he/she must ensure respect for all differences and create opportunities for all involved. Part of this is the imperative to allow others to make decisions. To value differences also includes creating an atmosphere of trust that would enable the development of cooperative relationships, that could lead to the fulfilment of collaborative goals. The leader must give

Understanding Culture-based Diversity 49

personal attention to developing overall direction for staff, create a strong identification with future goals and have the capacity to relate a compelling image of the future vision. Leaders can enable others to act only through communication. Issues with regards to the mastery of communication need to be addressed carefully, since leaders convey and shape meaning through communication. In the case of diverse organisational situations, the rules of intercultural communication come into play as well. In these situations, the creation of meaning would have certain cultural variables that play an important role in the way in which leaders shape and convey meaning.

Defining a new set of business principles for a multicultural environment In applying the concepts discussed above, it becomes clear that to do business in a multicultural environment, a new set of business principles must guide managers and leaders alike, namely: Principle 1: Mbigi (1995), one of the earliest proponents of Ubuntu as an integrated Western–African philosophy states that the challenge for management is to “synthesise different cultural, racial, social, political and cultural values” and to “end conventional management theories and practices” that are only based on a rationalist approach. According to him, these theories are limited in their usefulness in trying to manage in the South African environment. What should be developed is an integrated approach to managing culture and diversity in such a way as to enrich leaders’ skills. Principle 2: An individual brings to the organisation, and any other interaction for that matter, multifaceted dimensions of culture and personhood (individual differences). Although culture should be seen as part of the individual’s identity, it should not be viewed as the only determining factor. According to Thomas (1996), the only way in which it would be possible for us to succeed in the South African multicultural environment is through developing “intercultural competence”. Principle 3: The only way to integrate a truly multicultural approach in South Africa is to see diversity as an opportunity for a new style of leader to dismantle the past, exclusive, unproductive organisational culture and completely revise and redesign a more appropriate, functional and inclusive organisational culture. Principle 4: The bottom-line is: diversity should be about bottom-line. Again, in this respect, Thomas (1996) is clear about the reasons that exist within an organisation to embark on a diversity management process. First, such an approach would lead to an organisation tapping into a range of skills previously underutilised. Second, an outcome for the organisation would be the ability to enhance creativity and problem-solving. Third, managing diversity could promote greater productivity in the organisation as a result of

50 Diversity in Africa

employee job satisfaction. It would also be possible to deal with diverse customers in a more effective way. Last, the ability for any organisation to utilise the company’s resources to a maximum would inherently improve relations and communication between labour and management.

Conclusion To conclude, certain, if not all of the defined African values of management and leadership are general leadership values that should be espoused in all excellent leaders. All parties should draw on some African values and contextualise them within the corporate world to create not only a value-centred and inclusive culture, but to develop a network of skills and competencies appropriate for leadership in the next millennium.

References April, K., Macdonald, R. and Vriesendorp, S. (2000). Rethinking leadership, Kenwyn, Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press. Bennis, W. and Nanus, B. (1985), Leaders: The strategies for taking charge, New York: Harper & Row. Bezuidenhoudt, P. (1997), The role of MBA programmes within management education, unpublished MBA dissertation, Johannesburg: Wits Business School. Katz, M. (1990), “Leaders are made not born”, IPM Journal, April, pp. 1–4. Kouzes, J.M. and Posner, B.Z. (1987), The Leadership Challenge, San Francisco: JosseyBass. Lategan, B. (1999), “Diversity threat or asset?”, Management Today, July, pp. 8–13. Lessem, R. and Nussbaum, B. (1996), Sawubona Africa: Embracing four worlds in South African management, Johannesburg: Zebra Press. Mbigi, L. (1995), Ubuntu: The Spirit of African Transformation Management, Randburg: Knowledge Resources. Rensburg, R. (ed.) (1996), Introduction to Communication, Johannesburg: Juta. Thomas, A. (1996), Beyond Affirmative Action: Managing Diversity for Competitive Advantage in South Africa, Randburg: Knowledge Resources. Van der Colff, L. (2002a), “Leadership lessons from the African tree: Multicultural Business Issues and Practices”, International Academy of African Business and Development, South Africa, 3–6 April. Van der Colff, L. (2002b), “Ubuntu, isivivane and uhluhlasa: The meaning of leadership and management in South Africa”, Developing philosophy of management, St Anne’s College, Oxford, 26–29 June. Van der Colff, L. (2003), “Present and future leadership styles for South Africa”, HR Future, July.

4 Managing Cultural Diversity: A South African Perspective Lize Booysen

Introduction One of the main challenges for “world-class” firms in the early twenty-first century is managing diversity effectively. If diversity is effectively managed it can propel the organisation into a successful and competitive future, but if not, the growth and competitive advantage of the organisation can be severely hampered (Banutu-Gomez, 2002; Barkema et al., 2002; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2002; Human, 2005). South Africa is experiencing the influences of both globalisation and internationalisation, as well as numerous challenges presented by cultural diversity, including language, religion, race and gender issues. Now, more than ever before, with the implementation of affirmative action and equal opportunity programmes, changes are occurring in the workplace and in peoples’ values and norms that impact on the level and style of management. The result of these changes has been not only far more culturally diverse management teams, but also a far more culturally diverse workforce (Khoza, 1994; Manning, 1997; Mbigi, 1997; Jacobson, 1999; Klein, 1999; Van der Westhuizen, 1999; Bennet, 2001; Elliot, 2001; Shapiro, 2001). Because of this culturally diverse management corps, diverse management styles and behaviours are emerging. These diverse styles and behaviours can be complementary if they culminate in cultural pluralism, but if they are not properly understood and readily accepted, the diverse styles may cause interpersonal conflict and organisational ineffectiveness. Also, in order to manage the diverse workforce effectively, managers need to understand cultural diversity and need to tailor make their management behaviour to suit the different contexts and people they are managing (Khoza, 1994; Avolio, 1995; Madi, 1995; Human, 1996a; Manning, 1997; Mbigi, 2000; Thomas and Bendixen, 2000; Ocholla, 2002; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2002; Booysen, 2005).

Cultural diversity Rooseveldt (1995), Allard (2002), Plummer, (2003), and Harvey and Allard (2005) state that in America, for the past few years, much debate has taken 51

52 Diversity in Africa

place around the topics of diversity and related subjects such as affirmative action, understanding and valuing both differences and diversity, and pluralism, multiculturalism and inclusion. He argues that all of the aforementioned subjects are often considered under the umbrella of diversity, and unfortunately, for several reasons, the ongoing discussions have positioned diversity as akin to affirmative action and have therefore caused a substantial amount of confusion. A very similar process and resultant confusion is also occurring in South Africa (Van der Wal and Ramotsehoa, 2001; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2002). Therefore the concept of diversity must first be clarified before an operationalised use of the concept for this chapter can be discussed. According to Loden and Rosener in Allard (2002: 4), diversity is the vast array of physical and cultural differences that constitute the spectrum of human diversity. Rooseveldt (1995: 246) states: “Diversity refers to any mixture of items characterised by differences and similarities.” It is important to note from these definitions, that diversity is not synonymous with differences but encompasses both differences and similarities simultaneously. O’Mara (1994: 115) defines diversity as “race, gender, age, language, physical characteristics, disability, sexual orientation, economic status, parental status, education, geographic origin, profession, lifestyle, religion, position in the company hierarchy, and any other difference.” Chemers and Murphy (1995) also define diversity in terms of the above demographics and characteristics, but contextualise diversity within in- and out-groups, in as much as diversity also refers to the aspects that make people different from those that traditionally held positions and roles in which the “diverse types” find themselves at present. In order to de-emphasise in- and out-group dynamics, diversity must thus also be seen to refer to a collective (all-inclusive) mixture of differences and similarities for a given dimension. When dealing with diversity, the focus must not be on the single categories, or the minority groups, but on the collective mixture; for example, when referring to racial diversity, all races must be included, when referring to gender diversity, both genders need to be included, and when referring to diversity in age, all age groups need to be considered. In other words, diversity pertains to the all-inclusive mixture and not the different categories in isolation.

Different levels of analysis of cultural diversity Diversity in the workplace can be examined from two levels of analysis; first, international or cross-national diversity, which link with the level of globalisation or frequency of different national cultures in the workforce, and second, intra-national diversity, which refers to diversity within people of one country or subcultural differences (ethnicity) within one national culture. Intra-national diversity is synonymous with the term workforce diversity (Allard, 2002). In South African organisations, there are, apart from the two apparently dominant cultures (Black and White), also Asians and Coloureds. In addition, other smaller cultural subgroupings are sufficiently significant to be noted,

Managing Cultural Diversity 53

such as English, Afrikaans, Portuguese, German, Jewish, Greek and others in the White group, and among Blacks and Asians, the different ethnic groupings. This complicated culturally diverse context is further overlaid by differences in gender, religion, language, politics and sexual orientation, among others, all of which naturally influence cultural expression (Muendane, 1995; Booysen and Beaty, 1997; Mabaso, 1998; Prime, 1999; Mbigi, 2000; Bhorat, 2001; Booysen, 1999; Booysen, 2001; Ocholla, 2002; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2002; Booysen, 2005; Human, 2005). Thomas and Bendixen (2000: 507) state quite categorically that it is rather inappropriate to talk about a uniform national culture in the South African context, but that the concept of ethnicity is more relevant. They continue by saying that “the cultural diversity that characterises the South African population begs the consideration of the management implications of ethnicity in an emerging democracy that is striving to be globally competitive”. The focus of this chapter will thus be on managing intra-national or workforce diversity in South African organisations.

Why is the effective management of cultural diversity necessary? Human (1991; 1996a; 1996b; 2005), Kemp (1994), Grobler (1996), Prime (1999), Mbigi (2000), Thomas and Bendixen (2000) and Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty (2002) point out that if a workforce is diverse, cultural diversity needs to be managed specifically in order for organisations to function optimally. De Lavallade in O’Mara (1994: 226), argues that anthropologists and social scientists once predicted that people of all races would become assimilated (taking on the traits of another culture, leaving the culture of origin behind) and acculturated (taking on one or more cultural traits of another group, resulting in new or blended cultures) to such an extent that people would symbolise a melting pot. She continues: “The melting pot theory is losing ground. The new terminology refers to the mix of people in the workplace as a salad bowl. Emphasis for now and in the future is being on valuing the distinctive differences of people.” Multiculturalism (valuing the differences of others and creating an environment that does not require assimilation) is thus valued and emphasised above assimilation or acculturation. What does this mean for organisations and their employment relations (ER) management policies? Tayeb (1996: 179) states that although the challenge posed by the diversity of the workforce has excited many researchers, it has met with mixed reactions from practitioners. He continues: “Some firms simply ignore it. They treat their culturally diverse workforce as if it were a homogeneous one. No doubt mistakes and misunderstandings are bound to happen in such firms.” Other firms take cognisance of diversity, but pay only lip service to effectively managing the cultural diversity. Tayeb (1996) and Hoecklin (1996) argue that those firms which do deal effectively with diversity seems to move away from treating diversity as a morality issue and practice assimilation, to multiculturalism (which values

54 Diversity in Africa

differences) and treat diversity as a business issue. Hoecklin (1996: 4) specifically states that as superficial behaviour converges, cultural differences are accentuated. She continues: “Far from internationalisation leading to cultures becoming more similar, much of the research into culture (and, indeed, the wave of nationalistic sentiments that have vividly and violently emerged in the past few years) reveal that, as some of the superficial aspects of consumer behaviour converge, the more people tend more vigorously to cling to their own culture.” This is of specific interest to the South African workforce where companies, because of the history of the country, tend to shy away from emphasising cultural differences and tend to focus on assimilation and similarities. The first step in managing cultural diversity is exactly this: to recognise, but also to value, diversity. Only then can we learn how to deal with these differences and build on the similarities and utilise the sameness. Tayeb (1996: 180) quotes a Dutch manager who expresses this point well: “Sometimes when I hear my company talk about harmonisation, I think they want us all to play the same note. Well I am a musician, and let me tell you harmony doesn’t mean that; it means that we all play different notes, but together we sound beautiful.” Naturally, these notes could be valuable assets and strengths in a diverse workforce, and could lead to higher levels of competitive advantage. However, if not correctly managed, such differences could become primary sources of misunderstanding between managers and employees, as well as among managers and among employees. This may surface in the form of conflict, condescension, superiority, disrespect and inflexibility. Individuals in culturally diverse groups need thus to: • first, understand that there are cultural differences which might cause misunderstanding and conflict in the workplace; • second, know what the specific differences are, and understand one’s own and each others’ subcultures’ strengths, preferences, biases, prejudices and stereotypes, in order to accommodate and respect such differences; and • third, and most importantly, become aware of the large degree of similarity between the groups. Knowledge of these similarities can be used to support one another and to work together effectively with their differences, towards integration. Allard (2002) discusses the policy evolution of diversity management in America, which is depicted in Figure 4.1. From Figure 4.1 it seems that the last 30 years have seen an evolution in the way organisations have managed diversity from the melting-pot idea (that everyone can become similar and automatically assimilate and become part of the dominant homogeneous group) to the acknowledgement of differences in the early 1970s and the late 1980s, with the institution of affirmative action and equal opportunity programmes, and the emphasis on differentiation. At present, focus is on multiculturalism,

Managing Cultural Diversity 55

Assimilation

Differentiation

Integration

Treat everyone the same

Capitalise on differences

Appreciate differences and respect uniqueness

Figure 4.1: Diversity management policy evolution Source: Allard (2002: 7).

which appreciates diversity while respecting the uniqueness of the individual, and is premised on integration. Allard (2002) argues that, in essence, policy modelling began at one extreme (assimilation into the dominant workforce), swung to the opposite extreme (differentiation based on diversity), and came back to a more central position of integration, incorporating elements of both extremes. He also adds a cautionary note that, as in most other instances, diversity theory is way ahead of practice; few organisations have comprehensive diversity policies, and most initiatives seem to be limited to relatively simple hiring quotas or superficial training on peripheral diversity issues like sexual harassment. This is also the case in South Africa. Van der Wal and Ramotsehoa (2001), Ocholla (2002) and Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty (2002) point out that even though best practice diversity management is practised by some companies, most South African organisations are still very much stuck in the assimilation or differentiation modes. Hubbard (2003) shows that workforce diversity and its mixtures can be organised into four interdependent and sometimes overlapping aspects and needs to be managed as such, as indicated in Figure 4.2.

Diversity as a competitive advantage From a holistic thinking and hence strategic management approach, it is well accepted today that the employment-relations subsystem is the key to competitiveness. Apart from the numerous day-to-day decisions regarding the people or the ER subsystem of the organisation, certain longer-term strategic decisions are also necessary. Since differences, diversity and conflict are inherent ingredients of ER dynamics, diversity management is one such longerterm strategic area that should form an integral part of a “world-class” business model (Slabbert and Swanepoel, 2002; Kossek, Markel and McHugh, 2003; McCuiston, Wooldridge and Pierce, 2004). Apart from complying with political policies, legislation and corporate social responsibility (CSR) goals of organisations, there are a number of other areas that benefit from the effective management of diversity. Cox and Blake (2002) state that although the potential advantages of valuing diversity are advocated by numerous leading consultants, academics and business leaders, the logic of valuing diversity is rarely made explicit. In their review article Cox and

56 Diversity in Africa

DIVERSITY IN ORGANIZATIONS

STRUCTURAL DIVERSITY • Segmentation • Expansion • Diversification • Products & Services • Global/National Etc.

WORKFORCE DIVERSITY • Gender • Race, Ethnicity • Sexual Orientation • Religion • Age & Language Etc. BEHAVIOURAL DIVERSITY • Work Styles • Cognitive, Communication & Interpersonal Styles • Attitudes & Beliefs Etc. BUSINESS DIVERSITY • Functions & Divisions • Hierarchies • Holding Companies & Subsidiaries • JV’s & M & A’s Etc.

Figure 4.2: Workforce diversity mix (Adapted from Hubbard, 2003: 271–305).

Blake link supporting data with the effective management of diversity and organisational effectiveness. In Table 4.1 a summary is given of the different arguments discussed by Cox and Blake (2002) that postulate that effective management of cultural diversity can provide competitive advantage. Cox and Blake (2002) refer to the cost and resource acquisition arguments in Table 4.1 as the “inevitability of diversity” issues. Competitiveness is affected by the need to hire more women, minorities and foreign nationals, because of the national and cross-national workforce demographic trends. The last four arguments (the marketing, creativity, problem-solving and system flexibility arguments) are derived from what Cox and Blake call the “value in diversity hypothesis” – that diversity brings net-added value to organisation processes. Cox and Blake conclude their article by stating that an organisation’s ability to attract, retain and motivate people from diverse cultural backgrounds may lead to competitive advantages in cost structures and through maintaining the highest quality human resources. They also assert that further capitalising on the potential benefits of cultural diversity in workgroups, organisations may gain a competitive advantage in creativity, problem-solving and flexible adaptation to change. From the above it is clear that whatever the definition or the model of, or the argument for, diversity is, the understanding, valuing or managing of it

Managing Cultural Diversity 57 Table 4.1:

The competitive advantage of managing cultural diversity

Cost argument: As organisations become more diverse, the cost of a poor job in integrating workers will increase. Those who handle this well will thus create cost advantages over those who do not. Resource acquisition argument: Companies develop reputations as favourable prospective employers of women and ethnic minorities. Those with the best reputations for managing diversity will win the competition for the best personnel. As the labour pool shrinks and changes composition, this edge will become increasingly important. Marketing argument: For multinational organisations, the insight and cultural sensitivity that members with roots in other countries bring to the marketing effort should improve these efforts in important ways. The same rationale applies to marketing to sub-populations within domestic operations. Creativity argument: Diversity of perspectives and less emphasis on conformity to norms of the past (which characterise the modern approach to management of diversity) should improve the level of creativity. Problem-solving argument: Heterogeneity in decision-making and problem-solving groups potentially produces better decisions through a wider range of perspectives and more thorough critical analysis of issues. System flexibility argument: An implication of the multicultural model for managing diversity is that the system will become less determinant, less standardised, and therefore more fluid. The increased fluidity should create greater flexibility to react to environmental changes (that is, reactions should be faster and less costly).

requires some insight into its cultural underpinnings. Thus, in order to understand cultural diversity more fully, it is necessary to discuss the construct “culture” in more detail.

What is culture? In this section, different perspectives on culture and issues surrounding national culture, organisational culture and workforce diversity are discussed.

Maximalism (universalism) versus minimalism (particularism) Human (1996a) discusses one of the current debates pertaining to the definition and measurement of culture. The protagonists in this debate fall onto a continuum ranging from a maximalist (universalist) perspective (which tends to lead to determinism and stereotyping) at the one extreme, to a minimalist (particularist) view (which tends to lead to relativism and immobilisation) at the other extreme. Human (1996a: 19) summarises these views in the following way: “Put simply, the maximalist approach to culture argues, with varying degrees of certitude, that a person’s culture will tend to determine how that person interacts with others. At the other extreme, the minimalist approach takes an interactional

58 Diversity in Africa

approach to culture and argues that culture constitutes a subconscious part of a person’s identity as a communicator and is therefore constructed to a large extent by the perception of the other party in interaction.” One of the major problems with the maximalist view, according to Human (1996a), is its tendency to over-stress national or ethnic cultural identity at the expense of other social identities. Human (1996a: 24) suggests that “although this process of categorisation tends to simplify perception (and . . . we cannot live without it), it tends . . . to lead to the formation of stereotypes.” It is furthermore argued that the maximalist view tends to overemphasise cultural differences, and underplay differences within cultures as well as cultural similarities (or universal sameness). In reaction to the problems with the maximalist view on culture, the minimalist or particularist view on culture emerged. Minimalism essentially focuses on: • the common humanity that does exist, thus de-emphasising cultural differences; and • emphasising the uniqueness and relativism in each human interaction. The basic problem with the minimalist view, according to Human (1996a: 35) is that in over-stressing the interactive nature of intercultural relationships, it defines “everyday common sense understanding of the world, both in terms of the generalisations I hold about myself and those I hold of others. Without such generalisations, the world is an impossible place to understand”. Furthermore, Human (1996a: 35) asks, if a common humanity does exist, “Why do we still experience other cultures as foreign, as different from ourselves?” and “Why do we not feel comfortable in strange cultures?” It is thus not enough to assume that differences do not exist or that individuals are so complex that we have to re-interpret each situation anew. Human (1996a: 34) concludes that both these approaches are problematic and emphasises that an understanding of the role of culture in the practical management of diversity requires the integration of both approaches. Human (1996a: 42) argues that we need to “understand both where the problems with the maximalist perspective lie and to devise some sort of mechanism whereby, depending on the situation, both these perspectives can be employed at one and the same time”. It is thus important not to ignore, as the maximalists tend to do, the crosscutting complexity of other social variables, such as level of modernisation and urbanisation, social class and educational level and levels of identity, such as gender, religion, sexual orientation and language. It is also important not to generalise cultural values to all individuals in that culture. Within one national or ethnic culture, individuals’ cultural constellations may vary quite substantially. This leads to uniqueness and differences within cultures. Last, between-culture similarities also need to be acknowledged. Against

Managing Cultural Diversity 59

this background the construct “culture” will now be discussed in more detail.

Definitions and descriptions of culture Dorfman (1996) and Allard (2002) point out that debate has raged among theorists over defining the construct “culture”, with the result that there may be as many different definitions and conceptualisations of culture as there are researchers in the field. Following are some of the more widely used definitions of culture. GLOBE (House, 1993; House et al., 2004) define culture, as the common experiences of individuals which result in shared motives, values, beliefs, identities and interpretations or meanings of significant events. Tayeb (1996: 36) defines culture as a set of values that underline attitudes and actions of members of social groupings. Triandis (1995: 12) states that culture consists of both objective elements (tools, roads) and subjective elements (concepts, beliefs, attitudes, norms, roles and values). House and Tayeb both emphasise the commonalities of culture in their definitions, while Hofstede (1991: 4; 1994: 5) emphasises commonalities as well as differences in his definition by stating that culture is “the collective programming of the mind which distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from another”. All the abovementioned definitions of culture emphasise, in one way or another, systems of common values and beliefs that culminate in behaviour patterns. Hofstede (1980, 1991, 1994), Triandis (1995) and House et al. (2004) all agree that culture is always a collective phenomenon because it is at least partly shared by people who live or have lived within the same social environment. It thus derives from one’s social environment in which context it is learned, not inherited. Tayeb (1996: 38) agrees with the previous authors, stating very strongly that “culture is a construct, we do not inherit it genetically. We inherit it socially, from our ancestors, and pass it on to our children; we learn culture in the society.” Hofstede (1991: 5–6) makes a simple but effective distinction between three levels of uniqueness in human mental programming which must not be confused. He distinguishes culture from human nature on the one side, and personality on the other. This distinction is depicted in Figure 4.3. As Hofstede points out and as elaborated on by Booysen (1988, 1990), this is an artificial distinction: exactly where the boundaries lie between human nature and culture and between culture and personality is a matter of ongoing discussion among social scientists in the personologistic, situational and interactionistic perspectives on human behaviour. But this distinction can serve as a guideline in trying to broadly demarcate the domain of cultural influence. According to Hofstede (1991, 1994) and Booysen (1988, 1990) human nature, the first influence on mental programming, is inherited and represents the universal level in one’s mental software, which determines one’s physical and basic psychological functioning. This is what all human beings,

60 Diversity in Africa

Specific to individual

Specific to group or category

PERSONALITY

Inherited and learned

CULTURE

Universal

Learned

Inherited HUMAN NATURE

Figure 4.3: Three levels of uniqueness in mental programming Source: Hofstede (1991: 6).

irrespective of culture or subculture, have in common; for example, the ability to experience needs, feelings and emotions and to facilitate and observe the environment. However, how one expresses these feelings and emotions, satisfies one’s needs and facilitates and observes the environment is modified by culture, the second influence on our mental programming, which is specific to a group or category and is learned. Allard (2002) argues that culture envelopes us so completely that often we do not realise that there are different ways of dealing with the world, that others may have a different outlook on life, a different logic, a different way of responding to people and situations. The third aspect that influences our mental programming, self expression and facilitation of the environment is personality. Personality, according to Allport’s (1959) definition, as discussed in Booysen (1988: 53) and according to Hofstede (1991, 1994) is an individual’s unique personal set of mental programmes, which determines his or her unique adjustments to his or her environment and which is not shared by any other individual. It is based on inherited potential, as well as environmental influences and learned behaviour, which include collective programming or culture. It is important to note that personality is a function of genetic and environmental influences, and that the environmental influences include not only the individual’s unique personal experiences, but also his or her ontologically specific cultural experiences.

Multidimensionality of culture and cultural diversity Hofstede (1991, 1994), Triandis (1995: 13) and House et al. (1997a, 2004) all argue that cultural distinctions can be drawn not only across countries, but also across regions or ethnic groups within or across countries. The categories potentially also include age groups, the genders, social classes, religious groups

Managing Cultural Diversity 61

and work organisations. Hofstede (1980, 1991) refers to the latter cultural categories as subcultures. It is thus not only the national culture that is important, but also the other groupings/subcultures to which an individual belongs. Hofstede (1994) and Ferdman (1995) furthermore maintain that, as almost everyone belongs to a number of different groups and categories of people at the same time, people unavoidably carry several layers of mental programming within themselves, corresponding to different levels of culture or subculture. Hofstede (1991: 10) refers to different layers or levels of culture and gives the following examples: • A national culture according to country or countries (for people who migrated during their lifetime). • A regional and/or ethnic and/or religious and/or linguistic affiliation, as most nations are composed of culturally different subgroups. • A gender level. • A generation level. • A social class level, associated with education, profession or occupation. • An organisational or corporate level, for those who are employed, etc. Ferdman (1995: 42–54) refers to this constellation of cultural identities, or the different cultural levels or layers as constructed by the individual, as a person’s cultural identity structure. Cox and Finley (1995) refer to it as an individual’s particular configuration of membership in cultural groups. Degenaar’s definition of culture as quoted by Human (1996a: 51) also emphasises the multidimensionality and cross-cutting nature of cultural diversity, as well as the complexity of intercultural understanding: “Culture is a controversial term . . . we define culture as the form of life or the lifestyle of a community. A community refers to any group of people who have certain characteristics in common . . . for example, sharing of a place, a common ancestry, language . . . etcetera. But also sharing of certain interests (scholars, artists, nature lovers, sportsmen, homosexuals, etc.).” It is indeed this crosscutting and multidimensional nature of culture that causes the complexity in cultural diversity in the workforce. In the next section the interface of national culture, organisational culture and workforce diversity will be discussed.

National culture, organisational culture and workforce diversity Hofstede (1996: 434) points out that organisational culture and practices like management/leadership cannot be isolated from other processes taking place in society, cultures or subcultures. Tayeb (1996: 53–54) agrees with Hofstede and takes the argument further, claiming that national culture includes those values, attitudes and behaviours that are relevant to work and organisations. These are carried into the workplace, as part of the employees’ cultural baggage. Allard (2002), Dorfman (1996) and House et al. (1997a) link with both Hofstede and Tayeb in stating that their reviews of empirical research

62 Diversity in Africa

clearly show that cultural forces influence many aspects of leadership and organisational behaviour. Culture permeates all aspects of organisations. Organisations themselves have cultures. Organisational culture is defined by Veldsman (2001: 25) as “the common, but unique way of understanding, interpreting and responding of and to entities, events and outcomes shared by a set of organisational members” (see Veldsman’s discussion of the basic building blocks of organisational culture, as background to how national and subcultures influence organisational culture). Allard (2002) argues that organisational managers also behave in terms of both organisational and personal backgrounds, as do workers who bring their different cultural backgrounds to their organisations. Cilliers and May (2002: 43-4) refer to Thomas (1996) as well as Abdelsamad and Sauser (1992) who pointed out that, in terms of organisational behaviour, diversity refers to every individual difference that affects a task or relationship, and that diversity has an impact on the products and services developed by the workforce as well as on personal, interpersonal and organisational activities. This implies that diversity also has an influence on organisational culture. The multidimensional and cross-cutting nature of culture is reflected in the different dimensions of diversity, which reflect individuals’ different cultural constellations or identities. Diversity can be classified into primary and secondary dimensions, as depicted in Figure 4.4 (the diversity wheel of Loden (1996), as discussed in Allard (2002: 4)). As can be seen from Figure 4.4, primary dimensions of diversity are core individual attributes that cannot be changed, such as gender, race and physical appearance. These dimensions form an individual’s self concept and are the filters or frames through which the world is seen. Secondary dimensions of diversity such as education, religion, income and family status can change or may be modified. The secondary dimensions of diversity add complexity to an individual’s self concept. The interaction between the primary and secondary dimensions shapes an individual’s values, priorities and perceptions. Different cultural influences and diversity dimension constellations lead to different beliefs, values, attitudes and behavioural manifestations. However, multicultural understanding moves further than just the independent construing of self in terms of primary and secondary diversity dimensions (as depicted in Figure 4.4). A more inclusive integration of, and independent and interdependent construing of, self, that rests upon each individual’s group membership, also within the organisation and fellow colleagues (Allard, 2002) is implied. A more comprehensive classification of diversity dimensions that include an independent and interdependent construing of self is depicted in Figure 4.5. Locke’s (1998) model of multicultural understanding in Figure 4.5 shows that cultural diversity not only encompasses primary and secondary dimensions, which include individual, family, organisational and to some extent community influences, but also global and larger cultural factors.

63

Military experience First language

Religion

Age Education Work style

Gender

Sexual orientation

Communication style

Mental/ physical abilities and characteristics

Income

Ethnic heritage

Work experience

Race

Family status

Geographical location

Organisational role and level

Primary dimensions Secondary dimensions

Figure 4.4: Primary and secondary diversity dimensions Source: Allard (2002: 9).

GLOBAL INFLUENCES

Racism and prejudice

CULTURE Sociopolitical factors Child-rearing practices

Language and arts History of oppression Poverty and economic concerns

COMMUNITY

INDIVIDUAL

Family structure and dynamics Cultural values and attitudes

Acculturation Awareness of self

Religious practices

FAMILY

Research theory curriculum

Figure 4.5: Model of multicultural understanding Source: Allard (2002: 10).

Awareness of culturally diverse

64 Diversity in Africa

From the above discussion it is evident that individuals, who are socialised within their own cultures, bring their socialised behaviour into the organisations within which they work. It is thus imperative for individual employees, managers and organisations to, as Offerman and Phan (2002) put it, “learn to be able to function effectively in a diverse context where assumptions, values and traditions of one’s upbringing are not uniformly shared with those with whom one needs to act – to be culturally intelligent”.

Cultural intelligence

Hofstede (1991, 1994) and Allard (2002) regard culture as mental programming, operating on several different layers, depending on an individual’s specific groupings and categories. They furthermore point out (in accordance with the interactional personality theorists), that a person’s behaviour is only partially predetermined by his or her mental programmes. An individual still has a basic ability to deviate therefrom, to adapt to differing contexts, to react in ways that are new and creative and to learn new behaviour. This means that although most human behaviour is embedded in internalised cultural socialisation, which forms the individual’s basic frame of reference, and leads to ethnocentrism, people can to some extent step outside their cultural frameworks into other cultural frameworks in order to understand one another better and to adapt to different environments and situations. Offerman and Phan (2002) and Early and Peterson (2004) refer to this ability to function successfully in environments where individuals have experienced different programming as “cultural intelligence”. Cultural intelligence, they argue, is the capacity to leave behind those intelligent behaviours learned in one cultural context when what is intelligent in another cultural context differs. Effective employment relations between diverse employees in the organisation are possible when the differences spelled out in Figures 4.2, 4.3, 4.4 and 4.5 are understood, accepted and valued. Diversity training and specifically sensitivity training, help individuals to have higher cultural intelligence, to understand not only their own cultural constellation, multiple identities and diversity within themselves, but also those of others, similar to and different from them (Allard, 2002; Cilliers and May, 2002; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2003; Booysen, 2005). In the analysis of the three levels of uniqueness in mental programming as depicted in Figure 4.3, and the acknowledging of different individual cultural identity structures, as well as overlap in individual cultural identity structures the following is evident: • Due to human nature and culture that is shared by individuals within one culture, as well as overlap in individual cultural identity structures, similarities within cultures will exist, but because of the uniqueness of personality and different cultural identity structures of individuals within a national culture or subculture, differences within a culture will also exist.

Managing Cultural Diversity 65

• Due to the uniqueness of personality and different cultural identity structures of individuals between national cultures, differences between cultures will exist, but due to human nature that is shared by all individuals between cultures and overlap in individual cultural identity structures between cultures, similarities between cultures will also exist. In conclusion then, in agreement with Human (1996a: 51; 2005: 23–28) and Allard (2002) it can be said that due to an individual’s cultural cross-cutting nature, managing diversity in the organisation concerns the ability to manage individuals who are impacted by many social variables of which “national culture” is but one. However, what is important is that culture is about groups, it is a collective phenomenon and concerns collective, rather than individual, behaviour. If we know more about the similarities and differences between national cultures, in a diverse society like South Africa, it gives us a frame of reference to deal with similarities and differences within cultures as well as individual idiosyncracies. In order to understand different cultures, it is necessary to make some generalisations about culture. In the next section, a typical maximalist approach will be discussed to give general guidelines to follow, in order to make sense of national cultures, naturally within certain constraints, as discussed elsewhere and with acknowledgement of individual differences within cultures and universal sameness between cultures.

Universal cultural dimensions and their impact on organisational and leader behaviour House et al. (2004) extended Hofstede (1980) and Hofstede and Bond’s (1988) research and identified eight universal cultural dimensions on which cultures can be compared, which are depicted in Table 4.2. In Table 4.2, it is also indicated how these different cultural dimensions manifest on a societal level as well in organisational and leadership behaviour.

Comments on the use of the dimensions to describe cultures

Dorfman (1996: 280–81) cautions that there are at least five “caveats” in dealing with culture and behaviour using fixed dimensions: • Cultures are not static, they are dynamic and continually evolving. The associated beliefs, values and other elements of culture reflected at a single point in time may therefore not be the same at later stages. • Although cultures may appear high or low on a particular dimension in a certain context, this orientation will most likely not be characteristic for all issues or situations. The example Dorfman uses is that Americans at work are extremely individualistic, yet they are inveterate joiners of groups and

Descriptions of eight universal cultural dimensions

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Table 4.2:

1. Uncertainty avoidance The extent to which a society tolerates and copes with uncertainty and change, or reduces uncertainty by means of social interventions.

Low-uncertainty avoidance Accepts uncertainty, not upset by change and takes risks easily. Can cope with unknown situations. Adaptable, flexible. Innovation in behaviour and events. Open to change and experimentation.

High-uncertainty avoidance Feels threatened by change, experiences anxiety and discomfort in unstructured situations. Prefers structured organisations, rules and regulations and planning to promote security and to lessen ambiguity. Relies on ideology, certification, policy, rituals and procedure to reduce uncertainty.

2. Assertiveness The extent to which a society emphasises assertive/non-assertive behaviour.

Low assertiveness Modest, submissive, indirect. Concern for relationships, compliant, subservient, accepting, self-effacing and apologetic. May deny or underplay own rights, feelings, views, wishes or dignity.

High assertiveness Assertive, competitive, tough, bold, determined, courageous. Aggressive, manipulative, strong-willed, confident, self-centred and direct. May get own way at all costs, denying rights and feelings of others.

3. Gender egalitarianism The degree to which society minimises/ maximises the division and differences between the sexes.

Gender egalitarianism “Feminine” societies: high social gender role overlap emphasising partnering and sharing qualities. Feminine role expectations: home, care-giving, children, nurturing, supporting, tender. Concern for people and environment, family life and quality of life. Share values, information and power. Fair, participate and collaborative. Emphasise feelings, intuition, relationships and empowerment.

Gender differentiation “Masculine” societies: high gender role differentiation: emphasises masculine roles. Masculine role expectations: achievements outside home, fighting, hunting (now in economic sense), success, power, profits. Mental calculation and analysis. Aggressive competition, forceful, austere, direct control. Sex role discrimination.

Assertiveness and gender egalitarianism can be conflated into a larger dimension, namely masculinity versus femininity. The combination of high assertiveness and low gender egalitarianism indicates high masculinity. Low assertiveness in combination with high gender egalitarianism indicates high femininity. Low-future orientation Present orientation: immediate action, spontaneity, live for moment, instant gratification.

High-future orientation Planning, preparing for future events, invest in future, delay gratification. Set goals, forecast, invest in research and development and people.

5. Power distance The extent to which a society tries to minimise inequalities between individuals and groups, or maintains inequality by power and status stratification, in all levels of society. Age, race, gender, wealth, and educational qualifications can also influence the power an individual may have over others.

Low-power distance Minimises inequalities with respect to power, prestige, authority, status, wealth and possessions. Favours less autocratic leadership, decentralisation of authority. Encourages autonomy, consultation, empowerment and participation, interdependence between subordinates and bosses. Emotional distance relatively small, open communication. Power widely distributed and shared.

High-power distance Maintains inequality among members by stratifying in terms of power, wealth, access to power, status and class. Acceptance of inequalities also by less powerful members. High dependence of subordinates on bosses. Emotional distance great, subordinate unlikely to approach or contradict boss. Power concentrated among minority, distance maintained by close control, chain of command, steep hierarchies, narrow spans of control, directive behaviour and autocracy.

6. Institutional individualism/ collectivism The extent to which organisational and societal institutional practices encourage or reward collective or individual distribution of resources and individual or collective action.

Institutional individualism

Institutional collectivism

Organisational and societal institutional practices encourage or reward individual distribution of resources and individual action. Personal goals overrule group goals. Conflict seen as healthy, individual has right to express

The degree to which individuals are encouraged by societal institutions to be integrated into groups within organisations and the society. Society institutional emphasis on (Continued)

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4. Future orientation The extent to which a society encourages and rewards either present/ past orientation or future-oriented behaviours.

Continued

7. In group individualism/collectivism The extent to which a society encourages and rewards in-group individualist or collectivist behaviour.

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Table 4.2:

own views. Work independently. Competition for recognition and rewards. Managers more important than group. Directive and exclusive leadership.

collectivism consists of allocating resources and making opportunities available for members of the society to participate in societal legislative, economic, social, and political processes. Teamwork and lack of competition among colleagues. Encourages conformity, consensus. Participative and inclusive leadership.

In-group individualism Individualistic behaviour, self interest. Loose ties among individuals. Focus on nuclear family. Personal goals overrule group goals. Look after self and close family. Keep troubles to self, not concerned about others’ troubles, autonomy, interdependence. Privacy, individual freedom, control over own life and decisions. Family members and close friends do not expect any form of special treatment and people do not feel an obligation to ignore rules or procedures to take care of close friends.

In-group collectivism Refers to the extent to which members of a society take pride in membership in small groups such as their family and circle of close friends, and the organisations in which they are employed. Interdependence, collective behaviour, contribution within group. Strong ties among individuals. Large, extended families. Cohesive in-group, sacrifice own goals. Group protects members, expects loyalty. Depend on one another and on group for all needs, offer (and expect) help in times of need. Face-saving, nonconfrontational resolution of conflict.

8. Humane orientation Degree to which a society encourages and rewards aggressive and hostile actions, or fairness, altruism, generosity, kindness.

Inhumane orientation Disrespect for, violation of human rights, norms and laws. Exploitative behaviour; lack of caring, concern, empathy; lack of interest in others. Wealth concentrated in hands of few. Widespread poverty. Discrimination against “minorities”. Negative attitudes towards others – distrust, unfriendliness, suspicion. Neglect of employee welfare. Extremely punitive treatment of employees or of violators of laws.

Humane orientation Establishes and enforces human rights, laws and norms that protect the unfortunate. People have positive attitudes, engage in positive behaviours – supportive, helpful, sharing, generous, protect the vulnerable, “underdog”. No discrimination against “minorities”. Fairness, healthy working conditions, respect for employees, older people, concern for people. Feedback, discipline used constructively to promote improvement.

9. Performance orientation The extent to which a society encourages and rewards achievement and excellence.

Low-performance orientation Concerned mainly with tradition and convention. Social reciprocation and protection of face. Encourage and reward aesthetic, artistic, cultural achievement, rather than material and economic.

High-performance orientation Strives for improvement, excellence in performance and incentives for these. Motivation to excel, work hard, take calculated risks, set challenging goals, persist, use feedback to improve. Emphasis on education, quality. Rewards scientific and entrepreneurial achievement.

In individualistic societies, achievement lies at individual level while in collectivist societies, achievement manifests at group level. Sources: Adapted from Hofstede (1980, 1991, 1996); House (1993); Triandis (1995); Dorfman (1996); Reiger and Blignaut (1996); Tayeb (1996); Abraham (1997); House et al. (1997b, 2004); and Schermerhorn and Bond (1997).

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organisations (possibly for the individuals’ own interests, or to meet emotional needs for a sense of belonging). • There will be individual differences, due to unique personality influences, within groups and cultures. There may be highly collectivist individuals within a highly individualistic society, for example. • When using dimensions to differentiate between cultures, significant differences within cultures may be overlooked. • Overlapping cultural entities within individuals’ cultural identity structures must also be considered. Dorfman (1996: 281) suggests that the combination of these caveats should lead to a cautious view of the national cultural dimensions as contingency influences on follower/leadership and organisational behaviour, because they are only several of many other influences. A last caveat to highlight is the interrelatedness of the dimensions and their impact on organisational and follower/leadership behaviour. The different dimensions as depicted in Table 4.2 were discussed in isolation in order to explain the meaning of each bipolar dimension. It is important to note, however, that in reality these dimensions are interrelated and have reciprocal effects on one another, depending on the specific relationship or constellation of the seven dimensions. These different constellations of interdimensional relationships will manifest in different “cultural patterns” depending on the specific constellation. These different cultural patterns will then also impact differently on organisational behaviour. For example, as Schermerhorn and Bond (1997) argue, it is expected that organisational group work in a collectivist culture should involve active interaction and discussion of issues because everyone should work towards agreement on a final set of outcomes. However, in a collectivist plus high power-distance culture, such as Malaysia, actual group process is more likely to proceed with subdued interaction, a concern for expressed harmony and a search for public consensus aligned with the apparent wishes of an authority figure. This example clearly shows that any one of the seven dimensions can impact on and mediate the way other dimensions manifest themselves in a culture, therefore the integrated cultural constellation of a single culture must be considered, and not cultural dimensions in isolation. Booysen (1999) investigated the manifested cultural dimensional interrelatedness and its effect on leader behaviour in South African managers in retail banking. In Booysen’s (1999) cross-cultural research, a triangulation methodology was used, which combined a quantitative survey (using a questionnaire which measures the above discussed universal cultural dimensions and specific leadership attributes), with focus groups and individual interviews. Some of the findings of this research, reflecting differences and similarities between Black and White and male and female managers, will be discussed in the next paragraph.

Managing Cultural Diversity 71

Cultural diversity management challenges facing South African organisations Although there are several demographic and organisational variables which cause cultural diversity, as discussed above, it has been pointed out by several authors that the two most prevalent changes that the management corps and workforce in South Africa have undergone are the advancement of Black Africans and the advancement of women, both Black and White (Kemp, 1994; Grobler, 1996; Human, 1996b; Manning, 1997; Thomas and Bendixen, 2000; Booysen, 1999, 2001; Van der Wal and Ramotsehoa, 2001; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2002; Booysen, 2005). Binedell (1992) claims that organisational and management philosophies typically evolve in harmony with the cultures within which they function. However, although South Africa is a complex amalgam of several cultures and subcultures, for historical reasons, the dominant organisational and management practices are Anglo-American. The South African organisational context is furthermore marred by the socialised assumptions, “White is right”, “West is best” and “Think manager, think male” (Lessem, 1996; Potgieter, 1996; Sonn, 1996; Steyn and Motshabi, 1996; Booysen, 1999, 2001, 2005). This picture is made even more complex and biased by the skewness that still exists in the representation of managers in terms of the population groups. This skewness poses a number of diversity management challenges for South African managers, which will be discussed next.

Challenge 1: The disparity in numbers between male and female and between White and Black managers Statistics show that males, especially White males, are still over-represented in management, while females as a group, particularly Black females, are under-represented. Whites on the whole still comprise the majority numbers in management (57%). Moreover, White males comprise 41% of management, while White females comprise only 16%. Blacks on the other hand comprise 27% of management, with Black males comprising 20% while Black females comprise only 7% (Jacobson, 1999). A survey done by Deloitte and Touche in Bennet (2001) shows that even though the racial gap is slowly closing, on middle and junior management level, not much progress has been made in closing the gender gap on these levels, or the race and gender gap on senior management level. White men still filled 93% of top positions (compared with 95% in 1998), and Black women filled less than 10% of leadership positions (Bennet, 2001; Elliot, 2001; Shapiro, 2001; Ntabazalila, 2001). Despite political changes and the changes that have taken place in workforce demographics since the early 1990s, the value systems of male South African managers (particularly White male South African managers) still prevail in corporate South Africa. This is because men (especially White men) still form the major group in management, especially senior management.

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Moreover, White males are the most over-represented group in management in terms of their representation in the general population. Furthermore, in the female management group, White females outnumber Black females. After White males, White females are the second most overrepresented group in management. Black female managers, with the lowest numbers of all the groups (lower than White males, White females or Black males), are the most under-represented (Booysen, 2001).

Challenge 2: The relative ineffectiveness of affirmative action in closing the disparities in numbers Since the democratic elections in 1994, a number of law reform efforts and the enactment of affirmative action legislation took place in South Africa to achieve greater social justice and equality, and to redress past unfair discrimination. These include the Constitution of South Africa Act 108 of 1996, the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (LRA), the Skills Development Act 97 of 1998 and the Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998 (EEA) and its anti-discrimination provisions, which came into effect on Women’s Day, 9 August 1999. The intention of the last two Acts is to broaden the focus on affirmative action appointments, to include recruitment, succession planning and development and training of persons in designated groups and to address the skills gap (Pillay, 1999). With the demise of Apartheid and the implementation of equal opportunity and affirmative action legislation, there is at least now formal equality between people of different races and genders. Although the effects of these programmes are already evident, it will take some time to achieve substantive equality, because of societal discrimination and the present effects of the past discrimination that still exist (Kemp, 1994; Van Wyk, 1998; Jacobson, 1999; Van der Westhuizen, 1999). Moreover, Booysen (2001) argues that the way in which affirmative action is being implemented is still subject to the dominant White male value system, because of the disparity in numbers between male and female and Black and White managers. This raises some issues in terms of the approach to, and effectiveness of, affirmative action, namely: • The perceived addressing of racial, rather than gender imbalances. • The need for White males, who still hold most positions in senior management, to be serious about advancing women in management. • The dual disadvantage of Black women in management. Bennet (2001) reports on a 2001 Global Business Solutions study on employment equity, saying that companies are losing skilled Black employees at a rapid rate. She continues that, at first glance, it seems that employment equity is making progress – 74% of all new appointments of the organisations sampled, were Black. However, companies are losing Black people almost as fast, as 67% of all service terminations also concerned Black people. In real terms, only 7%

Managing Cultural Diversity 73

remain in service. The fallout rate becomes even worse in the higher levels of organisations. Reasons for Black staff leaving were found to be the following: • There is still a lot of lip service paid to employment equity – a lack of cultural sensitivity. • A lack of cultural awareness programmes – only 24% of companies have implemented a diversity management programme to compliment the employment equity process. • White male dominant organisational culture – many companies are bringing Black people into an environment which is still a White male domain. • Tokenism – Black people are taken on as tokens and are not being fully integrated into companies. They are not given real responsibility or decisionmaking authority. • A lack of training was also identified as an obstacle to retain Black staff. The potential benefits of the correct and speedy implementation of the EEA, with special focus on recruitment, training and development in empowering all Blacks and women (particularly Black women) and the effects this will have in the workplace, should therefore not be underestimated.

Challenge 3: The under-representation of females in management training Adler and Izraeli (1994) as well as Betters-Reed and Moore (1995) argue that although the global workforce is becoming increasingly diverse, the predominant paradigm for educating and managing this new labour force has remained rooted in an exclusively Anglo-American male mindset. Bickerstaffe (1994) states that despite major changes that have taken, and are taking, place in course content and tuition methods in Masters of Business Administration (MBA) programmes in the United States, there are two elements that have remained stable. These are the dominant White male student body, and the predominantly White male faculty. In South Africa it is no different. Booysen (1999) points out that the percentage of women on MBA programmes in the six South African University business schools averages no more than 19%. Women students, in all South African business schools, average no more than 20% of total student numbers, with White women representing approximately 16% and African Black women approximately 2% of the 20%. Asian and Coloured women make up the other 2%. Of the 80% of students that are male, approximately 63% are White and 8% are African Blacks, with Coloureds comprising 2% and Asians 7%. The percentage of women on the full time teaching staff of University business schools in South Africa averages 20%. The race and gender distribution of the management students of the Graduate School of Business Leadership, the largest business school in South Africa between 1993 and 2002, shows that during that nine-year period the percentage of Black students grew from 10% to 48%, while the

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percentage of female students grew only from 10% to 26% during the same period. It is thus evident that progress has been made in closing the racial gap, but not much progress has been made in closing the gender gap or building the pool of future management to include more women and particularly more Black women (Booysen, 2005).

Challenge 4: The need to re-examine management behaviours and training in line with Afrocentric and feminine values in management As already discussed cross-cultural leadership studies clearly show that cultural differences influence individual expectations and assumptions about management (Hofstede, 1980, 1991, 1994; House et al., 1997b; Dorfman, 1996) and that management philosophies typically evolve in harmony with the cultures within which they function. This is also the case in South Africa. Prior to 1994, the dominant management practices have been Western, Eurocentric and masculine, but the increase in the numbers of Blacks and women in the managerial and leadership ranks of South African companies is starting to give rise to other approaches to management (Binedell, 1992; Christie, 1994; Khoza, 1994; Steyn and Motshabi, 1996; Booysen, 1999, 2001; Mbigi, 2000). This poses two specific challenges to South African organisations, firstly to manage the Eurocentric/Afrocentric duality in the workforce and in management practices, and secondly to build a culture of increased valuing of feminine values in organisations.

The Eurocentric/Afrocentric duality in South African organisations Khoza (1994) argues that it is a fallacy to believe that a business culture can be imposed on people, and that it can work perfectly, without taking into account the cultural archetypes of the people in question. Khoza argues further that to practice Western management practices, without questioning them, is to impose less than optimal solutions on South African management challenges and circumstances. Such a course, he argues, fails to take advantage of our potential in terms of issues such as values and the structure of society in general. Manning (1997), Beaty and Booysen (1998) and Booysen (1999, 2001) claim that this is one of the biggest challenges for business leaders in South Africa: how to simultaneously compete globally and act parochially. Central to Afrocentric management is the concept of Ubuntu – the community concept of management. Ubuntu is not a management style or a business technique, but an epistemology, a humanistic philosophy, namely African humanism, which focuses on people and provides some guidelines for leadership style and management practices. Ubuntu literally translated means “I am because we are”. It is an expression of our collective personhood and collective morality. Simply put, it implies encouraging individuals to express themselves through the group – through group support and commitment, acceptance and respect, cooperation and consensus, caring and sharing and solidarity (Khoza, 1994; Mbigi, 1995, 1997, 2000; Thomas and Schonken, 1997; Booysen,

Managing Cultural Diversity 75

1999, 2001; Prime, 1999; Mangaliso, 2001). It is argued that Ubuntu is opposed to individualism and insensitive competitiveness, but it is also not comfortable with extreme collectivism, where it stresses the importance of the social unit to the point of depersonalising the individual. At the same time, it places great emphasis on concern for people, as well as being good and working for the common good. It is also argued that the heart and soul of Ubuntu is the solidarity principle, group conformity and care in the face of survival challenges, based on unconditional group compassion, respect, dignity, trust, openness and cooperation. The implications of an Ubuntu-oriented leadership style do not only include teamwork down to grassroots level, but also the encouragement of team members or followers to sacrifice their personal gain/goals for the gain/goals of the group. This style includes creative cooperation, open communication, teamwork and reciprocal moral obligations (Khoza, 1994; Mbigi, 1995, 2000; Mangaliso, 2001). Adonisi (1994) and Avolio (1995) link with Khoza and Mbigi by claiming that in South Africa there appears to be both an individualistic and a communalistic orientation, depending on whether the group is White, Black, Asian or Coloured. Koopman (1994) states, in agreement with Avolio, that Whites primarily have designed exclusive institutions that give primacy to the individual and his or her development and self fulfilment, and serve to foster liberal democracy. Blacks, conversely, believe that individuals are very much part of the social fabric and see the need for individuals to find their place in a social structure, to play their particular role in it and, to a large extent, subordinate themselves to societal needs, which leads to inclusive organisations. Booysen (1999, 2001) examined the cultural differences and similarities between White and Black South African managers in retail banking, using a questionnaire which measured the universal cultural dimensions, in combination with focus groups and individual interviews. Booysen’s research shows that there are indeed significant differences between the Black and White racial groups on all the dimensions, except power distance. Whites value performance orientation, uncertainty avoidance, future orientation, assertiveness and gender egalitarianism more than Blacks. Blacks conversely value collectivism and humane orientation more than Whites. While there are considerable differences between Black and White managers on the cultural dimensions, both groups measured well above-average on performance orientation, and above-average on power distance and low on gender egalitarianism. Both groups also ranked gender egalitarianism last. The cultural constellation of the White South African management group reflects a high level of performance orientation, above-average levels of uncertainty avoidance, future orientation, power distance and assertiveness, belowaverage levels of collectivism and humane orientation and a low level of gender egalitarianism. This profile is largely congruent with Western or Eurocentric management systems, which tend to emphasise competition and a work

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orientation, free enterprise, liberal democracy, materialism, individual selfsufficiency, self-fulfilment and development, exclusivity, planning, methodology and structure. The cultural constellation of the Black South African management group reflects high levels of collectivism and humane orientation, above-average levels of performance orientation, uncertainty avoidance and power distance, belowaverage levels of assertiveness and future orientation, and a low level of gender egalitarianism. This profile is to a large extent opposed to the Western or European management systems, and comparable to the Afrocentric management system, which emphasises collective solidarity, inclusivity, collaboration, consensus and group significance, concern for people as well as working for the common good, structure through rituals and ceremonies, patriarchy, respect and dignity. Furthermore it seems that a clear parallel can be drawn between the Eurocentric or individualistic models, and transactional leadership. While “African humanism” or Ubuntu is much more closely aligned with transformational leadership, “specifically, transformational leaders work to create a climate and culture where each individual and the group can achieve their full potential. In doing so, transformational leaders can facilitate the Africanisation of South African organisations” (Avolio, 1995: 19).

Gender influences on managers Hofstede (1991: 85) contends that where men are together in a community, occupation or organisation, a masculine culture is likely to dominate, whereas where women are together, a feminine culture will dominate. Hofstede furthermore shows that males in virtually all societies dominate in politics, in the community and in the workplace, with the result that the subcultures of politics, community affairs and work are relatively masculine. Even though management is dominated by masculine values, numerous international researchers, such as Hofstede (1991), Rosener (1990), Appelbaum and Shapiro (1993), Tramontin (1993), Betters-Reed and Moore (1995), Chorn (1995), Eagly and Johnson (1996), Lawrence (1998), Eagly and Carli (2003a, 2003b), as well as South African researchers (Smit, 1977; Govender and Bayat, 1993; Prekel, 1997; Erasmus, 1998; Mathur-Helm, 2004; and Booysen, 1999), have identified continuing stereotypical sex role patterns between male and female leaders, culminating in gender behaviour and also manifesting in “masculine” and “feminine” leadership behaviour. Booysen (1999) argues that even though men have historically held the great majority of senior positions in organisations, and some people therefore still think that the noted differences between men and women would automatically work in favour of men, this is no longer the case. There is a growing awareness that male management practices are not necessarily superior, and are at odds with the diverse workforce. Moreover, there is also a mind shift in terms of recognising the value that traditional women’s skills and experience can add

Managing Cultural Diversity 77

to leadership. Contrary to what was previously assumed, these skills are no longer regarded as being unsuited to the business world. In fact, the feminine approach to leadership has the advantage of being in line with the democratisation of the workplace in South Africa, as well as with the world trend of moving towards more horizontal organisations and the empowerment of the workforce. Feminine values refer to those behaviours that will drive the cultures and strategies that are required in the current and emerging competitive environments, because traditional masculine values have a number of limitations when applied to the task of leadership in modern organisations. Clearly both masculine and feminine sets of values are important and have a place in the organisation. Feminine values are not exclusive to women and can also be displayed by men, and masculine values can also be displayed by both male and female leaders. Moreover, feminine values do not exclude masculine values altogether, but it seems that the female model is a mix of traditional masculine and emerging feminine leadership values. Booysen’s (1999) research on cultural differences between male and female managers in South Africa shows significant differences on five of the eight cultural dimensions measured, with males having a significantly higher score on performance orientation, collectivism, assertiveness and future orientation, and females valuing gender egalitarianism significantly more highly than males. The cultural constellation of the South African male management group reflects significant above-average levels of performance orientation, aboveaverage levels of uncertainty avoidance, collectivism, future orientation, power distance and assertiveness, below-average levels of humane orientation and low gender egalitarianism. This profile is to a great extent in accordance with a more forceful or masculine way of leading, with a focus on performance, competition and winning, domination, control and directive leadership. A masculine perspective tends to focus on leadership as a number of social transactions, conducted in an unemotional, rational and objective manner. This kind of leadership is best practised in vertical and hierarchical organisational structures, with organisational position and formal authority concentrated at the top – in other words, the “leader as master” paradigm. The above-average level of collectivism in the South African male manager sample, however, indicates that the males in this sample tend to be more inclusive, cooperative, participative and democratic, than the type of exclusive, command-and-control, autocratic way of leading that was identified in males in other leadership research (Eagly and Johnson, 1996). The cultural constellation of the South African female management group reflects an above-average level of performance orientation, humane orientation, uncertainty avoidance, collectivism and power distance, a below-average level of future orientation and assertiveness and low gender egalitarianism. This profile is to a large extent in accordance with the “feminine”, or thoughtful, way of leading.

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The feminine perspective on leadership emphasises follower/leader commitment and relationships; it is interactional and transformational. Leadership values associated with the feminine leadership style are collaboration, participation, intuition, empathy, support, empowerment, self disclosure and more subtle forms of control. The feminine leadership style is best practised in a horizontal or network organisational structure, with an egalitarian organisational culture and emphasis on inclusivity, in which personal characteristics are shared within the group – this is the “leader as colleague” paradigm. The higher than expected levels of power distance and slightly lower than expected levels of collectivism and gender egalitarianism show that the South African females in this sample probably still compromise their own cultural identity by trying to adapt, to some extent, to the dominant masculine management culture, as discussed previously. Booysen’s (1999) research also shows that significant differences exist between White males, on the one hand, and the emerging management groups (Black males, Black females and White females) on the other. This indicates that, generally speaking, White males think differently about leadership than White females, Black males and Black females. Moreover, it was found that White males fit the Anglo-American mindset that is so entrenched in management training, much better than the other three groups. South Africans are deluding themselves in believing that management training reflects the values of Black females or males, or even White females. Due to the dominance of White males in management, South African organisational cultures and leadership, as well as leadership training, still value masculine and Western values in leadership. As a result: • Afrocentric and feminine (particularly Black feminine) values in leadership are not yet valued equally with masculine values. This is reflected in management practices, values and management training curricula; • There are simply not enough women, Black or White, in management, nor Black managers in senior management and executive management in South African organisations to demonstrate the value women or the Afrocentric management approach can add to corporate South Africa; and • Because of the large proportion of male students and male lecturers in management development in South Africa (as a result of the masculine management paradigm) the current and future management pool or talent pool is, and will continue to be, skewed in favour of masculine values.

Addressing the challenges facing diversity management in South African organisations In order for South Africa to mobilise its own people, it is necessary to place equal value on the Afrocentric and the Eurocentric, and masculine and feminine approaches to leadership. Apart from complying to, and being serious about,

Managing Cultural Diversity 79

affirmative action, equal opportunities, employment equity and the skills and development legislation that are aimed at building a critical mass of Blacks, especially in management positions, two other initiatives that would help in this regard are discussed below.

Education and general management training • Managers at all levels should be educated to realise the potential value of the Afrocentric and feminine approaches to leadership, so that Afrocentric and feminine leadership values will come to be regarded as equally important alongside masculine leadership values. • Management/leadership curricula that are still biased towards a masculine Western leadership style should be revisited and revised so as to be more inclusive of a diversity of values, and at least reflect the values of the broad spectrum of managers/leaders and of the diverse workforce. • A higher representation of Blacks and women in management training, both as staff and as students, should be ensured, even if this means reserving bursaries or student positions for Blacks and women, particularly Black women. • A sense of pride should be instilled in the groups that are culturally “different” from the current White male-dominant corporate culture, in order that they may come to recognise and value their own identity and the contribution they can make towards achieving corporate goals. Naturally, these initiatives also need to be coordinated at a national level, and debate needs to start to raise awareness among role players of the value Blacks and women can add to management in South Africa.

Changing socialised management mindsets One of the critical issues and main obstacles and barriers to building a culture of valuing diversity in South African organisations is the socialised mindsets of the different cultural groups. The entrenched mental barriers tend to manifest in the implicit norms, values and perceptions of self and others, and tend to find explicit expression in management practices and behaviour. Since organisational culture is the common perception held by members in an organisation or a system of shared values, it is imperative that such a strategy builds collectively consensual realities through an acute awareness and understanding of differences and commonalities of cultural preferences of the diverse cultural forces present in the organisation. The common vision should emerge from the perception of a common identity and shared values, through a culture of valuing diversity. The impact of this learning process of discovering the mutual benefits of multi-culturalism to South African organisations should not be underestimated, as this is the only way diversity will genuinely come to be valued in organisations. However, crosscultural training and sensitisation alone are not sufficient for addressing the

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organisational procedural and policy discriminatory practices, or the structural inequalities in the organisations (Booysen, 2001; Prime, 1999; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2002; Kossek, Markel and McHugh, 2003; Plummer, 2003; Human, 2005). Transformation must be systemic. Organisational practices, procedures, systems, strategies and leadership, as well as individual attitudes and values need to be changed (by means of a holistic approach) to achieve a culture of valuing diversity, and organisational effectiveness. • Apart from getting more Blacks and women into management positions, the above initiatives are also directed at changing the messages and metamessages about minority groups in management and the existing management paradigms of the day. They are aimed at steering management thinking and practice in South Africa away from being an exclusively male (mostly White male) domain and creating an all-inclusive management domain and a management corps that is heterogeneous rather than homogenous, because there is strength in diversity. Booysen (1999: 45) furthermore maintains that “in order to effectively manage South African organisations with their diverse workforces, diversity in management is also needed. The male manager – particularly the White Afrikaans-speaking male manager – is as necessary as the female manager – particularly the female African Black manager – in this very exciting new era for management in South Africa.”

Managing cultural diversity in South African organisations Thomas and Bendixen (2000), Banutu-Gomez (2002), Plummer (2003) and Human (2005) argue that key to managing cultural diversity in the South African workplace is the promotion of management effectiveness in an inclusive organisational culture. Van der Wal and Ramotsehoa (2001) and Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty (2002) argue further that it is not only the political policies and legislation that should drive change, but also a demand for a real organisation culture change. According to Arredondo (1996) (in Cilliers and May, 2002: 44), Weiss (2001), Kossek, Markel and McHugh, 2003) and Human (2005) diversity management is a strategic organisational approach to workforce diversity development, organisational culture change and empowerment of the workforce. Managing diversity requires the creation of an open, supportive and responsive organisation in which differences are valued, encouraged and managed. O’Mara (1994) argues that defining managing diversity as “a process” highlights its evolutionary nature. It allows corporations to develop (evolve) steps for generating a natural capability to tap the potential of all employees. Cox and Blake (2002) maintain that the term “managing diversity” refers to a variety of management issues and activities

Managing Cultural Diversity 81

relating to hiring and effective utilisation of personnel from different backgrounds, such as: • • • • • • •

organisational culture; ER systems; mindsets about diversity; cultural differences; heterogeneity in gender/race/ethnicity/nationality; education programmes; and higher career involvement of minorities.

It is thus evident that diversity management needs to be systemic and that through a holistic approach organisational practices, procedures, systems, strategies and leadership, as well as individual attitudes and values, need to be changed to ultimately achieve a culture of valuing diversity, and organisational effectiveness. However, not many models for the management of diversity exist (Peterson and Vermeulen, 1999). In this section an integrated strategic framework for managing diversity in South African organisations will be discussed, based on the proposed models and guidelines by Cox and Blake (2002), Tayeb (1996), Peterson and Vermeulen (1999), Weiss (2001), Swanson (2002), Nixon and Dawson (2002), and Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty (2003).

An integrated approach to diversity management in South Africa A holistic approach in building consensual realities and shared visions towards valuing cultural diversity, through training and organisational culture change, is depicted in Figure 4.6. This process model operates on several levels in the organisation and involves linking diversity initiatives with existing systems and core activities of the organisation. It includes four phases and ten steps. It is, however, important to note that there is no single best set of concepts or way of dealing with diversity management. This is a generic model with some guidelines, and needs to be adapted to fit any particular organisation’s context in order to be effective. From the model in Figure 4.6 it can be seen that phase 1 includes steps 1, 2, 3 and 4 and is aimed at planning and designing the valuing diversity culture change in the organisation, and developing the diversity vision. Phase 2 includes steps 5 and 6 and aims to develop and execute the valuing diversity strategic plan. Phase 3 is a post-intervention phase and includes steps 7 and 8. Its aim is to evaluate and communicate the valuing diversity progress. Phase 4 includes steps 9 and 10 and aims to institutionalise a valuing diversity culture. It ensures integration and accountability, and includes continuous evaluation of valuing diversity climate and culture through monitoring and analysis. It is important to note that this is a continuous process that feeds back to all the previous phases. This model will now be discussed in more detail.

82 Diversity in Africa PHASES AND STEPS

OUTCOMES OF PHASES

PHASE 1: PLANNING AND DESIGN OF VALUING DIVERSITY CULTURE

Top management commitment. Powerful diversity leadership team. Resource allocation. Building awareness of need for change. Stimulating dialogue. Building the business case. Getting everyone on board. Understanding of diversity issues in organisation. Diversity vision.

l l

STEP 1: VISIBLE TOP MANAGEMENT COMMITMENT l l STEP 2: FORM DIVERSITY LEADERSHIP TEAM

STEP 3: ORGANISATIONAL DIVERSITY DIAGNOSES AND ASSESSMENT

l l l l l

CONTINUOUS COMMUNICATION

STEP 4: CREATE A DIVERSITY VISION

PHASE 2: DEVELOP AND IMPLEMENT VALUING DIVERSITY

l l

STEP 5: DEVELOP VALUING DIVERSITY STRATEGIC PLAN l l l STEP 6: IMPLEMENT VALUING DIVERSITY STRATEGIC PLAN

l

PHASE 3: EVALUATE AND COMMUNICATE VALUING DIVERSITY PROGRESS

l

STEP 7: EVALUATE AND MEASURE RESULTS

l

Progress reports on valuing diversity strategic plan. Opportunity to adapt valuing diversity strategic plan. Information sharing with employees on progress.

l STEP 8: DISSEMINATION OF RESULTS

PHASE 4: INSTITUTIONALISE VALUING DIVERSITY CULTURE

l l

STEP 9: ENSURE INTEGRATION AND ACCOUNTABILITY

Diversity management strategy. Mainstreaming valuing diversity as part of global business strategy. Challenge old paradigms. Mindset shift. Cross-culture competency. ER systems alignment with valuing diversity vision.

l

Employee accountability towards valuing diversity. Integration of valuing diversity organisational culture. Institutionalisation of culture change.

STEP 10: ONGOING MONITORING AND ANALYSIS

Figure 4.6: Valuing diversity: an integrated strategic framework for managing diversity Source: Adapted from Petersen and Vermeulen (1999), Booysen (2001) as well as Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty (2002).

Phase 1: Plan and design a “valuing diversity” culture Step 1: Visible top management commitment Creating a culture that values diversity requires an effort similar to any strategic change undertaken by an organisation. There is recognised value in starting with such an endeavour at the organisation’s top level. It is critical that top managers demonstrate to the entire organisation their personal commitment

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to, support of and intention to achieve, the creation of a valuing diversity culture. They also have to demonstrate the link between valuing diversity and the ability to deliver outstanding business results. Top managers need to convince senior managers and the rest of the organisation of the business case for diversity. They also have to commit the necessary resources to the diversity effort. Top management’s commitment to, support of and intention to achieve a culture of valuing diversity needs to be clearly communicated to the whole organisation and must be followed up by a well-thought-through communications strategy. Step 2: Form diversity leadership team In order to bring about the valuing diversity culture change, it is imperative to establish a team (or teams) to act as a guiding force for the intervention. This group will be the steering and advisory group, and authority and accountability needs to be delegated to the team. This group needs to be diverse in terms of culture, function and levels in the organisation. It should consist of a vertical and horizontal cross-section of the organisation, and should include top management as well as all other stakeholders. Depending on the size and structure of the organisation, regional diversity teams can be considered as well. It is important that this be of a manageable size, since this group will be responsible for driving the endeavour and developing and implementing the valuing diversity strategic plan. The team’s role, mandate, composition and functions need to be clearly communicated to the rest of the organisation. Step 3: Organisational diversity diagnoses and assessment Following the establishment of a diversity leadership team, the next step is to analyse the current diversity climate and culture through a comprehensive organisational assessment, in order to collect baseline data. Questionnaires, focus groups and individual interviews can help in analysing the barriers that may stand in the way of valuing diversity. It is important to feed back the results of this assessment to the rest of the organisation, through well-planned communication. Collecting and assessing organisational information also helps in establishing a diversity-related baseline, with benchmarks for future reference. This step can be taken by the diversity leadership team or by consultants in conjunction with the diversity leadership team. The main aim of this step is to create an understanding of the diversity issues within the organisation. Step 4: Create a diversity vision Once there is a good understanding of the diversity issues within the organisation, a diversity vision that expresses the organisation’s fundamental aspirations for a culturally diverse workforce can be created. The diversity leadership team should steer the process, however the diversity vision should be crafted by the whole organisation through a combined top-down and bottom-up approach. Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty (2003) state that the diversity vision typically has two dimensions and argue that “usually, the description appeals to employees’

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hearts and minds. It must be a vision that resonates with everyone, painting a picture of an organisational culture to which no-one could logically respond, ‘What about me?’ Second, it states why valuing diversity is important to the organisation.” A successful diversity initiative must be based on a shared vision and not an imposed one. The common vision should emerge from the perception of a common identity and shared values. This shared vision needs to be communicated throughout the organisation. Including diversity management as part of the vision and mission of the organisation is not enough. A comprehensive diversity strategy is necessary to accomplish the mission.

Phase 2: Develop and implement valuing diversity strategic plan Step 5: Develop valuing diversity strategic plan In order to build a corporate multicultural identity, a strategy to manage cultural diversity is called for. This strategy needs to build consensual realities through an acute awareness and understanding of differences and commonalities of cultural preferences of the diverse cultural forces present in the organisation. No diversity management strategy can be achieved without its translation into policies, structures, processes and procedures of the organisation. The strategic plan should include objectives, strategies and programmes. The objectives will indicate where the organisation wants to end up and the objectives, strategies and programmes should be tied to the diversity issues identified in the organisational diagnoses and assessment in step 3. A managing diversity strategy usually focuses on two different levels: education, training and development strategies; and organisational structural, cultural, system and practice integration. This two-pronged diversity strategy includes the improvement of relationships among people who are different, and recognises that changes in organisational culture and systems may also be required to create an environment that enables all employees. Furthermore, a broader objective is also the creation of a multicultural organisation with a culture that values diversity, enables full structural and informal integration of the workforce, minimises or eliminates cultural bias in the ER system, and minimises intercultural group conflict. Mindset changes are thus necessary through formal education, which includes awareness training, development of in-house expertise, orientation programmes and advanced training. It has already been mentioned that one of the critical issues and main obstacles and barriers to building a culture of valuing diversity in South African organisations is the socialised mindsets of the different cultural groups. The entrenched mental barriers tend to manifest in the implicit norms, values and perceptions of self and others, and tend to find explicit expression in management practices and behaviour. The impact of this learning process of discovering the mutual benefits of multiculturalism to South African organisations should not be underestimated,

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as this is the only way diversity will genuinely be valued in organisations. However, cross-cultural training and sensitisation alone are not sufficient to address the organisational procedural and policy discriminatory practices, or the structural inequalities in organisations. Therefore changes in management systems, and specifically employment relations systems and the organisational culture, are also called for. The implementation plan, time-line and people responsible for each stage of implementation need to be communicated throughout the organisation. Step 6: Implement valuing diversity strategic plan The implementation of the valuing diversity strategic plan can be done by consultants in combination with the diversity leadership team and company diversity experts. The diversity training and education can be done through a combination of on-site and off-site programmes and initiatives. An audit on all management systems, and specifically ER systems, which include recruitment, orientation and induction programmes, performance appraisal, compensation and benefits, promotion, training and development and career development, needs to be done and systems need to be aligned with a valuing diversity culture. Continuous feedback to everyone in the organisation on the progress of, and participation in, the implementation of the diversity strategic plan is absolutely imperative.

Phase 3: Evaluate and communicate valuing diversity progress Step 7: Evaluate and measure results Key to the success of the diversity strategy is the evaluation and measuring of the results of the valuing diversity plan in progress. Progress should be measured against the baseline data gathered in the organisational diagnoses and assessment in step 3. The evaluation and results must clearly show the progress of the valuing diversity strategic plan, and its impact on the business bottomline, the employees’ attitudes and organisational culture and systems. This step also allows for the opportunity to fine-tune the valuing diversity strategy if the expected results are not being achieved. Step 8: Dissemination of results The intention of evaluation should be clearly stated, and the results should be disseminated throughout the organisation and discussed at appropriate forums. Special attention should be given to the effects of the valuing diversity strategy and possible changes and reasons for changes to strategy, if any.

Phase 4: institutionalise valuing diversity culture Step 9: Ensure integration and accountability The ultimate aim of a valuing diversity strategy is to change organisational culture – to weave valuing of diversity into the everyday operation and fabric of the organisation. It is therefore also important to put systems in place that

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hold everyone, especially management, accountable for achieving diversity goals and upholding diversity values. This step helps to make cultural diversity an integral part of the organisation’s practices, procedures, systems, strategies and leadership, as well as aligning the individual employees’ attitudes and values with a culture of valuing diversity. Step 10: Ongoing monitoring and analysis Once the valuing diversity culture is established and entrenched in the organisation’s vision, mission and value systems as well as in the employment relations vision, strategies and practices, it is imperative to monitor the culture and strategies on a continuous basis to ensure an ongoing evaluation of possible further diversity issues that need to be managed. This step will ensure continuous improvement in the valuing diversity endeavour. The specific outcomes of the four phases can be seen as listed in Figure 4.6.

Concluding remarks on the integrated strategic framework for managing diversity Following the valuing diversity culture change intervention process discussed above, the socialised mindsets and the entrenched mental barriers of the different culture groups, will be changed and the organisational culture will be aligned to valuing diversity. It will also greatly help in changing discriminatory management and organisational practices and behaviours, retaining human capital and increasing competitiveness. In implementing the above framework, it is imperative to focus on continuous communication throughout all the phases. The valuing diversity initiative should be communicated upfront. The diversity leadership team should be announced, the diversity vision should be announced and publicised widely and openly, and the strategies should be carefully and appropriately communicated. Strategies should be described in practical terms, and implementation steps should be outlined in such a way that they can be identified and followed by managers. These steps should be widely publicised so that everyone knows what to expect. Finally, diversity management under this model is an ongoing process rather than a single event, and needs to be constantly adapted to changing organisational contexts.

Conclusion Management and organisational practices are not universal. Along with other aspects such as organisational and employee development phases and industry sector, they are dependent on context and culture. In South Africa, for historical reasons, organisations tend to be managed in an Anglo-American way, with little or no cognisance of contextual or cultural factors. For organisations to function optimally, this needs to change. South Africa needs an integrative management style. In general, Western management practices need

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to be de-emphasised and management practices from our other cultural roots and subcultures need to be incorporated. South African managers need to extract the best management tools from camps representing a variety of cultural management orientations within and outside of South Africa. Managers need to understand and value the cultural diversity of the South African workforce, and to be flexible in using what works from a cultural perspective. Only then will South African organisations gain full competitive edge. The influx of Black South Africans and women into organisations has been identified as a major factor in the cultural diversity issues relevant to leadership and the workforce in South Africa. These changes have not only brought about a much more culturally diverse workforce, but also a much more culturally diverse management corps. But it is also evident that, for historical reasons, the dominant management practices still tend to be Anglo-American and White male-mindset orientated. There is, however, a growing awareness that White South African Western management practices are not necessarily superior, and are at odds with the multi-ethnic workforce. There is also a move towards the development of more indigenous management practices, recognising Afrocentric management values that take cognisance of the very specific South African contextual and cultural factors. There is also a mind shift in terms of recognising the value that traditional women’s skills and experience can add to leadership. Contrary to what was previously assumed, these skills are no longer regarded as being unsuited to the business world. In fact, the feminine approach to leadership has the advantage of being in line with the democratisation of the workplace in South Africa, as well as with the world trend of moving towards more horizontal organisations and the empowerment of the workforce. One cannot help but observe the striking parallels between, and the complementary nature of, the feminine and the Afrocentric leadership approaches, with the Ubuntu concept at its core. Both these approaches tend to be more transformational than transactional in nature. A hopeful sign in South African management practices is also the reflection of the feminine and Afrocentric approaches in the South African management system. This emphasises the dictum “unity in diversity” and focuses on the importance of valuing diversity. Clearly there is strength in diversity, and, if effectively managed, a diverse workforce and diverse management team can deliver much more than a homogeneous group. Moreover, leading management scholars have identified innovation, stretch and leverage of resources as key factors in sustained competitive advantage. An inherent source of innovation is well managed cultural diversity. In South Africa, only a diverse organisation and leadership team, which includes feminine, masculine, Eurocentric and Afrocentric strengths, is strong and flexible enough to help that organisation to compete in today’s highly competitive, global marketplace.

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It is evident that, despite various regulations that have been put in place since 1994 and in spite of progress that has been made regarding racial and gender imbalances in management, more needs to be done than simply complying with legislation. A change in socialised management mindsets and general management training is also necessary. Furthermore, in order to build a corporate multicultural identity, an effective strategy to manage cultural diversity is imperative. The effective management of diversity requires the creation of an open, supportive and responsive organisation in which differences are valued, encouraged and managed. In the last section of this chapter an integrated approach to diversity management is proposed. This model proposes a holistic approach to building consensual realities and shared visions towards valuing cultural diversity through training and organisational culture change. It is a process model that operates on several levels in the organisation, and involves linking diversity initiatives with existing systems and core activities of the organisation.

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5 The Lions Mark Their Territory: The African Thought System Nadine Mendelek Theimann

The African organizational management context The causes of important aspects of African managers’ thinking are to be found in fundamental national sociocultural and political elements. African organizations function very often in an environment of acute resource scarcity, economic uncertainty and highly centralized political power. These organizations tend to retain the major characteristics of structures developed in the colonial era, namely, rather rigid bureaucratic, rule-bound hierarchies. During such times, managers were few in numbers and were mainly European traders who undertook economic activities with little, or no, knowledge of the art of management. The Africans, however, viewed these foreigners as experts in management, and tried hard to imitate their managerial skills. Colonialists, in order to maintain their dominance and elitist role in society, chose to import managers from Europe, rather than to train Africans. Independence brought in its wake major changes in the structure and level of economic activities. On-the-job training became the modus operandi, and Africans found themselves performing management functions without formal training. Nzelibe (1986) contends that contact with Europeans, and their subsequent departure, forced the Africans to become actors on a stage they had not set. This presented great problems for African managers, who constantly faced the dilemma of how to integrate African management thought, which has specific principles, with Western management thought. Whereas Western management thought advocates Eurocentrism, individualism and modernity, African management thought emphasizes ethno-centrism, traditionalism, communalism, and cooperative teamwork. Such interaction has contributed to confusion, and ambivalence, for the employees in developing countries, and frustration and sometimes failure for multinational companies. The application of Hofstede’s dimensions in Africa, as reflected in Jaeger and Kanungo (1990), throws some light on that confusion. It appears that African countries on average share the following attributes: high uncertainty avoidance, low individualism, high power distance, low masculinity. 93

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Low individualism versus high collectivism Organizations in Africa tend to be viewed by society as a whole, as having a wider mission than is generally understood in the West, being expected to provide socially desirable benefits such as employment, housing, transport, and assistance with important social rituals and ceremonies. Considerations of profit maximization and efficiency may be viewed as secondary or incidental. There is, among African workers, a generally instrumental orientation toward work, involving high expectations of the benefits, to the worker and his/her extended family, that employment brings, but less in the way of loyalty and commitment to the organization (or the profession), that is said to typify the employer–employee relationship in the West. The collectivist values of African societies are reflected in organizations in different ways: in the high regard managers have for their subordinates as people; in a view of workers as a network of people, rather than as human resources; in an emphasis on maintaining relationships rather than in providing opportunities for individual development; in an emphasis on highly ritualized interpersonal interactions which often place greater value on the observance of protocol than the accomplishment of work-related tasks, in a desire by workers for a close relationship with the boss, and in a reluctance by managers either to accept individual blame for mistakes, or to criticize individual subordinates in a direct manner. It has been observed that, in many African societies, it is a sign of weakness to admit incompetence or ignorance. Mistakes are believed to be beyond the control of individuals and the maintenance of “face” is of crucial importance, not unlike many Far Eastern societies (Horwitz and Chew, 2004). There is a highly developed sensitivity to individual criticism. The most powerful contingencies determining behaviour are social evaluations: pride and shame.

High power distance African societies value prestige and status differences, creating relationships of dependency, which in organizations find expression in wide differentials between organizational levels, particularly between managers and workers, extreme deference to and dependence upon one’s boss, and a paternal, concerned but strict, style of management. African managers tend to view their authority, professional competence, and information as personal possessions rather than impersonal concomitants of their organizational role, and as a source of prestige and status, including the trappings of their positions (cars, computers, mobile telephones, furniture) that are moved to the individuals’ homes upon leaving the office. This, coupled with the emphasis on the wide differential in status, power, education, experience, and perceived ability between managers and workers, makes African managers very reluctant to delegate authority, to share information and to involve subordinates who may be perceived as a potential source of threat in decision-making processes.

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High uncertainty avoidance African managers regard security as an important factor in their work, to be reinforced by unchanging structures, detailed procedures and close supervision of subordinates. They desire a good relationship with their boss, whom they perceive as a key figure, but frequently find this to be a problematic relationship because the boss manages them in a manner similar to that they employ with their own subordinates. This may find expression in dissatisfaction with their perceived opportunities for autonomy and self-actualization. African managers have constantly to be sensitive to political pressures on everyday management issues, and need to be aware of developments that might affect them as power coalitions change. They have a keen awareness of the necessity to acknowledge and manage their wider social obligations to extended family and kinship systems, and of the possible conflicts that may thereby exist in relation to their formal organizational roles. They express need for structure, guidelines and clear directions, reflecting a preoccupation with security. This apparent acceptance of universalistic criteria for behaviour in organizations is contrasted with the evidence that managers regularly bypass organizational structures, and make decisions on the basis of particularistic criteria.

The African thought system “The functions of the human mind are common to the whole of humanity, but the reasoning and thinking processes of different peoples in different cultures do not differ – just their values, beliefs and ways of classifying differ.” This Levi Strauss’ quote indicates that traditional and scientific thoughtsystems simply represent different strategies by which people make nature accessible to rational inquiry. Both strategies seek objective knowledge of the universe, and both proceed by ordering, classifying and systematizing information; both create coherent systems. The only difference, according to Levi-Strauss, between the two systems of thought, lies in the material used for thought. To understand the African thought system and its impact on industrial practice, it is necessary to appreciate how the African worker makes sense of the world through a combination of symbolism and mystical thinking. The work of a Senegalese psychiatrist, Sow (1977, 1978), provides an extensive theory of the African personality and psychopathology. A schematic representation of the person as conceptualized in Africa is found in Figure 5.1. According to Sow, the outer layer in the figure represents the body, the corporal envelope of the person. Next comes a principle of vitality that is found in humans and animals. This can be more or less equated with physiological functioning. The third layer is another principle of vitality but found only in humans. It stands for human psychological existence not shared with other

96 Diversity in Africa Ancestors

Trance possession

Psychoses

Psychological vitality principle

Physiological vitality principle

Fetishism

Scorcery Body 32 1 Family lineage

4

Acute organic illness Severe neuroses Figure 5.1:

Community

Benign organic and psychosomatic Spiritual illness principle Mild neuroses

Schematic representation of the person as conceptualized in Africa.

species. The inner layer is the spiritual principle that never perishes. It can leave the body during sleep, and during trance states, and leaves definitively upon death. The spiritual principle does not give life to the body, it has an existence of its own, belonging to the sphere of the ancestors and representing that sphere in each person. The concentric layers of the personality are in constant relationship with the person’s environment. Sow describes three reference axes concerning the relations of a person with the outside world. The first axis links the world of the ancestors to the spiritual principle, passing through the other three layers. The second axis connects the psychological vitality principle to the person’s extended family, understood as the lineage to which the person belongs. The third axis connects the wider community to the person, passing through the body envelope to the physiological principle of vitality. These axes represent relations that are usually in a state of equilibrium. A disorder occurs when the equilibrium is disturbed on one or the other of the axes; diagnosis consists of discovering which axis has been disturbed, and therapy will attempt to re-establish the equilibrium. In Sow’s conception, the supernatural – for example in sorcery – has to be understood in its cultural meaning, replete with symbolic interpretations. The importance of symbolism is emphasized through the African conception in which the person coexists with the community, with the world of spirits and with the ecological environment. It is the natural

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expression of the African mind, which in a working environment has a direct impact on power structures, conflicts between workers, decisions to locate a factory in certain areas and not others, and so forth. A major source of the common-sense knowledge in African societies is proverbial social thought: arguments that are supported with proverbs are automatically accepted as valid and true. An African draws from proverbial social thought and organizes his or her life in a system of reciprocal social relationships where the family is the core unit (Ahiauzu, 1986; Nzelibe, 1986). According to Ahiauzu (1986) proverbs deal with all aspects of life, and are used to emphasize the word of the wise. In fact, it is argued by same author, that proverbs are the stock-in-trade of old people who use them to convey precise moral lessons, warnings and advice, since they make a greater impact on the mind than ordinary words. Since proverbs are handed down from generation to generation, they reflect the sociocultural system of the ancestors of the people. Theoretical thinking in Africa is mystical thinking. Whereas people of more scientifically advanced societies consult the results of scientific studies for their required theoretical explanations (analytic procedures), those in traditional African societies consult ancestral spirits and gods (symbolism). African economic psychology is therefore generally characterized by powerful connections between objects, humans and the supernatural. The quest for equilibrium with other human beings and with the supernatural is the guiding principle. Self-reliance and self-interest tend to take a backseat to ethnicity and group loyalty (Blunt and Jones, 1997). The importance of the community is reflected in the saying “seek the good of the community, and you seek your own good; seek your own good and you seek your own destruction.” The primacy of kinship relations will remain paramount, until alternative systems of social security can replace extended family networks. Hofstede (1991) understood this in making the case that poorer societies (and perhaps disadvantaged sections of societies) are more collectivist because of the need for mutual self-help.

The influence of the African thought-system on work behaviour The individual constructs and ascribes meanings to aspects of his or her physical and social environment, according to Ahiauzu (1989), and this is done on the basis of his or her assumptive frame of reference. He/she then acts, asserts the author, upon these aspects of his or her environment, adopting the meanings he/she has ascribed to them; that is his or her behaviour. The African industrial worker has no alternative but to bring his or her indigenous thought-system to the workplace. Industrialization began after independence in the 1960s. As a result, very few, if any until recently, industrial workers came from homes in which their parents or other family members previously worked in industry. The adjustment

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to physical conditions such as the presence of machines in a factory, never encountered before in rural areas, was the first thing an African worker had to experience. The technology and the industrial mode of work organization created an organizational subculture, with its set of values, norms and rules at the workplace. To the average African, the world outside the industrial workplace is the real world, whereas the workplace is the White man’s World, imported into Africa, that places strong emphasis on timing in work operations, and on technical rather than social intelligence, and that stipulates a specific social contract at the workplace, different from that of the traditional African society. The African worker is therefore constrained to live daily two different patterns of life, a type of bi-existence, with different sets of values, social norms, communicative symbols, and patterns of what Hofstede (1991) would call “mental programming”. Traditionalism and communalism are the two main values observed in the African’s worker behaviour according to Nzelibe (1986).

Respect for elders African societies tend to be egalitarian within age groups, but hierarchical between age groups. There is, in the eyes of an African worker, a strong correlation between age and wisdom. In a culture rich in, and dominated by, oral tradition, the elders are those who have the knowledge and wisdom, who have accumulated a lot of experience and aggregated experience. A famous proverb states that when an elder dies, it is a whole library that burns. As the younger respects the elder, the latter must, in return, take care of the former, provide him or her with advice and help him or her realize his or her full potential. It is a relationship based on mutual interdependence. As a result, leaders often behave and are expected to behave, paternalistically. Leaders therefore bestow favours, and expect and receive deference and obedience. Consensus is highly valued and decision-making within levels can therefore take a long time.

Importance of the extended family As in every culture, the family is the basic social unit in Africa. The extended family system is the building block of any organization in African societies. It socializes the individual into the system and provides him, or her, with a sense of security and belonging. In a study of managers’ motivation in Africa, Beugré and Offodile (2001) note that African managers are required to satisfy the social needs of their relatives. In a collectivist culture, one assures social integration by being loyal to one’s group, family or friends. A cross-cultural analysis of leadership in Africa should not ignore this group loyalty principle. Wealth distribution favours the extended family first, and only second the ethnic or tribal connections. In many circumstances, ceremony, ritual, interpersonal relations, reciprocity and the distribution of

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scant resources to clan and ethnic affiliates are therefore natural responsibilities of leadership in Africa.

Collectivist management African culture is collectivist in nature. The group has more importance than the individual, and group success is more valued than individual success. Group activities have always characterized traditional African societies. Traditional activities, such as hunting, fishing, harvesting, etc., were performed through various groups. The average African feels more comfortable when in a group, than when he or she is alone (Ahiauzu, 1989) – Africans are, on aggregate, highly socially interdependent beings. The pre-eminence of the group requires consensus in decision-making, and therefore skill at compromising and suspending judgement. When a problem occurs, the goal of the decision-makers is not to punish one side and declare the other victorious; rather, it is to reconcile both parties. While Western cultures, and especially the American culture, may be considered as oriented toward the dominance of nature, the African culture is more inclined to harmony with nature and subjugation to it (often listening for messages from it). Africans do not try to control the external environment. Rather, they tend to comply with its will. One of the consequences of such a cultural pattern is the tendency to avoid uncertainty, by seeking patterns in the milieu. African societies, like most traditional societies, appear risk-averse. African managers also appear conservative, preferring the unacceptable present and knowledge of the past, to the unpredictable future. These traditional values also emphasize blind obedience to authorities – this obedience, though, emanating from trust in the wisdom of authority.

Deference to authority In Africa, organizational authority is related to formal status, rather than to knowledge and specialized skills. One of the negative consequences of such a rigid authority system is widespread corruption and social injustices. However, this level of corruption was not known to be cultural to Africa. Indeed, it never manifested itself until the colonial period, when people saw the ruling government as outsiders. This created the “us” versus “them” mentality among government employees, thus justifying the taking from “them”, the government, for the betterment of “us”, the tribe. Today, most people think in terms of their tribes, rather than their nation. There is the conviction that to give a job to a fellow tribesman is not nepotism, it is an obligation.

Work motivation African organizations may be experiencing serious employee motivation problems. The sources of these problems are varied and not well understood, because of a lack of empirical research. However, some investigations (Blunt and Jones, 1992; Beugré and Offodile, 2001) have addressed motivational issues

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in African organizations. Using Maslow’s hierarchy of needs, Beugré found that managers in Ivory Coast ranked social relations first, self-actualization second, self-esteem third, autonomy fourth, and security fifth. Similarly, in an empirical study conducted on a sample of public service managers, Jones, Blunt and Sharma (1996) found that their participants were more focused on developing strong relationships with their bosses, than on striving to reach organizational performance. Despite the importance of these findings, more sophisticated enquiries are needed to better understand the determinants of work motivation in Africa. For instance, very few African organizations operate performance-based compensation systems. Employees and managers are rewarded according to tenure and needs. In the public sector, for example, employees’ reward criteria include the number of dependants. Therefore, an employee with more dependants could expect a higher salary than his or her counterparts with fewer dependants (again, not unlike a number of Far Eastern economies).

Organizational effectiveness Organizational effectiveness refers to setting goals and reaching them efficiently in a competitive and dynamic environment. In an African context, one may ask the following question: Do African managers and employees strive to achieve organizational goals and objectives, or do they use the organization for their own selfish purposes? Blunt and Jones (1992) have underscored the lack of organizational objectives from African managers who are expected to be primarily motivated by hopes of personal and tribal gain, rather than improved institutional performance. The authors reinforce this assumption by contending that African managers are not driven primarily by organizational missions and objectives; neither, if their very limited available evidence is to be believed, do their loyalties lie mainly with their organization. African bosses are often autocratic and capricious. Developing a close relationship with the boss may be a way to gain his or her favour, and, subsequently, positive outcomes such as pay rise, bonus or promotion. This leads to the conclusion that reaching the goal of the organization takes a backseat, as compared to using the organization to satisfy one’s selfish interests.

Performance appraisal Formal performance appraisal measures are rarely developed and implemented in Sub-Saharan African organizations. Several reasons may explain this. First, the lack of adequate human resource management practitioners well versed in human resource practices is obvious in most African organizations. Second, the prevalence of nepotism may render the existence of performance appraisal measures useless. Complicating matters is the fact that no performance measures exists for individual employees benefiting their family, community or tribe – since one of the employees sources of motivation would not emanate from individualistic ends alone. Managers may find it

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extremely difficult to appraise the subordinate’s performance based on nonjob-related criteria, such as ethnicity, tribalism and psychological distance. Though examples of similar favouritism may be found in Western countries, the existence of rules and procedures present powerful voice mechanisms for the potential victim of unfair work practices. Because of the lack of clear organizational goals and objectives, following the manager’s rules is often perceived as a sign of compliance and a criterion for assessing employee performance.

Resistance to change African cultures often favour maintaining the status quo, rather than striving for change and innovation. Lack of competition among organizations and ignorance of customers’ basic needs lead African organizations to be complacent and not strive for high-quality products. Some African cultural patterns are incompatible with some management techniques, whereas others may serve as building blocks for effective management. For instance, while respect for traditions and customs may impede any attempt to introduce organizational changes, cultural patterns such as the importance of the group and solidarity may encourage the development of teamwork and knowledge sharing.

Time perspective The African worker’s work speed seems to underlie the widely prevalent poor impression critics have of him/her. It should not be construed as laziness. It is a preference for slow, modulated actions that to a large extent is a reflection of the African thought system. Time is not linear like in the Western world; it is cyclical and is a mere transposition of a dominant rural environment’s natural cycles. Complex operations require a high level of concentration and a disciplined, institutionalized way of thinking. Lacking formal education, a lot of low-educated or qualified African workers will take more time to perform the required tasks. In addition, in many African countries, as in some of the Eastern European and Baltic states, being hurried is a sign of status in society – important folk seem to have lots of time, while workers always appear hurried and out of control.

Recommendations of African scholars With up to 2,000 different cultural-linguistic groups in Africa, often described as tribes, the potential for ethnic conflicts is never too far away. It is generally assumed that the arbitrary drawing of boundaries following the European scramble for Africa, and the subsequent use of divide-and-rule colonial practices served to accentuate hostile tribal sentiments where none had previously existed, or were merely latent. The importance of the family as a socializing unit and source of identity is amplified further at the ethnic level. As such, Africans tend to relate more to the tribe than to the seemingly abstract notion

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of a nation state. This ultimately manifests itself in favouritism along kinship and ethnic lines, because the culture requires people to care for and support kith and kin. There is now a growing awareness that such initiatives as selection, rewarding, performance management, and training and career development must be formulated and pursued in line with the firm’s mission and strategic objectives. This research trend is also highlighting the need to formulate policies that are relevant to the African context, such as in the use of groups and social interactions, and mentoring systems that draw upon traditional norms of respect for the wisdom of seniors (Kamoche, 1997). Another example is the African extended family concept that imposes severe constraints on those in wage employment, and therefore has an impact on rewarding systems and motivational schemes. Strategic management in Africa is mainly framed in terms of how to negotiate uncertainties that include political instability, unpredictable fluctuations in exchange rates, inflation, and interest rates. The dependability of the infrastructure, the reliability of suppliers to provide parts and materials of the required quantity and quality, and the firm’s ability to plan and control the production process are factors that create tremendous challenges for decision-making. Kamoche argues that while governments might play a leading role in shaping the form and direction of industrial development, the neglect of a detailed analysis of the firm’s internal circumstances is often attributable to the nature of the audience of management research literature, that is, managers of multinational companies doing business in developing countries. For such companies, the challenge is the ability to cope with the, or to achieve a fit within, economic and sociopolitical context. Yet, multinational companies are well placed to stimulate the development of human capital, not merely through the traditional routes of creating employment and diffusing knowledge through expatriate managers, but also through African experts who have gained knowledge by working in the West.

Cultivating the internal resource base: the way forward? Kamoche (1997) has proposed the paradigm of internal resource heterogeneity in acknowledgement of the dimensions of the African thought system. Ahiauzu (1986), as well as Nzelibe (1986), have demonstrated how the African industrial worker brings his or her indigenous thought system to the workplace and uses it in interpreting, constructing and ascribing meanings to things, structures and processes at the industrial workplace. Industrialization in much of Africa is only about 40 years old, and traditionalism and communalism still largely determine an individual’s way of life, including his or her work behaviour. Kamoche (1997) argues that in order for human resource policies to make a meaningful impact on the management

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of people, and to secure the commitment of the workforce, they have to be sufficiently grounded within the worker’s thought and value system. Strategic management in Africa is often a combination of short-term planning, “muddling-through”, passive compliance and the use of politics. Ad hoc management arises from two factors: (a) the absence and/or inadequacy of formal planning techniques and management controls; and (b) a neglect of the strengths inherent internally (knowledge base being ignored by top management). Improvisation and management of ambiguity are essential capabilities in typical African organizations. Some companies show greater concern with organizational survival, based more on their perception of the external environment than the potential value of internally-held resources and strengths. African authors such as Ahiauzu (1989) believe that business in Africa should be organized as a community, built on close interpersonal relationships and group interactions united by a feeling of security and harmony on the part of all its members. The adoption of paternalistic managerial and supervisory policies should be encouraged. Such policies elicit from workers a feeling of belonging to the organization, and tend to develop in the workers a sincere and active endeavour to establish friendly relations with fellow workers and members of the management team. The induction of new employees into an organization should include an oath-taking ritual. Oath-taking features in almost all aspects of social relationship in traditional African societies. The effect of an oath, with the necessary references made to the ancestral spirits and family or village shrines, is that the person, fearing the consequences of default, tries to always behave in accordance with what he/she has agreed to during the ritual. It should be conducted once a year, and the occasion should be one of great solemnity. The degree of commitment, allegiance and honesty of organizational members vis-à-vis the organization, and the achievement of its objectives, would certainly increase. It is also important to hold periodic prize-giving ceremonies, in which awards are given to workers for achievements and contributions to the organization in a variety of ways. This encourages performance and competition among workers since wages are not as motivational as material benefits and gift-giving. Ahiauzu (1989) has proposed to define the concept of employment relations on a status-, rather than on a contractual, basis. Modern African workplaces should not adopt the Western-type employment contract, because it has a tendency to make a worker feel attached to his job rather than to the organization as a whole. According to him, the offer of appointment should not stipulate a specific job title, as is currently the practice. Instead, the major work activities should be briefly described, and this should be followed by a statement that the services of the employee will be used in the most appropriate way. Adler (2002) pointed out a similar issue in the context of East Asian countries. She emphasized the fact that organization of firms in

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individualistic and collective societies differs. In individualistic societies (such as Canada and the United States) organization charts generally specify individual positions, each with a detailed job description listing formal duties and responsibilities. By contrast, organization charts in more group-oriented societies (such as Hong Kong, Indonesia and Malaysia) tend to specify only sections, departments and divisions, except for the top one or two positions. They describe assignments, responsibilities and reporting relationships in collective terms. African scholars have also advocated high regard for “age” and “social intelligence” in work organization arrangements. Leadership and authority are very often based on those two important issues. Almost every cultural group in Africa, according to anthropological studies, categorizes its members according to age: puberty rites, tribal initiations into manhood and then adulthood concomitant with social status. African “social intelligence” is contrasted in studies with Western “technical intelligence”. A person with a high level of social intelligence is one who knows, and is always conscious of, the values, norms, proper language (including proverbs), and customary practices to be applied in dealing with specific social issues, in conformity with the culture of his or her people. Such people are normally accorded very high regard in African society. In appointing people to managerial positions, particular emphasis should be placed on the person’s age and the proven social intelligence in order to facilitate a better allegiance from subordinates. This would improve work group cohesiveness.

References Adler, N.J. (2002), International Dimensions of Organizational Behaviour, 4th edn, Cincinnati, OH: South-Western. Ahiauzu, A.I. (1986), “The African Thought-System and the Work Behaviour of the African Industrial Man”, International Studies of Management and Organisation, Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 37–58. Ahiauzu, A.I. (1989), “The ‘Theory A’ System of Work Organization for the Modern African Workplace”, International Studies of Management and Organisation, Vol. 19, No. 1, pp. 6–27. Beugré, C.D. and Offodile, O.F. (2001), “Managing for Organizational Effectiveness in Sub-Saharan Africa: A Culture-Fit Model”, The International Journal of Human Resource Management, Vol. 12, No. 4, pp. 535–50. Blunt, P. and Jones, M.L. (1992), Managing Organizations in Africa, Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Blunt, P. and Jones M.L. (1997), “Exploring the Limits of Western Leadership Theory in East Asia and Africa”, Personnel Review, Vol. 26, No. 1–2, pp. 6–23. Hofstede, G. (1991), Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind, London: McGrawHill. Horwitz, F.M. and Chew, K.H.I. (2004), “Human resource management strategies in practice: Case-study findings in multi-national firms”, Asia Pacific Journal of Human Resources, Vol. 42, No. 1, pp. 32–56.

The Lions Mark Their Territory 105 Jaeger, A.M. and Kanungo R.N. (eds) (1990), Management in Developing Countries, London: Routledge. Jones, M.L., P. Blunt and K.C. Sharma (1996), “Managerial Perceptions of Leadership and Management in an African Public Service Organization”, Public Administration and Development, Vol. 6, pp. 455–67. Kamoche, K. (1997), “Managing Human Resources in Africa: Strategic, Organizational and Epistemological Issues”, International Business Review, Vol. 6, No. 5, pp. 537–58. Nzelibe, C.O. (1986), “The Evolution of African Management Thought”, International Studies of Management and Organisation, Vol. 16, No. 2, pp. 6–16. Sow, I. (1977), Psychiatrie dynamique africaine, Paris: Payot. Sow, I. (1978), Les structures anthropologiques de la folie en Afrique noire, Paris: Payot.

6 Facilitating Paradox Liz De Wet

Introduction This chapter is based on my experience and observations as an organisational development practitioner working with diversity as means of contributing to broader transformation processes in South Africa. The diversity interventions to which I refer have been developed and delivered under the auspices of Change Moves, the organisational development agency I co-founded in 1999. We created Change Moves with the vision of contributing to the national transformation process through facilitating people-centred organisational change. The purpose of this chapter is to reflect on a key point of interest and concern arising from this experience. In so doing, it is my hope that I might contribute to ongoing dialogue and debate about this kind of work while deepening my own thinking and practice. It is not my intention to write a theoretical or academic piece, but rather to consider the practice of facilitation in the context of working with diversity. Nor am I able to do justice to the multitude of issues that working with diversity presents. I am unfailingly aware of the complexity and enormity of the subject, both in the process of reflecting and writing about it, and in the daily process of stepping into the room to work with it – within the parameters of a workshop. In this chapter, I focus on a specific challenge that the work has raised for me, acknowledging that there are many other facets, questions, and concerns that could be discussed. The issue that stands out for me at present is that of “paradox”. It is my contention that at the heart of working with diversity is a series of interconnected paradoxes. In my experience, these paradoxes account for many of the recurring responses to diversity interventions. I have also come to believe that the success of such interventions is critically impacted by these paradoxes. Consequently, the challenge as a practitioner is both to understand the paradoxes and to find appropriate ways of facilitating within them. It is my intention to use this chapter to consider these paradoxes, to expand on what I believe them to be, describe how I see them affecting the responses of delegates and explore what some of the consequent challenges for facilitation are. 106

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Given that these paradoxes are born of the particular circumstances that we are experiencing in South Africa, I shall begin this discussion by briefly contextualising the interventions within relevant aspects of the socio-political environment of South Africa.

Background/context Our diversity processes and programmes have been developed as a response to the broader process of transformation that South Africa is engaged in. The political transformation that was concretised in 1994 with the first democratic elections and the establishment of a legitimate government was the starting point of a process of transformation for us as a nation. Over the course of the ten years subsequent to the 1994 elections, dramatic changes have been made to innumerable laws, structures, institutions, policies and procedures in an attempt to realise a non-racial, equitable and non-discriminatory South Africa. The specific aspect of this transformation that is relevant to this discussion is the legislation and policy that has motivated, informed and structured the transformation of the South African workplace. The Employment Equity Act (EEA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) policies are of particular importance in this regard as they deal directly with the need to transform the employment and ownership profiles of South African organisations. While BEE plays a significant role in the ongoing transformation, it is the EEA that has been the driving force behind the diversity and equity interventions that we have undertaken. Consequently, I focus on this specific piece of legislation. In order to usefully discuss the interventions that have arisen out of the EEA, it is important to understand a little of what the Act says and is intended to achieve. I therefore briefly outline an overview of the EEA, its aims and stipulations. It is important to note, however, that the focus of this discussion is not the Employment Equity Act and consequently, I will not attempt to cover the depth and details of this law. The Employment Equity Act is ultimately a law that is intended to facilitate the realisation of an equitable, non-discriminatory and diverse workplace. It undertakes to achieve this objective through two key mechanisms – the prohibition of unfair discrimination and the implementation of affirmative action. In Chapter 2, a chapter that deals with unfair discrimination, the Act states that no employee should be unfairly discriminated against on the basis of race, gender, sex, religion, age, sexual orientation, culture, social or ethnic origin, HIV status, family responsibility, marital status, birth, belief, conscience, political opinion, pregnancy, disability, or language. Discrimination is considered to be fair when it is possible to show that it is a legitimate, inherent requirement of the job or when it is an affirmative action measure. Chapter 3 goes on to define affirmative action objectives and measures. This chapter stipulates that organisations need to represent the demographics of the economically active population across job level and category. In order to achieve this, it is considered to

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be fair to discriminate in favour of suitably qualified candidates from the designated groups in accordance with the organisation’s employment equity plan. The designated groups are defined as Black people – which includes all people of colour, women – of all races, and people with disabilities – of all races. The introduction of the EEA in 1998 created the ideal platform for organisations to engage with issues of transformation, diversity and equity. In the first instance, the law has started to transform the racial and gender profile of organisations. Through the shift in the demographics of organisations, the diversity within the organisations has increased. Secondly, the law clearly stipulates that organisations not only must change their employee profiles but that the organisational culture must also change to reflect and support this diversity. By creating a mandatory process of this nature, the Act has created the need to address issues and divisions that may otherwise be avoided due to the discomfort and pain associated with them. The law has, in effect, created a crucible in which race, gender, disability, and many other facets of our diversity must be addressed.

Organizational response to context As part of our intention to contribute to our national transformation process, one of Change Moves’ consistent objectives has been to facilitate relationshipbuilding across the many divisions that fracture our nation. To this end, our work has focused on both identifying and creating the opportunities for dialogue between people, communities and organisations where this has previously been absent (remembering that during Apartheid, people who were different ethnically, were not allowed to mix in certain strata of society). Consequently, we chose to develop interventions to support organisations in their implementation of the EEA, because it has created the ideal opening to engage employees in dialogue about issues of discrimination and diversity. Our approach to these interventions is based on our belief that organisational and broader societal change must be grounded in individual change. As a result, a key focus of our work with the EEA has been workshops that specifically address individual responses and issues relating to equity and diversity. These workshops, although varying in design according to client needs, share the objective of facilitating change in individuals with regards to the ways that they see themselves and one another. The processes are intended to create a safe environment for people to confront the many painful and historic divisions in our society. The desired outcome of this engagement is to create the awareness of the need for personal change, as well as to create the possibilities for change by offering alternative ways of seeing and being in relation to each other. Ultimately, the workshops strive to enable individuals to reflect on themselves and to assume personal responsibility for contributing to an equitable workplace and society in terms of their attitudes and behaviour.

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Exploring paradox As mentioned in the introduction, the complexity of working with diversity is such that there are any number of points of departure for this reflection. I am, however, specifically interested in the issue of paradox. This is partially because I believe that there is a set of paradoxes, which lie at the heart of the diversity work. But there is also a more personal motivation, which resides in my own paradoxical response to the work. I begin my discussion of paradox with my personal response to the work as I feel that my own paradoxical relationship to working with diversity is linked to the broader paradoxes within diversity work. My response is perhaps useful insofar as it may offer insight into the experience of workshop participants grappling with the paradoxes of diversity. Diversity interventions, of all the facilitation work that I do, are the processes that I find the hardest on a personal level. They are the interventions that are most challenging and exhausting. They are the workshops that cause me to doubt myself the most, and they are the interventions that are often the slowest in showing results. In many respects, it is the work that I often wish I could walk away from. It is also the work that compels me the most. It is the work that I have actively chosen to do and while I often wish to leave it to one side, it is work that I cannot step away from. There are a number of reasons for this – I experience a personal frustration with the way in which Apartheid is not acknowledged and dealt with by fellow White South Africans. I have experienced a tendency among White people to want to move on without addressing our group identity, legacy or responsibility. I feel very strongly that there is a need for us to do all of the above. Doing this work challenges me to grapple with my identity as a young White South African in order to find a way of being a part of South Africa that is mindful, appropriate and responsible in the context of all that my whiteness carries with it. The work provides me with an opportunity to do this. It also ensures that I cannot avoid issues associated with living in South Africa, even when it would be easier to do so. I am also drawn to the work by my personal experiences of discrimination as a gay person. The combination of being part of the dominant norms and being outside of them motivates me to engage in this work. I am equally compelled by the work because I do believe it to be of great importance. It is work that is intended to give practical life to our extraordinary constitution and to the vision for an equitable, non-racial and non-discriminatory South Africa. In essence, it is the work that both inspires me with hope and compels me by the vision it is in pursuit of, and it is the work that tethers me most intimately to my own limitations, struggles and doubts. On a more macro level, diversity work evokes the seemingly contradictory relationship between equity and equality, and the related paradox of identity as both an individual- and groups phenomenon. This paradox is encapsulated in the EEA in its simultaneous attention to both equality and equity.

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Equality can be paralleled to Chapter 2 of the EEA in which unfair discrimination against anyone of the basis of some aspect of their identity is prohibited. In essence, we are to treat and be treated equally, irrespective of our differences. Equity can be paralleled to Chapter 3 of the EEA in which affirmative action in favour of groups that have been previously disadvantaged is defined as fair discrimination. In essence, we need to discriminate in order to remove discrimination – we must be treated differently on the basis of our group identity so as to address fundamental discrepancies between groups. Consequently, we are faced with a challenge of embracing both equity and equality – living both the removal of discrimination and the need to discriminate in order to remove discrimination. I find this paradox is replicated in the context of diversity work. On the one hand, a core facet of working with diversity is about enabling people to transcend group labels. It is about addressing and debunking myths and stereotypes about groups of people, and encouraging people to move beyond generalisations about other people based on aspects of their identities. In this respect, the work is largely about enabling people to recognise their own prejudices about other groups and assisting them to recognise each other as individuals beyond the group labels. On the other hand, diversity work also requires that we recognise our group membership and the rank and privilege associated with this. This is essential in order for us to see how our group membership has advantaged us, or disadvantaged us, in relation to other groups. Diversity work requires that we should recognise this allocation of power and privilege on the basis of group identity. It also should develop our capacity to accept personal responsibility for addressing attitudes and behaviours that reinforce this status quo. In this respect, it requires that we should take personal responsibility for group legacy. This responsibility for group legacy is a fundamental contradiction and it is one that people are not generally equipped to manage. I observe the inability to deal with the paradox of equity and equality and its relationship to individual and group identity in a number of trends. Firstly, it is often extremely difficult for participants in diversity and equity workshops to acknowledge the existence of a biased status quo in the organisation or in society. People often find it difficult to recognise how they may be benefiting from unearned privileges, which they receive as a result of the bias within the organisational culture or prevailing consciousness. They often argue in favour of equality, vehement in their belief that we should not see race or gender or culture or religion, but just the individual. They do not recognise that it is by virtue of those very group identities that they have come to occupy the positions they do. This is particularly true of people who benefit from the hegemony, but it is also evident for people who are disadvantaged by the dominant ways of operating. In many instance, those who do not fit the dominant norms have often internalised these norms to the extent that they will argue for them.

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This is sometimes the case with women who will support the dominant, male ways of operating in the organisation and maintain that that is the way that “business” works and women must fit into that way of being. The inability to deal with this paradox also manifests in people frequently demonstrating a difficulty in identifying the parallels between experiences of discrimination. Thus a person who has experienced discrimination may not be able to recognise how they discriminate against other people in other areas where they are favoured by the hegemony. In these instances, people will recognise inequity when it happens to them in relation to an aspect of their identity. They will, however, often revert to a belief in equality and hence, the need to see the individual not the group, where the status quo serves them. At the core of identity, I believe that we find a critical contradiction that echoes the paradoxes of individual and group identity, and equality and equity. The contradiction is the simultaneous fact of identity as a personal reality and identity as a political/ideological entity. Power is often fought for and organised on the basis of identity, whether it be gender identity, racial identity, class identity, national identity, religious identity or any other point of identification. Butler (1993: 308) argues that “identity categories tend to be instruments of regulatory regimes, whether as the normalising categories of oppressive structures or as the rallying points for a liberatory contestation of that very oppression”. Mohanty et al. (1991: 2) reinforces this view in her description of the Eurocentric world as “traversed with intersecting lines of power and resistance, a world which can be understood only in terms of its destructive divisions of gender, color, class, sexuality and nation”. Power is allocated along identity lines in accordance with dominant ideology and identities are constructed in line with this ideology and allocation of power. The real power of these ideological constructions is in their naturalisation. The construction of identity in service of a dominant ethos and group is obscured as a construction, and is established as a supposedly natural, essential or normal order. One of the primary means that the ideological construction of identity is camouflaged is through an appeal to “common sense”. “Common sense consists of several social meanings and the particular ways of understanding the world which guarantee them” (Weedon, 1989: 77). These meanings inevitably serve the interests of the dominant social groups and “become fixed and widely accepted as true irrespective of sectional interests” (Weedon, 1989: 77). Thus hegemonic bias is not made explicit. Consequently, dominant groups are presented as generic, neutral representations of all humanity. An example of this is highlighted in Frankenberg’s (1993: 6) description of “the unmarked, unnamed status” of whiteness, which she argues “is itself an effect of dominance”. As a result, the hegemony is rendered invisible and established as the inherent, supposedly natural order of things. While identity forms the matrix for the organisation of power, identity is also the immediate and intensely personal position from which every person

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experiences that world. With the ideological construction of identity obscured, it is likely that the person will experience this subjectivity as natural and coherent. The consequence of this is that it is especially difficult to recognise one’s group membership when that group is served by the hegemonic bias. One of the outcomes of privilege is the assumption of individuality. When the status quo serves one, one is given the illusion of being a unique individual, not belonging to any identity group. One is most likely to experience and recognise group identity when one does not fit into the profile of the dominant norm or in the aspects of identity in which one experiences discrimination and oppression. One of the outcomes of our inability to acknowledge and live with these paradoxes is that ten years into our democracy and four years after the introduction of the EEA, the profile of South African organisations is changing at varying speeds – but there appears to be limited change in the hegemonic ways of operating. The status quo of dominant groups in the workplace is remaining largely unchanged. It is possible that this may be addressed through the attainment of critical mass. My concern is, however, that without addressing some of the underlying reasons for the maintenance of the status quo, we may achieve “the appearance” of a non-discriminatory environment through critical mass changes in racial and/or gender profiles in the workplace without addressing the underlying power structures. Consequently, we will not realise the vision of a non-discriminatory workplace that fosters diversity. In the absence of this transformation, paradoxes and contradictions are rife. Changing the race and gender profile of an organisation without fundamentally transforming the ways of operating can set up profound personal contradictions for individuals. Black people, women and others coming into the situation, who are not served by the status quo, are likely to be confronted with contradictions between the terms upon which they are required to operate and their personal identity.

Facilitating paradox It is this inability to recognise and live with the paradoxes and their implications that diversity interventions need to address. Much has been said of the challenges of getting people to support transformation from a place of commitment as opposed to compliance. Without developing the capacity of individuals to understand and live the “both/and” of equality and equity, I do not believe that we will see substantive transformation on individual or organisational levels. Recognition of the need for both equality and equity, and the capacity to hold the contradictions of these is central to the creation of this support. Consequently, the aim of diversity interventions should be to equip participants with the capacity to recognise and live with the lack of resolution around these issues raised by diversity. Diversity interventions need to facilitate the

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development of the conscious competence in living with dissonance, discomfort and chaos. They need to help participants to develop the personal resolve to consciously navigate the paradoxes and to embrace personal responsibility and involvement in healing and transformation. The implication of this is that one must have the capacity to live with discomfort and dissonance without retreating into defences designed to reduce the anxiety that they provoke. One also needs to be open to listen to perspectives which challenge one’s own views and identity, and be willing to change where necessary. One also needs to be cultivating consciousness and awareness of how one is living and the impact of this on others. All of this requires emotional maturity and resilience in order to be able to change and accept responsibility without fragmenting, retreating into a defensive position or losing a fundamental sense of self. The implication of this is that diversity work needs to go beyond cognitive understandings of diversity. It also needs to go beyond looking at stereotypes and issues of prejudice. It needs to go straight into the heart of personal development and self-mastery. This poses a number of challenges to the design and facilitation of such interventions. In the context of these interventions, how can one begin to lay these foundations? What is the task of the process and how can it be realised? In the following section, I will explore ways to address these challenges within the parameters of an experiential approach to learning and facilitation.

An experimental approach Experiential learning is based upon the core belief that learners must be active participants in the process of discovering and/or creating knowledge and meaning, as opposed to passive recipients of information. Action learning, which can be summarised as the need to learn through taking action, reflecting on this action, introducing new ideas or theory into the situation, identifying learning and developing plans on the basis of this learning, then turning these plans into action, provides a framework for the realisation of experiential learning. Given that action learning engages delegates as active participants in the process of creating and discovering knowledge, meaning and skills, it is an approach that is grounded in the principle of empowering learners. Ultimately the process should empower learners to experience themselves as active role players in their own lives and thus develop their confidence and capacity to assume personal responsibility and leadership. Freire (1972) articulates the underlying ideology of this approach to learning in Pedagogy of the Oppressed. As the title of his seminal work suggests, his concern is with the need to empower people and deconstruct the hegemony of dominant groups through learning. His contestation is that conventional educational methodologies, which work on a transmission approach to learning, are designed to “disempower” learners and thus maintain the status quo.

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He argues that learners are equipped to question and challenge the status quo when they are active participants and co-owners of the process of learning. A key departure point of our approach to experiential learning is the principle of process as content. This principle is grounded in the belief that the process – the emotional, cognitive and physical experience of the delegate, must model the actual content of the workshop. In other words, the process and content are inseparable from each other. Consequently, the experience of the delegate during the workshop must mirror and/or evoke the real life experiences that the process is concerned with. The implication of this for diversity interventions is the need to create a process that will provide an experience of both what is required and what is possible in terms of living within the paradox. In other words, the process must offer a tangible experience of engaging with paradox. Within this experience, tools need to be introduced through which the process of engaging with paradox can be sustained beyond the workshop environment. I would suggest that there are a couple of key paradoxes that are central to the workshop process. These are paradoxes, which either exist by virtue of the nature of the work and what it evokes, or which need to be developed in order to address the critical paradox at the heart of diversity issues.

Creating a learning environment/container that is comfortable enough to allow discomfort The first process paradox is the need to create a learning environment and ethos that is comfortable enough to allow discomfort. Discomfort is anxiety-provoking and people will often employ a range of defence mechanisms to minimise or manage this anxiety. Given that addressing issues of diversity requires that we develop our capacity to engage with our discomfort, it is important that the process should enable the participants to have an experience of this within the workshop context. The process and facilitation challenge is to build a learning environment/container, which is safe and containing enough to allow delegates to feel discomfort. There is a need to find the appropriate point of balance between levels of comfort and discomfort. Creating the learning container is the starting point of the process, and is critical in establishing the foundation for the intervention. It must allow people to feel comfortable, unthreatened, and able to engage in different ways. It should give permission for ways of being that may not be encouraged within the organisation, and to address power issues within the group. It needs to build connections between people so that it can be possible to contain challenge when it needs to be made. The learning container/environment should provide both the practical and emotional parameters of the intervention. It should establish the tone and emotional quality of the process, as well as the creation of a rapport amongst delegates and between the facilitator(s) and the group. It also needs

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to allow participants to experience what the process will entail – the manner and style of engagement, as well as what will be expected of them. In the context of our learning approach, the creation of the learning container has particular flavour. With our emphasis on active participation, our first step in building an appropriate container begins with the configuration of the practical space. We will remove all tables and arrange the chairs in one circle. This is often a point of discomfort initially for groups – especially where previous workshop experiences have generally involved delegates seated behind tables. While this initial discomfort is useful in establishing that the process will require something different from participants, I believe that it is important to alleviate this discomfort quite quickly. To this end, I employ some kind of physical exercise or game that allows people to connect with one another and laugh together. Once this release of tension has been achieved, I generally introduce an exercise which involves people talking to one another. This is followed by a reflection on these experiences and their connection to diversity. In so doing, it is my intention to establish the practice of action and reflection as well as practically re-shaping the ways of engaging with one another. There are invariably patterns of, and barriers to, interaction within organisations and groups. These may run along lines of hierarchy, race, gender, language or any other point of division. By engaging everyone in a physical activity equally, it practically redefines these patterns of engagement. It highlights that everyone will interact equally. Through physical contact and pursuit of a mutual objective, it begins to lower some of the initial barriers between people and begins to lay the foundations for conversation and interaction across divisions. It also highlights the need for doing things differently and for risk-taking. The use of physical activities is central to our methodology. Our belief is that learning is most effective when it engages participants holistically. To this end, it is important that cognitive, emotional and physical aspects of people are engaged in the process. The use of physical work often provides a channel to access and integrate both cognitive and emotional facets as well as assisting in creating full participation. Our experience has consistently confirmed that the body is an important channel to accessing emotions and for surfacing sub-conscious responses. It is critical that these activities should not humiliate anyone, nor should they single out anyone. They should be low intensity in terms of levels of discomfort, and should facilitate appropriate laughter in the group. It is also vital that the group must reflect on the experience in order to understand the connection to diversity. There should never be a sense that the physical work is in any way gratuitous. The time given to building the learning container will depend upon the length of the intervention being undertaken. Where the process is going to

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be long-term, it is possible and advisable to spend substantial time in building the environment. In the case of one-day interventions, it will be necessary to take a far shorter time to do this work.

Respecting multiple perspectives and “straight talking” The second paradox challenge is to enable people do some straight talking to each other around issues of diversity, whilst allowing and respecting different perspectives. I believe that straight talking is a critical component of diversity work because it is a vital part of any healing process. It is necessary for people to say what matters to them and to confront one another, if it is to be possible for us to build real relationships and heal divisions between us. It is also a critical part of diversity work to build our capacity to listen, respect and allow differing opinions. The importance of this is both in respecting that diversity brings different perspectives as well as in the opportunity for learning that this offers. Emergence is a critical principle, drawn from systems thinking, that is an enabler in the diverse learning environment. The principle as articulated within systems thinking is that the whole is greater than the sum of the parts. When applied to learning, the implication is that new meaning and knowledge will emerge from experiences when explored collectively. Thus meaning is negotiated and fluid, as opposed to fixed and predetermined. Individual knowledge and meaning will also be expanded when explored within a collective context. While respecting different perspectives and straight talking are not inherently contradictory, there are a number of fine balances that need to be reached, many of which are not customary in our everyday ways of operating. In the first instance, differing views are seldom respected equally. Differences may well be silenced. Equally, where difference is allowed, straight talking may be silenced out of the view that harsh challenge is not respectful of different experiences and perspectives. There is certainly a difficult tension to hold between suspending judgement, in order to respect and allow different views, and expressing the things that need to be said. One of the ways in which we seek to manage this is through the practice of dialogue. Dialogue, as referred to by Senge et al. (1994), and April (1999), is a particular process with associated tools that is aimed at facilitating deep understanding and conversation between people. Dialogue has been described as “. . . a mode of exchange among human beings in which there is a true turning to one another, and a full appreciation of another not as an object in a social function, but as a genuine human being” (Senge et al., 1994: 359). The dialogue process involves the development of the capacity for deep listening and genuine inquiry into the views and experiences of others. It also involves developing the skill to advocate one’s own position and experience clearly. In dialogue, it is important that there is equal, full and active participation from all delegates and that each participant’s individual contribution is acknowledged and seen to add the knowledge and meaning created in the

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collective. Not only does this engage multiple facets of human experience, it also reinforces the importance of acknowledging multiple and possibly divergent experiences and perspectives. This occurs first on an intra-personal level and then on an interpersonal level. Participants are afforded the opportunity to negotiate their own multiple perspectives, as well as each other’s. Consequently, participants are engaged in the process of the co-creation of meaning and vision, and should ultimately be able to recognise personal responsibility in collective situations.

Enabling catharsis and sustained discomfort The final paradox I wish to speak about is the need for the workshop process to facilitate both “catharsis” and “sustained discomfort”. Catharsis can be described as an emotional purging or relief. It is a term drawn originally from the work of the Greek tragedian playwrights to describe the desired effect of their plays. It was hoped that the audience, through the vicarious experience of the tragic hero’s downfall would be purged of their own hubris or ‘antisocial’ inclinations. Catharsis, within the context of diversity intervention, is important in so far as it allows for, and facilitates an emotional engagement with the issues. Through the expression of emotion, it provides a temporary release from the discomfort. It is important in allowing moments of connection between people and aids in helping people to see beyond labels and groups to people’s individual experiences. It is, in this sense, a means of enabling the recognition of equality. It is often achieved through the process of personal storytelling. It is not, however, sufficient. On its own, it addresses only one aspect of the core paradox. It is important that catharsis – emotional release within the workshop, be countered by the presence of a sustained discomfort. When people need to be relieved of some of the emotional burden around issues of discrimination and prejudice, there is also a need for them to experience a consistent awareness of their group identity and its implications for others. Discomfort in relation to this is a helpful tool, as discomfort is often a catalyst for change. The need to reduce the discomfort provides the impetus to undertake change. The challenge is to ensure the appropriate balance such that the person does not reduce discomfort by retreating, as opposed to moving forward into new territory. The other challenge is how to facilitate both catharsis and sustained discomfort. As already mentioned, catharsis is often facilitated through people sharing their personal life experiences. The issue of ensuring sustained pressure or discomfort is a more difficult process to facilitate. I have attempted to engage with this through a variety of means – including working with cognitive tools, as well as physical tools aimed at accessing people through a different channel. To date, this has not been successful to the extent I desire and it continues to be an area of consideration. Currently, the most effective tool has been the use of dialogue.

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Conclusion There are a number of challenges, both on the personal and organisational levels, when working with diversity in these ways. On the personal level, the principle of process as content requires that the facilitator needs to model the skills and behaviour that the intervention is intended to develop in participants. As a result, it is important to be able to demonstrate living within the paradoxes. This requires the capacity to manage and acknowledge the discomfort this creates. It demands the personal engagement with these issues and the ability to be open to sharing this personal journey within the context of the workshop, where appropriate. It also necessitates the capacity to engage with multiple perspectives and with the inevitable conflict arising from these. This requires that the facilitator be able to suspend her or his own responses sufficiently to create the container. At the same time, she or he must be able to engage her or his own responses enough to model the way and to present a way of being authentic within the challenges of confronting and being confronted. Ultimately, it requires that the facilitator be personally engaged in a journey of self-mastery, self-reflection and ongoing development. From an organisational perspective, one of the critical challenges is in the positioning of diversity interventions and the importance attached to these. In many instances, diversity work is seen as a necessary process but is not integrated into broader organisational strategies. Often, organisations wish to undertake quite straightforward, direct, short-term interventions with the expectation that this will resolve any difficulties with diversity. There is not necessarily recognition of the need to address a far more substantial personal development and intra-psychic process, if sustainable results are to be achieved. Ideally diversity work should be integrated into long-term leadership and staff development processes in order to see significant, sustainable change.

References April, K. (1999), “Leading through Communication, Conversation and Dialogue,” Leadership & Organization Development Journal, Vol. 20, No. 5, pp. 231–241. Butler, J. (1993), “Imitation and Gender Insubordination”, in H. Abelove, M.A. Barabe and D.M. Halperin (eds), The Lesbian and Gay Studies Reader, London: Routledge. Frankenburg, R. (1993), White Women Race Matters: The Social Construction of Whiteness, London: Routledge. Freire, P. (1972), Pedagogy of the Oppressed, London: Penguin Books. Mohanty, C., Russo, A. and Torres L. (eds) (1991), Third World Women and the Politics of Feminism, Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Senge, P., Roberts, C., Ross, R.B., Smith, B.J. and Kleiner, A. (1994), The Fifth Discipline Field Book: Strategies and Tools for Building a Learning Organisation, New York: Doubleday. Weedon, C. (1989), Feminist Practice and Post-structuralist Theory, Oxford: Basil Blackwell.

7 Contributions of Women to the Process of Development and Unity of Africa Madelein Mkunu

Introduction “African Renaissance” has birthed a challenge in every woman in this continent. In 1999, President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa issued a challenge to all people of Africa – a challenge to promote healing and restoration of our people and our land (a challenge he termed the “African Renaissance”). For centuries, Africa has been left out of the process of substantial development and poverty alleviation (essentially being pitted as the “black sheep” of the world). Despite the scandalous amount of the natural resources of Africa, to date, the majority of Africans still do not benefit from the riches of their very own lands. The major problems that Africa is still facing today are: • • • • • •

underdevelopment because of the breakdown of its oral wisdom traditions; poverty in resource-rich environments; ethnic divisions due to artificial borders; discrimination from other parts of the world; theft of its bio-diversity by the northern hemisphere; pressure from Western institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank, to conform to non-contextualised systems and processes; • snatching of its intellectual capital, by the West in particular; • continued colonisation in the form of resource exploitation; and, most importantly, • the oppression of its women. Most Africans living in rural or underdeveloped areas have no access to the basics of life, and go through painful working conditions for their survival. Among this population group, women are those who suffer the most. The cycle of life of most women in Africa show major potential through their roles as wives, mothers, providers, mediators and assisting with reconciliation in cases of conflicts at the family level, as well as national and international level. 119

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Women of Africa have abilities and potential to contribute effectively and efficiently in the process of development and unity of our continent. But because the majority of these women are still living in poverty and are not given opportunities, or when given – it is delayed, to fully exploit their potential, this process breaks down and has negative consequences as a result. Women of Africa need to be exposed to as many opportunities as possible to enable them to play their rightful role as African liberators, in order that the continent might experience more rapid progress towards healing and restoration of its global place. Today, Africa is facing stumbling blocks in its process to celebrate healing, restoration and unity. This is an opportunity for women of Africa to action our dreams and take stands like “mothers” on behalf of our continent, our land.

Women issues Despite the rapid increase of change that we witness and read about (even in most of the chapters of this book), the lifestyles of the majority of women of Africa have not changed or improved over the recent centuries. Most African women are living in rural and underprivileged areas, hardly have access to the necessities of life (such as running water, electricity, hospitals and healthcare, shops, transport, enough food . . . not to mention access to any form of training or education for the upgrading of their intellectual capacities), even when many of the men in their countries are arguing and fighting about ownership to the myriad of resources and wealth in the soil beneath their very feet. Women are overruled by poverty, lack of opportunity to improve the quality of their lives, and by overarching male egoism that does not allow co-decision makers (certainly not from the marginalised set, which happen to be the majority, women). There are no alternatives for these women (certainly no viable ones, short of a continent-wide revolution) and they are left with little choice but to make do and embrace the miserable everyday lives they find themselves trapped in. Colonisation, in particular has a lot to answer for (with many previous colonial powers still owning the economic resources and networks to such resources throughout Africa), as well as Africa’s recent traditions (in particular, the rule of men, enabled by the colonists who did not want to, and did not know how to, deal with the powerful women they encountered when first venturing in to Africa) for shutting the doors of education to most women, therefore depriving them from fully taking part in the process of politico socio-economic development of our continent. The majority of these women and their respective families have no regular, stable source of income for their survival, and certainly not a source that does not first pass through colonists or African men. In rural areas, most women have been silenced to survivalist entrepreneurialism, such as “traditional art works” or “traditional agriculture”. Their labour involves long and painful procedures

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in “traditional agriculture” – truly unnecessary in a sophisticated socio-technical modern world. Most of these women work with no machines, no proper equipment, no proper roads, no shoes to walk in, no transport . . . they often walk miles and work long hours under the African burning sun. For a new mother in rural areas, besides carrying heavy baskets of fire wood and food on her back or a 20-litres container of water on her head, she also carries her child on/with her, to and from work every day until the child is able to walk with her. It is a daily struggle, and one which many women have resigned themselves to. I have seen my own mother and grandmother, both single mothers, in the village of Lokandu in Maniema, Eastern Congo (Democratic Republic of Congo), without any facilities that one would normally imagine – besides a lousy broken house consisting of three bedrooms, there was almost nothing inside. No proper bed, no chairs and when it rained, water entered the house like a strainer and was found everywhere in the house. I have witnessed the daily waking up of my mother at 4 am every day, and starting her usual mileslong trek to her field, and bore the daily toil and painful process of outdated and primitive agricultural techniques. After harvest, she did not even have anywhere to sell her produce to make the money she needed for most of our basic needs. Sometimes she and other women of my village used barter techniques to survive: exchange of their harvest with/for salt, soap, some meat, even school fees, and clothing. She did this to raise her four kids, me included (often while being joyful around us). Despite my young age, I could read suffering on her face, I can still see and imagine that pain and struggle in her life. I can still see her eyes dozing every day from lack of sleep and fatigue. I have seen many such women in many African countries, going through the same daily “lifestyle” (lifestyle is purposefully placed in inverted commas to depict the fact that it merely is an existence, not a lifestyle as such). By the time they turn 45 or 50 years of age, their bodies are worn out and shattered. The cycle of their life has almost reached the end and they just then wait to die. Their bodies become so vulnerable that they can die of simple viruses like the flu or malaria. Should they be exposed to the wicked HIV-Aids virus, their short life is further shortened. And what of the legacy left for the next generation? One of the major consequences of this existence is that the mind is destroyed even before the body. “Poverty mentality” is a disease that kills most Africans, over and above any other disease. It kills dignity, hope, self-esteem and self worth, and eventually kills the body. The “poverty mentality” is contagious and can be passed from generation to generation with fatal consequences affecting not only families, but entire communities. If we want a brand new Africa, we need a brand new woman of Africa. The dignity, self-esteem and self-worth of African women should be restored in order for them to pave the way to the process of development and unity of Africa.

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Role of women Women are born with natural potential and skills to change, and heal, the world. These skills, much needed, have to be discovered and used in proper ways. Women, quite naturally, take as their starting point “the common good” into consideration. They often play “referee”, “compromiser” and “reconciler” in family matters, as well as community, nation and even many inter-national conflicts (as was recently seen in negotiations in both the Congo and Sierra Leone). It is said that behind every powerful man, there is a powerful woman – behind Thabo Mbeki, there is Zanele Mbeki, behind Nelson Mandela, there was Winnie Mandela and now stands Gracia Machel, behind Bill Clinton, stands Hillary Clinton. Many of these women, not overtly in the highest positions of power, work tirelessly behind the scenes (quiet, inconspicuous leaders). Apart from bringing life into the world, providing for her own and others’ children, as well as educating them, a woman has major roles to play beyond her family boundaries – in community and in the nation. It seems, at times, as if women have been commissioned from God almighty, to build her family, heal her people and restore her land. It is often said in Africa, and understood in other parts of the world: “To educate a woman is to educate the nation”. This literally means that every thought, every intention, every habit and every action of a woman will directly and indirectly affect her nation – in fact, enabling such a nation’s destiny. When she hurts, when her intentions are bruised, when her habits are stifled and when her actions are suppressed, we all are worse off for it. Despite the influence of a woman in her family and community, most of the time her presence has been ignored, and her potential has been either not discovered or unused or misused. But thanks to the implementation and application of “focused democracy” and “partial emancipation” of women (though limited), many opportunities for women have been created to take part in the healing and restoration of our land. Slowly women, who are the majority on the continent, are occupying positions of responsibility and have influenced the decision-making procedure at local, national and international levels. They are politicians, economists, engineers, pilots – still in small numbers since these opportunities are not equally offered to underprivileged women (see the chapter by Dunne and Sayed in this book). If only all African women could be offered equal (to men) opportunities to influence their communities, Africa of the twenty-first century stands a better chance of being prosperous at all levels. That is why, we think, doors should be open to all women, in particular underprivileged women, in order for them to be empowered and use their potential – so that all women can take part in the African Renaissance process. It is our hope that: • Where there is war, there will be peace. • Where there is famine, there will be food.

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• Where there is sickness and hurt, there will be healing. • Where there is violence and crime, there will be respect for human kind (Ubuntu). • Where there is xenophobia, racism, and hatred, there will be love. • Where there is poverty, there will be prosperity. • Where there is destruction, there will be restoration. • Where there is division, there will be unity.

Empowerment in Africa of Africa If we want a brand new Africa, we need a brand new woman of Africa; if we want a brand new woman of Africa, we need to MORALLY empower her. If we want an economically empowered Africa, we need an economically empowered woman of Africa; to have an economically empowered woman of Africa, we need to MORALLY empower her. Madelein Mkunu, 2005 The main devil of economic poverty in Africa, is named “poverty mentality!” Due to centuries of oppression, colonialism (the mindset of which is still present in many countries), dictatorship (still present in some countries), Apartheid, wars . . . Africa, in general, and woman of Africa, in particular, has been placed in the position of dependence where she has to moan all the time . . . Help! Help! I can do nothing, I am not rich, I can not make it, I can not study, I can not be rich, I can not prosper . . . and all the I cant’s. Africans, in general, and women of Africa, in particular, have been fed the belief that they can do nothing by themselves, they are useless, less-than, and all they can do is beg for their daily bread, for handouts. After centuries of learnt helplessness, and expectations being repeatedly targeted toward the negative (“you can not”), it follows, quite logically that such self-fulfilling prophecies would materialise. This is what the majority of women in Africa contend with each day – it is what they breath in and breath out, day by day. It is true that a certain portion of women of Africa have painfully managed to escape the claws of the “poverty mentality” and its reinforcing circumstances, and are seen to make a positive input in the African battle of socioeconomic development; the reality is that the majority of women in Africa are still living an unspeakable suffering and have not been healed from the consequences of the past. Their self-worth, self-esteem and self dignity have been taken away from them, leaving them in the claws of an intertwined mentality of social-poverty-economic lock, and as a consequence African women, and all others, need this lock to be broken and focus their energy, attention, consciousness and action of their strengths and talents, through thinking, talking and acting (TTA) positively – in order that they may reclaim their self confidence and self esteem (in many ways, they have to find their own doors

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to untapped possibility by trusting their innate potential and allowing their latent dignity to emerge).

Think, Talk and Act Positive programme The Organisation for Development and Unity of Africa’s Women (ODUAW) have declared a multi-pronged war on the social-poverty-economic lock, so prevalent throughout Africa – and seeks to co-create positive, prosperous futures with all its inhabitants through the raising of awareness to the already present keys (dormant keys in most instances). As a predominantly matriarchal society, the economic growth of Africa relies heavily on “powerful” women movements on the continent, as President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa recently asserted during a NEPAD (New Partnership for Africa’s Development) Conference in October 2004 in Sandton, Johannesburg. He stated that “. . . one of the problems NEPAD is facing in reaching its goals is the lack of strong women movements . . .”. The NEPAD strategic framework arises from a mandate given to the five initiating Heads of State (Algeria, Egypt, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa) by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to develop an integrated socio-economic development framework for Africa. The 37th Summit of the OAU in July 2001 formally adopted the strategic framework document, and the partnership has widespread acceptance around the globe, especially in the EU. More recently, the fifth meeting of the Africa Partnership Forum was held on 4–5 October 2005 in London. It was co-chaired by the Rt Hon Hilary Benn MP, UK Secretary of State for International Development and, on behalf of Nigeria as Presidency of the African Union, by Ambassador Tunji Olagunju, Chair of NEPAD’s Steering Committee and Finance Minister, Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala, as well as NEPAD Chief Executive, Professor Firmino Mucavele. The “Think, Talk and Act Positive” programme seeks to purposefully foster the tenants of the NEPAD strategic framework in its mission to restore “positive mentality” in women of Africa in general, and underprivileged women in particular, and encourage them to become engaged participants in Africa’s current and future socio-economic development. The programme is specifically designed to restore self worth, self-esteem and self-dignity in all of Africa’s women, creating “new women” of Africa that are able to fully participate in economic growth on the continent, as well as abroad – in returning to the way Africa used to be pre-colonialist domination, that is, seats of power vested in the women of Africa, the continent stands a chance to take its rightful place in global economics, global politics and global technological development. In many ways it is not new, but a rediscovery of what made Africa great – the birthplace of humankind, as once the source of all knowledge and wisdom on the planet. What is new in the twenty-first century is the call, through the Think, Talk and Act (TTA) Positive programme, for African women to reclaim their leadership positions, to garner their sons and daughters as they used to, to stop allowing its men to solely speak and act on behalf of all on the continent

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(to bring back to balance – a Renaissance – that which is natural to some of the toughest species on planet earth, and have endured hardships, pain and struggles which no living person would wish upon their worst enemies, and are still able to provide joy to the continent’s children, that is, African women). The TTA Positive programme is designed for community leaders with direct contact with community, and who are able to speak their own languages. The TTA Campaign is monitored by the “Africa’s Women Empowerment Centre” in order to assess the results on a quarterly basis. It is at this time that the continent needs the tremendous strength of our great African mothers, who have always taught their children that no matter what, how difficult the circumstances, and in any amount of change, we can count on her to always be the same, stable, unchanging mother she has always been to all of us (by returning to our societal roots, we can be reminded of who we are, where we fit in, who we can be, and that we will always be unconditionally loved). You see, an African woman never laughs at how you sing, even when you can’t; and always laughs at the jokes you tell, even when they’re not funny; appears captivated when you act, even when you have zero acting skills or talent; or is fascinated at the way you dance, even when you have no rhythm – an African mother is therefore a truly special being, placed on earth by God to remind us all of what we could be, of how we should be, and how to treat others. Women have a special place in our African society – it was as a result of their special role, when many of our fathers, our grandfathers, our brothers and ourselves were exiled and imprisoned, that they kept the home fires burning, nurturing a continent that, when listening to them, eventually could forgive each other – this imparted respect for others and acknowledgement that everyone matters in a community, and is partly the reason for, example, South Africa’s miraculous transition from Apartheid to democracy. That is why, as a continent, we cannot and should not tolerate it when our mothers, and future mothers (daughters and sisters) are abused, and derailed from being the natural healers and unifiers of people and nations – because we all are eventually affected by the loss of them. We were all born of a mother at some stage . . . and so it is a universal, deep-knowing that we have.

Think, Talk and Act Positive challenge The Organisation for Development and Unity of Africa’s Women (ODUAW) is challenging all women from African origin, wherever they find themselves on the planet, to act in unison right now and participate in the rebuilding of our continent – whether in the Americas, Africa, Europe, Asia, Scandinavia, Alaska or Oceana. In addition, the ODUAW is concurrently challenging organisations such as the United Nations, with its various commissions on advancement of women, to consider the TTA Positive Programme as the first key to unlock solutions in various women problems in Africa, but also around the world. Since the declaration of 1975 by the United Nations regarding the acknowledgement of women, much has been done for women around the world but,

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unfortunately, with minimal achievements (Report on Fourth World Conference on Women, Beijing 1995). It is our belief that organisations like the UN should shift its focus from pure systems and process instruments for assisting Africa, and rather seek maximisation of its efforts and commitment through women – levers with higher probabilities for effecting change than the decades-old sameold, same-old that has not delivered. Given the globe’s current obsession with Western-styled democracy, it must be embarrassing and bordering disgusting to see women from all parts of the world (industrialised- and emerging/transitional nations) still struggling for full emancipation from the omnipresent, dominant male-supremacy paradigm (albeit manifested is varied sophisticated forms in different parts of the world) – and men, quite rightfully should feel shameful at its continuance! If you believe and I do . . . If you pray and I do . . . If you educate and I do . . . If you heal and I do . . . Africa will be saved . . . Africa will be restored . . . Africa will be united.

8 Social Identity Changes: Challenges Facing Leadership Lize Booysen

“We have travelled so far on our transformation journey that we are in another country” (van Gass, 2005).

Introduction South Africa is experiencing the influences of globalisation as well as numerous leadership challenges due to societal changes that have taken place over the past 12 years, after the first democratic elections in April 1994. Due to these changes in societal norms, major changes are occurring in the workplace, and societal level identity conflicts are increasingly witnessed to be spilling over into the workplace (Khoza, 1994; Mbigi, 1995; Manning, 1997; Jacobson, 1999; Van der Westhuizen, 1999; Cilliers and May, 2002; Booysen, 2004b; Luthans, van Wyk and Walumbwa, 2004; Rautenbach, 2005; van Gass, 2005). When social identity group conflicts occur in organisations, not only is work disrupted, but group members also experience substantial pain and distress that may only be remedied through significant and difficult changes in values, attitudes, norms and behaviours. If social identity issues are effectively managed, the organisation can move into a successful and competitive future, but if not, the growth and competitive advantage of the organisation can be severely hampered (Booysen, 1999a, 2001; Barkema, Baum and Mannix, 2002; Banutu-Gomez, 2002; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2002, 2003; Luthans, van Wyk and Walumbwa, 2004). The objectives of this chapter are fourfold; first, to give an overview of the power shifts and social identity changes that have taken place in South Africa over the past 12 years, due to external societal and internal organisational changes. Second, to investigate how these changes affect different social identities in the workplace. Third, to point out challenges faced by leadership due to these changes, and last, to make recommendations to deal with the above leadership challenges. 127

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However, before this can be done, it is necessary to take a brief look at social identity theory and social identity conflict. Also, to investigate the different social identities of the people of South Africa.

Social identity theory and social identity conflict One of the most prominent inter-group theories informing us about group identity effects on human behaviour has been social identity theory (SIT) (Nkomo and Cox, 1996). SIT is a cognitive theory which holds that individuals tend to classify themselves and others into social categories, and these classifications have a significant effect on human interactions. The foundational work on social identification was done in the field of social psychology, principally by Tajfel and Turner (1979). Social identity groups can be defined for the purpose of this chapter as groups in which an individual’s self-concept is derived from membership in the group along with the psychological value and emotional significance attached to that membership. Hofstede (1991, 1994) and Ferdman (1995) maintain that, as almost everyone belongs to a number of different groups and categories of people at the same time, people unavoidably carry several layers of mental programming within themselves, corresponding to different levels of culture or subculture. For instance, a national culture according to country or countries (for people who migrated during their lifetime), a regional and/or ethnic and/or religious and/or linguistic affiliation, as most nations are composed of culturally different subgroups, a gender level, a generation level, a social class level, associated with education, profession or occupation, an organisational or corporate level, for those who are employed, a sexual orientation and ableness level. Ferdman (1995) refers to this constellation of cultural identities, or the different cultural levels or layers as constructed by the individual, as a person’s cultural identity structure. Cox and Finley (1995) refer to it as an individual’s particular configuration of membership in cultural groups. It can also be seen as our social identity structures. Wharton (1992) and Ridgeway (1991) (in Nkomo and Cox, 1996: 341) take a social constructionist or constructivist approach to show how social identity is specifically applicable to the topic of workforce diversity in organisations, by showing how gender and race are socially constructed within the organisation and society at large. The changing demographics of the workplace create radically different landscapes in which leaders must find ways for people to work together despite their differences.

Social identity conflict Tension and conflict between diverse social identity groups is a major disruptive factor in nearly every country in the world, and very real in South Africa (Rahim, 2001; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2003). Although there are many categories of social identity and different social identity conflicts, the focus of this chapter is on changes and conflicts associated with race, ethnicity,

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gender and language, as these are the conflicts present in South Africa that are the most pressing and intractable. Social identity conflict is defined in this chapter as any discordant transaction that occurs between members of different social identity groups, which can be attributed to identity group membership, and causes members of either group to feel unsafe, undervalued, or disrespected. Social identity conflicts are rooted in the threats to people’s collective need for dignity, safety, recognition, control, and purpose (Rothman, 1997; Haslam, 2001). Traditional leadership solutions are unlikely to be effective in social identity conflicts because traditional approaches to leadership presume a relatively homogeneous environment in which people share a common culture and set of values. Social identity groups tend to seek out their own in religious organisations, schools, neighbourhoods, and social clubs. The workplace may of necessity, and sometimes by legislation, be the most heterogeneous institution within a community. Furthermore, in some cases, the workplace may be the only instance where contact is made across different social identities (Byrne, 1971; Smith, Peterson and Schwartz, 2002; Nkomo and Stewart, 2005). Therefore, the workplace makes an ideal context to study and address deep-seated social identity issues. Before the workplace social identity issues can be discussed, it is necessary to investigate the different social identities of the people of South Africa, as well as the social identity and power shifts that have taken place over the past 12 years.

What are the social identities of the people of South Africa? South African people are still classified by population group. However now, different than in the past, membership of a racial group is based on selfperception and self-classification, not on a legal definition. The total classification of the population in the Census 2001 (Statistics South Africa, 2003) was based on, African Black 79%, Coloured 8.9%, Asian or Indian, 2.5% and White 9.6%. Black Africans constitute more than three-quarters of the total population. There are 53% females and 47% males, and we have 31 different cultures. To cater for South Africa’s diverse peoples, the Constitution (South Africa, 1996) provides for 11 official languages. IsiZulu is the mother tongue of 23.8% of the population, followed by isiXhosa (17.6%), Afrikaans (13.3%), Sepedi (9.4%), English and Setswana (8.2% each), Sesotho (7.9%), Xitsonga (4.4%), siSwati (2.7%) and Tshivenda (2.3%). The least spoken official indigenous language in South Africa is isiNdebele, which is spoken by 1.6% of the population. Recognising the historically diminished use in formal settings and status of the indigenous languages (other than English and Afrikaans), the Constitution expects the government to implement positive measures to elevate the status and advance the use of these languages. English is the unofficial, official language of choice for business.

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According to Census 2001, South Africa has eight religions and 25 denominations. Almost 80% of South Africa’s population follows the Christian faith. Other major religious groups are the Hindus, Muslims and Jews. Approximately 6.8 million of South Africa’s population do not belong to any of the major religions, but regard themselves as traditionalists, or of no specific religious affiliation. Freedom of worship is guaranteed by the Constitution (South Africa, 1996) and the official policy is one of non-interference in religious practices. According to the constitution, no discrimination is allowed based on difference, and apart from the above this also includes age, sexual orientation and disability.

South Africa in the past and now . . . Some further facts about South Africa pertinent to this discussion that can be found on the Government website (2005), and in the 2001 Census data follow: in 1996, 57% of the population were living in poverty, two-thirds were African Black. The general income distribution of South Africa was among the most unequal in the world, and the White population per capita income was almost nine times higher than that of African Blacks. For the first time in history in August 2001, the total income of the Black majority outstripped the total income of the White minority. South Africa is currently experiencing an HIV/Aids pandemic – 21% of the total population is HIV infected and 1 out of 4 pregnant women is HIV infected. The country is experiencing unprecedented high levels of violent crime, 1 out of 3 women get raped. We also have the fifth highest kidnapping rate in the world and the third highest in Africa. Some of our South African road-signs are unique. Almost everywhere one can see road-signs that read: Beware, Hijacking Hotspot, or Crime Alert – Do Not Stop, and Beware – Smash and Grab Area, or one of the latest, Trucks: Beware Tyre Theft. According to the 2005 Word Competitiveness Report (WCR) (Garelli, 2005), South Africa is ranked 46th out of 60 countries on competitiveness. We moved up three positions, South Africa was in 49th position in 2004. South Africa, however, is the only African country that made the list. The areas in which South Africa scored the weakest on the 2004 WCR are unemployment rate, labour regulations, discrimination, skilled labour, brain drain, senior management competency, human development index, illiteracy, secondary school enrolment and pupil-teacher ratio on primary and secondary level, to name only a few. Only 8% of the population of 20 years and older have higher education, 20% have grade 12, 18% has no schooling. There is an (unofficial) unemployment rate of 41% and a negative employment growth (0.89). Some of the areas in which South Africa is the strongest are electricity costs for industrial clients, effective personal income tax rate, cost-of-living index, employees and employers social security contribution rate, central government total debt, female labour force and females in Parliament, compensation levels and social responsibility (Garelli, 2004). South Africa is also the

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largest producer of gold, platinum and chromium and the largest diamond producer, second only to Russia (South African Government website, 2005). South Africa is a land of management paradoxes. It has a constitution that functions on an extremely high level of social justice and equality, yet it has high levels of discrimination and low levels of human development. It has extreme wealth and extreme poverty. It has economic growth in a “jobless” society. It is a third world country with first world expectations and achievements. It is the powerhouse and economic hub of Africa, and often referred to as the “gateway” to the rest of Africa. South Africa is a nation in transition, on its journey towards transformation. What has happened so far?

Changes in legislation towards empowerment of all On the journey towards transformation a number of Law Reform efforts and Affirmative Action (AA) legislation have been initiated in South Africa to achieve greater social justice and equality, and to redress past unfair discrimination. One of the first attempts at redressing the wrongs of the past, came through the Labour Relations Act 1995 (South Africa, 1995), which took effect in 1996, the Constitution of South Africa (South Africa, 1996) and the Basic Conditions of Employment Act in 1997 (South Africa, 1997). After that came the Employment Equity (EE) Act (South Africa, 1998a), and its anti-discrimination provisions, which came into effect on Women’s Day, 9 August 1999, the Skills Development Act of 1998 (South Africa, 1998b) and the Skills Development Levies Act of 1999 (South Africa, 1998c). The intention of the last two acts was to shift the focus away from only affirmative action appointments to recruitment, succession planning and development and training of persons in the designated groups (Blacks and women) and to address the skills gap (Munetsi, 1999; Pillay, 1999; Helepi, 2000; Swanepoel, Erasmus, Van Wyk and Schenk, 2003; Rautenbach, 2005). These changes were followed by the establishment of the Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) Commission in 1999 (South Africa, BEEC, 2001), and the subsequent strategies and policies set by the Government and industry alike. The Black Economic Empowerment Act was implemented in 2003 and the Black Economic Empowerment industry Charters, with proposed quotas for Black ownership and management, followed. In 2004 the Government sensed disparities and possible clashes between different industry charters and published a draft Code of Practice, aimed at providing guidelines to the various branches of industry on how to set up their BEE schemes (Bouche and Booysen, 2005; Mulholland, 2004; Rautenbach, 2005; Department of Trade and Industry, 2003, 2004).

Where are we now? “We have travelled so far on our transformation journey that we are in another country” is the concluding sentence of a recent attitude survey on a representative sample of 7600 South Africans by the International Marketing

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Council. In a comparison of their 2004 results, with similar research done in 1993–94, they found a significant shift in attitudes across the population, with a growing pride in South African achievements and identification with the process of nation building (van Gass, 2005). The following findings in their report, FutureFact (van Gass, 2005), illustrate this attitude shift: • 81% agreed that all South Africans could exist peacefully in a united SA without losing their cultural identities. • In 2000, 57% Whites and 79% Blacks agreed that “Blacks are as competent as Whites”. In 2004, 73% Whites and 85% Blacks agreed. • Support for Affirmative Action within the Black community had grown from 53% in 2000 to 87% in 2004, and among Whites, from 0% to 27%, while 39% of Whites agreed with BEE. Let us now take a closer look at the societal power shifts and identity changes in South Africa that have taken place on our journey towards transformation over the past 12 years.

Societal power shifts and identity changes since 1994 Generally, prior to 1994, power on all levels in society resided with White males. White males wielded political, economic, management and social power. Almost by default, White women had power as well, because they were associated with White males, being part of the then dominant group. However, White women had indirect power due to their subordinate status as women in the dominant race group. Power was almost exclusively in the White male domain, mainly due to sex discrimination and patriarchy. White males had high levels of absolute power. Figure 8.1 depicts shifts in the political, economical, management and social power that took place in the different broad race and gender groups after the 1994 democratic elections in South Africa. The shifts in Figure 8.1 are now discussed.

Shifts in political power Political power was almost exclusively a White male domain, prior to 1994. Only six White women were elected to Parliament over a period of 50 years during the reign of the National Party (Jaffer, 1998), and South Africa ranked 141st in the world, before the 1994 elections, with only 2.7% women in Parliament (Booysen, 1999b; Mathur-Helm, 2004). Literally overnight, on the 27th April 1994, the political power moved towards the Black group, particularly towards the Black males. The Black females also gained political power, as the ANC instituted disregard already in 1994, a quota rule of 30% representation for women in Parliament. In the Mandela government (1994–99), women comprised 27%, and in 1998

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After 1994:

White male

White female

Black male

Black female

Political Management Economic Social Figure 8.1:

Power shifts in South Africa since the first democratic elections

already, South Africa ranked 15th in the world regarding their percentage of women in Parliament. Following the 1999 elections and with President Thabo Mbeki’s first term, the quota rule was almost filled with 29.8% representation of women in Parliament and then in 2005, during President Mbeki’s second term, we had almost 33%, predominantly Black women in Parliament, and South Africa was ranked 11th in the world (South African Government website, 2005). Even though it seems that Black women have more political power than White women ever had, it is argued that Parliament is still too patriarchal with a male representation of 67%, compared to their 47% representation of the general population (Naidoo, 1997; Paton, 1998; Booysen, 1999b; Van der Westhuizen, 1999; Mathur-Helm, 2004). With the changes in government, the previously disadvantaged majority group in South Africa came into power, and the era of social and economic reconstruction had arrived.

Shifts in economic power Although White people as a group still hold, on a relative basis significantly greater economic power than other groups in South Africa, there are numerous corporate and government initiatives aimed at redressing the economic status of Black people. South Africa’s current economic transformation or Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP), and the Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) strategy are part of the natural progression following the political transformation (cited in Slabbert and De Villiers, 2003). A central objective of the RDP and GEAR is to de-racialise business ownership and control through focused policies of BEE (BEE Commission Report, 2001). According to the BEE strategy document (SA Department of Trade and Industry, 2002: 15), BEE is defined as “an integrated and coherent socio-economic process, that directly contributes to the economic transformation of South Africa, and brings about significant increases in the number of Black people that manage,

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own and control the country’s economy, as well as significant decreases in income inequalities.” Rautenbach (2005: 6) maintains that according to the BEE Act: “empowerment is called ‘broad-based’ because it is aimed at redressing not only shareholding or ownership of companies, but also other aspects of economic empowerment, namely effective management influence through directorships, voting rights through shareholding, employment equity, procurement of goods and services from empowerment individuals or companies, and advancement of skills and training of previously disadvantaged persons”. And naturally also to empower Black people through mass employment creation.

What has happened so far regarding BEE? Bouche and Booysen (2005) indicate the first wave of BEE deals have, for the most part, come and gone. These deals have predominantly been completed by large corporates, using speculative structures, many of which initially added no value as a result of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) collapse of 1998, which virtually led to the drying up of BEE deals (BEE Commission Report, 2001: 5). However, several very prominent Black empowerment deals, involving vast amounts of money, were concluded within large corporates, as they looked to address or improve their empowerment credentials at an ownership level. Given the political, economic and social pressure placed on corporates by the government, not to mention the government’s preferential procurement legislation and policies (SA Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act, 2001), it is not surprising to see corporates take the lead in BEE equity deals. However, there are so few BEE players doing the corporate deals, and deals predominantly have involved only a privileged few Black individuals with strong political influence, that it has come to be seen as enrichment of a selected few, as opposed to broad-based empowerment (Terreblanche, 2003; Rautenbach, 2005). Even though corporates were taking the lead on BEE, and there seemed to have been a general apathy regarding broad-based empowerment up to now (Wray, 2004), Bouche and Booysen (2005) point out that a new wave of broadbased empowerment BEE deals has started. These deals are focused on empowering small and medium enterprises (SMEs). Since there is less capital and risk involved in deals at this level, and more pressure from clients, there is little doubt that the SME sector will be the engine for future economic growth in South Africa (Kemp, 2003; Khanyile, 2004). For empowerment to be successful it must, however, create value for all stakeholders. According to Khoza (1994) there is a general perception in business “that to go Black is to go broke”, however the inverse is in actual fact true, and the reality is that if you are not going Black you will go broke. By finding the right BEE partner, organisations could, over time, achieve a lot more than just

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compliance. BEE partners assist to ensure business growth, development and internal transformation (Bouche and Booysen, 2005).

What is the effect of the above legislation on economic power shifts? A Finance Week study on the progress of BEE, published April 2005, showed that in regard to the direct and indirect shareholding and control on the JSE, SA White people effectively own and control a little more than 50% of the JSE (Rautenbach, 2005). A survey done by Unisa’s Bureau of Marketing Research (Rowen, 2000) showed a steep increase in the income level of African Blacks and Indians, and a steady increase in the income of Coloureds during the late 1990s. It also predicted that, for the first time in the history of South Africa, the income of the Black group (77% of the population at that time) would outstrip the income of the White group (12% of the population at that time) in 2001. The study furthermore indicated that 23% of the richest people of South Africa are Black, the so-called “Black elite”, consisting mainly of corporate professionals. This economic shift is as expected, sadly, class related. This dramatic shift has been driven by the “Black elite” who have doubled their income in five years, whereas the Black low-income sector contributed less in the 2000 study than it did five years previously, and the middle-income stayed fairly static. Bhorat (2001) maintains, in an article explaining the employment trends in South Africa since 1993–98, that amongst the four races, White employees were the only group to see their absolute number of workers fall since 1994. He continues by stating that the reason for this decline does not lay in rising unemployment levels amongst Whites, but instead due to lower participation rates amongst Whites in this period. The two main explanations for this lower participation, are growing emmigration, on the one hand, and early retirement on the other, of Whites. Bennet (2001) reports that a 2001 Human Capital Corporation study indicates that the emigration, or the popular notion of the so-called “brain drain”, accounts for 13% of executive turnover in South Africa. The “brain drain” was still going strong in 2005, especially the draining of scares skills, like engineers, medical doctors, nurses and teachers across all race groups due to better opportunities elsewhere, and with an estimated 1.6 million White people alone, in diaspora (Mulholland and McKay, 2004; Theunissen, 2005). Furthermore, an interesting shift is the so called “job-hopping” phenomenon presently experienced due to the present high demand for, and favourable job opportunities for, African Blacks. This is due to the present skills-shortage, especially among Black people, in South Africa. Poaching of highly skilled Black people occurs often, and companies pay a high premium for high-calibre Black talent, which leads to income disparities between Black people and White people (Bennet, 2001; Bhorat, 2001; van Rooyen, 2004). Even though the above indicates that Black people as a group have now much more economic power than historically, it is by no means an indication that

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Black people are even remotely approaching economic parity with Whites yet, and the road towards economic equality is still a long and steep one. However, there are already visible positive movements towards parity.

Shifts in social power Due to the shifts in political and economic power, a shift has also occurred in the social power of the people of South Africa. Social power used to reside almost exclusively in the White group prior to 1994. Now this power is distributed more evenly among the groups, with a tendency to favour the Black group, as can be seen in the present media coverage in South Africa. Apart from the politically very important people, the faces seen on television, on the society pages in the newspapers and magazines and the people in the news are predominantly Black. Our performing artists, actors in advertisements in the printed media and on billboards, as well as voice artists tend to be much more in line with the population groups mix in South Africa.

Where have all the powers gone . . .? As a result of the above societal power shifts in South Africa, all the different population groups are undergoing social identity changes in adapting to their new social realities – to a large extent, the groups are at present out of their comfort zones. Generally, for the group that had absolute power a little more than a decade ago, the White male, the perception is one of great loss and disempowerment. While the Black male group seems to have gained the most power, and is at present the most empowered. In conclusion, it can be said that the power bases, societal and group dynamics in South Africa are turned upside down, the previously subordinate groups are now becoming the dominant group, and vice versa. This means that all the adults in the different groups in South Africa are presently functioning on a different interaction level than the era they have been brought up in – the Apartheid era. It can be stated that:

“We have travelled so far on our transformation journey that we are another nation in another country” The next section investigates the effects of the power shifts on social identities in the workplace, with specific focus on management levels.

Effects of the above power shifts on social identities in management In 1994, management power resided almost exclusively with White males. White males held more than 80% of management positions (South Africa, Central Statistical Service, 1995a, 1995b). Moreover, Rautenbach (2005) points out that a London Business School study showed that in 1990 Black management in White firms was estimated to be approximately 4%, although Blacks

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comprised over 85% of the population. Fourteen years later Hofmeyr (cited in van Rooven 2004: 1) points out that White people still hold 93% of top positions, a mere 2% less than the 95% in 2002 (van Rooyen, 2004). With the demise of Apartheid and the implementation of equal opportunity and affirmative action legislation, there is at least now formal equality between people of different races and genders. However, although the effects of these programmes are already evident, it will take some time before there will be substantive equality, because of societal discrimination and the present effects of past discrimination that still exist (Kemp, 1994; Van Wyk, 1998; Jacobson, 1999; Klein, 1999; Van der Westhuizen, 1999; Swanepoel et al. 2003; Booysen and Ngambi, 2004; Mathur-Helm, 2004). A comparison between the 2000 and 2002–03 Commission for EE reports shows that there is slow progress in the implementation of the Employment Equity Act. It appears that momentum is building as demonstrated in the increase of employment of Black people (5.7%) in general, and females in top and senior management positions. However, there is a drop in the representation of African Blacks and females at the professional and middlemanagement level of employment, which is worrisome since this level is considered a “feeder” to senior and top management positions. Furthermore, the benefits have not accrued to a large extent to Black females who continue to be poorly represented in top management (13.8% in 2002, from 12.4% in 2000); and in senior management (21.6% in 2002, from 21.0% in 2000) (SA, Commission for EE, 2003). Figure 8.2 depicts the percentage distribution of “legislators” by race and gender. The category “legislators” refers to critical decision-makers such as chief executive officers, vice-presidents, chief operating officers, general managers and divisional heads, managers who provide the direction of a critical technical function; postmasters; superintendents; deans and school principals, etc. From Figure 8.2, it follows that regarding race, Black people account for 32% and White people 68% of all “legislators”. African Blacks account for 17% (African Black males 13% and African Black females 4%), Coloureds 8% (Coloured males 5% and Coloured females 3%), Indians 7% (Indian males 5% and Indian females 2%) and Whites 68% (White males 51% and White females 17%) of all “legislators”. Regarding gender, females account for 26% and males 74% of all “legislators”. Among females, African Blacks account for 4%, Coloureds 3%, Indians 2% and Whites 17%. Among males, African Blacks account for 13%, Coloureds 5%, Indians 5% and Whites 51%. Black females account for 23% of all “legislators”. It is thus evident that, despite various regulations that have been put in place since 1994, and in spite of progress that has been made regarding racial imbalances in management, the White group (68%), particularly White males (51%) still dominate management positions. Furthermore, the White female management group is still the second largest group, and equals the African Black male and African Black female group percentage at 17%.

138 Diversity in Africa White female 17%

African male 13% Coloured male 5%

Indian female 2% Coloured female 3%

Indian male 5%

African female 4% White male 51%

Figure 8.2: Percentage distribution of legislators by race and gender Source: Commission for EE (2003: 13).

A 2004 Census of South African Women in Corporate Leadership, done by the Business Women’s Association of South Africa in association with Catalyst (United States), surveyed the women on Boards of Directors and in executive management of public companies listed on the JSE as at the 30th September 2004 (BWASA, 2005). The results gives a similar picture regarding gender, and showed that women constitute only 19.8% of all executive managers, and only 10.7% of all Directors. Of the 19.8% women Directors, 83.8% accounts for White women and 16.3% for Black women (African Black 8.3%, Coloured, 2.2% and Indian 5.8%). While, the 10.7% are women Directors, 56.5% accounts for Black women (African Black 48.4%, Coloured, 4.9% and Indian 3.2%), and 43.8% for White women.

Leadership challenges of the above changes Some of the author’s previous publications and collaborative efforts (Booysen, 1999a, 1999b, 2001, 2003; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2002, 2003; Booysen and Ngambi, 2004) all deal in some way or another with the leadership challenges posed by the changes in South Africa. These are broadly speaking: • the disparity in numbers between male and female, and between Whiteand Black managers; • the under-representation of females in management training; • the relative ineffectiveness of AA and EE in closing these disparities and under-representation; and lastly • the need to re-examine management behaviours and training in line with Afrocentric and feminine values in management.

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Possible solutions to address these challenges were also discussed, which boil down to specific general education and management training and changes in management mindsets, as well as systemic organisational development and change. A more detailed discussion of the above challenges and solutions can be found in the chapter in this book by Booysen on Cultural Diversity Management: A South African Perspective. Even though the above challenges and proposed solutions are pertinent to this discussion, they will not again be addressed in detail in this chapter. The objectives of this section of the chapter are rather to: • highlight the differential effects these changes are having on the different social identities; • investigate their different realities; • point out specific areas of social identity conflict; • and, the resultant leadership challenges; and lastly • propose a possible way of dealing with these different realities. This will be investigated by employing theory and research, and will be illustrated by anecdotal evidence and quotations from interviews and focus groups from two recent studies by Booysen (2004a, 2004b).

Social identity challenges: post-apartheid leadership Handling inter-group anxiety and tension The ever-present and very salient race divides in South Africa cause the most noticeable social identity conflicts in South Africa. An interesting dynamic is emerging in South Africa, and also reflected in the workplace: as democracy is growing and the honeymoon phase of integrating the “rainbow nation” is rapidly coming to an end, people of all races are becoming more outspoken about change and, in particular, lack of change. Coupled with that is the opening up of discussion around race and racism in as much that race is becoming more of an issue. Power plays between especially African Black people, who entered organisations with the advent of democracy, and White people, who were in power positions all along, are now being unmasked, brought into the open and are discussed within organisations (Ngambi, 2002; Booysen and Ngambi, 2004; Booysen, 2004a, 2004b). In Ngambi’s (2002) and both of Booysen’s (2004a, 2004b) studies there are various examples of inter-group anxiety, and it is evident that there is a palpable underlying tension in today’s workplaces. The differential effects of history on advantaged and disadvantaged groups can be seen clearly. Although White people often acknowledged tension, they did not always see or appreciate the depth of the tension, whereas the previously disadvantaged groups clearly saw the tension, and it registered at a much deeper level (Ngambi, 2002; Booysen, 2004a, 2004b). The implementation of AA and EE legislation has also opened up discussion regarding tokenism, reverse discrimination, White male fears, job-hopping,

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cultural diversity and a backlash from the second wave of AA candidates against the first wave of AA candidates, and about Black people who had been in exile or on Robben Island – or not. Earlier in our democracy, it was not politically correct to talk about these issues. However, presently the pot is beginning to boil over and talk is necessary (Booysen, 2004b). One Black female explains: This organisation historically has been a White organisation. Even after 1995, when I joined the organisation, I was not allowed to speak to the clients who were mostly White. Our managers who have been here for 15 years you know, that is how they were brought up, you know that is how they started working, that is what the rules say. They can’t like just change overnight just because you’ve got a Black President. It doesn’t mean that they will change immediately and say, you are my brother, you are my sister, they can’t – you know. So I think the culture of this organisation has got to do with the way people do things. Booysen (2004b) maintains in her research that both Indians and Africans experienced discrimination. Indians experience discrimination from both Blacks and Whites. Whites perceive some reverse discrimination. Blacks experience discrimination from Whites and Indians. The three groups see discrimination differently. Ambiguous situations are interpreted differently depending on the level to which the person was previously advantaged or disadvantaged, or feel themselves currently advantaged or disadvantaged.

Managing both the formal and informal practices and climates in organisations Most South African companies have the necessary policies and formal procedures for good employee relations and practice, equity, equality, fairness, inclusion and non-discrimination in place. However, these policies have not yet been internalised, because the policies came about so quickly, and these policies are there mainly because of legislation, not necessarily because of internal organisational drivers. Therefore, more often than not, there is a disconnect, or not sufficient alignment between the formal policies and the implementation of the policies which impacts on the formal and informal culture of the organisation (Ngambi, 2002; Prekel, Booysen, Enslin and Gwangwa (2003); Booysen, 2003, 2004a). A disconcerting trend detected in the EE Commission reports (2002, 2003) and confirmed in other surveys and research (Bennet, 2001; Temkin, 2003), that links with organisational climate and culture, is that the retention rates for Black recruits have fallen and many South African firms are losing Black people as fast as they recruit them. Suggested reasons for these high attrition rates are the following: • Lip service by a firm’s leadership about the need for employment equity with really low commitment to employment equity from top management.

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• A lack of cultural sensitivity, where new recruits are expected to assimilate into the current organisational culture. • A lack of cultural awareness programmes and an organisational culture that does not value diversity. • A White male dominant organisational culture that continues to exclude (formally or informally) Black recruits. • Black people are selected as tokens and not fully integrated into companies because of little delegation of real responsibility or decision-making authority. • Black staff are not systematically developed and trained – no effective talent management. Recent research by Booysen (2004a) affirms the above, and identifies two further reasons: • Limited opportunity for access to high visibility projects or positions – Blacks are placed in “soft positions”. • Restricted access to mentors and a lack of role models. Some quotes from Black employees in Booysen’s (2004a) research illustrate the above: • People are attracted to visible successes of Black generics in an organisation to believe in the commitment towards that vision. This organisation does not have enough people in the Black generic category of leadership status to attract the necessary intellectual capital. If this culture were conducive, it would be more visible. • We do not have enough Black male or female mentors and role models. • Perception that “you have been accepted in an AA position and therefore you are not totally competent to handle the responsibilities of the job”. • Tokenism – some employees see you as an AA appointment and remind you about this. • The current culture is White; we don’t like golf and have wine at a restaurant, because we do not enjoy this – nor have the money. This is not Black culture. • It would seem that the “Western” culture or White people are more preferred especially in the more specialised areas of the organisation. Blacks occupy softer areas of the bank, like HR. Also not many women in senior to top management – therefore a lack of role models. • I suppose it ultimately does become more representative of the country . . . At the moment it’s not there. Like you are the only one sitting in the room . . . I think the culture of the organisation needs to be such that all people are made to feel welcome. People get a certain message from the way management look, from the way your policies are, from the way they are treated, or greeted, the way recognition happens, the way promotions. . . . All of these things tell you something. You get

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a distinct feeling, whether you are welcome, or you are not welcome. I think they have a very long way to go. • It is wonderful to say treat everyone fairly and honestly, management can do it, but exec feel, they are all exempt. I think it’s that. The closer I get to the top, the more I see it. And that worries me. And it almost makes you think, do you want to be there?

Coping with simultaneous resistance and acceptance of change Supported by organisational change theory (Jick, 1993), it is evident that there is both buy-in, as well as resistance, to the changes. There are innovators and early adopters, and on the other hand laggards and immovables, regarding change. Some groups accept the changes in South Africa and the cultural differences, and embrace them, while other groups are still resisting these. Generally speaking, research indicates that the innovators tend to be the previously disadvantaged groups in South Africa, the Blacks, Coloureds and Indians. In contrast, the laggards are perceived to be the Whites, especially White males (Ngambi, 2002; Booysen, 2004b). Regarding this resistance and the disconnect between EE and AA policies, and the way these are implemented by White males, who are still dominant in the management of most organisations, one White male insightfully claimed: “We are asking turkeys to vote for Christmas”. And a Black male said, Most employers say there is a “risk factor” in employing EE candidates, but in reality, there are enough bad White managers and if the structure were so good then it would have worked in the first place. So there is not much risk involved in investing in Black talent management and leadership. “I want to see a visible difference in Black representation.”

Managing perceived cultural differences between Whites and African Blacks In South Africa race and ethnic culture are overlapping distinctions, and there are differences in worldviews between the different cultures that co-vary with race and culminate in leadership, followership and organisational practices (April, Macdonald and Vriesendorp, 2000; Mbigi, 1995, 2000; Khoza, 1994, 2004; Booysen, 1999a, 2001, 2003; Booysen and Ngambi, 2004; Luthans, van Wyk and Walumbwa, 2004). Two specific aspects of difference in the workplace, which were strongly reflected in Booysen’s (2004b) interviews, and which have implications for organisational practices, warrant more discussion: • the difference between the linear, sequential or monochronic perception of time by Whites and the cyclical, synchronic or polychronic perception of time by Blacks; and • the difference between individualism and collectivism.

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Coupled with collectivism and the way time is used in the African Black culture is Ubuntu. Ubuntu is a humanistic philosophy, namely African humanism, which focuses on people and relationships. Ubuntu literally translated means “I am because we are”. Quite different from the Descartes (Western) dictum “I think therefore I am”. It is an expression of our collective personhood and collective morality. Simply put, it implies encouraging individuals to express themselves through the group – through group support and commitment, acceptance and respect, cooperation and consensus, caring and sharing. It is argued that Ubuntu is opposed to individualism and insensitive competitiveness, but it is also not comfortable with extreme collectivism, where it stresses the importance of the social unit to the point of depersonalising the individual. At the same time, it places great emphasis on concern for people, as well as being good and working for the common good (Mbigi, 1995; Khoza, 1994, 2003; Booysen, 1999a, 2001, 2003; Booysen and Ngambi, 2004; Luthans, van Wyk and Walumbwa, 2004). These different perceptions of time and relationships have implications for organisational practices, like for instance the running of meetings. Sequential cultures, like the White group in South Africa, are likely to upset synchronic cultures, like the African Black group in South Africa, when they insist on running meeting agendas like clockwork. Synchronic people will frustrate sequential people when they seem unable to stay focussed on the single specific issue at hand, and when relationships are seen as more important than time. The general advice given to groups in training in South Africa is, that Whites need to learn how to respect relationships more and Blacks need to learn how to respect time more. Relationships are traditionally viewed by the African Black cultural group as more important than work, time is not seen as a priority. In the White cultural group, time is seen as money and is in more instances than not a higher priority than relationships. The following quote from a Black female illustrates this difference (Booysen, 2004b): I can’t just walk on if I meet my previous manager who I like, if I am in a hurry. I say, I have to stand and greet him properly and then only I will move on to my next appointment. So a Black person can put in an hour in my diary and say “I need to sit with you for this hour so that I can show you this”. Even if it takes one hour 30 minutes you still . . . you know . . . answer the questions. But if you are a White person . . . you know . . . you say one hour. They are saying ten to eleven you have to make sure that you wrap up now, yeah, I don’t know I think it is my perception.

Striking a balance between needed social integration and tendencies to segregation The lack of social integration of the different cultures in informal settings in the workplace is still quite prevalent throughout most organisations (Ngambi, 2002; Booysen, Nkomo and Beaty, 2003; Booysen, 2004a, 2004b). This can be

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seen as a possible way of reclaiming own identities, or as a way of just mirroring what is still the reality in South Africa – even 12 years down the line of democracy, race groups are not really that integrated outside of the organisational sphere. Segregation can also be used as a strategy – a self-protective response in relationship to oppression. Segregation can be used as a defence mechanism in social identity conflict situations, or for self-protection in situations where there is still discrimination. The contact hypothesis (Luthans, van Wyk and Walumbwa, 2004) shows a degree of face validity in this research. Several people commented about how the White minority have lived in relative isolation and seclusion for much of their lives. Bringing people into interaction in the workplace allows different groups to develop new understanding and relationships. These closer relationships between Black people and White people do seem to help individual relationships.

Managing shifts in power distribution: Understanding and supporting the different groups The previously non-dominant Black majority Even though significant power shifts have already taken place – these shifts are still in process and have not yet been played out fully. White people as a minority, which previously had absolute power, still have the most economic and management power. Moreover, even though Black people have the power in the supra-system, they do not yet have the power in management or organisations. In large part because of the Apartheid era’s baggage, the distribution of the various social identity groups in the corporate workplaces still fall out almost cleanly by function and level, with White males in top management and Black people in junior management and administrative levels. These distributions are now beginning to slowly shift, and will do so more dramatically in the years to come. This shifting balance of power seems to be ever-present in the inter-group interactions which, in turn, impact on social-identity conflict.

Recognising third identity groups – some groups are still left in the middle While the most salient social identity issues are between White people and African Black people, the Coloured and Indian groups have always, and still are, left in the middle, as the third identities. AA initiatives, particularly in corporate South Africa, are being perceived as African Black empowerment, and not really beneficial to Coloureds and Indians/Asians. There is a general perception amongst the Coloureds in South Africa that in the previous dispensation they were not White enough, and in the current dispensation they are not Black enough (Ngambi, 2002; Booysen, 2004b).

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Indians also see themselves as part of a third identity, who is neither White nor Black. The fate of third identity group members is intricately bound with the quality of the interactions between the dominant and non-dominant groups, as attested to by one of the Indian interviewees: • When it was White government of course it was seen that Indians were favoured because they weren’t too Black, and now that it’s a Black government, we are still not being favoured. But if I apply for a position in affirmative action, I am not going to get it, because I am not Black.

The precarious situation in which White people find themselves White people as a group are showing high levels of social identity anxiety, due to their loss of power and the changes in South Africa (Ngambi, 2002). This affects the White males more pertinently, since they were (and for the most part, still are) in the most powerful position, and had absolute power prior to the political change. There are high levels of job insecurity among White males and a real perceived lack of future promotional opportunities, which result in high levels of demotivation. In a sense, it can be said that White males are the “new minority”, they experience a perceived employment equity ceiling, feelings of being the least valued and in discomfort with power sharing, as some of the White males commented in Booysen’s (2004a) research: • White males are de-motivated – they just perform to maintain their jobs – no initiative, because it is not going to get rewarded. • The White male career is on hold or limited, top achievers’ careers also limited but not stopped. • No job security for White males – younger White males, who are not established in a career yet, feel much more insecure because of quotas. • If we perform and consistently perform, we still have a future – how far up we do not know. In addition, in many organisations the Whites, males and females, must train and mentor their replacements, and Blacks are being placed in jobs that they are sometimes perceived to be unqualified to hold. On the surface the mentoring and coaching strategy sounds like a good plan, as illustrated by a Black female (Booysen, 2004a): • Expertise sits in those people whose jobs are threatened. We need to make them the teachers. They need to train/teach bank skills. We need to be overt about it and tell them that they will be making a huge contribution to the future. However, it seems to go awry in some cases. One problem is that it is suggested that the White person will lose his or her job when the Black person

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is trained up. Another is that the system fails if the trainer leaves. It also raises a question regarding what incentives the more experienced workers have for training the less experienced ones, and perceived advantages and disadvantages of doing this task well, as illustrated by a Black woman in one of the focus groups (Booysen, 2004a): • It is about addressing White fears. That EE is not just merely about numbers (i.e., taking from one and giving to another). “Why put their name forward when they will be excluded anyway?” Those assumptions and fears pose barriers and need to be addressed specifically because White women have been disadvantaged because of Black women. Black women under-perform, because the White women refuse to train a Black person and support them through the process. It is a challenge and becomes a vicious circle. And by White males: • PDI’s (previously disadvantaged individuals) get appointed and promoted above their ability – then we have to report to them, while doing the work. • I trained a PDI in my division, now I am reporting back to him.

. . . and White males still have the power While the White males’ power is dissipating, they still hold, on a relative basis, greater power than all other groups in South Africa. The EE Commission report (2003) and the Business Day special focus on AA and EE (17 May 2005: 4–5) both show that White males are still disproportionate to their share of the working- and general population in most decision-making positions. Furthermore, Dlamini (2005) points out that the latest training figures indicate that White men are still the biggest beneficiaries of training and skills development in both the private and (surprisingly also) the public sectors. In agreement with Dlamini (2005), it can be stated: “Let’s take White males off the endangered species list”. Given the current statistics, it appears that the White males are indeed not endangered, at least not for now. Yet, there are real feelings of disempowerment, and possible perceptions and experience of “total” loss of power. This is understandable, since they are the group that up to now have lost the most absolute power, and who will still lose even more power in the future. Furthermore, a large number of White males who were in decision-making positions have already lost some power. Also those White men who are not yet in decision-making positions might experience some EE barriers, since they are not part of the designated group (EE Act, 1998). However, only once the skills gap is closed in South Africa, will White men truly compete on an equal basis with all the other population groups.

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The effect of simultaneity of race and gender From the discussion of the shift in management power it is evident from the 1994 management statistics, and the discussion of the effects of social identity shifts on management, that women, Black and White, were, and still are, the minority group in decision-making positions. What is also evident is that White women still have more management power than Black women and that their position equals that of Black men. Bell and Nkomo (2004) and Holvino (2001) both point out that the notion of the simultaneity of race and gender has been clearly articulated by Black feminist theory. Nkomo (2005) explains that race and gender are not seen as independent or separate social constructions, but as “interdependent” and “intersecting systems” or as “indivisible” and “interlocking categories”. Bell and Nkomo (2004: 24) argues further that while race and gender are seen as distinctive systems of oppression, they are theorized as part of one overarching structure of domination. They also refer to Andersen and Collins (1995) who view race, class and gender as an interrelated axis of social structure, within a more generalised matrix of domination.

Black women in South Africa In South Africa, Black women in management are caught in a double disadvantaged situation – that of being both of the subordinate gender and of the subordinate race – (Booysen, 1999b; Mathur-Helm, 2004). This is in line with the double jeopardy or double whammy hypothesis of Ransford (1980) and Landrine et al. (1995) (in Ferdman, 1999: 25), and Bell, Denton and Nkomo (1993). Also, Epstein (in Bell et al., 1993) indicates that this double jeopardy can be a double advantage, and that the sum effect of race and gender can be seen as positive in the case of Black American women, due to their preferred status in organisations, since they can be counted as a “double minority”. Bell et al. (1993: 113) discuss the research around these two competing hypotheses – the double jeopardy versus the double advantage hypotheses and came to the conclusion “. . . that neither are wholly accurate descriptions of the contemporary experience of Black women managers. The intersections between race and gender may be far more complex, problematic and contradictory than these oppositional hypotheses indicate.” Furthermore, it is important to note, as Bell et al. point out, that it is an erroneous assumption that Black women can actually be “counted” twice, since the Employment Equity reports will count a Black woman as just one. However, it can be argued that in South Africa, the double advantage hypotheses for Black women might actually ring true. Black women, specifically are now in the number one position to be affirmed by EE legislation, according to the ranking list, and are also incorporated in BEE legislation, as Blacks and as women. Black women will be counted in the EE reports as one, and they will also be counted as Black and as women, separately, on the BEE

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quotas – which will have them counted thrice – a triple advantage. Due to that, it seems as if they might enjoy a preferred status in organisations compared to other groups – or at least the perception exists that that might be the case. Be that as it may, another dilemma Black women are facing is that of the current power structures. Different structures of power can have differential influences on social identities: according to Alderfer’s (1986) embeddedintergroup theory, the effects of one’s own group occupying a favourable position in a system may be muted by its being at a relative disadvantage in the supra system, or vice versa. South African Black women’s authority as individual managers may be influenced negatively due to the dominance of White males in leadership positions (Booysen, 1999b), even though they are seen as being in the most advantageous position. South African Black women are see-sawing between being doubly jeopardised (previously low status) and low status in the management system and doubly advantaged (recent high status) in the supra system, due to political changes and AA, EE and BEE legislation. So even though the supra structure of government laws and social changes favour Black women more than any other group in South Africa, the present dynamics within Black women managers’ identity and organisational groups, favour Whites and males – thus muting their relative advantage. Having to cope in a male, and specifically a White male domain in management, women, and especially Black women, may decide unconsciously or consciously to cope with their group’s “out status” or “subordinate position” by using White males as models. In so doing, they try to become members of the in-group, or at least to be accepted by the dominant group. Black women managers (African Black, Indian and Coloured) are also caughtup even more than their White counterparts, in the cultural perceptions about gender, and balancing work and home life, since patriarchy and gender differentiation tend to be higher in the African Black and Muslim cultures than in the White culture in South Africa (Booysen, 1999b, 2001; Prekel et al., 2003; MathurHelm, 2004). Furthermore, Black women in management do not only function, like their White female counterparts, in gender-different contexts, but also unlike their White South African counterparts, in racially different contexts. Black women have had to learn to navigate in both a White and a male-dominated culture. Due to this bi-culturalism – as Bell et al. (1993) refer to it – the Black women’s ability to participate simultaneously in both the Black and the White and male cultures, places Black women in a unique position to understand different social identities.

White women in South Africa On the other hand, even though White women still have more management power than their Black counterparts, due to past White privilege, the White

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women group seems currently to be the most invisible group. It can be said, that in the previous dispensation White women were seen as women and in the current dispensation they are seen as White. They were, and still are, disadvantaged. In the first instance, by patriarchy in management, in the second instance, by societal changes. While being White used to be and still is to a large extent an advantage, and carried many privileges with it, that advantage is slowly losing ground. White women are included in EE legislation, albeit the last on the ranking list for selection (South Africa EE Act, 1998), and they are excluded from BEE legislation. While they have already made substantial progress due to the relative larger pool of qualified White women than Black women, it can be foreseen that the larger the Black pool of talent becomes, the less White women will benefit from EE legislation. Furthermore, their explicit exclusion from BEE, means that White women will lose more management power in future – power which they actually never had.

Black and White women in South Africa By being both women and White, in the present situation, the White women group now, for the first time also find themselves in a double disadvantaged position – as the Black women group have been up to now. However, it seems as if the changes in South Africa are turning this double disadvantaged position into a double (or triple) advantage for Black women, while it may in time turn in to a fully fledged double disadvantage for White women.

Defining and dealing with these leadership challenges South Africa is experiencing a huge so-called “brain drain” on the one hand, and on the other hand a shortage of skilled workers and an oversupply of unskilled workers (Mulholland, 2004; Theunissen, 2005). We have to deal with global standards and indigenous pressures. We have to deal with major shifts in workforce demographics and the democratisation of the workforce. Yet our management is still homogenous and management practices are still mostly Western, even though previously suppressed Afrocentric management practices are starting to win ground. This transitional stage, in which South Africa finds itself, poses interesting situations. Everything is supposed to be equal, but the Black people (being the subordinate group in organisational and managerial life) are still the scapegoats in many instances, and experience feelings of not being valued. The White people are still in power in organisations, yet they experience perceived discrimination and feelings of being devalued. Changes and transformation in the workplace are perceived either to be too slow or too fast, depending on the cultural lens through which these are looked at, and depending on whether you are Black or White or in the middle.

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This is the leadership challenge: how to simultaneously balance different realities. How to deal with these social identity paradoxes in the workplace, for instance: How to deal with Black expectations and managing White fears (Booysen, 2004a). As one Black female stated: Stop patronising Black females by having correct policies in place but still implementing unfair practices in a patriarchal society, e.g., “You can have the title but you are not good enough to take the extra responsibility” . . . and a White male: The White male career is on hold, we are demotivated . . . it is soul damaging to hear you can only grow so far and not more. How to manage a culturally diverse workforce which not only includes racial differences such as: • White employees who fought or who’s fathers fought against the “terrorists and communists” during the so-called border war, who now have their “enemies” as their bosses; • Black employees who were oppressed, detained and dehumanised by Whites, who now have to work together and still have them as their bosses; • Coloureds and Indians who experience themselves once again as the third identities; • Whites who experience AA appointments as incompetent; • Blacks who experience themselves as tokens, Blacks who are fast-tracked and Blacks who do not progress fast enough. But also generation differences, such as: • Black employees from the class of 1976, who were part of the Soweto uprisings in protest against the enforcement of Afrikaans as medium of tuition in all schools; • Black employees from the class of 2005 who do not even remember the struggle against Apartheid and have White Afrikaans-speaking friends; • Whites who are still caught up in the Apartheid era, Whites who feel they never were part of the Apartheid era, Whites who feel guilty because of the Apartheid era; • Blacks who still experience discrimination in the workplace and Whites who also experience experience “discrimination”; • Younger White males, who are experiencing an “employment equity ceiling”, who are angry at older White males for still being in decision-making positions; • Whites who experience the changes to be too much too soon, Blacks who experience the changes as too little too late, Coloureds and Indians who do not really experience change at all;

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• The younger Black generation who do not want to be perceived as AA appointments, and who experience the first wave of AA appointments as incompetent. And gender differences, such as: • Women managers losing their identities and alienating their subordinates by trying to fit in the male-dominated corporate culture; • Women managers, Black and White, not fulfilling their real potential, due to patriarchy, lack of mentors and lack of confidence; • Women creating stiletto ceilings for other women, and maintaining male power structures; • Women who can not progress fast enough, due to lack of opportunity and bottlenecks filled by men; • Black and White women competing against one another for few positions.

Conclusion: we have to become culturally intelligent South Africa is a country in transition, the workplaces are in transition, and to a large extent all the social identity groups are out of their comfort zones and are trying to re-establish their own identities, relative to all the other social identities in the new South Africa. Besides changes in management practices, all social identity groups have to unlearn their earlier socialised and internalised mental programming and patterns of behaviour, build up new mental programmes, learn new behaviours, as well as develop new coping mechanisms to adapt to their new and still-changing environments. We all have to realise that what we have learnt to be intelligent in, in our own culture, is not necessarily intelligent in other cultures. Most of the adults working in our South African organisations are children of the Apartheid era and grew up in isolation, and segregated from the other cultures. Each cultural group learned and internalised their own cultural norms, rules and regulations in the socialisation process. As Gouws (2005) claims, we need to (un)think our own citizenship. Now the challenge is to unlearn all of that, and to integrate “new” norms and regulations – to become culturally intelligent. Offerman and Phan (2002) explain that cultural intelligence is the ability to function effectively in a diverse context where assumptions, values and traditions of one’s upbringing are not uniformly shared with those with whom one needs to act. We need to be able to distinguish between, and to be capable of leaving behind, those intelligent behaviours learned in one cultural context, when what is intelligent in another cultural context differs. In order to deal with the above leadership challenges we need to value and embrace diversity. So a true, easy and difficult, change is needed – a change in minds, our leadership paradigms, our learnt behaviour, our existing corporate

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cultures towards valuing diversity. That is the only way in which we will be able to deal with our own transition and evolving social identities. In order to utilise all talent and potential effectively, leaders have to South Africanise, through building an organisational culture of inclusivity, where all people feel they are heard, seen and respected, and where all perceive similar levels of opportunities for growth. This requires a leadership philosophy that has a balance between African, Western, feminine and masculine management practices and values.

No-one in the organisation should ask: “What about me?” What is needed is a mind-shift – transformation needs to be systemic. Through a holistic approach, organisational practices, procedures, systems, strategies, entrenched management and leadership philosophies, as well as the individual attitudes and values need to be changed to ultimately achieve a culture in which diversity is valued, as an essential vehicle for organisational effectiveness. The mind-shift changes ideally should include the following: • Truly accept that we are all equal, that we all have value to add, that we are all South Africans; • Be more thoughtful and responsive, in how we lead and listen – rather than be forceful and directive, as the management tradition was in the past; • Really and truly explore the richness of cultures other than our own; Change: • The “think manager, think male” paradigm to think manager, think competence – irrespective of race or gender; • The “look like a lady, act like a man, work like a dog” paradigm to be a woman and work effectively; • The “West is best” paradigm to West is just one way, there are also North, South and East to choose from; • “White is right” paradigm to White thinking suits only a small group of people in the larger indigenous population of South Africa. There are also African Black thinking, Indian thinking, and Coloured thinking to be taken into consideration. And even within these groups there are differences. In conclusion it can be said that: “We have travelled so far on our journey of transformation that we are another nation, however we still have so much learning and un-learning to do that the journey has but just begun”.

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References Alderfer, C. (1986), “An intergroup perspective on group dynamics”, in J. Jorch (ed.), Handbook of Organizational Behavior. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, pp. 190–222. April, K., MacDonald, R. and Vriesendorp, S. (2000), Rethinking Leadership, Cape Town: University of Cape Town Press. Banutu-Gomez, M. (2002), “Leading and Managing in Developing Countries: Challenge, Growth and Opportunities for Twenty-First Century Organisations”, Cross Cultural Management, Vol. 9, No. 4, pp. 29–41. Barkema, H.G., Baum, J.A.C. and Mannix, E.A. (2002), “Management Challenges in a New Time”, Academy of Management Journal, Vol. 45, No. 5, pp. 916–30. Bell, E.L., Denton, T.C. and Nkomo, S.M. (1993), “Women of Color in Management: Toward an Inclusive Analysis”, in E.A. Fagenson (ed.), Women and Work Series: Women in Management, Trends, Issues and Challenges in Managerial Diversity, Volume 4, London: Sage, pp. 105–30. Bell, E.L. and Nkomo, S.M. (2004), Racializing gender and gendering race in organization studies (unpublished manuscript). Bennett, J. (2001), Companies bleeding skilled blacks at a rapid rate (Sunday Times, 25 March 2001, p. 5). Bhorat, H. ( 2001), “Explaining employment trends in South Africa: 1993–1998”, New Agenda South African Journal of Social and Economic Policy, Vol. 4, pp. 21–38. Booysen, A.E. (1999a), An examination of race and gender influences on the leadership attributes of South African managers (doctoral dissertation, University of South Africa, Pretoria, 1999). Booysen, L. (1999b), “A Review of challenges facing Black and White women managers in South Africa”, Southern African Business Review, Vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 15–26. Booysen, L. (2001), “The Duality in South African Leadership: Afrocentric or Eurocentric”, South African Journal of Labour Relations, Vol. 25, Issues 3–4, pp. 36–64. Booysen, L. (2003), “Diversity Management”, in J.A. Slabbert, B.J. Swanepoel, W. Backer and J.J. Prinsloo (eds), Managing Employment Relations in South Africa, Johannesburg: Juta, pp. 24-1–24-41. Booysen, L. (2004a), Evaluation of Org X Employment Equity implementation and Retention strategies (June 2004, commissioned by Org X, Rosebank). Booysen, L. (2004b), Org Y: Leadership Across Difference Report (December 2004, Centre for Creative Leadership in collaboration with the Graduate School for Business Leadership, Unisa, Midrand). Booysen, L. and Ngambi, H. (2004), Diversity Management in South Africa (invited chapter for Catalyst Spectrum, Expert Contributions, at http://www.catalystwomen.org. spectrumSM). Booysen, L., Nkomo, S. and Beaty, D. (2002). “Breaking through the numbers game: High impact diversity”, Management Today, Vol. 18, No. 9, pp. 22–4. Booysen, L., Nkomo, S. and Beaty, D. (2003), “A best practice model for building a valuing diversity culture”, Management Today, Vol. 19, No. 1, pp. 33–6. Bouche, J and Booysen, L. (2005), “Facing the unknown: Introducing BEE into SMMEs”, Management Today, Vol. 21, No. 4, pp. 46–47. Business Women’s Association South Africa, Catalyst USA (2005), South African Women in Corporate Leadership (Census 2005, Sandton: Nedbank Press). Byrne, D. (1971), The Attraction Paradigm, New York: Academic. Cilliers, F. and May, M. (2002), “South African diversity dynamics: Reporting on the 2000 Robben Island Diversity Experience. A group relations event”, South African Journal of Labour Relations, Vol. 26, No. 3, pp. 42–68.

154 Diversity in Africa Cox, T.H. and Finley, J.A. (1995), “An analysis of work specialisation and organisation level as dimensions of workforce diversity”, in M.M. Chemers, S. Oskamp and M.A. Costanzo (eds), Diversity in organisations: New perspectives for a changing workplace, London: Sage, pp. 62–90. Department of Trade and Industry, Republic of South Africa (2002), Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act. Dlamini, C. (2005), Editorial Column (Business Day, 17 May, p. 1). Ferdman, B.M. (1995), “Cultural identity and diversity in organisations: Bridging the gap between group differences and individual uniqueness”, in M.M. Chemers, S. Oskamp and M.A. Costanzo (eds), Diversity in organisations: New perspectives for a changing workplace, London: Sage, pp. 37–61. Ferdman, B.M. (1999), “The Color and Culture of Gender in Organizations”, in G.N. Powell (ed.), Handbook of Gender & Work, London: Sage, pp. 17–34. Garelli, S. (2004), “Executive Summary: Competitiveness Trends-Overall, Rankings and Scoreboard”, in IMD World Competitiveness Yearbook, Lausanne, Switzerland: IMD International, pp. 466–73. Garelli, S. (2005), “Executive Summary: The World Competitive Landscape: A higher degree of risk”, in IMD World Competitiveness Yearbook, Lausanne, Switzerland: IMD International, pp. 608–28. Gouws, A. (ed.) (2005), (Un)thinking Citizenship. Feminists debates in contemporary South Africa, Cape Town: Juta Haslam, S.A. (2001), Psychology in Organisations: The Social Identity Approach, London: Sage. Helepi, G. (2000), “Moulding strategic affirmative training and development”, People Dynamics, Vol. 18, No. 3, pp. 34–6. Hofstede, G. (1991), Cultures and organisations: Software of the mind, London: McGrawHill. Hofstede, G. (1994), Uncommon sense about organisations, cases, studies and field observations, London: Sage. Holvino, E. (2001), Complicating Gender: The Simultaneity Of Race, Gender, And Class In Organization Change(ing) (Center for Gender in Organizations, Working paper No. 14, Simmons Graduate School of Management, Boston). Jaffer, Z. (1998), Women still on a road to nowhere (Sunday Times, 16 May, p. 4). Jacobson, C. (1999), Women still on a road to nowhere (Sunday Business Times, 7 March, p. 7). Jick, T.D. (1993), Managing Change: Cases and Concepts. Illinois: Irwin, Inc. Kemp, N. (1994), “Managing diversity and affirmative action”, Human Resource Management”, Vol. 10, No. 4, pp. 26–31. Kemp, S. (2003), SMEs needed, Mboweni.Moneyweb, at http://www.moneyweb. co.za, accessed 3 March 2004. Khanyile, T. (2004), Empowerment must bring clear value (Business Day, 16 September, p. 5). Khosa, M. (2001), “The Empowerment Challenge: Not yet Uhuru?”, in M. Khosa (ed.), Empowerment Through Economic Transformation, Pretoria: HSRC, pp. 441–8. Khoza, R. (1994), “The need for an Afrocentric management approach – A South African-based management Approach”, in P. Christie, R. Lessem and L. Mbigi (eds), African Management: Philosophies, Concepts and Applications, Pretoria: Sigma Press, pp. 117–24. Klein, M. (1999), It’s nice work – if you can get it (Business Times, 31 January, p. 12). Luthans, F., Van Wyk, R. and Walumbwa, F.O. (2004), “Recognition and Development of Hope for South African Organization Leaders”, Leadership & Organization Development Journal, Vol. 25, No. 6, pp. 512–27.

Social Identity Changes 155 Manning, T. (1997), Radical Strategy: How South African Companies Can Win Against Global Competition, Sandton: Zebra Press. Mathur-Helm, B. (2004), “Equal Opportunity and Affirmative Action for South African Women: A benefit or barrier?”, Women in Management Review, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 56–71. Mbigi, L. (1995), “The roots of Ubuntu in business: A definitive perspective”, in L. Mbigi and J. Maree (eds), Ubuntu: The Spirit of African Transformation Management, Randburg: Knowledge Resources, pp. 77–92. Mbigi, L. (2000), In search of the African Business Renaissance, Randburg: Knowledge Resources. Mulholland, S. (2004), Hijacking affirmative action – nothing sacred: Openers (Finance Week, 2 August, p. 17). Mulholland, S. and McKay, D. (2004), Black Mark, Mbeki: Nothing sacred (Finance Week, 24 May, p. 15). Munetsi, W. (1999), “Affirmative Action – A simplistic view”, People Dynamics, Vol. 17, No. 1, pp. 36–7. Naidoo, G. (1997), “Empowerment of women in the corporate world”, People Dynamics, Vol. 15, No. 5, pp. 30–35. Ngambi, H. (2002), The Role of Emotional Intelligence in Transforming South African Organisation, proceedings of the International and Management Sciences Conference, Vanderbijlpark, pp. 221–31. Nkomo, S.M. and Cox, T. (1996), “Diverse Identities in Organizations”, in S. Clegg, C. Hardy and W.R. Nord (eds), Handbook of Organization Studies, London: Sage, pp. 339–56. Nkomo, S.M. and Stewart, M. (2005), “Diverse Identities”, in S. Clegg, S. Hardy and W.R. Nord (eds), Handbook of Organization Studies, 2nd edition, New York: Sage. Offerman L.R. and Phan, L.U. (2002), “Culturally intelligent leadership for a diverse world”, in R.E. Riggio, S.E. Murphy and F.J. Pirozzolo (eds), Multiple intelligences and leadership, London: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 187–214. Paton, C. (1998), Prejudice in the corridors of power. A woman’s work is still not done in Parliament (Sunday Times, 2 August, p. 19). Pillay, D. (1999), Equity law is statutory change management (Business Day, 20 July, p. 4). Prekel, T., Booysen, L., Enslin, B. and Gwangwa, L. (2003), Report on gender training needs assessment study aimed at the advancement of women in the public service (commissioned by the South African Management Development Institute, Pretoria). Rahim, M.A. (2001), Managing conflict in organizations, 3rd edition, Westport, CT: Quorum Books. Rautenbach, F. (2005), Indirect BEE Through the JSE. Is South Africa Making Progress? (Finance Week Report, 8 April, pp. 1–37). Rothman, J. (1997), Resolving identity-based conflict in nations, organisations, and communities, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Rowen, P. (2000), Black income to out strip Whites (Sunday Times, 18 March). Smith, P.B., Peterson, M.F. and Schwartz, S.H. (2002), “Cultural values, sources of guidance, and their relevance to managerial behaviour”, Journal of Cross Cultural Psychology, Vol. 33, No. 2, pp. 188–208. Slabbert, J.A. and De Villiers, A.S. (2003), “The Historical development of employee relations in South Africa”, in J.A. Slabbert, B.J. Swanepoel, W. Backer and J. J. Prinsloo (eds), Managing Employment Relations in South Africa, Johannesburg: Juta, pp. 4-1–4-24. South Africa (1995), Labour Relations Act. No. 66 of 1995, Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa (1996), Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, Pretoria: Government Printers.

156 Diversity in Africa South Africa (1997), Basic Conditions of Employment Act. No. 75 of 1997, Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa (1998a), Employment Equity Act. No. 55 of 1998, Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa (1998b), Skills Development Act. No. 97 of 1998, Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa (1998c), Skills Development Levies Act. No. 9 of 1999, Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa, Black Economic Empowerment Commission (2001), Black Economic Empowerment Commission Report, Johannesburg: Skotaville Press. South Africa, Central Statistical Service (1995a), October Household Survey 1994, Pretoria: CSS. South Africa, Central Statistical Service (1995b), Statistical Release PO317, Pretoria: CSS. South Africa, Department of Labour (2002), Annual Report – Commission for Employment Equity 2001–2002, Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa, Department of Labour (2003), Annual Report – Commission for Employment Equity 2002–2003, Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa, Department of Trade and Industry (2003), Broad-Based Black Economic Empowerment Act, Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa, Department of Trade and Industry (2004), The Codes of Good Practice on Broad-Based Economic Empowerment (Draft), Pretoria: Government Printers. South Africa, Office of the Presidency (2001), Preferential Procurement Policy Framework Act, Pretoria: Government Printers. South African Government website (2005), at http://www.safrica.info/women/ womeninparliament. Statistics South Africa (2003), Census 2001, Pretoria: SSA. Swanepoel, B., Erasmus, B., Van Wyk, M. and Schenk, H. (eds) (2003), South African Human Resources Management: Theory and Practices, 3rd edition revised, Johannesburg: Juta. Tajfel, H. and Turner, J.C. (1979), “An integrative theory of intergroup conflict”, in W.G. Austin and S. Worchel (eds), The social psychology of intergroup relations, Monterey, CA: Brooks/Cole, pp. 33–47. Temkin, S. (2003), Employment equity programmes taking root (Business Times, 14 July, p. 1). Terreblanche, C. (2003), Elite Empowerment must be stopped (The Star, 6 June). Theunissen, G. (2005), Exacerbating a shortfall – skills shortage: Economic trends and analysis (Finance Week, 14 March, pp. 48–9). Van der Westhuizen, C. (1999), Vroue-LP’s se stryd nie maklik (Naweek-Beeld, 17 July, p. 4). Van Gass, C. (2005), Report highlights South African’s growing self-belief (Business Day, 17 May, p. 2). Van Rooyen, D. (2004), Stormloop na swart bestuurslui kom (City Press Rapport Loopbane, 17 April, p. 1). Van Wyk, M.W. (1998), “A critical analysis of some popular objections to affirmative action”, SBL Review, Vol. 2, No. 1, p. 1–8. Wray, Q. (2004), Empowernment apathy rules at SA Inc. (Business Report, 18 March, p. 21).

9 The Hunter’s Spirit in Leadership: An African Wounded Soul Theory Perspective Lovemore Mbigi

Introduction I was born and raised in indigenous African tribal culture in Southern Africa. I was raised in an indigenous Shona peasant culture in a village where no-one owned a car, a radio, a book, a newspaper or bank account. The economy was a cashless tribal peasant economy. The culture was rich in tribal traditions and beliefs, as well as rituals and ceremonies. The spiritual roots were deep. Ancestors, mythology and spirits played a dominant role in the life of the community. There was limited contact with Western civilisation and the mission school was the only symbol of modernity. This went on until I was 18 years of age. At the age of three, I had been given over to my grandmother whose name at birth was Makawa, which means “you have fallen down”. She then became the tribal Rain Queen for the Oracle of Dembetembe. In terms of our tribal religious traditions, the Rain Queen is the representative of God on earth – an Archangel in terms of Western religious mythology. I was privileged to be her most trusted assistant – a prince to the Oracle – at a very young age (Mbigi, 1997). In this tribal culture, conventional business entrepreneurship is highly revered and raised to a sacred dimension, encouraged, and treated as a gift from God. The role of conventional entrepreneurship is to create wealth for the individual, family and community.

Nature of entrepreneurship Entrepreneurial ability is treated as a gift from the ancestor spirits. The tribal elders and shaman (sangoma) were always able to make the regression analysis and psychic visioning to establish from which great-grandfather or grandmother did this gift originate. Therefore, reincarnation plays a critical role in identifying and defining the nature and character of entrepreneurship. African tribal cultures are able to identify the genius of entrepreneurship in individuals when they are below the age of 10 years. The genius of entrepreneurship is 157

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referred to as the Hunter’s Spirit (Mushavi) in the Shona tribal culture of Zimbabwe. It is associated with wealth creation activities such as trading, hunting, business ventures, business deals and enterprising agricultural activities (Mbigi, 1995). When entrepreneurship expressed itself through agricultural activities, it was referred to as Hurudza. The distinguishing nature of entrepreneurship in terms of the Shona tribal culture is emotional independence and deep emotional wounds. As far as the tribal cultural perspective is concerned, emotional independence is a precondition for achieving financial independence and the building of personal wealth and fortune. Modern theories of entrepreneurship have overlooked the emotional and psychological aspects of entrepreneurship. This would seem to suggest that the development and training of entrepreneurs should focus on nurturing the relevant emotional and psychological factors. Therefore, the training of entrepreneurs should be motivational and enable participants to develop personal growth strategies. The emotional independence of entrepreneurs is evidenced by their ability to defy the crowd in their pursuit of their ideas. They have a high degree of being emotionally detached from the community. They are totally absorbed in their ideas and work. In most cases their involvement in community activities is not deep, and it is distant. They normally make a token appearance at community rituals and ceremonies. The question then becomes, how do these entrepreneurs acquire their emotional independence, which leads them to financial independence and divergent thinking. In terms of the Shona tribal wisdom, all forms of entrepreneurship acquire this emotional independence through traumatic and tragic events in their lives. It is ironic that it is the dark moments in our lives that force us to look beyond darkness and capture the shining light in the darkness of our existence. Severe emotional wounds are the lenses through which entrepreneurs get a clear view of their personal destiny. This makes sense. If the entrepreneur in the field of healing is to be able to help the sick and wounded, he/she must have experienced their pain and have overcome this kind of adversity him-/herself. Consider the patron saint of American democracy, Abraham Lincoln, who went through a lot of painful personal tragedies and electoral defeats before he took public office as President of the United States of America. Consider Richard Branson’s personal struggle with academic performance as a dyslexic. Consider Oprah Winfrey’s difficult circumstances as a child and being abused as a young girl. Consider also Nelson Mandela losing his father at an early age and having to go to live with relatives, as well as his 27 years in prison. Think of groups that have been persecuted for centuries such as the Jews. They left Israel in AD 67 and lived for nearly 2,000 years under very difficult circumstances of anti-Semitic persecution, and they went through the Holocaust in Nazi Germany. Today, they are among the most enterprising groups on earth. Although they constitute 2 percent of the US population, 45 percent

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of the richest forty individuals in America are Jews. They also constitute a third of all millionaires in the United States and 30 percent of all Nobel prize winners in science, as well as 20 percent of leading Professors at Ivy League Universities. Persecution and resentment, in other words, collective emotional wounding appears to have given the Jews the emotional independence which has made them the most enterprising tribe in history. This is not just confined to the Jews. In any country, research shows that groups of immigrants produce the highest number of entrepreneurs. For example, Andrew Carnegie, Sydney Portier, Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger, Peter Drucker and Kurt Lewin are/were all immigrants. It is often an emotional traumatic event to leave one’s country of birth with its familiar environment, as well as social support of friends and family and to move to a foreign country with all the insecurity and social isolation. The success of immigrants and persecuted minority groups seem to confirm the African Shona tribal theory that emotional independence, developed through emotional wounding, is the key to financial independence and successful entrepreneurship. This is the essence of the wounded soul theory of enterprising leadership.

Spirit of entrepreneurship: a definitive perspective The genius or spirit of entrepreneurship is revered in African tribal societies. It is referred to as the Hunter’s Spirit (Mushavi) in the Shona tribal culture. This is an enterprising and restless spirit with boundless energy. The distinctive feature of this spirit is its ability to improve, as well as the creation of high perceived value where there previously was none. The spirit of entrepreneurship has extraordinary imagination to manage around constraints and obstacles, by improvising. It is a spirit that sees opportunities where others see problems. The Hunter’s Spirit has the courage to create and manage opportunities through amazing deal-making and selling abilities. Its symbol is the cheetah skin. In the absence of the latter, a cloth with red and black stripes called retso is used. The red probably represents the blood and the killer instinct or aggressive aspect of the Hunter’s Spirit. The symbolism of the cheetah spirit is very significant and instructive in understanding the nature of entrepreneurship. At 120 kilometres per hour, the cheetah is the fastest animal on earth – it has a killer instinct. It means that entrepreneurs should act fast in seizing opportunities, with incomplete information. This spirit has a bias for action and a quest for pragmatic creative solutions to solve competitive and survival challenges. The Hunter’s Spirit has an eye for opportunities, improvement and improvisation. Deal-making and strategic partnering skills, as well as project selling skills, are crucial elements in the portfolio of entrepreneurship skills. Our organisations in

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both the private and public sectors, have been shrinking with the advent of the computer and the Internet. Skills are necessary, but not sufficient, to sustain growth and create employment, as well as create a sustainable economy. There is no substitute for entrepreneurship. African governments after independence from colonial rule, have been investing very heavily in Western education and skills, with very little economic return on their investments. In many cases, Western education with its emphasis on middle-class values of obedience, dependence on employment and clerical jobs, as well as a career mentality, did more harm than good. Western education destroyed the desire to acquire practically useful skills and the emphasis on living together and teamwork, which is the hallmark of indigenous African education. Western education has become an obstacle to economic and social development in Africa and emerging economies, because it discourages entrepreneurship and encourages a wage slave mentality. There is a dire need for the development of social, individual, organisational and community entrepreneurs. Skills are essential, but not sufficient, to sustain growth, prosperity and create employment. There is no substitute for entrepreneurship. Although Russia has a highly educated and skilled population, its economy is very poor. This is because the cultural heritage of communism created a culture of entitlement and patronage, which does not value wealth creation and entrepreneurship. It is more important to be a salaried clerk in government, to be an artist and a politician, than to own a corner shop as an entrepreneur. People do activities that their communities accord high value, recognition and status. On the other hand, the US culture has always respected wealth creation and entrepreneurship with its frontier spirit. This has resulted in a sustainable growth economy with a high capacity to create additional jobs. Therefore, the cultural, spiritual and emotional dimensions of entrepreneurship, rather than technical skills, should be emphasised in the development of entrepreneurs.

Practical applications The reality in our organisations is that entrepreneurs are not valued and accommodated in our organisations. They are either marginalised or driven out of our organisations. This problem can be overcome in the following manner: (1) Design of appropriate rituals and ceremonies, as well as symbols and awards to canonise the Hunter’s Spirit in the organisation. (2) Creating a parallel organisation by creating a business development unit or a non-traditional business unit. (3) Adhocracy – setting up specific business development projects on an ad hoc basis.

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(4) A review of employment and recruitment practices that deliberately attempt to bring mavericks into the organisation. These individuals have unique résumés characterised by histories of overcoming adversity and odds early in their lives. Their résumés demonstrate their ability to overcome very unfavourable and tragic personal circumstances. (5) Strategic partnering with maverick thinkers, doers, consultants and Professors. (6) Buying high-growth start-up enterprises from entrepreneurs and leaving them to grow the businesses. (7) Developing and implementing a relevant worker education curriculum that emphasises individual, organisational and community entrepreneurship. This should emphasise personal motivational and growth strategies, as well as opportunity management, deal-making skills, selling and creativity. (8) Developing and implementing a relevant leadership development curriculum which emphasises action and risk-taking, as well as opportunity management, deal-making skills, selling and innovation through paradigm pioneering. Innovative ideas, which are the platform of entrepreneurship, usually come from outside the organisation and communities. New ideas are usually brought by outsiders. This may be the reason why immigrants are very enterprising. The insiders may be too close to their systems to envision different potential opportunities and realities. It is also career-limiting and very difficult to challenge the dominant organisational business paradigm from within. Formal structures and the prevailing organisational and community mindsets may be obstacles to innovation and entrepreneurship. Therefore, The organisational business concept and the prevailing community paradigm need to be constantly challenged. It is important to create innovative projects and parallel structures in order to accommodate and house the Hunter’s Spirit. The Catholic Church, which has been successfully adaptive to its environment for 2,000 years, has always done this by creating religious orders to accommodate the spirit of innovation and entrepreneurship within it. This has enabled the Catholic Church to be a pioneer in knowledge management through the establishment of the Jesuit Order, which is nearly 500 years old. Its mission is to provide quality education. The minimum qualification to join the Jesuit Order is a Masters degree followed by 16 years training, during which period the Jesuit priest should obtain a licentiate in philosophy. Passionate emotional and spiritual resources are responsible for innovation and entrepreneurship. In the Shona tribal culture entrepreneurs rely heavily on the dreams they encounter during sleep for guidance, and prayers to those in the world beyond to manage fear and risk. African entrepreneurs rely on their spiritual faith to manage risk and fear. The research by Thomas

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Stanley (2001) of 60 millionaires in Oklahoma made the same discovery; they too had deep spiritual beliefs that enabled them to manage fear and uncertainty. This may be very instructive in the development and implementation of a training programme for entrepreneurs. There has to be emphasis on personal spiritual development to enable them to find a personal purpose in life, as well as philosophy to enable them to deal with complexity, for philosophy is the mother of knowledge. There should also be a focus on politics to enable entrepreneurs to develop power and influencing skills, which are crucial elements in implementing their ideas and schemes. In order to rewrite competitive and wealth creation rules, there is a need not only to be creative, but also to be courageous, to act on ideas and opportunities aggressively and with speed. This is why in the Shona tribal culture, entrepreneurship is represented by the fastest animal on earth – the cheetah – to symbolise aggression, speed of action, shrewdness, a killer survival instinct, as well as obsessive focus. Prof Albert Einstein is quoted as having said that creativity is more important than knowledge. As organisational leaders, we have to develop the courage within us so that we can do things, with stakeholders, that have never been done before. We must have the courage to be different, and to sail beyond the horizon. Our organisations cannot shrink their way to greatness through restructuring and downsizing. The key strategic challenge is no longer rightsizing but growth. Imitation of other organisations will help us to improve and become better but not to be the best, which can only lead to competitive parity but not to the creation of competitive advantage. What is very clear is that intelligent copying through benchmarking cannot create competitive advantage for our organisations; it can only help us to catch up. There is a need for new products and services capable of rewriting the competitive market rules, as well as new business formulas which put the spirit of innovation and entrepreneurship at the centre of strategic attention.

Alternative forms of entrepreneurship There are other forms of entrepreneurship beyond the Hunter’s Spirit, which are as follows: • • • • • • • •

Rainmaker Spirit (Gobwa). Destructive Witch Spirit (Mutakati). Avenging Spirit (Ngozi). Family Spirit (Mudzimu). War Spirit (Jukwa). Royal Spirit (Mhondoro). Divination Truth Spirit (Sangoma). Innovation Spirit (Shave).

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The Hunter’s Spirit is identified early in life with its affinity to dogs, hunting and nature forests, as well as its obsession to create value through dealmaking, selling, improvisation and paradigm pioneering skills. The spirit of entrepreneurship is inspired by hunting songs (nziyo dzechidzimba) and dances. This spirit of entrepreneurship is required to regularly celebrate its solidarity and brotherhood with the community, by carrying out regular rituals and ceremonies. The main purpose of economics is to celebrate the brotherhood of humanity through strategic partnership and sharing. The visible hand of the economy in the form of entrepreneurs, as well as strategic collaboration, and not the invisible hand of the market, is the backbone of any given economy. The African wounded soul theory offers some helpful insight on the development of entrepreneurs. It is not intellectual rigour, but emotional and spiritual rigour that nurtures the spirit of entrepreneurship.

References Mbigi, L. (1995), UBUNTU: The African Dream in Management, Randburg: Knowledge Resources. Mbigi, L. (1997), UBUNTU: The Spirit of African Transformation Management, Randburg: Knowledge Resources. Stanley, T. (2001), The Millionaire Mind, Kansas City, MO: Andrews McMeel Publishing.

10 South African Market Labour Market Trends: An Analysis of 1995 and 1999 Labour Statistics Haroon Bhorat

Introduction This chapter focuses on a fundamental issue in the South African domestic economy, namely, the inability of the labour market to create employment over the medium to long-term. This poor performance of the labour market has been well recorded; however, the intention in this chapter to gain more insight into the most recent statistics on the employment performance. In doing so, the study will utilise the available household surveys, to analyse employment shifts in South Africa between 1995 and 1999. First, the analysis will detail the descriptive statistics that explain the economy’s recent labour demand trends. Second, these labour demand changes will be compared with the changes that have occurred, over the same period, in the quantum of new individuals entering the labour force. In doing so, it is hoped that it will deliver a tight description of the key challenge that faces the domestic labour market, namely that of significantly raising the number of job opportunities that are made available to the unemployed and future work-seekers. The chapter concludes with some generic policy issues that the State could consider in dealing with these multifaceted challenges in the labour market. These policy conjectures cover the gamut of labour demand and supply interventions, with a particular focus on some of the key supply-side factors that are open to manipulation by the State.

Employment trends 1995–99: a descriptive overview The analysis of employment shifts covers the period from 1995 to 1999, and is drawn principally from the October Household Surveys (OHS) released by Statistics South Africa for these two years. Both surveys are based on random sampling of some 30,000 households and about 140,000 individuals. In the case of the 1995 data, the 1991 census weights1 were used, while in the case of 1

Given that the data sets utilised here are samples of individuals and households in the society, they need to be ‘weighted up’ to represent, as accurately as possible, the

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Market Labour Trends 165

the 1999 OHS, the 1996 Census weights were applied to the data. In working with employment and other numbers that are to be aggregated up, clearly this differential weighting can pose a problem. As a result, to ensure that consistency and comparability were achieved in the data set between the two years, the 1995 OHS was re-weighted using the 1996 weights. In all the data here, both formal and informal employment was included. Despite the misgivings concerning the estimation and inclusion of the informal sector in the household surveys (Bhorat, 1999), it remained essential that the sector, in an attempt at gauging the total employment shifts that have occurred in the labour market, was included. The first descriptive overview of employment shifts that have occurred since 1995 is provided in Table 10.1. This presents total employment shifts in the economy between 1995 and 1999, according to sector and occupation. The nine main sectors have been included in the table, divided according to an eight-level occupational classification. In addition, there is an unspecified category in both the sector and occupational breakdown, representing ‘incorrect’ or ‘nil’ returns for these codes in the questionnaire. The first, most interesting feature of the data is the aggregate employment performance of the domestic economy. The data show that over the period 1995 to 1999, employment increased by about 1.1 million workers, representing a 12% increase over the five-year period. While the sector and skills detail of this growth did of course vary, it is clear that the notion of aggregate ‘jobless growth’ in the South African economy is erroneous. The economy, in the aggregate, has been creating jobs rather than shedding them. It is important, however, to try and place this absolute expansion of employment into context. Specifically, it is necessary to assess the number of jobs that have been created, relative to the new entrants that have come into the labour market annually between 1995 and 1999. The data indicate that between 1995 and 1999, the number of new entrants increased by about 3.1 million individuals.2 Over the same period, 1.1 million additional jobs were created. This has meant therefore that about two million individuals – some of whom were first-time entrants into the labour market – have been rendered or have remained jobless since 1995. The upshot from this is that while we did not have jobless growth, we have clearly had ‘poor employment growth’ over the past five years. Put differently, while employment grew at 12% over the period, if all the new entrants were to have been placed into employment since 1995, employment would have needed to have grown by 33.4% over the period. In other words in order to maintain unemployment at its 1995 national population of individuals and households. As is standard practice, we therefore need to utilise an appropriate weighting structure from the relevant population census to try and ensure that the data are nationally representative. 2 See Table 10.4 for the growth in new entrants.

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Table 10.1:

Employment shifts by sector and occupation, 1995–99

Occupation Sectors Unspecified change %change Managers change %change Profess. change %change Technicians change %change Clerks change %change Sales change %change Crafts change %change Operators change %change Elementary change %change Total change %change

Unspecified Agric. 18,468 24.35 1,223 10.48 2,387 155.91 323 7.96 7,655 31.02 2,400 50.20 933 14.86 18,007 71.30 23,646 72.76 26,086 13.98

2,928 377.81 24,301 369.65 1,744 257.61 899 28.93 1,045 8.63 9,414 109.01 14,259 97.64 3,469 2.69 95,366 9.45 39,397 3.33

Mining 2,508 74.73 6,143 53.80 5,018 105.93 177 1.35 16,380 42.57 8,904 33.90 13,087 8.22 79,296 83.36 35,682 43.94 45,263 10.46

Manufac. Utilities Construction 28,808 472.03 37,656 50.43 20,531 152.05 30,320 38.12 9,656 7.31 4,224 12.61 78,309 25.58 79,689 16.03 16,003 5.75 94,500 6.65

2,216 165.50 4,231 215.43 207 7.32 5,654 52.55 1,035 9.48 1,858 48.20 4,612 17.14 5,224 36.92 2,454 21.69 5,559 6.61

1,534 128.37 20,427 88.58 476 9.89 9,486 64.28 832 5.52 3,358 164.69 106,151 39.96 4,792 19.59 18,649 22.62 136,197 31.42

Source: Author’s analysis using Statistics South Africa (1995) and Statistics South Africa (1999).

Trade 4,461 87.21 9,794 4.42 10,577 129.68 26,925 54.37 13,175 4.60 142,780 29.70 52,468 27.28 17,719 21.09 235,998 73.18 458,871 27.81

Transport Financial Comm.serv 4,636 175.08 9993 15.16 4,858 102.32 13,243 24.58 6,167 6.90 11,486 86.24 2,036 4.14 53,430 39.04 1,398 2.63 73,893 15.75

5,500 302.36 55,519 113.38 71,116 145.58 50,879 41.29 23,319 10.60 85,583 116.34 6,351 33.66 9,826 97.26 49,519 132.26 357,612 61.35

13,077 44.50 41,090 105.48 118,773 50.82 77,525 11.09 58,370 19.52 71,565 17.12 12,269 22.03 9,156 12.88 93,914 8.48 36,353 1.23

Total 57,982 45.45 190,789 37.81 234,735 72.55 2,969 0.28 50,648 4.49 180,634 16.97 275,313 25.15 11,434 1.05 228,439 7.58 1,131,647 12.04

Market Labour Trends 167

levels, employment should have risen by close to three times the existing rate. Ultimately, the aggregate data suggests that while employment expansion has been recorded over the past five years, we need to be mindful that in terms of the economically active population and its growth over time, this job performance has been far from adequate.

Employment shifts by sector and occupation Although positive employment growth has been reported for the domestic economy, it is important to determine the distribution of these employment gains at the sectoral and occupational level. As will be made clear, in this manner we are able to determine more specifically the winners and losers from these overall employment changes. The detailed employment shifts indicate that the national employment expansion had a differential impact at the sectoral level. Hence, we find that the largest increase in employment was reported for the financial and business services sector, where employment grew by 61% over the five-year period. It is worth noting that this growth rate is double the 33.4% ‘target’ employment growth rate discussed above. The second and third fastest growing sectors shown in Table 10.1 were construction (31%) and internal trade (28%) respectively. These high employment numbers reveal the continued expansion of the services sector, in keeping with global trends which have been already noted in the long-run labour demand studies that have been done on South Africa (Bhorat and Hodge, 1999; Bhorat, 2000; Edwards, 2000). This includes in part, the construction industry, which does have a fairly significant services component. Furthermore, the construction data also suggests that short-term, albeit modest, GDP growth resulted in employment gains for a sector that is very pro-cyclical in nature. Indeed, the growth in the services sector and the consequent positive impact on employment in these sectors are trends that are likely to intensify and continue over the medium to long run in South Africa. An interesting result, and one that will be dealt with in more detail below, is that while all the service sectors reported healthy employment growth rates, the category of community, social and personal services was the only service sector to yield a poor employment performance over the period, at under 1.5%. The sectors that reported a decline in employment levels since 1995 were utilities (6.6%) and agriculture (3.3%) and the unspecified category (14.0%). The largest employment drop therefore was found in the latter, followed very closely by utilities. This shorter-term data analysis did not reveal the patterns observed in the long-run labour demand analysis, namely that both primary sectors were in secular decline. Instead, while agriculture continued to shed jobs, the mining industry gained some 45,000 new workers over this period. Although the overall increase in mining was not skillsneutral, it is important to note that it is one of the economy’s key primary sectors is creating employment. Noticeably, the economy’s largest contributor

168 Diversity in Africa

to GDP, manufacturing, has seen its employment levels rise by about 7% since 1995. While clearly a positive trend, this is half of the national growth rate, and five times below the target employment growth rate of 33.4% over the same period. Countering the above notion of an expansion in mining employment, however, and indeed in some of the other sectors such as manufacturing and community services, is the examination of the changes in the shares of total employment by sector between 1995 and 1999. Table 10.2 presents this evidence. It is clear that despite the growth in mining employment, as a share of total employment, the mining workforce has declined. Thus, in 1995, mining accounted for 4.61% of total employment, while in 1999 this had fallen, albeit marginally, to 4.54%. Similarly, the manufacturing share of employment fell by 0.73 percentage points, while the poor community services performance is reflected in the largest employment share reduction of 3.03 percentage points. In contrast, increases in the share of employment were reported for construction, internal trade, transport and financial and business services. The latter, in particular, saw the highest percentage point rise in its share of employment. Indeed, the data here fit very well with the long-run analysis, indicating that significant job reallocation is taking place from the primary sectors and some secondary sectors, towards parts of the services industry. Perhaps the most interesting trend in the data is the decline in the utilities sector employment and the poor employment performance within community, social and personal services. Both of these are dominated by the public sector. The community services data require a slightly more detailed explanation. It needs to be remembered that the sector includes those individuals employed within the domestic services sub-sector. The data, not shown above, reveal that employment in this sector grew by about 180,000 employees Table 10.2:

Share of employment by sector, 1995 and 1999

Sectors

1995

1999

Change in share

Agriculture Mining Manufacturing Utilities Construction Internal trade Transport Financial and business services Community services Unspecified

12.61 4.61 15.12 0.89 4.61 17.56 4.99 6.20 31.42 1.99

10.88 4.54 14.39 0.75 5.41 20.03 5.16 8.93 28.39 1.52

1.73 0.07 0.73 0.15 0.80 2.47 0.17 2.73 3.03 0.46

Source: Author’s analysis, using data from Statistics South Africa (1995) and Statistics South Africa (1999).

Market Labour Trends 169

in the period. If we exclude this figure, we arrive at a more accurate estimation of employment shifts within the public sector per se. Dealing with the public sector in this manner, reveals that employment actually fell by some 143,000 workers between 1995 and 1999. This figure more closely reflects the changes that the public sector has been undergoing since 1995. Hence the data reflect a public sector that is in the process of significant restructuring. In addition, the share data make it clear that the job destruction in the public service has been both rapid and particularly large. The loss in utilities was relatively small, but is representative of a sector that employs under 100,000 workers. Ultimately, at the sectoral level, the growth data for 1995 to 1999, reveal that the employment losses that occurred were predominantly in the public sector, with all other sectors, barring agriculture, reporting a rise in employment levels. These results are manifest of the new government’s intention to reduce inefficiencies within government, reduce the size of the public sector wage bill and to drive its restructuring plan around the notion of outsourcing non-core functions at all tiers of government. The result of this extensive and rapid public sector restructuring programme, therefore, has been significant employment losses within the sector. The important point, however, is to try and determine which occupations within each of these sectors bore the brunt of the overall employment losses, or as the case may be, gained most from intra-sectoral employment growth. It is useful to begin with the aggregate occupational shifts in the labour market. Table 10.1 reveals that the demand for all occupational groups increased, with the exception of clerks. The number of clerks fell by just over 50,000 over the same period – representing a 4.5% decline in employment over the period. The second poorest performers were technicians, whose employment essentially remained constant over the period. In terms of increased labour demand, the largest increases were recorded for professionals (73%) and managers (38%), which together accounted for close to 450,000 of new jobs created over this period. Interestingly, the third largest increase was recorded for craft workers, whose employment rose by about 25% since 1995. The employment of sales staff also increased over this period, at an average rate of 17% across all sectors. The reasons for this growth pattern in the intra-sectoral is expanded upon in the discussion below. It should be evident that two categories have been omitted from Table 10.2, namely workers in domestic services and individuals categorised as skilled agricultural workers. The reason is that the numbers presented for these categories are difficult to interpret and deserve special, if not separate, attention. For example, one of the oddities in the data here is that domestic services gained some 127,000 skilled agricultural employees, while it lost close to 770,000 labourers. This is a change that is very hard to explain, and may be purely due to altering definitions of the skilled agricultural worker category from 1995 to 1999. One of the factors that may have influenced this definitional change could be, for example, the fact that many individuals ostensibly

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doing domestic work in rural areas, are in fact primarily farm workers. By the same token, the huge increase in the aggregate demand for this occupation of some 395,000 workers yielding an increase of 344% over the period, is simply too large as to represent a pure employment shift. It may rather be the changing definitions used in the two survey years, combined with the implicitly amorphous nature of this occupation category that has resulted in these numbers. Indeed, OHS 1999 reports skilled agricultural workers as ‘skilled farm workers’ defined according to the crop that they are farming.3 Rather than these workers being skilled in the generic sense, they would appear to be farm labourers defined in a very specific manner for the purposes of the 1999 survey. Given the uncertainty around these figures, it is probably fair to assume that the figures for elementary employees within agriculture, better reflects the changing pattern of farm worker employment. In turn, the change in domestic services employment is probably more accurately reflected by the reduction in employment of elementary employees, rather than the aggregate shift, which reports a rise in domestic service employment.

Intra-sectoral employment shifts by occupation The above brief discussion around domestic service and the skilled farm worker categories points to the importance of examining how aggregate sectoral shifts have indeed important nuances when dissecting this overall shift by skill levels. Taking the primary sectors first, in the case of agriculture there was a decline in employment levels, and in mining an increase. In the former, despite the overall drop in employment, the two highest skilled occupations – professionals and managers – yielded an employment expansion of over 250% for the period. Indeed, while the loss was about 40,000 workers in this period, the sector created about 26,000 high-skilled jobs. As should be evident from Table 10.1, the loss was disproportionately due to the attrition rate among elementary workers, whose employment fell by about 95,000. Ultimately then, agriculture reveals the common within-sector trend that despite overall employment losses, gains were evident for highly-skilled workers, while unskilled employees bore the brunt of the employment decline. Within the mining industry, the aggregate employment growth again masks the occupational breakdowns. Hence, while the industry gained some 45,000 workers, these were primarily among individuals classified as operators. In addition, there were gains, albeit relatively small, for managers and professionals in the industry. Despite this overall increase in employment, losses were reported for clerical and sales staff as well as those in elementary occupations. The former two occupations may have been a result of the corporate

3 The crops listed include groundnuts, grove, mushrooms, livestock, jute, hops, ostrich, potatos, poultry, rice and so on.

Market Labour Trends 171

restructuring and realignment that has taken place among mining companies within the industry. Nevertheless, the largest decline in employment was reported for labourers, whose number fell by close to 36,000 workers since 1995. As with the labour market in agriculture, these short-term labour demand trends indicate that intra-sectorally, it has been unskilled (and in some cases semi-skilled) workers who have lost out. The winners in both sectors, irrespective of the aggregate employment shift, have been highly-skilled workers. This is a labour demand trajectory that conforms with the long-run studies done previously and reinforces the view that since the mid-1990s within each primary sector, despite their factor choices, skilled workers are rapidly replacing unskilled and semi-skilled workers in the internal labour market. In the secondary sectors (manufacturing, construction and internal trade), similar trends do emerge, with some important differences. Within manufacturing, it is evident that the sector has created jobs since the mid-1990s. However, the detailed statistics illustrate that the demand expansion was once again for top-end workers, namely professionals, managers and technicians. Collectively, they accounted for almost all of the new jobs created in the industry. In contrast, there was a high attrition rate among operators and elementary workers. In the case of operators, this reflects most probably on subsectors such as the clothing and textile industry, which under enormous global competition has rapidly shed its semi-skilled workforce. Again, the manufacturing industry reveals trends that replicate the results found in the long-run labour demand studies. The construction industry has mixed results. While skilled employment grew for managers (and notably declined marginally for professionals), the demand for craft workers was the catalyst for the positive employment figures in construction. In addition, employment of labourers also increased. While this sector is of course pro-cyclical, there is evidence to suggest that it can, with the right economic growth conditions, be a major source of semiskilled employment growth. This is an important result, as it goes against previous evidence, which seemed to suggest that demand was bifurcated strictly along high-skilled and unskilled lines only, with semi-skilled worker demand remaining essentially dormant. Ancillary (and very informal) evidence suggests that the output-employment elasticity of the sector is fairly high with respect to semi-skilled workers, given that in this same period construction output grew by a modest 1.26%. Of course, it is important to note that these employment figures are for the short run, and within construction particularly may not be manifest of long-term and sustainable employment growth. Additional positive employment results emanate from the wholesale and retail trade sector, in which employment also grew by approximately 28% since 1995. More importantly though, the big winners here were elementary workers and sales personnel. This is representative of a sector that grew fairly strongly in output terms, as growth was close to 3% in the sector. This suggests

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that expansion in the large-scale retailing industry will induce greater demand for semi-skilled (sales staff) and unskilled workers. It is also possible that, given the focus on formal and informal employment, the rise in employment is picking up the increasing number of individuals entering the informal retailing industry for lack of a job in the formal sector. Within the tertiary sector, the tendency for increasing demand for semiskilled workers is partially replicated. Hence, in the transport sector, for example, the overall increase in employment benefited machine operators (in absolute terms) more than any other occupation. This is notwithstanding the fact that the demand for the two highest skills groupings also rose. Elementary workers within transport continued to be shed, albeit in small numbers. Over the same period, the industry grew faster than any other main sector, with the exception of utilities. This suggests that as the industry continues to grow, while unskilled workers will lose out, semi-skilled employees will be the key beneficiaries of this output expansion. The utilities sector, while a very small employer, reflected rising demand for both highly-skilled and unskilled workers, albeit off a very low base. With the rapid growth and increasing dominance of the financial and business services industry, it is natural that the employment results here would have particular importance. Not unexpectedly, the trends reveal a rapid growth in demand for professionals, managers and technicians – which in absolute terms is second only to the community services sector. Of course, given the total employment size of the sector, the shift is relatively greater than that of community services. What is very heartening to note is that the demand for all occupations has also risen, although of course by a smaller percentage. This suggests a more balanced and perhaps more nuanced result on South African employment patterns: that a growing industry which is skills-intensive will still increase its share of semi-skilled and bottom-end workers. Indeed, within finance, the demand for unskilled workers was over three times the target growth for the economy as a whole. There are of course important caveats to this result. First, the absolute number of employed within financial services means that even at higher growth rates, it is unlikely to produce significant reductions in unemployment numbers. Second, while sectoral growth can realise employment gains for the unskilled, it is still higher skilled workers who have a greater probability of finding employment. But the relevance of these results cannot be overstated: that we now have evidence to suggest that while there is skills-biased employment growth, at least since 1995, in certain growing sectors unskilled and semi-skilled workers have also gained. Simply put, growth is good for all occupations, but continues to be better for those at the top end. The community services sector comprises almost wholly of the public sector. As such, it represents the single largest employer in the economy. South Africa has embarked on a sustained programme of privatisation and deregulation, which has been matched by a concerted effort to restructure the public sector.

Market Labour Trends 173

This changing ethos of the new government has had an immediate and profound impact on labour market trends within this institution. The data from Table 10.1 do not display this vividly, because, as stated above, domestic service employment is included in the aggregate community services figures. It is instructive therefore to present the community services figures, excluding household domestic workers. Table 10.3 attempts this and it is immediately evident that, based on this more accurate representation of the public sector, it has been the largest single shedder of jobs since 1995. More importantly, the brunt of the adjustment has been borne by elementary workers and machine operators. Collectively, between 1995 and 1999, the public sector has shed about 85,000 employees in these two occupations. In addition, semi-skilled employees such as sales staff and noticeably skilled workers such as technicians, have also witnessed a significant depletion in numbers. Ultimately, the public sector, through its intensive restructuring process, has ensured that unskilled, semi-skilled and skilled workers have experienced job losses. At the skilled level, technicians include such employees as nurses, safety and quality inspectors and certain teachers. It is therefore likely that these individuals, in particular nurses and teachers, had the highest attrition rate among the semi-skilled and skilled work force. The new government’s reorganisation of the schooling system, which in the mid-1990s included offering retrenchment packages to large numbers of teachers as well as the overt attempt to rationalise the healthcare sector, go some way towards explaining these attrition levels. Despite this restructuring process, the number of managers and professionals within the public service rose dramatically. Hence, since 1995, the number of workers in these top-end occupations increased by over 150,000 – greater than the net job loss in the sector. The public sector, through its restructuring programme, has thus constricted the demand Table 10.3: Community services employment, excluding domestic services, 1995 and 1999 Occupation Managers Profess. Technicians Clerks Sales Crafts Operators Elementary Unspecified Total

Change

% Change

41,675 118,680 77,318 59,548 71,608 3,548 14,282 71,007 3,835 143,424

108.61 50.78 11.08 19.91 17.68 6.54 20.38 30.04 31.99 6.67

Source: Author’s analysis; using Statistics South Africa (1995) and Statistics South Africa (1999).

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for technical staff (particularly nurses and teachers) and unskilled employees, while continuing to hire highly-skilled managers and professionals. There are two points of relevance from the above. First, given the fact that the public sector is in quantity terms the largest employer in the economy, the deterioration of its workforce disproportionately impacts on aggregate unemployment levels and future unskilled labour demand patterns. Second, these results conform with the long-run labour demand work that has been done, indicating a high and rising demand for skilled workers, with an erosion of the bottom-end workforce. However, it is additionally clear here that the labour demand needs of employers are very specific about the supply characteristics of skilled workers. Hence, there is a recognition by employers of the heterogeneity in these characteristics. As a result, the market would value, for example, a high-school teacher differently from a mechanical engineer, even though generically both are viewed as skilled workers.

Employment by race, gender and education levels An important addition to the sectoral and occupational detail is, of course, an analysis of employment shifts according to supply-side markers, such as race, gender and education. The data essentially differentiate the aggregate growth rate in Table 10.1 above of 1.1 million new jobs according to race, gender and then education levels. Table 10.4 divides the national employment trends observed in Table 10.1 by race. In addition, these employment shifts have been matched to the growth of the economically active population (EAP) for the different race groups. We are implicitly measuring the relative performance of labour absorption in the domestic economy.4 In terms of the employment by race figures, it is evident that for all groups the demand for Table 10.4: Race

Employment and EAP changes, by race Employment Change

African Coloured Asian White Total

EAP

Target rate

Employment gap

% Change

Change

% Change

737,834 182,668 44,890 148,850

12.23 16.38 12.78 7.84

2,567,538 262,238 89,817 199,281

27.17 18.31 22.14 10.00

42.56 23.52 25.57 10.50

28.74 69.66 49.98 74.69

1,131,647

12.04

3,140,862

23.65

33.42

36.03

Source: Author’s analysis using data from Statistics South Africa (1995) and Statistics South Africa (1999).

4 Note that the racial employment numbers total 1,114,242, which is approximately 17,000 workers less than the aggregate flow. This is due to a fifth category in the questionnaire, denoted as ‘other’ into which these individuals were coded.

Market Labour Trends 175

labour increased. Hence, the highest increase in percentage terms was for Coloured workers, followed by Asians, Africans and then White workers. The racial distribution of the total employment shift between 1995 and 1999 therefore indicates that all groups gained from employment. However, it is important to present these figures in terms of relative demand shifts – something which is extended further in the detailed decompositions provided. In essence, one needs to measure and evaluate the employment shifts relative to the number of new entrants coming into the labour market over the same period. Table 10.4 therefore shows, for example, that while African employment grew by 12.23% since 1995, the number of new African entrants seeking employment grew by 27.17%. This is a similar observation to one made earlier in this chapter that African employment grew, but not fast enough to provide employment to all new work-seekers. Indeed, in order for all these new worker-seekers, numbering some 2.5 million, to have found employment, African employment would have needed to have grown since 1995 by 42.56%. We have termed this the ‘target growth rate’, as it essentially summarises the desired employment growth rate for each of the race groups.5 The employment gap is the ratio between the actual employment growth and the desired (or ‘target’) rate, and is expressed as a percentage. The closer the employment gap is to 100, the better since it shows the actual relative employment growth to the desired employment performance. These figures are critical because they are predictor of relative employment performance – something that the standard growth rates do not yield.6 Using the above approach, it is evident that while all growth rates were positive, the relative labour demand shifts, as approximated by the employment gap, yield contrasting results. For example, while the African growth rate was higher than White employment growth, the employment gap tells a very different story. Hence, we see that the relative performance of African employment, when considering the new African entrants into the labour market, was actually far poorer. While African employment should have grown at about 42% to absorb all the new entrants, White employment only needed to expand by 10%. The gap between the actual and desired job performance

The target growth rate can be represented simply as: (EAPkt1  EAPkt )/Lkt where EAP refers to the economically active population for group k and L is the number of employed individuals, by any given covariate. Note that because this target rate captures the growth required to provide employment to only the new entrants since 1995, it is essentially the rate of growth required, independent of the unemployment numbers existent in the base year, namely 1995. 6 The decomposition exercise in the following section takes a similar approach in that it measures relative, rather than absolute, demand shifts. This is crucial in order to impart accurate information concerning labour demand shifts in the economy, beyond the basic growth rates of employment. 5

176 Diversity in Africa

for Africans (28.74) was far wider than that for White workers (74.69). Put differently, employment was generated for only 28.74% of all new African entrants into the labour market, relative to 74.69% of all White new entrants. The generic point is that while positive employment growth was reported for all race groups – relative to the growing labour force, all races yielded poor or inadequate labour demand growth. There can be no doubt that underlying these race-based shifts are the sectoral flows outlined in Table 10.1. Hence, closer examination of raceemployment growth by sector reveals that sectors such as construction and internal trade were particularly important in increasing the demand for African (semi-skilled and unskilled) labour. For White workers, it was high-skill sectors such as financial services that explain much of the uptake in employment. Conversely, the high attrition rate in the public service sector disproportionately affected African workers and is a core part of the poor relative performance for these workers. Ultimately, while the skills-bias labour demand shifts are not as intensive as the sectoral data indicate, the race data suggest that even though some sectors are growing, they are clearly not expanding rapidly enough to absorb the increasing numbers of new entrants entering the labour force. Table 10.5 follows the same reasoning as that of Table 10.4, this time concentrating on the relative demand performance of male and female workers.7 It is evident at the outset that there was positive employment growth for both genders, with female workers gaining more than their male counterparts. This trend is reasoned through the sectoral data, which show that the growth primarily of the internal trade sector, significantly benefited women workers. As is to be expected, the rapid rise of financial services was also a boon to female employment. In turn, male workers bore the brunt of the restructuring exercise in the public sector. Hence, while over 100,000 male workers lost their jobs in the sector, for females the figure was under 30,000. A combination Table 10.5: Race

Employment and EAP changes, by gender Employment

Change Male Female Total

EAP

Target rate

Employment gap

% Change

Change

% Change

440,591 666,031

7.78 17.84

1,358,167 1,773,133

18.54 29.78

23.98 47.51

32.45 37.55

1,131,647

12.04

3,140,862

23.65

33.42

36.03

Source: Author’s analysis, using Statistics South Africa (1995) and Statistics South Africa (1999).

7

As with the race figures, the gender data yielded about 7,000 individuals in the weighted sample, with an unspecified gender.

Market Labour Trends 177

therefore of high-growth sectors benefiting female workers equally or more than male employees, and the declining sectors disproportionately impacting on males, led to a higher net demand for female workers. As with the race figures above, however, it is the relative demand shifts that are important. Hence, we see that while the female employment growth rate outstripped that of males, the male labour force in fact grew less rapidly (18.54%) than the female EAP (29.78%). In other words, in relative terms, female employment needed to grow much faster than male employment. The desired, or target, employment growth as a result for males was 23.98%, while for females it was considerably higher at 47.51%. The employment gap statistics show, however, that the relative performance of female workers was better than that of males, with 37.6% of females finding employment, relative to 32.5% of males. Hence, since 1995 not only did female workers do better in absolute terms, but also that in terms of relative demand shifts, their job growth was superior to male employees. The occupation data in Table 10.1 did suggest that while the demand for high-skilled workers was continuing, there was evidence of wider distribution of employment gains to semi-skilled and unskilled workers. Table 10.6 tests this evidence, by examining labour demand trends by education levels.8 It is evident that demand for workers in all educational levels increased. The largest percentage increases were for workers with a matric (defined as those with completed secondary schooling) followed by those with primary education. Noticeably, the smallest increase was for degreed individuals. The growth in employment for those with primary and incomplete secondary schooling, is manifest in the expansion of the construction and

Table 10.6: Race

Employment and EAP changes, by education level Employment Change

None Primary Incl. Secondary Matric Tertiary Total

% Change

EAP Change

Target rate

Employment gap

% Change

21,611 348,561 269,496

2.83 16.27 9.44

25,471 852,733 993,617

2.23 25.68 22.55

3.34 39.80 34.80

84.85 40.88 27.12

345,174 6,380

16.69 0.45

961,244 93,906

34.73 6.14

46.49 6.57

35.91 6.79

1,131,647

12.04

3,140,862

23.65

33.42

36.03

Source: Author’s analysis using Statistics South Africa (1995) and Statistics South Africa (1999).

8

The data here revealed a slightly larger weighted sample of over 140,000 individuals who did not specify an educational qualification.

178 Diversity in Africa Table 10.7:

Tertiary employment growth, by race9

Race

1995

1999

African Coloured Asian White

651,245 84,032 60,623 634,204 1,430,104

Total

change

% change

574,124 86,638 69,816 700,945

77,121 2,606 9,193 66,741

11.84 3.10 15.16 10.52

1,436,484

6,380

0.45

Source: Author’s analysis, using Statistics South Africa (1995) and Statistics South Africa (1999).

financial services industries. For example, within construction, the demand for individuals with incomplete secondary education rose by a dramatic 421% between 1995 and 1999. As alluded to above, while these are short-run figures they do suggest that semi-skilled and unskilled workers can gain from a growing sector. The poor performance in the absolute growth figures, for tertiary-educated workers is hard to explain at first glance. However, a breakdown of this employment data by race for degreed individuals paints a different picture. Table 10.7 shows very clearly that the poor employment performance for workers with a tertiary qualification is concentrated solely among African individuals. Hence, we see that the demand for tertiary-educated African workers declined by about 77,000, representing an 11.8% fall in employment levels for graduates. In contrast, however, the demand for non-African graduates increased, with White graduates being the primary beneficiaries. Indeed, if we only look at non-African employment growth in this cohort, we find that the growth rate was about 10%. The key reason for this decline in African degreed employment appears to be the restructuring of the public sector. Hence, in this period the number of African workers with a degree fell by about 45,000 in the community services sector. One would expect that the overwhelming majority of these employees would be nurses and teachers. There is a crucial demand specification issue embedded here as well: namely that these degreed workers have been, and are continuing to, accumulate human capital in fields of expertise not in demand by employers.10 It does point, 9

Again, the race figures do not sum to the total for 1999, given the introduction of the ‘other’ category in the race question. 10 This particular observation cannot be easily shown with these data. It can be inferred, though, that while the demand for teachers and nurses, for example, continues, this demand is only for those individuals with a very specific suite of skills. Hence, while overall there may be little demand for teachers and nurses, there is likely to be an excess demand for mathematics and physical science teachers; ICU nurses and so on. However, this is purely informal evidence and currently there is little by way of direct numerical evidence for this observation.

Market Labour Trends 179

provisionally, to the importance of ensuring that the institutions of supply, namely the Universities and Technikons,11 are producing graduates with a skills profile that matches current demand trends. These very tentative data would seem to suggest that this is not occurring at present, and hence marks the beginnings of a graduate unemployment problem. Aside from the tertiary results, however, the relative growth rates for the remaining education levels tell an equally interesting story. First, it is evident that while all these education cohorts report positive growth rates, they remain well below the target growth rate – as reflected in the employment gap. The exception here is those with primary education, but the sample remains very small. Of note is the fact that the largest growth rate in the labour force was reported for matriculants (secondary or high-school graduates), who streamed into the labour market at a pace of 46.49% over the five-year period. It is these young workers invariably who would be the target population in any employment enhancement strategy. The relative demand shifts for these workers suggests that we are some way off providing work to these individuals, because only about 36% of all new entrants found employment.

Summary The above sections have tried to provide a detailed empirical overview of labour demand trends by a series of cohorts. A few trends appear to be emerging in this post-Apartheid period. First, in some contradiction to the long-run labour demand work, these results provisionally suggest that most main sectors of the economy are in fact creating employment. In this first significant result, the notion of ‘jobless growth’ for the South African economy, is clearly erroneous. The important caveat to this reasoning, however, is that the labour force has simultaneously grown at a higher rate. In net terms, employment expansion has been relatively poor. In addition, it is evident that across the different sectors, semi-skilled and skilled workers are gaining – a fact contrary to the long-run labour demand analysis, which suggested that it was primarily skilled employees who were gaining. Indeed, some of the sectors, such as wholesale and retail trade, revealed a rise in demand for unskilled workers as well. But the data continue to suggest that skilled workers are still undoubtedly gaining more than those below them in the occupational ladder. The one result that is directly representative of State policy is the process of public sector restructuring. It is the set of initiatives that have characterised this downsizing of the sector, and which has resulted in some 145,000 jobs being shed over the five-year period. It is clear that the key domestic employment shift since 1995, has been the high rate of attrition among public sector employees. This would seem to be the dominant trend in explaining a number of the figures observed above. The tertiary results, and the poor net 11 Technikons used to be referred to as Polytechnical colleges in Europe. They focus on technical and vocational tertiary education.

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performance of Africans and male employees all to a large extent reveal a public employer that is attempting to drastically shrink its workforce. Indeed, as we will see below, it is the public sector’s large absolute shares of employment that have driven the relative demand shifts at the sectoral level.

Engendering appropriate labour market interventions Given the above, it may be useful to deduce measures that the State could consider, over and above its current national strategies, in trying to engender a greater quantum of employment creation in the domestic economy. Our point of departure is that such measures should focus on two aspects of the labour market. First, they would need to ensure that the capabilities or characteristics of the suppliers of labour are better matched to the demand side. The current gross mismatch between demand and supply in the labour market lies at the heart of the economy’s poor absorptive capacity. Second, interventions need to examine mechanisms through which the purchasers of labour – employers – can be induced to increase the rate at which they are currently employing individuals. Accordingly this section will consider several possible interventions with the common element of the strategies being levers that engender either job creation or, as a default, assist in poverty alleviation.

The unemployed and the unemployable The above figures refer to the gap in growth between the employed and the economically active population. The residual, of course, is the unemployed. As a consequence, the inference from these tables is that South Africa’s already high unemployment numbers have increased over the 1995–99 period. Table 10.8 makes this clear. Hence, unemployment levels have risen from about 3.9 million in 1995 to 5.9 million in 1999 – using the broad definition. In turn, the unemployment rate according to the broad definition has increased from 29.2% to close to 36% over the five-year period. The poor mismatch that the labour market yielded in 1995 has thus only worsened over the past five years. More detailed statistics on the nature of Table 10.8:

Unemployment levels and rates, 1995 and 1999

Category Employed EAP Unemployed Unemployment rate

1995

1999

9,397,042 13,280,861 3,883,819 29.24

10,528,689 16,412,161 5,883,472 35.85

Source: Author’s analysis using Statistics South Africa (1995) and Statistics South Africa (1999).

Market Labour Trends 181

the unemployed from the 1999 data, reveal that close to 90% are African, and 56% female. Hence, unemployment, as we know too well by now, disproportionately affects Africans and women. In addition, the data suggest that about 70% of the unemployed have never held a job before. In other words, the data suggest that the problem of joblessness is inherently a structural issue. The key reason for this continued mismatch between demand and supply is that the human capital assets of the unemployed do not, in most cases, match to the demand needs of employers. Specifically, older unemployed individuals possess educational qualifications that would make it near impossible for them to take up long-term employment in the formal sector. The data suggest, for example, that of the unemployed aged between 35 and 64, about 57% of these individuals have primary education or no schooling at all. In addition, less than 2% of the older unemployed have a tertiary degree. This cohort of the unemployed captures a large percentage of mine and farm workers who lost their jobs over the past few decades. Given the changing employment trends observed above, it has to be accepted that this group of older unemployed individuals are never going to find sustainable, long-term employment in their lifetimes. The upgrading of these individuals’ supply characteristics is an enormous task that at this stage is not feasible, and given the stages that they are in their earnings life-cycle, one that is unlikely to reap any significant returns. These older unemployed individuals’ with very little formal education and residing in deep rural areas, are in fact not unemployed – rather they are unemployable. As we will see below, if this logic is accepted, more specific and perhaps more effective interventions can be conceived of for this cohort of the unemployed, beyond ill-conceived job creation interventions that are more than likely to fail. In contrast, the unemployed youth reflect a different set of supply characteristics to those of the older group. The data show that over a third of the unemployed youth of less than 35 years of age have a matric or more. In addition, over 35% of the unemployed youth less than 25 years old have a matric or a degree. Younger unemployed individuals invariably are better educated than their older counterparts. Furthermore, close to 60% of these individuals reside in urban areas – the location for the majority of job opportunities. The unemployed youth require, therefore, a completely different policy intervention to older unemployed individuals. These individuals have a sufficient stock of human capital to try and upgrade these characteristics in order to reduce the mismatch between supply and demand. These individuals are employable and so require a different set of policy interventions to the older unemployed individuals referred to above. What then are the two broad strategies that need to be conceived of for these two subgroups of unemployed individuals? In the case of the unemployable, it has to be accepted that job creation strategies will not be an optimal solution. Trying to upgrade these individuals’ skills with the aim of providing

182 Diversity in Africa

sustainable employment for them is simply not a tenable option. The degree of the mismatch between the supply characteristics of the older unemployed individuals and the demand needs of firms, ensures this. Instead these individuals need to be viewed, not as a job creation issue, but rather as a poverty alleviation issue. For these individuals, the labour market is no longer a viable source of income, and targeted State support could instead be provided. Here, the notion of a basic income grant, designed specifically for the unemployable, should seriously be considered. Indeed, the Department of Welfare is overtly considering the notion of an income grant scheme, admittedly though, as a universal grant targeted at all South African adults.12 The idea here is to focus purely on the most marginalised in the labour market, with the realisation that the labour market cannot, and will not, offer any respite for these individuals. In other words, the idea of a social safety net for the poor is most potent when focused on those workers who are so marginalised, that no form of labour market intervention will extricate them from indigence. For unemployed youth, clearly the gap between their supply characteristics and the economy’s labour demand needs, is narrower. Hence, it would be more appropriate to consider a series of interventions that collectively would be designed to close the gap between demand and supply for this cohort of workers. The South African Department of Labour has already embarked on such a strategy in a generic sense. This strategy is captured, very appropriately, under the banner of the National Skills Development Strategy (NSDS). The NSDS is legally anchored in the Skills Development Act (SDA) 1998, and administratively run through the Skills Development Planning Unit (SDPU). The purpose of the Sector, Education and Training Authorities (SETAs), created through the SDA, is to utilise the levies provided for in the SDA to narrow this gap between demand and supply. Put differently, the brief of the SETAs is to ensure that the supply characteristics of workers is upgraded through the process of education and training, in a manner that meets with firms’ labour demand needs. It is only in meeting such needs of firms that the SETAs can be said to have succeeded in their tasks. Ultimately, unemployed youth can be targeted for skills upgrading through the machinery provided by the NSDS. Given the manner in which the strategy has been set up, however, the unemployed will only be targeted through the National Skills Fund (NSF). It is evident that as a point of departure, the government has set up the necessary mechanisms to possibly target these unemployed youth, who are perhaps 12 Public debate on the institution of a universal income grant was sparked most notably by the Congress of South African Trade Unions’ (COSATU’s) call for a Basic Income Grant (BIG) of R100 to all adults in the society. The notion of an income grant has more recently become part of official government policy thinking, through the newly formed Committee of Inquiry into a Comprehensive Social Security System. One of the committee’s briefs, therefore, is to investigate the notion of a national income grant scheme for the unemployed.

Market Labour Trends 183

the key target group in trying to reduce the mismatch between demand and supply – a gap that is growing in the South African labour market.

Institutions of human capital provision As an adjunct to the skills development strategy, there is clearly a need to revisit the institutional suppliers of human capital, namely Universities, Technikons and other private centres of education and training. It is these institutions, it must be remembered, which preside within the domain that influences the skills of the future workforce. Currently, scant data and analysis exist on the degree to which these institutions are in fact meeting current labour demand needs of firms. However, provisional research undertaken by Kaplan (2000) does provide some clues. Table 10.9 presents the number of graduates in the natural sciences and engineering between 1990 and 1996. It is evident that the growth rates of enrolments in the Technikons far outstripped those in the Universities. As a first approximation, it could be argued that Technikons are adapting more rapidly to the changing labour demand preferences of firms. In turn, this rate of adaptation of Technikons is further buttressed by the share of natural science and engineering enrolment in the two sets of institutions. Clearly, Technikons yield a higher share of these students than Universities, with just under one quarter of their students enrolled for these programmes.13 The first issue that arises, therefore, is the extent to which the State recognises the importance of Technikons as providers of skilled labour. Hence, on the basis of admittedly sketchy evidence, Technikons appear to have been, since 1990, more effective in responding to the needs of the labour market. The State, it is known, operates under a different subsidy formula for Technikons, with the latter garnering less per student than Universities. It would seem that if it is clear that employers value these science graduates fairly equally, then the pricing structure of the State is in disequilibrium. Put simply, the State may be paying Technikons less to produce graduates that are equally, if not more, in demand than similar graduates at Universities. In doing so, the subsidy formula Table 10.9: Enrolment numbers of natural science and engineering students, 1990–96 Institution Universities Technikons

1990

1996

% change

39,298 28,821

46,135 43,282

17.40 50.18

% of total enrolment, 1996 15.11 24.50

Source: Kaplan (2000) and author’s own calculations.

13 It needs to be noted that these figures are aggregated across both historically advantaged institutions (HAIs) and historically disadvantaged institutions (HDIs), and hence the distinctly poor performance of certain HDIs are not represented here.

184 Diversity in Africa

may be a hindrance to ensuring a more rapid growth in the provision of natural science and engineering graduates for the domestic economy.14 This would appear to be the first intervention required in order to ensure that the institutions of labour supply are being provided with the optimal incentive structure in order to meet ongoing labour demand needs in the economy. Additionally, it is imperative that further research be undertaken into this arena, to first, more accurately gauge the relative performance of these two institutions in producing science graduates and, second, to design an appropriate subsidy formula which reflects this relative performance. These two points, as pedantic as they may seem, may go to the heart of the interventions that are required in order for these institutions to begin to rapidly close the gap between labour demand and supply in the economy. An additional challenge that faces both these institutions, is the rate at which they are producing technical graduates. Again, the evidence is sparse, but it is clear that the rate of graduate output of both Universities and Technikons may be considerably lagging behind the projected demand for these skill types. Based on the evidence in Table 10.1, which admittedly is reported in highly aggregate categories, the demand for managers and professionals increased by between 38% and 73% over the 1995–99 period. In certain sectors, notably financial and business services, this increase was well over 100%. Clearly, while we do not have more recent data for Universities and Technikons, it is evident that based on the 1990–96 figures, they are lagging considerably behind the growth estimates for the period to 1999. Indeed, complementary figures from the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), indicate that the demand for individuals in these technical fields will in certain cases (particularly the natural sciences) expand by more than 40% over the next few years. At a base level, the institutions of supply need to be provided with the necessary support, some of which would take the form of the subsidy realignment mentioned above, to induce a more rapid growth in the supply of skilled labour.

Skilled worker immigration The above clearly suggests that the gap between labour demand and supply is not only significant, but unlikely to be closed very swiftly through domestic labour supply provisions. The very notion of significant institutional restructuring within the education service sector, means that the mismatch will remain at least in the medium term. As a consequence, it is necessary to conceive of shorter-term measures that may be utilised to dampen the serious shortages that exist at the top end of the labour market. One such measure is 14 This anomaly will become much more stark with the pending restructuring of higher education, whereby Technikon degrees will be accorded the same official accreditation as those in Universities. In this scenario, the subsidy formula implicitly becomes more skewed.

Market Labour Trends 185

the process of encouraging and actively sourcing foreign skilled workers to immigrate to South Africa. It is well known that the country is, in addition to the existing shortage of top-end workers, experiencing a relatively high volume of skilled worker emigration from the country to a select set of industrialised economies. What is, therefore, required is an active policy from the State to turn what is currently a positive net emigration from South Africa into a positive net immigration to the country. The economy clearly has much to do to ensure that it attracts skilled workers. For example, in 1990 net emigration stood at about 20,000 workers, while in 1997 it has risen to about 23,000 workers. In turn, it is generally accepted that these are underestimates of the actual outflow of skilled workers from the economy. The State does have in place a draft immigration bill together with the existing Aliens Control Act of 1991 that, in theory, will ultimately set the parameters for the attraction of foreign skilled labour. However, in certain cases, the legislation does not hold up as being the most effective way to attract workers. For example, current legislation makes it the decision of a number of relevant government departments as to whether a skilled immigrant possesses skills that are in need in South Africa, and would not necessarily substitute local labour. This is an immensely difficult task, even with good skills data, but a task that has been made worse because the Department of Home Affairs (DHA) does not seem to have taken much care in trying to glean the best available information on such shortages. As a result, in practice, numerous highly skilled foreigners applying for work permits, have been turned away by the DHA. At present, no logical criteria seem to exist in the sorting mechanisms used by the DHA. In addition to the rather opaque criteria used to select skilled foreigners, there is the issue of the financial and opportunity cost that this process entails. Recent indications are that these costs are a hindrance to immigration applications. The costs that the applicant is forced to bear are simply a costrecovery conduit from the DHA for processing an application. The money is not viewed as a deposit, that could be returned upon a successful application. So, the financial entry barriers, together with informed knowledge about how arbitrary the entire selection process is, could alone lead to a high-skilled immigrant deciding not to even bother applying for entry. There is the added problem of the opportunity cost of undertaking the application. Whether it is companies doing it for foreigner nationals or individuals themselves, the greater the inefficiencies in the system, the higher the opportunity costs for applicants. Should this cost be too high, one would find that most skilled individuals, except in very marginal cases, would opt out of trying to immigrate to South Africa. It has to be noted though that the South African government has realised the importance of attracting skilled foreigners, and the steps required to address this. In lieu of this, the President’s Office has taken deliberate and

186 Diversity in Africa

high-profile steps to lead the task of transforming the country’s policy at both the legislative and institutional level. One would hope that given the new sense of urgency, government explores international best practice in this arena. Given the nature of global labour demand trends and the extreme shortages of IT professionals, the EU and US labour markets for example, have been particularly effective in designing immigration policy and practices to meet this demand. These strategies have revolved variously around quantity quotas by sector, labour price ceilings by sector and improving the efficiency of immigration procedures for these high-demand skills. South Africa therefore needs to borrow from these policy examples, and look at the best adaptation for local conditions.

Demand-side factors The above set of possible interventions, ranging from skills development to immigration policy, would all seem to be policies designed to improve the quantity and characteristics of the supply of labour. However, it is true that interventions may need to be considered to induce the purchasers of labour – employers and firms – to hire more workers. The difficulty with this approach, of course, is that the demand for labour is a derived demand for labour. In other words, in microeconomic terms, it is dependent on consumers’ demand for goods and services. Linked to this notion, but expressing it in macroeconomic terms, is the fact that the demand for labour is dependent on growth in aggregate demand in the economy. The fact that the demand for labour is so intertwined with the movements in aggregate demand and therefore aggregate output growth, is the crucial reason for the difficulty in designing appropriate exogenous policies to try and influence the path of labour demand in an economy. Very few studies have been done on South Africa, analysing the relationship between output and employment. The few that have been undertaken are currently outdated, and are econometric estimations of the wage-employment elasticity, with the output-employment elasticity then a coincidental focus arising out of the model specification. The little evidence we have does seem to suggest that employment increases at the sectoral level are fairly inelastic with respect to output shifts. For example, the 1998 World Bank labour market study (Fallon and Lucas, 1998) presented elasticity estimates for value-added to employment at the sectoral level. These output-employment elasticities were undertaken for 16 sectors in the economy, over the period 1961–93. In all but four of these sectors, the elasticity value was less than 1. In other words a 1% increase in output was associated with a less than 1% increase in employment. In the majority of cases, therefore, it is fair to argue that the output path was not highly conducive to employment creation. The two sectors that did report elastic values were transport equipment and community, social and personal services. These elasticities for the period were 1.292 and 1.233 respectively.

Market Labour Trends 187

The little evidence we have suggests that our current growth path is not highly conducive to employment creation. At the same time, consistent and sustained economic growth is perhaps the only long-run mechanism for engendering employment creation. Indeed, the multiplier effects of higher economic growth, which pick up the second round effects on employment from growth, are not elicited through these elasticity estimates. A crucial, though rather simplistic point to make, is that it is long-run economic growth that will be the catalyst to ensure high and sustained levels of employment. Needless to say, this growth path, in being endogenously determined, has to be coupled with the appropriate labour supply schemes, some of which have been outlined above, in order for employment changes to become more responsive to output shifts.

The employment subsidy The employment subsidy or tax credit on hiring, deserves special mention, given that it has very recently been formally proposed by the government as demand-side strategy to encourage employment creation. The President has earmarked funds to be made available for this subsidy programme. It is important, however, to consider in more detail what the advantages and disadvantages of such a subsidy might be, together with what international experiences on the issue suggests. Employment subsidies involve the payment of a subsidy to employers on the wage rate of workers. They are offered by governments to entice firms to hire workers they ordinarily would not. Wage subsidies have had a dubious history in South Africa having been associated with the minority government’s decentralisation initiatives. However, they remain in favour in some developed countries.

Forms of employment subsidies Essentially, three types of wage subsidies exist – a recruitment subsidy, a general stock subsidy and the marginal stock subsidy. The first scheme involves payment to firms for all new employees hired, regardless of whether or not they replace the existing workforce. A general stock subsidy covers partial wage costs in terms of the total numbers of workers hired. The third programme is slightly different in that it assures financing only on those additional workers hired – hence the term ‘marginal’. Any new workers who replace members of the existing workforce will not be funded. This marginal stock subsidy has been the favoured option in most industrialised countries The schemes initiated in Ireland, Great Britain and France have been short term in nature. Ireland’s Employment Incentive Scheme (EIS) for example lasted approximately 24 weeks. A targeted marginal stock subsidy has a bifurcated strategy. Its macroeconomic goals include the stimulation of employment and the enhancement of productivity. In addition, there is an attempt to redirect hiring strategies towards outsiders. The subsidy of course acts as

188 Diversity in Africa

the incentive encouraging employers to reassess their hiring policies. At present, it is not clear which form of the subsidy is to be utilised by the South African government. This would need to made clear and in turn, the ramifications of the specific subsidy also very carefully considered.

Criticism of employment subsidies Criticism of wage subsidy programmes centre on three issues, namely, deadweight, displacement and impermanence. The level of deadweight is a serious drawback in wage subsidy schemes. The reference here is to the number of subsidised workers who would have been employed even in the absence of the subsidy. Firms receive cash handouts to pay workers they ordinarily would have hired anyway. For this reason, the level of deadweight is referred to as the ‘windfall element’ of the subsidy. The higher the presence of deadweight, the lower the net job creation effect of a wage subsidy. Studies of the EIS in Ireland indicate very high levels of deadweight, where just under 70% of the hires through the EIS would have occurred in its absence (Breen and Halpin, 1989). Any employment subsidy programme should take note of this problem. Difficulties remain, however, in identifying the characteristics of firms that promote higher deadweight. Displacement effects impact deleteriously on those firms not receiving a subsidy from the State. Hence, these unsubsidised firms may lose their market share or even face a shrinking labour force. If a subsidised job replaces an unsubsidised job elsewhere in the economy, then clearly there is no net job creation effect. Data from wage subsidies in Germany, France and Britain suggest that these schemes may lead to the substitution of older workers for more youthful workers. Although the displacement of workers as a result of State subsidies is a real dilemma, indications are that it is not as debilitating as deadweight. The short-term nature of these programmes remains a contentious issue. It has been argued that the duration of the scheme should depend rather on workers’ productivity being consonant with the wage rate. Thereafter, the subsidy should be withdrawn gradually for both employees and employers to take more informed decisions. Short programmes also ensure minimal onthe-job training and are not really effective in augmenting workers’ skills. Firms may also be reluctant to keep workers on past the duration of the project. Given a very brief interaction at the workplace that denies any adequate assessment of subsidised workers, this is not surprising. Another problem with these schemes is that firms have an incentive to cheat. Employers could exaggerate the number of workers hired to glean a greater subsidy from the State. Hence the subsidy becomes, for the firm, an additional source of income. Employers may also underpay subsidised workers to extract an even bigger rent for themselves. If one remembers that outsiders have minimal bargaining power, this is a real possibility. Attempts by the State to monitor dishonest firms can prove to be cumbersome and administratively

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costly. In addition, it is not clear that an ideal monitoring and administrative system can be devised. Indeed, the capacity of the current South African administration to monitor the programme can be seriously questioned. The experience with wage subsidies through the previous government was of a very high level of administrative inefficiency, combined with serious employer fraud.

Arguments for employment subsidies The most compelling argument for wage subsidies is that they decrease the cost of workers to employers and stimulate the demand for labour. Subsidies of this sort are also deemed more effective than other employment generating measures, in that the policy is targeted directly at labourers. It has often been argued that wage subsidies avoid real wage cuts, which may be met with union resistance. Some have argued that the fiscal balance could be improved given that the costs of subsidies are outweighed by the savings incurred as a result. Lower unit labour costs may translate into reduced output prices and hence subsidies may in fact be able, in the short run, to dampen rising prices. A final positive aspect is that employment subsidies allow disadvantaged groups to be targeted. Marginalised and other outsiders will receive welfare benefits under this programme in that they are specifically identified as the grouping the scheme wishes to assist. Hence, they are hired under the auspices of the state’s job creation policy, where, ordinarily, employment in the formal labour market would have been very difficult. While the disadvantages of the wage subsidy programme are disconcerting, the advantages are indeed compelling. Ultimately, though, it is not clear whether there will be a net benefit to outsiders from the scheme. In the South African context, it is evident from this very cursory glance at the literature and experiences of other economies, that the scheme can be potentially problematic. It is incumbent for policy makers, at a minimum, to be cognisant of these pitfalls, as they try to design an appropriate and effective wage subsidy programme.

Conclusion The above study has tried to analyse both labour demand and supply trends in the South African labour market. In doing so, it attached particular importance to determining employment trends relative to growth rates in the local labour force. Several important points emerged from this analysis. First, that there has not been jobless growth in the South African economy since 1995 – rather poor employment growth. Second, the employment expansion that has taken place has still been well below the growth in an economically active population. In other words, the economy’s relative employment performance has been inadequate. Third, for those that did gain through employment,

190 Diversity in Africa

the data made it clear that skilled, and to some extent semi-skilled, workers gained at the expense of unskilled workers. This trend confirmed the longrun studies of labour demand. However, two important new factors emerged over the five-year period. This was the notion of graduate unemployment and linked to this the importance of disemployment effects that public sector restructuring engendered. In the former case, the decline in relative employment of tertiary graduates reflects the importance of acquiring the appropriate human capital to meet labour demand needs. In the case of the public sector, given its dominance as an employer, the massive restructuring exercise it is undergoing has had a fundamental impact on aggregate employment creation figures for the economy. In terms of specific policy interventions, it is clear that, in the main, the focus should be on labour supply issues. The central aim of these supply-side measures should be to look at different mechanisms through which the supply characteristics of the currently unemployed and future entrants, can be upgraded to reduce the mismatch between demand and supply. Clearly, this involves a variety of different, yet interlinked set of interventions that could ultimately be seen as a part of a coherent government strategy focused on improving employment probabilities in the South African labour market. Many of these potential strategies are either very new, or have not yet been launched. Only time will tell whether this particular combination of strategies launched by government will have the desired effect of significantly improving the employment performance of the domestic labour market.

References Bhorat, H. (1999), ‘The October Household Survey, Unemployment and the Informal Sector’, The South African Journal of Economics, Vol. 67, No. 2, pp. 320–26. Bhorat, H. and Hodge, J. (1999), ‘Decomposing shifts in Labour Demand in South Africa’, South African Journal of Economics, Vol. 67, No. 3, pp. 348–80. Bhorat, H. (2000), ‘The Impact of Trade and Structural Changes on Sectoral Employment in South Africa’, Development Southern Africa, Special Issue September, Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 437–66. Breen, R. and Halpin, B. (1989), Subsidising Jobs: An Evaluation of the Employment Incentive Scheme, Dublin: Economics and Social Research Institute. Edwards, L. (2000), Globalisation and the Skill Bias of Occupational Employment in South Africa (unpublished paper, University of Cape Town, South Africa). Fallon, P. and Lucas, R. (1998), South African Labor Markets: Adjustment and Inequalities, informal discussion paper No. 12 on Aspects of the Economy of South Africa, Washington, DC: World Bank. Kaplan, D.E. (2000), The Development of S&T Skills: Some Empirical Evidence on the Current Situation (unpublished paper, DPRU). Statistics South Africa (1995), October Household Survey, 1995, Pretoria: Statistics South Africa. Statistics South Africa (1999), October Household Survey, 1999, Pretoria: Statistics South Africa.

11 Setting the Transformation Example Through People Potential Best Practice: Kumba Resources Ryno Verster

Introduction The present scenario for human resources development (HRD) sets new challenges and direction in the mining industry and business in general. The Mining Charter as well as the Growth and Development Summit agreements in South Africa are but two of the more recent transformation initiatives in this regard. The Mining Charter is specific about the undertaking by the employers to: • offer every employee the opportunity to become functionally literate and numerate by the year 2005, in consultation with labour; • implement career paths to provide opportunities to their historically disadvantaged South African employees to progress in their chosen career paths; • develop systems through which empowerment groups can be mentored as a means of capacity building. The Mining Charter also stresses the importance of the various stakeholders to work together in addressing the skills gap by: • the formulation of comprehensive skills development strategies that include a skills audit; • providing scholarships to promote mining-related educational advancement, especially in the fields of mathematics and science; • ensuring that the number of registered “Learnerships” in the industry will rise to not less than 5,000 learners by March 2005. The undertakings by employers in the Growth and Development Summit agreements support many of these focus areas of the Mining Charter namely: • Promoting literacy and reaching the National Skills Development Strategy target by March 2005, when at least 70% of workers have at least basic literacy 191

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and numeracy according to level 1 on the National Qualifications Framework; • Additional learnerships registered. Business and government have agreed to register at least 72,000 unemployed learners in learnerships by May 2004. The mining industry, through the Mining Qualifications Authority (MQA) committed itself to contribute 7,340 learners to this target; • The additional commitment by business to strengthen the Sector Education and Training Authorities (the MQA in the mining industry’s case) by: (1) reviewing the MQA’s performance against key performance indicators at least once a year; (2) strengthening business’ representation on Sector Education and Training Authorities’ (SETA) Boards by appointing appropriately senior and qualified persons and by providing training for Board members; and (3) business undertaking to explore the creation of a mechanism in which all business Board members will be represented to provide oversight and guidance, and to track progress with meeting the targets to which business has committed.

Kumba’s human resources strategy Kumba Resources, a South African company with mining assets around the world, is committed to meeting the HRD commitments outlined in both transformation initiatives described above. Kumba’s vision is to outperform the mining and minerals sector, in creating value for all stakeholders through exceptional people and superior processes. The emphasis placed on the role of its people in Kumba’s success is thus not coincidental, but part of a well-articulated strategy and philosophy that: (1) directs Kumba’s investment and involvement in HRD within the company; (2) implements programmes as a socially responsible company; and (3) reinforces competitiveness through stakeholder management, with its employees-as-community as well. The human resources strategy is fully aligned with, and in support of, this vision. The strategy consists of four pillars to support the vision namely: (1) establishing and living a high-performance culture; (2) developing of human resources metrics to measure the ROI and benchmark; (3) establishing and enhancing a learning culture; and (4) playing a leadership role in the macro transformation framework in the country and mining industry, in particular in the human resources development arena. Two of these four pillars are specifically focused on human resources development. This focus is also in line with a business decision in Kumba to create a full-time portfolio of transformation and empowerment, headed by a general manager. Against the background of this challenging and exciting vision for human resources development in South Africa, and a commitment to be a key role player in leading this HRD transformation in the South Africa mining industry,

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Kumba has established four main focus areas of human resources development namely: • Continuing employee development through individual development plans. • Establishing a “bridging school” to prepare bursars for the world of work, and after completion of studies to put them through a professional-intraining development period. • Creating apprenticeships/learnerships; and • Developing Adult Basic Education and Training (ABET). This chapter addresses the four areas of human resource development initiated at Kumba Resources. As a South African employer with just under 8,000 staff, Kumba is committed to investing in the development of its employees to reach their full potential.

Development through individual development plans Kumba’s Workplace Skills Plans, for the past three years, were submitted to, and approved by, the MQA. The Annual Training Reports for the first two years were submitted and approved by the MQA, but the report for the third year still awaits approval. Some interesting trends emerged from an analysis of these reports and plans, especially when comparing the statistics with similar sized companies in the mining industry at large. Van Zyl (2003: 32) analysed the Workplace Skills Plans and Annual Training Reports, that were submitted and approved by the MQA for years 1 to 3, and found that the percentage of payroll invested in human resources development in mining companies with more than 5,000 employees amounted to 3.8% of total payroll. Furthermore, she found that the average amount spent on training per worker in these organisations amounted to ZAR 2,525 per year. Kraak et al. (2000: 89–90) provided similar statistics and found that the investment in training expressed as a percentage of payroll amounted to 4.4% in their total sample and 4.6% in the mining companies in their sample. They did, however, caution that they suspect this figure to have low validity, since it is only an estimate from employers and it arises from a small sample of 103 firms. Kumba is investing above the national and industry norm in the development of its human resources. In year 1 (April 2000 to March 2001), Kumba invested ZAR 43.1 million in human resources development which equates to 6.2% of total payroll. The average amount spent on training per Kumba employee during this year amounted to ZAR 6,402. In year 2 (April 2001 to March 2002), the total investment in human resources development amounted to ZAR 62.6 million which equates to 6.1% of total payroll (two additional business units were added to the Kumba stable, hence the increase in payroll and amount invested in human resources development). In all job categories, more than 65% of incumbents received training during

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the year, while very high percentages of plant operators (92%), craft workers (88%) and labourers and related workers (84%) were beneficiaries of training during the year. These are job categories in which there is a high concentration of members of previously disadvantaged groups. The average amount spent on training per Kumba employee during this year amounted to ZAR 7,216. In year 3 (April 2002 to March 2003), the total investment in human resources development amounted to ZAR 62.1 million, which equates to 5.7% of total payroll. On average, 87% of the company’s employees in all job categories were beneficiaries of training during the year (training beneficiaries expressed as a percentage of total staff establishment). Kraak et al. (2000: 47) reported a similar figure of 39.8% in the mining companies in their sample, while the Mining Qualifications Authority in their Skills Plan for the Mining and Minerals Sector published a figure of 53.4% (MQA, 2001: 46). Exceptionally high percentages of beneficiaries of training in Kumba were found in the plant and machine operator and professional job categories (both 99%), the craft and related trade workers (97%), the technician and associated professionals (92%) and the labourer and related workers (78%) job categories. These figures compare very favourably with figures in the mining industry of 48.8% for the plant and machine operator job category, 56.1% for craft and related trade workers, 58.6% for the technician and associated professionals and 64.5% for the labourer and related workers job categories. (Hall, Van Zyl and Erasmus, 2000: 44) The average number of training interventions that Kumba’s employees were exposed to in Year 3 is more than one training intervention per employee. Again this index was exceptionally high in the cases of the plant and machine operators (on an average 4.5 training interventions per employee), craft and related trade workers (average of 3.5 training interventions per employee), and the technician and associated professionals (average of 3.4 training interventions per employee) job categories. The average amount spent on training per Kumba employee during this year amounted to ZAR 7,441. An analysis of the qualifications of Kumba employees also revealed this high premium that is placed on human resources development, yet it also revealed the need to sharpen our focus on Adult Basic Education and Training (ABET). Table 11.1 shows the education levels of Kumba employees (taken from the Year 4 Workplace Skills Plan April 2003 to March 2004) per education band, NQF level and in comparison with the situation in the mining industry (Van Zyl, 2003: 18) on the further and higher education and training bands – NQF levels 2 to 8 (ABET/level 1 shown in Table 11.2 discussed later in this chapter). From Table 11.1, the evidence shows that Kumba: • has in both the further education levels (45.8% versus 23.8%) and the higher education and training levels (17.7% versus 4.5%) considerably more employees with qualifications on these levels that the mining industry in general;

Setting the Transformation Example 195 Table 11.1: Further and higher education levels of Kumba employees on Levels 2 to 8 of the NQF (total staff establishment 7,726) Band

NQF level Old system

Number Further education and training (FET)

2 3 4

Grade 10/Std. 8/Form 3/N1 60 Grade 11/Std. 9/Form 4/N2 548 Grade 12/Std. 10/Form 5/N3 2,231

Total further education and training Higher education and training (HET)

5 6 7 8

Diploma, certificate First degrees/higher diploma Honours/Masters degrees Doctorates

Total higher education and training

Mining industry (%)

Kumba % 9.8 7.1 28.9

7.9 4.4 11.5

3,539

45.8

23.8

682 381 271 37

8.8 4.9 3.5 0.5

2.9 1.1 0.4 0.1

1,371

17.7

4.5

• has in the further education and training band, considerably more employees with grade 12 (including standard 10 and N3) than the mining industry in general; • has on the higher education and training bands (5–8), considerably more employees with these qualifications than the mining industry in general. These findings were supported by another qualification analysis that was done in Kumba recently. According to this analysis, 202 of the top 220 employees in Kumba are graduates and 61% of these hold Honours or Masters degrees. Individual development plans for employees, as part of the performance management process, are used to plan employees’ future training and education development.

Bursars, Bridging School and Professionals-in-Training Much attention is also given to the pipeline of new talent and skills into Kumba. A bridging school approach is used to ensure that learners from previously disadvantaged groups are adequately prepared for tertiary education. The results are exceptionally good. The annual intake is 25 students and since 1995, 202 learners were accommodated in the bridging school. Results included 101 As and 45 Bs in mathematics and 125 As and 56 Bs in physical sciences. The remainder are mostly Cs. Being a mining company, Kumba provides primarily bursaries for engineeringand geology-related studies. According to the research by Hall et al. (2000: 46), less than 50% of large mining companies (5,000 and more employees) have bursary schemes. These companies had, just short of, 1,000 students on their

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bursary schemes. Kumba presently have 127 bursars, which roughly translates into 13% of the number of bursars in the industry (the Hall study reported on 2000 statistics). The Kumba bursars are supported through regular visits at University and study-related vacation work. A coordinating mentor committee determines the number of bursaries for the various disciplines, and also ensures that the intake of bursars more closely reflects the country’s demographics. Kumba’s compliance attempt with the country’s demographics of its bursars is also slightly better than the mining industry in general. Of the 127 bursars, 40% are Whites while 60% are African, Coloured or Indian, and 23.6% are females. Comparative figures for the mining industry are 45.3% Whites, 54.7% are African, Coloured or Indian, and 17.2% are females (Hall et al., 2000: 47). Another initiative to ensure maximum return on investment in bursars is the “Professionals-in-Training” programme in Kumba, where support from a mentor features very strongly. The purpose of this structured development process is to enable learners to register with their professional associations as professionals, and presently there are 61 such Professionals-in-Training.

Apprenticeships/learnerships The Mining Qualifications Authority (MQA) has been busy for some time to develop unit standards and design nationally-recognised qualifications. Very few new qualifications have yet been registered with the South African Qualifications Authority, but the existing nine apprenticeships in the mining industry were converted as whole qualifications into 35 learnerships. The number of apprentices in South Africa has dropped dramatically in the past few years (one contributing factor could have been the anticipation of new qualifications in the form of learnerships). The indenturing of new apprentices has declined since 1986 from 9,660 to 3,129 apprentices in 1999. This represents a decline of 66% (Kraak et al., 2000: 20). The number of registered apprentices in the mining industry has also declined from 3,161 in 1994 to 2,323 in 1999 (MQA, 2001: 46). At present there are 2,949 apprentices registered in the country, of whom 1,708 are with the MQA, which indicates that 58% of all apprentices in the country are registered with the MQA. Kumba presently has 410 apprentices, which represent 14% of all apprentices in the country and 24% of all apprentices in the mining industry. In addition, both the Sishen Technical Training Centre in Kathu and the Grootegeluk Technical Training Centre in Ellisras obtained ISO 9000 accreditation from the Mining Qualifications Authority.

Adult Basic Education and Training (ABET) According to Baatjes et al. (2002: v, 32), only 24% of companies in the mining sector provide ABET to their employees. This scheme started in Kumba in the latter part of 1994 at both the Sishen iron ore mine in Kathu and the Grootegeluk coal mine in Ellisras. The cost of ABET at all Kumba business units is paid for by the company.

Setting the Transformation Example 197

At Sishen, the Tshipi ABET Centre commenced academic training in October 1994. Two temporary teachers were appointed and 12 full-time students, all Kumba employees, were enrolled. Nine years later, the staff establishment consisted of seven permanently appointed teachers, eight temporary teachers and two full time ABET facilitators. In the beginning, only four subjects were presented to the students. Currently twenty subjects are offered at different levels. Recognition of Prior Learning (RPL) is done on every potential student and, because of that, students are allowed to enter at the appropriate level. Every potential student is accommodated and nobody is turned down. The pre-ABET phase (total illiterate people) as well as ABET level 1 (literacy) and ABET level 4 (NQF level 1) takes one year each to complete, while ABET levels 2 and 3 take six months each. Currently, the full-time enrolment is 70 and part-time students are 90. A grand total of 930 learners were successfully trained by the Tshipi ABET Centre during the past nine years. Of these, 560 (60%) were full-time students and 370 (40%) part-time students. Some 573 (61.6%) of these students were Sishen employees, while the remaining 357 (38.4%) were private students, mainly from the community. Tshipi ABET Centre has received several awards during the past five years. These include two provincial awards (Provincial Adult Education and Training Council), one special merit award from Guinness United Distillers & Vintners and one Golden Award from the National Productivity Institute. The success recipe is believed to be Tshipi’s holistic approach, through which students are encouraged to develop to their full potential. In order to achieve this, extensive extra-mural activities are included. Although official tracking of ABET 4 graduates has unfortunately not been done, some successes have been recorded of ABET 4 candidates who were appointed as supervisors. Some have matriculated while acting as assistants to supervisors during team meetings and this is a common phenomenon. At Grootegeluk mine in Ellisras, Kumba and Eskom entered into a joint venture and established the Mogolo Academy. All ABET was outsourced to this institute. Only part-time ABET is offered at Grootegeluk mine. The target set in 1994 was to train 80% of ABET candidates, since the remainder, mainly older employees, were not interested. The bulk of these candidates have been trained since 1994, and it is estimated that 15% must still be exposed to ABET. In total, 407 employees have passed the respective ABET levels that they have enrolled for, of whom 73 did so on the ABET level 4. Presently, 27 learners are enrolled in the ABET programme. ABET is also offered at Thabazimbi mine, and renewed efforts are presently undertaken to revive the interest for attending ABET classes among the remaining candidates. The Tshikondeni mine has just started with ABET. The analysis of the qualifications of Kumba employees also revealed the need to sharpen the focus on Adult Basic Education and Training (ABET). Table 11.2 shows the situation of the Kumba employees who are still at lower than, or at, NQF level 1 and more importantly, the ABET level of the 2,432 employees

198 Diversity in Africa Table 11.2: General education levels of Kumba employees on Level 1 of the NQF (total staff establishment 7,726) Band

NQF level

General education and training (GET) 1

Old system

No schooling Pre ABET ABET 1 ABET 1 plus Grade 4 (old Std. 2) ABET 2 ABET 2 plus Grade 6 (old Std. 4) ABET 3 ABET 3 plus Grade 8 (old Std. 6) ABET 4 including Grade 9 (old Std. 7)

Total general education and training

Mining industry (%)

Kumba Number

%

425 153 220 230

5.5 2.0 2.8 3.0

16.3 7.4 14.6

270 262

3.5 3.4

12.8

399 473

5.2 6.1

15.1

384

50

5.6

36.4

71.7

2,816

who still have to go through certain stages of ABET to reach the NQF level 1 stage. This information was taken from the year 4 Workplace Skills Plan (April 2003 to March 2004) and compared with the situation in the mining industry (Van Zyl, 2003: 18) on the General Education and Training band. The trends in this statistics are, in broad terms, similar to research done by Kraak et al. (2000: 31), Hall et al. (2000: 39) and the MQA (2001: 38). From Table 11.2, the following is evident: • In the “No schooling” (5.5% versus 16.3%) and “pre-ABET” categories (2% versus 7.4%), Kumba has progressed beyond the average of the mining industry. • On ABET level 1 and those who have reached the slightly higher level of Grade 4 (old Std 2), Kumba is lagging the average in the mining industry of those who have successfully completed that level (5.8% versus 14.6%). • On ABET level 2 and those who have reached the slightly higher level of Grade 6 (old Std 4), Kumba is lagging the average in the mining industry of those who have successfully completed that level (6.9% versus 12.8%). • On ABET level 3 and those who have reached the slightly higher level of Grade 8 (old Std 6), Kumba is also lagging the average in the mining industry who have successfully completed that level, yet is relatively smaller (11.1% versus 15.1%). It is clear that after the initial successes of ABET in Kumba, another step change intervention is required to enthuse the rest of ABET candidates to

Setting the Transformation Example 199

make themselves available for ABET training. This trend seems to be fairly common in companies offering ABET to their employees (Baatjes et al., 2002: iv). Kumba plans to introduce a retro-bursary scheme, whereby candidates get rewarded after they have successfully completed a cluster of ABET subjects or an ABET level. This is a special arrangement that will only be used for ABET learners who do ABET courses in their own time, and is justified by sharing special grants from the MQA to employers for ABET with the ABET learners on a 50/50 basis. This initiative is preceded by a very thorough screening/assessment process to determine, for each ABET candidate, the ABET level where they should slot in and an individual counselling process to explain to each candidate what time, effort and training is required to reach the various stages, but especially the ABET 4 level. All candidates will then have to declare their willingness/interest to continue with ABET, and those who prefer to forfeit the opportunity will do that in writing (it was found that many older ABET candidates are not interested in attending these courses at this stage of their career). The ultimate aim with this initiative is to comply with the Mining Charter’s agreement of affording every employee the opportunity to become functionally literate. It will also enable Kumba to implement a sunset clause into its ABET initiatives.

Community and regional human resources development In addition to the internal initiatives described above, Kumba has also initiated and participated in community human development programmes. The Tshipi Skills Training Centre at the Sishen mine in Northern Cape Province was established in November 1993. Initially the focus was on training employees, as part of a self-help scheme, in building skills. The focus has, however, since shifted to the training of the unemployed and community projects, often through joint ventures with government departments, other private sector organisations and community forums. In 1996, accreditation was obtained from the Building Industry’s Training Board for five building-related trades, and this was followed by accreditation from the Construction Education and Training Authority (CETA) in October 2002. To date some 2,582 students were trained of whom 1,843 (71%) were unemployed. Most of the students (59%) were male and large numbers were trained in bricklaying (354), carpentry (329), plumbing (170), and welding (167), while some 329 were trained in short courses such as automotive electrical, vehicle maintenance, coffin making, brick-making skills, etc. Most of the 1,064 females trained, were trained in needlework (95%). The Tshipi Skills Training Centre is also involved in a joint venture with the Construction Education and Training Authority and the European Union in a recognition of prior learning project for the Northern Cape Province. The objective is to test people with previous experience in building skills against unit standards approved by the South African Qualifications Authority, and then

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to award them a nationally-recognised certificate. A total of 174 have been tested so far. The Tshipi Skills Training Centre received a silver award from the National Productivity Institute, as well as the Defence Force’s Commanding Officer commendation for their achievements.

Participation in national and sector transformation initiatives and networks A prominent pillar in Kumba’s human resources strategy is not only to participate, but also to play a professional leadership role, in the macro transformation framework in the country and mining industry. This applies to human resources management transformation in general, and in particular to the human resources development arena. Kumba representatives are involved in the Chamber of Mines’ Education Advisory Committee and the employer caucus for the MQA. Kumba also has representatives on the MQA’s Board and its Sector Skills Planning Committee. Kumba resources also played a very significant role in the MQA’s unit standards generation and qualification design processes. In organised business networks, a Kumba representative is chairing the Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut’s (AHI’s)1 Human Resources Committee and Kumba is also represented on this body’s Human Resources Development Committee. On the Business South Africa level, Kumba is represented on the Committee for Education and Training and through this network, represents business on the National Skills Authority and the National Board for Further Education and Training. Although Kumba gains from these networks and decision-making bodies by pro-actively repositioning its own human resources development process and initiatives, participation also allows Kumba, as responsible corporate citizen, to constructively influence and contribute to transformation of human resources development in the country and industry.

Closure and future focus Against this background, it was rewarding to notice that Kumba was one of only three mining companies that were included in the 40 “Best Companies to Work for in South Africa” (Corporate Research Foundation, 2003). Kumba was rated 3 stars on internal promotional mobility, gained a four star rating on 1

Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut (AHI). The AHI is a multisectoral employer organisation, involved in all sectors of the economy, except primary agriculture. The organisation was established in 1942 and is one of the principal employer organisations in the country, representing members of trade, industry, mining, financial institutions and a variety of service organisations. The AHI’s head office is situated in Pretoria, with offices in the nine provinces of South Africa.

Setting the Transformation Example 201

respectable salary and benefits, profit sharing and other extras and working atmosphere and environment, while obtaining a five star rating on education, training and development. This achievement was only equalled by 17 of the other 39 best companies to work for. Apart from the revival of enthusiasm for the ABET programme discussed above, the future focus for human resources development in Kumba includes the linking of skills planning closer to strategic business planning, and to focus more sharply on the issue of knowledge management. These two focus areas seem to be in line with trends highlighted by the American Society of Training and Development (ASTD) in its South Africa’s State of the Training Industry Report (ASTD 2003: 4, 7, 13).

References ASTD Global Network South Africa (2003), State of the Training Industry Report, Johannesburg: Institute for Organisation Development and Transformation of Technikon SA. Baatjes, I., Aitchison, J. and John, V. (2002), A Baseline Study of ABET in the Mining and Minerals Sector: Improving provision and delivery, Johannesburg: GTZ in partnership with the Mining Qualifications Authority. Corporate Research Foundation (2003), The Best Companies to Work for in South Africa, Cape Town: Corporate Research Foundation Publishing. Hall, E., Van Zyl, E. and Erasmus, J. (2000), Skills Analysis in the Mining and Minerals Sector, Labour Market Analysis, Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council. Kraak, A., Paterson, A., Visser, M. and Tustin, D. (2000), Baseline Survey of Industrial Training in South Africa, Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council. MQA (2001), A Skills Plan for the Mining & Minerals Sector by the Mining Qualifications Authority for April 2001–March 2005, Johannesburg: Mining Qualifications Authority. Van Zyl, E. (2003), Analysis of Workplace Skills Plans and Annual Training Reports Years 1 to 3 in the Mining and Minerals Sector, Johannesburg: Independent Research Services for the Mining Qualifications Authority.

12 Within-country Diversity Steven Burgess

Introduction It was during the gloomy days of the Great Depression of the early 1930s, when people generally agreed that governments should intervene, that Professor William Harold Hutt, an economist and Professor of Commerce at the University of Cape Town, first proposed the notion of “consumer sovereignty”. Hutt (1940) eschewed the primacy of government, capital, labour, and other custodians of community resources and instead argued that consumers should hold primary power and allocate scarce resources. He clung tenaciously to this principle despite stiff criticism in the literature, and little encouragement outside it. Consumer sovereignty was a strange idea in an era dominated by the production orientation. The sales orientation was a “new and coming thing” that would not see its apex until post-Second World War prosperity. Even if the portrayal of the shortcomings of both orientations in Arthur Miller’s Pulitzer Prize-winning Death of a Salesman did resonate with consumers in the early 1950s, it was not until a decade later that the notion of consumer sovereignty began to influence managerial thinking and the first marketing textbooks appeared. Today, consumer sovereignty is recognised as the fundamental premise of the marketing concept. Many recognise William Harold Hutt as the father of marketing and the University of Cape Town is its birthplace (Hutt, 1940). Hutt’s contribution to South Africa continues long after his death. I need not assess Hutt’s impact on economic thought; others have done that.1 But is it not interesting that, three-quarters of a century after he proposed consumers’ sovereignty, we continue to wrestle with issues that captured his attention? Collective and individual consumer rights and responsibilities are being redefined in a world that is, at once, more communal and more individualised,

1

For instance, Joseph Persky, “Retrospectives: Consumer Sovereignty”, Journal of Economic Perspectives, Vol. 7, No. 1, pp. 1983–92.

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more global and more local, more intercultural and more intracultural, and at a time in which by-products of commercial activity such as environmental degradation and adverse human health effects can be measured, economically evaluated and recovered. Realising that consumers’ sovereignty would be meaningless to consumers without the resources or freedom to act, Hutt took principled positions on social justice, equal rights and opportunities, abolishing monopolies, lessening the perpetuation of intergenerational inequality, promoting quality public education and other issues that would still fuel interesting discussions. Preparing this chapter gave me the opportunity to reflect upon Hutt and his times. It has renewed my appreciation for this man who founded our Graduate School of Business and the larger discipline in which my research and teaching takes place. What an honour to be a marketing Professor at the birthplace of marketing.

Within-country diversity: the SA Tribes This chapter focuses on within-country diversity and its implications for South African prosperity in a changing world. In my experience, my American accent often betrays the more than two decades that I have been in my adopted homeland, and I am well aware that diversity has been the source of many problems in the past – both in the United States and in South Africa. However, I also am mindful of the Yoruba saying that one should keep one’s eyes on one’s destination, not where one has stumbled. It is in that spirit that the chapter unfolds. Attention will be drawn to the benefits of exploring South Africa’s diversity, referring to SA Tribes that are not “tribes” in the usual sense of ethnicity or culture, but rather a typology of 16 South African consumer groups that were sketched in a recent book, of mine, of the same name (Burgess, 2002). The article mainly focuses on four groupings of the tribes that have relevance for marketing and research, and note some of our findings that might engage consumer and political researchers. Concluding, comment will be made on the global logic of the SA Tribes and its implications for South African business. We are children of the half-light living during humankind’s transition from adolescence to a bright future marked by maturity. This transition is producing a very different world order, not one dominated by a few wealthy Triad countries (Ohmae, 1985), as so many developing countries fear, but one influenced substantially by today’s middle-human development emerging economies and eventually by the balance of the so-called developing world. Its global reach will cause us to question the rights and responsibilities of marketers and consumers, and even the very nature of prosperity, through new eyes. The keys to understanding this emerging world order and its sources of prosperity are hidden to those who can not or will not see beyond the present appearance of world order. For many firms, the changing

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order demands a major shift in managerial thinking and process and contemplation about the true meaning of market orientation.

Social identity Human behaviour often is motivated by self-interest. However, contrary to what Professors may have told us in introductory economics lectures, people do not always act in self-interest. From early childhood, we observe that people often define themselves in relation to near and distant others and take on different roles, statuses, rights and responsibilities attached to those perceived relations. SA Tribes draws on a rich stream of social identity research to present 16 “tribes” of South Africans who are fundamentally grouped by the characteristics of their social identity. Social identity theory received its earliest impetus from French social psychologist Henri Tajfel (1974). His major innovation was to suggest that human behaviour was influenced not only by a sense of self as self, but also by a sense of self as representative of the salient groups to which one belongs (i.e., personal and social identities). According to social identity theory,2 people strive to achieve, maintain and enhance a sense of positive social identity. As part of this effort, they continually construct multifaceted personal, relational and social identities in a process that is influenced by personal, social, cultural and environmental forces. This crafting results in a stable, but not fixed, sense of identity that influences behaviour in reasonably predictable ways. The process of identity construction and maintenance makes salient an awareness of ingroups to which consumers “belong” and the out-groups to which they do not. Social identity is composed of the values, personality traits and other observable characteristics that people use to construct social groups. These identity elements are invested with meaning, evaluated for saliency and used to assess group identity and the desire for affiliation. Although age, gender and race may be primitive elements of identity, that are most immediately recognisable (Brewer and Brown, 1998), such identity elements are not always salient or influential in behaviour . . . mother, lover, lawyer, trade unionist, environmentalist, Ajax Cape Town football fan – any one or more of these social identities may be activated by situational factors while waiting in a bank queue because people maintain a “digest of selves” and choose which one

2

Research today differentiates personal, relational and social identities. Although there are differences between Tajfel’s social identity theory and Turner’s social categorisation theory, those differences are inconsequential for the purposes of this chapter. The theoretical background to SA Tribes is discussed in more detail in Chapter 2 of SA Tribes and the works cited therein. For excellent reviews of social identity theory, see Brewer and Brown (1998) and Camilleri and Malewska-Peyre (1997); John C. Turner, Social Influence (Milton Keynes: Open University Press, 1991); John C. Turner et al., Rediscovering the Social Group: A Self-Categorization Theory (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), is an excellent introduction.

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to portray in response to the stimuli they perceive as operant and relevant (Higgins, 1996). Social identity serves more than an ontological function; its construction serves a utilitarian function as well, because it causes people to enter into an internal conversation in which prevailing values, attitudes and beliefs are compared for consistency as circumstances and situations change. Social identity research has produced many findings that would interest marketers and their regulators. For instance, it has highlighted the use of products and brands to signal affiliation with desirable social groups and so achieve and maintain a sense of positive social identity. It has documented the social mobility, social creativity and social conflict strategies that members of undesirable in-groups pursue to achieve positive social identity (Jackson et al., 1996), thereby providing new insights into the construction of meaning that motivates the choice of a “Greenpeace” tee-shirt or consumption of media that provides analysis from an African cultural perspective, such as Radio Metro’s hip book review programme “Blacks Do Read!”. It helps explain the value Nike derives from its multimillion dollar endorsement contract with Tiger Woods, and why it dropped John Daly. Anyone who has taught first year University students, anywhere in the world, has witnessed the integration of products and brands into identity ritual first hand! The recognition of identity cues begins early in life. Tajfel would not have been surprised that my four-year old daughter Thandiwe had wellformed preferences for dress and appearance, and a clear understanding that uniforms signify who’s in “big school”.3 The people at McDonald’s would be very pleased to know that her third word was “fries”, because she so loved their toys. Marketers have long understood that major transitions in life such as marriage, parenthood, divorce or death of a spouse, or the birth of a grandchild may motivate changes in purchase and consumption patterns. Social identity theory provides an integrated framework for understanding how consumers experience these transitions, and draw meaning from changing purchase and consumption behaviours.

Personal path to understanding within-country diversity I am aware that group identity remains a painful issue for many South Africans, especially those who were disadvantaged by enforced Apartheid group identities. My attempts to understand consumer change and stability, through research on values and traits, naturally evolved into research on social identity, a concept that includes values and traits as core components. I was dissatisfied with the so-called “Black market” and “White market” segments that dominated 1980s marketing thought in South Africa, and surprised that so little was being done to develop more accurate ways to represent within-country diversity.

3

See the early chapters in the first volume of Henri Tajfel (ed.). (1984), The Social Dimension: European Studies in Social Psychology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

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Roger Blackwell challenged me when I began my doctoral research, supervised me and encouraged me to study the effect of personal values on consumer behaviour from a broad, multidisciplinary perspective (Burgess, 1992). I gravitated toward the phenomenological approach of Carl Rogers, Abraham Maslow and Viktor Frankl, and to George Kelly’s personal construct theory. I was fascinated by Schwartz’s programmatic approach to values research, and with Bond’s attempts to identify Chinese values. Shalom Schwartz, Michael Bond, Milton Rokeach and Lynn Kahle shared time and greatly influenced my values research and thinking. Michael Greenacre and Glenn Milligan motivated me to think deeply about measurement, data and analysis issues. My recent collaborations with Jan-Benedict Steenkamp and Shalom Schwartz have greatly influenced me. This is a good place to thank all of these people for their altruism, especially Roger, Jan-Benedict and Shalom. I was deeply troubled when I first encountered social identity research. The early minimal intergroup situation paradigm studies provided evidence that people would be biased in favour of members of their group, even when people were grouped by artificial characteristics, such as “blues” and “greens” (Brewer and Brown, 1998). Studies showed that social categorisation is rapid and automatic, and often occurs outside the awareness of the individual. The negative consequences of identity cognitions can be witnessed not only in our own troubled history of “separate development” and “own affairs”, but also in conflicts throughout the world. Given these basic, gloomy findings, I wondered if it is ethical for marketers to study social identity. I concluded that it was. Consumers are not mindless automatons waiting to be directed by marketing communications, but rather active participants in problem-solving behaviour (Blackwell, Miniard and Engel, 2001). They continually construct and evaluate social identity groups on the basis of complex and dynamic identity cognitions. Concerning the potential for social divisiveness, there is evidence that bias in favour of the in-group does not necessarily imply bias against people outside the group (Brewer, 1979). Moreover, in South Africa, there is growing evidence of an emerging, non-racial South African identity (Bowes and Pennington, 2002; Steyn, 2002; Kuzwayo, 2000) that many thought was generations away. Discourse about racial identity in marketing and research also has motivated me. This is essentially a conversation about market segmentation. It is true that some physical differences that impact on the marketing of some products differ greatly when people of different races are compared. African culture, and its influence on urban South African life, also remains an important indicator of differing consumer preferences (Kuzwayo, 2000), as do Hindu, Muslim and Jewish cultures. However, as Finance Minister Trevor Manuel recently told a Graduate School of Business (UCT) audience, we always must remember that Apartheid may be dead, but its corpse is still very much with us. Correlation is not causation, and many alleged purchase and consumption preferences associated with race are nothing more than stereotypical artefacts

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of the Apartheid era. In my opinion, we must think of race as a variable that continues to decline in importance as our society normalises, and we must concentrate on identifying reliable and valid fundamental behavioural motivations that recognise the individual’s dignity and inalienable right to change and affiliate with whomsoever she or he wishes, without reference to prescribed or proscribed identities. So, my path to understanding within-country diversity has been one of an immigrant. My perspective has changed much since the day in 1981 when I heard someone talking about the “Black market” and wondered what so many people could be smuggling into South Africa. By the time SA Tribes began, I had had the opportunity to be involved in over a decade of research and was keen to explore the relative importance of variations in value priorities, traits, race and ethnicity. I also hoped to accommodate “standard of living” in the analysis, as an incredible amount of research had linked living standards to purchase, consumption and media usage.4 I am very fortunate that Mari Harris and Sue Grant at Markinor supported my endeavours. It is possible that my experiences as an immigrant will be considered commonplace in the future. After all, everyone is an immigrant or virtual immigrant in this era of globalised markets. I sense that identity will have an important influence on new conversations in which marketers begin to question the influence of their work. How should ads portray identity in an era of globalisation? How is the globalisation of branded communication affecting in-group and out-group perceptions? What lifestyles should be depicted in ads? A participant at a recent advertising workshop argued that our advertising inaccurately portrays South African life as if it were a “little cardboard cut-out” replica of American lifestyles. He argued that that is not what people want. In any case, even if they do, he argued that the American lifestyle is unsustainable and the world’s resources will not permit it. As I later considered the role of our discipline in this emerging marketing environment, it became clear to me that the social identity perspective will grow in importance in consumer research. Purchase and consumption behaviour is not the only area of interest. Advertisers often choose verbal and nonverbal elements to communicate desirable identity characteristics,5 ostensibly to motivate purchase and consumption behaviours that comply with social group norms, attitudes and values. There is very interesting work taking place around the world in emerging economies.

4

Reviewed in South African Advertising Research Foundation, All Media and Products Survey 2001 (Johannesburg: Author, 2001). 5 As our study of University students in South Africa and America showed in Steven M. Burgess and Roger D. Blackwell (2002), “Attractiveness, Values and Evaluations of Noncelebrities in Print Ads: An Exploratory Study”, South African Journal of Business Management, Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 9–22.

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The SA Tribes The 16 textual portraits painted in SA Tribes emerged from a cluster analysis of data collected during in-home, personal interviews. The data included variables normally associated with social identity (Camilleri and MalewskaPeyre, 1997), that is, values, personality traits, and observable characteristics (for which we measured an extensive array of living standard measures and geo-demographics). As reported in SA Tribes, extensive steps were taken to ensure the reliability and validity of the data collected. The steps included using accepted back-translation procedures, rotating items within scales to remove order effects, ensuring cross-cultural equivalency, identifying and removing non-responders and performing extensive reliability and validity checks using confirmatory factor analysis, and other configural verification approaches. The measurement scales used in the questionnaires were chosen for their applicability, to South Africa’s challenging cross-cultural research environment, and appropriateness for use in populations with such variations in formal education, literacy and numeracy. The results of SA Tribes communicate the incredible diversity of South African identity. Although a few of the tribes are ethnically homogeneous, there is impressive racial and ethnic heterogeneity within many of the tribes. However, as expected in the aftermath of that appalling experiment in social engineering that enforced separation of every institutional influence of social identity, the results paint a portrait of a country in which Black South Africans and others remain largely separated. For instance, agrarian lifestyles emerge as the most economically challenged of the tribes. Comprised mainly of Black African people who reside in rural areas, agrarian lifestyles comprises 12.8% of the entire South African population. Speaking mainly Xhosa and Zulu in their homes, its members are scattered throughout the rural areas of KwaZulu Natal, the Eastern Cape and Limpopo provinces. Few people in this world live in such challenging circumstances. Thirty-nine percent of them live in traditional huts. Those who do not live in traditional huts, live in shacks or Zozo huts. As a measure of their poverty, their claimed total income for their average 5.5-person household is approximately half of the per capita gross national income in Rwanda or Ethiopia, the world’s two poorest countries. Agrarian lifestyles are distinguished more by what they do not have, than by what they have. Ninety-three percent do not have any of the basic living standard measures: no electricity, no running water, no radio, no television, no telephone. Almost every (99.9%) of all South Africans who live in such concerning living conditions emerged in this tribe. Fifty-six percent have not completed primary school, and 20% have received no formal education. Seventy-three percent are unemployed and 19% have found only unskilled labour positions. Much of their sustenance probably comes from barter and informal sector trade. With 5.5 people in the average home and about 60% of them women, they eke out an existence that few people reading this chapter will be capable of truly understanding. The requirements of their lives entail

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extensive social cooperation, and they place much more importance on conformity and tradition than the average South African and much less importance on power and stimulation. Can anyone doubt that agrarian lifestyles live in a world far removed from that of many of the other tribes identified by SA Tribes, such as the upwardly mobile, mainly Black, well-educated and young prime skills, the older, well-educated and environmentally aware earth mothers or the older, economically challenged and primarily White believers? One can get lost in the detail of such comparisons across 16 tribes, but grouping the 16 tribes into four clusters makes it somewhat easier. Rural survivalists conduct their lives much as their grandparents did, and include 43% of the South African population. Seventy-seven percent of them reside in rural areas. Their agrarian and subsistence lifestyles are characterised by low human development. Many could not survive without financial remittances from relatives in the urban areas. A job, an education, electrification, running water and a flush toilet remain elusive dreams for many of them. Even the simplest of luxuries, dishwashing liquid, is not present in most homes. Emerging consumers reside in urban areas (71%) and are poor, but get by. Eighty-two percent are Black and 16% reported that they were Coloured. They are 37% of the total South African population. They have reached a basic standard of living that includes, almost without exception, running water, electricity and a flush toilet. There is nevertheless a substantial opportunity to raise their standard of living. For instance, only one in five homes has a geyser (viz., water heater) and dishwashing liquid was present only in about half of the homes on the day of the interview. The urban middle classes do not live a middle class lifestyle comparable to that of the middle classes of industrialised Western countries. Their household income and standard of living are lower. Nevertheless, they are well off by world standards. Almost every house has a motor car, geyser, electricity, running water and a flush toilet. More than 80% have a television set, hifi/music centre, fridge/freezer, telephone and microwave oven. They are 12% of the South African population and are comprised of people from all races, but primarily Whites (62%), Asians (20%) and Coloureds (14%) residing primarily in urban areas. The urban elite lead wealthy globalised lifestyles that are equivalent to lifestyles in countries with the highest levels of human development. Penetration rates of satellite television, personal computers, home access to the Internet and other modern elements of digital lifestyles are similar to that of Western industrialised countries for this fortunate 8% of the total South African population.

What we have learned SA Tribes provides objective evidence of the complexity of social identity. It provides an alternative to stereotypical accounts of South African identities that cannot break free from tribalism and ethnicity. The Afrobarometer® results reported by Professor Bob Mattes of the UCT Centre for Social Science

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Research in a contributed chapter discredits similar myths about identity in 11 Sub-Saharan African countries, and details a dramatic decrease in primary identification with race and ethnicity in South Africa during the past decade.6 The SA Tribes differ substantially, meaningfully and predictably as regards their lifestyles (i.e., activities, interests and opinions), product category participation, brand preferences, social and political attitudes and perceptions and just about any aspect of consumer behaviour that might interest marketers. Although we have been unable to publish branded results, except for an early example of cigarette brand preferences, we have been able to construct logistic regression models that predict whether a respondent has ever used a brand, and whether she uses it regularly at the present time with accuracy in the range of 85%–95% across a wide range of product categories, using only SA Tribe category as the predictor variable in the equation. Thinking of a person as a possibly temporary member of social identity groups makes it possible to conceptualise how change impacts on that person’s self-conceptualisations and how that will impact on their perceptions and attitudes toward products and services, whether provided by government or business. It allows us to think more deeply about how and when change is affecting people, and how companies should react strategically. It frees us from the limitations of more limited and simplistic stereotypical images of people that dominate much marketing thinking today, and focuses attention on central and secondary predispositions that motivate consumer behaviour. Thus, the SA Tribes social identity typology gives us a very powerful platform from which to understand and predict complex commercial, political and social behaviours of interest to policy makers in just about any kind of organisation.

The global logic of the SA Tribes But what is the global logic of all this within-nation differentiation? What does this have to do with South Africa’s global competitiveness and ultimate prosperity? Marketing textbooks generally define a “market” as people with (1) needs, (2) resources, and (3) the ability and authority to exchange the resources to satisfy their need. By this definition, it could be argued that the urban elite and urban middle classes are the only real markets in South Africa because others do not really have much, if any, disposable income or wealth. Nevertheless, I believe that all four of groups represent valid markets and a fertile laboratory in which South African firms can discover the formula for global competitive success in the twenty-first century.

6 I appreciate permission from IDASA, the Ghanaian Centre for Democracy and Development and Michigan State University for allowing us to publish Afrobarometer© results.

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Smaller can be bigger When I entered academia, I began to build a consulting practice. As I began, Roger Blackwell urged me to consider the logic of the situation in which I found myself. Large consulting firms would provide far more comprehensive solutions to large blue-chip companies than I. However, if I specialised in fast-growing small and medium-sized enterprises, I would not only be more valuable to them, but I would learn more. Also, provided that I held onto my share of their business, I would have a fast-growing consulting business as well. So, paradoxically, smaller was much bigger. The logic Blackwell shared with me that day has important implications for the development and global expansion of South African business.

The Willie Sutton theory of exporting The University of Cape Town’s Graduate School of Business (GSB) and the International Trade Institute of Southern Africa (ITRISA) recently conducted a study of Cape exporters for our city and provincial government.7 The results suggest that South African exporters generally ascribe to what I call the “Willie Sutton Theory of Exporting Success”. Sutton was the great American bank robber who, when asked to share the basis of his success, is reported to have said, “I go where the money is and I go there often”. To South African exporters, that strategy apparently means exporting to the industrialised states of Western Europe and North America. I understand the logic of trading with Europe and America and I support it. After all, I am a product of such trade! South African Breweries, SAPPI, Altron and even much smaller firms, such as Absolute Systems, show that South African companies can make profitable contributions in the most industrialised economies. However, an opportunity exists for South African firms that can adapt technologies developed in richer, postmodern economies to the specialised needs of younger, less wealthy populations in emerging markets. How big is this opportunity? Unilever recently told an international investors conference that sales of consumer packaged goods in developing countries will surpass sales of those of the OECD countries within five years (Green, 2002). According to the United Nations, the majority of humanity resides in just 15 middle-income, middle-human development emerging economies, which I refer to as emergent consumer markets (ECMs).8 When I think of the lesson I learned from Blackwell, I am filled with questions about the much

This report may be accessed at the Joint Marketing Initiative website: www. jmi. co.za. 8 The United Nations expects the populations of China, India, Indonesia, Brazil, Russian Federation, Mexico, Philippines, Vietnam, Iran, Egypt, Turkey, Thailand, Colombia, Republic of Korea, and South Africa to comprise 58% of the world’s total population by 2015. See United Nations Development Programme, 2000. 7

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lower interest in ECMs that emerges from our research. Are Europe and America not the object of export marketing plans around the world? Is competition not higher, growth not slower and sustainable competitive advantage not much harder to establish there? Are our Boards really thinking hard about the process of transition that is underway? Are we leveraging our superior knowledge about ECM lifestyles, or are our advantages evaporating? Already, Chinese consumers buy more refrigerators, television sets, microwaves and other household appliances than the Americans, and they have for more than a decade (Batra, 1999). Many Chinese provincial markets are twice the size of the South African market. Some 60 million Indian households have a lifestyle comparable to “A-income” South Africans. Western Europe and America comprise only 15% of humanity, but a much larger share of worldwide GDP. Are we preparing for a world in which their share of worldwide GDP will decline? Is it possible that there could be discontinuous and rapid market transitions, in which buying power shifts to ECMs? Will we miss opportunities for growth and prosperity by ignoring ECMs and racing for success in Europe and America at precisely the moment when marketers there have realised their future prosperity depends on ECMs. Will we be able to identify opportunities for profitable strategic alliances with Western firms? How can we mine the opportunities presented by both types of markets?

Focusing on emergent consumer markets The popular discourse includes many references to “transitional economies”, “emerging markets”, “transitional societies,” and “developing countries” (Batra, 1999; Peng, 1999; Brislin and Kelley, 2000). The Appendix lists 30 countries that the United Nations expects to be the most populous in 2015 and classifies some as transitional economies or emerging economies. Transitional economies are countries in transition from central planning to economic models that allow market forces to operate more or less freely. These countries are sometimes called “transition economies” or “former communist countries”, but the limits of the set are fairly clear. It is obvious that countries of the former Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, China and some other Asian countries that practised State socialism, such as Vietnam, meet these criteria. South Africa is a transitional economy transiting from centralised Apartheid era economic planning. Many transitional economies, such as South Africa, also are emerging economies. As Peng (1999) notes, the limits of this category are fairly fuzzy and it seems that almost every country that exhibits low economic or human development is being called an emerging economy these days; this is not helpful or accurate. When I refer to ECMs, I refer to middle-range human development countries that have achieved middle-income status, which are transitional economies and/or emerging economies in which significant segments of the population live in conditions of high human development, and exhibit the potential for higher than average GDP per capita growth. This category would include South Africa.

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Shared characteristics There is not enough empirical research to identify the idiosyncratic effects of rapid change on individuals and groups in ECMs. However, it is clear that many people are moving from agrarian and subsistence lifestyles, to conditions of high human development in the span of a generation. This is an unprecedented pace of change that has important implications for social identity and consumer behaviour (Burgess and Harris, 1999). ECMs share many important characteristics (Batra, 1997). They are culturally diverse and have higher inflation, unemployment and indirect taxation than does the industrialised West. Their populations and per capita incomes are relatively fast growing, and market penetration for many products is low. Capital costs more and productivity is less. Labour and union issues, and changing industry regulation issues, can demand substantial management time. The marketing environment is more complex. For instance, although formal retail sector outlets comparable to those in the industrialised West often may be present and be responsible for substantial portions of total retail sales, informal sector trade is important and requires firms to carefully consider push strategies and other appropriate strategic responses. Perhaps most importantly, almost every ECM can be characterised as a “dual economy” in which a wealthier and globally connected “first world” population is embedded in a larger “third world” population. Thus, although per capita incomes are low, about 10–20% of ECM populations have standards of living comparable to those in the industrialised Western economies. Great disparities in the comparative human development of urban and rural areas are common. In major cities such as Beijing, Bogata, Budapest, Kuala Lumpur, Johannesburg, Lima, Prague, Rio de Janeiro, Tel Aviv, Santiago or Shanghai, one can observe substantial portions of the populations living in conditions of high human development. Not far away in the periurban and rural areas, a very different standard of living is more common. In some cases, this disparity emerges between regions of a country, such as the coastal and inland regions of the People’s Republic of China. The ECM consumers differ from Western consumers on just about every individual difference that has interested marketing researchers. Differences often have important implications for marketing strategies. For instance, slow population growth implies demographic aging. The United States Census Bureau projects that the population between the ages of 65 and 74 will grow by 74% between years 1990 and 2020. The over-100s will grow by 354% between 1990 and 2010 and, by 2050, there will be some 850,000 Americans over 100 years of age. Consider the implications of this pattern which applies to Western Europe and Japan as well. Products that are purchased during the earliest life stages, such as baby products, educational products and home electronics, will see an increasing portion of their global markets shifting into emerging markets, and moving into new product usage arenas. The shelf space devoted to adult incontinence already exceeds space dedicated to disposable

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nappies in American supermarkets. A wealthy, geriatric populace will demand and receive new products that focus on the special problems of the richest, elderly population that has ever lived. These new products will have only limited appeal in ECMs and many will be irrelevant.

Our knowledge advantage may be evaporating A decade ago, I was challenged aggressively at the American Marketing Association Summer Educators’ Conference for suggesting that American firms pursue strategic alliances with South African firms in Mozambique because the monthly per capita GNP is less than the cost of a meal at McDonalds, a movie ticket and the cost of transport (Blackwell and Burgess, 1993). When I was introduced to an American audience by South African advertising legend Len van Zyl as “living proof that even Americans can understand rugby”, I knew that few people in the audience had ever seen a rugby ball or knew anything about the game. Things have changed. Executives from companies such as Principal Financial Group and Nationwide Insurance have surprised me with their knowledge of South Africa’s informal financial sector. An American even quizzed me over South Africa’s strategy in the most recent Rugby World Cup! In America and Europe, one can easily witness large sums of money being poured into programmes that focus on understanding ECM lifestyles. We still have an advantage because it is not easy to understand the great socio-economic, cultural and developmental diversity of emerging economies without direct personal experience of its diversity, as even people who reside in this country but have no contact outside the urban elite find on a daily basis. This is the global logic that may be extracted from considering the SA Tribes. All of the conditions that characterise emerging economies are visible and capable of being studied in our economy. If we do our “homework” correctly, we can gain global competitive advantage, as has been demonstrated by South African Breweries in the emerging economies of Asia, Europe and Latin America. A great opportunity exists for innovations developed in emerging economies for emerging economies. The scope for “South–South” collaborations must be huge. If we look north of our border, we will see countries comprised mainly of consumers who encounter many of the same problems that South African rural survivalists and emerging consumers encounter in their daily lives. If we cast our vision to the rest of the Indian Ocean Rim and other top emerging economies, we will find that what we learn in each of the four major tribal groupings can be applied to segments in those populations. The possible benefits from “North–South” alliances also seem large. Some organisations, such as the South African National Roads Agency Limited (SANRAL), have developed redoubtable competencies in building awareness of different cultures within the organisation and encouraging everyone to value culture. SANRAL has a programme of continual education about the significance of religious holidays and beliefs, and constantly encourages discussion about removing gender and racial impediments to equality in the

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organisation and improving market orientation. Culture is among the most invisible of realities, because it surrounds us from birth and becomes our understanding of how life should be lived. We lose our ability to sense its subtle nuances and pervasive insinuations, as it is knitted around us and we are weaved into its warp and woof. Company culture escapes the attention of senior executives in a similar way. We rise from our beds in houses and neighbourhoods that are far removed from the world in which most of our customers live. Dazzled by the industrial and technological advances that emerge from the most industrialised nations and dance across our televisions, we ignore industry cost structures and technological innovations that might be more appropriate for the South African market. I think we should be troubled by the simple questions. I could pick any of a hundred industries, but let me begin with toothbrush manufacturers. On a continent where the penetration of toothbrushes is so low, why do such expensive toothbrushes dominate our supermarkets and pharmacies in even the poorer areas of the country? Why isn’t a South African manufacturer making a fortune selling a very basic ZAR 3 (three Rands) or ZAR 4 (four Rands) basic toothbrushes? I understand the demand and profit potential for end-rounded bristles and rubber grips, but what about the opportunity for something more appropriate on a continent where people are still dipping their fingers in ash to clean their teeth because of the cost? And what about the furniture industry? Why aren’t we making sofas with storage areas underneath when we know that the majority of South Africans live in such small homes and that lounge furniture, more often than not, also serves as a bed? Where are the creative solutions to the problems of emerging consumers or the urban middle classes? And why aren’t we flooding Africa, China, India and other countries (where similar problems exist) with South African brands offering compelling solutions to these problems? The answer does not lie in technology or economies of scale. So, I wonder, is it a lack of vision, and what do we need to do to get leadership to embrace that vision in our boardrooms? I attended a conference on business in China during my Visiting Professorship at the Fisher College of Business at Ohio State. Fisher has a top-ranked China research programme and the conference was well-attended by academics and practitioners. During lunch, I sat between the senior international business directors of a leading motorcar manufacturer and a leading consumer products company with operations in South Africa and China. So, after we had chatted a while, I took the opportunity to ask them what they had learned in China that could be applied in South Africa. I thought I had not been heard when neither man answered me. So, I asked again. And, once again, I seemed to be ignored. Finally, the consumer products executive said, “I can’t think of one thing we have learned in China that could be applied in South Africa. On the other hand, I can think of dozens of things we learned in South Africa and can be applied in China.” His colleague nodded in agreement.

216 Diversity in Africa

I came away with two insights. First, South Africa provides a wonderful platform for multinational companies to learn about ECMs, by integrating South African facilities into their marketing and global supply chain planning. Second, I wondered why two international firms could see so clearly that our experiences have great value in understanding global markets, when South African companies so often ignore the opportunity to apply local learning and experiences to global growth opportunities.

The purpose of marketing Marketing texts frequently note that the purpose of marketing is to raise the standard of living in a market (Kotler, 2000; Perreault Jr and McCarthy, 2002). Dr Bill Venter, who founded South African electronics multinational Altron, once told me that everyone who has reached the lifestyle of the urban elite has a responsibility to uplift the living standard of ordinary South Africans. Considering the miracle South Africans are creating in what was once one of the most volatile countries (Bowes and Pennington, 2002), we can take great pride in what we have accomplished to reverse the terrible legacy of Apartheid and in everything else we have achieved. How much better then, if in this generation we can develop innovative commercial structures that eradicate the dire poverty of the rural survivalists, dramatically reduce unemployment and earn considerable profits for participants throughout the value chain? How much better if we can realise the value to be gained in the experiences of serving the needs of rural survivalists, emerging consumers and the urban middle classes? A new world is waiting to be built by organisations with the courage and the acuity to seize these abounding opportunities – for research (Bond, Fu and Pasa, 2001), for commerce, for developing a sophisticated understanding of within-country diversity, its impact on the problems experienced by consumers, the entrepreneurial solutions that are implied, and the requirements for crafting novel organisational structures and strategic alliances required to serve global markets!

A revolution in the boardroom Capturing the value suggested by these opportunities invites nothing less than a revolutionary discussion within boardrooms about market orientation. To me, market orientation concerns the mastery of three “Is”: insight, intent and interaction. Insight calls for a comprehensive understanding of sources of demand, sources of supply and methods of effective management. It requires an understanding of customers, competitors and substitutes throughout the value chain. Firms with insight understand the factors that influence their customers’ behaviours. Intent concerns the development of organisational competencies that encourage contribution to a constantly changing strategic process of response to customer and industry trends. It

Within-country Diversity 217

encourages internal communication, contribution, sustainability, striving, responsibility, belongingness, stewardship, good citizenship and responsible business ethics. Interaction means an emphasis on external communications in the supply chain and on demand-chain relations. It requires crafting systems that provide the necessary information to calculate the revenue and cost streams for every customer, the innovativeness to find new, appropriate and organic distribution and logistics solutions, and the ability to build and manage novel alliances to serve widened markets currently considered to be sub-economic. Clearly, one could argue for increased corporate focus on social issues from a humanitarian rationale. One need not be motivated by the heart, even if the role of corporations in social upliftment is a conversation that will gather force and become increasingly emotional in coming years. Rather, I am arguing in the rational spirit of enlightened self-interest, proposed by General Robert Wood Johnson at Johnson & Johnson (Foster, 1999) when heproposed the concept of corporate social responsibility as enlightened selfinterest or argued recently by Mintzberg, Simons and Basu (2002). Mintzberg, Simons and Basu maintain that corporations used to exist to serve society, that community service was the basis for granting and revoking business charters, and that the last decade has witnessed a growing and flawed glorification of self-interest at the expense of social welfare in assumptions about the nature of business. These include assumptions that man is motivated purely by economic self-interest, that maximizing shareholder value is the sole reason for corporate existence, that corporations require heroic leaders (as opposed to extraordinarily productive ordinary workers), that organisations must be lean and mean to be effective and that the rising tide of prosperity for a few will lift the welfare of all. Like Mintzberg, Simons and Basu, I am not arguing against self-interest, but rather arguing for a balance between it and social welfare. I am not arguing for increased social welfare spending. I am arguing that a balanced focus on self-interest, community engagement and social problem-solving will unlock tremendous opportunities for entrepreneurship and organisational and national prosperity. There are opportunities all around us, if we choose to grasp them. We can choose to learn more about solving the problems of a wider segment of South Africa. In that process, it seems that we will learn how to become more innovative and entrepreneurial and earn new profit streams, lessons that will no doubt enhance our global competitiveness in a rapidly changing world economy. At the same time, we will improve the lives of many disadvantaged people and enjoy many consequential social benefits that will impact positively on our economy. If I am right in my assessment of the growing importance of ECMs in the world economy, then the prosperity of our country depends on the choices we make. If we fail to act now, we will lose an important competitive advantage and, in fact, find ourselves at quite a disadvantage in world markets.

218 Diversity in Africa

I wonder what our children’s children will think of our times and of the role we played. We can choose to be remembered as a generation that had the courage to value our diversity, and built a strong and prosperous nation in which people have not only achieved but in which they have believed in one another. I am excited by our possibilities and optimistic about our prospects. We can achieve what we believe. But, we must act on our beliefs! In the spirit of eclectic borrowing, I will conclude with a passage I read 30 years ago. It weighed on me for years until I left business practice to become an educator. I continue to reflect on it. It is taken from a treatise Abdu’l Bahá (1957), the son of Bahá’u’lláh, wrote to his fellow Persians in 1875 from the prison city of Akka. At that time, he had been in exile and imprisonment more than two decades because of his religious beliefs: How long shall we drift on the wings of passion and vain desire; how long shall we spend our days like barbarians in the depths of ignorance and abomination? God has given us eyes, that we may look about us at the world, and lay hold of whatsoever will further civilization and the arts of living. He has given us ears, that we may hear and profit by the wisdom of scholars and philosophers and arise to promote and practice it. Senses and faculties have been bestowed upon us, to be devoted to the service of the general good; so that we, distinguished above all other forms of life for perceptiveness and reason, should labour at all times and along all lines, whether the occasion be great or small, ordinary or extraordinary, until all mankind are safely gathered into the impregnable stronghold of knowledge. We should continually be establishing new bases for human happiness and creating and promoting new instrumentalities toward this end. How excellent, how honourable is man if he arises to fulfil his responsibilities; how wretched and contemptible, if he shuts his eyes to the welfare of society and wastes his precious life in pursuing his own selfish interests and personal advantages. Supreme happiness is man’s, and he beholds the signs of God in the world and in the human soul, if he urges on the steed of high endeavour in the arena of civilization and justice. “We will surely show them Our signs in the world and within themselves.”9 And this is man’s uttermost wretchedness: that he should live inert, apathetic, dull, involved only with his own base appetites. When he is thus, he has his being in the deepest ignorance and savagery, sinking lower than the brute beasts . . . We must now highly resolve to arise and lay hold of all those instrumentalities that promote the peace and well-being and happiness, the knowledge, culture and industry, the dignity, value and station, of the entire human race. Thus, through the restoring waters of pure intention and unselfish effort, the earth of human potentialities will blossom with its own latent excellence and flower into praiseworthy qualities, and bear and flourish until it comes to rival that rose

9

Qur’án, 41: 53.

Within-country Diversity 219

garden of knowledge which belonged to our forefathers. Then will this . . . land . . . become in every sense the focal centre of human perfections, reflecting as if in a mirror the full panoply of world civilization.

References Abbas, Abdu’l Bahá (1957), The Secret of Divine Civilization, Wilmette, IL: Bahá’í Publishing Trust, pp. 3–5. Batra, R. (ed.) (1999), Marketing Issues in Transitional Economies, Norwell, MA: Kluwer Academic Press. Batra, R. (1999), “Marketing Issues and Challenges in Transitional Economies”, in R. Batra (ed.), Marketing Issues in Transitional Economies, Norwell, MA: Kluwer Academic Press. Batra, R. (1997), “Marketing Issues and Challenges in Transitional Economies”, Journal of International Marketing, Vol. 5, No. 4, pp. 95–114. Blackwell, R.D. and Burgess, S.M. (1993), Marketing and Economic Development in Southern Africa: Identifying Opportunities for Growth in Trade, paper presented at the 1993 American Marketing Association Summer Educator’s Conference, Boston. Blackwell, R.D., Miniard, P.W. and Engel, J.F. (2001), Consumer Behavior, 9th edition, Fort Worth: Dryden. Bond, M.H., Fu, P. and Pasa, S.F. (2001), “A Declaration of Independence for Editing an International Journal of Cross-Cultural Management?”, International Journal of Cross-Cultural Management, Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 24–30. Bowes, B. and Pennington, S. (eds) (2002), South Africa – The Good News, Rivonia: Good News (Pty). Brewer, M.B. (1979), “Ingroup bias in the minimal intergroup situation: A cognitivemotivational analysis”, Psychological Bulletin, Vol. 86, pp. 307–24. Brewer, M.B. and Brown, R.J. (1998), “Intergroup relations”, in D.T. Gilbert, S.T. Fiske and G. Lindsey (eds), The Handbook of Social Psychology, Volume 2, Boston, MA: McGrawHill, pp. 554–94. Brislin, R. and Kelley, L. (eds) (2000), International Business Series, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Burgess, S.M. (2002), SA Tribes: Who We Are, How We Live and What We Want from Life, Cape Town: New Africa Books. Burgess, S.M. (1992), “Personal Values and Consumer Research: An Historical Perspective”, in J.N. Sheth (ed.), Research in Marketing, Greenwich, CT: JAI Press, pp. 35–79. Burgess, S.M. and Blackwell, R.D. (2002), “Attractiveness, Values and Evaluations of Noncelebrities in Print Ads: An Exploratory Study”, South African Journal of Business Management, Vol. 32, No. 2, pp. 9–22. Burgess, S.M. and Harris, M. (1999), “Social Identity in an Emerging Consumer Market: How You Do the Wash May Say a Lot About Who You Think You Are”, Advances In Consumer Research, Vol. 26, pp. 170–75. Camilleri, C. and Malewska-Peyre, H. (1997), “Socialization and Identity Strategies”, in J.W. Berry, P.R. Dasen and T.S. Saraswathi (eds), Handbook of Cross-Cultural Psychology. Volume 2: Basic Processes and Human Development, 2nd edition, Boston: Allyn and Bacon, pp. 41–67. Foster, L.G. (1999), Robert Wood Johnson: The Gentleman’s Rebel, State College, PA: Lillian Press.

220 Diversity in Africa Green, H. (2002), Developing and Emerging Markets (Unilever Developing and Emerging Markets Conference Papers, November, Pilanesberg, South Africa: Unilever). Higgins, E.T. (1996), “The ‘Self Digest’: Self-Knowledge Serving Self-Regulatory Functions”, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 71, No. 6, pp. 1062–83. Hutt, W. (1940), “The Concept of Consumers’ Sovereignty”, Economic Journal, Vol. 50, pp. 66–77. Jackson, L.A., Sullivan, L.A., Harnish, R. and Hodge, C.N. (1996), “Achieving positive social identity: Social mobility, social creativity, and permeability of group boundaries”, Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, Vol. 70, pp. 241–54. Kotler, P. (2000), Marketing Management, 10th edition, Upper Saddle River, NJ: PrenticeHall. Kuzwayo, M. (2000), Marketing Through Mud and Dust, Cape Town: David Philip. Mintzberg, H., Simons, R. and Basu, K. (2002), “Beyond Selfishness”, Sloan Management Review, Vol. 44, No. 1, pp. 67–74. Ohmae, K. (1985), Triad Power, New York: Free Press. Peng, M.W. (1999), Business Strategies in Transition Economies, London: Sage. Perreault Jr, W.D. and McCarthy, E.J. (2002), Basic Marketing: A Global Managerial Approach, New York: McGraw-Hill Irwin. Steyn, M.E. (2002), Whiteness Just Isn’t What It Used to Be: White Identity in a Changing South Africa, Albany: State University of New York Press. Tajfel, H. (ed.) (1984), The Social Dimension: European Studies in Social Psychology, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Tajfel, H. (1974), “Social Identity and Intergroup Behavior”, Social Science Information, Vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 65–93. United Nations Development Programme (2000), Human Development Report 2000: Human Rights and Human Development, New York: Oxford University Press.

Appendix Table 12.1:

The 30 most populous countries in 2015 and selected others Total population (millions)

United Nations Human Development Rank

Country

1975

2000

2015

96 124 6 110 138 73 145 148 60

China India United States Indonesia Pakistan Brazil Bangladesh Nigeria Russian Federation Japan Mexico Philippines Vietnam Ethiopia Iran Egypt Congo Germany

927.8 620.7 220.2 134.6 70.3 108.1 75.6 54.9 134.2

1,275.1 1,008.9 283.2 212.1 141.3 170.4 137.4 113.9 145.5

111.5 59.1 42.0 48.0 32.8 33.5 38.8 23.1 78.7

127.1 98.9 75.7 78.1 62.9 70.3 67.9 50.9 82.0

9 54 77 109 168 98 115 155 17

Annual population growth rate

Gross domestic product (GDP) in purchasing power parity to USA

GDP per capita annual growth rate

1975– 2000

2000– 2015

GDP (US$ billions)

Per capita

1975– 2000

1990– 2000

Transitional society

Emerging economy

1,410.2 1,230.5 321.2 250.1 204.3 201.4 183.2 165.3 133.3

1.3 1.9 1.0 1.8 2.8 1.8 2.4 2.9 0.3

0.7 1.3 0.8 1.1 2.5 1.1 1.9 2.5 0.6

5,019.4 2,395.4 9,612.7 640.3 266.2 1,299.4 209.9 113.7 1,219.4

3,976.0 2,358.0 34,142.0 3,043.0 1,928.0 7,625.0 1,602.0 896.0 8,377.0

8.1 3.2 2.0 4.4 2.8 0.8 2.2 0.7 1.2

9.2 4.1 2.2 2.5 1.2 1.5 3.0 0.4 4.6

X

X X

127.5 119.2 95.9 94.4 89.8 87.1 84.4 84.0 80.7

0.5 2.1 2.4 2.0 2.6 3.0 2.2 3.2 0.2

– 1.2 1.6 1.3 2.4 1.4 1.5 3.3 0.1

3,394.4 884.0 300.1 156.8 43.0 374.6 232.5 36.9 2,062.2

26,755.0 9,023.0 3,971.0 1,996.0 668.0 5,884.0 3,635.0 765.0 25,103.0

2.7 0.9 0.1 4.8 0.1 0.7 2.9 4.7 1.9

1.1 1.4 1.1 6.0 2.4 1.9 2.5 8.2 1.2

X X

X

X

X

X X X X X

221

(Continued )

Continued

222

Table 12.1:

Total population (millions)

United Nations Human Development Rank 85 70 12 13

Country

1975

2000

2015

Turkey 40.0 66.7 79.0 Thailand 41.1 62.8 72.5 France 52.7 59.2 61.9 United 56.2 59.4 60.6 Kingdom 127 Myanmar 30.2 47.7 55.3 20 Italy 55.4 57.5 55.2 68 Colombia 25.4 42.1 52.6 27 Korea, 35.3 46.7 50.6 Republic of 151 Tanzania 16.2 35.1 49.3 107 South Africa 25.8 43.3 44.6 Some other countries often classified as emergent consumer markets 34 Argentina 26.0 37.0 43.5 37 Poland 34.0 38.6 38.0 69 Venezuela 12.7 24.2 30.9 38 Chile 10.3 15.2 17.9 24 Greece 9.0 10.6 10.5 28 Portugal 9.1 10.0 10.0 33 Czech Republic 10.0 10.3 10.0 35 Hungary 10.5 10.0 9.3 23 Hong Kong 4.4 6.9 8.0 22 Israel 3.4 6.0 7.7

Gross domestic Annual population growth rate

product (GDP) in purchasing power parity to USA

GDP per capita annual growth rate

1975– 2000 –

2000– 2015 –

GDP (US$ billions)

Per capita

1975– 2000

2.0 1.7 0.5 0.2

1.1 1.0 0.3 0.1

455.3 388.8 1,426.6 1,404.4

6,974.0 6,402.0 24,223.0 23,509.0

2.1 5.5 1.7 2.0

2.1 3.3 1.3 2.2

1.8 0.1 2.0 1.1

1.0 0.3 1.5 0.5

– 1,363.0 264.3 821.7

– 23,626.0 6,248.0 17,380.0

1.3 2.1 1.6 6.2

4.8 1.4 1.1 4.7

3.1 2.1

2.3 0.2

17.6 402.4

523.0 9,401.0

– 0.1

0.1 –

1.4 0.5 2.6 1.5 0.6 0.4 0.1 0.2 1.8 2.3

1.1 0.1 1.6 1.1 0.1 – 0.2 0.5 1.0 1.6

458.3 349.8 140.0 143.2 174.3 173.0 143.7 124.4 171.0 125.5

0.4 – 0.9 4.1 0.9 2.9 – 0.9 4.6 2.0

3.0 4.5 0.6 5.2 1.8 2.5 1.0 1.9 1.9 2.2

12,377 9,051 5,794 9,417 16,501 17,290 13,991 12,416 25,153 20,131

1990– 2000

Transitional society

Emerging economy

X X

X X

X

X

X X

X X X X X XS X X X X X

13 Access to What? Gender and Higher Education in Africa Máiréad Dunne and Yusuf Sayed

Introduction The late twentieth century witnessed a series of profound transformations in higher education. These have included the reorganisation of the governance and management of institutions, the increasing globalisation of education provision, the impact of new technology on delivery and content, and the increasing marketisation of higher education in a context of tighter resources for public expenditure (Neave, 2000). An important transformation of higher education systems has been the global move to massification, a process that had its origins from the 1960s onwards. In the South African context, for example, calls have been made for a 40% participation rate of the eligible higher education cohort. Similarly, as Parry (1997) notes, there is a commitment of the (British) government to increase gross enrolment. The massification of higher education systems has been associated with increasing access to those who have been traditionally absent or excluded. More specifically, this has been understood as increasing female participation, access for persons with disability and for mature, non-residential students and minority groups. This has signalled a shift away from the traditional image of higher education as an enclave of the young, male, residential, White, middle class and able student. In particular, a key change has been the increasing enrolment of female students, which this chapter examines. We examine gross enrolment data and compare changing patterns of female access to higher education across selected global regions. We relate this discussion to three contrasting frameworks: human capital theory, social justice, and the educational market that permeates access to higher education. Then, focusing on Africa, we make internal comparisons and explore the implications of increasing female access across the heterogeneous national contexts. In a further analysis of the available data, we move beyond issues of access to consider the question of ‘access to what?’ Through this we identify the ways in which increased female participation at University level has been 223

224 Diversity in Africa

differentially distributed across subject domains. Based upon this analysis, we reflect critically upon the implications of increased female access in Africa.

Expansion of higher education in Africa Different rationales and ideologies have fed the processes of mass education and increased access in Africa. While the actual process and rationales exhibit markedly differing characteristic and dynamics for each country, it is necessary to consider some of the possible frameworks and modalities that have influenced higher education systems from the 1960s onwards. Modernisation and human capital theory provided the initial and compelling framework for justifying higher education, particularly in the developing world. It was assumed, over-optimistically, that investment in education would yield immense individual and societal benefits. It was also believed that investment in higher education would be associated with, and lead to, a civic-minded culture and representative forms of democracy. As Ramirez and Riddle (1991) argue, however, this belief is questionable, as studies have found weak effects between investments in higher education and industrialisation, urbanisation and political modernisation. In the developing world, particularly in Africa, the initial expansion of the higher education system was rooted in the trajectories of post-colonial development (Sack, 1991; Court, 1991). As many countries achieved independence, higher education institutions were established as symbols of the new-found nationhood and argued to be the new engines for autonomous and autarchic development. Higher education, thus, became yoked to the desire of newly independent States to unify fragmented nations that emerged from protracted struggles against colonial rule. They were expected to develop the needed human resources for post-colonial economic development and growth. In Africa, this led to the establishment of many Universities that produced mainly the civil servants that were required to staff the newly independent governments after the withdrawal of colonial administrators. In this phase, however, female enrolment was low, with priority being given to the training of males (Kelly, 1991; Sack, 1991; World Bank, 1994). The early phases of the expansion were characterised by an attempt to provide for the establishment of Universities, most of which were modelled on the ex-colonial institutions (Amonoo-Neizer, 1998). However, during the 1970s and later, the system became more diverse and differentiated with a focus on meeting African needs. From this emerged the notion of the developmental University, a University rooted and responsive to the peculiarities of the African condition (Wandira, 1977). In the post-colonial context, as the African States began asserting the need for the indigenisation of knowledge production and curriculum relevance, attention began to be focused on female enrolment. The calls for greater social justice and targeting of those groups who have been most marginalised forced

Gender and Higher Education 225

even conservative and patriarchal societies to consider increasing access for females. This was fuelled by the growth and strength of progressive women’s organisations in Africa, which targeted educational institutions as the bastions of privilege and inequity. Nation States thus enacted policies for female participation to strengthen their legitimacy within and beyond their borders, where there was an emerging and growing consensus affirming rights of all citizens and personhood. In the 1980s, educational opportunities in higher education for females took a new inflection with the rise of market ideology. As Universities in both the developed and the developing world were forced by governments to justify and bid for public monies, recruitment of non-traditional students became of paramount importance. In Africa, the demand for higher education has most of the time outstripped supply (Court, 1991). Moreover, in increasingly economically stratified societies, in which qualifications and credentials are the route to upward mobility and financial rewards, higher education is always at a premium. Within the developed world, Neal (1996) argues that increased higher education access for females and ‘non-traditional’ students was a by-product of market forces, rather than a conscious choice in favour of social justice and equity. There are important tensions here, as the market does not by itself produce social justice, but rather tends to distribute goods unequally (Neal, 1996; Roberston, 1997). In Africa, the balance of market and social justice motives for increased access of females to higher education remains a debatable point. Whatever motivates the inclusion of previously marginalised groups, the question of what they are given access to, still remains. Justifications for the expansion of higher education systems and increased access for female students are rooted in assumptions about the value (economic and political) of investment in post-secondary forms of education; calls for, and commitment to, social justice and equity; and expectations of growth of market demands in education (World Bank, 2000). In Africa, this framework intersects with the emergence of States from long periods of colonial rule and the priorities that are established in the search for ways to assert and provide demonstrable evidence of independence.

Understanding patterns of access In this section, we examine patterns of female enrolments in higher education. We first compare broad global regions – Europe, Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa. We then move to look more closely at Africa through the selection of countries in three groups, North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, and South Africa. In these later comparisons we present data on female staff and the disciplinary domains in which females have enrolled. Before we begin the analysis, it is important to acknowledge the difficulties of collecting reliable data across a variety of countries with diverse systems

226 Diversity in Africa

and different internal capacities. In relation to the data we have used here, our focus is on gender and higher education, and the limitations of these data. The statistics that are utilised are partial and incomplete. Not all countries have information about gender. For example, a review of the UNESCO World Yearbook (1998) indicates that the collection of statistics for females is a more recent phenomenon. Further, the UNESCO statistics provide broad and gross information for the third level education, without making a distinction between enrolments in private higher education institutions or making any distinction between University and non-University higher education enrolments. Kelly (1991) and the World Bank Higher Education Report (1994) suggest that a large proportion of female enrolment at the higher education level occurs in non-University institutions and perhaps in private institutions. Further, the data do not disaggregate for part-time students. This is an important sector to investigate, as research suggests (see World Bank, 1994; Kelly, 1991) that: • A large number of part-time students are female. • There is a tendency for such student groups to be marginalised within higher education institutions. • Changes in the world economy, often referred to as post-Fordism, may produce new students groups that are likely to be non-residential, parttime students, engaged in forms of distance learning. Figure 13.1 provides broad comparisons between female enrolments in selected regions. It is worth noting that since 1980, at least half of the enrolments in higher education in Europe have been female. At the same time, across all regions, except Europe, female participation in higher education is still lower than male enrolments. This is specifically the case in Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa, with female enrolments just reaching around one-third by 1996. Figure 13.2 illustrates the rates of increase for female enrolment beginning with 1980 as the base index. Increases in female enrolment for the years surveyed show Africa and Sub-African Africa recording considerable change, while the world and Europe remain fairly flat. The graph suggests that the rate of increase for female enrolment has been substantially higher for Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa than Europe and the world. Although the line representing the increase in female enrolments across the world looks relatively flat, it should be acknowledged that this represents nearly a doubling of female enrolments between 1980 and 1996. Viewed against this, increases in Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa are phenomenal. The greatest rate of increase for African and SubSaharan Africa occurred from 1990 onwards, a period when many countries in African began to re-prioritise higher education, after a decade of focus on basic primary education. However, the substantial increase is offset by the low base of female enrolments. Kelly (1991), however, rightly cautions against an over-optimistic reading of increasing patterns of enrolments. She suggests (Kelly, 1991: 298–300) that

Gender and Higher Education 227 100 90 80

Percentage

70 60 51

50 50 40 30

47

47 37 35

33 32 28

27 22

53

52

50 46

45

44

37 35

25

20 10 0 1980

1985

1990

1995

1996

Region World total

Europe

Africa

Sub-Saharan Africa

Figure 13.1: Percentage of female enrolments by third level Source: UNESCO (1998). 600 570 537

Increase (1980  100)

500

400

389 353

353

300 228 200

100

180 147 119 108

100

140 117

169 136

176 138

0 1980

1985

1990

1995

1996

Year World total

Europe

Africa

Sub-Saharan Africa

Figure 13.2: Rate of female enrolment (1980  100) Source: UNESCO (1998).

while female enrolment has increased in percentage points, this has not been huge in terms of gross number of enrolments and has always lagged behind male enrolments. The substantial increase in gross percentage female enrolments for Sub-Saharan Africa in Figure 13.2 needs to be qualified by actual numbers. Table 13.1 shows the numbers and proportions of all enrolments across the

228 Diversity in Africa Table 13.1:

Enrolments by level of education in 1996 1st level

2nd level

3rd level

Total

Sub-Saharan Africa (%) Number (thousands)

78.1 79,001

19.9 20,145

2.0 2,017

100 101,162

Europe (%) Number (thousands)

34.3 47,619

50.3 69,853

15.4 21,339

100 138,812

Source: UNESCO (1998).

three levels of education for 1996. The massive relative increase in female enrolment in higher education in Sub-Saharan Africa is, however, in a sector that constitutes only 2% of all educational enrolments, accounting for 2,017 thousand of the 101,126 thousands enrolled in education. This 2% enrolled in higher education in 1996 in Sub-Saharan Africa compares unfavourably to 15% of all enrolled in education in higher education in Europe. This figure indicates that both in actual numbers, and in percentage terms, we are dealing with a relatively small higher education sector in Sub-Saharan Africa. The proportions of enrolments in education across all three levels also indicates a considerable narrowing at second level in Sub-Saharan Africa, which, given poor retention rates for females, presents another obstacle to the increased higher education enrolments of females. Further, it suggests the likely significance of a socio-economic group for those females who do get access to higher education. Data to trace the social class, ethnic and racial representation of the higher education enrolled females, however, are at present not available. On many counts, these data highlight the importance of addressing our question of female access to higher education for future policy development. Figures 13.1 and 13.2 have provided global figures for female enrolment compared by region. Figure 13.3 focuses on a detailed internal look for patterns of female enrolment within Africa. The Sub-Saharan Africa countries are shown to the left with South Africa as the central bar followed by the four North African countries. Figure 13.3 reveals that female enrolment in Africa is lower in countries of Sub-Saharan Africa (with the exception of Botswana and South Africa) than North Africa. Both South Africa and Botswana are fairly wealthy countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, which partly explains the relatively high participation rates in higher education. In reference to Botswana, Marope (1994) notes that female participation in higher education had been low initially but that, by 1991, female participation had increased and surpassed that of men. In South Africa, 51% female participation is the highest of all the countries represented in the graph, but this masks tremendous disparities in race with more White than Black females enrolling in higher education (Sayed, 1998). Such a statistic underlines the importance of understanding female participation in relation to other variables such as race, ethnicity and social class. Our examination of Figure 13.3 raises important concerns about the implicit homogenisation within the statistical categories used in this case, to provide

Gender and Higher Education 229 60 51 50

47 44

42

44 41

Percentage

40 35 30 25 22 20

10

0 1996/97 Botswana

1990/91 Ghana

1995/96 Malawi

1995/96 1994 1995/96 Uganda S Africa Algeria Country and Year

1995/96 Egypt

1994/95 Morocco

1995/96 Tunisia

Figure 13.3: Percentage of female enrolment by country Source: UNESCO (1998).

some description of what is happening in higher education. Patterns of enrolment are clearly important, but as we suggested in relation to South Africa, these do need to be analysed by supplementary statistics on ethnicity, race and socio-economic status. Such data are significant for both social justice and market-led developments in higher education. For the purposes of this chapter and due to the limits of the data we are using, we are confined to use the statistical category female in its broadest sense and can only acknowledge its limitations. At another level too, broad regional descriptions of Africa gloss over the heterogeneity of these contexts, with the result that the situation at the extremes is often lost. Our selection of four North African countries, four Sub-Saharan Africa countries, and South Africa is part of our effort to address the tendency to homogeneity by disaggregating the gender and higher education data by the selected countries within these groups. Female student enrolments in higher education only provide a partial picture of the relationships between gender and higher education development. Given the general increase in higher education enrolments, an important question that this chapter addresses is, to what are female students getting access? We address this by considering two sets of data, the first concerns the female representation among higher education staff and the second relates to the students disciplinary location within the higher education institutions. These questions are of significant theoretical and policy concern as we move from questions of female access to higher education institutions with a pre-existing organisational structure and culture, to a broader set of concerns about the institutional responses to new student groups. Clearly, an initial interest in increasing female participation in higher education relates to a distribution notion of social justice, that is, the fair distribution

230 Diversity in Africa

of resources to individuals in society (Rawls, 1972; Young, 1990). In the case here, the concern is with the fair representation of females enrolled in higher education institutions. Without denying the significance of the attempts to achieve these levels of female participation, the problem with a singular concern for satisfying this condition is the implicit suggestion of the neutral and decontextualised organisational development and culture of existing institutions. A more relational understanding of social justice moves the arena of concern beyond that of increased numbers of female students, to consider the conditions and processes of education in higher education (Gerwitz, 1998). With respect to higher education institutions, it could be expected that such a transformation would include changes to the staffing, curriculum, and pedagogies (Gilbert and Taylor, 1991). The institutional recognition and legitimation of the knowledge, culture and values of the previously marginalised groups, alongside reconfigured mainstream course and programme offerings, would represent a significant move towards relational social justice. Such a transformation would be part of the process of displacing the dominance of particular knowledge, pedagogic conditions and processes of accreditation. Given the global changes noted in the higher education sector, just how profound the transformation is in these terms remains to be seen. It is important to recognise then that efforts to relational social justice, through widening participation, will demand transformation and raise crucial questions of curriculum legitimacy. Turning to review the data, Figure 13.4 provides a picture of the relationship between patterns of female student enrolment and female staff participation

60 51 50

47 44

Percentage

40

41

36

35 30

28

30

44

42

25

27

26

24

22

19

20 10

a Tu

ni

oc or

% Female Staff

Figure 13.4: Percentage of female students and staff by country Source: UNESCO (1998).

19

95 /

96

M 5 94 /9 19

Country and year % Female Students

si

co

t yp Eg 95 19

19

95

/9

/9

6

6

Af S 94 19

/9 95 19

Al ge ria

ric

a

a nd ga U 6

6 /9 95 19

19

96

/9

7

Bo

M

ts

al

w

aw

an

i

a

0

Gender and Higher Education 231

in higher education. In many senses, this still falls within the distributional notion of social justice but arguably, without being essentialist. It also presents an indication of the possibility of different kinds of social relations in organisational and pedagogic terms. The graph at Figure 13.4 indicates that across all of the countries surveyed, with the exception of Malawi, there are proportionally far fewer female staff in higher education than female students. Thus, while higher education institutions may be admitting more female students, the participation of females as academics remains restricted. The high numbers of female students enrolled in higher education institutions are then still being exposed to male staff, and find themselves in a predominately male-dominated culture. Even in terms of distributive justice, the under-representation of females as higher education staff provides a considerable challenge and a clear policy imperative. The possible way to trace the influence of the increasing numbers of female staff would be the collection of disaggregated data on the occupational position of female staff in higher education institutions, alongside records of curriculum and institutional restructuring. Marope (1994) notes that in Botswana, with very high comparable rates of female student enrolment, the majority of female staff at the University of Botswana was at the lecturer level, with males being dominant at the higher levels. She argues that this has translated into females being excluded from the higher echelons of University decision-making bodies, making it difficult for females to change the male-dominated culture and modus operandi of the University. In such contexts, it is unlikely that any significant change to the courses and services offered has taken place. The new groups of consumers in higher education are subject to the organisational culture and academic priorities of the dominant group. With specific reference to women, their access would seem to be to institutions whose structures and procedures have been constructed to reproduce patriarchal gender relations. In these terms, the increased access of females to higher education stops with a distributive social justice agenda as hegemonic social relations are left without disruption. In the face of the widespread general increases in female enrolments, we now look at their disciplinary domain location within the institutions. Table 13.2 reports the data for the selected North African countries and Table 13.3 reports the data for the selected Sub-Saharan African countries. In both tables for each country, the date of the data and gross numbers are included. Underneath this there are two columns, the first, left-hand column shows the percentage of females in the cohorts in each of seven disciplinary areas, and the second column shows the proportion of the whole female group enrolled in that particular discipline in each country. At the bottom of the tables, the percentage of female participation in higher education is included. The relevance of organising the data in this way may be seen by taking the example of home economics. In Table 13.2, within North Africa only Egypt includes this subject at this level, while Table 13.3 shows that Botswana, Ghana and South Africa all include home economics. Reference to the left-hand data

232

Table 13.2:

Female enrolment in selected North African countries by fields of study

Total female (n)

Algeria (1995–96)

Egypt (1995–96)

Morocco (1995–96)

Tunisia (1995–96)

99,913

320,220

94,954

47,921

% females in cohort

% of all females

% females in cohort

Humanities and religion Social and behaviour science Business administration Home economics Natural sciences Maths and computing Engineering

67.5 46.5 ↓ 32.5 ↓ – 54.1 32.9 ↓ 28.4 ↓

22.8* 12.8 1.2# – 16.1 4.4 11.3

53.7 53.1 35.4 ↓ 84.8 39.4 ↓ 62.0 23.6 ↓

Total % females

46.9

100

42.6

% of all females

% of all females

% females in cohort

% of all females

% females in cohort

23.6* 2.3 21.7 1.4 3.0 0.2# 3.5

52.8 39.6 ↓ 44.7 – 29.1 ↓ – 16.6 ↓

39.8* 13.5 0.1# – 18.8 – 0.2

62.4 45.8 ↓ 37.9 ↓ – 41.8 ↓ 27.3 ↓ 25.8 ↓

33.6* 12.9 6.6 – 10.7 1.3# 4.9

100

42.3

100

46.5

100

Notes: # lowest female participation in each country; * highest female participation in each country; ↓ female participation below the national higher education average.

Table 13.3:

Female enrolment in selected Sub-Saharan African countries by fields of study

Total female (n)

Botswana (1996–97)

Ghana (1990–91)

Malawi (1993–94)

Uganda (1995–96)

South Africa 1994

2,069

1,791

527

3,745

109,952

% females in cohort Humanities and religion Social and behaviour science Business administration Home economics Natural sciences Maths and computing Engineering Total % females

% of all females

% females in cohort

% of all females

% females in cohort

% of all females

% females in cohort

% of all females

% females in cohort

% of all females

56.2

24.9*

31.0

40.4*

40.4

10.4

36.2

14.1

63.8

20.2

55.0

21.7

26.9

12.1

21.7

22.0*

43.1

20.2*

57.7

25.7*

48.9

10.9

22.7

8.1

15.1 ↓

18.2

30.2 ↓

13.8

42.7 ↓

13.0

96.8 28.4 ↓ 25.4 ↓

2.9 13.3 0.8#

66.7 15.2 ↓ 10.7 ↓

1.0# 8.1 1.2

– 20.9 ↓ –

– 12.7 –

– 23.0 ↓ 16.7 ↓

96.1 45.1 ↓ 30.5 ↓

0.6 5.5 4.1

13.4 ↓ 44.1

1.6 100

3.0 ↓ 22.4

1.1 100

1.6 ↓ 21.1

0.4# 100

13.9 ↓ 32.4

– 5.6 1.0# 1.6 100

8.9 ↓ 51.5

0.4# 100

Notes:# lowest female participation in each country; * highest female participation in each country; ↓ female participation below the national higher education average.

233

234 Diversity in Africa

column for each country shows predictably high proportions of females within the cohorts of students studying this subject. The range is from 96.8% in Botswana to an even refreshing 66.7% in Ghana. Such high levels of female participation in a notoriously gendered subject are not surprising. Reference to the second column, however, indicates that the high proportions of females in the cohort are balanced by extremely low proportions of the enrolled females opting for this subject. In Ghana, for example, this is the least popular subject of the enrolled females. Both columns contain important data for tracing the disciplinary affiliations of the increasing female student populations. Looking at Tables 13.2 and 13.3, there is a clear tendency for high female representation in the arts disciplines. In six of the nine countries, all in North Africa and two in Sub-Saharan Africa, ‘humanities and religion’ claims the largest proportion of the female students together with high proportions of females in the cohorts. In the remaining three Sub-Saharan Africa countries, including South Africa, ‘social and behavioural sciences’ take this top position. At the other end of the subject stereotype, the minimal proportions of females in the science-based subjects are predictable. In Sub-Saharan Africa in particular, ‘natural sciences’, ‘maths and computing’ and ‘engineering’ consistently have female cohorts well below their national higher education average. These subjects claim the lowest proportions of female students, with the natural sciences claiming larger proportions of female students than ‘maths and computing’ and ‘engineering’ together. The data here also indicate something of the worldwide difficulty in attracting students, especially females to these disciplines. Taking Botswana, for example, just over one quarter of the cohort in ‘maths and computing’ are female, but this is less than 1% of the female students. This suggests that altogether very few students take this subject at higher education level in the country. An even more exaggerated situation obtains in Egypt (see Table 13.2). Generally, in the North African countries female participation in these three science-based disciplines is higher than Sub-Saharan Africa, both as a percentage of the cohorts and in terms of the proportion of the female students taking these courses. As with Sub-Saharan Africa, ‘maths and computing’ remains consistently unattractive to female students. Excluding Egypt, the greater female participation in sciences, in these predominantly Islamic countries is explained by Sack (1991), in reference to their common French colonial heritage, the time of their independence and finally, especially in the case of Algeria, the pro-science education policies of the national government. This is evident with Algeria recording, for example, the highest proportions (11.3%) of the female students studying ‘engineering’. In Tables 13.2 and 13.3 we included ‘business administration’ as a subject discipline. We had hoped that this relatively new subject might provide some insight into developments in higher education. Patterns of enrolment are difficult to discern except that the subject seems more attractive in the Sub-Saharan Africa countries than in North Africa, with the exception of

Gender and Higher Education 235

Egypt. Proportions of females in the cohorts, although all below 50%, suggest that in relative terms, this is not a stereotypically gendered subject for study. Clearly, this would be an interesting subject to investigate with more detailed country specific data needed to develop a more adequate analysis.

Concluding comments This chapter has highlighted the fact that while there is a growth in female enrolments and access to higher education, this is still short of parity with males. Moreover, the ability to increased access for females is constrained in the African context by the low numbers of females graduating from secondary education who are eligible for higher education and, in particular, for the sciences (see Kelly, 1991; Jackson, 1991). The key question that this chapter has raised is, in a context in which female enrolments for higher education programme are increasing and where there is, as least at the policy level, commitment to such increase, what are females obtaining access to, and what are the implications. The chapter highlights the fact that increased female access has not been associated with widened access. Females have been mainly enrolled for programmes in the arts and humanities, with limited numbers enrolled for the sciences and engineering. Further, increased enrolment of female students has not been matched by corresponding increases in female staff recruitment, appointment, and retention. Where appointments of females staff has taken place in research labour (see Neal, 1996; Schueller, 1995; Kelly, 1991), they have been mainly at the lower levels and involved casual, contract and part-time work. A key challenge for higher education is thus the need to diversify female enrolments across all fields, and the need to increase female staff employment. For this to occur it will require changes at the secondary school level that encourage females to study for the sciences, and changes in the enrolment of graduate programmes in favour of females. This would necessitate changing institutional cultures so that they are more attractive to female academic interests. Increasing female enrolment, coupled with low numbers of female staff, raises the questions about the form and content of the curriculum on offer. Reform and revitalisation must address the needs of the diverse student groups and provide more flexible programmes in terms of access, content, and delivery. In addition, institutions need to consider ways in which quality education can be provided to all learners, in a context of growing numbers and declining resources. While the relationship between quality and numbers is complex, the key issue is that increased massification in times of shrinking resources may result in a declining ability of higher education systems to maintain the basic conditions for teaching, learning and research, as is the case in many Universities in Africa. The real losers in such a situation would be the new female entrants to higher education.

236 Diversity in Africa

There are clear signs, in the increased female enrolments, that issues of distributional social justice are seen as important and are being addressed with moderate success. The reproduction of subject/gender stereotyping evident in the data for these African countries, however, suggests that the increased proportions of females have had, as yet, little impact on the conditions and educational services offered at higher education institutions. There is little to indicate that quantitative changes in student intake have produced any qualitative changes to the organisational structures of higher education institutions. A focus on increased access alone may thus not address central issues of relational social justice and hegemonic patriarchal relations in higher education. Finally, it is hoped that this analysis has illustrated something about the possibilities and limits of the data. In this overview, we have drawn attention to some commonalties around the issue of gender and higher education. At the same time, we hope that we have shown that there is a significant degree of difference in national contexts that are collected together in one large category, in this case, Africa. These differences are reflected in the data, an important aspect for this chapter being the actual number of female enrolments in each higher education context. This difference is not only about history, religion, and political settlement, but also is about current national policy and aid donor interventions. There are clear differences in these terms between North and Sub-Saharan Africa. A glance at the actual numbers of female students in Egypt and Malawi, for example, gives a clear notion of the range in the contexts that have been discussed. The similarity of patterns of female enrolments are even more striking given this difference. Indeed, within Sub-Saharan Africa itself, this includes South Africa with its wellknown particular conditions and history. In asking the question and attempting to answer, ‘access to what?’, we hope that this article has made a modest contribution that forces policy. makers and practitioners to consider issues of relational justice, rather than only those of distributive justice. In this respect, we look forward to debate and discussion that critically scrutinises issues of course content, structure and pedagogy to enable the fundamental restructuring of higher education institutions in response to the changing composition of enrolments.

References Amonoo-Neizer, E.H. (1998), ‘Universities in Africa – the need for adaptation, transformation, reformation and revitalisation’, Higher Education Policy, Vol. 11, No. 4, pp. 301–10. Court, D. (1991), ‘The development of university education in Sub-Saharan Africa’, in P.G. Altbach (ed.), International Higher Education: An Encyclopaedia, Vol. 1, New York: Garland Publishing. Gerwitz, S. (1998), ‘Conceptualising social justice in education: Mapping the territory’, Journal of Education Policy, Vol. 13, No. 4, pp. 469–84.

Gender and Higher Education 237 Gilbert, P. and Taylor, S. (1991), Fashioning the Feminine: Girls, Popular Culture and Schooling (Australian Cultural Studies), North Sidney: Allen & Unwin (Australia) Pty Ltd. Jackson, D.P. (1991), ‘Women working in higher education: A review of the position of women in higher education and policy developments’, Higher Education Quarterly, Vol. 44, No. 4, pp. 297–324. Kelly, G.P. (1991), ‘Women and higher education’, in P.G. Altbach (ed.), International Higher Education: An Encyclopaedia, Vol. 1, New York: Garland Publishing. Marope, P.T.M. (1994), ‘Botswana women in Higher Education: From systematic exclusion to selective engagement’, in S. Lie, L. Malik and D. Harris (eds), The Gender Gap in Higher Education, London: Kogan Page, pp. 24–32. Neal, S. (1996), The Making of Equal Opportunities Policies in Universities, Buckingham: Open University Press/SRHE. Neave, G. (2000), ‘Diversity, differentiation and the market: The debate we never had but which we ought to have done’, Higher Education Policy, Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 7–22. Parry, G. (1997), ‘Patterns of participation in higher education: A statistical summary and commentary’, Higher Education Quarterly, Vol. 51, No. 1, pp. 6–28. Ramirez, F.O. and Riddle, P. (1991), ‘The expansion of higher education’, in P.G. Altbach (ed.), International Higher Education: An Encyclopaedia, Vol. 1, New York: Garland Publishing. Rawls, J. (1972), A Theory of Justice, Oxford: Oxford University Press. Robertson, D. (1997), ‘Social Justice in a Learning Market’, in F. Coffield and B. Williamson (eds), Repositioning Higher Education, Buckingham: Open University Press/SRHE. Sack, R. (1991), ‘Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia’, in P.G. Altbach (ed.), International Higher Education: An Encyclopaedia, Vol. 1, New York: Garland Publishing. Sayed, Y. (1998), The Segregated Information Highway: Information Literacy in Higher Education, Kenwyn: University of Cape Town Press. Schueller, D. (ed.) (1995), The Changing University?, Buckingham: Open University Press/SRHE. UNESCO (1998), World Yearbook on Education, Washington, DC: UNESCO. Wandira, A. (1977), The African University in Development, Johannesburg: Ravan. World Bank (1994), Higher Education: The Lesson of Experience, Washington, DC: World Bank. World Bank (2000), Higher Education in Developing Countries: Peril and Promise, Washington, DC: World Bank. Young, I. M. (1990), Justice and the Politics of Difference, Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.

14 Diversity Challenges in Community Research and Action Lawrence Matemba

Introduction The story captured in this chapter seeks to emphasise one of the most important lessons that has largely remained unlearned in the implementation of development intervention programmes. It highlights, as in countless other stories about development intervention programmes, the fact that success of the majority of these programmes is frequently dependent on an understanding of the society in which it is to take place, knowledge of the social and cultural factors that condition the community’s responsiveness to developmental change, and the ability to obtain the willing cooperation of the people involved. I was involved for four years in the project, and it is on this experience that the chapter is based. During those four years, I was training for priesthood in the Catholic Church, and my involvement in the project was at the level of providing pastoral care and administration.

Context and background The propagation of the Catholic faith in South Africa, especially by missionaries from Europe, North America and other parts of the world, is closely accompanied by the establishment of development intervention programmes. The story of the establishment and development of a crèche (educare centre/early childhood development centre) in the early 1980s at KwaMpumuza, a semi-rural setting at the outskirts of one of the cities in KwaZulu Natal Province in South Africa, is essentially the story of the development of the parish itself. The parish priest had two specific objectives in mind when he established the crèche. First, he wanted to use the crèche as a vehicle to introduce and teach catechism to children who enrolled in the crèche. Second, he established the crèche as a response to a crisis whereby many young children (up to six years of age) were just sitting at home in the care of mostly grandmothers, 238

Diversity Challenges 239

while their (children’s) single teenage mothers went back to school to continue with their studies. The crèche was, therefore, not only a place for these children to stay during the day, but also a place where children would receive food and some elementary early childhood education. The parish priest managed the day-to-day running of the crèche. His task was to ensure that food was available at the crèche, children had toys, and also that water and electricity bills were settled on time. Two staff members of the crèche, who were barely literate, looked after the children.

Challenge Critical to the successful establishment and development of the parish and the crèche during the period until 1988, was the cordial relationship that existed between the local chief and the parish priests. It is understood that while this relationship was still good, the chief had a special place of honour in the church. He attended the celebration of the Eucharist regularly. Once every month, a celebration would be conducted at his palace. Against this background, the Catholic Church was the first and, for a long time, the only church that was granted permission to build and conduct its activities in the local chief’s area of authority. The Catholic Church indeed enjoyed many favours, such as access to unlimited areas of land and, importantly, access to the local population. The local chief “owns” not only all the land in the area of his authority, but also the people who live there. The unfortunate incident in the history of St Vincent’s Catholic Parish that was to negatively, and severely, affect the development of both the parish and the crèche, was when the new parish priest from Germany ordered the chief to choose only one wife and divorce the other six. To make matters worse, the parish priest insisted that the local chief choose and marry a particular wife (third wife) – apparently this is the wife who attended the celebration of the Eucharist on a regular basis. According to the local tradition and culture, the last wife of the chief is the most important, because she is expected to bear a son who inherits the reign should the chief die.

Responses to the diversity challenge When the elderly members of the parish pastoral council – one of whom was the chief’s councillor and relative – tried to provide the cultural and traditional explanation for the marriage system, the parish priest insisted on his demands. As a result, the chief stopped practising the Catholic faith, and withdrew his offer of some land that he had donated to the parish. In addition, until this very day, the chief occasionally disrupts the celebrations of the Eucharist on Sunday. He would send his men to summon all people in the middle of the celebration of the Eucharist to attend his meeting. Attendance at the celebration of Eucharist has greatly reduced. It is now very difficult, if

240 Diversity in Africa

not impossible, for the parish priest to introduce any new development intervention programmes because the chief simply refuses to grant permission or a piece of land for them. Furthermore, the parish priest struggles to obtain the willing cooperation of the people of his parish, in his work, because they feel that he insulted their chief. Both the parish and the crèche that had enjoyed the massive support of the chief, in the earlier years, are now struggling. The continual existence of both of these establishments now hangs in the balance. It is unfortunate that no attempt was made to try to solve the differences between the local chief and the parish priest. The latter sought solutions from his superiors, who were ill equipped to help. The superiors have very limited knowledge of the local community dynamics.

Reflections While Catholic teaching does not allow polygamy, the insistence of the parish priest that the chief chooses only one wife, and especially one that was not even the most important according to local tradition and culture, was definitely going to be a recipe for disaster. For the local chief and his people, there is nothing more important than the cohesion and viability of their society. This is based on a set of assumptions, beliefs, values, norms, goals, conventions and procedures that the participants have internalised. No matter how important the parish and the crèche were, as long as these were viewed as a threat to the very cohesion and viability of the local community, resistance was going to follow, and this, unfortunately, is exactly what happened. There is no doubt in my mind that the initial successes that the parish and the crèche made can be attributed to the role and support of the local chief and the local population. Up to a point, it would appear that the parish priests had managed to obtain the willing cooperation of the chief and the local population. However, two very important aspects of development intervention programmes and community development remained unlearned. These are: (i) knowledge of the social and cultural factors that condition the community’s responsiveness to the development initiatives introduced by an external agent, and (ii) an understanding of the society in which a development initiative is introduced. The second lesson relates to leadership style for people who work in communities. The new parish priest seems to have lacked the ability to articulate a community vision and values that were meaningful to all of the stakeholders, to think holistically, to draw on multiple sources of information and advice, to listen, to motivate, to persuade, to empower, to enable – in short, to lead. Leadership and teamwork are key elements. Another important lesson that can be drawn out of the story is that beneficiary needs are a function of the political, economic and social context in

Diversity Challenges 241

which the beneficiaries live, and cannot be adequately defined for purposes of determining programme input requirements independently of that context. The story highlights the important relationships between task, context, and organisational variables, concluding that the performance of an organisation is a function of the fit achieved between those variables. What follows is an account of the historical development of both the crèche and the parish. In documenting this historical development, we are essentially providing an analysis for the local community’s “human will” element that forms the underlying assumptions and mindset of the community’s worldview. This is particularly important because it confirms the point that even though people ordinarily use different sources of knowledge (sense, experience, ratiocination, revelation, authority, tradition, analogy, competence, revelation, originality, novelty, beauty, etc.) for different situations, in the event of a serious clash, the knowledge source with the greatest personal legitimacy and value (scope and force) will prevail. This insight is critical to the local community’s willing cooperation with development initiatives, and therefore to its success.

The early beginnings of the parish To understand the historical origins of the development of the crèche, it is important to first follow the development of the parish itself, because, as we shall see, the crèche is one of the developments of the parish. Like many other Catholic parishes, this started out as an outstation of a bigger parish. This is evident in the following account of one of my interviewee’s (Mgoza, 2003) early years as a child: “I was born in 1931, yes, in this same place of Mpumuza 1. However, it was only two years later, i.e., in 1933 that I was baptised at St. Albert’s Parish – that Parish in Esigodlni. We all used to go there for the celebration of the Eucharist, even though it was very far for most of us.” With the passage of time, the outstation grew in population. This necessitated that the outstation be raised to full parish status. According to Mgoza, this development meant that the people of Mpumuza had to be divided with regard the parish to which they belonged: “When the outstation became a full Parish, all those people from around Amasixties (one of the wards of Mpumuza 1) and Ashdown started to associate themselves with it because it was geographically close. A dedicated parishioner who later became a catechist, and also helped in the establishment of the new Parish, was Mr. Colonelia Shange. In addition, it meant that all those people from the South-Western side of KwaMpumuza continue to associate themselves with the original parent Parish.”

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During the period to which my interviewee (Mhlongo, 2003) only referred to as the 1950s, people were forcefully removed from Masixties area, that is, from the southeastern ward into the area where the new parish is now located. It is not clear as to why the removal as such was carried out. However, another interviewee (Dingane, 2003) is of the strong opinion that the chief, who lives about 2 km to the north of the location of the new parish, ordered that all of his people live around him as the population there was sparse. What were the consequences of this decision of the chief for the parishioners? First, it meant that all the population from Masixties drifted away from the parent parish. Second, it meant that there was now quite a sizeable population around the centre of Mpumuza. As a result, the need arose for the Catholic community at Mpumuza 1 to start organising its church activities locally, that is, at Mpumuza 1 itself. It was at this period of forced removal, and its aftermath, at the outstation of the parent parish that discussions about the establishment of a parish were held. Among those removed from Masixties included strong and dedicated people such as Mr Petros Nyandu, Mrs Julia Mntambo, Victoria Nene and Elizabeth Zondi (Mgoza, 2003): “These were probably the strongest pillars of the present Parish. They used to visit the sick and pray for them. They always reported to the ‘father’, i.e., the parish priest at Machibisa whenever somebody was sick and therefore needed the services of a priest.” Where was the catechist then, as usually it is he who carries duties such as those performed by the four people mentioned above? The answer to this question is that the catechist stayed at Ashdown, and was therefore, not affected by the removal. Even though none of my interviewees remembered exactly when the new parish officially became an outstation of the parent parish, the three names of Mrs Sithole, Mr Petros Nyandu and Mr Raphael Madonda are mentioned as those who were sent to the chief to ask for a place of worship. What was the chief’s response to their request? “Initially, the chief was reluctant to the introduction of the Catholic faith, and any type of faith for that matter. However, in 1961 the chief gave permission to the introduction of the Catholic faith in his area. To that effect, Mrs. Victoria Nene donated her house as a place of worship. This house was a traditionally Zulu grass thatched house” (Mtolo, 2003). With the official recognition of the outstation at Mpumuza 1, several developments took place. The parish priest of original parent parish, Fr Ngubane, appointed his assistant, Fr Mkhize to the outstation. It is said that Fr Mkhize now celebrated the Eucharist more often than ever, at this outstation. The

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local chief was converted to the Catholic faith and the Eucharist was celebrated once every three months at his home. Furthermore, the chief had a place of honour in the church building. In addition, the Catholic Church was the only church allowed to carry out any religious activity in the area. The traditional Zulu grass thatched house that was donated, was becoming too small as the population was growing. In addition, the building was no longer viable since it leaked during the rainy season. Therefore, to address these problems, a bigger church had to be built. Here again, Mr Colonelius Shange (2003), the catechist, was instrumental as my interview narrates: “Our catechist used to travel all the way from Ashdown everyday to come to build the new Church. It was constructed from mud building blocks. Unlike the previous building, this new one was bigger. It had a sacristy and one spare room.” One other development in the life of the outstation during this period was its naming (Buthelezi, 2004): “What happened as far as the origin of the naming of the new Parish is concerned, can be traced to the fact that the catechist and other members of the Parish belonged to the Society of Vincent de Paul. This association also existed at other Parishes such as St. Augustine’s, at St. Albert’s and at St. Mary’s in the city of Pietermarltzburg, comprising of Whites. It was this association of Vincent de Paul at St. Mary’s that donated windows and the roof for the new Church building at KwaMpumuza. Subsequently, the new Church building was named St. Vincent’s in gratitude to the donations made by the association of Vincent de Paul.” Another new development, that was to have a major impact on the new parish, was the coming of a new religious order to St Joseph’s Theological Institute in 1985. According to one of the interviewees, who later became the parish priest of St Vincent’s (Sibeko, 1996), members of this new religious order were initially looking for a place to build a house of studies for their students who would be attending lectures at St Joseph’s. After negotiating with Archbishop Denis Hurley of the Archdiocese of Durban, they were offered some place on the outskirts, to the west of Pietermaritzburg, just on the boundary with Mpumuza 1. Here, the idea was that members of the new order would minister at St Vincent’s. After the ordination of the first member of this new order to the priesthood in March 1989, he was appointed to work in Zimbabwe. However, he had to wait for almost a year before his work permit was approved. Meanwhile, he ministered at St Vincent’s. It was during this period that the present

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St Vincent’s Church was built at its present site – a site somehow in the centre of Mpumuza 1. The years 1990 and 1991 are remarkable in the history of the development of St Vincent’s Parish for a number of reasons. First, Archbishop Denis Hurley, the Archbishop of Durban officially opened St Vincent’s Parish on 29 October 1990. This was remarkable indeed, because it was a sign of the autonomy and growth of the parish. Second, 1990 and 1991 were the years when violence in Mpumuza 1 area was at its worst. In fact, one interviewee (Mgoza, 2003) suggested that it was because of this violence that St Vincent’s was built. However, I find it difficult to believe that St Vincent’s could be built because of violence alone. Here, one would do well to remember that big decisions, such as erecting a church building, are not taken in a hurry. Funds have to be raised; there must be a likelihood of a parish priest, etc. All other informants I interviewed pointed to the fact that it was due to the increase in membership of the parish that there arose a need for a new church building. However, one interviewee (Mhlongo, 2003) alerted me to the fact that, on the one hand, the parishes of St Albert’s and St Augustine’s were no longer accessible to the people of Mpumuza 1 as these parishes are situated in African National Congress (ANC)-aligned areas, whereas St Vincent’s is located in an Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) stronghold. On the other hand, membership and church attendance at St Vincent’s increased dramatically. Violence also impacted St Vincent’s in the sense that some people were not sure as to whether or not to go to church. “It was a time when one just had to sit at home and listen to the radio; to be updated on the development of events in the area” (Mhlongo, 2003). The new parish priest brought some changes in the parish. Instead of bringing Holy Communion to the elderly, as the custom had been previously, he collected them from their homes and brought them to church to celebrate mass together (telephonic interview with Gibis, 2000). In addition, while he continued celebrating mass at the chief’s place once every three months, he introduced catechetical lessons in the area of the chief’s residence. It was at this time that the new parish priest learnt that the chief had three wives. One interviewee confided in me that the new German parish priest asked the chief to drop the other two wives because the Catholic Canon Law does not allow that. By then, the chief’s first wife was already baptized and received communion in the Catholic Church. A problem surfaced when the chief’s third wife enrolled for catechetical lessons for baptism. The new parish priest refused to baptise the chief’s third wife and instructed the chief to leave his second and third wives. This clashes with Zulu custom and tradition, because it is the third wife who is supposed to give birth to the son who will succeed to the throne. This is obviously a complex issue – an issue in which a custom (African) clashes with Canon Law (European).

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The manner in which the new parish priest dealt with this issue illustrates his lack of understanding of the local culture, as one interviewee puts it (Mkhize, 2000): “The new parish priest refused to baptise the chief’s third wife, stopped the old and established tradition of celebrating mass at the chief’s place once every three months. This was an insult to the chief. He is our chief and we are under his authority. He has to be respected because we are living on his land. If the chief divorces his third wife, who is going to give birth to the future chief then? Doesn’t the new priest know that the chief can decide to terminate the Catholic Church here?” The quotation above shows just how much authority the chief has on the affairs of his territory. Indeed, the same informant told me that as a result of this stand-off between the chief and the new parish priest, the relations between them (including the parish as a whole) went sour. It is alleged that immediately after this dispute, the chief reduced the amount of land that was allocated for the development of parish projects, including that of the crèche. My interviewee even showed me the original boundaries of the parish. To illustrate how badly the relationship went sour, the chief once entered the church during mass demanding that his people leave the celebration of the Eucharist to attend his meeting. He also wrote letters to two former parish priests, both of whom I personally know, demanding that he would like to have his people anytime he wants them, whether on a Sunday or on any other day (Mgoza, 2003). More recently, in 1995, the new parish priest built a hall on the church premises, despite the state of bad relationship between himself and the chief. He explains what he had in mind when he decided to build the hall (Gibis, 2003): “There are lots activities that take place in that parish. I can mention activities like concerts, meetings, wedding parties, etc. We can not have them in the Church. It is not right. Moreover, the community of KwaMpumuza does not have even a single hall. So I thought that the hall might help in such instances. It is for the whole community, as long as it is booked in good time and that the intended activity does not go beyond five o’clock in the afternoon.”

St Vincent’s Catholic Parish Crèche Facility (SVCPCF) Perhaps one single major development project that St Vincent’s Parish has embarked upon is the establishment of SVCPCF. When the new German

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parish priest was appointed to St Vincent’s, he requested that all children of junior primary school-going age, of his parish, come to church earlier before mass on Sundays so that he could teach them catechism. However, teaching catechism to these little children had one main drawback, namely that it was directed only at those children who were Catholic (Gibis, 2003): “When I visited parishioners, I used to see so many children at home with their grandmothers. I was told that the parents of these children were mostly single mothers who were still in High School. I realised that the catechism being taught to them on Sunday mornings was not enough, since it targeted Catholic children only. What about these other children? They also needed and deserved pastoral care. I therefore decided to open a crèche to cater for all children of the community of KwaMpumuza.”

Analysis Analysis of the historical development of SVCPCF can be done at two levels: at the objective of the establishment of the facility level, and at the resultant general response of the community level.

The objective of the establishment The overriding objective for the establishment of the crèche should be seen more as the provision of a poverty alleviation facility to help the poor community cope with the problem of single parenthood, than a conventional crèche whose purpose is to play a critical role in early childhood development. This perspective is very much in line with the Catholic (and Christianity for that matter) tradition of charity and establishment of a development intervention programme (DIP) in the course of evangelisation. As such, a DIP can appropriately be termed a social protection programme, in as far as social protection is defined as “public interventions to (i) assist individuals, households, and communities better manage risk, and (ii) provide support to the critically poor” (Holzmann and Jorgensen, 2000: 3). Justino (2003: 6) sees the historical establishment of DIP “as a means of improving the wellbeing of the poor, reduce inequality within society and conciliate different social demands, thus avoiding the social and political conflicts, which necessarily arose as capitalist forms of production evolved in the industrialised countries”. The main idea behind social protection is that all individuals, households and communities are vulnerable to multiple risks from different sources, whether they are natural (such as earthquakes, flooding and illness) or human-made (such as unemployment, single parenthood). These shocks hit individuals, communities, and regions mostly in unpredictable ways or cannot be

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prevented, and therefore, they cause and deepen poverty (Holzmann and Jorgensen, 2000). Poverty relates to vulnerability, since the poor are typically more exposed to risk while they have limited access to appropriate risk management instruments. Hence the establishment of a DIP, such as that of SVCPCF, becomes an important device in order to reduce vulnerability and provide a means out of poverty. Ghai (2000) argues that, from time immemorial, societies have attempted in various ways to shelter people against social and economic adversities. These efforts have mostly tried to meet urgent needs for subsistence, and to provide against contingencies. These arrangements reflect not only the values, beliefs and customs of people, but also their economic systems, social structures and political institutions. Historically, people have looked to their families, clans, tribes, communities, religious groups and authorities – lords, chiefs and kings – to meet their needs for social protection. To a large extent, this system – as informal as it is – has worked for many societies around the globe, and managed to achieve social cohesion, viability and societal existence continuation. In the context of Mpumuza, where the problem of the risk of single parenthood was being managed (coped with) in the manner outlined above, the establishment of SVCPCF should be seen as an introduction of a new coping mechanism for this risk. In situations such as these, competition between these two risk management mechanisms is bound to exist. It was made worse when the relationship between the new German parish priest and the local chief went sour. The local chief, however, is bound to emerge victorious in conflicts such as these, through winning to his side the local population’s support – the basis for “human will” – since: (i) his leadership and authority are a source of valid, reliable and sustainable knowledge for his community; (ii) individuals in the community – particularly one ravaged with poverty – gain their communal identity, and therefore social status, self worth and selfesteem, from their group identity (an identity that has evolved over centuries in the region) (Tajfel, 1982); and (iii) the ways and means for coping with risks, associated with poverty and vulnerability in the community, are well tried and tested and have stood the test of time.

Community response to the establishment of the crèche While the local community of Mpumuza 1 view the crèche as a social protection instrument, and unconsciously measure its intentions against its local, and long established, instruments for single parenthood, there also exist implicit objectives (unintended consequences) in the mind of the developer. Cobern (1996) uses the term “hidden curriculum” in the context of his discussion of

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constructivism and non-Western science education, to refer to the difference in the stated intention of a particular programme and what else that programme actually does to its beneficiaries. In response to the “hidden curriculum”, the local community develops its own “hidden transcript” (Scott, 1976, 1977a, 1977b, 1989, 1990). The rest of this section analyses the local community’s response to the establishment of the crèche using this understanding, that is, the meeting of the “hidden curriculum” and the “hidden transcript”.

The social structure To a large extent, development means institutional development (Nurnberger, 1999). Social organisation at Mpumuza 1 and in the developing world communities has remained, and continues to remain, more or less constant over the years. Organisation is not just an outward arrangement of objects, but happens in the minds of people. They have internalised certain patterns of behaviour, and quite unconsciously act according to them. In contrast the mindset that informs development principles fosters a different kind of social relationship that is characterised by complex relationships, dynamic procedures, constant change, and is embedded by values needed by an industrial society (such as punctuality, efficiency, exactness). All of these things have a great impact on the efficiency of the way things are done and, in a sense, development intervention programmes promote these as well, unconsciously. Nurnberger (1999) argues that some economic historians believe that it was the mechanical routine of the conveyer belt that ingrained punctuality, constancy and precision in the Western mind, and that it was only after efficiency had become an obsession among organisers of the modern economy. Organisation means integration. At Mpumuza 1, we find a small, autonomous social unit that is very tightly organised within itself. There is very little interaction with the outside world, in the sense that activities that are carried out in this community are of little relevance to the developed economy (Matlala, 2004). In fact, the developed economy can exist without the latter because it is highly unproductive, and adds no value to the developed economy. However, the assumptions and mindsets that inform development theory promote a network of relationships linked by highly efficient means of communication. A DIP also promotes this. Moreover, the kind of social structure that a DIP has in mind involves individuals who are basically on their own, and are free to establish relationships as they wish, to move about within the economy, and to develop initiatives according to their gifts and desires. This is called social mobility (Nurnberger, 1999) and is something that was only witnessed at the start of modernity – whether horizontally between different persuasions, or vertically between status ranks. The results are high levels of specialisation and competition. This is in contrast to a typical tribal, African, traditional system that is found

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at Mpumuza 1, where the individual is bound into predefined roles, status, relationships and collective identity (for the common good) and thus inhibits development of individual initiative, specialisation and mobility. While people are granted “belonging” and “security” for the disavowment of their individual identities and initiatives, they are hamstrung by collective land tenure, taboos, dependency of divination inherited authorities, superstition, and religious observances. In a sense, DIP actively challenges traditional African social structure and ways of coming into contact with “reality”.

Culture and education Within the traditional worldview mindset, children are challenged to perform, to compete, to excel. Their curiosity and activity are evoked and encouraged. At Mpumuza 1, children are socialised in relatively stable inherited patterns. Because social conditioning happens during the first years in life (Nurnberger, 1999), differences in collective mentality are programmed into each new generation and the cultural discrepancies grow steadily. If a modern curriculum is offered, it does not naturally and simply fit into the life worldview of the children. They learn abstract knowledge by heart (Nurnberger, 1999), cannot utilise it in their lives, and promptly forget it again (Taylor, 1963). This, again, has psychological repercussions. The goal of education in the context of Western mindset is to make children inquisitive, critical and selfreliance in their judgements and decisions. Freedom, initiative, and responsibility are the watchwords. In many traditional cultures, authoritarian education leads to a dependency personality structure. Children are supposed to obey and keep quiet, not to ask questions. In later life, people with this kind of education do not feel competent to assume responsibility, but depend on their superiors for leadership (a type of “learned helplessness”). The emphasis on tradition saps their self-confidence. They have never learnt to develop and utilise their own possibilities (Nurnberger, 1999). High levels of illiteracy lead to narrow horizons. One is insecure outside the restricted circle of one’s familiar world. One is suspicious towards the unknown. When youths break out of the authoritarian structure, they are not sufficiently equipped to fend for themselves and easily lose their bearings. They have not learnt to take over responsibility for their lives and their environments, nor to adopt to rapid changing circumstances in a creative way. Anomie and delinquency may be the result (Nurnberger, 1999). Due to severe poverty levels at Mpumuza 1, the extended family has to provide the economic situation for its members. This leads to greater social cohesion, which is essential in a marginalised and vulnerable community. Belonging and protection are of great psychological and sociological significance (Nurnberger, 1999; Ghai, 2000). Traditional Africa is often envied by Westerners for the community spirit (in Southern Africa, Ubuntu) prevalent in a tribal context. But economically, such a system has adverse effects (Nurnberger, 1999). The large network of social obligation prevents people from selfishly (as individuals)

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enjoying the fruit of their labours. Every financial gain immediately melts away to the many claims within the extended family. As a consequence, people lose their motivation to produce (Nurnberger, 1999). This is the context in which SCPCF operates and therefore the context it seeks to change.

Mental and social factors Among the mental factors, initiative (or entrepreneurship in economics) is the most important (Heilbroner and Thurow, 1975; Ruffin and Gregory, 1983). Where people develop initiative, most other constraints can be overcome. Because the development of potency is a dynamic process, a constant drive to develop new methods and reach greater objectives is a great asset. Initiative depends on self-confidence, willpower and independence – but underlying these are convictions, interests, values, norms and goals (Nurnberger, 1999). In tribal communities such as Mpumuza 1, the situation for the development of initiative is less conducive. Life is quiet, and social relationships are more important than progress. Initiative – the backbone of Western mindset and often rewarded with success and prestige – is viewed with suspicion. A note needs to be made that these folk must have shown some sort of survivalist initiative – which needs to be distinguished here from Western mindset initiative – in order to stay alive, both during Apartheid when the government of the day abandoned them, and currently, where the government of the day is working at pace to impact their disconnected (from the mainstream developed economy) lives.

The power of collective consciousness With due circumspection, one can venture a few economic consequences of such a tribal and indigenous mindset. Whether these consequences indeed come into operation, and to which extent, depends on the whole constellation of external and internal circumstances, most prominently in the way leaders of the community perceive their interests. So there is nothing determinative about them (Thirlwall, 1994): (a) The willingness to share resources, and bear the socially weak and vulnerable is proverbial (Nurnberger, 1999). Unless the entire community starves, no insider is ever exposed to destitution. Under the enormous strain of growing peripheral misery, one should not underestimate the importance of this trait. (b) Tribal societies have their own kind of “democracy” in that decisionmaking processes are based on social consensus. This consensus includes the deceased. As a result, individuals actually sacrifice their own opinions and initiatives to social harmony (Nurnberger, 1999). (c) Closed spheres of competence and the priority of the community over the individual militate against the activation of personal initiative and the development of personal potentials (Nurnberger, 1999).

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According to Rosch (1978), the perceived world structure contains an organised and structured set of correlational attributes, and that the ability by humans to perceive these attributes is a result of their interaction with the physical and social environment. One result of these interactions is the formation of the culture of the community, which influences how the attributes are perceived and defined by members of that community. Rosch’s (1978) work also emphasised the notion of prototypicality, derived from psychological investigations, as a criterion to classification in the mental lexicon. According to Rosch, meanings of words are tied closely to their use in sentences. This means that in super-ordinate categories, member terms can only be substitutable for super-ordinate words in sentences, provided they are logical in their usage. Any deviation from the norm is viewed with gravest suspicion. The tightly knit social network offers belonging and security to every member of the community, but it also frustrates the development of alertness and astuteness (Nurnbereger, 1999). The accumulation and utilisation of economic resources for private gain, in particular, is made virtually impossible; in fact, it would be tantamount to sorcery. The concept of Ubuntu is often widely praised and envied for its promotion of the spirit of sharing, so that no-one is left destitute. A brief discussion of the concept of Ubuntu follows in order to illustrate some of its advantages and disadvantages (other perspectives on Ubuntu are also offered in various chapters in this book). The main idea behind Ubuntu – conceived in terms of the sharing of social risk (Holzmann and Jorgensen, 2000) is that all individuals, households and communities are vulnerable to multiple risks from different sources, whether they are natural (such as earthquakes, flooding and illness) or human-made (such as unemployment, environment degradation and war). Other sources of risks include old age, death, crime, injury, disability. When formal social protection systems are inadequate or non-existent, individuals and households rely on reciprocal networks of support and solidarity as mechanisms of informal social insurance and social protection (Moser and Antezana, 2001). Smith and Subbarao (2003: 14) list the following major advantages of informal risk mechanism: • to fill in the deepest part of the poverty gap; • to bring all (or many) of the poor up to an acceptable consumption level; • to smooth consumption (e.g., seasonally); • to protect against major shocks; • to insure against individual risks, either idiosyncratic ones such as income loss, or those that allow the poor to take on riskier, but higher return activities; and • as an investment (to avoid decapitalisation and to keep children in school).

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Despite the advantages provided above, Ubuntu as an informal risksharing arrangement is often associated with high transaction-, and hidden opportunity, costs (Holzmann and Jorgensen, 2000: 8). These are: • the very poor are usually often excluded, since no counter-gift can be expected; • they tend to breakdown, or become ineffective, in case of large and covariate shocks; • strong social pressure is exerted to enforce commitment, and this is often linked with growth inhibiting social structures (Platteau, 1999); and • a “commitment technology” of often ceremonial, and expensive gift, exchanges is used, which can mount to major share of income (Walker and Ryan, 1990). Finally, another disadvantage of Ubuntu lies in its overemphasis of wealth sharing at the expense of wealth creation. (d) The orientation towards the past militates against the exploration of the potentials of the future (Nurnberger, 1999). In their business book entitled, Managing in Four Worlds: Developmental Management, Lessem and Palsule (2000) focus simultaneously on physical and human nature, as embodied in culture, as the basis of sustainable business development internationally. The authors draw in key concepts from the new physics, developmental psychology and ecology to develop a theory and practice of business that can be applied to different parts of the world. The book draws upon the four major cultures from around the globe: (1) pragmatism, (2) rationalism, (3) holism and (4) humanism, and combines threads from each to create a new, commercially effective and psychologically fulfilling approach to enterprise and work. In doing so, the approach that Lessem and Palsule take straddles the culture and approaches of the North, South, East and West. They have created an overarching theory of business that applies simultaneously to organizational learning, business innovation and managing across cultures. In the light of the meeting of cultures, change is mentally and institutionally resisted. Cultural evolution cannot be stopped, but its pace is reduced to a minimum (Nurnberger, 1999). (e) The acceptance of human powerlessness over reality as a whole, represented by the Supreme Being, leads to a relatively low threshold, where boldness and resistance turns to fatalism and acquiescence (Nurnberger, 1999). This point is illustrated further by Rotter (1966), who developed an inventory to measure locus (location) of control. Since then, hundreds of studies have been done on this topic. What is locus of control? How does it relate to our behaviour? Locus of control is the perceived source of control over our behaviour (Rotter, 1966). People with internal locus of control believe they control their own destiny. They tend to be convinced that their own skill, ability and efforts determine the bulk of their life

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experiences and that they can shape their futures. In contrast, people with external loci of control believe that their lives are determined mainly by sources outside themselves – fate, chance, luck or powerful others. According to Rotter’s (1966) theory of locus of control, one’s life is profoundly fluenced by whether one perceives control over life as predominantly internal or external. Locus of control influences the way one views oneself and one’s opportunities. As an example, University students with strong internal loci of control believe that their grades are determined by their abilities and efforts. These students believe, “The more I study, the better grades I get”. They change their study strategies as they discover their deficiencies. They raise their expectations if they succeed, and they worry when they think they have no control over their assignments. In contrast, University students with strong external loci of control believe that their grades are the result of good or bad luck, the teacher’s mood or God’s will. They are more likely to say, “No matter how much I study, the teacher determines my grade. I just hope I’m lucky on the test”. Believing that luck essentially averages out, after they do well on a test, they lower their expectations. Likewise, when they fail a test, they are optimistic that the next test score will be better. These externals are less likely to learn from past experiences, and they have difficulty in persisting in tasks. Below are typical characteristics of internals (Rotter, 1966): • Internals are more likely to work for achievements, to tolerate delays in rewards and to plan for long-term goals. • As indicated above – after experiencing success in a task, internals are likely to raise their behavioural goals. In contrast, externals are more likely to lower their goals. • After failing a task, internals re-evaluate future performances and lower their expectations of success. After failure, externals raise their expectations. • Internals are better able to resist coercion. • Internals are more likely to learn about their surroundings, and learn from their past experiences. • Internals experience more anxiety and guilt with their failures and use more repression to forget about their disappointments. • Internals find solving their own bouts of depression easier. Likewise, they are less prone to learned helplessness and serious depression. • Internals are better at tolerating ambiguous situations. • Internals are less willing to take risks. • Internals are more willing to work on self-improvement and better themselves through remedial work. • Internals derive greater benefits from social supports. • Internals make better mental health recovery in the long-term adjustment to physical disability.

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• Internals are more likely to prefer games based on skill, while externals prefer games based on chance or luck. The development of locus of control is associated with family style and resources, cultural stability and experiences with effort leading to reward (Rotter, 1966). Many internals have grown up with families that modelled typical internal beliefs and their families emphasised effort, education, responsibility and thinking. Parents typically gave their children rewards they had promised them (Rotter, 1966). In contrast, externals are typically associated with lower socio-economic status, because poor people have less control over their lives (Rotter, 1966). Societies experiencing social unrest increase the expectancy of being out of control, so people in such societies become more external. As children grow older, they gain skills that give them more control over their environment. In support of this, psychological research has found that older children have more internal locus of control than younger children (Rotter, 1966). (f) Because nature is uncanny, it must be handled with circumspection and respect. This may be ecologically advantageous and, in comparison with the destructiveness of the technological civilisation, it undoubtedly is. But fear of nature is not the same as responsibility for nature. In the age of technology, ecological consciousness is not based on powerlessness, ignorance and fear, but on freedom and responsibility (Nurnberger, 1999). Yet all this is culture, not nature. A change of circumstances can lead to redefinitions which can transform or explode the entire pattern. This is what happened with the advent of Western civilisation upon which the design, implementation, and evaluation of DIP are based. In contrast, the economic consequences of the Western mindset are dia-metrically opposed to those of Mpumuza 1’s tribal traditionalism (see Figure 14.1): (i) While the evolution of traditional society marks time, due to its addiction to the past, the powerful thrust towards the future in modernity (Nurnberger, 1999) leads to accelerating scientific and technological advancement. (ii) While traditionalists are content with reasonable levels of security, food and fertility, modernity pushes forward to growing accumulations of resources and wealth. Maslow’s (1954) motivational theory captures very well what has just been described with regard to modernity. According to Maslow’s (1954) theory of motivation, people are continuously wanting things, that is, what people want depends on what they already have and as soon as one need is satisfied, another takes its place. (iii) While living standards in traditionalism remain relatively equal (Nurnberger, 1999), yawing discrepancies in potential and wealth open up in modernity. (iv) While traditional structures of authority are balanced out, and bound into fixed roles and procedures (Nurnberger, 1999), the high

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Oracle ritual

Past orientation

Traditional tribal Mindset as at Mpumuza1

Science technology

TWM

Future orientation

Individual achievement

Communally defined status and role

Figure 14.1:

Orientation of mindsets

concentrations of power generated by the modern system can easily be abused (Nurnberger, 1999). (v) While traditionalism grants belonging and security, even to the weakest members of the community (Nurnberger, 1999), in modernity individuals have to fend for themselves. It is because of this lack of social concern, that social securities have to be institutionalised. (vi) While traditionalists take from nature what they need, modernity opens the sluice of acquisitiveness, leading to the ruthless domination, exploitation and destruction of the natural world (Nurnberger, 1999). This does not mean that mindsets and worldviews determine social processes. Mental and social structures interact in a complex network of feedback loops, in which other influences, notably changes in the natural and social environment, also plays a role (Nurnberger, 1999). A very influential early work in the network field, Milgram (1967), lays out the “small world problem” in which the size of one’s immediate circle of acquaintances is chained to the size of the immediate circle of those acquaintances, and so on, which allow one to reach certain targets far removed from one’s immediate ken. Other things being equal, the larger one’s circle, the more likely one is to reach targets in very few steps. Some skill in manipulating networks also helps in this quest, though this is not a factor that Milgram measures. In the most often cited work in the network field, The Strength of Weak Ties (Granovetter, 1973; Milgram, 1967) shows how network relations with individuals one does not know very well connect one with persons who are not members of one’s immediate circle, and thus one gets information about

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jobs about which one would not otherwise know. In another early and influential work on networks, Boissevain (1974) gives various examples of people who use network brokers to connect them with resources not directly available to them. Potgieter, April, Cooke and Lockett (2006) argue that the actions of individuals within the network, i.e., network actors or agents, are shaped and constrained because of their position and embeddedness in the network. One of the major arguments put forth by Wilson (1997) is that the urban poor in isolated Black ghettoes lack connections with sources of work. This also seems true of Arabs in Israel. Burt (1992) elaborates how particular kinds of network positioning, in which the focal node is connected with other nodes, which themselves are not connected with one another (“structural holes”), is an important form of social capital. This argument applies to individuals, firms, and entire economic sectors. Social capital, then, is not directly an attribute of individuals, but rather their ability to draw up their position in a network.

Reactions to conquest It is hardly possible to imagine a greater contrast in mindsets. When the two worldview mindsets (one represented by DIP, i.e., SCPCF, and the other by the Mpumuza 1 local community context) came into confrontation with each other, the outcome seemed predictable. What strikes the eye is the vast technological superiority of the Western mindset over the tribal context one, but that is not the only problem. Much more fundamental is the difference in power located in the structure of collective consciousness. The initiative and self-confidence of the tribal communities have been subdued from childhood; they do not feel entitled to conquer as much of the world for their own, personal benefit. They have not learnt to use economic weapons to outwit and outperform their counterparts. In fact, ruthless economic competition is a totally foreign concept for them. In addition, it is almost impossible for community members to define themselves as individuals – their definition(s) of themselves almost always involves reference to community, something bigger than the individual, in short, involving others. As a result, there was no way they could withstand the onslaught of the Western mindset. The consequences have been far reaching, perhaps not very much evident in this chapter, but most certainly in the course of history of civilisation and colonialisation. Therefore, some reactions are more evident in this case study than others. The first reaction to this traumatic experience was resistance (Hagen, 1962; Mende, 1973), and, when this was of no avail, withdrawal into the fortress of old tradition (Nurnberger, 1999). Traditional cultures are not static, but they evolve very slowly, and through a distributed network of relationships. When tribal culture was confronted with a subversive, aggressive and destructive alternative, it quite naturally tended to apply the brakes even further (Nurnberger, 1999). According to Nelson and Quick (1997), change induces

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the following fears: fear of the unknown, fear of loss, fear of failure, fear of disrupted relationships, fear of conflict, and fear of loss of power of influence. The fear that the slightest concessions would cause a landslide, makes traditional societies hesitant to allow any changes at all. But ultimately there is no future in conservatism. Overtaken by events, traditionalists tend to fall into fatalism and despondency (Nurnberger, 1999). The alternative is dependency, which is inherent in tribal cultures. Hagen (1962) interprets this phenomenon psychologically as identification with the aggressor. According to some analysts (Hagen, 1962; Berger, Berger and Kellner, 1974), this is what led to the typical colonial syndrome of dominance and dependency, with all its static and sterile implications. Dependency can be of two kinds: (1) the first is acquiescence (Nurnberger, 1999). Here the dependents do not cherish the hope that they will ever play a role on par with the dominant group. They find security, acceptance and belonging in their subordinate position. They acquire pride and status by identifying with a great master. This attitude greatly helped to stabilise colonial regimes (Mannoni, 1956); (2) the alternative is ambition (Nurnberger, 1999; Arkhurst, 1970; Taylor, 1963). Here the dependents become fascinated by the powers which their masters seem to control, and try to penetrate their secrets. Particularly low-ranking members of traditional communities, whose stake in the traditional heritage is negligible, recognise their chance to gain more power and status. Still conditioned by their old culture, they often learn the new laws, patterns of behaviour and ideas by rote, without necessarily understanding the underlying rationale. They oscillate between two worlds of meaning and try to fulfil the demands of both (Arkhurst, 1970; Taylor, 1963). However, colonialists also used these acculturating locals as handy tools in their conquests, administration and exploitation of the colonies. Obviously the colonisers were not interested in the upward mobility of the colonized, and rejected all their attempts to enter the privileged class (Nurnberger, 1999; Arkhurst, 1970). Members of a dominant group never readily accept upstarts as equals. But the ambitious could not be detracted. There was no looking back; their new identity lay in the future (Hagen, 1962). It is in such acculturating groups that the self-confidence and the competence to demand and fight for freedom emerged. The point that is being made here can be best explained using the theory of self-confidence. Bénabou and Tirole (2001) observe that selfconfidence is widely regarded as a valuable asset. The two authors comment that American schools place such a strong emphasis on imparting children with self-confidence (“doing a great job”) that they are often criticised for giving it prominence over the transmission of actual knowledge. Three reasons are given for one to have a positive value of oneself (Bénabou and Tirole, 2001): (i) Consumption value: thinking of oneself favourably just makes a person happier. In other words, self-image is simply another argument in the utility function;

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(ii) Signalling value: believing in oneself to be of high quality or morality makes it easier to convince others (rightly or wrongly) that one does have such qualities; (iii) Motivational value: self-confidence is valuable because it improves the individual’s motivation to undertake projects and persevere in the pursuit of one’s goals, in spite of setbacks and temptations that periodically test one’s willpower. Morale is universally recognised as key to winning a medal, performing on stage, getting into University, writing a great book, doing innovative research, setting up a firm, losing weight, and finding a mate. It is not surprising then that when the age of decolonisation dawned, it was the ambitious who succeeded to lay their hands on the levers of power, which were abandoned by the colonial administrators. Not the traditional leadership, but a new, Westernised elite took control of the newly established nations (Nurnberger, 1999). Obviously not everybody could come out at the top. Those who had internalised a traditional culture did not find it easy to compete with those who were at home in the urban industrial civilisation. Most of the ambitious encountered endless frustrations (Berger, Berger and Kellner, 1974). Acculturation is a ceaseless struggle between conflicting loyalties (Berger, Berger and Kellner, 1974). At the best of times, catching up is an arduous process; when the dominant group culture is engaged in accelerating change it becomes worse. Frustration can lead to anomie. One has turned one’s back to the old culture in contempt, yet one fails to gain acceptance in the new. One literally has no place and becomes socially marginalised (Nurnberger, 1999). Frustration can also lead to social and political regression (Nurnberger, 1991). Unnerved by its incompetence to operate in the modern setting, the remains of the traditional society were prone to respect those who “had made it”. Even for Westernised leaders, regression was the easiest way to entrench their positions. Once in power, one is glorified in the status of being a “very important person”. The absence of a powerful and critical middle-class created a power vacuum underneath these leaders (McFerson, 1992). If one lost one’s position, one could end up at the rock bottom of an impoverished society. So one had to make sure that this would not happen, and that one was well cushioned if it did. As a result, abuse of power and corruption became rife among these leaders (Nurnberger, 1999). Life presidencies, nepotism and clienteles abounded (Nurnberger, 1999). Predatory authoritarianism has been a central cause of Africa’s underdevelopment. Frustration also breeds resentment (Hagen, 1962; Lauterbach, 1974). It can build up to a spirit of rebellion against the dominant civilisation. Among acculturating groups, rebellion and defiance do not represent a desire to revert to ancestral traditions, which are no longer considered to be viable. The rebellious grope for a new identity, which is equal to, yet distinct from, the cultural identity offered by the colonialist (Fukuyama, 1992). The indigenous heritage is deconstructed for elements which can be utilised to forge such a

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Competitiveness

Integration

Regression

Marginalisation

Anomie

Rebellion

Defiance

Frustration Growth of potential

Acquiescence

Anomie

Withdrawal

Ambition

Dependence

Resistance Acculturation

Figure 14.2:

Summary of acculturation process

new identity (Nurnberger, 1999). These traits are idealised, reinterpreted, transformed and integrated into a new worldview, which is both modern and culture-specific (Fukuyama, 1992). Deep down, however, the Western reference group retains its fascination and legitimating power (Berger, Berger and Kellner, 1974; Arkhurst, 1970; Andreski, 1968). Most post-colonial leaders displayed a great need for recognition: the need to be represented on international platforms, to acquire modern prestige objects such as airlines, aerodromes, five star hotels, Universities and presidential palaces and to be driven by chauffeurs in luxury limousines (Nurnberger, 1999). Figure 14.2 summarises the acculturation process that has been described thus far.

References Andreski, S. (1968), The African Predicament: A Study in the Pathology of Modernisation, London: Michael Joseph Ltd. Arkhurst, F.A. (ed.) (1970), Africa in the Seventies and Eighties: Issues in Development, New York: Praeger.

260 Diversity in Africa Bénabou, R. and Tirole, J. (2001), Self-Confidence and Personal Motivation, Mimeo, Princeton University. Berger, P., Berger, B. and Kellner, H. (1974), The Homeless Mind: Modernisation and Consciousness, Harmondworth: Penguin. Boissevain, J. (1974), Friends of friends: Networks, Manipulators and Coalitions, Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Burt, R.S. (1992), Structural Holes: The Social Structure of Competition, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Buthelezi, M. (2004), oral interview (Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal). Cobern, W.W. (1996), Worldview Theory and Conceptual Change in Science Education, Paper presented at the 1994 Annual Meeting of the National Association for Research in Science Teaching, Anaheim, CA, 26–29 March 1996, revised August 1995 for submission to Science Education. Dingane, K. (2003), oral interview (Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal). Fukuyama, F. (1992), The End of History and the Last Man, New York: Free Press. Ghai, D. (2000), “Social Development and Public Policy: Some Lessons from Successful Experiences”, in D. Ghai (ed.), Social Development and Public Policy: A Study of Some Successful Experiences, Geneva: UNRISD and Macmillan. Gibis, H. (2000), oral telephone interview (Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal). Gibis, H. (2003), Oral Interview, Pietermaritzburg. Granovetter, M.S. (1973), “The strength of weak ties”, American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 78, pp. 1360–80. Hagen, E.E. (1962), On the Theory of Social Change: How Economic Growth Began, Homewood, IL: Dorsey. Heilbroner, R. and Thurow, L. (1975), The Economic Problem, Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Holzmann, R. and Jorgensen, S. (2000), Social Risk Management: A New Conceptual Framework for Social Protection and Beyond, Social Protection Discussion Paper No. 0006, Washington, DC: World Bank. Justino, P. (2003), Measuring Non-Income Inequalities, PRUS Working Paper No. 15, Brighton: University of Sussex. Lauterbach, A. (1974), Psychological Challenges to Modernisation, New York: Elsevier Scientific. Lessem, R. and Palsule, S. (2000), Managing in Four Worlds: Development Management, Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. Mannoni, D.O. (1956), Prospero and Caliban : The Psychology of Colonisation, London: Methuen. Maslow, A. (1954), Motivation and Personality, New York: Harper & Row. Matlala, N. (2004), A Tale of Two Economies (Sunday Times, 1 February 2004, p. 6). McFerson, H.M. (1992), “Democracy and Development in Africa”, Journal of Peace Research, Vol. 29, No. 3, pp. 241–8. Mende, T. (1973), From Aid to Recolonisation: Lessons of a Failure, London: Harrap. Mgoza, A. (2003), oral interview (Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal). Mhlongo, M. (2003), oral interview (Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal). Milgram, S. (1967), “The small-world problem”, Psychology Today, Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 62–7. Mkhize, Z. (2000), oral interview (Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal). Moser, C. and Antezana, O. (2001), Social Protection Policy and Practice in Bolivia: Its Implications for Bolivia’s Poverty Reduction Strategy, PRSP/3, Working Paper 156, London: Overseas Development Institute. Mtolo, G. (2003), oral interview (Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal).

Diversity Challenges 261 Nelson, D.L. and Quick, J.C. (1997), Organisational Behaviour: A Foundations, Realities, and Challenges, New York: West Publishing. Nurnberger, K. (1999), Prosperity, Poverty and Pollution, Pietermaritzburg: Cluster Publications. Platteau, J.-P. (1999), “Traditional sharing norms as an obstacle to economic growth in tribal society”, in J.-P. Platteau (ed.), Institutions, Social Norms, and Economic Development, Chur: Harwood Academic. Potgieter, A., April, K.A., Cooke, R.J.E. and Lockett, M. (2006), “Adaptive Bayesian Agents: Enabling Distributed Social Networks”, South African Journal of Business Management, Vol. 37, No. 1, pp. 41–55. Rosch, E. (1978), “Principles of Categorisation”, in E. Rosch and B.L. Lloyd (eds), Cognition and Categorisation, Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum, pp. 27–48. Rotter, J. (1966), “Generalized expectancies for internal versus external control of reinforcements”, Psychological Monographs, Vol. 80, No. 609. Ruffin, R. and Gregory, P. (1983), Principles of Economics, Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman. Scott, J.C. (1976), The Moral Economy of the Peasant: Rebellion and Subsistence in Southeast Asia, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Scott, J.C. (1977a), “Protest and Profanation: Agrarian revolt and the little tradition”, Theory and Society, Vol. 4, pp. 1–38. Scott, J.C. (1977b), “Protest and Profanation: Agrarian revolt and the little tradition”, Theory and Society, Vol. 4, pp. 211–46. Scott, J.C. (1989), “Everyday Forms of Resistance”, in F.D. Colburn (ed.), Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance, Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe, pp. 3–33. Scott, J.C. (1990), Domination and the arts of resistance: Hidden transcripts, New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Shange, C. (2003), oral interview (Pietermaritzburg, KwaZulu-Natal). Sibeko, M. (1996), oral interview, Pietermaritzburg. Smith, J. and Subbarao, K. (2003), What Role for Safety Net Transfers in Very Low Income Countries, Social Safety Net Primer Series, Washington, DC: World Bank. Tajfel, H. (1982), Social Identity and Intergroup Behaviour, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Taylor, J.V. (1963), The Primal Vision: Christian Presence amid African Religion, London: SCM. Thirlwall, A. (1994), Growth and Development: With special reference to developing economies, London: Macmillan. Walker, T. and Ryan, J. (1990), Village and Household Economies in India’s Semi-Arid Tropics, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Wilson, W.J. (1997), When Work Disappears: The World of the New Urban Poor, New York: Knopf.

15 The Road to Wellness: Human-scale Developments for Boosting “Community Immunity” to HIV/AIDS1 John G.I. Clarke

Introduction: are frogs dying to tell us something? Frogs are considered by environmentalists to be an important bio-indicator of the health of the environment. Being amphibians, living on land and in water, they are susceptible to toxicity and pollution in both. The disappearance of frogs in ecosystems is an early warning indicator of environmental stress, pollution and disturbance. This is because frogs (in contrast to dolphins, for example) are cold-blooded animals, and do not notice gradual and subtle environmental changes until it is too late to take life-saving action. However, a sudden change, such as when the Nile “ran with blood” in the time of Moses and

1

This chapter was written while I was contracted by the World Health Organization, within the Health Action in Crisis unit, which was seeking with other United Nations agencies and international NGOs to develop appropriate humanitarian responses to the “triple threat” facing Southern African countries of HIV/AIDS, food insecurity, and weakening governance capacity. While this chapter does not necessarily represent the views of the World Health Organization or the United Nations Regional Interagency Coordination Support Office, I am indebted to the many dedicated UN and WHO colleagues whose comments and insights made me think more deeply. In random order, Welile Shasha, Tamara Sutila, Nathaniel Tembo, Greer van Zyl, Youcef Chellouche, Andre Griekspoor, David Nabarro, William Aldis, Angelita Mills, Ken Ofuso Barko, Helen Jackson, Dan Odallo, Siphiwe Shongwe. Celine Mazars, Anne Gituku-Shongwe, Christine Mitchell, Marcella Villareal, Josee Koch and Chris Kaye. Special thanks to Judy Cooke, Ethel Dyabuza (FAMSA Western Cape), Theresa Lorenzo (senior lecturer in the Occupational Therapy division of the School of Health Sciences at the University of Cape Town) and Heather Wannacott (graduate student in occupational therapy at UCT) for contributing invaluable illustrative experiences and material. If readers are not persuaded by their empirical experience, I apologise in advance for not adequately conveying their story. In addition, the following friends and colleagues contributed comments, ideas and suggestions along the way. In random order, Angela Espinosa, Crispin Kai Kai, Jonathan Rands, Sandy Heather, Scott Drimie, Erica Nelson, John van Breda, Madeleine Duncan, Sharon White, Lana van Niekerk, Paul Harvey, William Elliot and Alan Whiteside.

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The Road to Wellness 263

Pharaoh, will cause them to mass migrate with scant respect for Pharaoh’s palaces, bed, or enslavement policies (Exodus, Ch. 7: 14–29). Peter Senge (1990: 22) claims, If you place a frog in a pot of boiling water, it will immediately try to scramble out. But if you place the frog in room temperature water, and don’t scare him, he’ll stay put . . . As the temperature gradually increases, the frog will become groggier and groggier, until he is unable to climb out of the pot . . . the frog will sit there and boil. Why? Because the frog’s internal apparatus for sensing threats to survival is geared to sudden changes in his environment, not to slow, gradual changes. In Southern Africa, environmental scientists are warning that certain frog species are indeed disappearing and that we need to urgently find out why this is so, and seek to reverse whatever trend is found. “What is killing them now could, if allowed to proceed, eventually destroy more resilient forms of life, such as human beings” (Carruthers, 2001: 45) Whatever the merits of that argument, few are really interested because the human species in this part of the world is already facing a more devastating threat – incurable HIV infection, and certain early death from opportunistic infections and AIDS. The pandemic has already cut the average life expectancy of Southern Africans dramatically. Because the immune system loses its potency only gradually, it can take 6–10 years before infected people feel sick. Thus HIV infection moves through the population subliminally, leaving public health practitioners with the vexing problem of having to convince the public that they are susceptible to acquiring an incurable, albeit biomedically detectable, communicable disease which does not initially cause any pain or suffering (if it did, people might be spurred toward requisite behaviour change). With regard to the spread of HIV, accumulating evidence (Barnett and Whiteside, 2002) has produced two contrasting profiles of “those more likely to survive” and “those more likely to succumb”. The diagrams in Figure 15.1 summarise the two profiles. Significantly, young women and girls are in the latter profile – evidence that is extremely ominous for society, because these are the mothers of the future generation of Southern Africans. This fact has prompted the UN Special Envoy for Humanitarian Needs in Southern Africa, James Morris (2002) to call for the definition of a new paradigm of humanitarian and development assistance. The entry point of such assistance should thus be the felt needs of those most likely to succumb, especially those most vulnerable – young women and their partners. Ever since South African President Thabo Mbeki’s ill-advised comments on the causes of AIDS, it has been well nigh impossible to maintain a constructive public debate on the relative influence of poverty and sociocultural factors in promoting the spread of HIV/AIDS. Mbeki’s comments served to fuel a rigid

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Those that Survive : Above average survivors Cohesive and candid societies

Grandparents

Those that Succumb :

Chaste and Faithful

Long term thinkers

Sex workers

Above average mortality

Soldiers

YOUNG WOMEN

Orphans Uncircumcised Men

Tertiary Educated High income Non-migrant families Settled long-term employees

Drivers and mobile workers

Newly prosperous

Unemployed

Migrants, temps, contract workers, Hazardous occupations

..and their partners…

Figure 15.1: Comparison of survival profiles of HIV/AIDS victims Source: Developed from Barnett and Whiteside, 2002.

polarisation between those who dispute the scientific evidence that HIV causes AIDS and those who base their entire research efforts on this assumption. Fearful of finding oneself branded a dissident, the “fight against aids” has become much more narrowly defined than it ought to be. Instead of an intelligent broadening of dialogue to understand the interactive mix between, cultural, social and economic conditions that create circumstances conducive to the spread of HIV infection, the debate and research has been constrained by biomedical preoccupation and over simplification. Knowing what we do about frogs, I suggest there are two lessons they are “dying to tell us”. The obvious, literal lesson is that – in contrast to their unwelcome appearance in Pharaoh’s bed chamber as described in the Book of Exodus (Ch. 7: 28–29) – it is their equally alarming disappearance from natural ecosystems today that is a prophetic warning to modern day rulers, to stop wetland destruction, industrial pollution and reverse climate change. The health of people is dependent on keeping the planet healthy, and frogs are vital bioindicators of the health of the planet. But, for the purposes of this chapter a second, more subtle lesson is offered by the disappearance of frogs. McCallum (2005: 233), in his recent book Ecological Intelligence: Rediscovering Ourselves in Nature, argues that every animal carries both a literal meaning and a symbolic meaning for the human species. “Let us try to imagine ourselves as the living equivalents of an ark upon a great evolutionary sea. Let’s become conscious of the animals that we have on board with us and of what they mean to us – that we need them as much as and probably more than they need us.” Accordingly, I suggest that the slow death of a frog in gradually heated water is a parable for understanding how HIV/AIDS kills. This disease, as a human immuno-virus, is slowly but surely spreading through society, without its hosts necessarily knowing that the “temperature is rising” and rendering their immune systems increasingly

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unable to resist the growing threat of infectious diseases.2 Unless effective interventions are made, this epidemiological trend will surely kill exponentially increasing numbers of people prematurely. The challenge is to know what type of intervention to initiate, that is, whether to either “rescue” those infected by the virus and facing early death (an emergency response) or to intervene with measures to sensitise them so that these can take appropriate action for themselves (a developmental, public health response). Given the human rights culture that the UN advocates, to “rescue” a society from the pandemic, implies the use of totalitarian measures that, even if successful in the short-term, would fail to promote self-determination and personal accountability in the long-term. But do long-term measures offer any certainty of “turning the temperature down”? Can we, in all good conscience, simply watch mortality rise? Should efforts be made to, at least, rescue the growing number of orphans and vulnerable children through international adoption and fostering arrangements? For further insight into these questions, we now consider how epidemiologists interpret the HIV/AIDS challenges from a public health perspective.

The illness is in the body; the pandemic is in the society Besides the fragmentation of knowledge between public and individual health interests within the discipline of medicine, another schism exists between public health practitioners coming from a narrow biomedical perspective, and those who advocate for psycho-social and/or sociocultural approaches. Before HIV appeared, the World Health Organization and the public health community were increasingly realising that “pain is what the patient says it is. Not what the doctor defines it to be”, to quote a popular aphorism that community health nurses learn. Influenced by the seminal book Where There is No Doctor (Werner, Thuman and Maxwell, 1992) and the public health philosophy that said “doctors should be on tap not on top” (ibid., back cover), wise public health physicians were seeking to facilitate and empower people to better understand their pain, and take responsibility for their own health and well-being rather than creating dependency on the medical establishment. Barnett and Whiteside (2002: 72–73) observe.

2

Environmental epidemiologists (McMichael: 2005) argue that ecological imbalances due to human-induced global climate change are causing the upsurge and spread of infectious and vector-borne diseases, which were thought to be under control. Obviously people with compromised immune systems – whether due to HIV infection, poor nutrition, etc., are more susceptible to such diseases. Ironically, humaninduced climate change is also one of the main factors that threaten the survival of so many frog species.

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The twentieth century saw many radical transformations of medicine. Among the most spectacular were vaccination, antibiotics, and the discovery of DNA and the consequent understanding of genetic code. There were also regrettable developments; the transition of the control of medicine from practitioners to the laboratory being one. Of great importance in the present context, was the division in 1916 in the US between ‘medicine concerned with the health of the individual and one concerned with the health of populations’ (Horton, 2000: 46; Garrett 2001, chs 4 and 6) . . . This division of medicine into individual and public health resulted in a split in the perception of health and well-being which has not been repaired (2001: 72–73). HIV/AIDS has been a huge setback to these efforts, but rather than capitulate back to a purely “medicalised” response, I argue that it has never been more necessary for public health practitioners to listen to the instincts of the people they serve and to redouble efforts to develop effective psycho-social, and sociocultural responses to the pathology of HIV/AIDS. Even though HIV infection does not initially cause painful symptoms, that could spur the infected to immediately take protective measures against further impact, the people who are most susceptible to infection do experience pain and suffering from many other circumstances – poverty, food insecurity, gender-based violence and discrimination and a host of other health conditions which public health practitioners have yet to conquer (malaria, TB, cholera, etc.). By bringing to light that the illness is in the body, and can be overcome by boosting resilience, the hope is that people will act to cleanse the pandemic from the society. In support of these dynamics, this chapter advocates for a developmental, systems thinking approach that begins to respond to the Special Envoy’s3 call for a new paradigm of humanitarian assistance. I shall explain how human scale development (HSD) theory and practice, as a transdisciplinary development paradigm, can help to repair the schisms and fragmentations discussed above, by getting primary health care responses to public health problems back on track. I am convinced that humanitarian and developmental programming, that enshrines HSD principles and practice, will have the effect of “sensitising the frog” to the pathology of HIV/AIDS, in a way that leaves the patient, not only affirmed in knowing their own pain and suffering, but more resilient in coping with it in a transformational way. I hope to convince those with influence in the various UN agencies, governments and NGOs currently doing “good works” to alleviate the “triple threat” in Southern Africa, to evolve from “good works” to “good work”, by thinking in human scale

3

James Morris, executive director of the World Food Program, was appointed by UN Secretary-General Dr Kofi Annan in 2002 as Special Envoy for Humanitarian Needs in Southern Africa.

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development terms. By doing so, the subtle but vast distinction between “good works” and “good work” will hopefully become apparent.4 As Maturana and Varela (1987: 26–7) aphorise “Everything said is said by someone (their emphasis). Every reflection brings forth a world. As such it is a human action by someone in particular, in a particular place.” Before proceeding with the substance of my reflection on the “road to wellness”, it might help readers to put the necessary effort into reading and understanding my explanation of HSD if I offer some contextual markers upon which to hang my explanation/interpretation of HSD, and to share some personal history. Besides Max-Neef, I rely on the reflections of another pioneering systems thinker, Stafford Beer (1926–2002) to articulate “good work”. This is because in my 25-year career I have heard too many economists and supposed development experts (myself included at times) applaud success stories of localised empowerment, and then in the very next breath dismiss their relevance because the protagonists and champions of the success fail to explain how they can be “scaled up to address the macro-problem of poverty, unemployment, etc.”, as defined by statistical measurements and quantitative indices that only academics seem able to understand! Max-Neef (1991: 87–92), as an exponent of human-scale development, reflects somewhat pessimistically in the final chapter of his book on “the problem of micro–macro articulation which remains to be resolved within economic theory and development policies”. Beer’s insights (1975, 1981, 1989, 1994), supported by hard won experience in assisting Chile’s late President Allende to continue to manage a productive national economy while under political siege in the early 1970s, shows how leaders within even very large complex organizational systems can maintain the viability of the system, without recourse to hierarchical structure, adversarial decision-making or centralized control. Beer argues that these systems can be maintained by understanding and honouring the law of requisite variety (Ashby, 1952) which states “only variety can absorb variety”. Beer’s concepts should offer Max-Neef some encouragement that a satisfactory solution to the unresolved problem of micro–macro articulation is not as far off as he suggests. Moreover, it has been my privilege to have known both men personally and hosted them in separate visits to South Africa. Notwithstanding their common Chilean connections (and other amazing synchronicities that I will relate at the conclusion), Max-Neef and Stafford Beer had surprisingly never consciously come across each others work before I found myself giving each the books of the other as gifts (unfortunately my

4

This distinction was apparently made by C.S. Lewis, who complained that “the church is full of good works, but awfully lacking in good work”. I have been unable to verify this or find the source, as it was verbally conveyed to me some twenty years ago by a colleague. It evokes an excellent question with which to open dialogue in a development planning workshop “What is the difference between good work and good works?”

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ambition to get them to meet personally could not be realised after Stafford Beer died in August 2002). With both men being of considerable intellectual (as well as physical) stature, by “standing with one leg on each of their shoulders”, I am conscious of having attained an intellectual altitude way above my expected station in life. The combined synergistic effect of the influence of their respective writings and personal example has, I hope, enabled me to suggest some useful “signposts on the road to wellness”, especially (but by no means exclusively) for those burdened by HIV/AIDS. To further contextualise my reflections, I introduce readers to the distinction between “systems” vs “mechanistic” thinking that I have found helpful in understanding both Beer’s and Max-Neef’s assumptions. Then using “systems thinking” as a “lens”, I discuss vexing issues that I suggest have crucial bearings to offer if we are to find the “road to wellness” for people infected and affected by HIV/AIDS in Southern Africa.

Systems thinking: understanding vs. knowledge The “boiled frog syndrome” is used to illustrate “learning disabilities” in organisations (Senge, 1990: 17) from a systems thinking perspective. Likewise, in order to understand the epidemiology of HIV, one needs a systems thinking orientation that concentrates on developing understanding through synthesis rather than accumulating knowledge through analysis. A systems thinking approach starts from the assumption that the behaviour of a whole system cannot be understood by analysis of its component parts or sectors. Alternatively called “synthetic thinking” by Ackoff, it . . . is a way of thinking about and designing a system that derives the properties and behaviour of its parts from the functions required of the whole. The whole has properties that none of its parts have. Analysis of a system reveals how it works but synthetic thinking is required to explain why it works the way it does. Systems’ thinking integrates the two. Analysis breaks a system down into its parts, tries to explain the behaviour of these parts, and then attempts to aggregate this understanding into an understanding of the whole. It cannot succeed because when a system is taken apart it loses all its essential characteristics and so do its parts . . . (Ackoff, 2003, lecture presentation) Taking Ackoff’s warning about the need for both synthesis and analysis in the context of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, it means efforts to define and distinguish between more or less vulnerable households by means of more refined analytical measurement will fall short of generating a comprehensive systemic understanding of vulnerability. It is possible to define who are more susceptible by such analysis, but it will require synthesis to understand how households develop resilience, since this refers to the qualitative dimension of

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vulnerability that is about systemic interactions rather than linear, cause– effect actions. Further, Ackoff (2003: 24) has another gem of a distinction. Explaining the difference between strategic and operational planning, he says “it is better to do the right thing wrong, than to keep doing the wrong thing right. By doing the wrong thing right we become ‘wronger’. But by doing the right thing wrong, we become righter – assuming we embrace our errors in a learning feedback loop”. Slavish adherence to past institutional algorithms, rules and tried and tested methods of “doing things right” stifles creativity and perpetuates “organisational autism”5 – where organisational leaders and staff become locked inside the organisational orthodoxy that they cannot assimilate new information or accommodate themselves to changing demands and environmental circumstances (Clarke, 2005; Berry, 2001). To illustrate this, a recent analysis by the Humanitarian Practice Network (HPN) of food security interventions in the Great Lakes region of Africa embarrassed the humanitarian community in general by showing that: The same stereotyped interventions are been used, largely because these responses are not based on an understanding of the real needs of people, and insufficient attempts have been made to find out what those needs might be. Many responses were based on questionable and untested assumptions, were plagued by logical inconsistencies, and provided poor value for money (Levine and Chastre, 2004, cover page). This study, provocatively entitled “Missing the Point”, urges humanitarian agencies and the UN to acknowledge the problem and increase their commitment to improving responses to food insecurity. From a systems thinking perspective, the authors are perhaps themselves “missing the point” by concluding that “too little analysis of the appropriateness of the standard set of food security responses” and their belief that a “long-term analytical perspective is needed”. This invites still more technical and “managerialist” responses, rather than the required leadership and strategic thinking. The HPN authors’ proposed remedy has the distinct flavour of “more of the same”, mechanistic reductionism rather than an understanding of Albert Einstein’s (1879–1955) famous dictum: “The significant problems we face can never be solved by the same level of thinking that created them” (attributed).

5

For an extended discussion on the strategic challenges facing UN and government institutions, see my article Transcending Organisational Autism in the UN Response to HIV/AIDS in Africa, for publication in 2006 in a special edition of Kybernetes, The International Journal of Systems and Cybernetics, and Designing a Replacement for the UN, by Russell Ackoff, and Jamshid Gharajedaghi, at http://ww.acasa.upenn.edu/ Replace_UN.pdf.

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Because mechanistic science is very good at defining cause–effect relationships, the tendency is to be preoccupied in finding how to “do things right” by increasing technical sophistication and the definition of precise algorithms that guarantee a solution. However, “doing the right thing” requires a different orientation, known as heuristic search. Algorithms work by systematically reducing the variety (size or density) of the solution space, and tend to be effective in the solution of relatively simple (lowvariety) problems . . . Heuristic methods, in contrast to algorithmic methods, begin with intelligent expansion of the potential solution space, thereby initially increasing the situational variety that must be handled . . .” (Waelchli, 1989: 52–53) This quote relies on a concept which pioneering systems thinker Ross Ashby (Ashby, 1952) called the “law of requisite variety”, which needs to be explained. It states simply “only variety can destroy variety” and is based on Ashby’s explanation of how organised systems maintained their stability over time (which, incidentally, also explains why biodiversity is essential for the health of ecological systems). Stafford Beer found in Ashby’s statement an insight profound enough to inspire at least six of his thirteen books (1974, 1975, 1979, 1981, 1985, 1993). Rephrased to soften the militaristic tone, Beer elucidated it as “only variety can absorb variety” and, honouring his friend, called it “Ashby’s law of requisite variety”. Stafford Beer’s entire corpus of work can be interpreted as a plea for organisational leaders to discover that the viability of an organisation at the macro scale derives from the viability of embedded, human-scale organisations within itself. Viability is a function therefore of a dynamic equilibrium between a context and the systems living within that context. This is captured by Beer’s (1979: 30) First Principle of Organisation that states, “Managerial, operational and environmental varieties, diffusing through an institutional system, tend to equate; they should be designed to do so with minimum damage to people and to cost”. To the extent that institutional systems are designed to continuously absorb and equate the residual variety – the variety that is left unattended by processes of self-organisation and self-regulation – so will the composite system facilitate development of both the embedded systems within, and the system as a whole (Espejo and Harnden, 1989). It is thus a question of optimising the variety equation, to simultaneously achieve autonomy of the parts (decentralisation) and cohesion of the whole (centralisation). Usually cast as dichotomous opposites, Beer argues (1979, 1981, 1985) that, on the evidence of how the “central” nervous system in the human body does not decide each breath that is taken by the respiratory system, or micro manage the digestion of food within the stomach, viable systems are only such because the brain, “follows a policy” – as it were – of simultaneous decentralisation

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and centralisation, to maintain the survival of its host organism, within the limits and circumstances of the particular environment within which it lives. Only if a sudden change in the environment occurs, such as when one falls overboard into water, will the brain overrule the normal breathing response, lest water rather than air be inhaled. Society functions as a viable system, if the systems it comprises and subsystems that it embeds regulate variety so that variety within the system is requisite to the variety within the total environment. The larger the system, the greater the number of possible states it can assume (variety) and the more complex it becomes. Leonard (1999: 5) sums up and illustrates, “Variety is a term used to measure complexity. It indicates the number of states a system can assume. If there is enough regulatory capability in a control function to manage a situation we say it has ‘requisite variety’. . .” In his book Designing Freedom, Beer (1974) shows how managers typically attempt to reduce the complexity of the system they must manage by one of three variety attenuation measures: (1) autocratic control; (2) legislating rules and limits to the freedom and discretion of individual managers; and (3) stereotyping their interaction with their environment. While these measures may maintain cohesion and stability in the short-term, they inhibit a vital learning and adaptation process needed to ensure long-term viability. Most organisations are structured for efficient decision-making (doing things right – but lacking means of determining effectiveness, and thus perpetually “doing the wrong thing”) rather than structured for learning (doing the right thing, even if “done wrong” but interested in systemic learning for improvement over time). Ask managers to draw the structure of their organisation and typically they will produce hierarchical “command and control” organograms looking like family trees. Beer (1985: i) points out that “this arbitrary organisational chart has to little to offer . . . (managers) . . . beyond a procedural method for blaming somebody for whatever has gone wrong (his emphasis)”, and are never an adequate model for showing the lines of communication that have to prevail for organisations to remain viable. Development, productivity, happiness, etc., can never be mandated by the execution of power from above. They are the intangible yields of an interactive synergy of selfaware people motivated from an inner locus of control, inspired to live to their full human potential. This introduction to some of the precepts of systems thinking hopefully makes the point that the new paradigm of humanitarian assistance must proceed from the understanding that the key management task of leaders of humanitarian organisation is to manage complexity, and that within the systems thinking paradigm there are rich concepts and insights with which to approach this task, simultaneously maintaining a “human scale” and honouring the ecological context within which their humanitarian work is done. “Good work” is systemically connected. “Good works” are fragmented, impulse driven, acts that if perhaps occasionally “do things right” are unlikely to “do

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the right thing”, and at worst aggravate and undermine residual coping strategies of vulnerable people. Good work is more likely to result if we are willing to examine our mental models, and undertake what Argyris calls “double loop learning” (Argyris, 1976). Gunnar Myrdal (1978: 771), the late Nobel prize winning economist, once remarked, “Disinterested research there has never been and never can be. Prior to answers there must be questions. There can be no view except from a viewpoint . . . In the questions raised the viewpoint has been chosen and the valuations implied”. A viewpoint is not only determined by the particular geographical position of the viewer, but by the mental models and preformed stereotypes, or cognitive templates that each person brings with them. The aphorism “we do not see the world as the world is. We see the world as we are” expresses this well. To engage with the rich variety of the world out there, people cannot but filter out data/information and selectively reduce the full reality available to them down to a selection that is coherent and manageable within the constraints of their cognitive templates. Thus a “modelling” process takes place, shaped by tacitly held a priori assumptions. Deeper learning happens when assumptions underlying current views are questioned, and hypotheses about behaviour are tested publicly. The end result of this “double loop learning” should be increased effectiveness in decision-making and better acceptance of failures and mistakes. I believe that the drive for more accountability and transparency in organisational life (especially those that are funded from the public purse) can be usefully served by double loop learning. This means that after the more obvious lessons are learned during the first loop of evaluation (usually to decide how to be more efficient next time to save time and expense), a second loop is undertaken to make explicit the mental models and assumptions that structure and create the reality that one perceives. Invariably a difference emerges between the “espoused theory” held and promoted by the organisational leadership and the actual “theory in use”. The following section examines the contradictions and tensions between the espoused theories and the actual theories in-use, among international aid agencies by reviewing traditional donor-recipient relations and the additional complexity that HIV/AIDS poses in this relationship.

Irritations or itches “Unless we scratch the right itch, we cause an irritation.” This folksy wisdom resonates with controversial welfare economist John Kenneth Galbraith’s (1979) biting criticism that the decision of donor governments as to where to allocate their humanitarian aid, becomes driven more by the measurement of those problems/deficits/illnesses for which donors happen to have the solutions/supplies/prescriptions, rather than measures of deficits that the beneficiaries would themselves make. Galbraith (1979: 10) writes, “Most

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explanations of conditions in poor countries do not explain. They reflect, instead, the experience of the rich countries. Or they create cause out of cure. Capital and technical expertise being available from the rich countries, shortage of these becomes the cause of poverty in the poor.” By failing to “scratch the right itch” misdirected aid causes another irritation. Galbraith made this observation more than twenty years ago, before the era of HIV/Aids. As African and Western political leaders have locked horns over the perceived cultural biases and unexamined assumptions of one another, the pandemic has continued to tighten its death grip. The prevalence rates in the Sub-Saharan African region have reached a magnitude and scope that is now far beyond the comparative experience of donor countries.6 I suggest that the deep learning challenge facing both the humanitarian and development communities is to find a way to ensure we are “scratching the right itch”, or at the very least to ensure that before dispensing aid, that effective feedback loops are in place to enable “learning while doing”, and the improvisation of effective mitigation measures that at least ensure the beneficiaries are not rendered even more vulnerable by the misguided provision of “fixes that fail” (Senge,1990: 388–9). To further aggravate matters, international aid budgets are increasingly being applied to “the fight against HIV and AIDS” to the exclusion of development funding. De Waal (2001: 2) comments on the trend toward “AIDS exceptionalism” that global development assistance “. . . is just under $60 billion, of which about $20 billion goes to Africa. Money that is spent on HIV/AIDS programmes cannot be spent on education, poverty reduction – or indeed on other health needs . . . It is quite possible that within a decade, we could see HIV/AIDS-related funding representing a third or even a half of all assistance to Africa.” HIV/AIDS thus poses a unique challenge – to find ways of enabling people to assert control over the pandemic through culturally-sensitive humanitarian responses that empower while intervening and educate while assisting. In other words, finding responses that are effective across the full spectrum of development challenges, as well as economic, political and cultural environments. The entry point to this complex interplay must be to find a way of understanding the development (or regression) of human culture over time. Culture needs to be understood as much more than a mere aggregation of customs, rituals and beliefs, but a pervasive whole that displays systemic characteristics that reductionism and disaggregated analysis fail to reveal.

6

Resilience capability can indeed be stimulated among beneficiary groups, even as they grapple with the problems of managing the donors inappropriate “solutions”, if this “resilience” carries over to enabling beneficiaries to deal with their own, real vulnerability.

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Recently, the concept of a “cultural immune system” was invoked by UN officials to begin to explain the perverse dynamics of the spread of HIV infection in African cultural contexts.

The cultural immune system The term “cultural immune system” is explained in the Lesotho government’s strategy document, Turning a Crisis into an Opportunity: Strategies for Scaling up the National Response to the HIV/AIDS pandemic in Lesotho, as: an inherent instinctive, cultural self-protection mechanism which is akin to our biological immune system . . . that has refused entry to the message packages on HIV/AIDS emanating from the West because the “cultural priorities and ‘biases’ of the messenger become bundled with the message, and ‘sold’ wholesale to the African.” (Kimaryo et al., 2004: 131) Reflecting on remarkable flaws in aspects of the efforts to convey the HIV/AIDS message to Africans they argue that there are gaps between the messenger and the target audience, not necessarily related to AIDS, but cause the receivers in Africa to resist the whole message. Kimaryo et al. (2004: 132) indicate, . . . one discovers that as an older culture, Africa has built, through the centuries, its complex way of blocking or fending off what it suspects to be cultural subterfuge, ways of resisting cultural influences which it considers alien or hostile to its interests, and which threaten its culture and domain. The inherent attribute that drives this process, the mechanism for doing so – this inherent instinctive cultural self-protective mechanism, which is akin to our bio-logical immune system – is what one has chosen to call a “Cultural Immune System” Even information that is scientifically correct and verifiable, such as the globally accepted biomedical knowledge on the nature of HIV, will not change a culture, especially if it is experienced by the receiver as authoritarian inducements to compel behaviour change. Thus, influencing cultural change from beyond the boundary of an existing cultural reflex system requires the wisdom of Solomon. It requires knowing how to reduce cultural resistance to change, and how to boost the cultural reflex system to cope with the realities of HIV/AIDS, while respecting the cultural integrity of susceptible people. To illustrate the difficulty, the World Health Organization (WHO) has received acclaim for having initiated the “3 by 5” campaign to ensure three million of the most deserving HIV positive people globally to receive Anti Retroviral Therapy (ART) by 2005. Given the scale of the pandemic in Southern Africa, even if the entire global target was reached in this region alone there would still be a considerable treatment gap. But the barriers to the uptake of ART are

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not just financial. Botbol-Baum (2003), Professor of Bioethics at the Universite Catholique de Louvain, in Belgium comments: Although the access to drugs is a key issue, the education of doctors about their responsibility, to use their experience in order to redesign a preventive campaign linked to local discourse and representation of gender issues in the AIDS pandemic is an urgency . . . we can see that it is not only due to lack of medication but inadequate representation of AIDS, that place medical doctors in Africa in conflicts of interest between preserving societal values or being actors of social change by helping women defend or be conscious of their reproductive rights . . . . the main anthropological issue is the perception that women are responsible for it, so that infected man can only look for younger women who by being virgins are not only less dangerous but supposed to liberate them from the disease. It is urgent to convince African medical doctors that defending women rights to be protected from contamination, by informing them of the status of their husband or future husband, is not choosing a culture of colonialism against their own but simply being responsible carers . . . Assuming a cultural immune system to indeed exist, clearly it is failing to protect African cultures from HIV and AIDS and rendering them even more vulnerable if they fail to discriminate between the scientifically verifiable evidence of how the human immuno deficiency virus behaves and how cultural influences shape human behaviour, particularly in cultures which have explicitly sought to amplify their own indigenous customs and traditions and break free from Western colonial and imperial influences. In 2004, I had a conversation with Ken Ofusu-Barko, who at the time was a medical officer employed by UNAIDS. He suggested that using the biological immune system as an analogy for a culturally-determined barrier against noxious Western influences created an oxymoron. If the “immune” system shuts out scientifically proven and factual information regarding HIV/AIDS, it is clearly not an immune system, but the exact opposite – a susceptibility system. He suggests “cultural reflex system” as a better term. Persuaded by this logic, I use the term “cultural reflex system” henceforth, and propose that the originators of the term revise their otherwise sound reasoning, so that “culture” becomes a relative rather than an absolute vantage point for a true perspective of “reality”. To illustrate the danger of cultural absolutism, Swaziland – an African country which steadfastly holds to deep cultural traditions and customs, enshrined in a kinship system headed by a monarch who rules by decree,7 has an estimated

7 This is an oversimplification, because his mother, the Indlovukati, is an integral part of the governance system, and together with an inner circle of advisers clearly influence decisions.

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adult HIV prevalence rate of 38.8% (UNAIDS, 2004). The monarch, known as the Ingwenyama, Mswati III8 is bound by tradition to take a new wife on a biannual basis, in order to maintain the kinship equilibrium among the various component chiefdoms that constitute the Swazi nation. Polygamy does not necessarily equate with increased susceptibility to HIV infection, provided there is absolute fidelity between the husband and his wives, and every member of the sexual communion is HIV negative. If any party breaks this trust and has sexual intercourse with an HIV infected partner outside of the marriage bond, clearly the whole Swazi Royal family is vulnerable. One assumes that the Ingwenyama knows this, for Mswati (2003: 4–5) has declared HIV/AIDS to be a national disaster, and is on record as saying that “there was a very real possibility that the Swazi nation will cease to exist, unless we change our attitudes and behaviour”. However, despite his honest admission, he was apparently not able to resist the cultural imperative to take his 13th wife the following year. Given the extremely high prevalence rate, and the complex challenges of maintaining fidelity and satisfaction among a sexual communion of 14 people, one can understand the Ingwenyamas’ anxiety. Ironically, a year before “his admission” Whiteside et al. (2002: 5) concluded “that the pandemic in Swaziland is very serious . . . The biggest issues are around poverty and culture. The issue of culture needs to be addressed squarely but sensitively and by the Swazi people.” Clearly, this illustration shows why it is vitally important to gain deeper insight into the relationship between poverty and culture, as well as insight into how culture both creates and distorts “reality”. I suggest that culture can have both an immunising “tonic”, and undermining “toxic”, effect on its adherents, but that it is the prerogative of people within the culture to discriminate between the two effects. The challenge to outsiders is to develop a language that enables them to speak from outside a particular cultural boundary and still influence the consciousness of those who shape the culture from within, without being dismissed for interfering and undermining the right to self-determination. Put in stark, concrete terms, UNICEF (Swaziland Situation Report, August 2002, quoted in Whiteside et al., 2002: 22) reported that by August 2002, approximately 40,000 Swazi children, were either orphaned by, or vulnerable to, the deadly biomedical effect and consequent social pathology of the HI virus. The Government of Swaziland estimates that by 2010, there will be some 120,000 Aids orphans in this country of a population of just below 1 million people (quoted in Whiteside et al., 2002). The Human Scale Development paradigm, emanating from a Latin American socio-cultural context, offers an extremely useful language that – bridging

8

One is advised by Swazis not to use the terms “king” or “his majesty” as these are English terms that do not adequately convey the indigenous Swazi understanding of its governance process.

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Western, African and other cultural worldviews – enables one to unpack the concept of a cultural reflex system. The challenge is to work directly with vulnerable people, enabling them to co-construct better ways of describing and interpreting their vulnerability for themselves, by a meaningful process that stimulates and creates resilience. The process involves a process of deepening dialogue and understanding that develops an ever-more descriptive language, as the vulnerable literally “come to terms” with the truth of their situation. This “coming to terms” is a process of language evolution that both “describes the world we can see” and “sees the world we can describe”. It is thus a dialectical process in the purest sense of the word, whereby connections are made between two dimensions of meaning, the objective and the subjective. The objective meaning refers to epidemiological facts of a person’s particular susceptibility – whether to HIV infection or any other environmental health hazards. The subjective meaning flows in a parallel, but opposite, movement as vulnerable people “come to terms” that enable the assertive public expression of transformation from vulnerability and suffering to “health as a state of more complete physical mental and social wellbeing” (WHO, 1948), even in the presence of disease and infirmity. To sum up the argument thus far, I propose that a new paradigm of humanitarian and development assistance be pursued, called for by Morris (2002) that goes beyond multisectoral and multidisciplinary thinking, cultivating instead a trans-disciplinary/trans-sectoral perspective. Only by so doing will we generate meaningful understanding. This requires researchers and external aid agencies to enter into deep dialogue with those they presume to be vulnerable, and following the advice of Beer (1998) to “keep one’s highhorses and hobby-horses – which in combination can be devastating stabled outside, and to recognise the person, who is poor, sick, unemployed, lacking housing, etc, is the same person”. I propose that a general understanding of the Human-Scale Development (HSD) approach offers an inspiring way of bridging the various conceptual and practical divides that characterise both development and humanitarian action in the most troubled parts of the world. The following provides an outline explanation. It is not intended to be a substitute for Max-Neef’s original presentation, and readers are urged to consult the original text for a full account. My interpretation is subjective, but I make no apology for this, for Human-Scale Development is not an abstract model, but as Max-Neef (1991: 12) states, It is an open option which is justified only to the extent that we understand it, internalize it and implement it through a praxis that is in itself a process in constant motion (his emphasis). There is nothing in it that advocates a final solution, since we are fully aware that human beings and their surroundings are part of a permanent flow which cannot be arrested by rigid and static models.

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Key propositions of HSD theory The value of the Human-Scale Development approach is that it provides a framework for developing a holistic and systemic understanding of what leads to abiding social well-being. Human-Scale Development theory provides a ready body of knowledge, and a methodology for understanding how to: • determine and interpret the developmental intensity of a group as a social system; and • facilitate a shared consciousness of their systemic needs, and the most synergic possibilities for satisfying them.

Demystifying needs theory The underlying assumption upon which Human-Scale Development theory proceeds is that development happens inside people as a consequence of what happens between people and their life support systems, as they satisfy their fundamental human needs by fashioning an infinite range of diverse satisfiers. This assumption needs to be explained. For more than three decades, Abraham Maslow’s (1973) “hierarchy of needs” theory has been generally assumed to explain human development. This theory holds that all people follow the same pattern of development, ascending a hierarchy of five levels of needs satisfaction. Once basic subsistence needs are satisfied, attention turns to the need for protection and shelter. Then people want friendships and affection, before ultimately graduating to a desire for recognition and identity, which when satisfied, leads to self-actualisation – the highest level of the hierarchy. Many question the adequacy of Maslow’s theory, notwithstanding its popularity. It may be true for Western individualists, living in a culture that sanctions and encourages the satisfaction of identity by striving for personal distinction. In non-Western cultures, that prize communal identity more than individual brilliance, Maslow’s hierarchy becomes controversial. As an alternative, Max-Neef set out to develop a theory of human development that more adequately accounted for the realities of poverty, illness and despair in the continent of Latin America. Working with an interdisciplinary team in the Centre for Development Alternatives in Santiago, Chile, the assessment of quality of life was untangled from purely economic measures such as gross domestic product. He makes a simple, but profound, distinction between satisfiers on the one hand, and human needs on the other hand. Generally, we tend to talk of needs purely in terms of their material manifestations, water, housing, jobs, electricity, etc., until we have a shopping list that stretches endlessly. We then classify “needs” largely in terms of demands for goods and services in the market, and spend the rest of our lives worrying where to get the money to pay for them. While not disputing the value of the marketplace in efficiently distributing goods and material

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artifacts to satisfy consumption needs, HSD theory helps us recognise that an economic system that facilitates the free and efficient trading of artefacts in open markets must ultimately be evaluated and managed against the criterion: Do these artifacts serve Life? Far from advocating austerity and selfdenial for its own sake, Max-Neef (1991: 25), however, cautions that: When, the form of production and consumption of goods makes goods an end in themselves, then the alleged satisfaction of a need impairs its capacity to create potential. This in turn leads to an alienated society engaged in a senseless productivity race. Life, then, is placed at the service of artefacts, rather than artefacts at the service of life. The question of the quality of life is overshadowed by our obsession to increase productivity. Most needs can be very adequately satisfied without large expenditures of money, and often better satisfied in situations where people are not choked by excessive wealth and materialism – the “poverty of plenty scenario”. His thinking on human needs is, in this respect, not too different from Maslow’s. However Max-Neef differs fundamentally from Maslow, in terms of the motivational structure that, in a sense, “organises” the needs. There is no universal hierarchy. Each person, family, community and organisation has its own unique pattern of satisfying its needs. While this makes for an infinite number of “satisfiers”, Max-Neef proposes that needs are finite and number but a few universal human needs. Ever since homo habilis appeared on the earth, the needs for the following seven needs developed: subsistence; protection; affection; participation; understanding; creation and idleness (not laziness, but leisurely reflection). These seven needs have motivated human development. At later stages the eighth need for identity emerged and still later the ninth need for freedom. At the current state of human evolution, these nine needs are proposed as fundamental to our self-understanding as Homo sapiens, irrespective of the particular culture in which we live. Interestingly Max-Neef identifies a tenth need that is perhaps emerging in our present evolutionary stage, the need for transcendence.9 However, he does 9

This raises interesting questions as to what new creatures are incipient in the genus homo, and which – if any – will be ultimately favoured by natural selection. Nobel laureate Albert Szent-Gyorgyi’s called man “the crazy ape – this terrible strain of idiots who govern the world, against whom we are powerless” (in Beer, 1975: 23). Stafford Beer (1975: 36), inspired by Teilhard de Chardin’s vision in The Phenomenon of Man, argues in response that it is the strains of homo faber – “man the maker” and homo pontificatus which are headed for evolutionary obscurity, but that a new species is emerging homo gubernator which, he defined as “man the manager of complexity, the steersman of large complex interactive systems”. With a parallel argument Max-Neef, in turn, hopes for the emergence of a species of being that will replace homo economicus – a crazy ape who knows only the mantra of competitive maximisation – with a species that seeks rather the solidary rationale of optimising. He calls this species homo synergicus.

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not include this as a fundamental human need (FHN), because it is not universal to all human cultural contexts and experiences.10 These needs become reference points for determining the quality of life. They are the lenses through which we can interpret and evaluate our cultural practices, institutionalised services, development programs and humanitarian interventions. Existentially these needs are satisfied in systems of having, being, doing, and interacting, so that in describing satisfiers comprehensively it is possible to construct a matrix that puts verbs, adjectives and nouns together that make for more meaningful ways of conceptualising and explaining one’s situation (see Appendix 1). Having repeated the methodology with several different groups in Latin America, Sweden, the United Kingdom and South Africa, Max-Neef has found that it is possible to classify satisfiers into five types that help us describe, and critically evaluate, the adequacy with which society and its institutions are satisfying the needs of its members.

Singular satisfiers These are satisfiers where only one need is satisfied at a time, such as “soup kitchens for the needy”. Only the need for subsistence is considered, in the provision of the soup.

Pseudo satisfiers Those measures taken to satisfy a need without any satisfaction occurring, such as charity (subsistence), fashions and fads (identity) and prostitution (affection). The need motivates the behaviour, but the lack of mutuality between people involved or synergy with other needs leaves the need ultimately unfulfilled.

Inhibiting satisfiers Where attempts to genuinely satisfy one or more needs leads to the over satisfaction of the needs, such that satisfaction of other needs are inhibited. Commercial television is cited as an example. While it may satisfy the need for

10

The conversation among HSD practitioners as to the status of transcendence in African culture is ongoing. Africans with strong Jewish, Christian or Islamic identities appear to easily embrace transcendence as a fundamental human need, some preferring to call it “spirituality”. But where African traditional religion is practised without the influence of these three monotheistic religions, it would appear that the idea of transcendence is ontologically incompatible. Cumpsty (1991) argues that African traditional religion is best understood as a “nature religion”, together with Buddhism and Hinduism. The characteristics of such are that they conceive reality in monistic, rather than dualistic, terms, and hold a cyclical, rather than linear, view of time. The religious quest of those following a nature religion is to “fit into” the great, ever repeating cycles of nature, to achieve an undifferentiated oneness with reality, rather than to “take hold and shape” the world according to the transcendent imperatives of monotheistic religions.

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idleness, it is generally at the expense of participation, identity and creation. Obsessive economic competitiveness is another example. It supposedly satisfies the need for freedom, but inhibits subsistence, protection, affection, participation and idleness. The popular television series Survivor dramatically demonstrates this. In order for one person in a group of 18 to win US$ 1 million, s/he has to survive by “outwitting, outplaying and outlasting” everyone else.

Destructive satisfiers These are severe forms of needs inhibition, where the measures to ostensibly satisfy a need in fact aggravate the need. For example, government censorship is ostensibly aimed at protecting people who are deemed to be vulnerable, but has the effect of impairing understanding, participation, idleness, creation, identity and freedom. The Apartheid system was a destructive satisfier. Rationalised as a means to satisfy the need for identity and freedom, these very needs were destroyed, even in respect of the White population who sought their self-determination through it. These four types of “satisfiers” are usually imposed through autocratic and manipulative measures by powerful people, or they may even be imposed by benevolent leaders with genuine concern for the well-being of their subjects, but because they negate the needs of participation, creation, freedom, etc., such negative satisfiers are experienced as patronising, frustrating and ultimately harmful. Strictly speaking, they should be called “dissatisfiers”. If the negative satisfiers prevail over time, a culture of apathy, fatalism, morbidity and despair grows, which Max-Neef (1991: 19) calls “collective pathologies”. Where a prevailing economic system inhibits and/or destroys the need for creation, affection, subsistence and identity, a collective pathology of frustration will become apparent, and when a political system impoverishes the need for freedom, participation, understanding, protection, a collective pathology of fear produces a closely related set of challenges. The key to healing “collective pathologies” of frustration and fear is for new satisfiers to be conceptualised, with the simple recognition of the huge effects and benefits that flow when synergies are created.

Synergic satisfiers In contrast to the above negative satisfiers, the only sustainable, life-affirming satisfiers are synergistic satisfiers. These satisfiers occur where two or more needs work together to create an effect that is greater than the effect of each need working independently. They satisfy a given need, and they stimulate and contribute to the simultaneous satisfaction of other needs. Breastfeeding a baby has this effect (in contrast to mechanical and emotionally detached bottle feeding, which falls into the singular satisfier category). Subsistence, affection, idleness, protection and identity needs are all involved in breastfeeding, to create a mutual bond that is the source of early human development. Playing educational games, group field explorations and job sharing arrangements

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can be synergic satisfiers, if appropriately organised. The limits to synergic satisfiers are the same limits to the human imagination, which is to say there is no limit other than the limits imposed by one’s fears, compulsions and addictions to one or more dissatisfiers described above. It stands to reason that the spread of HIV/AIDS is more likely to happen in societies sickened by prolonged “poverties” with respect to the needs for protection, affection, understanding, identity, freedom, participation, creation, idleness and subsistence. Using this needs system as a critical hermeneutic framework enables a holistic understanding of a prevailing collective pathology, and is more likely to empower individuals suffering the effects of that pathology to take responsibility for the healing process themselves. At a conference of Human-Scale Development practitioners in Chile a few years ago, we learned how Max-Neef’s needs system was being used to great effect in a hospice in Spain to develop effective measures to care for people living with HIV/AIDS. It was inspiring to learn how people whose every fundamental human need had been devastated by the physical, mental and social effects of HIV infection, were helped back to regain a sense of humanity again by the deliberate opportunities created for them to satisfy their fundamental human needs, through the care and treatment protocols that the care givers had developed.

Understanding and transforming culture With the basic conceptual distinction between needs and satisfiers, besides enabling one to critically evaluate one’s prevailing political and economic systems, HSD enables one to critically examine and positively influence the culture within which one finds oneself. If we define “culture” as the complex system of satisfiers that a group develops over time to satisfy its fundamental human needs, it now becomes possible for any group sharing a common cultural context to transform that culture in ways that both affirm the “tonic” ingredients of its culture, and get rid of the “toxic” practices and traditions that have been experienced as inimical to health and well-being. Any aggregation of people becomes a distinct group, by developing a culture that satisfies its needs. While this culture differentiates it from another group, this is not necessarily a threatening process, because in the process of defining synergic satisfiers, the diversity of possible cultures makes for a fascinatingly rich variety of human culture. But because the same nine FHN’s are universal to all human beings, it becomes possible for cultural exchange and dialogue to take place between cultures, and thus to celebrate, respect and affirm cultural diversity, simultaneous to broadening a universal human solidarity. This concludes the summary of Human-Scale Development as a concept for interpreting the well-being of a group. It has been used very fruitfully in organisational development and community development programmes, and a growing number of social development practitioners have found it useful. The WHO, with its interest in public health ought, to find HSD has much to offer to explicate the WHO definition of health as “a complete state of physical,

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mental and social well-being, and not merely the absence of disease and infirmity” (WHO, 1948). Clearly the “complete state” resonates with the ideal of “synergic satisfaction of fundamental human needs”, while disease and infirmity are clearly associated with the negative satisfiers, and the “collective pathologies” Max-Neef describes.

Illustrations from the field We turn now to illustrations from the field that show how HSD has been successfully used in community development in the Western Cape and in teaching occupational therapy students at the University of Cape Town’s School of Health Sciences. Besides validating Max-Neef’s proposal, these illustrations also bear testimony to Maturana and Varela’s (1987: 235) beautiful observation: “the only world we humans can have is the one we create through our actions of coexistence. . . . Cognition is not a representation of the world out there, but bringing forth of the world through the process of living itself. We have only the world that we can bring forth with others, and only love helps bring it forth.”

Family and marriage society of SA (FAMSA) Western Cape11 South Africa’s colonial history and Apartheid policies left a legacy of deprivation and pain in oppressed communities, often with devastating results on family and couple relationships. The extent of emotional damage remains a serious challenge for South Africa’s 12-year-old democracy, which, to ensure it continues to develop, requires emotional maturity and relational health among its citizens. High levels of unemployment, poverty and the advent of HIV/AIDS compound the problem. In the late 1980s, in the aftermath of the state of emergency, a concerned Minister in Guguletu (a Black township in Cape Town), appealed to FAMSA – Western Cape, which was hitherto focused mainly on providing services to more affluent White and Coloured communities – to “come to the townships” and address what he perceived as “the collapse of family and couple relationships in his community”. FAMSA’s early attempts to initiate a volunteer counselling service failed. Black townships were not generally welcoming places for White people, exemplified by the incident that made world headlines in 1993, when Amy Biehl, a young US research student helping South African Blacks and women prepare for the first democratic election in South Africa, was murdered by a group of young radical members of the Pan-Africanist Congress. 11 FAMSA Western Cape, is the Cape Town branch of FAMSA (Family and Marriage Society of South Africa), an NGO which consists of 26 member societies spread across South Africa, whose aim is to build healthy, caring family and couple relationships through counselling, training, and supervision services, and provide preventive education and support where relationships are breaking down.

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The vicious cycle of “Black anger – White fear – government clampdown – Black anger – etc.” was broken with the release of Nelson Mandela, and the unbanning of the ANC, PAC, and other liberation movement initiatives. Ultimately, the first democratic elections in 1994 set South Africa firmly on a new course with a climate change, enabling FAMSA to make another attempt. In 1996, Judy Cooke, a senior counselling psychologist at FAMSA, developed and implemented with colleagues a community-based counselling structure, called the Family Foundation, which proved to be a sustainable service. This service has flourished with over 500 volunteers having been trained, and an active group of 50 Family Foundation counsellors currently serving the communities of Guguletu, Nyanga, New Crossroads, Khayelitsha, Mitchell’s Plain and Elsies River under FAMSA’s auspices. The model has also been successfully implemented in the Eastern Cape. While pioneering this service, Cooke tested out the HSD approach as a means of connecting a primarily “first world” counselling model with indigenous knowledge and experience. The approach acknowledged the multiplicity and diversity of poverties that existed, and promoted cross-cultural understanding and personal growth. In order to capture the essence of Max-Neef’s fundamental human needs (FHN) structure for the facilitation of human development processes, the nine fundamental needs were illustrated as a nine-spoke wheel (see Figure 15.2). This introduced an imaginative metaphoric dimension, which

Figure 15.2: The wheel of fundamental human needs Source: Clarke (1993).

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has served to explain the sophisticated, but abstract concepts in more simple accessible terms. Having a “well-balanced wheel” means that all needs are present, and satisfied in a balanced way. The concept of the “wheel of fundamental human needs”12 equipped trainees with a valuable and empowering assessment tool for their own self-knowledge, and to guide them in their counselling task. Human-Scale Development thus promoted the development of a synergic satisfier, in the co-created structure of the Family Foundation, which has significantly contributed to its sustainability. Its holistic developmental approach also influenced the expansion of FAMSA Western Cape’s work into the field of HIV/ AIDS and poverty alleviation. This shift broadened FAMSA’s former profile as primarily a couple and individual counselling organisation, to one that included community development as an integral part of its services. The story of Ethel Dyabuza illustrates how this training has become meaningful in the life of one of the first trainees.

Ethel’s story of empowerment13 Ethel was born in Retreat, Cape Town, and her family was one of those who were forced to move to Guguletu under the Group Areas Act (see Figure 15.3). She was sent to boarding school in Uitenhage for the first three years of her secondary school education, where she received a good education that she valued greatly. However, she did not complete her schooling, because at age 16 she was married according to cultural custom, to the man her parents had agreed should be her husband. She then had seven children, but the marriage was not happy and ended in divorce in 1983. She had to provide for her children on her own, and took char jobs to do this, but this did not bring in enough to enable her children to finish their schooling – only one managed to matriculate and the others had to leave after Standard 8 (grade 10). Ethel involved herself in community work, volunteering for the Red Cross, doing nursing and assisting with disaster relief in what were turbulent political times. This involvement helped her cope with the unhappiness of her personal situation, despite the tensions and dangers involved. By 1986, political tensions in the Guguletu and Crossroads communities reached boiling point and the Crossroads War erupted, with police and Witdoeke (alienated residents recruited by the Apartheid forces to disrupt protest action)

12 Anne Hope (1994), a distinguished adult educator, was first to model the nine needs as spokes of a wheel, in her Training for Transformation text. Elsewhere I have called it the “Wheel of Hope” (Clarke, 2000: 3), both in recognition of Anne’s insight and the inspiration of Lea Anne Harrison who related how the town of Wyalla in Australia was being transformed into a place of increasing eudemony, and offered this memorable aphorism: “Hope is believing in spite of the evidence; Then watching the evidence change” (1996: personal communication). 13 Special acknowledgements are due to Ethel Dyabuza for her permission to share her story, and to Judy Cooke for writing the text.

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Figure 15.3: Ethel Nosipho Dyabuza Source: Photo by J. Clarke with permission of Ethel Dyabuza.

clashing violently with youth and anti-Apartheid activists. Her son, who was involved in the protest action, was shot dead by police. Seventy-thousand people lost their homes in this war, and Ethel decided, as did so many others, to move to the relative safety of the burgeoning township of Khayelitsha, further out of Cape Town, to escape the mayhem. The trauma of this time led her into denial – her anguish and guilt about her son, her failed marriage and her sense that people were judging her because of this, her impotence to enable her children to complete their education, the uncertainty and tension of life in the townships, her fear for the future. She put on a mask, simply pretending to be happy and hiding her feelings from everyone, including herself. She avoided funerals and people, and did not want to hear their problems. However, once settled with her six children in Khayelitsha, she joined the Community Development Forum and heard about a project called the Community Caring Network, under the auspices of the Catholic Welfare and Development organisation, which offered training in basic home caring to community volunteers. She became involved and through this network heard about FAMSA’s proposed Family Foundation counselling training course. She enrolled for this, in the first course offered in 1996. What motivated her to participate in this training, even though it exposed her to people’s problems? Ethel says it was the chance to “go back to school”, to satisfy her needs for educating herself, the passion for learning that had never left her, and to acquire new skills. The chance to taste other cultures,

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different ways of doing things, new ideas – the sheer interest factor was important to her. And because this training was nearby, in familiar territory, it made her feel that these trainers cared about what was happening in the townships. Also, she could pay off the fees for the course over time, which she could just about manage with what she was earning in her char work. And then the process of acquiring counselling skills involved her sharing a genuine problem of her own with a trainee partner, being listened to without being judged – “my first time to be heard”, she said, and she suddenly saw that “people were with me, not against me”. For the first time she did not feel so alone and she cried with relief and the loneliness of the years coming up, and some of the self-blame and guilt started to ease. Ethel says she learnt, in a place where she felt safe, to listen to her own feelings, which she had been quite unaware of before, and started being more honest with herself, and with others. She acquired basic counselling skills herself, practising the skills, one by one, with her trainee partner, who in turn, was counselled by her. This method of training provides a much-needed space in communities where personal growth and healing can happen, and the acquisition of skills which enriches the personal lives of the trainees, and in turn feeds back into the lives of the people they counsel. Ethel’s fundamental human needs of understanding, protection, affection, participation and identity were clearly being addressed through the training. Upon completing the course, she was successfully able to secure a job as child-carer for a family, thanks to the skills and confidence that her training had developed for her, which distinguished her from the fifteen other potential candidates for the job. Ethel had four happy and fulfilling years of much better paid work, while continuing to volunteer in her spare time as a Family Foundation counsellor. She also enrolled at night school to finish off her school education, and gained her matric Grade 12 after two years studying. The South African Council for Social Services then recognized the Family Foundation training as qualifying for Social Auxiliary Worker status, and with seven of her co-trainees, Ethel gained professional status as a lay counsellor under FAMSA’s auspices. This enabled FAMSA to receive a State subsidy to employ her on a contract basis to work as a Family Foundation counsellor in the converted shipping container (see Figure 15.4) that FAMSA had acquired to create facilities in the sprawling new shanty town known as Site C, in Khayelitsha. Such counselling was virtually unheard of in such a setting and initially people were hesitant to come forward, but slowly she established trust in the community, and today she says everyone now knows what counselling is, and is specially pleased that more and more men come to be counselled – by a woman! Ethel now has permanent employment with FAMSA and is a wellloved and well-known member of staff. She represents FAMSA in various forums in Khayelitsha – the Health and Welfare Forum, the Development Forum, and the Network against violence against women. She says she is no

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Figure 15.4: Ethel’s office in Site C, Khayelitsha Source: Photo by J. Clarke with permission of Ethel Dyabuza and FAMSA.

longer shy, as she used to be, and is not afraid to stand up and talk in front of people. Her community networking has publicised FAMSA’s services, strengthened their visibility and drawn more people into Family Foundation training. An emotionally draining, yet key, experience for Ethel was her appearance and testimony before the Truth and Reconciliation Commission to explain the circumstances of her son’s death and appeal for reparations from the State for this, as well as the forced removal to which her family had been subjected. This was a turnaround for her, and an indication of her own empowerment and personal growth, that she found the strength to manage this for herself and her family. Although the reparations they awarded could not bring her beloved son back, she nevertheless felt relieved that the commission gave her the opportunity of telling her son’s story in public, and of having the trauma officially acknowledged and credited. Her family has since heard that they are to be compensated for their forced removal from Retreat to Guguletu, which has further contributed to healing, both for Ethel and her family in particular and South African society in general, because this restorative justice is building a nation more at peace with itself and its past. The latest and happiest development for Ethel has been to marry again – a thing she swore never to do – but this time to a man of her choice, and looking for a home together in an area which would have been impossible under the previous dispensation. Ethel feels that this country should “look at people like us and use us to teach others, to see where we come from and the long way to freedom”.

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Upon receiving this soulful account from Judy Cooke, I visited Ethel to take photographs and reconfirm her willingness to have her story published. Upon arriving in Cape Town, I learned that the story had taken on a further tragic irony. Ethel readily agreed to pose for photographs, but in circumstances of further sadness, for her daughter Lulama, aged 40, had just died. Ethel was just back from having organised the funeral, and was still in a state of bereavement and loss. Yet, she was more than willing to relate the circumstances of Lulama’s death and the funeral. Sitting in the converted shipping container, that FAMSA had acquired as a makeshift counselling room, on a busy corner of “Site C Township” in the heart of the informal settlements that constitute the Khayelitsha township, I listened in awe as she reflected on the reality of her life, and hope for the future. Ethel is eager and willing that the following is publicly known. She said: I hope to see my daughter again one day in heaven. She died peacefully in my arms last Saturday while in hospital, after an illness that did not respond to treatment. She was HIV positive, and died of an opportunistic infection that eventually caused her to get pneumonia. She was not on ARV’s because her CD 4 count was still high – over 400. It is very sad for she leaves two children. The oldest is 20 and the youngest only six years of age. We are applying for a childcare grant to help meet the costs of raising the young one. Because I know what HIV/AIDS is doing to the community, I arranged for an HIV/AIDS counsellor to speak at my daughter’s funeral, to encourage people to be open about the disease. The counsellor brought with her an HIV positive client, to relate her experience first hand to the congregation. The testimony had a great impact on everyone, including the Minister conducting the funeral. He now wants the HIV/AIDS counsellor and her client to speak at other funerals too – of which there are too many. I hope that my daughter’s death from HIV/AIDS will now produce something positive. We have video-taped the funeral, and are very willing to share the experience with anyone who is interested. Ethel’s “long way to freedom” is a testimony of a gradual, yet progressive and cumulative move from frustration of her fundamental human needs because of the combined effect of political oppression, economic hardship, and inhibiting cultural customs, to freedom. Clearly her story shows that “transcendence” is indeed rooted in her particular fundamental human needs system (FAMSA resolutely include “transcendence” as a tenth “spoke” in the wheel, and interestingly report that no-one questions this, despite the fact that their counsellors come from diverse religious and faith perspectives). Moreover, with this need at work, the resultant personal transformation appears to be translating into sociocultural transformation within her sphere of influence. Having earlier made reference to the PAC as the movement to which Amy Bielh’s killers belonged, it is worth remarking that Ethel has strong family connections to the PAC; she is

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the niece of Robert Sobukwe, the founder. This fact emerged when I noticed that the professional certificate on her wall from the Council for Social Work gave her full name, “Ethel Nosipho Dyabuza”. I remarked that my daughter was also the bearer of the name “Nosipho” (meaning “gift”). As synchronicity would have it, we realised too that it had been a mutual friend and former colleague who had in fact given my daughter that name when she was born in 1992. In turn Ethel (Nosipho) told me that Robert Sobukwe had given her the name. This sharing of our biographies was profoundly emancipating for me, and while driving out of the squalor of Khayelitsha back to the pristine suburb of Rondebosch, I thought how absurd it was that, according to the circumstances of history, Nosipho (Ethel) Dyabuza would generally be considered to be “poor” while I would be considered “rich”, and that the rules governing the professional practice of social work, made her my professional subordinate, since she did not have a University education. I began to realise to what extent my own “cultural reflex system” distorted reality, potentially shutting out truths that inhibited my need for understanding, participation, affection, freedom, affection, protection, identity, creation. My own “road to wellness” had led me to Khayelitsha (our home). Recollecting the experience today, I hope that Amy Biehl’s parents will find some comfort in the knowledge that, while the PAC may have shaped the identity of the “toxic” youth who killed their daughter, it also featured in the “tonic” character and spirituality of Nosipho Dyabuza.

“Drawing water from the well”: Disabled Women in Western Cape The Medical Research Council of Southern Africa (Medical Research Council, 2001) reports in a news release that life has taken on new meaning for disabled women living in wooden shacks in the townships of Cape Town. These women participated in a collaborative participatory action research project that utilised Human-Scale Development methodology and insights to support women in their empowerment (see Figure 15.5 for their wishes statement). Lorenzo (2001: 1), the research coordinator explains: In the beginning, they were asking us to help them with their problems such as transport and disability grants. Now they are looking for solutions among themselves. Their increased self-esteem and assertiveness has given them the confidence to challenge the taxi drivers, and they are now able to use public transport independently. It has been an empowering experience for the women. After the initial story-telling workshops, the women continued to meet on a monthly basis and looked at social issues of health, education, transport, work, employment and their families. The workshops have been characterised by singing, dancing and using creative symbols and stories as a means of reflection by the disabled women. The workshops have also changed the way the disabled women and community rehabilitation workers (CRW) feel about one another. The disabled women have moved from a sense of powerlessness to confidence in taking responsibility

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to change their situations. They shared appreciatively that the CRWs are an important bridge in the rehabilitation process between them and the other service providers. The women’s stories reflect the many faces of Ubuntu – the age-old African philosophy of “Umuntu ngumuntu ngabantu” meaning “a person depends on persons to be a person”. The women have shown their ability to respond to their struggle against poverty and deprivation by building trusting, cooperative networks among each other, their families and the wider community. The change that has occurred within the women reflects the values of Ubuntu, namely regaining dignity, developing respect, building solidarity, sharing compassion and moving beyond survival. As a result of them telling their stories and using HSD as a framework for analysis, the development of images of strong positive identity helped the women challenge the myths related to disability. We planned a series of monthly workshops that looked at identity, family life, skills development and community barriers in a way that identified how resources such as transport, disability grants and family support could be combined with the energy of disabled women themselves to either create synergistic satisfiers of latent potentialities, or negative satisfiers if they experienced them as barriers which left the need unmet (deprivation). The women began to see how the satisfiers were within their reach, and it led to them taking responsibility and self empowerment, rather than the dependency and blaming that often happens.

“The Road to Wellness”14 While identifying the opportunities and barriers experienced by those working and accessing the psychiatric facilities of the community health centre in Retreat, it was realised that all those involved in the service, including users and service providers, were having difficulty managing their own mental health. The illustrative poster was developed to convey a message which all community members could relate to, whether literate or not (see Figure 15.5). The poster links occupation to health in daily life, where occupation encompasses all the things that we do, not merely work. Wannacott (2004) explains: The road is titled wellness rather than mental health or any other specific “illness”, because we are looking at health and wellness as a whole and something

14

The posters shown were developed by students Heather Wannacott, Lizahn Cloete, Margi Linegar and Celeste Taylor, occupational therapy Masters students from the University of Cape Town as part of the Health Promotion and Education module. The first poster was developed in conjunction with occupational therapy assistant (Joyce Scott) at Retreat Community Health Centre, as well as group members from the wellness group.

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Figure 15.5: The Road to Wellness poster Source: Photograph taken by J. Clarke with permission of Heather Wannacott.

we all should monitor and invest in. The poster was designed to be used by staff and group members alike, and can be used as a measure and evaluation of progress. In addition, it can be used as an intervention tool to facilitate discussions concerning needs and the enabling conditions needed to ensure fundamental human needs are synergistically addressed. One uses the poster by starting in the top left-hand corner where individuals are depicted as being alone, doing nothing productive, sleeping a lot and watching others go by. The roads are dreary; full of potholes and the person walking down the road is being attacked by a scary dog (something that many of the group members identified as being a daily fear). The street names express some of the thoughts and feelings people at this stage of the journey may be experiencing, while some are left blank because one only discovers them along the journey. Examples of these include Boring Boulevard, Worry Road and Anxiety Avenue. As one progresses down the road, one approaches Confusion Corner Café before having to cross Support Bridge, a step that is often associated with internal conflict and confusion before a cognitive decision can be taken with regard to which path to take. Participants who do not cross the bridge may end up on the Road to Nowhere.

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Upon crossing the bridge, one immediately becomes aware of the resources that are available along the road, i.e., within the community (labels and resources can be individualised for specific communities). Others begin to be available to walk alongside the traveller, but they still have no access to them. The road is not straight because it is never straight and certain on the journey, and one can’t always see where one is going. But there is a point where one just has to trust the journey and continue into the unknown, rather than regress to Boring Boulevard. Once one turns into Hope Street, more people are interacting and supporting each other. People are engaging in meaningful and purposeful occupations, thinking more positively and have a greater appreciation for the community and environment at large. In counselling or facilitating developmental change and healing, the HSD practitioner encourages the client to determine to what extent their ill-health is due to deprivation or “poverty” in respect of each of their fundamental human needs. The Road to Wellness journey enables people to cathartically verbalise the subjective experience of pain and suffering experienced, in terms of how this has impacted their fundamental human needs system, to generate a state of pathology and ill health.

Learning journey This poster was developed in conjunction with The Road to Wellness poster, and reflects the deeper adult learning experience that the former poster precipitated in the group (see Figure 15.6). Wannacott (2004) elaborates: Learning is an active process whereby one constructs meaning and transforms understandings through interacting with our environment (Gravett, 2001). This means that one cannot simply consider oneself or others in isolation, but one needs to account for the greater environment in which interaction takes place, as this influences learning. Learning became an enabling experience for the students, as their fundamental human needs for creation, participation, understanding, identity and affection were synergistically satisfied. Speech, writing and drawing are necessary for fuzzy associations to become firm verbalized ideas. This is particularly important when the feelings are fuzzy, and the temptation is to cancel group meetings because of these feelings and not being ready to discuss anything. This required of the creators of the posters to take the cognitive shift and decision to overcome any negative feelings and to change their attitudes and mindsets towards the process and task at hand in order to ensure they did not backtrack at the Disjuncture Crossing, and “re-walk” the known path from before rather than continuing on towards the end point.

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Figure 15.6: The Learning Journey poster Source: Photograph taken by J. Clarke with permission of Heather Wannacott.

Conclusion: simplicity beyond complexity To conclude this chapter, it remains for me to “recline into my anecdotage” (another of Stafford Beer’s many witticisms) and relate the astounding synchronicity between Beer and Max-Neef that I stumbled upon. The concluding event of Stafford Beer’s visit to Cape Town in 1997, was a workshop at the University of Cape Town where he explained his invention of his team syntegrity systems methodology (1994) for “think-tanking” and strategic planning, and how it satisfied all the precepts of a rigorous systems thinking approach, including the law of requisite variety. Having had the privilege of participating in a team syntegrity event two years before, while working to establish the Network for Human Scale Development, I could verify the claims. Moreover, steeped as I was in Max-Neef’s thinking and still fresh from a stimulating week in Chile with Max-Neef and an international gathering of HSD practitioners, I added that I had found the team syntegrity experience to be a remarkable “synergistic satisfier” of fundamental human needs. When the workshop drew to a close, befitting the occasion, to pay tribute to

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our famous guest, I had the sudden inspiration to read an excerpt from MaxNeef’s (1991: 96–7) book. This is the selection I read: A simplistic mind is full of answers. It is also a mind that seldom realises the simple fact that answers must be preceded by pertinent questions. The person with a simplistic mind looks for inspiration and knowledge in simplistic theories, mainly in those that confirm his or her preconceptions. Furthermore, he or she tends to be very active. Hence, we are talking about someone who can be very dangerous indeed. I have found many development experts in my life – having myself been one for many years – with a simplistic mind and a very active personality. If I were to depict the archetype of such an expert in a comic strip, presented would be a man with a somewhat perplexed expression on his face, carrying a fat attaché case full of answers, while actively looking for problems to fit the answers. Quite apart from the caricatures we may devise, the serious fact remains that while our societies have become increasingly complex, our theories of society, whether social or economic, have become increasingly simplistic. This is dangerous, because we know that the parameters of a system can only be controlled from a system of higher complexity. In other words, through simplistic theories and models we cannot expect to understand the behaviour of the type of social systems of which we are members in our world today. I suggested that – although Stafford Beer was perhaps an “active personality” – he was thankfully the complete antithesis of the “simple mind, looking for problems to fit his preconceived solutions” that Max-Neef warned us of, for his entire conception of the viable systems model (for which he is most famous), is a quest for understanding “systems of higher complexity” so that we might learn to manage our institutions coherent with, rather than in foolish opposition to, the dynamics of natural living systems. Having had the good fortune to have two of Max-Neef’s books in my (embarrassingly fat) attaché case, I presented them to Stafford Beer as parting gifts. I was left speechless by his reaction upon seeing the symbol that appears on all of Max-Neef’s books (see Figure 15.7): “But that’s our symbol”, he exclaimed, “that is the symbol that the Cybernetics Society used in the ’60s for the medal we awarded to members who distinguished themselves in their work”. Recovering my voice, I explained that it was the symbol inscribed on a Rune stone in University Park, Uppsala, Sweden. “Yes, I know that”, he replied, “I nearly tripped over it while walking in that park, and realised that it beautifully expressed the ethos of cybernetics. I recommended it to the Cybernetics Society, of which I was President at that time”. Continuing my conversation with Manfred Max-Neef, I learned where his adoption of the symbol stems from is remarkably similar. While taking a break during his writing of his first classic book From the Outside Looking In, while working from the Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation, he came across the

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Figure 15.7: CEPAUR symbol Source: Viking Rune.

same Rune stone while strolling through the park. The jacket cover of the book explains: The symbol is the symbol of CEPAUR, the Centre for the Study and Promotion of Urban, Rural and Development Alternatives, founded in 1981 by Manfred Max-Neef, is taken from a Viking rune stone (6UR 937) . . . Designed one thousand years ago – or perhaps earlier – it transmits such a serene beauty in its representation of a perfectly harmonious, balanced and indissoluble trinity, that it appeared to the author as an ideal symbolic synthesis of CEPAUR’s philosophy; that is the striving for similar conditions that should hopefully prevail some day between the essential components of our world’s survival trinity: Nature, Humanity and Technology. Hitherto humanitarian and development aid has been preoccupied with material and technological aspects of the survival trinity, with ominous disregard for the integrity of nature and the dignity of humanity. Any response to the pandemic of HIV/AIDS and other threatening conditions that imperil life must be holistic and systemically viable, if the “boiling frog” is to be sensitised. By combining Stafford Beer’s thinking with respect to the viability of large complex probabilistic systems with Manfred Max-Neef’s penetrating insights as to the nature of poverty, development, fundamental human needs and satisfiers/dissatisfiers, I believe that both homo synergicus and homo gubernator (see footnote 9 above) together offer more than the requisite variety needed to find and create a niche for the descendents of Homo sapiens to live in a mutually beneficial relationship with each other. I hope that both variations of the human species will be encouraged to emerge from the shadows, in mutual recognition of the gifts and attributes of the other, to do “good work” together by confronting the harbingers of extinction, and leading the earth and all its suffering and vulnerable creatures (especially frogs) back to the Road to Wellness.

Appendix 1: Matrix of needs and satisfiers Existential categories Axiological categories

SUBSISTENCE

PROTECTION

AFFECTION

UNDERSTANDING

PARTICIPATION

HAVING Registers institutions, norms, mechanism, tools, laws, etc., that can be expressed in one or more words

DOING Registers actions, personal or collective, that can be expressed as verbs

Physical health, mental health, equilibrium, sense of humour, adaptability Care, adaptability, autonomy, equilibrium, solidarity

Food, shelter, work

Feed, procreate, rest, work Living environment, social setting

Insurance systems, savings, social security, health systems, rights, family, work Friendships, family, partnerships, relationships with nature

Cooperate, prevent, plan, take care of, cure, help

Living space, social environment, dwelling

Make love, caress, express emotions, share, take care of, cultivate, appreciate

Privacy, intimacy, home, space of togetherness

Literature, teachers, methods, educational policies, communication policies

Investigate, study, experiment, educate, analyse, meditate

Rights, responsibilities, duties, privileges, work

Become affiliated, cooperate, propose, share, dissent, obey, interact, agree on, express opinions

Settings of formative interaction, schools, Universities, academies, groups, communities, families Settings of participative interaction, parties, associations, churches, communities, neighbourhoods, family

Self-esteem, solidarity, respect, tolerance, generosity receptiveness, passion, determination, sensuality, sense of humour Critical conscience, receptiveness, curiosity, astonishment, discipline, intuition, rationality Adaptability, receptiveness, solidarity, willingness, determination, dedication, respect, passion, sense of humour

INTERACTING Registers locations and milieus as times and spaces

(Continued )

297

BEING Registers attributes, personal or collective, that are expressed as nouns.

298

Appendix 1: Continued Existential categories

BEING Registers attributes, personal or collective, that are expressed as nouns.

HAVING Registers institutions, norms, mechanism, tools, laws, etc., that can be expressed in one or more words

DOING Registers actions, personal or collective, that can be expressed as verbs

INTERACTING Registers locations and milieus as times and spaces

IDLENESS

Curiosity, receptiveness, imagination, recklessness, sense of humour, tranquillity, sensuality

Games, spectacles, clubs, parties, peace of mind

Privacy, intimacy, space of closeness, free time, surroundings, landscapes

CREATION

Passion, determination, intuition, imagination, boldness, rationality, autonomy, inventiveness, curiosity

Ability, skills, method, work

Daydreaming, brood, dream, recall old times, give way to fantasies, remember, relax, have fun, play Work, invent, build, design, compose, interpret

IDENTITY

Sense of belonging, consistency, differentiation, self-esteem, assertiveness

FREEDOM

Autonomy, self-esteem, determination, passions, assertiveness, openmindedness, boldness, rebelliousness, tolerance

Symbols, language, religion, habits, customs, reference groups, sexuality, values, norms, historical memory, work Equal rights

Axiological categories

Source: Max-Neef, 1991: pp. 31–2.

Commit oneself, integrate oneself, confront, decide on, get to know oneself, recognise oneself, actualise oneself, grow Dissent, choose, be different from, run risks, develop awareness, commit oneself, disobey

Productive and feedback settings, workshops, cultural groups, audiences, spaces for expression, temporal freedom Social rhythms, everyday settings, settings which one belongs to, maturation stages Temporal/spacial plasticity

The Road to Wellness 299

References Ackoff, R. (2003), Strategy & Leadership, Vol. 31, No. 3, pp. 19–26. Argyris, C. (1976), Increasing Leadership Effectiveness, New York: Wiley. Argyris, C. (1993), On Organizational Learning, Cambridge, MA: Blackwell. Ashby, W. R. (1952), Design for a Brain, London: Chapman and Hall. Barnett T., and Whiteside A. (2002), AIDS in the Twenty First Century: Disease and Globalization, New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Berry, T. (2001), quoted in Heffern, Rich, Cover Story at www.earthdreams. Accessed April 2005. Botbol-Baum, M. (2003), British Medical Journal, online discussion forum, Rapid Responses to Kmietowicz, 327 (7426) 1246, 1 December 2003, at www.bmj. bmjjournals.com/cgi/eletters/327/7426/1246-a#41928. Beer, S. (1974), Designing Freedom, Toronto: CBC Publications. Beer, S. (1975), Platform for Change, Chichester: John Wiley. Beer, S. (1979), The Heart of Enterprise, Chichester: John Wiley. Beer, S. (1981), The Brain of the Firm, 2nd edn, Chichester: John Wiley. Beer, S. (1985), Diagnosing the System in Organisations, Chichester: John Wiley. Beer, S. (1989), National Government: Disseminated regulation in real time or “How to run a country”, in R. Espejo and R. Harnden (eds), The Viable Systems Model, Chichester: John Wiley. Beer, S. (1993), Beyond Dispute: The Invention of Team Syntegrity, Chichester: John Wiley. Beer, S. (1994), Beyond Dispute: The Invention of Team Syntegrity, Chichester: John Wiley and Sons. Beer, S. (1998), Interview with Stafford Beer, Rosemary Bechler, New Times, London, unpublished. Clarke, J.G.I. (2006), “Transcending organisational autism in the UN System response to HIV/AIDS in Africa”, Kybernetes. Vol. 35, No. 1/2, pp. 10–24. Clarke, J.G.I. (1993), Human Scale Development: A South African Perspective, in Koegelenberg, R. (ed.), Development Forum Series, Cape Town: EFSA Institute for Theological and Interdisciplinary Research, December 1993. Carruthers, V. (2001), Frogs and Frogging in Southern Africa, Cape Town: Struik. Clarke, J. (2000), Turning the Wheel of Hope . . . and human needs, in OD Debate, Vol. 7, No. 1, March, Durban: Olive Organisation Development and Training. Cumpsty, J. (1991), Religion as Belonging: A General Theory of Religion, Lanham, MD: University Press of America. De Waal, A. (2001), The Links Between HIV/AIDS and Democratic Governance in Africa, http://www.sahims.net/doclibrary/2004/02February/13%20Fri/The%20Links% 20 between%20HIV%20and%20Governance%20Alex%20de%20waal.pdf, last accessed June 2006. Espejo, R. and Harnden, R. (1989), The Viable Systems Model, Chichester: Wiley. Garrett, L. (2001), The Betrayal of Trust. The collapse of global public health, New York: Hyperion. Galbraith, J.K. (1979), The Nature of Mass Poverty, Cambridge, MA: Harvard. Gravett, S. (2001), Adult Learning, Pretoria: Van Schaik. Hope, A. (1994), Training for Transformation: Book Four, (revised edn), Cape Town: David Phillips. Horton, R. (2000), North and South: Bridging the information gap, Lancet 355, pp. 2231–36. Kimaryo, S.S., Okpaku, J.O., Githuku-Shongwe, A. and Feeney, J. (eds) (2004), Turning a Crisis into an Opportunity: Strategies for Scaling up the National Response to the HIV/AIDS

300 Diversity in Africa Pandemic in Lesotho, a publication of the Partnership of the Government of Lesotho and the Expanded Theme Group on HIV/AIDS, Lesotho, New York: Third Press Publishers. Leonard, A. (1999), “A Viable System Model Consideration of Knowledge Management”, Journal of Knowledge Management Practice, at www.tlainc.com/artic112.htm, accessed 5 October 2005. Levine, S. and Chastre, C. (2004), Missing the point. An analysis of food security interventions in the Great Lakes, Humanitarian Practice Network, Group Network Paper No. 47, July, London: Overseas Development Institute. Lorenzo, T. (2001), South African Medical Research Council. Setting them Free, MRC News – April 2001, Vol. 32, No. 2. at http://www.mrc.ac.za/mrcnews/april2001/free.htm, last accessed June 2006. Lorenzo, T. (2004), Notes from interview with Clarke, September, Cape Town. Maslow, A. (1973), The Farther Reaches of Human Nature, Harmondworth: Penguin. Maturana, H., and Varela, F. (1987), The Tree of Knowledge, Boston: Shambhale. Max-Neef, M. (1991), Human Scale Development: Conception, Applications and Further Reflections, London: Apex Press. Max-Neef, M. (1983), From the Outside Looking In. Experiences in Barefoot Economics, London: Apex Press. McCallum, I. (2005), Ecological Intelligence: Rediscovering Ourselves in Nature, Cape Town: Africa Geographic. McMichael, T. (2005), Health: The “bottom line” of environmental sustainability: Can epidemiology meet the challenge?, Presentation to the International Society for Environmental Epidemiology 2005 Conference, Johannesburg (unpublished). Medical Research Council (2001), Setting them Free, MRC News – April, Vol. 32, No. 2, at http://www.mrc.ac.za/mrcnews/april2001/free.htm, accessed 2 October 2005. Morris, J. (2002), Mission Report of the Secretary-General’s Special Envoy for Humanitarian Needs in Southern Africa, Johannesburg: United Nations (September). Mswati III (2003), speech at the opening of Parliament, May 2003. Quoted in Health Sector Response to HIV/AIDS Plan in Swaziland, 2003–2005, Ministry of Health and Social Welfare, Government of Swaziland and World Health Organization, July 2003, pp. 4–5. Myrdal, G. (1978), “Institutional Economics”, Journal of Economics, Issue 12, December, pp. 771–83. Senge, P.M. (1990), The Fifth Discipline: The Art and Practice of the Learning Organisation, New York: Currency Doubleday. UNAIDS (2004), Report on the Global Aids Epidemic, at www.unaids.org, accessed 28 September 2005. Waelchli, F. (1989), “The VSM and Ashby’s Law as illuminants of historical management thought”, in R. Espejo, and R. Harnden (eds), The Viable Systems Model, Chichester: Wiley. Wannacott, H. (2004), personal e-mail communication. Werner, D., Thuman, C. and Maxwell, J. (1992), Where There is No Doctor: A Village Health Care Handbook, Palo Alto, CA: Hesperian Foundation. Whiteside, A., Hickey, A., Ngcobo, N. and Tomlinson, J. (2002), What is driving the HIV/AIDS Pandemic in Swaziland? What more could be done about it?, HEARD/Nercha Report, Durban: University of KwaZulu Natal. WHO (1948), Constitution, at www.who.int, and http://www.who.int/ about/en, accessed 3 October 2005.

Conclusion: A Diverse Africa By referring to “Africa” or an “African way” is to suggest that there is only one kind of approach to life, business, and government in Africa, and that the largest continent on the planet with over 2,000 different ethnic and cultural groups is somehow homogeneous in culture, resources, governance, language, infrastructure, values, religion, societal structure, healthcare, and so forth. Equally, by referring to only a handful of African leaders such as Idi Amin, Robert Mugabe, Julius Nyerere, Nelson Mandela, Muammar Qaddafi, Olusegun Obasanjo, Thabo Mbeki, Hosni Mubarak, and King Hassan II, does not qualify as a full understanding of African leadership. In addition, Africa in its entirety is not all living in the so-called third world – there are many parts of Africa that daily are enjoying a so-called first world lifestyle, others one may argue is closer to a yet undefined second world, and many parts are in the so-called third world. Unfortunately, much of the historical and current media, as well as day-to-day reference at all levels of global discourse, refers to Africa as a single entity – and therefore ignoring the diversity of Africa itself – often diversity even within one country and within one ethnic group, and shaped by a myriad of diverse influences. Africa is more heterogeneous than China, North America and the European Union, and to write and speak only about a uniform entity is short-sighted, risky and even dangerous. Why then, you might ask, did we decide to produce a book about diversity in Africa? We believe that there may be a useful dialogue to be had when we acknowledge the importance of native cultures in Africa, and the emergent, resulting perspectives when intertwined with its dominant colonial influences. It is the complex hybrids that are fascinating, and highlighted throughout this book, and it is these emergent hybrids that more closely approximate African contemporary society. Our many authors in this book cautiously examine what these inclusive hybrids are producing at the many levels of African society – and in doing so, have uncovered perhaps the one “generalisation” that may be more common (than others) across the continent, that is, the concept of collective personhood and interconnected identity, which abhors superiority of one person over another and the denigration of others, and is variously referred to in the book. The authors treatments have been cautious on many levels because the practice of ‘collective personhood’ which is founded on unconditional respect and acceptance of all people – frail or strong, although suppressed for all sorts of reasons in many parts of Africa, have often been experienced as exclusive for some Africans, for example, women and minority groups (sometimes even majority groups). In many respects, the “birth” we refer to in the title is our interpretation of Africa 301

302 Diversity in Africa

maximising its favoured intangible capital and fully (re)connecting to its supportive humanistic roots. We hope that our treatment of diversity in Africa would have caused you to pause, rethink some of your preconceived ideas and Africa views, challenged you to action, and encouraged you to join in facilitating the coming of age of this very exciting continent, and its wonderful people.

Afterword The stereotypes of poverty and strife have over-shadowed the profile of Africa as a rich cornucopia of diversity and simplicity. Herein lies the dilemma of Africa, that is, its diversity and simplicity are both its blessing and vulnerability Dr Goodwill Shana1 It is timely that the “intelligentsia”2 of Africa progresses the Renaissance agenda for Africa, by interrogating the emerging dynamics brought about by our diversity as Africans both living on the continent and the diaspora. It is more appropriate that it is Africans initiating and taking the lead in asking these questions, as Africans and for Africa(ns). This is still a refreshing new encounter for Africa, which has predominately being pocked at and probed by Western studies which have not been intended for Africa(ns) but rather Westerners themselves, with the unfortunate consequence of stereotyped responses to Africa(ns). Thus the inspiration of this book is not just in the concepts and ideas it is propagating to and for Africans by Africans who write from an African standpoint but also, its epistemic repossession, theoretical rearticulation and the locating of Africans within their symbolic and pragmatic world. This promises a new paradigm of how Africa and Africans can perceive themselves, and revolutionize how they have been viewed by the rest of the world. First, the very fact that we have to unpack, discuss and understand issues of diversity amongst ourselves is evidence of the legacy of colonialism and Apartheid, festered by perpetuated imperialistic agendas which are subtlety still very present on the continent. The geographic boundaries forced on the continent of Africa by Western powers, in the process of apportioning countries of conquest amongst themselves to legitimate and legalize exploitation, pilfering, plunder, thugerism and subordination, have generated false boundaries that have continued to divide peoples, tribes, clans and families. These boundaries redefined our identities and ingrained differences, amongst what was once one peoples. The Ndebeles of Southern Africa got split into present day South Africa and Zimbabwe; the Hutus, Tutsis and baTwa of Central Africa ended up in present day Rwanda and Burundi, the Hausas of West Africa ended up in today’s Nigeria, Niger, Cameron, etc. 1

Dr G. Shana is the Chairperson of Transparency International Zimbabwe Chapter. Said in conversation with the author. 2 “. . . the intelligentsia includes all those who drive forward creative thought and frame debate, whether arts or culture, whether in philosophical or social thought” Mamdani in Makgoba (ed) (1999: 130).

303

304 Diversity in Africa

Second, not only did these foreign forces divide us up but also infused their ways of living and doing things, which have further exacerbated the difference. We have embraced mannerisms, habits, cultures, languages of the Belgians, French, English, Portuguese, Arabs, Dutch, Germans, etc., including the baggage that came with them, and have let them shape our identities and further differentiate us. Nyasani (1997: 130) in his African Psyche argues that this Western acculturation resulted with a most negative impact on Africans being “encapsulated” to lacking individual creativity, ability to innovate and initiative resulting in “apparent stagnation or stalemate in . . . social as well as economic evolution”. Other African scholars also widely accept that these foreign forces have largely shaped Africa’s responses to globalization, development, economic growth and social progress (see Makgoba, 1997; Masolo, 1995). This unfortunately, also led to the African person’s loss of self-esteem. Third, such a global discussion and negotiation on our diversity reminds us that we have lost a very basic truth about the world, life and humanity. We have forgotten that we are interconnected with the world around us, our community and with each other. Martin Luther King (1963) once claimed: all life is interrelated, that somehow we’re caught in an inescapable network of mutuality tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly. For some strange reason, I can never be what I ought to be until you are what you ought to be. You can never be what you ought to be until I am what I ought to be. This is the interrelated structure of reality The circle of all life is such that all living things, plants, animals, birds, fish and human beings have a shared dependency. The tragic weather patterns that currently are manifest in all parts of the world, which environmentalists explain as the impact of extended continual environmental degradation, are manifest evidence that there is a direct relationship between our long-term survival as humanity, and how we treat the environment around us. Africa is a vast continent with distinct geographical features. Tropical terrains, exotic islands, snow-capped mountains, rocky hills, and lush green valleys with streams flowing with life-giving water and dry desserts. The continent is rich with all kinds of minerals, natural gases, oil, precious stones, diamonds and gold, fruit and food, natural plants that are medicinal, tall and thick trees and the list goes on. With 53 sovereign States, thousands of tribes and languages, many shades of black, brown and white skins, long sleek wavy hair to fleecy locks, short people and tall people, slim and slender people, to big and voluptuous people. Our histories, while similar to the extent that we have all been colonized, are also different in the manner in which we were colonized, how long we were colonized, who colonized each country and how we evolved and adapted to our differing environments. Our experiences postindependence also differ according to how independence was attained and

Afterword 305

how/who governed. Africans are diverse across the continent and indeed within each of the countries, communities, families and as individuals. Our past is marked by humanity’s ignorance and insecurities that have characterised our way of being, resulting in tendencies of intolerance, hatred, superiority/inferiority complexes, subordination between races and ethnicities, between men and women, between continents, countries, cultures, religions and classes. This ignorance led to the mistaken notion of others perceiving themselves better, more, superior, etc. Sadly, these values still underpin most of our societies, economies, and politics today, and are a present trait found in Africa. Appropriated by Western and other foreign powers and unfortunately by our African persons and institutions. What Diversity in Africa: The Coming of Age of a Continent does is enlighten what our context is, what Africa’s cultures, values and ways of doing things are, and how they influence the way we approach different aspects of the civic-place and marketplace. The fact that while we are so diverse, different, seemingly detached from one culture, tribe, and country to another; there are certain threads and themes that seem to run through us that give us our African humanness, our oneness. One such distinct and present theme in all Africa’s cultures is the concept of ubuntu. The concept of the individual’s meaning, value and being, being largely intertwined and is defined, only in community with others. The humanness of a person is seen in according dignity, respect, honour and service to the other, as a choice. The essence of ubuntu has of course been distorted through the blending of the patriarchal nature of colonialism, patriarchal cultural misinterpretations, and globalized social reengineering that seeks to make the world homogeneous, i.e., conformed mainly to dominant Western models. The use of International Financial Institutions such as the World Bank and the International Monitory Fund for instance, to transform African economies post-independence to model Western economic models that were unsuitable for the prevailing socio-economic development in the context of the continent, is one clear example. The economic Structural Adjustment Program (SAP) model was used by as many African countries as those that sought loans from these institutions, to all their detriment. The drastic budget cuts on social expenditure by governments in the late 1980s to 1990s, due to structural adjustment programs, saw the negative impact of SAPs through high unemployment rates, reduced GDP as citizenry moved into the informal (untaxed) economy, increased burden of care and basic food provision being shifted from the State to women due to the gendered natured of roles and responsibilities within Africa (Maramba, Olagbegi and Webanenou 1995). The encroachment of governance models that have not delivered intended political gains is another example. Upon attaining independence, African governments embraced governance models such as separation of powers between legislature, judiciary and the executive, as part of conditionality to aid which have become superficial in the sense that they exist in concept and structure,

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but are not deferred to when decision-making is happening. Local decisionmaking mechanisms (which have existed for millenniums) had no such concepts hence these new models have not been internalized, have not been effective and thus are yet to effectively deliver for people. Consequently, African governments have become more accountable to global economic forces and not to their people, and have discarded the concept of operating for the best interests of their countries and peoples, rather they seek to operate according to the tunes set in conditions for aid and loans. The Westernization of our societies have, and increasingly is, breeding a generation of Africans that could easily pass as Europeans or Americans in their accents, dress, mannerisms and have no traits of being African. Many have uncritically adopted these cultural cues in an attempt to seek credibility and personal self-worth, and are increasingly repulsed by the African cultural cues. Thus the need to go back to our roots is more urgent today than any other time. This is not to say discard the modern life as lived today, but rather a call for an integration of Africa’s values of community that were passed on through generations and enabled us to retain the connectedness the Western world lost to individualism. Touching base with our roots has to be done while embracing the many experiences we have had in the journey from the free past to the colonialized past, to the present day of polarized and compromised freedoms. The impacts of slavery, colonization, Westernization and globalization have brought irreversible changes to Africa(ns). Accepting our present hybrid way of life, which is an infusion of African, Oriental, Arabic, European, and Latin American cultures, ought to enable us to project into a future with a clearly pronounced African Way, which is congruent with Africa’s needs and goals. Acknowledging the African Way is to affirm ourselves and legitimate our own ways, both to ourselves and the world at large. Western ways have not worked for us in many aspects, and certainly have not worked for the West itself in some ways. The continent and peoples of Africa have a “wealth of knowings”, “age-old wisdoms” and “an intuitive care for the other” that is our responsibility to offer to the rest of the world. Africa needs to realize that all of the Western world will never give it its dignity. The dignity for Africa(ns) will only come into being when an inward introspective process unveils the wealth and value we have as a continent. It will come when the standard ceases to be solely the West, but rather is our potential and capacity to channel our intellectual and natural resources to our continent and peoples’ benefit. Our continent is “one”, and has to realize that its strength comes from operating as “one”, although it is multifaceted and diverse. This was the vision of the great Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana who had the foresight to push for African unity as early as in the 1960s. He believed that Ghana’s freedom was meaningless, unless all other African countries were free. He believed that to engage with our former colonizers, who had weakened the continent, working in unity would be the only way (see Nkrumah, 1961).

Afterword 307

The concept of an African Union (AU) was birthed then but we have only had the courage to bring it to pass in the current generation, after taking many blows that have crippled us. Regional integration (read operating as one entity) is one strategy that will enable the continent to abate and counter global trends and the influence of IFIs in local economies of our developing countries, including trade agreements that are continually being made on North–South differential bases. The task of building a regional community, in light of the region’s diversity and “inequalities amongst the different countries, in terms of development and economic status and indeed those inequalities inherited from the colonial history based on race, gender, class and so forth, requires courageous and capable leadership, skills and resources” (Ncube, 2006). Regional integration will only succeed if the continent embraces a culture which allows a healthy expression of our diversity. Eliminating harmful tendencies against our own people, such as gender discrimination, subordination, violence and exclusion is a practical, integral part of this transformation. Gender tolerance is paramount for Africa if we are to escape the current socioeconomic quagmire plunging the continent. Ethnic plurality is imperative within the continent, particularly in light of the fact that the many conflicts on-going on the continent have been manipulated and perpetuated under the guise of tribal and ethnical conflicts. We need to advance our nations and continent to civic nations, rather than ethnic nations. As a Zimbabwean national, it should not matter which tribe or ethnic group I come from. In fact I am a child of an Ndebele-speaking, Venda father and a Shona-speaking, Manyika mother. This makes me a combination of all these backgrounds and cultures. Such hybridism, or “cross-vergence” as it is termed in the book, is what now dominates our countries, further enabling us the tolerance and space to embrace our diversity. We need not be afraid of expressions that are different from what we are. There is no need to insist on “our way is the right way” and thus dominating, controlling, playing down or playing up other ways that are different from ours. The West and the rest of the world need to accept that, and so do we. Our diversity is, in fact, our trump card. It enables us the opportunity to experience and learn other facets of what makes this great continent great and beautiful. We grow as much as we allow difference to be part of our personal and collective awareness, and therefore our development. Our diversity is like the workings of a human body. Some being the eyes, some the feet, some the hands, others the torso – all extremely different, but all needed for the effective functioning of the body. None is greater than the other, as all depend on each other to contribute its functions to making the whole body work. We must awaken to, and affirm, our Africanness and thus allow ourselves to rise up as the giant that we are, and take our rightful place in the world as a continent and people who reminded the world that respect for human lives and according dignity to all is the greatest achievement of all. While the

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historic overview of our diversity reveals that it has been exploited to weaken us, the heritage of present day Africa must be to underpin it as a source of our strength and interconnectedness.

References King, M.L. (1963), Conscience of America: Social Justice in the new age. A speech presented at the Western Michigan University on 18 December 1963, www.wmich.edu/ archives/mlk/transcription.html Makgabo, M.W. (1997), MOKOKO, the Makgaba affair: A Reflection on Transformation, Florida Hills: Vivlia Publishers and Booksellers. Maramba. P, Olagbegi. B, and Webaneno R.T. (1995), Structural Adjustment Programs and the Human Rights of African Women, Zimbabwe: WiLDAF. Masolo, D.A. (1995), African Philosophy in Search of Identity. Nairobi: East African Publishers. Ncube. J. (2006), Fast Tracking to Equality: The SADC Gender Journey, Issue 241, 9th February 2006. Pambazuki (www.pambazuki.org). Nkrumah Kwame (1961), I speak of Freedoms: A Statement of African Ideology, London: William Heineman Ltd. Nyasani, J.M. (1997), The African Psyche, Nairobi: University of Nairobi and Theological Printing Press.

Index Abbas, Abdu’l Bahá 217 Abdelsamad 62 Ackoff, R. 268–9 Adler, N.J. 15, 73, 103 Adonisi, M. 75 Adult Basic Education and Training (ABET) 196–9, 201 Affirmative Action (AA) 72–3, 131, 139, 142, 144, 148 Africa, and concept of consciousness 7–9; leadership in 8; and model of free enterprise 4–6; organizational training/education in 7; problems facing 119; renaissance of 2, 119; role of 1; unshackling of 1–2; and value creation 3; and wealth creation 3, 8; and world trade 6–7 Africa’s Women Empowerment Centre 125 Afrikaanse Handelsinstituut (AHI) 200 Ahiauzu, A.I. 17, 97, 102, 103 AIDS see HIV/AIDS Ajulu, R. 30 Aliens Control Act (1991) 185 Alimo-Metcalfe 36 Allard, M.J. 51, 52, 54, 55, 59, 60, 61, 62, 64, 65 Allport, G. 60 Amonoo-Neizer, E.H. 224 Andersen, 147 Andreski, S. 258 Antezana, O. 251 Appelbaum, S.H. 76 April, A. 15, 36 April, K. 15, 142 Arkhurst, F.A. 257, 258 Ashby, R. 270 Ashby, W.R. 267 Avolio, B.J. 51, 75, 76 Banutu-Gomez, M. 51, 80, 127 Barkema, H.G. 51, 127 Barnett, T. 263, 265

Basu, K. 217 Batra, R. 212, 213 Bayat, S. 76 Beaty, D.T. 51, 52, 53, 55, 64, 74, 80, 81, 83, 127, 128, 138, 143 Beer, S. 267–8, 270, 271, 294 Bell, E.L. 147, 148 Bénabou, R. 257 Bendixen, M. 51, 53, 71, 80 Bennet, J. 51, 71, 72, 135, 140 Bennis, W. 36 Berger, B. 257, 258 Berger, P. 257, 258 Berry, T. 269 Betters-Reed, B.L. 73, 76 Beugré, C.D. 98, 99 Bezuidenhoudt, P. 35 Bhorat, H. 53, 135, 165, 167 Bickerstaffe, G. 73 Binedell, N. 71 Black Economic Empowerment Act (2003) 131 Blackwell, R.D. 206 Blake, S. 55–6, 80, 81 Blunt, P. 10, 18, 97, 99, 100 Boissevain, J. 256 Bond, M.M. 65 Bond, M.H. 216 Booysen, L. 51, 52, 53, 55, 59–60, 64, 70–8, 80, 81, 83, 127–8, 131–4, 137–9, 141–8, 143 Botbal-Baum, M. 275 Bouche, J. 131, 134 Bowes, B. 206 Brewer, M.B. 204, 206 Brislin, R. 212 Broad-based Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) 107, 131, 133, 134–5, 147, 148 Brown, R.J. 204 Budhwar, P.S. 17 Burgess, S.M. 203, 213 Burt, R.S. 256 Business South Africa 200

309

310 Index Business Women’s Association of South Africa 138 Butler, J. 111 Byrne, D. 129 Camilleri, C. 208 Carli, L.L. 76 Carruthers, V. 263 Chamber of Mines’ Education Advisory Committee 200 Chastre, C. 269 Chemers, M.M. 52 Chew, K.H.I. 94 Child, J. 14 Chorn, N. 76 Christopher, J.C. 25 Cilliers, F. 62, 64, 80, 127 Clarke, J. 269 Cobern, W.W. 247 Collins, 147 community 4, see also crèche development competitive advantage 41, 55–7 Constitution of South Africa (1996) 131 Cooke, J. 284 corporate social responsibility (CSR) 55 Court, D. 224 Cox, T. 128 Cox, T.H. 55–6, 61, 80, 81, 128 crèche development, and beneficiary needs 240–1; challenge of 239; community response to 247–59; context/background 238–9; and cooperation 240; and culture/education 249–50; and early beginnings of parish 241–5; hidden curriculum/hidden transcript 247–9; and knowledge of social/cultural factors 240; and leadership style 240; mental/social factors 50; objective establishment 246–7; and power of collective consciousness 250–6; and reactions to conquest 256–9; and responses to diversity 239–40; and setting up of St Vincent’s Catholic facility 245–6; and social structure 248–9 cultural diversity, 51; addressing 78–80; and affirmative action 72–3; changing

mindsets 79–80; and competitive advantage 55–7; definitions 52; develop/implement strategic plan 84–5; and dialogue 116–17; education 79; and Eurocentric/Afrocentric duality 74–6; evaluate/communicate progress 85; and gender influences on managers 76–8; institutionalise valuing diversity culture 85–6; integrated approach 81–6; and interventions 109–18; and leadership 41–9; levels of analysis 52–3; male/female disparity 71–2; management challenges 71–8; need for effective management of 53–7; need to re-examine behaviours/training 74; plan/design valuing diversity culture 82–4; and recognise/value diversity 54–5; and transformation 107; and underrepresentation of females in training 73–4; White/Black disparity 71–2, see also within-country diversity culture, caveats on using fixed dimensions 65, 70; definitions/descriptions of 59–60; high power distance culture 94; high uncertainty avoidance 95; and intelligence 64–5; low individualism vs high collectivism 94; maximalism (universalism) vs minimalism (particularism) 57–9; multidimensionality/diversity of 60–1; national/organisational 61–4; understanding/transforming 282–3; universal dimensions 65, 66–9; and workforce diversity 61–4 Dawson, G.A. 81 De Cieri, H. 17 De Waal, A. 273 Debrah, Y.A. 17 Deloitte and Touche 71 Denton, T.C. 147 Department of Home Affairs (DHA) 185 Diamini, C. 146 Dorfman, P.W. 59, 61, 65, 70 Dowling, P.J. 17 Driver, M. 15

Index 311 Eagly, A.H. 76, 77 Early, P.C. 64 Edwards, L. 167 Einstein, Albert 269 Elliot, S. 51, 71 emergent consumer markets (ECMs) 211–12; growing importance of 217; and knowledge sharing 214–16; shared characteristics 213–14 employment, agriculture workers 169–70, 171; arguments for subsidies 189; and brain drain 135; community services 172–3, 178–9; construction industry 167, 168, 171, 178; criticism of subsidies 188–9; demand-side factors 186–7; domestic service 168, 169–70; expansion in 165, 167, 189; financial/business services 172; forms of subsidies 187–8; and institutions of human capital provision 183–4; intrasectoral shifts by occupation 170–4; and job-hopping 135, 139; and labour market interventions 180–9, 190; mining industry 167–8, 170; and public sector restructuring 173–4, 179; race, gender, education levels 174–9; and retention rates 140–1; sector/ occupation shifts 167–70; and skilled worker immigration 184–6; and skills shortage 135; trends 135; trends (1995–99) 164–80; and unemployed/ unemployable 180–3, 190; utilities 168–9; wholesale/retail trade 171–2 Employment Equity Act (EEA) 107–8, 112, 131, 137, 139, 142, 147–8 employment relations (ER) 53, 64 Engel, J.F. 206 Enslin, B. 140 entrepreneurship, alternative forms 162–3; nature of 157–9; practical applications 160–2; spirit of 159–60 Erasmus, B. 76, 131 Erasmus, J. 194 Espejo, R. 270 Evans, G.W. 25 Fallon, P. 186 Ferdman, B.M. 61, 128, 147 Finley, J.A. 61, 128 Foster, L.G. 217

free enterprise 4; and democratic principle 5; inclusion principle 5; and knowledge principle 5–6; and market principle 4 Freire, P. 113 frogs 262–3 Fu, P. 216 Fukuyama, F. 258

Galbraith, J.K. 272 Garelli, S. 130 Garrett, L. 266 gender, and Black women 147–8; and discrimination 109; and higher education 225–35; and management 137–8; and management of diversity 73–4, 76–8, 87–8; and shifts in political power 132–3; and simultaneity of race/gender 147–9; and White women 148–9, see also women Gergen, K.J. 25 Gerwitz, S. 230 Ghai, D. 247, 249 Gibis, H. 244, 245, 246 Gilbert, P. 230 the good life 3–4 Gorelick, C. 24 Gouws, A. 151 Govender, D. 76 Govendo, J.A. 15 Granovetter, M.S. 255 Gravett, S. 293 Green, H. 211 Grobler, P.A. 53, 71 Growth and Development Summit 191–2 Growth, Employment and Redistribution (GEAR) 133 Gwangwa, L. 140 Hagen, E.E. 256, 257, 258 Hall, E. 194, 195, 196 Handy, C. 4, 7, 8 Hannertz, U. 26 Harnden, R. 270 Harris, M. 213 Harvey, C.P. 51 Haslam, S.A. 129

312 Index Helepi, G. 131 higher education 223–4; arts disciplines 234; business administration 234–5; data collection 225–6; expansion of 224–5; global figures 228; home economics 231, 234; and increasing enrolments 226–8, 235; and patterns of female access 225–35, 236; science-based 234; and social justice 229–30, 236; and staff participation 230–1, 235 HIV/AIDS, challenge of 273; comments on causes of 263–4; and cultural immune system 274–8; disabled women in Western Cape 290–1; Ethel’s story of empowerment 285–90; family/marriage of FAMSA Western Cape 283–5; and frogs metaphor 263–5; funding 273; illness in the body/pandemic in society 265–8; illustrations from the field 283–93; irritations or itches 272–4; key propositions of HSD theory 278–83; learning journey 293; and road to wellness 291–3; simplicity beyond complexity 294–6; spread of 263; and systems thinking 268–72; understanding vs knowledge 268–72 Hodge, J. 167 Hoecklin, L. 53, 54 Hofmeyr 137 Hofstede, G. 15, 59, 60, 61, 64, 65, 74, 76, 97, 98, 128 Hogg, M.A. 15, 20, 21 Holzmann, R. 246, 251, 252 Horton, R. 266 Horwitz, F.M. 17, 94 Hountondji, P. 6 House, R.J. 59, 60, 61, 65 Hubbard, E.E. 55 Human, L. 51, 53, 57–8, 65, 71, 80 Human Research Sciences Council (HSRC) 184 human resource development (HRD) 191; closure/focus 200–1; community/regional 199–200; and Kumba Resources company 192–9; participation in national/sector transformation initiatives/ networks 200

human scale development (HSD) theory, key propositions 278–83; and needs theory 278–82; understanding/ transforming culture 282–3 humanism 16–17, 26 Humanitarian Practice Network (HPN) 269 Hutt, W.H. 202 identity 1; paradox of 109, 111–12, see also social identity interconnected principle 48–9; and empowerment 48; and participative decision–making 48 International Marketing Council 131–2 International Monetary Fund (IMF) 27 International Trade Institute of Southern Africa (ITRISA) 211 Izraeli, D.N. 73 Jackson, D.P. 235 Jackson, T. 17, 18, 26 Jacobson, C. 51, 71, 72, 127, 137 Jaeger, A.M. 26, 93 Jaffer, Z. 132 Jick, T.D. 142 Johnson, B.T. 76, 77 Jones, M.L. 10, 11, 18, 97, 99 Jorgensen, S. 246, 251, 252 Justino, P. 246 Kamoche, K. 10, 17, 102 Kanungo, R.N. 26, 93 Katz, M. 36 Kelley, L. 212 Kellner, H. 257, 258 Kelly, G.P. 224, 226, 235 Kemp, N. 53, 71, 72, 137 Kemp, S. 134 Khanyile, T. 134 Khoza, R. 51, 74, 127, 134, 142, 143 Kiggundu, 18 Kimaryo, S.S. 274 King, M.L. 304 Klein, M. 51, 137 Kooopman, A. 75 Kossek, E.E. 55, 80 Kotler, P. 216 Kouzes, J.M. 47 Kraak, A. 193, 194, 196

Index 313 Kumba Resources, and ABET 196–9; apprenticeships/learnerships 196; bursars, bridging school, professional training 195–6; development through individual plans 193–5; strategy 192–9 Kuzwayo, M. 206 labour market see employment Labour Relations Act (1995) 131 LaFromboise, T. 26 Lategan, B. 45 Lauterbach, A. 258 Lawrence, M.J. 76 leadership 8; African/Western interface 41–2; and and organisational culture 38–40; business principles for multicultural environment 49–50; and communication 49; and continuous integrated development 46–7; defining/dealing with challenges 149–51; hunter’s spirit in 157–63; integration of traditional African values 35–6; interconnectedness 48–9; legitimacy 42, 45; and participation 48; personal role of leader 48–9; postApartheid 139–42; in renewed environments 36, 38; and respect/dignity 47; skills-based model 36–7; and social identity 138–9; style 240; task-related 41–9; and value sharing 46; and work teams 45–6 learning, experiential 113–14; holistic 115 Lefcourt, H.M. 24 Leonard, A. 271 Lessem, R. 13, 41, 42, 71 Levenson, H. 25 Levine, S. 269 Locke 62 Loden 52, 62 Lorenzo, T. 290 Lucas, R. 186 Luthans, F. 127, 142, 143, 144 Mabaso, J. 53 McCallum, I. 264 McCuiston, V.E. 55 Macdonald, R. 36, 142 McFerson, H.M. 258 McGregor, D. 18 McHugh, P.P. 55, 80

MacIntyre, A. 29 Mckay, D. 135 Madi, P. 51 Makgoba, M.W. 304 Makwana 71 Malewska-Peyre, H. 208 management, African context 93–104; African renaissance system 30, 32; and the African Way 10–14; comparisons 19–20, 22–3; convergence perspective 14; critique of Western 10; crossdivergence perspective 15; and cultural diversity 87; and cultural synergy/change management 15–16; divergence perspective 15; effects of power shifts on social identities 136–9; hybrid leadership/management models 16–18; instrumental/humanist approach 26–7; locus of control 25–6; multicultural premise 13–14; postcolonial systems 18, 20–1, 24–7; postinstrumental systems 27, 29–30; and race/gender issues 87–8; and rational behaviour 30; and relationships 143; suitability premise 13; and time perception 143; transformative potency premise 13; valuable leadership/management lessons 12–13 Mangaliso, M.P. 75 Manning, T. 51, 71, 74, 127 Mannix, E.A. 127 Mannoni, D.O. 257 Maramba, P. 305 Markel, K.S. 55, 80 marketing 206–7; insight–intent– interaction 216–17; purpose of 216 Marope, P.T.M. 228 Maruyama, M. 17 Maslow, A.H. 254, 278, 279 Masolo, D.A. 304 Mathur-Helm, B. 76, 132, 133, 137, 147, 148 Maturana, H. 267 Max-Neef, M. 267–8, 277, 278–81, 283, 284, 294–6 Maxwell, J. 264 May, M. 62, 64, 80, 127 Mbeki, L. 30 Mbeki, Thabo 119 Mbigi, L. 30, 49, 51, 53, 74, 75, 142, 143, 157, 158

314 Index Mende, T. 256 Mgoza, A. 241, 242, 245 Mhlongo, M. 244 Milgram, S. 255 Miniard, P.W. 206 Mining Charter 191–2 Mining Qualifications Authority (MQA) 196, 200 Mintzberg, H. 217 Mkunu, M. 123 Mohanty, C. 111 Moore, L.L. 73, 76 Morris, J. 263 Morrison, E.W. 15 Moser, C. 251 Motshabi, K.B. 71 Mswati III 276 Mthembu, D. 41 Mtolo, G. 242 Muendane, M. 53 Mulholland, S. 131, 135 multiculturalism 49–50, 54–5 Munetsi, W. 131 Murphy, S.E. 52 Myrdal, G. 272 Naidoo, G. 133 Nanus, B. 36 National Board for Further Education and Training 200 National Skills Authority 200 National Skills Development Strategy (NSDS) 182 Ncube, J. 307 Neal, S. 225 Neave, G. 223 needs theory 278–82; destructive satisfiers 281; inhibiting satisfiers 280–1; pseudo satisfiers 280; singular satisfiers 280; synergic satisfiers 281–2 Nelson, D.L. 256 New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) 124 Ngambi, H. 137, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144, 145 Nixon, J.C. 81 Nkomo, S.M. 51, 52, 53, 55, 64, 80, 81, 83, 127, 128, 129, 138, 147 Nkrumah, K. 306 Ntabazalila, E. 71

Nurnberger, K. 248, 249–50, 252, 254–9 Nussbaum, B. 41, 42 Nyasani, J.M. 304 Nzelibe, C.O. 10, 17, 93, 97, 98, 102 Ocholla, D.N. 51, 53, 55 Offerman, L.R. 64 Offodile, O.F. 98, 99 Ohmae, K. 203 Olagbegi, B. 305 O’Mara, J. 52, 53, 80 Onyemelukwe, C.C. 17 Organisation for Development and Unity of Africa’s Women (ODUAW) 124, 125 organisational culture, and awareness 40; and competitive advantage 41; and culture specific information/ knowledge 39–40; and difference 40; as dynamic 39; facets as interrelated 39; as learned 38–9; prescribed 38; as transmissible 39 paradox 106–7; background/context 107–8; and diversity interventions 109–18; enabling catharsis/sustained discomfort 117; equity/equality 109–11; experimental approach 113–14; exploring 109–12; facilitating 112–13; and gender 109, 111; individual/group 110–11; and learning container/environment comfort/discomfort 114–16; and organisational response to context 108; and respecting multiple perspectives/straight talking 116–17 Parry, G. 223 Pasa, S.F. 216 Paton, C. 133 Peng, M.W. 212 Pennington, S. 206 Peterson, M.E. 129 Peterson, R.J. 81 Peterson, R.S. 64 Phan, L.U. 64 Pierce, C.K. 55 Pillay, D. 72, 131 Platteau, J.-P. 252 Plummer, D.L. 51, 80

Index 315 Posner, B.Z. 47 Potgieter, C. 71 poverty 3, 8, 123, 276 Prekel, T. 76, 140, 148 Prime, N. 53, 75 Quay, J. 29 Quick, J.C. 256 race, and management 137–8; managing perceived cultural differences 142–9; precariousness of White situation 145–6; and recognising third identity groups 144–5; and shifts in power distribution 144–6; and simultaneity of race/gender 147–9; and social integration/segregation 143–4; and White power 146 Rahim, M.A. 128 Ralston, D.A. 14, 15 Ramirez, F.O. 224 Ramotsehoa, M. 52, 55, 71, 80 Rautenbach, J. 127, 131, 134, 135, 136 Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) 133 Rensburg, R. 38 Riddle, P. 224 Robertson, D. 225 Rohn, J. 7 Rooseveldt, R.T. 51, 52 Rosch, E. 251 Rosener, J.B. 52, 76 Rothman, J. 129 Rotter, J. 252–3, 254 Rotter, J.B. 24, 25 SA Tribes 203–4, 208–10 Sack, R. 224 Sauser 62 Sayed, Y. 228 Schenk, H. 131 Schonken, J.S. 74 Schueller, D. 235 Schwartz, S.H. 129 Scott, J.C. 248 Senge, P. 116, 263, 268, 273 Shange, C. 243 Shapiro, B.T. 51, 71, 76 Shapiro, D.H. 24

Sharma 100 Sibeko, M. 243 Simons, R. 217 Skills Development Act (SDA) (1998) 182 Skills Development Levies Act (1999) 131 Slabbert, J.A. 55 Smit, C.G. 76 Smith, J. 251 Smith, P.B. 129 social identity 127–8, 204–5; and becoming culturally intelligent 151–2; and BEE 134–5; challenges 139–42; conflict 128–9; current situation 131–2; and defining/dealing with leadership challenges 149–51; and economic power 133–4; effect of legislation on economic power shifts 135–6; and formal/informal practices/climates in organisations 140–2; and handling inter-group anxiety/tension 139–40; and leadership challenges 138–9; legislation/empowerment of all 131; and management 136–9; and managing White/Black cultural difference 142–9; and minimal intergroup situation 206; and people of South Africa 129–31; and political power 132–3; and racial identity 206–7; and simultaneous resistance/acceptance of change 142; and societal power shifts 132–6; theory 128, see also identity Sonn, J. 71 South African National Roads Agency Limited (SANRAL) 214 South African Qualifications Authority 199 South African Women in Corporate Leadership, Census 138 Sow, I. 95 Sproule, C.E. 25, 26 Stanley, T. 162 Stewart, M. 129 Steyn, M.E. 71, 206 Stremlau, J. 30 Subbarao, K. 251 Swanepoel, B.J. 55, 72, 131, 137 Swanson, D.R. 81

316 Index systems thinking

268–72

Tajfel, H. 128, 204, 247 Tayeb, M.H. 53, 54, 59, 61, 81 Taylor, J.V. 249, 257 Taylor, S. 230 Temkin, S. 140 Terreblanche, C. 134 Theunissen, G. 135 Think, Talk and Act (ITA) Positive programme 124–6 Thirlwall, A. 250 Thomas, A. 49, 51, 53, 62, 71, 74, 80 thought system, and collectivist management 99, 104; and cultivating internal resource base 102–4; and deference to authority 99; and ethnic/kinship favouritism 101–2; and extended family 98–9; and importance of community/kinship relations 97, 103; influence on work behavior 97–101; and oath-taking ritual 103; and organisational effectiveness 100; and performance appraisal 100–1; and proverbs 97; and resistance to change 100–1; and respect for elders 98; and reward/motivational schemes 102; schematic representation 95–6; and status 103; symbolism/mysticism mix 95, 96–7; and time perspective 101; and work motivation 99–100 Thuman, C. 264 Tirole, J. 257 Tramontin, M. 76 Triandis, H.C. 59, 60 Tshipi Skills Training Centre 199–200 Turner, J.C. 128 Ubuntu 4, 30–2, 35, 49, 143 University of Cape Town 211 Valentine, C.A. 26 Van der Colff, L. 36, 38 Van der Wal, R. 52, 55, 71, 80 Van der Westhuizen, C. 51, 72, 127, 133, 137 Van Gass, C. 127, 132 Van Rooyen, D. 135, 137 Van Wyk, M.W. 72, 131, 137 Van Wyk, R. 127, 142, 143, 144 Van Zyl, E. 193, 194

Varela, F. 267 Veldsman, L., 62 Vermeulen, L.P. 81 Vriesendorp, S. 36, 142 Waelchi, F. 270 Walumbwa, F.O. 127, 142, 143, 144 Wandira, A. 224 Wannacott, H. 291, 293 Ward, S. 15 Webanenou, R.T. 305 Weber, L.J. 27 Weedon, C. 111 Weiss, J.W. 80, 81 Werner, D. 264 Wharton 128 Whiteside, A. 263, 265, 276 Willie Sutton Theory of Exporting Success 211–12 Wilson, W.J. 256 within-country diversity, focus on emergent consumer markets 212; and global logic of SA Tribes 210; and knowledge advantage 214–16; personal path to understanding 205–7; and purpose of marketing 216; and revolution in the boardroom 216–19; the SA Tribes 203–4, 208–10; shared characteristics 213–14; and smaller can be bigger paradox 211; and social identity 204–5; and Willie Sutton theory of exporting 211–12, see also cultural diversity women, abilities/potential of 119–20; and colonisation 120–1; and empowerment 123–4; issues 120–1; miserable lives of 120, 121; role of 122–3; and Think, Talk and Act Positive programme 124–6, see also gender Wong, P.T.P. 25, 26 Wooldridge, B.R. 55 World Bank 27 World Competitive Report (WCR) 150 World Health Organization (WHO) 274 World Trade Organization 27 Wray, Q. 134 Yang, B.

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