Diaspora Judaism in Turmoil, 116-117 CE: Ancient Sources and Modern Insights (Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Culture and Religion, 6)

Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Culture and Religion 6

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE: ANCIENT SOURCES AND MODERN INSIGHTS

BY MIRIAM PUCCI B E N ZEEV

PEETERS Leuven - Dudley, MA 2005

Diaspora Judaism in Turmoil^ 116/117 Ancient Sources and Modern...

CE:

Library of Congress Record LC Control No.: 2004060194 LCCN Permalink: http://lccn.loc.gov/2004060194 Type of Material: Book (Print, Microform, Electronic, etc.) Personal Name: Pucci Ben Zeev, Miriam, 1948Main Title: Diaspora Judaism in turmoil, 116/117 CE ancient sources and modem insights / by Miriam Pucci Ben Ze'ev. Published/Created: Leuven ; Dudley, MA : Peeters, 2005. Description: xi, 302 p. ; 24 cm. I S B N : 9042916052 (alk. paper) CALL NLIMBER: DS122.9 .P815 2005

CONTENTS

Acknowledgements Abbreviations

VII XIII

PARTI

ANCIENT SOURCES 1. Inscriptions

3

2. Papyri

15

3. Literary Sources

77

T h e Pagan Tradition Christian Evidence Rabbinic Sources

77 82 99 PART II

MODERN INSIGHTS 4. Background 5. T h e Chronological Framework Introduction T h e Literary Testimony Appian DioCassius Eusebius: the Chronicon Eusebius: the Historia Ecclesiastica T h e Ostraca from Egypt T h e E n d o f the Uprising in Egypt . 6. T h e Question o f Eusebius' Sources D i o Cassius Arrian Ariston o f Pella

123

.

.

.

.

.

.

.

143 143 144 144 144 146 149 152 .153 157 .158 161 163

X

CONTENTS

Bruttius Appian 7. Egypt: N e w Dates, N e w Readings and N e w Interpretations N e w Dates for Undated Papyri Eudaimonis' Fears T h e Participation o f "RutiUus" in the Fighting . . . T h e MiHtary Aspect Confiscation o f Jewish Property after the Revolt . .

164 164 167 167 171 174 176 186

8. Mesopotamia T h e Testimony o f the Christian Sources T h e Evidence o f Dio/XiphiUnus on the revolt o f "the territories previously conquered" Malalas T h e Identity o f the Rebels Looking for the Sources Used by D i o and Eusebius . T h e Revolt o f "the C o n q u e r e d Districts": W o r k i n g Hypotheses T h e Background o f Jewish Participation T h e Chronological Aspect

191 191

207 209 212

9. Judaea Introduction Lusius Quietus' Mission to Judaea Appointment Military Forces T h e E n d o f His Mission T h e Testimony o f the Sources Archaeology Coins Hippolytus T h e Scriptores Historiae Augustae Rabbinic Sources T h e Epitaph o f Tettius Crescens Oriental Sources (V-XIII Centuries) Judaea's C h a n g e o f Status Conclusions

219 219 220 220 222 224 227 227 227 231 232 234 244 247 250 256

194 197 202 203

CONTENTS

XI

10. T h e Order, Possible Interrelations, and Achievements o f the Uprisings Bibliography Indexes

259 267

Sources

291

Sources C i t e d Inscriptions Papyri Literary Sources Sources Discussed Inscriptions Papyri Literary Sources Geographical N a m e s Personal N a m e s Emperors R o m a n MiUtary Forces Selected Topics

291 291 291 293 295 295 295 296 297 299 299 301 301

ABBREVIATIONS

For the abbreviations used throughout this book, see MAnnee Philologique O T H E R ABBREVIATIONS AAJR AI AJSL B&O BSAA CHJ CSCA EAug EJ GLAJJ GSAJ HUCA lASH IVSLA lEJ JH JJS JQR JSJT JSNT MGWJ MUB PAAJR SH SVT ZWT

Proceedings o f the American Academy for Jewish Research Africa Itaiiana American Journal o f Semitic Languages and Literature Bibbia e Oriente Bulletin de la societe royale d'archeologie d'Alexandrie C a m b r i d g e History o f J u d a i s m California Studies in Classical Antiquity Revue des fitudes Augustiniennes Encyclopaedia Judaica Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism Giornale della Societa Asiatica Itaiiana Hebrew U n i o n College Annual T h e Israel Academy o f Sciences a n d Humanities Proceedings Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti Israel Exploration Journal Jewish History Journal o f Jewish Studies Jewish Quarterly Review Jerusalem Studies in Jewish T h o u g h t Journal for the Study o f the N e w Testament Monatsschrift fiir Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums Melanges de I'Universite Saint-Joseph, Beyrouth Proceedings o f the American Academy for Jewish Research Scripta Hierosolymitana Supplementum to Vetus Testamentum Zeitschrift fiir Wissenschaftliche Theologie

PART

I

ANCIENT SOURCES

CHAPTER ONE

INSCRIPTIONS

Inscriptions are also included when they provide information on the situation at the time o f the Jewish revolt even if they d o not mention it explicitly. Abbreviations Applebaum, "A N o t e on the Work o f H a d r i a n . " Applebaum, Shimon. "A N o t e on the Work o f Hadrian at Cyrene." JRSAO ( 1 9 5 0 ) : 8 7 - 9 0 . Gasperini, " L e iscrizioni del Cesareo." Gasperini, Lidio. " L e iscrizioni del Cesareo e della Basilica di Cirene." Quademi di archeologia della Libia 6 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 3-22. Luderitz, Corpus jUdischer Zeugnisse, Luderitz, Gert. Corpus judischer Zeugnisse aus der Cyrenaika, baden: Reichert. 1 9 8 3 .

Wies-

Oliverio, " C a m p a g n a di scavi." Gaspare Oliverio, " C a m p a g n a di scavi a Cirene nell'estate 1926, II: i principali documenti epigrafici," AI 1 ( 1 9 2 7 / 1 9 2 8 ) : 2 9 6 - 3 3 6 . Reynolds, " T h e Inscriptions." Reynolds, Joyce M . "A N o t e on the Inscriptions o f the Caesareum." In J o h n Bryan Ward-Perkins and M . H . Balance, " T h e Caesareum at Gyrene and the Basilica at C r e m n a . " PBSR 16 ( 1 9 5 8 ) : 137-94. Smallwood, Documents, Smallwood, E . Mary. Documents Illustrating the Principates ofNerva, Trajan and Hadrian, C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e University Press. 1966.

4

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

INSCRIPTIONS RELEVANT TO JUDAEA

No. 1 Epitaph from CagHari, Sardinia, m i d - 2 n d century. Bibli.: Antonio Taramelli, "Cagliari: iscrizioni funerarie di eta romana rinvenute nelle necropolis caralitane," Notizie degli scavi di antichith (1929): 103; AE 1929, 167; Giovanna Sotgiu, "Uepigrafia latina della Sardegna dopo il C / . Z . X e P E.E, VIII," ANRWW, 11, 1 (1988): A 57 (ph.), p. 560. L. Tettius Crescens, domo Roma, vix(it) ann(is) {vacat)\ expeditionib(us) interfui(t) 5

Daciae bis, Armeniae, Parthiae et ludaeae; se vivo sibi fec(it).

Translation Lucius Tettius Crescens, from R o m e , lived for — years, took part in the military expeditions to Dacia twice, to Armenia, to Parthia and to Judaea. H e m a d e (this tomb) for himself during his lifetime. No. 2 Dedicatory inscription, perhaps o f an altar, found in secondary use in the Turkish wall east o f Z i o n Gate, Jerusalem, now lost. D a t e d between summer 116 and summer 117. Bibl.: Karl Zangemeister, "Sarapis-Inschrift in Jerusalem aus der Zeir Trajans," Mittheilungen

und

Nachrichten

des Deutschen

Palaestina-

Vereins 1 (1895): 21-24 (ph. p. 22); CIL III, 13587; 7 1 5 I I , 1, 4393; Smallwood, Documents, 154, p. 6 5 ; Benjamin Isaac, "Inscriptions from Jerusalem after the First Revolt," (Hebr.) in The History of Jerusalem. The Roman-Byzantine Period (ed. Y. Tsafrir and S. Safrai: Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben-Zvi, 1999): II, pp. 169-70.

INSCRIPTIONS

5

[I]ovi O ( p t i m o ) M ( a x i m o ) Sarapidi pro salute et victoria imp(eratoris) Nervae Traiani Caesaris O p t u m i Aug(usti) Germanici Dacici 5

Parthici et populi R o m a n i vexill(atio) leg(ionis) III Cyr(enaicae) fecit.

Translation To Jupiter O p t i m u s M a x i m u s Sarapis, for the welfare and victory o f the Emperor Nerva Trajan Caesar, most excellent Augustus, Germanicus, Dacicus Parthicus, and (for the welfare) o f the R o m a n people, a detachment o f the T h i r d Legion Cyrenaica erected (this). INSCRIPTIONS RELEVANT T O CYPRUS

No. 3 Honorary inscription on a slab, found in secondary use in Beirut, containing the career o f a R o m a n knight in ascending order. First half o f the 2 n d century. B i b l : Louis Jalabert, "Une inscription in^dit de Beryte," CRAI(1912): 248-56 (ph.); /Z5III, 9 4 9 1 ; Smallwood, Documents, 284, p. 98. C(aio) Valerio T(iti) f(ilio) (tribu) Fab(ia) Rufo honor(ibus) decurionalib(us) orn(ato) dec(reto) dec(urionum), praef(ecto) coh(ortis) V I praetor (iae), tr(ibuno) mil(itum) leg(ionis) V I I Cl(audiae) P(iae) F(idelis), misso c u m vexillo ab 5

imp(eratore) Nerva Traiano O p t u m o Aug(usto) Ger(manico) Dacico Parth(ico) C y p r u m in expeditionem, praef(ecto) alae Gaetulor(um), praef(ecto) imp(eratoris) Caesaris Trani Hadriani Aug(usti) p(atris) p(atriae), II virali potestat(e) f(uncto),

10 L(ucius) Careius Adiectus Sedatianus ob merita.

6

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

Translation Lucius Careius Adiectus Sedatianus (dedicated this monument) to Caius Valerius Rufus, son o f Titus, o f the tribe Fabia, adorned with decurional honors by a decree o f the decurions, prefect of the Sixth C o h o r t Praetoria, tribune o f the Seventh Legion Claudia Pia Fidelis, (who was) sent by the Emperor Nerva Trajan O p t i m u s Augustus Germanicus Dacicus Parthicus with a detachment o f soldiers on a military expedition to Cyprus, prefect o f a mounted unit o f Gaetuls, prefect o f Emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, father o f the motherland, who performed the function o f duumvir,^ for his merits. INSCRIPTIONS RELEVANT TO LIBYA

No. 4 Bilingual inscription on blocks from a wall from the Caesareum, in several fragments. 118 C E . Bibl.: Applebaum, "A Note on the Work of Hadrian," 89-90; AE 1951, 123; Reynolds, "The Inscriptions," 161-62; 5 ^ * ^ XVII, 804; Gasperini, "Le iscrizioni del Cesareo," C 5 , p. 10; Richard G. Goodchild, Kyrene und Apollonia (Zurich: Raggi, 1971): 6 9 - 7 5 ; Luderitz, Corpus judischer

1

Zeugnisse,

17, pp. 32-33.

[Imp(erator) Caesar d]ivi Tr[aiani Parthici fil]ius diy[i Nerva] e nepos T[raianus Hadrianus Aug(ustus) pont(ifex) max(imus) trib(unicia) pot(estate) II co(n)s(ul) II]

2

[civitati Cy]renensium [Caesareu]m tumul[tu Iudaic]o dirutum et [exustum restitui iussit]. (vacat)

Translation T h e emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, son o f the g o d Trajan Parthicus, grandson o f the g o d Nerva, high priest, holding the tribunate for the second time, consul for the second time, ordered that the Caesareum, which had been destroyed and burnt to the ground in the Jewish riot, be restored for the city o f Gyrene. ^ Duumvir = chief magistrate of a Roman colony.

INSCRIPTIONS

3

7

[AuToxpdcTcop] K a i a a p d[zou Tpatavou r[]ap6i.x[oi)

UIOQ],

OSOU

N£pou[a u[(ov6^ Tpaiavo^ ASpiavo^ S e ^ a a T o c ; ap]xt£p£^^ 4

[[xeyiCTTO^;] Syifxapxtx-^^ [s^ouaialc; TO

[uTraxoc; TO

T/J] TTOXSL

TO Kai[(Tap£tov Iv TCOL 'louSaixcoi Tapdcxcoi xaTsaTpafjtfjievov x a ] T a ( i T a 8 ' ^ v a i £X£X£U
Translation T h e emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, son o f the g o d Trajan Parthicus, grandson o f the g o d Nerva, high priest, holding the tribunate for the second time, consul for the second time, ordered that the Caesareum, which had been destroyed to the ground in the Jewish riot, be restored for the city. No. 5 A large block o f limestone; found in the H o u s e o f Jason M a g n u s , approximately opposite the south side o f the Caesareum. 1 1 8 / 1 1 9 C E (?) Bibl.: Gasperini, "Le iscrizioni del Cesareo," C 9 , p. 12; Luderitz, Corpus judischer ZeugnissCy 18, p. 34.

[. . . Caes]ar[eu]m tumultu I[udaico d i r u t u m . . . Translation . . . the Caesareum, which h a d been destroyed . . . in the Jewish r i o t . . . No. 6 Single line inscription from the architrave o f the northern internal colonnade o f the basilica o n the north side o f the Caesareum. 1 1 9 / 139 C E . Bibl.: Applebaum, "A Note on the Work of Hadrian," D I , p. 89; E. Mary Smallwood, "The Hadrianic Inscription from the Caesareum at Cyrene,"//?542 (1952): 37-38; Reynolds, "The Inscriptions," IV b, p. 162; Gasperini, "Le iscrizioni del Cesareo", B4, p. 17; Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 19, p. 34.

8

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

[Imp(erator) Caesar divi Traiani Parthici fiUus divi Nerv]ae nep[os] Traia[n]us H[adrianus] Augu[stus pontif(ex) max(imus) tribuni]c(ia) p[otest(ate)? co(n)s(ui) I] II basiUc[am tumultu ludaico dirutam civitati Cyrenensium restitui iussit.] Translation T h e emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, son o f the g o d Trajan Parthicus, grandson o f the g o d Nerva, high priest, holding the tribunate for the? time, consul for the third time, ordered that the basilica, which had been destroyed in the Jewish riot, be restored for the city o f Cyrene. No. 7 Bibl.: Gasperini, "Le iscrizioni del Cesareo," C 8 , p. 12; Luderitz, Corpus judischer

Zeugnisse, 20, pp. 34-35.

Fragments possibly from the same m o n u m e n t : a. Found outside the eastern vestibule o f the Caesareum [. . . tumultu] I[udaico d]irutum Translation ...destroyed in the Jewish riot b. and c. further south-west o f the vestibule at the south-east corner on the street. b. c.

[. . . co]mmilitonum [...]co[... [.]faciendum c[urav. . .]

Translation b) . . . o f the fellow-soldiers . . . c) . . . . had (it) built . . .

INSCRIPTIONS

9

No. 8 Stone, slab, fragment o f bilingual inscription from the temple o f Hecate in Cyrene. 119 C E . B i b l : Gaspare Oliverio, "Campagna di scavi a Cirene nell'estate 1927," AI 2 (1928-29): 8, drawing 8, pp. 118-19; AE 1929, 9; SEG IX, 168; Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 2 1 , pp. 35-36. [Imp(erator) Caesar divi Traiani Parthici

fil(ius),]

[divi Nervae nepos, Traianus Hadrianus] [Aug(ustus) pont(ifex) max(imus), trib(unicia) pot(estate) III, co(n)s(ul) III, templum] [restitui iussit Cy]renensiu[m civitati, quod] 5

[tumultu ludaico di]rutum et e[xustum erat.] [AuToxpocTCi)] p K a T a [ a p [Osoij Tpaiavou IlapOLxJoi) utoc;, 6£[ou Nep^a ui-] [covot;, Tpatavo^ A8pLav]6<; 2 £ p a a T [ 6 < ; , apxt.£p£-] [uc; ( j t E y i a x o i ; ^r\]X0L^]yiy,'i]Q

10

e^ou[aia<; TO

[u7raT0<; TO y ' , T-^L K]upY)vaLcov 7r[6Xei TOU] [ v a o u £v Tcot Tapaxcoi 'I]ouSal*x6)i. x£x[au(X£vou] [xai TU£7rop67)(jL£vou T7]]v a 7 r o x a T a a [ T a a L v 7 r p o a £ T a ^ £ ] .

Translation T h e emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, son o f the g o d Trajan Parthicus, grandson o f the g o d Nerva, high priest, holding the tribunate for the third time, consul for the third time, ordered that the temple, which had been destroyed and burnt to the ground in the Jewish riot, be restored for the city o f the Cyreneans. No. 9 Inscription from the temple o f Zeus, originally in the pronaos wall over the entrance o f the cella. Between 172 and 175 C E . Bibl.: Gennaro Pesce, "La documentazione epigrafica e la suppellettile votiva del 'Gran Tempio' in Cirene," Bulletin de la Society royale darchdologie dAlexandrie 39 (1951): 90-92, no. 5, drawing 3; AE

10

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E 1954, 4 1 ; SEG XVII 800; Richard G. Goodchild and Joyce M. Reynolds, "The Temple of Zeus at Cyrene. Part I. Epigraphic Evidence for the History of the Temple during the Roman Period," PBSR 26 (1958): 31-34, drawing 1; Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 22, pp. 36-37. [*T]TC£p

TOLQ

[Au]To[xpaTOpo<; K a i a j a p o ^ M(apxo)) AupTjXica

[Av]Tcov£iv[a) Ss^acTTci Apfjisvt][a]x(o Ilap0[ix(o MyjStxa) Fep] (jtavixci

TU^OLC,

x a l v[s]ixa(; xat

a[LcovLa(; Sta[jLova(;] [x]al Tci (TiivTuavToc; wTci oLxco x a i Upac; OTUVXXI^TO) [xai Sa(jLCi) Tcafjiatcov] [a] TToXtc; [ a Ku]pavacov a fxaTpoTuoXK; TOV v[a6v] T
[xa]T[apx]Y]0£VTa TOI 'IouS[aLxoL Tapa^oi - - ca. 14 - -] [ - ca. 9 - - ] [Jta a v £ a T a [ a ] e v [ - - ca. 2 6 - -]

Translation. For the fortune and victory and perpetual continuance (in power) o f the Emperor Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Augustus, Armeniacus, Parthicus, Medicus, Germanicus, and (for the perpetual continuance) o f all his house and o f the holy Senate and o f the R o m a n people, the city o f the Cyreneans, the metropolis, has rebuilt the temple o f Zeus - - which was overthrown in the Jewish riot N o . 10 Marble slab in two pieces concerning the reconstruction o f the baths, used again in S E o f the Temple o f Apollo found near the baths o f Trajan. 119 C E . Bibl.: Oliverio, "Campagna di scavi," 1, pp. 320-24; AE 1928, 2; Kalman Friedmann, "Le fonti per la storia degli Ebrei di Cirenaica nelPantichita," in Miscellanea di studi ebraici in memoria di H.P Chajes (ed. E.S. Artom, U. Cassuto, I. Zoller: Firenze: Casa editrice Israel, 1930), 3, p. 4 2 ; Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 23, p. 37. Imp(erator) Caesar divi Traiani Parthici fil(ius), divi Nervae nepos.

INSCRIPTIONS

11

Traianus Hadrianus Aug(ustus) pontif(ex) max(imus), trib(unicia) potest(ate) III, co(n)s(ul) III, balineum 5

c u m porticibus et sphaeristeris ceterisque adiacentibus quae tumultu ludaico diruta et exusta erant, civitati Cyrenensium restitui iussit.

Translation T h e emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, son o f the g o d Trajan Parthicus, grandson o f the g o d Nerva, high priest, holding the tribunate for the third time, consul for the third time, ordered that the bath, together with the porticoes a n d the halls for ball games, and the other neighboring (structures), which h a d been destroyed and burnt to the ground in the Jewish riot, be restored for the city o f Cyreneans. N o . 11 Milestone o n the Cyrene-ApoUonia road, found at the fifth R o m a n mile from Cyrene; only the upper part o f the stone is preserved. 118 CE. Bibl.: E. Ghislanzoni, "Miliario dell'imperatore Adriano sulla strada Cirene-ApoUonia," Notizie

archeologiche

sulla

Tripolitania

2 (1916):

156-59, drawing 2 ; Oliverio, "Campagna di scavi," 318-20 (with photo); SEG IX, 2 5 2 ; Richard G. Goodchild, "Roman Milestones in Cyrenaica," PBSR 18 (1950): 8b, pp. 87-88, 90-91; Luderitz, Corpus judischer

Zeugnisse, 24, p. 38.

Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Traiani Parthici f(ilius), Divi Nervae nepos, Traianus Hadrianus 5

Aug(ustus) p(ontifex) m(aximus), t(ribunicia) p(otestate) II, co(n)s(ul) III, viam quae tumultu ludaico eversa et

12

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

corrupta erat res[tituit pe]r [mil(ites) coh(ortis). . . ] 10

x 8 ' (jT(k8{ioL)

A7ToXcov(iav).

Translation T h e emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus, son o f the g o d Trajan Parthicus, grandson o f the g o d Nerva, high priest, holding the tribunate for the second time, consul for the third time, (ordered that) the road, which h a d been ruined a n d damaged in the Jewish riot, be restored through the soldiers o f the cohort . . . 2 4 stadia to Apollonia. N o . 12 Milestone discovered outside the Trajanic baths, near the Fountain o f Apollo, before the first mile from the city, probably indicating the official beginning o f work o n the Cyrene / Apollonia road 118 C E . Bibl.: AE 1951, 208; Luderitz, Corpus judischer

Zeugnisse, 2 5 , p. 39.

Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi Traiani Parthici f(ilius) divi Nervae nep[o]s Traianus Hadr[ianus 5

Aug(ustus) p(ontifex) m(aximus), t(ribunicia) p(otestate) II co(n)s(ul) [III], viam quae tum[ultu luda-] ico eversa et c[orrupta erat r[estit]uit per mil(ites) coh(ortis). . .

Translation. T h e emperor Caesar son o f the g o d Trajan Parthicus, grandson o f the g o d Nerva, Trajan Hadrian Augustus, high priest, holding the tribunate for the second time, consul for the third time, restored the street which h a d been churned u p a n d destroyed in the Jewish riot by soldiers o f t h e . . . cohort...

13

INSCRIPTIONS

N o . 13 Bibl.: Gaspare Oliverio, La stele dei nuovi comandamenti e dei cereali: Iscrizioni di Cirene, (Gortina), el Gubba, Ngarnes, Gasr Barbures, Gasr

Taurguniy Tolmeta (Documenti antichi delPAfrica itaiiana 2, 1: Bergamo, Istituto italiano d'arti grafiche, 1933), fig. 106; Pietro Romanelli, La Cirenaica

romana

(96 a.C'642

d.C)

(Verbania: A.

Airoldi Editore, 1943), fig. 32, p. 161; Shimon A p p l e b a u m , a n d Greeks in Ancient Cyrene (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979), 170-71, 236-37. O n the Cyrenean plateau, 2 7 Kilometres west o f the city o f Cyrene, a six kilometers west o f the ancient village o f Messa, in the site called *Ein Targhuna or *Targhuniyeh', and is known to the local Libyan inhabitants as 'Hirbet al-Yahud', the representation o f a menorah is cut deeply in the ancient rockcut road a short distance south o f the site. A p p l e b a u m points out that a paved road can be overturned and broken up, while this cannot be done to a rockcut road, where the Jewish victory can be expressed by cutting the menorah symbol in its surface, a political symbol and a sign o f defiance and revolt for the Jews o f Cyrene.

CHAPTER TWO

PAPYRI

In the bibUography preceding the texts, only those works are mentioned that appeared after the second volume o f CPJ was published in 1960, and only when relevant to the lines concerning the Jews. Abbreviations BGU Agyptische Urkunden aus den Koniglischen (then Staatlicheri) Museen zu Berlin, Griechische Urkunden. Vol. 3. Edited by the Generalverwaltung. Berlin 1903. CkLa. Chartae Latinae Antiquiores. Facsimile-Edition of the Latin Charters Prior to the Ninth Century, Vol. 1 1 . Edited by Albert Bruckner and Robert Marichal. Dietikon-Zurich: Urs Graf-Verlag, 1979. Vol. 4 3 . Edited by Albert Bruckner and Robert Marichal. Dietikoon-Zurich: Urs G r a f Verlag. 1 9 9 5 . Clarysse, "ApoUonios." Clarysse, Willy. "ApoUonios: ambtenaar en familievader." Pages 84105, 168-73 in Familiearchieven uit het land van Pharao, Edited by EW. Pestman. Z u t p h e n : Uitgeverij Terra Zutphen. 1989. CPJ Tcherikover Victor A. and Fuks Alexander (eds.). Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, Vol. 2 . C a m b r i d g e , Massachusetts. Harvard University Press. Published for the Magnes Press, T h e Hebrew University. I 9 6 0 . Daris, Documenti, Daris, Sergio. Documenti per la storia delV esercito romano in Egitto, M i l a n o : Societa Vita e pensiero. 1964. Koenen, review o f CPJ II. Ludwig Koenen, review o f V. Tcherikover and A, Fuks (eds.). Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, 2 , Gnomon 4 0 ( 1 9 6 8 ) : 2 5 6 - 5 7 .

16

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, Kortus, Michael. Briefe des Apollonios-Archives aus der Sammlung Papyri Gissenses: Edition, Ubersetzung und Kommentar, Berichte und Arbeiten aus der Universitatsbibliothek und d e m Universitatsarchiv Giessen 4 9 . Giessen: Universitatsbibliothek. 1999. Modrzejewski, ''loudaioi apheremenoi'' Meleze Modrzejewski, Joseph. ''loudaioi apheremenoi. L a fin de la c o m m u n a u t e juive d' Egypte ( 1 1 5 - 1 1 7 de n.e)." Pages 3 3 7 - 6 1 in Symposion 1985. Vortrdge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Ringberg 24-26Juli 1985). Edited by G . Thuer. K o l n : Bohlau. 1989. PAlex. Giss. Schwartz, Jacques (ed.) Papyri Variae Alexandrinae et Gissenses. Papyrologica Bruxellensia 7. Bruxelles: Fondation egyptologique reine Elisabeth. 1969. PBad Bilabel, Friedrich (ed.) Verdffentlichungen aus dem badischen PapyrusSammlungen, Vol. 1, Part 2. Griechische Papyri. Heidelberg: Carl Winter's Universitatsbuchhandlung. 1923. P Brem, Wilcken, Ulrich (ed.) Die Bremer Papyri. Berlin: Verlag der Akademie der Wissenschaften. 1936. P Giss. Kornemann, Ernst and Meyer, Paul M . (ed.) Griechische Papyri Im Museum des Oberhessischen Geschichtsvereins zu Giessen. Vol. 1. Leipzig und Beriin: D r u c k und Verlag von B . C . Teubner. 19101912. PKoln Kramer, Barbel and Hagedorn, Dieter (ed.) Kdlner Papyri. Vol. 2. Papyrologica Coloniensia 7. Abhandlungen der rheinisch-westfalischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. O p l a d e n : Westdeutscher Verlag. 1978. P Mich. Youtie, Herbert C . and Winter, J o h n G . (ed.) Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis. Second Series. University o f Michigan Studies-Humanistic Series 5 0 . Vol. 8. A n n Arbor: University o f Michigan Press. 1 9 5 1 .

PAPYRI

17

P.Oxy, Grenfell, Bernard P. and H u n t , Arthur S. (ed.) The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Vol. 3. L o n d o n : Egypt Exploration Society. 1 9 0 3 . Vol. 4. Edited by Bernard P. Grenfell and Arthur S. H u n t . L o n d o n : Egypt Exploration Society. 1904. Vol. 9. Edited by Arthur S. H u n t . L o n d o n : Egypt Exploration Society. 1 9 1 2 . P Sarap. Schwartz, Jacques (ed.) Les archives de Sarapion et de ses fils: une exploitation agricole aux environs d*Hermoupolis Magna (de 90 h 133 PC). Le Caire: Imprimerie de Tinstitut francais d'archeologie orientale. 1 9 6 1 . PSI Vitelli, Girolamo (ed.) Pubblicazioni della Societh Itaiiana per la ricerca dei papiri greci e latini in Egitto, Papiri greci e latini. Vol. 9. Firenze: Tipografica Enrico Ariani, 1929. Roman Military Records. Fink, Robert O . Roman Military Records on Papyrus. Philological Monographs o f the American Philological Association 2 6 . Published for the American Philological Association by the Press o f Case Western Reserve University. 1 9 7 1 . SB Kiebling, Emil (ed.) Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Agypten im Auftrag der Strassburger Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschafi begonnen von E Preisigke fortgefuhrt von F. Bilabel undE. Kiessling. Vol. 10, 1. Wiesbaden: O t t o Harrassowitz. 1969. Vol. 10, 2 . Edited by Emil Kiebling. Wiesbaden: O t t o Harrassowitz. 1 9 7 1 . Vol. 12, 1. Edited by Hans-Albert Rupprecht. Wiesbaden: O t t o Harrassowitz. 1976. Schwartz, Les archives de Sarapion. Schwartz, Jacques. Les archives de Sarapion et de ses fils: une exploitation agricole aux environs d'Hermoupolis Magna (de 90 h 133 PC). Le Caire: Imprimerie de Tinstitut francais d'archeologie orientale. 1 9 6 1 . Select Papyri. H u n t , Arthur S. and Edgar, Campbell C . (ed.) Select Papyri: NonLiterary Papyri, Public Documents. T h e Loeb Classical Library.

18

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E L o n d o n : William H e i n e m a n n L T D , C a m b r i d g e , M A : Harvard University Press. 1 9 6 3 .

Small Smallwood, E . M a r y (ed.) Documents Illustrating the Principates of Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian. C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e University Press. 1966. Turner, " A N 0 2 I 0 I l O Y A A I O I " Eric G . Turner, " A N 0 2 I 0 I l O Y A A I O I (review o f V.A. Tcherikover and A. Fuks (eds.). Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, vol. I I ) , " CR 11 ( 1 9 6 1 ) : 2 2 6 . Whitehorne, "Religious Expression." Whitehorne, J o h n . "Religious Expression in the Correspondence o f the Strategus ApoUonius." APapyrol 6 ( 1 9 9 4 ) : 2 1 - 3 6 .

N o . 14 Letter to the Strategos ApoUonios Concerning the Purchase of Arms P. Giss. 47=Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, 6 Hermoupolis

33 x 21 cm.

116 (?), 19 June. Bibl.: Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, pp. 96-101. See below, p. 168. [

] 'ATcoX[Xo)]vto) Tcp Tt(jti.o)TaT[cf)

X'^Cps'-M-

[jTOcvTa Toc 07rX]a [cp]v [Ivejxa -^XOev *Ep(jtLa^ aYopacra[(;] [sTcsfx^'a oroi] Si' [a]u[T]ou ^^[Sojfxsvo^ inl TCO x a T [ a \z\}joiQ yvT^lgta x a i Xsiav a ^ i a £up7J(T6[aL] i^c, x a l 5

[uTTO 7i:avT]cpv Tcav LSOVTCOV 6au(jLag0'^vai. [6 [jLsv y a p ]0copa^ ex xaXou wpoxocXxou cov x a i [TYJV TcXox]y]y X£Tc[T]6TaT0(; x a i TO fxei^ov IXa[9p6TaTO(;] o)^ \ir\ x[a]fjtv£iv TOV cpspouvTa auTOv ["K^yopaJcTOY) TToXXwv [a]^ioX6ycov (TUVSXTJXUOOTCOV

10

fjLoi] cpi[X]cpv apy(upiou) (Spaxfxcov) T^ avTi Tzk%[iov\oc, o)^ x a i a o i [9av)^g]£Tai. yi 8s [aa](jtaeipa 'iTaXixiQ xaXou^evv) [. .Y]vaT0(;] o(jLoi[co<; avTi Tikzilo^oc,

(Spa^fxcov) n x a i TO

PAPYRI

19

[TQ][jLiXeL[TpL]ov T % Tzopc^upcLQ ocvTL (Spaxfxoiv) (T^S [(Spaxfxcov)] (TVP [ x a ] l TOC Suo (jLocTia Tciv apTU(jLaTCov (Spaxfxcov) TC. TrapaJ^w15

Miov yap 7i[p]6c; TO Tcapov yvT^oriov oux supeOY], aXX' ou[S]£ £Stx[aL]a)(7a a y o p a a a i aTcoSoxifJLacr[67]]vaL 8uva(ji£vov. TO [6v]apLov TO x^XXOUV [£]i £7rcoX£TT[o] Spax(Jto)v xS £XTOT£ av zntii^oi

GOV zi 8z [3ou[X]£i

auTo ayopage-^vqci (SpaxfJioiv) fx, [6]gco[v 6 T£]xv[?(T]'y]^ 7ca[pa]20

xaXou(ji£vo(; [u7r]i[(j]xv£tTaL Scp(T£Lv, S-igXcaaov (ji[oJ. ai; (ji£VTOL S£Scox£L^ £i(; TOUTO (Spaxt^a^;) x S £TC£[x^a [ a o i ] , xaiTC£p Aiovu(y[i]ou TOU apyupoxoTTOU xaTagxovTO(; (jLou oXa<; (SpaxfJtoci;) [JL £L(; £V£Xupou Xoyov TYJC; 7r£(jt96£[G[ M ] ['cr']oi 1)7^6 TOC J^wSta ^uXiv7)<; QrixriQ' 7]v, l a v 86-

25

^7) croi, xupt.£ [JLOU, ava7r£[ji4'£t<; f^oi, Lva OCTTOSOUC; SUVYJ6o) a7roXap£Lv TO iSiov [p]aSL[6)](; yap Trapdc GOI ofxota auT^ y£V£a0ai SuvaTai. TC£pL cov ocXXoiv PouX£t., [ypa]cp£ (Jiot [tq]S£CO(; [Tc]X7)pcpgov[Ti]. (Second H a n d ) [T]6 a[
[ ( S p a x f J L C o v ) T]CP

yap

o [ r S a ] c ; , Iv K[o]7rTCo x a 0 '

-iQfjLEpav

Siacpopo[i] y£ivovTaL TtfjiaL 30

[£p]pa)(T6aL GZ £uxo[J'ai, xupt£ (xou. n[auvi] x£

Translation To the m o s t distinguished ApoUonios, greeting. All the weapons because o f which Hermeas came, I have bought a n d sent to y o u by h i m gladly that they can be o f use and that it was possible to find them cheaply, so that all the persons who saw them were amazed. T h e cuirass, o f very g o o d brass, very finely woven and very light in c o m parison to its size, so that it does not tire the one who wears it, was bought in the presence o f m a n y respectable people, friends o f mine, for three hundred and sixty silver drachmas, but it is worth more, as you will realize. Also the sword called Italian (was bought) beneath Its worth for eighty drachmas, and a half p o u n d o f purple cloth for two hundred fifty two instead o f two hundred sixty four, and two niathia* o f spices for eighty drachmas. A dagger could not be found

20

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

suitable for this occasion, but I did not think it right to buy one which could be rejected as unworthy. I would have sent you the small copper container if it had been sold for twenty-four drachmas; but if you are willing to buy it for forty drachmas — for this price the craftsman agrees to give it to you — then let m e know. T h e twenty four drachmas which you have given m e for this purpose I sent to you, although Dionysios the silveresmith kept from m e full forty drachmas as pledge for a wooden box sent to you for the pictures. Send it back to m e , m y lord, if it seems right to you, so that I can get back what belongs to m e , since something similar to it may be easily found in your place. As to the other things that you want, write to m e , I shall gladly carry them out. T h e uncoined metal is valued at three hundred sixty two drachmas because, as you know, prices change in Koptos on a daily basis. I pray that you may feel well, m y lord. 19 J u n e . * Mathion is a measure of volume, equivalent to 1/12 artabai. See Kortus, Briefe des ApollonioS'ArchiveSy p. 101. On the artaba, see Orsolina Montevecchi, La papirologia (2"^ ed. Milano: Vita e pensiero, 1988), 7 1 .

N o . 15 Letter of Eudaimonis to Her Son, the Strategos ApoUonios RGiss.

Inv. 246 = R Alex. Giss. 59 = SB 10, 10652 C

ApoUinopolites Heptakomia. 5.5 x 1,15 c m . 116 C E , before the end o f August, or 117 C E , after the end o f J u n e (?). Bibl.: Schwartz, P. Alex. Giss., pp. 79-80; Kortus, Briefe des ApoUoniosArchives, pp. 79-81. EuSaifjiovic; ATroXXovtcai xcai cpiXocrTOpyoTaTcoi uioii ^^(Lpsiv). Tupo Tcav [o]Xcov suxofjiat a s S i a crco^eaOai a(jia T-^L (jufjiPtcoL a o u

5

AXLV7]L x a i a P a a x a v T O K ; a o u ^ioiq.

TZOLI-

. [ . ] . § £ T O ^ aXXoL<; x a l TOU ], o)^ I . c p v a £x^[.

Verso: A7roXXcovLa)[t. aTpaTTjycoL XTX.]

PAPYRI

21

Translation Eudaimonis to ApoUonios, most aflfectionate son, greetings. More than anything I pray that y o u m a y be saved, together with your wife Aline a n d your lovely children and the other... Verso: T o ApoUonios the strategos

16

No. A Letter of Aline to ApoUonios the Strategos P. Giss. 19 = ay

II, 4 3 6

Hermoupolis. 116 (?), beginning o f September. Bibl.: Schwartz, PAlex,Giss, Jacques Schwartz, Papyri

2 1 x 12 c m .

p. 7 9 ; Genevieve Husson, review of

Variae Alexandrinae

et Gissenses,

(1970): 224; Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, below, pp. 168-69. [A]XLV7) ATToXXcavLcot Tcot. aSsXcpcoi TToXXa ^atpsLV. (jLsyaXcoc; aycovicoaa Tuept a o u S t a TOC 6V[ T a T]OU xaipou (j^ri[Lit,6[LZ'^0L x a l OTI S^5

[aL9]v7j(; £[^]'^X6£(; cltz efjiou OUTS TTO[TOLC;] OUTS gsLTiOL<; -i^Ssco^ Tupoasp^ofJiai [aXXa auv]sxo)(; aypuTuvoijaa VUXTO*; -IQ[[xspa<; [jL](av (jLspL(jivav s ^ w TI^V Tcspl [ T % (T6)T]7]pLa(; a o u . [XOVT] S S y\ TOU T i a T p o i ;

10

[[xou 7uoX]ucppLa a v s y s t p s L (xs x a l TYJL a ' ["i^fjLspa] TOU vsou STOU^ vri ttiv

avjv

[ao)Ty]]piav a [ y ] s u a T O < ; sxoL(jico(JT7)v, [zl [iri (?) 6 7r]aTi^p (jiou siasXOwv i p i a a a T O [[iz, 15

7rapa]xaXa) a s oOv aa(paX6)(; a s a u T O V

[TI^PSL] x a l (JL7) [x6vo(; TOV XLVSUVOV [avsu] cpuXaxY]<; u7u6(jLstvs* aXXa o^c, [xal 6 s]v6aSs aTpaT7]y6(; TOLC; a p ^ o u [ai S7T:LTL]0Y]at. TO ^apoQ x a l a u TO a u -

REG

83

pp. 108-116; see

22

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E [TO TTOtSl . . . ] . . V 8s fJLOU TOV T c a T s p a

20

[

[[jia

] a o v T a . xat yap

TOU a]SsXcpou TcposTs07]

[

[ 25

TO OVO-

Ss auTOV 6 Qeoq

]v. sav oOv, aSsXcps,

[

TCo]v TrpayfjidcTCOV

[

](; npoQ riii5.Q ypa-

[^ov

] Pco a u T c p 7up6(; a s

[

] T avapatvst

[

] . Ty](; a o j T T ) -

[p^a^

] Verso

ATToXXcavicoi X aSsX[cp6)i. 11. 4-5.

£5[a^9]v7)^: Schwartz,

p. 79.

l5[acp]vco^

CPJ,

Translation Aline to ApoUonios her brother, m a n y greetings. I a m very worried about you, because o f events that are said to be taking place and because you left m e suddenly. Neither drink nor food d o I approach with pleasure, but staying awake continually night and day, I have a single anxiety, about your safety. Only m y fathers care arouses m e , and on the first day o f the new year — I swear by your safety — I would have stayed in bed without eating a bite, if m y father had not c o m e and forced m e . Please, then, keep yourself safe and d o not put yourself in danger alone without a guard; but, like the strategos here who puts the burden on the magistrates, you too do the s a m e . . . m y father... because the name o f m y brother was p r o p o s e d . . . but g o d will... him. If, at any rate, brother,... from your affairs... write to m e . . . to y o u . . . is coming u p . . . o f your safety... (Verso) To ApoUonios m y brother. Translation appearing in J a n e Rowlandson, Women & Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: a Sourcebook ( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e University Press, 1998), 121.

PAPYRI

23

N o . 17 Letter of Eudaimonis to Her Son, the Strategos ApoUonios BAIex. inv. 50 = E Alex. Giss. 60 = SB 10, 10652 D HermoupoUs. 116 or 117 C E (?).

7 x 1 1 cm.

Bibl.: Schwartz, PAlex.Giss.,

pp. 80-81.

[Ei>S]at.[jLOV£L^ ATTOXXCOVICOL Tcai utcot 7rX£L[(7Ta] ^^aipstv. Tcpo fjisv TcavTCov z\iyo\LOLi

[ 5

(7£ u y L a i v s i v x a l

. [. ]

] . ai (XTupOCTXOTcov slvat TCOCVTOTS. y e i -

v c a a x s L v a s GsXca OTL OUX l^upTjfxat. £u[. . .] auTO(; oux ofSac; oxt ou [jtYj TTOiYJaa) aXXa TZZ[. .] [

l]xapiQ6y]v oOv [

]

Verso: [ ATCOXXW]VLWL aTpaTY)(yc5i) 'E7rTaxcofjL[ia(; 1. 1: EuSatfxovei^. Read: EuSaifxovtg. 1. 6: olSa<;. Read: olaGa.

1, 7: IxapYJOTjv. The spelling is probably that of the scribe, and may be a mistake for Ixapyjv (mistaken for the aorist IxepGvjv): Schwartz, Papyri Variae Alexandrinae et Gissenses, p. 8 1 . Translation Eudaimonis to the son ApoUonios, m a n y greetings. M o r e than anything I pray that you may feel well and .. .be completely unharmed. I want you to know that I shall not cut m y hair.. .you yourself d o not know that I shall not d o the other t h i n g s . . . Verso: To ApoUonios the strategos o f H e p t a k o m i a N o . 18 A Letter of Eudaimonis to Her Son, ApoUonios the Strategos P. Giss. 24 = CPJ Ih 4 3 7 Hermoupolis. 116 or 117 C E , J u n e 3 0 .

9 x 12 c m .

Bibl.: Clarysse, "ApoUonios," 169, n. 18; Whitehorne, "Religious Expression," 34; Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, 102-107; see below, pp. 170-73.

24

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

S o m e lines lost. [ . . . . ] p £ . g [ . . . .T]cav Osciv [o5]v OsXovTCov x a t [jtaXtaTa TOU avLXT^Tou 'Epfjtou ou [iri az i^TTT^acoaijcn}. TOC 8' aX5

Xa Ippcoao (JLOL (TUV TOTC; aoic; 7ra(7L. a a T r a ^ s T a t ufjta^ *HpaiSou^ ri a[ia(7xavT0(; 6uyocTYjp. 'Ejcslcp C

Verso ATTOXXCOVLCOI. 11. 3-4. i^TT-y)
Translation . . . if the gods are willing, and especially the unconquerable Hermes, may they not defeat you. For the rest, m a y you be well for m y sake with a n d all your people. Heraidous salutes y o u , your daughter w h o m the evil eye m a y not touch. Epeiph 6. (Verso) T o ApoUonios. Translation appearing in J a n e Rowlandson, Women & Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: a Sourcebook

( C a m b r i d g e : C a m b r i d g e University Press, 1 9 9 8 ) ,

121.

N o . 19 Jewish Victories in the Hermoupolite District R Brem. 1 = CP/II, 438 = SmaU. 57 Hermoupolis. 116 or 117 C E .

15 x 18 c m .

Bibl.: K o e n e n , review o f C P / I I , 2 5 6 - 5 7 ; see below, p p . 1 6 9 - 7 0 , 1 7 5 , 178-79. Mta -^v zkKic,

xat XOLTTY) T i p o a -

Soxia y] Tcav OCTTO TOU VOJJLOU

•^fjicov aOpcocov xco^Y]Tcav [TTPJOC; TOU<; avoatou^ 'Io[u8at]ou<;

PAPYRI

5

25

MvYf^'^, acp' "^c; x a £va[v]Tta vuv £ ^ £ ^ 7 ] .

yap x[?] [a]uv-

PaX6vT£^ OL ')^(JI£T£PO[L] •)^TT[Y]0Y]crav xat TTOXXOI [ajuTCov (juv£x67T:[7]aav

10

[..]. [

[..] [.].

f^£V-

Tot. ye [vuv T r a p a TLVCOV I X 66VT[COV (XTTO

15

[Ji£T£XaPo[jL£v T[6 a]yy£[X][ji[a OTi aXXT) X£y£a)v TOU[TI]XIOU IXOouda eiQ Mi[L[(p]iv

TJI X^

TipoaSoxifjioc; lartv. 1. 5. [TrlvYfxi^ Koenen. oxjfjLir) C/y. Fuks follows here the reading of Wilcken, but it appears that Wilcken himself had doubts regarding this reading, while Musurillo tentatively suggested reading [toX][X7): Herbert A.Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs (London: Clarendon Press 1954, repr. New York: Arno Press, 1975), 176. Koenen, however, observes that the X does not appear to match the remnants of [x, and that the to would have been written very large. He suggests instead reading Wvyfjuig, a word which was used in a wide sense, as we see for example in Josephus, Ant. 14, 210 and in imperial edicts (Koenen, review of CPJ II, 256-57).

Translation T h e one hope a n d expectation that was left was the struggle o f the massed villagers from our district against the impious Jews; b u t now the opposite has happened. For on the 20^^ (?) our forces fought a n d were beaten a n d many o f them were killed... now, however, we have received the news from m e n c o m i n g f r o m . . . that another legion o f Rutilius arrived at M e m p h i s o n the 22'''^ a n d is expected. No. 20 Participation of Rutilius (Lupus?) in the fighting SB 10, 10502 Medinet M a d i (Narmuthis?). 117 C E (?), before 2 8 August.

39.5 x 23 cm.

26

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

Bibl.: Ignazio Cazzaniga, "Una dedica del prefetto M. Rutilio Lupo? Un papiro delPUniversita Statale di Milano," Aegyptus 47 (1967): 213; Guido Bastianini, 'Lista dei prefetti d'Egitto dal 30a al 299p," ZPE 17 (1975): 282; Paul Bureth, "Le prtfet d'Egypte (30 av. J.C.-297 AP J.C.): ^tat present de la documentation," AAWW'II, 10, 1 (1988): 483; see below, pp. 174-76.

[ . . . ] 0(; -jQyefjLwv TOUTIX

Translation (the) chief commander Rutilius... w a n t e d . . . having f o u g h t . . . No. 21 Letter of Heras to his father Epaphroditus Attesting Danger at Hermoupolis P. Bremen inv. 7 = SB 10, 10277 Hermoupolis. 116 or 117 C E (?)

19.3 x 7.6 c m .

Bibl.: Herwig Maehler, "Zwei neue Bremer Papyri," CE 40 (1965): 342-47; see below, p. 171. *Hpa(; 'Erca^poSiTCot TOii x u p t c o l T r a x p i ^aipstv. (jtoytc; TTOTs [£up]a)v TOV 5

epxofJLsvov npoc, az eiGX^<^oL { y a p } a(T7ra(7a(T0aL az'

olSa

S' OTl £UXT£0[v] l a T l V [
TflpioLQ

(TOU

xat

aSsXcpou (jiou

T-^^

byizioLC,'

TOU XOL-

Xcdc, o6v TTOtTQcreic;, xiipte, [ji£Ta7T:£[jL4'a
PAPYRI 15

cpV

27

(xou, STcsi SiTrXoxapio^

-^XOev £i(; XY]vo[36ax[i.]a x a i a7r£97]vaTO Ap^^iai [6T]L £v £ a x a T o t < ; IVTIV T] 'Epfjiou noXiQ. acTTraaaL Xp-i^orLfxov x a l 20

K a a T o p a x a l S a p a T r i w v a TOV ^7]p6v x a l *l£paxLCi)va x a l Oi^av x a l T o i x ; x [ . . . . ] . [

]

i^fjLwv cpiXTa[T0U(;. Ippcoao [loi]

xupi£ Tca[

]

11. 5-6. £L(Txi>aa. Read iGx^aoL. 1. 7. £uxT£o[v]. Read suxraioM. 1. 9. (jtou instead of (xoi. I. 18. £VTtv. Read IGTIV. II. 23-24. xupte 7ua[. Either [sppcoao [xot] xupte 7ra[Tep as in /? Wurzb, 22 = 7? Sarap. 97, 20 or [eppcoaaGai ere £i>x(o(xat)] xupts* Ila[6)v + the day.

Translation Heras to Epaphroditus his lord father, greetings. H a v i n g found with difficulty somebody w h o travels to y o u , I could send y o u m y blessings. I know that this would please you. S o I beg y o u to write m e how is your health a n d that o f m y brother. You would d o well, m y lord, to send for m y mother and m y sister, since a duplicarius came to Xenoboskia a n d told the Archias that Hermoupolis is in extreme danger. Regards to Chresimos and Castor, to Sarapion the thin one, to Hierakion a n d Phibas a n d to . . . our beloved ones. B e well m y lord father. No. 22 Letter of Eudaimonis to Her Son, the Strategos ApoUonios Concerning Disturbances at Hermoupolis P.Giss. Inv. 245 = P. Alex. Giss. 58 = 5 ^ 10, 10652 B ApoUinopolites Heptakomia. 116 or 1 1 7 C E (?)

12 x 13 c m .

Bibl.: Schwartz, P Alex. Giss., p p . 77-79', Peter J . Parsons, review o f J . Schwartz, Papyri Variae Alexandrinae et Gissenses, JEA 5 7 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 2 3 4 ; Whitehorne, "Religious Expression," p. 2 7 ; Dieter H a g e d o r n , " B e m e r -

28

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E kungen zu U r k u n d e n , " ZPE

136 (2001):

1 4 8 ; Kortus, Briefe des

ApollonioS'ArchiveSy p p . 1 2 5 - 3 0 . See below, p p . 1 7 0 - 7 1 . EuSaL(jLovl(; ATTOXXCOVICOL TCOI uicoi TToXXa xaipsiv. o . c o . . Tocc; Trap' IQ(JL£LV Tapaxa[<;] ou xapT£[p]o) VUXT[6](; -i^fXEpa^ £[^]x[^"] 5

(JtsvYj TOLi; 6£0L<; TracTL x a i 7r[aaai(;] 07r(0(; [a£] S[i]acpuXa^a)ai [. . .]TC[. . . ] . [ . ] . 0 ) ^ ; . [7rap]axX[7]]6£i(; oOv [. . ] c 7 [ . . ] v (7£au[T6]v S i a Y [ a ] Y £ (Jt£XP^

7rp[. .Jxa-

6[ca(7i a i ] TOU x a i p o u TOUTOU T a p a ^ a t 10

x [ a i . . a J T i a v T a ^ TQfjLiv £ic; Trapafjiu[Gtov]. (JLY) oxviQc/jc; 7r£[pi] TTjc; a7](; [(T6)T7]]pia(;

S7)Xo)aa[t

[Jioi. ac77raC£-]

[Tai a£] *HpaiSou<; i^ [(ji£ixpa x a i ] [8 letters] . 0 1 X 0 [

]

Verso: [ 'ATTOXXCOVICOI cr]TpaTy]Y6)i *E7iTaxco(jLia<; 1. 3. Instead of 0 . ca. . where Schwartz expected an adverb, it is possible to read opwga; the participle, which refers to the writer of the letter, has Ta<; Tcap' i^(X£tv Tapaxa[<;] as object (Hagedorn, "Bemerkungen zu Urkunden," 148). I. 6. 8[t]a
PAPYRI

29

prayers to all the gods a n d goddesses that they m a y keep y o u s a f e . . . . H a v i n g been admonished, then, take g o o d care about yourself until the unrests o f this time have passed a n d y o u meet with us when things recover. D o not hesitate to tell m e about your welbeing. T h e little Heraidus greets y o u a n d . . . Verso: 2^^^ hand. T o ApoUonios the strategos o f Eptakomia. No. 23 Letter of Claudius Terentianus to his Father Tiberianus Concerning Disturbances at Hermoupolis E Mich. 4 7 7 Karanis. 116 or 117 C E (?)

17.1 x 2 7 c m .

Bibl.: Erich G. Turner, review of H . C . Youtie and J . G . Winter, Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis,

Second Series {Michigan

Papyri, vol. VIII),

JRS 42 (1952): 133; Hans J . Wolff, review of H . C . Youtie and J . G . Winter, Michigan Papyri, VIII, lura 3 (1952): 374-76; Naphtali Lewis, "A Veteran in Quest of a Home," TAPhA 90 (1959): 142-43; Turner, " A N 0 2 I 0 I lOTAAIOI," 226; Giovanni Battista Pighi, LeUere latine dun soldato di Traiano (Studi Pubblicati dalP Istituto di Filologia Classica 14: Bologna: ZanicheUi editore, 1964), p. 78. See below, p. 177. [ K X a u ] S [ L o ] ^ T[£p£VTiav6(; KXauSio)] T [ L p ] £ p [ L ] a v a ) L xoS 7r[aTpi] x a l x u p i [ 6 ) TcX£t'aTa yoLipzvj]. npo [izv 7r[a]vTC0v £ [ u X O ( J l ] a t (T£ [u]Yta[tV£lV x a l £UTUX£tV, o ] [lOl £Ux[T]aL6v £(TTl.V, TO 7r[poa]xvv[y]](jLa [ a o u ca. 11

5

7ro]to[u|jt]£vo(; x a 6 ' IxaaTYjv

i^[[ji£p]av Tcapa [TCO x u p t c o SapaTTiSi x ] a [ l £[xo(jL]iaa(jL7]v oro[u TYJV ITULCTTOXI^V

T]OLQ

a u v v a o K ; [6]£o[r](;.

fic, £7r£Yvo)v a ] v a 7 r £ 7 u X £ u x £ v a i

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30

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE £7i[£i]8i^ (Tu TOC [GOL 6XiYcop£L(; £v] T ^ X^pW

15

Sp£[La] ava[xt[vavT6c; [JLOU, Y£voii £v]

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] . £lS[

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] . [. . .]TO a u T o u x a l

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T£[Xo]<; voiv Tca[p£Gr]Ttv £[(xo]i. £Tc[£i]SiQ oux ?VP'^^a iyd^ Sia TO vco0p£[u£(T]0aL [JL£, xaXco(; oOv

[n]oiriGZi(;

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izpoc;

x a v S[£]o[v] £[Lva] Tpa<pa) UTCO aX-

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7uo[X]Xa 'I(7L8co[po(;] x a l 2£(ji7rpCL)v[LO(; x a l ]

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oi

(pikoxjv-

Tz[<; G]Z £^ aXYj[0£i]a(; [7u]avT[£]X[o)(;, x a l ] ZCOTIX-IQV ^V £px6-

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45

(JL£Ta

X[OLT]

ov[o[jia. £ppci>a]0[aL

GZ]

£uxofJtai TTOX-

[Xoi(; x]po[^o^d-

PAPYRI

31

I. 10. The reading [xaTlaypac^T) is not certain. For the possibility of reading here [xaT]aYpa97) or [av]aYpa9^, see Wolfif, review of H . C . Youtie and J . G . Winter, Michigan Papyri, ?>YG, II. 8-13. a7r£X7]X[u06To^CTOU7rapaxXYj]0[e]vTa Eric G. Turner, review of H . C Youtie and J.G. Winter, Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis, Second Series {Michigan Papyri, vol. YIW), JRS Al (1952): 133. 11. 20-30. Gopu^ov xai axaTadxaCTtav. On p. 6 1 , the editor of the papyrus observes that the reference seems too casual to link it to the difficult years of the Jewish War under Trajan, and suggests instead that this may be one of the periodical outbreaks of Alexandria, known to have been a turbulent city. He recognizes, however, that the term Gopupo^ is also used in other papyri referring to the Jewish uprising (see for example P. Brem. 11= CPJ AAA, 1. 26). In fact, the correspondence of Terentianus and Tiberianus is assigned on paleographic grounds to the early part of the second century. Turner, on the other hand, has no doubts referring these lines to the Jewish uprising (review of Youtie and Winter, Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis, JRS 42 (1952): 133). As for the place where Terentianus wrote this letter, Lewis suggests that all the letters concerning Claudius Terentianus were written in or near Alexandria, where Terentianus was stationed as a soldier (Lewis, "A Veteran in Quest of a Home," 14243).

Translation Claudius Terentianus to Claudius Tiberianus, his father and lord, very many greetings. Before all else I pray for your health and success, which are m y wish, and I make obeisance for y o u . . .daily in the presence o f our lord Sarapis and the gods who share his temple. I received your letter, from which I learned that you also sailed up in the boat that you found going to the Arsinoite n o m e . I want you to know that I went at your request (?) to register the document and was at a loss because I needed the person in whose name the document was drawn, in order that he might record it (?). For without him I a m unable to register it. I also looked up Papirius ApoUinarius and told him what I had heard from the notaries, and he said to m e . Let it go until he is able to come d o w n . " Inasmuch as you are neglecting your affairs by remaining in the country, c o m e to Alexandria, since I have waited in Alexandria. Having gone up into the country, you are neglecting them totally; but even when you were here you neglected to setde t h e m . . . . If you sail down, they can be dispatched.... You write m e that you have s e n t . . . through A n u b i o n , but he does not know that you wrote to m e here and has given m e nothing. F r o m the day that you went upcountry until today, for the first time, I have received the letter and the basket through Aurelius;

32

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

and d o you be concerned, m y lord father, to write to Anubion lest he disregard m e , . . . A n d I ask you, if you are able, to send m e sandals without delay, since I derive m u c h benefit from them. For you know that we are working hard now, in view o f the fact that we are suppressing the uproar and anarchy o f the city. You will d o well to send down to m e . . . and to Gemellus three ( ? ) . . . . ! want you to know that after the above had already been written to you the basket was brought to m e . . . by Anubion's father (?), and now at last I have it. Since I have found no one to send because I a m ill, you will therefore d o well to conclude your business quickly and sail down to m e . For the illness is at this m o m e n t no laughing matter, and it is even necessary that I be fed by someone else, as you will hear when you come to the city. Isidorus and Sempronius and all who love you truly and completely (?) send m a n y salutations to you as well as Zotice, w h o m you will bring down with you when you come because you know that we are going to need her here. Salute all your friends, each by name, I pray for your health through m a n y years. Transl. Herbert C. Youtie and John G. Winter, Papyri and Ostraca from Karanis. Second Series (University of Michigan Studies-Humanistic Series 50, vol. 8: Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1951), 62. No. 24 Plan for the Mobilization of Roman Military Forces R Heid Lat. 7= Ch.La. XI, 500 Unknown Provenance Before 123 C E .

10 X 2 8 . 5 cm.

Bibl.: Richard Seider, "Eine Heidelberger Lateinische Militarurkunde {P Heid lat, 7)," ZPE29 (1978): 241-51; Albert Bruckner and Robert Marichal, Ch.Lat XI, p. 50; see below, p. 180. Ipiendas ex e[pistula ]Apolloniatae u[ ]sulari

. .[

] .ae ex epistul[a 5

] . o n e p(rae)p(osit — ) [ ]

item[

]gerendam leg(ion — ) III[

PAPYRI

33

]melloniae sedatu.[ ]m commeatum [ 10

]deducendos ex epistula[ ]s deducendas

[

d]educendos

[

]ex classe praetoriae m[isenatium ex classe pr]aetoriae ravennatium[ 15

] . deputari

[

]erae finitum c o m m e a t u m [ ]c...[ ] . . . . n i u m c u m tu[ ]fl(auia) cilicum a e d i . . i u [ 20

]ae

fine

ex forma[

] . a cogenda imferior.[ 1. 18. cum tu[ Seider: cum iitu[raeorum. 1. 19. Seider: aedilu[

No. 25 Jewish Defeat in the Vicinity of Memphis RGiss, 27 = CPJ II, 439 Hermoupolis. 117 (?), before the end o f August.

15 x 15 c m .

Bibl.: Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, pp. 132, 170, 175.

pp. 117-24; see below,

[xsTsXa^ov 7 r a [ p ] a TLVOV OCTTO 'iptcavo^ (TY][JI£pov £X66vTa)[v] (7uvoSoLTCopy]X£va[t.] TIV[1] 5

TZOLI-

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34

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

10 va[(;] aTTOvSoci; ocTroSo). xaXcac; oOv TuoiTQasig, TStfjiLcoTaTe, T a ^ t a T a (Jiot SigXaxra^. 7ra[L]Sap i a Suo a[7r]6 Aua(7£C0(; rivix^y] [d>v TO]

S£(T7r6[T7]]

IdTiv T £ T p a £ T £ ( ; , TO § £ TpL£T7] x a i Tipoc;

[

Tj-^i; [T]£i[i,'^(; a p y u p L o u

15 [

]a) aol lv[a] fic,

[

£ppc)]a6ai cr£ Z\JIO[I{OLI),

T£i(xicoT[aT£].

S.

Verso 'Hp[a]xX£iG) £7riT[p67rco ATTOXXCOVLOU].

Translation Aphrodisios to his dearest Herakleios, greeting. I have learnt from men w h o arrived today from Ibion that they had travelled with a slave o f our lord ApoUonios; the slave was c o m i n g from M e m p h i s to bring the g o o d news o f his victory a n d success. I have therefore sent to you specially, that I m a y know with certainty a n d make festival and pay the d u e offerings to the gods. You will therefore d o well, dear friend, to inform m e with speed. Two boys have been brought from the Oasis to m y master, o f w h o m one is four years old, the other three... the p r i c e . . . to you that y o u m a y b e . . . I pray for your health, dear friend. (Verso) T o Herakleios the steward o f ApoUonios. No. 26 A Letter of Eudaimonis to Her Daughter-in-Law Aline PBrem. 63 = CPJ 11, 4 4 2 Hermoupolis. 117 (?), July 16.

2 1 . 5 x 10 c m .

Bibl.: Turner, " A N O S I O I l O T A A I O I , " 2 2 6 ; Willy Clarysse, " H e t dagelijks leven in het archief van d e strateg ApoUonios ( 1 1 3 - 1 1 9 n a Chr.), Bijdragen tot de Geschiedenis 64 ( 1 9 8 1 ) : 1 2 6 , n. 1 0 ; Peter van M i n n e n , " U r b a n Craftsmen in R o m a n E g y p t , " Miinstersche Beitrdge zur antiken Handelsgeschichte 6 ( 1 9 8 7 ) : 6 2 - 6 3 ; Whitehorne, "Religious Expression," p. 2 7 ; see below, p. 1 7 2 .

PAPYRI EuS[ai][jtovlc;

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10 S s

TOLiQ

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mpi-

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20

a a ufjtiv, oiaTs, x u p i a , eyvwv OTt a t IvToXai (xou (jtevouai. TravTai; y a p TOIX; auT7J<; x a T a Xeiij^aaa auve^copfxyjae a o t . a a 7 r a ^ £ T a t a s ig [Jtstxpa x a l Tipoa-

25

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Tipo 6cp6aXfjLcov s / o ) , OTL yu[jLVY) [xsvco TOV xstfJtcova. (Second hand) s p p w a o . 'Ejcslcp x p .

35

36

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

In the left margin (First hand)

'H yuvT) EUS-)^[JLOU axsivTjTOi; (JLOU ICTTIV x a l x^P^^

auT-^L.

Verso (Third hand)

AXLVYJL X 6uyaTp[t].

1. 16. The reading [7r]po(77r£uSovT£(; is uncertain. See van Minnen, "Urban Craftsmen in Roman Egypt," 63, n. 110.

Translation Eudaimonis to Aline her daughter, greetings. I pray first o f all that you m a y be delivered o f your child in d u e course a n d that I get news that i t s a boy. You sailed u p river on the 29^^ a n d on the next day I finished drawing down (? the w o o l ) . * With difficulty I got the material from the dyer on 10 Epeiph. I a m working together with your slave-women to the best o f m y ability. I cannot find w o m e n able to work with m e , for they are all working for their own mistresses. O u r people have been walking around the whole metropolis, offering** higher wages. Your sister Souerous was delivered o f her child. Teeus wrote to m e , praising you, so that, m y lady, I know that m y orders remain in force. For she left all her own people a n d set o u t to join you. T h e little girl salutes y o u and is assiduous with her lessons for school. K n o w that I a m not going to pay attention to g o d until I a m reunited with m y son safe a n d s o u n d . * * * For what purpose d i d you send m e the 2 0 drachmai, when I a m having a difficult time? Already I have before m y eyes the notion that I shall be naked throughout the winter. (2"^ hand) Farewell. 2 2 Epeiph. (P^ hand, written in the ledt margin) T h e wife o f E u d e m o s does not leave m y side and I a m grateful to her. (Verso) (3'"^ hand) T o Aline m y daughter. Translation appearing in J a n e Rowlandson, Women & Society in Greek and Roman

Egypt:

a Sourcebook

(Cambridge:

Cambridge

University

Press,

1998), 121-22. * Apparently the verb "draw down' is a technical term in weaving, as well as in the building trade ("pulling down a building"), in agriculture ("harvesting fruit crops*'), and in navigation ("hauling boats down to water"). Eudaimonis may be referring to "carding and combing the wool" or to "spinning it", preparatory to turning it over to the dyer. See Rowlandson, Women & Society, 122.

PAPYRI

37

* * In the C/y, II, p. 345, both meanings are given, "asking for more pay" and "offering higher wages". This last meaning "offering higher wages" is probable the better one. See Clarysse, "Het dagelijks leven," 126, n. 10. * * * Turner observes that literally aTcapxt^etv means "to see him through" ("ANOSIOI lOTAAIOI,'' 226). No.

27

Letter of Eudaimonis to Her Son, the Strategos ApoUonios, Who Came Back Unharmed P. Giss. 22 HermoupoUs.

14 x 10 c m .

117 C E (?) Bibl.: Anton G. Roos, "Animadversiones in papyros nonnuUas graecas," Mnemosyne

N S 51 (1923): 415-16; Whitehorne, "Religious Ex-

pression," p. 3 5 ; Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives,

pp. 72-75; see

below, p. 173. [Etj8ai(jL]ovl(; ATUOXXCOVIWI TCOL [

][jLOTaTCot ULWL TToXXoc

yjx{ipzvj).

[TTpO 7r]av[T]cOV £{>XOfJL[a]L (7£ TOV aY]a6[6v aaTc[a(7]acr6ai [ x a l ] TT^V 5

yXuxuJxaTyjv a o u o^iv T r p o a x u VYJaat] vijv 6VTO)(; a(jioip[7]]v. . .]

TTlQ ZXiGZ^ZlOLC, fXOU OL-

TcoX]afjLpavou(T7]<; az a T r p o a xo7r]ov x a t iXapcoxaTOv. T a u 10

T<x

]x\oiri

Tracra

z\}jf\

ZGTI

x a l (jL]£pL(jtva. T a u r a x a l Osoic; ap£]gx£[L] SL£L£ [JLOU x a l vi[8 letters]£ao(;

z[\}\az^ziOL.

[12 letters] g i a v £VSL[19 letters] verso ATToXXwvLcaL ocTco [EuSaifjLovtSoi;] 11. 7-8. a[7roX]apLpavou(jY)<; Roos: "cum nunc revera quasi remunerationem tandem mea pietas recuperet te integrum et hilarum" ("Animadversiones," 416). a[vaX]a(i,pavou(TY)(;: Koremann. See also Whitehorne, "Religious Expression," 27-28, 34.

38

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

Translation Eudaimonis to her m o s t . . . s o n ApoUonios, many greetings. Before all things I pray to greet you, m y treasure, and to worship the sweetest sight o f you which is now truly m y recompense, since it is m y piety which has got you back again unharmed and most blessed. These things are m y whole prayer and concern. These things too are pleasing to the g o d s . . . (my) piety... Transl. Whitehorne, "Religious Expression," 35. No. 28 List of Legionaries Including Legionaries KiUed in Battle PVindob. L, 2= Daris, Documenti, 13=Fink, Roman Military Records, 34= Ch.La. XLIII, 1242 Unknown Provenance After 9 8 and before 127 C E .

14.2 x 10.4 cm.

Bibl.: Daris, Documenti, pp. 66-67; Fink, Roman Military Records, pp. 160-63; Johannes Kramer, "Die Wiener Liste von Soldaten der III. und XXII. Legion (7? Vindok L 2 ) , " ZPE 97 (1993): 147-58; Albert Bruckner and Robert Marichal, Ch.La,, XLIII, pp. IX-lA', see below, p. 182. Recto Col. I leg(io) I [I] I Cyr(enaica) onero (centuria)

Nini Rufi Cereli Rufi Cocceus Clemes

ob(iit)

[[lulius Maximus]] Cladius Antoninus

pr(omotus)

[[lulius Cutratus]] Fanius Rulius

10

(centuria) te(tatus) te(tatus)

Subureana Cladius Z e n o n Cladius Feanus Flaus Gerfeanus

PAPYRI

tr(anslatus)

Antonius M a x i m u s Gratius Alfeanus

15

Salius C a p i t o n te(tatus)

Bins L o n g o n Flaus Clemes leg(io) X X I I onto

20

(centuria)

U p i pri(ma) C o l . II bareton

(centuria)

Aufri Aculi lulius Ruticus Petucaeus Otaus leg(io) III Cyr(enaica)

(centuria)

Antoni Longini Antonius Satunil[us] D o m i t i u s Germa[nus] Balini Ecateus

10

(centuria)

Capitoeana Licin(ius) Loce

(centuria)

Aufri Aculi Minor(is) Cladius AgaOo leg(io) III

15

(centuria)

Antoni L o n g o Paconi Egnati lulius Niger Tetates

20

25

(centuria)

Pompei Epane Cladius Clemes Cladius Apulinar(ius) Antonius Vales U p i s Satunilus U p i s Alexa

39

40

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E Verso Col. I ] (centuria)

D o m i t i Caeli ].

Cornelus

].

Vales

]

. . . . Domitius C o l . II ].?[ ] . [..]

XXIII

.[ ] . • •[ 5

]XXII

.[ u[....]. ?[

]r

onero leg(io) [I]I[I] 10

XII leg(io) X [ X I ] I X V I I ] s a b l e [ g ] ( i o n e ) III V bareton I[ s tetate[s]

15

.

X

b[ar]eton II item II Recto: col. I, II. 12, 13, 17: te; col. II, 1. 19, tetates. Verso: col. II, 1. 14: tetati. On the meaning of the heading tetates (representing eTgraxs?) and marginal annotation te, which may be expanded as te(tates), as well as the hybrid form %etati, which appear in the papyri in Trajan's and Hadrian's time to designate those killed in combat, see below, pp. 182-84. On(e)ron and bareton are apparently two categories according to which the legionaries were ordered, but their meaning is not known. See Albert Bruckner and Robert Marichal, Ch.La., XLIII, p. 2 1 .

PAPYRI

41

No. 29 New Tirones in the Coh, I Lusitanorum PSI 1063 = Daris, DocumentU 33=Fink, Roman Military Records, 74 Unknown location. Probably written in U p p e r Egypt. 117 C E , September 3.

51 x 2 0 cm.

Bibl.: Daris, Documenti, pp. 98-99; James E Gilliam, "An Egyptian Cohort in A . D . 117," Bonner Historia Augusta-Colloquium 1964/1965 (Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1966): 91-97, repr. in James F. Gilliam, Roman Army Papers (Mavors Roman Army Researches 2, ed. M.P. Speidel: Amsterdam: J . C . Gieben, Publisher, 1986), 309-15; Fink, Roman Military Records, pp. 277-80; see below, p. 177. (First hand)

Col. I

Aovysrvoc; A6VY[O(;] (77][jL£acp6p[o]c; [aTuJeipT]^ a Aouaixavcov (£xaTOVTapxta(;) TLTOUXTJIOU A[o]vy£tvci) TLTOUXTJICO taT[pa)] (exaxovTapxco) x^^?^^^- £X[ap]ov Tcapa aou [87j]vapLa TSTpaxoaia eixoai T [ p t ] a oPoXoix; x 5

UTusp S7]7roatTOU Tt[p(ovcav]A(T[iav6)]v SigTpiPouTcav Iv

xevTUpLoc avSpcav

sLxoai. £TOU(; eixoaTou x a l ev [ [ . .]] Tpaia[vou] ApiaTou K a i a a p o ^ TOU xuptou 0o)[6] (Second hand) OuaXspioc; *Poij(po(; (77](jt£a(p6po(; Gmip{y](;)

a AougtTavcav (sxaTOvrapxtat;)

10

Kp7jcTX£VT0(; AovysivG) TtTouXyjtcp (sxaxovTocpxco) x^^psiv. sXa^ov TTapa a o u STjvapia a p y u p a S i a x o a t a Tptax o v x a [[TpLa]]'Suo o^oXoix; reaaapsc;' TOC xwp'y]T<'y]6>£VTa e i c , SY][7r6]aLT0V TSLpcivcov' Aatavwv' apiOfjto) S£x[a] STCTOC. STOU^; etxoaTOU 7rpa>T0U T p a i a v o u ApiaTou K a t [ a a p o ] ^ TOU xup[io]u, 6o)0

42

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

(Third hand)

C o l . II

[. . . .]io<; Mdc^ifxo^ g7]fJi[£]acp6p[o(; (T]TC£LP7](; a Ao[u](TL[T]avcav (sxaTovTap^tac;) K[£X£]po^ AoylyQycd (£xaTOVTapx
TITOUXYJICO

T7](; auTT]^ X^^P^^"^- sX[ap]ov Tcapoc a o u

[S]7]vapLa T £ T p a x [ 6 a ] i a 7r£v[T7]xovT]aSuco o ^ o 5

[X]ou(; Suco U7T£p SY)7roaiT[ou Ttp]covcov [ A ] a i [ a ] v o ) v SiaTpt^ouTCov £v T7] x[£v]Tupi[a] avSpciv £ 1 xoaL. ( £Tou<;) x a T p a i a [ v o ] u A [ p t ] a T o u K a t a a p [ o ] ^ TOU XUpiOU, 6 6 ) 6 £XT7).

(Fourth hand) r.

AofjtiTioc; T o u 9 o ^ aY)fjL£a96po<; Giizipric, a A o u a i T a v c i v (£xaTOVTapxta(;) T a . . . .

Aovy£Lvcj) [T]tTouX7]tco ( £ x a T 0 V T a p x ( f > ) x a t p £ t v . EXa^ov Tcapa a o u SyjvapLa S i a x 6 a [ i ] a 8 £ x a £ v opoXoix; £ i x o a i £ ^ U7r£p S7)7ToatTou [T]ipcovwv A a i a v c i v StaTpiPouTcov Iv TT) x£VTupia apL6(Jtoi 5

£txoaiSu(o. £TOU(; x a T p a L a v [ o u ]

' A p i [ a ] T o u K a t a a p o ( ; TOU

xuptou 6 o ) [ 6 ] IXT/].

(Fifth hand)

Col. Ill

[ ca. 12 ] p i a v 6 < ; a7](ji£a(p6po[c; a7zzipr]<; a ] [ A o u a i T a v c i v ] ( I x a T o v T a p x ^ a c ; ) A p y t o u Aovy£tv[co TLTOUXYJLCO (£xaTOVTapx(f>)] [a7r£ip7](; T-^C; a ] u T % X'^^ipl^^^- £Xap[ov Trapa a o u ] Sy][vapta 5

] i . a x 6 a t a S £ x a £ ^ 6j3oX[ou]<; T[p£r(; U7r£p]

S7]7ro[aiT]ou [TJPCOVCOV A [ a ] i a v a ) v SiaTpi[pou]Tcov £v [ T ] ^ x £ [ v T ] u p [ t ] a avSpoav £ i x [ o ] a i . T £ [ a a ] a p 6 ) v . (£T0U(;) x a [ T ] p a i [ a v o ] u A p i a T o u K a t a a p o c ; TOU x u p i [ o u ] , 6ct)6 SXT/].

(Sixth hand) KouLVTOc; *Ep£vvLO(; aY)(jLi.acp6po<; oizipriQ a AouaLTavoav ( I x a T o v T a p ^ t a i ; ) AcovyEiavou Acovy£tva) 10

T£tTcoXy)ta> (IxaTOVTapx^)) a7i£Lpy]<; Ty]c, aouTTJc; x^^^^P^^-

PAPYRI

43

i X a ^ o v Tcapoc a o u STjvapia s x a x c a v

lv£V7]XOVTA8UO

6po<Xou(;> sixoatTpstcov uTuep SYJ-

TTcageTCov T£pc[)vco eixoaLTpstciv A a a e av6)v StaTpiPoTS Iv T[^] x £ [ v ] T O u p i a . [ [ STOUI;]] x a aouT[o]xpaTcopo[(;] K a t a a p o ^ ; [ N ] l p o u a < T p a > i a v o u A p o a T o u K a i [ a ] a p o c ; T xuptou, 6a)6 IXTTJV.

Translation Col. I, 11. 1-8: Longinus Longus, signifer o f the coh. I Lusitanorum, century o f Tituleius, to Longinus Tituleius, medicus (?) centurio. I have received from you denarii four hundred twenty-three, obols twenty, for deposit for the Asian recruits assigned to the century, twenty men. Twenty-first year o f Trajan O p t i m u s Caesar our Lord, T h o t h 6 (Sept. 3, 117 C E ) . Col. 1,11. 9-14: Valerius Rufiis, signifer o f the coh. I Lusitanorum, century of Crescens, to Longinus Tituleius, centurio. I have received from you silver denarii two hundred thirty-two, obols four, supplied for deposit fro the recruits from Asia, in number seventeen. Twentyfirst year o f Trajan O p t i m u s Caesar our Lord, T h o t h 6. Col. II, 11. 1-8: [....]ius M a x i m u s , signifer o f the coh. I Lusitanorum, century o f Celer, to Longinus Tituleius, centurio o f the cohort. I have received from you denarii four hundred fifiy-two, obols two, for deposit for the Asian recruits assigned to the century, twenty men. Twenty-first year o f Trajan O p t i m u s Caesar our Lord, Toth 6. Col. II, 9-14: C . D o m i t i u s Ruftis, signifer o f the coh. I Lusitanorum, century o f T a . . . . , to Longinus Tituleius, centurio. I have received from you denarii two hundred eleven, obols twenty-six, for deposit for the Asian recruits assigned to the century, in number twenty-two. Twenty-first year o f Trajan O p t i m u s Caesar our Lord, Toth 6. C o l . III. 1-7: [ ca, 12 ]rianus, signifer o f the coh. I Lusitanorum, century o f Argius, to Longinus Tituleius, centurio o f the same cohort. I have received from you denarii three (?) hundred sixteen, obols three, for deposit for the Asian recruits assigned to the century, twenty-four men. Twenty-first year o f Trajan O p t i m u s Caesar our Lord, Toth 6. C o l . Ill, 8-16: Quintus Herennius, signifer o f the coh. I Lusitanorum, century o f Longianus, to Longinus Tituleius, centurio o f the

44

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

same cohort. I have received from you denarii one hundred ninetytwo,

obols twenty, for deposit for twenty-three Asian recruits as-

signed to the century. Twenty-first year o f Imperator Caesar Nerva Trajan O p t i m u s Caesar our L o r d , T o t h 6. Transl. Fink, Roman Military

Records, 280.

No. 30 ApoUonios' Application to the Prefect of Egypt for Leave of Sixty Days R Giss. 44 = CPJ II, 4 4 3 = SeUct Papyri II, 298 Hermoupolis.

18 x 3 0 c m .

117 C E , N o v e m b e r 2 8 . Bibl.: Turner, " A N 0 2 I 0 I lOYAAIOI," 226; Koenen, review C P / I I , 257; see below, pp. 153-54. Col. I (First hand)

[ Ta(jtfxto)t MapTLaXt T o i J xpaxtaTcoi i^ysfjiovi

[ ATToXXcovtoc; aTpaTYjyoi;] A7roXXa)vo7r[oX]iTOU [ 'ETCTaxci)[jiLa<;]

X^ipetv.

TJST) ysypacpdc a o i , -i^ysfjiwlv xupte, ruepl xofxearou I 5

[izKSToktiq [-/yii

TO avTipacpov [[(T]OL]] UTTSxa^a, W l a v crou TTJI TU-

S6^Y]i.,

auyxcap7]a7]i^]

\LOI

y\]xipoLC,

e^T^xovra

T')}'^

[Si.6p6ci)aLv ToJv -i^fjieTlpcolv, vuv fjtaXtaTa, OT£ oLofjiai Iv [

xajTSTTsiysiv. (Second hand) IppcoaOat a s euxofJiat., •)^y£[xa)v xu[pL]£.

10

(Third hand)

[(ITOUI;). AuToxpaTopo<; K a i a a p o ^ ; T p a t a v o u AS]piavou 2£paaT[o]u X[o]Lax p .

(Fourth hand)

[ Tafjifxicot M a p T i a X i TWI] x p a x i a W c o t

riy[z[i6^i]

[ ATTOXXCOVLOI; aTpaxYjyoi; ATTOIXXCOVOTTOXLTOU *E[7rTaxco(jtta(;] Xa(ip£tv). [ [

]cov, -iQyWfjiwv [xupt£, . . . ] ajTua^, x a [ C o l . II

[

Jauvxp'^QaaaGai* ou y a p fxovov u-

TTO Ty]c, (Jiaxpai; OCTTOSyjfjiLac; TOC -^(xeTsLpa]

]

PAPYRI

45

Tua[vT]a7ra(7tv afxeXyjOevTa T u y x l a v e t ] , aXX[a x a l ] T r a p a TYJV Tcav avocricov [ ' l o u ] 5

SaLO)[v £]9oSov qx^^o^ Tra[v]T[a oora] zxi^

£v T£ T a i ] ^ xcofJiaK; TOU [*Ep[jioTro]-

XtT0[u x ] a l £V T'^[l [jtY]]TpOTr6X£[L. . . . ] Y£v[6[JI£va TJTJV Tcap' Ifxou ava[X7)4'tv] £Trt.J^7]T£t'. £TriV£U(TaVTO(; o[0]v <(TOU> T'^[l] 10

S£')^a£L (JLOU (JL£Ta TOU SLOp6c5(7[ai] x a T a TO SuvaTOV TOC •^(jL£T£pa Suvyj[ao][jLat £u6ufjt6T£pov Trpoa£px£<76aL [Tyji

a]TpaT7]y[La(;] £TCL[jL£X£LaL.

Translation To his Excellency the prefect R a m m i u s Martialis from ApoUonios, strategos o f the ApoUinopolis-Heptakomia n o m e , greeting. I append a copy o f the letter which I have already written to you, m y lord prefect, concerning leave, in order that, if it please your fortune, you may grant m e sixty days to put m y affairs in order, especially now that I t h i n k . . . I pray for your health, m y lord prefect. T h e (first) year o f the Emperor Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus, C h o i a k 2 . To his excellency the prefect R a m m i u s Martialis from ApoUonios, strategos o f the ApoUinopolis-Heptakomias n o m e , greeting. . . . , prefect,... o n c e . . . (Col. I I ) . . . make use of... For not only are m y affairs in an utterly neglected conditions because o f m y long absence, but also, owing to the attack o f the impious Jews, almost all m y property in the villages o f the Hermoupolite n o m e and in the metropolis has b e e n . . . and needs m y attention. If therefore you accede to m y request, having put m y affairs in order as far as possible, I shall be able to take u p m y duties as strategos with a more tranquil mind. Transl. Arthur S. H u n t and C a m p b e U C . Edgar, Select Papyri: Non-Literary Papyri, Public Documents (vol. 2 : T h e L o e b Classical Library: L o n d o n : William H e i n e m a n n L T D , C a m b r i d g e , M A : Harvard University Press, 1963), 307-309.

46

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

No. 31

Letter of Ammonios and Hermokles to ApoUonios the Strategos Mentioning the Jewish Disturbances

RBrem. 11 = CP/II, 444

Hermoupolis.

2 2 x 52 cm.

E n d o f 117 or beginning o f 118 C E (?) Bibl.: Koenen, review of CPJII,

257; Schwartz, P Alex. Giss,, p. 3 5 1 .

Col. I A[[ji][jicovio[(; x a l *Ep] [i.oxX'^(; [A]T:oXXo)vtcoi TOOL

T£L[jt[t]cOTaTa)l X^^tpSlV.

[^1
Sia TYjv TOU SYjfjioCTLou Tiupou xaWaycoyTiv

[a]7roSpa[jt£rv Trpo^ a£ x a l [jL[£](jnJ;a(76at 7r£pl [. . ] .cpv Xu7rou[jL£6a o^c, aSt.acp[opo]i avSp£(; [uTTO a]ou St' iiQ £ypa^a^ kiziGToXylq Heat TOU Auxo7roX£tTOu aTpaTYjycot SapaTitcavt TOpl TOU [iri xotv6)V£tv riyiSic, a[o]i riyiiGoxjc, {JL£-

10

pou(; TOU apax[o]<;, aXX' ruiac, [iz

pou

[lipoxjq x a l a £x Tp[tT]ou x a l T

t iizek-

66vTOc; TO [ . ] . . 7r£. tvjyaaGat . . . . £ [ . ] £7]v XaTa6£[ . ]X

[ . . ] . . . 7U[ . . ] . . . TOUTOU. C o l . II

£t yap [jf/) [. . ] . [.]av£U7]ao)(j[ 15

Ta]t(;

7uapox[at](; A[pT]coptou IlptcrxtXXou TOU £7rt(7TpaT7)yi^(7a[vT0](; (7UV£^7]T0U[JL[£]V 7r£pl Tciv (Jl£p(OV [

](Jl£VOt
x a l ')QfJLa(;[. . . ] S t [ . . ]

Saafxcot TOU

£v *Ep(jioTcoX£tTY)t ocpaxoc; £V7C£7rX£x6at 20

riii^c, [ . . . ] . . . .

6) Y)0y)t ')Q(JI[.]V

x a l T6T£ £ [ . . ] . [.]cp£tV aOl

OCTUO

•)Q[jtt(70U(; TOU *Ep(Jl07C0X£tT0U

7TapaSo6-^v[at] TTQV -^[xtaEtav, t v a x a l T o t ^ y£V£a t v x a l Totc;

o i c , aTcoxoucpta6f]<;. . . . t

PAPYRI

25

l7r£[(y7r£u(?)](Ta(jL£v Sia

[. . .]e.i[.]

Tyjc,

47

yp[a]97]^ OLXKRIKOIC; (jievToi Sioc

[TO]U(; T[&]V ['Io]u[Sa]ici>v 6opuj3ou(;, vuv (xsv [. . . ] a a laTiv I m TYJV auvetSvjaiv aou Spav, [ . . . ] . . . . dou cppov7J(T£i<; 7)0£aaa67][. . ] [ . ] . . [.]v 7rap£v0u[JL7]6^<; ou TCOXXOU [ . . . . ] 30

. . . .]tO(;, aXXa xat (7Ta(7£CO(; ou[c77)(;.] Col. Ill TOUTOU oOv X^9^^ ITC£(JLi];a(jL£V NPOC, AZ

noTOL[io(^U-

Xaxa, Lva 6 TI TTOTI cppo-

v£r(; avTiYpaij;7](; 35

RI[iiv

xal SuvYjO-^i lx7rX£X'^vaL TO TTpayfjia vrpo T-^-; TOU x p a TLaTOU iTUKTTpaTTQyOU £l[(;] TOV Aux[o7roX£LT]'y]^ I7UI8[Y][XQ-

40

(Second hand) [IpJpwaOai A[Z Z\)X6{IZQ(X, x[upt£ Verso (Third hand) A7uoXXcov[ta)i aTp]aT7]y(6)L) (

'ENTCC)XOI[IIC(.(;.

Translation A m m o n i o s and Hermokles to their m o s t honored ApoUonios, greeting. We had no time, because o f the bringing-in o f the public corn, to protest to you and complain about your attacking us as if we were men o f no account. You did this in the letter which you wrote to Sarapion, strategos o f the Lykopolite n o m e , saying that we had not given you your third share o f the chickling, but that we h a d . . . a third... (Col. II) If we had not (been engaged with?) the supplies for Artorius Priscillus, the epistrategos, we should have m a d e inquiries about the division so that you should receive two-thirds and w e . . . We were involved in the division o f the chickling o f the H e r m o u -

48

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

polite n o m e . . . by a half... a n d that you should have received a halfshare from the Hermoupolite n o m e , so that y o u might be relieved both about the quality a n d . . . . We took m u c h trouble to write to o n e another..., however, because o f the Jewish disturbances. N o w the affair must be governed by your conscience a n d your view o f the matter ( ? ) . . . consider too that not m u c h . . . a n d that there was a state o f riot. ( C o l . I l l ) For this reason we have sent to y o u a river-guard, so that y o u m a y reply to us as y o u will a n d the matter m a y be resolved before the visit o f the epistrategos to the Lykopolite n o m e . W e pray for your health, lord. (Verso) T o ApoUonios, strategos o f Heptakomia. No. 32 A Letter of Herodes to ApoUonios the Strategos, Attesting to Devastation of the Country RBrem. 15 = C P / I I , 4 4 6 Hermoupolis. 118 (?), August 2 9 .

2 5 x 10 c m .

Bibl.: Genevieve Husson, OIKIA:

Le vocahulaire

de la maison privee en

igypte d'aprh les papyrus grecs (Serie "Papyrologie" 2 : Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1983), 314. *Hpa>[S7](; ] ATToXXcovtcai TCOL xuptcoi

X'^ipsiv.

0 0 TTOcvTCix; Xav6av£L az x a s T T S i y o v T a ^uXtxoc epya TCOV TZ t s p c a v x a l TT)^ ^£VLa[<;], 5

cbv x^9^^ y-^y^Q

STTsaTTQaafjisv

TCOV £Tuayo(jL£vo)v T a

TTiQ

p

ai)(jicpcovta(;

6upco(jiaTa TOU IV TWL aiGptcot XOITCOVO(;. x a l yvcifXY]^ y £ y o v £ v 6 iTTiTporco^ aou

Ix TupoTpOTTYJ^; [JLOU aufjLcpcov^aai 10

TOLQ

Suo 6upa<; TOU T£ (7U(jL7rocrLou x a l TCOV TupoaxYjVLCov, iva apapo)^ y l v T j T a i x a l [iri aTTO •]^fX£pYjg[i]wv (JLLCJOCOV, T[O] y a p T£Tpayci)vov 7r£Tcp[i](7Tai npbc,

T a u T a . St [a]

81 TO a7roy£y£vy](70aL TYJV TOUTOU

PAPYRI 1$

OuyaTspa STusa^'/jxe TOOL spycoi, ZO^Q

49 av

arcoO-^Tai TO TISVOOI;, 7rp6<; x a l TOV X0UCpL(7(JL0V TCiv 87][JtO(7i(OV £pyO)V. TiapaxaXco a e oOv, xupte, STTiTpstJ^ai [JLOL 7Tp6(; Ta(; S i a x s v o i x ; i^fjispac; x a T s X 20

Ostv 7rp6(; TOV aSsXcpov ^Ispaxicovot; TS)I

7rXotcp[t, a]XXa) y a p xaipcat ou S[uv']^-]

aofjiai TcsJ^sustv TOU^ TOTTOU^; [ . . . . ] SLOC T7)V £X7r6p67]at.v TC5V T67r[cov] x a l T7)v (T7rav[LV

25

-]

[----].[

]

ycav [[[jL£T[a]x£xXy] ]] (jt[£Tax£xXY]fjL£]V6)v a7r£X0£rv tic, M£(jLcpiv TTpayfJtaTLXcov TTpoc; TOV StaXoyiafJiov, tva £ux a i p t a v Xa^wv ETrtyvca, TL npOLGGzi 30

'l£pa-

xLcov. Suo y a p •)^[ji£po)v l a T t TO SLaaT£(jia. TO 7Tpoorxuv7](jiaCTOUiTTOivjaa

Tipo^ Tat^;

QuaioLiQ

TTIQ

" l a i S o ^ T-^L VUXTI

y£V£aL[ot](; auTY]<; x a l (xaXXov 7rpo(T7]uX6[ji7]v 7roL£LV (7£ T a ( ( ; ) aSpoTOCTac; 7Tpoxo7ua<;. 35

(Second hand) Ippcoao, x u p L £ . 0oo6 a .

(Third hand) ATroXXcovtcoi X xupicoi. 1. 12: ^(X£p7)g[i]cpv: Husson, OIKIA, 314. CP/: ^fX£py)a[i]a)v. 1. 13: 7rlTcp[j(7Tai: Husson, 0/AZ4, 314. CPJ: TOTrpHaTat.

Translation Herodes, to ApoUonios his master, greetings. You know well o f the urgently needed woodwork for the shrines and the guest-house, a n d because o f this it was only o n the second o f the intercalary days that we set u p the doors o f the bedchamber in the hall as laid down in the agreement. A t m y request your steward has agreed to insert in the agreement the two doors o f the banqueting-chamber a n d o f the porch, so that they m a y be done without trouble a n d not o n the daily wage-sheets; for the block has been sawn for this purpose. O w i n g to the death o f his daughter he has

50

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

Stopped the work until his m o u r n i n g is over, and also to lighten the burden o f his pubUc business. I herefore request you, master, to allow m e to go to m y brother in Hierakion's boat during these idle days, for at another time I will not be able to go on foot through the country because o f its devastation and the lack o f . . . agents invited to M e m p h i s for a setdement, so that I m a y take the opportunity to know how Hierakion fares. It is two days' journey. I m a d e the obeisance for y o u * at the festival o f Isis on the night o f her birthday, and I also prayed for your prosperity and success. Farewell, master. T h o t h 1. To ApoUonios his master. * On the meaning and use of the so-called "TrpocjxuviQfxa formula", see Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, pp. 37-40.

No. 33 Damage to Property Caused in the Course of the Jewish Revolt. ROxy.1^1 ^ ay II, 447 Oxyrhynchos.

26 x 31.5 cm.

Early Second Century C E . Bibl.: Turner, "ANOEIOI lOYAAIOI," 226. T h e d o c u m e n t published in 7? Oxy. 707 is the verso. T h e recto consists o f three columns o f a survey o f different pieces o f land, probably written in the second century C E , unpublished, where reference is m a d e to . . .4'tX(ol) T67I(OL) £V OI[(;] xsXXai

k\XTz{pria%ziGOL\)

UTTO TCOV

'louSaicov. Translation . . . o p e n lots, in which there are buildings burnt by the Jews. No. 34 Damage to Agricultural Property Caused in the Course of the Jewish Revolt. 5 G C / 8 8 9 = C P / I I , 449 Fayum. 151 C E , March 2 7 .

15.6 x 15.5 c m .

PAPYRI

51

]L07JVCOV X[£Y(6[JL£V0(;?) . . ] 7]7r£p £yvcL)(70y] ix T %

21

Y£V0((Jl£V7]<;) TG) 6 (£T£L) TWV ou(7i(axo)v) XT[y)((7£a>v)] [6po6£(Tia^] zhoLi TTiQ [Mat.]x(YjvaTtav'^(;) oucjia^ £p7](jto<; [i]x TOU 7uX£icrTou xaTa7r£7r(Tcoxa)0 ( a p o u p a i ) [ . ] ] . g L v [ . ] a 9 0 ( ; TI OCTCO X (ITOU^) TOU x ( a l ) a (ITOU^;) . [. . . ] o £v Tco 'louS(atxco) T a p a ^ w T a ^ ( . . . ) u . [ . ] ] 6ai 7] x a l (Jt£xpt vuv acpopoc;. Translation ... which was recognized in the fixing o f the boundaries o f the dominial properties which took place in the ninth year to belong to the domain o f Maecenas, for the most part waste and disused of... arourai... from the 20^^ year which was also the P ^ . . in the Jewish disturbance... and is still unfruitful. No. 35 Annual Festival in Commemoration of the Victory over the Jews

P. Oxy, 705, cols. I-II = CP/II, 450

Oxyhrynchos. 199/200 C E .

21 x 46 c m .

Bibl.: James H. Oliver, Greek Constitutions of Early Roman Emperors from Inscriptions and Papyri (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1989), pp. 475-81. Col. I [AuToxpaTcop K a i a a p Aouxio*; Il]£7rTifjL[i]o[c; [2£ou'^pO(; Eu(7£p7j(; Il£pTLva^ 2]£pacrT6(; [ A p a p t x o ^ ASiapTjVLxo^ n a ] p [ 0 i x ] 6 ( ; [MlytaTO^ x a l AuT]oxpaTcop K[aL](Tap 5

[Mapxoc; Aupi^Xtoc; AVITCOVLVO^ Eu[a]£p7]c; [EEpacTToc; Aup7]Xico 'fip£(o>]vL xaLp£f.v. [15 letters]. 7)xa[

] ITOSO-

[13 letters TCO]V '05upuyx£tT(pv[.]og10

[16 letters]avTL[i.a. . . a y . [ . ] v [16 1 e t t e r s ] a . . [ . ] £ T . . . . [ . ] X [ . .

52

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E [15 letters] [Jia^

T[

]v

[15 l e t t e r s ] T i a a t . [ [15 letters], iariv

15

]v [8k y] a ] ^ i [ a ) a i g -

£U(Jl£V£(TTaTOl<; AuT]0XpaT0pat.V

[TOIC,

[2]£o[l)7)]pO)

[ x a l AvTcavivcj) TOL^] 7rav[T]cov [a]v6pco7rcav [acoT'^pai x a l £U£p] y l x a i t ; AupYjXiog [ 'Qp£ia)v Y£v6[ji£]vo^ axpaTTjyoc; x a l apx^[Si.xa(TT7j(; T*^(; Xa[jL]7rpoTaTy]^ 7r6X[£]ci)c; Tcav 20

[ AX£5avSp£6)v] x^tpstv. [

[14

d) 9iXav6pa)Tc]6TaTOt AuToxpaTop£c; letters].

i-^[f]

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]v£

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]. v

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a [

30

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7rp[6(T£](7T[t] 8k auTOL<; x a l Y) 7rp6<; Tco[jLaLou(; £Uv[oia T£ x a l TTiaxK; x a l cptXia, -^v £V£S£i^avTO x a [ l x a x a TOV npoQ E i o u S a i o u ^ 7r6X£[jLov aufjifjiax')^a a v T £ ( ; x a l ITL x a l v u v TI^V TCOV £7riv£ixicov 35

iQ[JL£pav £ x a a T o u ITOUC; TcavyjyuptJ^ovTa^;. £T£i[X7jgaT£ [Jt£v o5v x a l u [ j i £ ^ auTOU^ ITTLSY]fXY](7[av]T£(; TO) £6v£L 7rpc!)T0L<; [jL£Ta IIYJXOUGid^TOLQ

[jL£TaS6vTa^ T^^c; £L(; TO S[ix]a(TTi^pLo[v

ufi.a)]v

£ia6Sou. YvcopL^£t. SE TYJV 7I:6X[LV] x a l 6 Xa[jL7r[p6Ta-

40

TOC; A a i T O i ; kni T£

TOIQ

x(xXkiG[To]iq

x a l £X£[u6£pco-

TocTOUc; l ^ o u c r a v TOUC; £ v o i . x o [ u v ] T [ a ( ; x a ] l Tc[£pl T a ] (ji£Lo[v] £7i:L£tx£aTaT0u<;. SLOC 8[yi

TZOL^TOL

TauTa]

TYjv TCOXLV rideXriaoi [iri8e[[iioic; £vS££(7T£pav(?)

PAPYRI

53

Tca[v] T^fxsTspcov xaTaXt7r£[rv 11 letters 45

Tpy][ .]a[ji7]v x a l T o u ^ uTcu(7[ji[

13 letters

oux [£]X[a]TTov AxTLxcav fjiupt[. . . . ] t Tcav [ -zoLq

Sav£LJ^£a6at T£ x a l (puX[aaCT£]a6ai. x a 6 a £TC[1

TCOV 7rpOT£pcov coptCTxai, T6[V SE] aMvayofXEvov T[6]XOV jyipzi^ 50

ziq

ZTZCfffkoL

Icpi^^cov TCOV Tiap' au-

T [o]r[d x a T £T0<; aycovLoufxIvcov, £cp' OIQ x a [ l ] OL A V T[i]v[ot(; ?] vuv aycovt^ovT£, x a l a^ico x£X£u[craL u](jLag x a [ l T ] a u T [ a ] TOC xp7](jiaTa [JLYJSEVI £^£iv[a]L zlq aXX[o [XYjSlv] 7r£[p]La7rav. 11. 41-42. Tc[c. 5] / [X£io[ ] . Tc[£pl TalfxetoM Oliver, p. 477. C P / Tc[p6c; t6 TafjL£ro[v]. Oliver observes that the restoration proposed by Wilamowitz and accepted by Fuks is too long for the lacuna indicated by Grenfell and Hunt. It is more likely to be an anarthrous phrase resembling Trspl Ssittvov. 1. 42. SLaS[c. 13]. 8ta 8[7) Travxa xauTa] Oliver, p. 477; Sta ^[s touto TauTy]v CPJ. 1. 46. A t t i x w v fxupi[. . . . ] l TCOV [ Oliver, p. 477. AxTixcav (jLupt[a)v Itt]! T(o . . C/y, p. 259.

Translation Imperator Caesar Lucius Septimius Severus Pius Pertinax Augustus Arabicus Adiabenicus Parthicus M a x i m u s and Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius Antoninus Pius Augustus to Aurelius Horion, greeti n g . . . o f the Oxyrhynchites and here is the petition: To the most gracious Emperors Severus and Antoninus, saviours and benefactors o f all mankind, Aurelius H o r i o n , formerly strategos and archidikastes o f the m o s t famous city o f Alexandria, greeting. O h most humane emperors,... to the great city... and still preserving... Titus T i t i a n u s . . . , but they also have the recommendation o f goodwill, reliability and friendship to the R o m a n s which they exhibited in the war against the Jews, giving aid then and even n o w keeping the day o f victory as a festival every year. You yourselves honored them during your visit to Egypt, by giving them access to your tribunal first after the men o f Pelusium. T h e most illustrious Laetus knows that the city has inhabitants o f the best and most generous spirit and most conscientious in dealings with the fiscus. For all these reasons I wished to leave the city in no way inferior to any in our l a n d . . . not less than 10,000 Attic drachmas to be lent and

54

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

safeguarded according to the former regulations, the accruing interest to g o for prizes for the ephebes w h o will compete there each year, o n tha same terms as the Antinoeis presently compete. A n d I ask you to forbid that these monies too be diverted to any other purpose. Transl. Oliver, Greek Constitutions,

pp. 478-79.

No. 36 Confiscation of Jewish Property at Oxyrhynchos ROxy. 1189 = C / y i l , 445 Oxyrhynchos.

16.6 x 13.1 c m .

Before July 118 C E . Bibl.: Valeria Forzano, "Uufficio dello aTpaTYjyoi; delPOxyrhynchites nel I e II sec.d.C." Aegyptus 77 (1997): 87; Modrzejewski, ''loudaioi apheremenoi,'' 352; see below, p. 188.

AXUXLOC; IlwXtcov aTpaxYjyoi; 'HpaxXsoTioXLTOU ATTOXXCOVLCO aTpT7]ya>i '05upuyx£^T[o]u 5

TCOl cpiXxaTCOL ) ( a i p £ i v . ZTziGTokkc,

S u o , OLQ s y p a ^ ' a ,

y\v [jtev (701, 7]v S s S a ^ e i v G ) crTpaTTjyo) KUVOTTOXSLTOU TTspL ypacp-^i; TCOV TOLI; [ ' I ] o u S a i 10

oiQ \jnoip?,(kvT(jdv.,

T7]v ypacpvjv

x[al

auTYjv

noiriaziQ

xo(jiiaa[jt£vo(; x a i rigv (jLsv aoi Lxvou[jL£V7)v x a T a cr^cov, TY]v S s EIQ TOV KUVO15

7roXsiT7]v

StaTrsfjul^afjis-

[vo(;

(Verso) ATTOXXCOVLCOL aTpa(T7]ycp) '05upuyx[£LT0u.

PAPYRI

55

Translation Aquilius PoUio, strategos o f the Herakleopolite n o m e , to his dearest ApoUonios, strategos o f the Oxyrhynchite n o m e , greeting. Be g o o d enough to receive two letters which I have written, one to you, a n d o n e to Sabinus, strategos o f the Kynopolite n o m e , about the schedule o f the property formerly held by the Jews, a n d the schedule itself Retain your own copy, a n d transmit the other to the Lykopolite n o m e . . . . (Verso) T o ApoUonios, strategos o f the Oxyrhynchite n o m e . No. 37 Confiscation of Jewish land in the Athribite district BOxy. 500 = C P / I I , 4 4 8 Oxyrhynchos. 130 C E , October 2 .

26 x 9.7 cm.

Bibl.: Naphtali Lewis, review of V. Tcherikover and A. Fuks (eds.). Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum,

vol. II, AJPh 84 (1963): 217-18; Anna

Swiderek, " I 0 Y A A I K 0 2 A O F O S , " / / P 16-17 (1971): 47, n. 6 and 60, n. 2 3 ; Modrzejewski, ""loudaioi apheremenoi^' 342-55; Joseph Meleze Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt: From Rameses II to Emperor

Hadrian (trans, by R. Cornman; Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1997), 219 (with photo); see below, pp. 186-89.

(Second hand)

[ I s p a j x t dTpaTTjyo) A6pip£[iTou [Trap]a ' ' Q p o u ^£voPacr6L[o<; x ] a i

5

[ N £ x ] 9 £ p ( o c ; ©aiGTOUTO^ x a [ L . J e -

[....] n£T[ [

]^7c [

]<; x a i T6)v X[o]t[7icov

] x£9a[

Traces o f three lines. 10

[12 letters ] o u [ a[Tc' 'I]ouSaLco[v a9]£ipY][fjL]£vo)v x a i 'EXXl^VCOV (^[xXlTjpOVOfXT^TCOV TOpi T £ T a 9 o u S7](jLoai(a<;) yyjc; a v a (Trupou) ( a p T a P a ( ; ) P ( a p o u p a i ; ) x S ' x a i U7i:£p £7ri[6]£fjLaTO<;

15

T w v oXcav (TTupou) ( a p x a p a c ; ) £ x a i Trspi

56

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E vapcriC-^atv) TOU © c i g T o u a7r7]X(ia)TOu) SyjfJiocrLai; y-^c; a v a (Tiupou) y ( a p o u p a v ) a , a<; x a i [JL£[TPY)ao(ji£v 1^ aXX7]X£yyuY](; eiq TO [S7]](JL6(7LOV l y v£cov [y£]v7]fjtaTa)v

20

TOU au(Tou) L£ (ITOUI;)

ASpiavou

Kaic7ap[o](;

TOU xuptou. (ITOU^) L£ AuTOxpaTopo(; Tpatavou ASpiavou

Kataapo^

HE^aaTou

Oacacpi £. 1. 11.. CPJ: OL[n 'IJouSaioiv av£LpYj[[x]£V(ov.

Translation To Hierax, strategos o f the Athribite n o m e , from H o r o s son o f Psenobasthis and from Nekpheros son o f Thaisous a n d . . . Pet... and the rest... [traces o f three lines]... [parcels] that once belonged to the Jews whose property has been confiscated and to the Greeks who died without heirs, (we will lease) in the district o f Tetaphos 2 4 arourai o f public land for the 2 artabai o f wheat per aroura, with a surcharge o f 5 artabai o f wheat for the whole, and around Psenarsiesis in the east o f the Thostian district, 1 aroura o f public land for 3 artabai o f wheat, and we will give our mutual security to pay the rent to the public treasury from the new crop o f this 15^*" year o f our lord Hadrianus Caesar. T h e 1 5 ^ year o f Imperator Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus. Phaophi 5. Transl. Meleze Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 2 1 9 .

No. 38 Description of Lands Including Lands Having Once Belonged to Jews R BeroL Inv. 8143 A B C + 7397 recto = SB 12, 10892 Fayum, Arsinoite nome. After 188 C E .

\A xjG

cm.

Bibl. A n n a Swiderek, " I 0 Y A A I K 0 2 A O F O S / V / P 16-17 ( 1 9 7 1 ) : 4 5 6 1 ; J o s e p h Meleze Modrzejewski, " E g y p t e gr^co-romaine et m o n d e hellenistique (Premiere partie)," RHD 5 0 ( 1 9 7 2 ) : 1 4 6 - 4 9 , 1 5 5 - 5 6 ; see below, p p . 1 8 8 - 8 9 .

PAPYRI

57

col. V E 12

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xat

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15

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16

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58

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

23 pop(pa) x a T ( o t x L x a )

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27

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[

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av(ac)]

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aX(Xcov) (Tiupou) y,

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{ZTZI)

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(ZTZI)

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[x£ ( l T £ t ) ] TCOV X( ) [ x ] a l TCOV a v a X ( ) , XY] (£T£t)

col. V I c, 28

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pop(pa)

(TOUTCOV) pac7tX(tx7](;) y('^(;) (Tcp6T£pov)

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30

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a v ( a ) (Tcupou) y ( a p o u p a t ) y 7]Xp x a t (Tip6T£pov) 'E(XX)7](vcov) 32

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33

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x ^ (£T£t) Tcp[v X( ) ] , XT] (£T£t) TCOV X( ) ) x a t aX(Xcov)

a v ( a ) (Tiupou) d

PAPYRI 34

[ini

)T]6)V a v a X ( )

35

XT] (7cppa(YrSo<;) xai

(TOUTCOV) a v a

XI^OQ

59

((Jisaov) [oua(7]^)]

oSou {(TOUTCOV)} PacrLX(t.xY](;) y(7]^) (TupoTSpov)

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( a p o u p a t ) S tqXp. a v ( a ) (rcupou) y SLOC y[£co(pycov) T]COV 36

OCTTO
yi{Tovz(;)

^ o u T O ^ T":^^; A X £ ^ a v S p o [ u , p o ] p ( p a )

686^, 37

Xi^bi^)

[2]a(ji-

V6(TOU) x a T ( o i x L x a ) I S ( a 9 7 ) )

x a i aTC7]X(icoTOu) S7]((X0(TLa)

S7]([xoaia) [686^- x S ] (£T£0

a v ( a ) (TTupou) yd), x£ (£T£0 TCOV a v [ a X ( )] x a i aX(Xcov) (TCUpou) d, y.Q

(£T£L) XC, (£T£L) TCOV a v a X ( ) , [x7]] (£T£t.) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a i

aX(Xcov) a v ( a ) ( r c u p o u ) [ . ] 38

[£]Tr( ) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a i aX(Xcov) (Trupou) d

39

X6 acppa(yrSo(;) P o p ( p a ) £x6(ji(£vaL) dcvoc ((jL£aov) oua(Y]^)

(jtac;) oSou (TCUpou) 40

(Trp6T£pov) 'louS(atcov) ^c, x a i (TTp6T£pov) *EXXT^(VCOV) a v ( a )

x a i uSpa(ycoyou) <

a v ( a ) [(TTupou)] y ( a p o u p a t )

>

(apoupai) [ . ] .

SLOC y£Co(pycov) TCOV OCTCO OLXoTc(aTopoc;) x a i I l £ v S p a

AioScopou*

yL(TOV£<;) V6(TOU) [uSp]ay(p(y6c;) x ( a i ) S7]([jtoaLa) oSoc;,
S7)(fxo-

[3op(pa)

£5('^<;) L(7ay6([jL£va), aTcy]X(LcoTou) xaT(oLXLxa)

£S(a9Yj). .7)vy)(; ZCOGTL-

(jLou* x S (£T£L) a v ( a ) (Tcupou).

y , a i XoLTc(ai) a v ( a )

(apoupai)

(TTUpou) y<; x a i TCOV X( ) aX(Xcov) [(Tcupou).], 42

x£

(ZTOUQ)

Z(X>(;

XQ

(ITOUC;) TCOV X( ) , XYJ (£T£L) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a i

aX(Xcov) (Tiupou) ?) £Tc( ) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a i aX(Xcov) (Tcupou) [. . ] 43

[(Jl a ] 9 [ p a y r S o ( ; Paai]X(ix7](;) y('^c;) (Tcp6T£pov) [ 'Iou]S(aicov)

av(a)

(TCUpou). ( a p o u p a i ) . . . . . Sioc y£co(pycov) T[COV OCTCO OiXoTc(aTOpO(;)]

col. V I I Z 44

lie

(Tcppa(yiSo(;) V6T(OU) x a i aTCY]X(icoTou) (TOUTCOV)

OiXoSa([Jiiav^c;)

ouCT(La^) (TcpoTspov) 'louS(aicov) a v ( a ) (Tcupou) y ( a p o u p a i ) y ^7)Xp Sioc y£co(pycov) [TCOV OCITCO C>iX[oTc(aTopo(;)*]

60

45

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E yL(Tov£<;) V6(TOU) StcipCuO, P o p ( p a )

TTIQ

aCuTY]^) ouaCia^)

£S(acpY]),

a7rY]X(LC0T0u) Ix(ai6jv) avaypa((p6[jL£vog) Tcspi Tp^' x S (ITSI) a v ( a ) (Tcupou) y^; x a l TO)[V X( ) (rcupou).,] 46

x£ (ITSI) Tcav X( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (Tiupou) y , x ^ (STSI) XQ (ITSI) TCOV X( ) , XT] (STSL) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) a v ( a ) (rcupou) 4

47 48

) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (jrupou).

£7r(

(JL(; cr(ppa(yTSo^) P o p ( p a )

(TOUTCOV) ^c(.(yik{ixy](;) y ( ' ^ ^ )

(rcpoTspov)

'IouS(aLcov) ( a p o u p a ) a T£X(ouaa) a v ( a ) (rcupou) y 8ia y£co(pycov) TCOV OCTCO
4? [>t£

(£T£0

TCOV]

50

a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (rcupou)., xc; (£T£0

X'C

TCOV a v a X ( ) , XT]

(ZTZI)

(£T£0 TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) a v ( a ) (rcupou) y 51 52

£rc( ) TCOV a [ v a X (

)] Po p( pa)

a9pa(yrSo(;)

(TOUTCOV) (3acrLX(ix'^(;) y(Y]<;)

(rcp6T£pov)

'louS(atcov) ( a p o u p a ) a T£X(ou(Ta) a v ( a ) (rcupou) y SLOC y£co(pycov) TCOV OCTTO OLXorc(aTOpO(;) V6(TOU) x [ a l P o p ( p a ) ] 53

x a l aTCY]X(icoTOu) x a l X[LP]6<; Sicop(uy£^)- x S (£T£L) a v ( a ) (rcupou) y i ; , x£ (£T£L) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (rcupou) y , xq (£T£L) Tcp[v a v a X (

54

XT] ( £ T £ i ) TCo[v a ] v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (rcupou)

55

(JIT] (79pa(yL'So^) P o p ( p a ) (TOUTCOV) dcvoc ([JLECTOV) oua{riQ) Aopu9o(pLavy]c;) T£X(oucrai.) a v ( a )

56

(ZTZI)

XZ,

),]

ouGiiccq)

£rc( ) TCOV a v a X ( )] SLCop(uyo(;)

<(rcp6T£pov)> 'IouS(aLCov) ( a p o u p a i )

xa

(rcupou) y Sioc y£co(pycov) TCOV dcrco 0[iXoTc(dc-

yi(Tov£(;) V6(TOU) 8icop(uO, P o p ( p a ) T-^C; a(uT7]<;) oua(ia<;) £S(dc97]), aTry]X(LC0T0u) T % a(uT'^c;) ou(7(iac;) £S(dc97]), Xi^cx; Si[co]p(uO x a l rcpoo'6S(ou) yy] £^(Y](;) L[aayo((jt£V'/])]

PAPYRI 57

61

x a l T a enl TOU P o p ( p a ) TTJC; a(uTY]<;) ouaCtac;) I8(a
58

XQ (sTsO TCOV a v a X ( ) , xJ^ (STSI) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (TTupou) d, XT] (STSL) a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) a v ( a ) (rrupou) i p "

59

S7T( ) T . . . x a l aX(Xcov) [(TTupou). ]

col. VIII 60

[VY(?) cr9pa(yr8o(;)

(rrpoTSpov) 'Iou]8(aLcov) ( a p o u p a t )

[..].

7 ) ^ TsX(ou(TaO a v ( a ) ( j r u p o u ) y S(La) y s c o ( p y c o v ) TCOV OCTTO OtXoTT(aTopO(;)* yi(TOvs(;) V6(TOU) ] 0sp[JtouTapiou T-^^ SqcTOpvstXou, Xi^oc; Ty]c, a(uT'^(;) oucr(ia(;)

61

[

62

[sS(acp7))* x8 ( s T S t ) a ( v a ) (rrupou). .

x a l TCOV] XO( ) aX(Xcov)

(TTUpou) y] , XS (sTsO TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (TTUpou) y, xc, (STSI) x ^ (STSI) TCOV X( ) , 63

[xYj (STSL) TCOV a v a X ( )

] STT( ) TCOV a v a X ( )

64

[vS (?) aacppa(yLSoc;)

( a p o u p a t ) qc^ TsX(ouaaO a v ( a ) (TTupou)

Stoc ysco(py ) A t o a x o p o u nToXs([jiatou) 65

[- - - yt(Tovs<;) V6(TOU) - - - ] . aTTy]X(tcoTou) pa(TtX(txi^) y('^), P o p ( p a ) Stcop(uO, Xt^o^ uSpayco(y6^)- x8 (sTst) a ( v a ) (TTupou) S

66

[

y

x'C ( s T s t ) T]COV X( ) , XT] ( s T S t ) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov)

(TTUpou)'. 67 68

'STT( ) TCOV a v a X ( ) [vs (?) a9pa(ytSo(;) - - - ( a p o u p a t ) ] . d7]t(;Xp TsX(ou(7at) a v ( a ) (TTUpou) ^c; Stoc ysco(pycov) TCOV . . avou nToXs([jiatou)

69

[

] yt(Tovsc;) V6(TOU) TTpocr6S(ou) sS(a9Y]) x a l ri \ a 9 p a ( y l ^ ) x a l

TTp.( ) 6S(6g), p [ o ] p ( p a ) x a l . . . 70

[ . . . ] uSp(aycoy6<;)- x S ( s T s t ) a v ( a ) (TTupou) S t^', x s ( s T S t ) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (Trupou) d, XQ (STSL)

62 71

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E [y.^ (STSL)

XY) (STSL) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l ] aX(Xcov) a v ( a ) (Trupou) Q

sTr( ) TCOV a v a X ( ) 72

[v^; (?) cy9pa(YLSo(;)

( a p o u p a i ) ] y q X p TsX(oucraL) a v ( a ) (rrupou)

Y SLOC Ysco(pYcov) TCOV dcTro $LXo7r(aTopO(;)* yiixoveq)

73

[

]

V6(TOU) . .

cr9pa(YL^), a7rY]X(LC0T0u) 7rpO(y6S(ou) yf]^

XI^OQ

0sp[jLou-

TSCO(; TY](; 74

[

] x S (STSL) a v ( a ) (Trupou) Y^' x a l

T[CO]V XO( ) (rrupou) a, x s

(STSL) TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (rcupou) Y^ 75

[

TCOV a v a ] X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) ( r r u p o u ) / [

] TCOV a v a X ( ) x [ a l

aX(Xcov) (rrupou).]

col. I X 0 76

^[Y cr(ppa(YLSo(;) - - -]X 8 letters ^(XGCk{ixylQ)

Y(%)

'IouS(aLCOv) ( a p o u p a i ) ^ YJX^^S T s X ( o u a a i ) a v ( a )

(^rpoTspov)

(rrupou) Y

Ysco(pYciv) T[COV. . ] . 77

.[

] yiiTO^zq)

V6(TOU) T] \ gcppa(Yl^) [

] Aopucpo(piavY]<;)

ouc7(ia<;) 12 letters Ap[rro]xpaTicovo^ Y]I 6 letters 78

[

] . Xi^oi; pa(7iX(ixY]) Y"^, arcY)X(icoTou) uSpa(Y0i)Y6<;). x S (STSL)

a v ( a ) (rrupou) S, x s (STOUC;) SCOC; XC (STOUC;) TCOV a v a X ( ) , XY] (STSL) TCp(v) 79 80

a v a X ( ) , [ x a l a]X(Xcov) <(rrupou)> ^ src( ) TCOV a v a X ( ) ^S g9pa(YrSo(;) [V6]T(OU) sx6[jL(svai) s Y P ( a i v o u a a i ) Xip(6(;.) A o p u cpo(piav'^(;) oua(ia(;) (rrpoTspov) 'I[ouS(aLCov)] ( a p o u p a i ) . . (rrupou). Sioc Y£w(pY^'^) '^^^

81

y[i{i:ovzQ)

av(a)

iXorr(aTopo(;).

V]O(TOU) [- - - ] . ou[- - -] p o p ( p a ) TOC rrpoiaYjY(JT(sva)

x a l . . .Y('^), aTrY]X(icoTou) uSpa(YcoYO^),

XI^{OQ)

SY)((jLO(Tia) b8oQ' x S

(STSL) a v ( a ) (rrupou). 82

. . . [

]xY] (STSL) TCOV a v a X ( ) x ( a l ) aik{Xoiv)

TCOV a v a X ( )

(rrupou) f ?T^( )

PAPYRI 83

63

^£ g[(ppa(yrSo(;) - - -] AopucpoCptavyjc;) oucrCtac;) 'Iou8(aLcov) ( a p o u p a t )

p St^Xp T£X(ou(TaO

<(7up6T£pov)>

a v ( a ) (Trupou). S [ t a

Y£co(pYcov)] TCOV aTTO OLXoTu(aTopO(;)" Yt(T0V£^) V6(TOU) x a T ( ) 84

...[...]

6£p[

] . . 2TpaT£tvou x ( a T ) o i ( x t x a ) £S(a(py]), Xt^cx;

b8bc; x[cd] TOC Ini TOU V6T(OU) x ( a T ) o L ( x i x a ) £S(acp7)) * x8 (£T£L) a v ( a ) (rcupou)., 85

[x£ (£T£0] TCOV a v a X ( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (rcupou) y x^ (£T£0 X^ (£T£0 TCOV a v a X ( ) , XY] (£T£t) TCOV avaX( ) x a l aX(Xcov) (rcupou) Y

86 87

£Tc( ) TCOV avaX( ) acppa(YtSo<;) V6(TOU) £x6fji(£vaL) £YP(aLvouaaO Xi(p6<;.) Aopucpo(ptav^c;) oucr(ia^) (rcp6T£pov) *IouS(aLcov) ( a p o u p a t ) a ^ T£X(ouaaL) a v ( a ) (rcupou) Y Stoc Y£w(pY^^)

iXoTc(aTOpoc;)'

Translation Col. V Section 2 6 . A t the north and at the west o f them regal land having once belonged to Jews 1 aroura at the rate o f 3 artabai through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south and north and west royal land, at the east a canal. I n year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . and others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 year 2 7 . . . i n year 2 8 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1/4 artaba o f w h e a t . . . Section 2 7 . At the north o f them royal land having once belonged to Jews 19 V2 1/8 1/32 1/64 arourai from which 12 1/2 1/8 1/16 1/32 1/64 arourai at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat and 6 1/2 1/8 1/16 1/ 3 2 arourai at the rate o f 2 V2 artabai o f wheat and having once belonged to G r e e k s . . . arourai at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat.. . 2 4 1/2 1/8 1/16 1/32 1/64 arourai through the farmers o f the village Philopator and Deios son o f Panouris and Panouris (his brother?). Boundaries: at the south the catoecic olive-yard o f D i d y m o s son o f Kastor, at the north the olive-yard o f D i d y m o s son o f Dionysos, at the west royal land, at the east a canal and . . . t h e lands o f D i d y m o s son o f D i o s son o f Dionysius, at the west a canal. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 1/2 artabai o f wheat and . . . a t the rate o f 1/4 artaba o f

64

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

wheat, in year 2 5 . . . and others at the rate o f 1/4 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 . . . , in year 2 7 . . .and others at the rate of 1/4 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 8 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1 artaba o f w h e a t . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1/8 artaba o f wheat. Section 2 8 . At the south o f these royal lands having once belonged to Jews 4 1/8 arourai paying at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south the above mentioned section and royal land and catoecic lands o f Agathokleia, at the north royal lands, at the east a canal, at the west a canal and the northern catoecic lands. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 4 2/3 artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . and others at 1/3 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 . . . , in year 2 8 . . . Section 2 9 . At the north 2 1/2 adjacent arourai o f public revenue land having once belonged to Jews at the rate of 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south the above mentioned section and royal land and catoecic lands o f Agathokleia, at the north public revenue lands, at the east a canal a n d . . . [ I n year 2 4 . . . a t the rate of...artabai] o f wheat, [in year 2 5 ] . . .and others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 . . . , in year 2 8 . Col. V I Section 3 6 . At the north o f these 2 arourai o f royal land having once belonged to Jews at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south royal land, at the north and east and west canals. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 1/12 artabai o f wheat a n d . . . at the rate o f V4 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . and others at the rate o f 1/8 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 [and others at the rate of.. .artaba o f wheat], in year 2 8 . . .and others. Section 3 7 . At the north and east o f these, on the middle being the space between canals, 3 1/8 1/32 arourai o f royal land having once belonged to Jews at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat, and 4 arourai having once belonged to Greeks at the rate o f 2 V2 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator and Sendras daughter (?) o f Diodoros. Boundaries: from all sides canals. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 1/12 artabai o f w h e a t . . . a n d at the rate o f V2 artaba o f

PAPYRI

65

wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 . . . , in year 2 8 . . .and others at the rate o f V4 artaba o f w h e a t . . . Section 3 8 . At the west o f these in the middle being a canal and a road 4 1 / 4 1 / 8 1 / 3 2 arourai o f royal land having once belonged to Jews at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south the catoecic lands o f S a m bous daughter o f Alexandros, at the north and east a public road, at the west a public road. In year 2 4 at the rate of 3 2/3 artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . and others at the rate o f 1 / 4 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 . . . , in year 2 8 . . . a n d others at the rate o f . . . a r t a b a i of w h e a t . . . and others at the rate o f 1 / 4 artaba o f wheat. Section 3 9 . At the north, in the middle being a public road and an irrigation ditch 2 1 / 2 adjacent arourai o f royal land (?) having once belonged to Jews at the rate o f 3 artabai and...arourai and...arourai once belonging to Greeks throught the farmers o f the village Philopator and Sendras daughter (?) o f Diodoros. Boundaries: at the south an irrigation ditch and a public road, at the north the lands o f the estate o f Philodamos which will be mentioned below, at the east the catoecic lands of.. .one daughter o f Z o s i m o s . In year 2 4 3 arourai at the rate of...artabai o f wheat, the remaining at the rate o f 3 1 / 2 artabai o f wheat a n d . . . the others, in year 2 5 3 2/3 artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 till year 2 6 . . . , in year 2 8 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 3/4 artaba o f wheat. . . a n d others at the rate of. ..artabai o f wheat. Section 4 0 : . . . a r o u r a i o f royal land having once belonged to Jews at the rate of... artabai o f wheat. ..through the farmers o f the village o f Philopator. Col. VII Section 4 5 . At the south and east o f these 3 3/4 1 / 8 1 / 3 2 arourai in the estate o f Philodamus having once belonged to Jews at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south a canal, at the north the lands o f the same estate, at the east an olive-yard registered n e a r T r (). In year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 1 / 2 artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 7 , in year 2 6 . . . , in year 2 8 . . .and others at the rate o f 1 / 6 artaba o f wheat. ..others at the rate of... artabai o f wheat.

66

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

Section 4 6 . At the north o f these 1 aroura of royal land having once belonged to Jews paying at the rate of 3 artabai of wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south (the catoecic lands?) o f Archonides son o f H e r a k l ( ) , at the north and east and west canals. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 1/2 artabai o f wheat a n d . . . at the rate o f 1/6 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . and others at the rate of...artabai of wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 . . . , in year 2 8 . . . and others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f w h e a t . . . Section 4 7 . At the north o f these 1 aroura o f royal land having once belonged to Jews paying at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. : at the south and north and east and west canals. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 1/2 artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . and others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 27.., in year 2 8 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1/2 artaba o f w h e a t . . . Section 4 8 . At the north o f these, in the middle being a canal, 2 1 arourai o f the estate o f Doryphoros to Jews paying at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south a canal, at the north the lands o f the same estate, at the east the lands of the same estate, at the west a canal and revenue land that will be mentioned below and the lands o f the same estates to the north. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 2 / 3 artabai o f w h e a t . . . and others at the rate o f 1/2 artaba of wheat, in year 2 5 . . . a n d others at the rate of...artabai in year 2 6 . . . , in year 2 7 . . . and others at the rate o f 1/4 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 8 . . . and others at the rate o f 1/12 artaba o f w h e a t . . . and others... C o l . VIII [Section 53 (?) ...having once belonged to] Jews. [ ]. 1/8 1/16 arourai paying at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator...Boundaries: at the south [ ] o f Thermoutarion daughter o f Satorneilos, at the west lands o f the same estate. In year 2 4 at the rate of... artabai o f w h e a t . . . and others at the rate of 1/8 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . and others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba of wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 . . . , in year 2 8 . . . [Section 54?] . . . 1 1/2 arourai paying at the rate o f 2 1/2 artabai of wheat through the farmers (?) o f Dioskoros son o f Ptolemaios... [Boundaries: at the south ] at the east royal land, at the north a ca-

PAPYRI

67

nal, at the west an irrigation ditch. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 4 1/3 artabai [. In year 27] in year 2 8 . . . a n d others at the rate of... artabai of w h e a t . . . [Section 55 ] (?) 1/4 1/8 1/16 1/32 arourai paying at the rate o f 2 V2 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f . . . a n o s son o f Ptolemaios [ ] . Boundaries: at the south revenue lands and section 6 0 a n d . . . r o a d , at the north and [ ] irrigation ditch. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 4 1/12 artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1/4 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 [in year 2 7 , . . . i n year 2 8 . . . ] and others at the rate of 1/6 artaba o f wheat. [Section 5 6 (?) ] 3 1/2 1/8 1/32 arourai paying at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south [ ] the section 6 0 , at the east revenue land, at the west the land o f Thermoutis daughter o f (?) [ ]. In year 2 4 at the rate o f 3 1/2 artabai o f w h e a t . . . a n d . . . at the rate o f 1 artaba of wheat, in year 2 5 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f wheat.. .and others at the rate of... artabai o f wheat [ ] and [others at the rate of... artabai o f wheat]. Col. IX Section 6 [3 ] 2 1/8 1/32 1/64 arourai o f royal land having once belonged to Jews paying at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f [the village Philopator]. Boundaries: at the south the section [ ] o f the estate o f D o r y p h o r o s . . . o f Karpokxation, . . . [ ] at the west royal land, at the east an irrigation ditch. In year 2 4 at the rate of 4 artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 till year 2 7 . . . , in year 2 8 . . .and others at the rate o f 1/2 artaba o f w h e a t . . . Section 6 4 . At the south, adjacent (to the previous section) overstepping at the west, now in the estate o f Doryphoros, having once belonged to J e w s . . .arourai at the rate of.. .artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries; at the s o u t h . . . a t the north the aforementioned and royal (?) land, at the east an irrigational ditch, at the west a pubHc road. In year 2 4 at...artabai o f wheat [ ] . In year 2 8 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f wheat... Section 6 5 . . . 2 1/4 1/16 1/32 arourai o f the estate o f Doryphoros having once belonged to Jews paying at the rate o f ...artabai of

68

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south [ ] the catoecic lands o f Thermoutarion (?) daughter o f Strateinos, at the west a road and the southern catoecic lands. In year 2 4 at the rate of...artabai o f wheat, in year 2 5 . . . a n d others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 . . . , in year 2 8 . . .and others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f w h e a t . . . Section 6 6 . At the south adjacent (to the previous section) overstepping at the west, now in the estate o f Doryphoros, having once belonged to Jews 1 1 / 2 arourai paying at the rate o f 3 artabai o f wheat through the farmers o f the village Philopator. Boundaries: at the south the lands o f the same estate, at the north the catoecic lands o f Thermoutarion daughter o f Strateinos < a n d > the section 6 0 , at the west a public [road ] . . .In year 2 4 at the rate of.. .artabai o f w h e a t ] . . . [in year 2 5 ] . . . and others at the rate o f 1/3 artaba o f wheat, in year 2 6 , in year 2 7 . . . Transl. Isaak F. Fikhman, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum,

vol. 4 (forthcom-

ing). No. 39 List of Lands, mentioning a ' I o u 5 a i x 6 ^ Xoyo^ R BeroL inv. 7440 recto = SB 12,10893 U n k n o w n Provenance. Second Century C E .

14 x 16 cm.

Bibl.: Anna Swiderek, " l O T A A I K O S A O P O S / ' JJP 16A7 (1971): 61-62; Modrzejewski, ''loudaioi apheremenoi^ 353-60; see below, p. 189. (First hand)

... [

]

© a t [- - -] -aasx- [

]

(Second hand)

Osou TLTOU Aopucpopiav^i; [

5

AypLTULvtav^^;

AxT7]i.avY]c;

OUGIOLQ

OXJGLOLQ

5av8p£cov x ^ p a 'louSaLxou Xoyou

[

]

]

SyjXoufjLsvyjc; £lva[t Iv [

]

.av [

]

TJI

AXS-]

PAPYRI

69

TtexouXtoi) ['E]XXi^v
Siavo[ji7)(; gTefjifAaTwv exTOi; Xoycov

(First hand) (?)

. [

]

. . [

]

. [

]

[---].

[---]... Between 11. 7-9, on the left side: (Third hand) 15

[- - -] <7wq|3

~

[---]7coq|3

_

[- - -] <7wqp . . [---]... Translation LI. 4 - 1 1 : From the estates o f the deified Titus from the estate o f D o r y p h o r o s . . . f r o m the estate o f A g r i p p i n a . . . , from the estate o f Aktiana known as situated in the L a n d o f the Alexandrians..., from the Jewish a c c o u n t . . . 2 5 0 . . . , from the patrimony o f the Greeks d e ceased without legal heirs..., from the distribution o f garlands..., (from the contributions o f those) out o f a c c o u n t s . . . . Transl. Isaak F. Fikhman, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, ing).

vol. 4 (forthcom-

No. 40 Fragment of Account Possibly Mentioning a l o u S a i x o g Xoyo^ R BouriantAA, verso = C / y III, 458 Fayum Second Century C E . Bibl.: Barbel Kramer and Dieter Hagedorn, Kdlner Papyri, vol. 2 (Papyrologica Coloniensia 7: Abhandlungen der rheinisch-westfalischen Akademie der Wissenschaften: Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1978), p. 133; Modrzejewski, loudaioi apheremenoi,'' 354; see below, p. 189. ' l o u S a i x o u [Xoyou] £87]Xa)[6Y)](7av £t[(77r£7ipa]x9aL

70

DIASPORA J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

No. 41 List of Income from Lands, Mentioning a 'Iou8aLx6<; Xoyoq Inv. 4306r = /? Koln II, 97 U n k n o w n provenience Probably First H a l f o f the Second Century C E .

9 x 1 8 cm.

Bibl.: Modrzejewski, ''loudaioi apheremenoi,'' 354; Ra)^mond Bogaert, "Liste geographique des banques et des banquiers de I'Egypte romaine, 30A-284," ZPE 109 (1995): 172, n. 161. ]en[L

T]C) AVTO TFJQ €lanQd^e(0(; [

[o]ya[I]a}V

Tixov

yivo{vxai) [...] 5

[dq,) 'Bcovf

(rdA.) ^ [dg.)

naqq.

'Ea^

ycoX EyX{

(dg,) . .[

naga de Ti^egco) KXavdicp Tixov

=

....[

ovotojv Oveanaacavov

ovaicbv

x" [

(dg,) 'A^iyffjx''

''Egcorc

[

ov[

^lovdqLixov Xoyov {dg,) onafdy^ [ yiv\o\{yxaC) (rdA.) C 10

(<5E-)

=

Z°

"^^^^ . [

Tvfii TOV iveaxojxog d {exov(;)' [ , . [ . J c r t w v xgcLTteCelxaLg faiov ov
Zaqg,[

{dg.) ^Exnap ovai[a}v Tixov

{dg,) 'Ev/x^x** ^ot^d de TiP[egiq)

KXavdito

''EgcDXi

(raA.) f (Sg.) ^Eco^yF6X° ovaiajv TLX[OV 15

. [ . .],vov

(dg.) ga — ^lovdaixov Xoyov [

Xoyov {dg.) 1^ = TOY naga xoj AlXlcp

.[

"Egolxt

Zaxovg[VELVA)

]ovGav[ 1. 1. At the end of the line perhaps: x a l £yX[6You £Xoi7roYpa9ig6y)
Translation M a k i n g a total o f the collection o f d u e s . . . o f the estates o f Titus 2 8 5 0 drachmai 5 obols 2 chalci*...that is 2 talents 5 2 0 7 drachmai 2 obols a n d . . . f r o m . . . t h e estates o f V e s p a s i a n . . . d r a c h m a i . . . f r o m Tiberius Claudius E r o s . . . from the estates o f Titus 4 9 1 3 drachmai 3 obols 6

PAPYRI

71

chalci...from the Jewish account 281 drachmai 5 obols 2 chalci...that is 7 talents 456 drachmai 2 obols 2 chalci with...Tybi of the present four year...the bankers o f public funds Caius Sara from the estates o f Vespasian 5381 drachmai 4 obols, from the estates o f T i t u s . . . t h a t is 5442 drachmai 2 chalci from Tiberius Claudius Eros. ..7 talents 5863 drachmai 4 obols 6 chalci from the estates o f T i t u s . . . 101 drachmai from the Jewish a c c o u n t . . . a c c o u n t 64 drachmai 2 o b o l s . . . f r o m Eros (from?) Aelius Saturninus... Transl. Isaak E Fikhman, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum,

vol. 4 (forthcom-

ing). * The silver drachma was divided into 6 obols, and the obol into 8 chalci. See Orsolina Montevecchi, La papirologia 2""^ ed. (Milano: Vita e pensiero, 1988), 7 1 .

No. 42 Prohibition against Growing Plants Usable for Weapons BGUyj 2085 Kerkesucha O r u s (Fayum) 3 April 119 C E .

21.7 x 10 c m .

Bibl.: Modrzejewski, "loudaioi p. 185. (First hand)

apheremenoV\ 3 4 1 , n. 14. See below,

Apeiwi xcajjioypafjiaTr K£px£(7[oux^]v " ^ p ( o u ( ; ) x a l aXXcov xG)[jLco[v

xaGpstv.

Miuatc; M [ 5

Ap[(jti.ua ^rpiC,

]

i. ] . . XLWV ria-

OL T[p£r<; TCp£(Tp]uT£p[o]l T*^^

7rpoxi(ji£v[7]c; xcolfXYjc; K e p x s (Toux^^ " f i p [ o u ( ; T % ] *HpaxXtSou [ji£piSo(; [6][JLVU[O](JL[£]V TI^V 10

AuToxpocTopoi; K a i a a p o ^ Tpatavou A S p i a v o u 2 £ p a a T o u TUXV]V [JLY] zjiy

-iwxkc, izzpX xvjv xcofxvjv cpu-

T£u6fJL£V0V TO^LXOV XOcXafJLOV fx[Y]8£] [XUptXlVOV, y\ £VOXOL £1.7]15

p.[£v] T

72

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

(Second hand)

A p f x i u a ^ A p f j i t u a ^ x a l [[u]] Miuaic, S o [jia. . . o u x a l OTOXXLCOV IlavTjcriou TTpsaPuTSpoi q)(jt(0(jt6xa(X£v T[6V]

20

7rpoxifjt£v[ov] opxov. IITOXXLCOV l y p a ^ a UTTSp Toiv [JLYj £IS6T6)V ypa[jl(JLaTa.

(First hand)

("ETOU^) Tp[tT]ou A [ u ] T o x p a T o p o ^ K a t c a p o c ; Tp[a]L[a]vou ASptavou SsPacxTOU ap[jLou6t. 7]

Translation (First hand) T o Areios, village scribe o f Kerkesoucha O r u s and other villages, greetings. Miysis son o f M . . a n d Harmiysis son o f Harmiysis and PtoUion son o f Panesios, all three elders o f the above mentioned village o f Kerkesoucha O r u s in the Herakleides division, we swear by the fortune o f the Emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus that we have not planted in the area o f the village any arrow-reed nor tamarisk reed, or m a y we incur the consequences o f the oath. AJ.s, the nomographos o f the village, wrote the text. (Second hand) W e , Harmiysis son o f Harmiysis a n d Miysis son o f S o m a . . . O S and PtoUion son o f Panesios, elders, have sweared the above mentioned oath. PtoUion wrote for those who d o not know letters. (First hand) T h e third year o f the Emperor Caesar Trajan Hadrian Augustus. Pharmouthi 8. Transl. Isaak F. Fikhman, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum,

vol. 4 (forthcoming).

T E X T S W H I C H MAY C O N C E R N T H E JEWISH REVOLT

No. 43 Letter of Heliodoros to Anoubas R Bad. 39, coL II = C P / I I , 4 4 1 , col. II = /? Sarap. 88 Hermoupolis.

2 2 . 3 x 14 c m .

117 C E (?), 19 November. Bibl.: Schwartz, Les archives de Sarapion,

pp. 235-36.

PAPYRI

73

'H[X]t6Scppo(; Avou[3ai TWL a[S]£Xcp(ot )(aLp£tv. TO T[:[£]v6[o](; [lOl £Xa(TT7]^ 'hl^i'

p[a<;] TrpoPipdct^o)* £TL yap ouS£ic;, 5

<*>'^ s[X]pV)L XO[JLl(jai UfJLLV £ m -

cr]ToX[a]^ XMP'^^'^o^

av£-

TuX£ua£v. n£7r£ij(T6ai u[jia<; x £ -

xpLxqc O[TL. . ] . [IJav 6£ol pouX[cov]] . oiQ avaTcX£[

T[aL 10

[

a^]7racrofjLaL

Ippcoao] [ l o i a8£X9[£ [

] . Touc; 9L[XO A6u]p x y

1. 3. TO Tc[£]v0[o]<; (xoi Schwartz. CPJ: TO. . [ . ] . cue, [loi I. 4. TTpoPipdcCco Schwartz. CPJ: npo^i^(xZ,zi I. 6. xi^hk TOU []tp[.]. Schwartz. CPJ: x M p k . p . - v. II. 9-10. coc; ava7rXs[ ac;]7raCT0[xat Schwartz. C/y: TWV ava7cX£o[v][TCov ] 7r[.](T0fxaL. 1. 11. sppcoCTo] (JLOL a8£X9£ Schwartz. C/y: [ ] [loi axai[p. 1. 12. [ ] . Tou<; (pt[Xo Schwartz. CPJ: [ ] . TOO 69[£]tX 1. 13. A0u]p xy Schwartz. CPJ: Tu]po xy

Translation Heliodoros to his brother Anoubas, greeting.... M y pain grows every day since there has still been n o one sailing u p to bring you letters except Phibas. I think y o u know that if the gods will it I will g o u p the river without delay... B e well m y brother 19 November. * "Je crois que vous savez que, si les dieux le veulent, je remonterai le fleuve sans ddai (?) pour vous saluer..." (Schwartz, Les archives de Sarapion, p. 236).

No. 44 Letter of Heliodoros to Phibas P. Bad, 3 9 , coL III = C P / 4 4 1 , col. Ill = R Sarap. 89 Hermoupolis. 117 C E (?) Bibl.: Schwartz, Les archives de Sarapion,

2 2 . 3 x 14 c m . pp. 236-37.

74

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE 'HXioScopot; O i ^ a TOOL

nXsiOV U[XO)V Y]8ofJLaL Xafx^avovTCov, a[(;] a v 5

aTToaTeiXo) IrcLaToXa*; ypacpcov aa7Tagr[6](jt£vo[^ ufxa^. Sto IcpsSpsuwv TOit; avaTiXsuouai s x a gxcoL I m ^ a p G ) S L a x [ o -

10

fjLicraL

n[i\GTi\f

TOU [XT] £Tc[i]Xav6av£GQQLI

[d)V 7rp]0(T^X£V

[

],aXX3c 6£ol

gciJ^oiev y|[[jL]a(; arcpoaxo15

Tco[u]<; Iv O[XOL](; XLVS[U]V[OI(;] av[a]u5avo[ji£vou L 6. a(77racr[6](i,£vo[<; Schwartz. C/y: [a]<jTca^o(jia[i] IL 9-10. SLax[o(XL(jai TC[T]aTiv Schwartz. CPJ: StaXuaat uTc[£(7T]y)aav. 1. 12. [d)v. Schwartz CP/: [aoi L 14. ^[(x]ac;. Schwartz. CP/: [i)[x]a(; U. 15-i6. C / / : Iv 6[KOI]C, xtvS[u]y[oLd avHu^avofxsvou Schwartz: s.o [. . ] . a . t v S[. .V. u^a vou[

Translation Heliodoros to his brother Phibas, greeting. I enjoy m o r e writing letters to y o u than y o u enjoy receiving t h e m . * I greet y o u at least in writing. T h a t is why I watched wearily for anyone w h o is sailing u p so that he will deliver to you assurance that I have not forgotten what is necessary, b u t m a y the gods preserve us from h a r m a n d m a k e us prosper a m o n g every danger. * CPJ, p. 243: "I am very glad that you get the letters I send." Schwartz, Les archives de Sarapion, p. 2 3 7 : "J'ai encore plus de plaisir k toire pour vous saluer que vous k recevoir les letters que j'envoie".

PAPYRI

75

No. 45 A Letter of Heliodoros to his Father Sarapion R Bad. 36 = C P / I I , 4 4 0 = R Sarap. 8 5 . Hermoupolis.

12.7 x 9.7 c m .

117 C E (?) Bibl.: Turner, " A N O S I O I lOTAAIOI," 226; Schwartz, Les archives de Sarapion,

pp. 231-32; Richard Alston, Soldier

and Society in Roman

Egypt: a Social History (London and New York: Roudedge, 1995), 222. CoL I 'HXL[6SCOPO(;] 2apa[7Tici>vL] TOOL TiaTpl x a t p e t v . \LOklQ

5

TUOTS Xa^CaV

(TOU T7]V

£TCLC7T0Xy]V

syo) S s a t s l , St' cbv av supoi avaTuXeovTcov,

x^^P^^

a
SSV £VY]V XaiVOTSpOV (701 S7]Xc5(Tai* TTSpl (ji£v oOv TOU TTpayfJiaTOc; OUTTG) [JIOL ouSev xaivoTspov y i v c o a x s T a t , Trspt Sc TCOV a X 10

Xcov T a u T a XaXsiTai, OTL, s a v ixavT) a v a p a a i g y£vy]TaL crTpa[. . . ] , (jte6i(TT[av]TaL x a i PaatXixoL y [ . . . . 7ra]p' ATTLCOVOC; ITTSVerso SapaTTLcovt. TraTpi. 11. 10-11. avdcpaai^ ysvyjTat (jTpa[. . . ] . Wilcken suggests reading (7Tpa[Tiat], Schubart aTpa[TLO)TaL] and Bilabel c7Tpa[Tia(;]. Schwartz however objects that the form of the a does not admit a T after it, and c7Tpa9£VT£(; is too long for this lacuna, so he suggests an adverb or an adverbial expression concerning (X£0l(TTaVTat. 1. 12, paCTtXixoL Y[£copyoi... CPJ. Alston has some doubts about the reading Y[£copYot, and suggests instead an abbreviated form grammateis (Alston, Soldier and Society, 222, n. 54).

Transl;lation Heliodoros to his father Sarapion, greeting. I have just received your letter, a n d I rejoiced that y o u are well, as I pray that y o u should be. I

76

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

a m always glad to send you greetings by anyone I find sailing upriver, even when there is no news to tell you. About our business I know nothing new, but for the rest o f the news, it is said that, if the flood (of the Nile) is large enough,* the royal peasants too will be moved from A p i o n . . . (Verso) To Sarapion his father. * "If enough troops move up" CPJ, p. 242. "Si la crue est sufFisante": Schwartz, Les archives de Sarapion, p. 231.

No. 46 Letter to Heracleus Mentioning Troubles and Dangers P. Brem. 48 Hermoupolis. 116 C E (?), October 3 0 . 11. 2 9 - 3 2

3 6 x 13 c m

OpO TTOCVTCOV aupiOV TO 7rpO(7XUV7][Jia (TOU TTOLTQCTCO £V TCp SapaTiJsLcoi, STTSL avjfjispov oux avePvjv OCTTO aSpcov (TXUX[JICOV xal

xLvSuvcov.

Translation Before all things I shall make the obeisance for you tomorrow in the Sarapeum, since I did not go up there today because o f the abundant troubles and dangers. Transl. J o h n Whitehorne, "Religious Expression,"

36.

CHAPTER THREE

LITERARY S O U R C E S

T H E PAGAN TRADITION

Texts and translations are those found in M e n a h e m Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism {GLAJJ), vol. 2 (Jerusalem: the Israel Academy o f Sciences and Humanities: T h e Jerusalem Academic Press, 1 9 8 0 ) . N o . 47 Arrian, Parthica, apud Suda, s.v. ocTaaOaXa et T r a p e i x o i = GLAJJ 552 2i, pp. 152-155. ' 0 Ss Tpalavcx; l y v c o (jLaXiaxa [JLSV, zl Trapstxoi, l^sXsiv TO IOVO^ zl Ss (jiY], aXXa auvxpitj^ag y e T r a u a a i T*^*; a y a v

aTacrOaXta*;.

1. (jL£V Suda s. V. dcTaaOaXa. [xaXtaTa Suda s. v. TrrapstxoL utrumque Bemhardy

iunxit

Translation Trajan was determined above all, if it were possible, to destroy the nation utterly, but if not, at least to crush it and stop its presumptuous wickedness. N o . 48 Appian, Bella Civilia II, 90, 380 = GLAJJ Ih 350, pp. 187-188. TiQv Ss xscpaXYjv TOU HofjiTrTjiou rupoacpspofxsvTjv oux uTrsaTY), aXXa TcpoasTa^s Tacp-^vat, x a t Tt a u T ^ T£(JI£V0(; Ppa)^u Tipo TyJQ

TToXscoc; TusptTsOsv Nz[izGZCx>q TSfjLsvof; sxaXsLTo* OTTSp in

sfJLou xaTOc Tcofjiaicov auToxpdcTopa T p a t a v o v , l^oXXuvTa TO

78 5

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E £v AiyuTCTO) 'louSaicov yevoc;, UTTO TCOV 'louSatcov sc; TOLC, TOU TcoXsfjLOU Xp£^QC(; xaTyjp£Lcp67). 1. 5 TCOV om. B

Translation Caesar c o u l d n o t bear to l o o k at the head o f P o m p e y when it was brought to h i m b u t ordered that it be buried, a n d he set apart for it a small plot o f g r o u n d near the city which was dedicated to N e m e s i s , but in m y time, while the R o m a n emperor Trajan was exterminating the Jewish race in Egypt, it was devastated by them in the exigencies o f the war. No.

49

Appian, Liber Arabicus = GLAJJ

F 19

II, 3 4 8 , p p . 185-86

(1) I l s p l Apdc^cov [xavTsiac;. ArcTrtavoc; cpYjai TCO TSXSL TOU X S " PipXLOu. 9£uyovTt [loi TTOTS TOU<; ' l o u S a i o u ^ a v a TOV TOXS^OV TOV £v AtyuTTTCp ysvofxsvov x a l IOVTL S i a TTJI; r i s T p a i a g A p a ^ i a * ; £Tcl TTOTafjiov, £v0a (JL£ CTxacpo*; 7r£pi[JL£VOV z[ieXke

hoiGziv

IlYjXouaLov, ApatJ; avy]p S ' T^y£LT6 [xot rriq oSou VUXTOC;, OLO[JL£VCP 5

TTXTJCTLOV £rvai TOU

Gxacpouc;

xpcoJ^ouaT]^ apTt

izpbc,

£Co xopcov7)(; IcpT]

auvTapax6£i(;* ((TOTiXavi^fjtEOa.)) x a i xpco^ou(T7](; aO0L<; £l7r£v* a a y a v 7r£7rXav)^[ji£6a.)) (2) Oopu^oufxlvco 8i (JLOI x a l crxoTTOuvTi, £L TLC; oSoLTuopoc; 6cp0'i^(7£Tat, x a l ouS£va opcovTi CA)(; IV opOpco ITL TTOXXCO x a l y ^ 7roX£[xou(ji£V7], 10

£l7r£v riaQeic,'

ainl

TpiTov 6 ' A p a ^ TOU 6pv£ou 7ru66(X£vo<;

aufXcpipovTi 7r£7rXav)^(ji£6a x a l l^ofjisGa TTJC;

oSou.)) (3) l y o ) 8k lylXcov (ji£v, zl x a l vuv £^6[jL£0a T-^C;

7RXAVCOA7]<;,

x a l a7r£yLvco(7xov IfjtauTOU, TTOCVTCOV TroX£fjLL6)v OVTCOV, OUX 6V [loi SuvaTOv ouS' ava(7Tp£TJ>aL SLOC TOIX; 6Tria6£v, ouc; 8ri x a l 9£uycov T^p^OfJlYjV, UTTO S' dcTTOptac; £LTr6[Jl7)V IxSoiX; IfJiaUTOV TCO [JLaVT£U(JiaTl. 15

(4) OUTCO S£ £;)^OVTL [JIOL TCapOC S o ^ a V £T£pO^ TCOTafJLOi; £X9aLV£Tat, 6 dcy^^OTOCTco (jtaXiGTa TOU flTjXouatou, x a l zpiripric, TrapaTiXlouaa,

ZTZI^OLC,

zc, TO nvjXouaLOV

SL£acoJ^6[ji7jV TO axa(pO(; S e , o [jie £v TCO

£T£pCO TTOTafXCp UTr£(Jl£LV£V, UTTO 'louSaiCOV IX-^CpOv]. TOCTOUTOV cbva(jt7]v TY](; TUX7](; x a l TOCTOUTOV lOaufxacra TOU (jLavT£U(jLaTO(;.

LITERARY SOURCES L 4. I^YSTto Mendelssohn. StYjyetTO codd. 1. 10. £$6(i.£0a Nauck. 1. 11. l y w Ss StereXouv (xev <8£8otxo)<;, {iri> l^ofjLsGa vel lyo) x a i <S£SotxaJ(;, (jt,7)> l^ofieGa Miiller. vuv om. Miller. 1. 15. iTiicpaLvsTai Mendelssohn. I. 17. (X£ Mendelssohn, fxsv codd.

79

lysXcov [xev,

II. 18-19. TocrouTou o)va(X7)v (omisso t ^ ^ Tux*y)<;) cod. Treuii

Translation (1) About the Arabian power o f divination. At the end o f the twentyfourth b o o k Appian says as follows: W h e n I was fleeing from the Jews during the war which was being waged in Egypt and I was passing through Arabia Petraea in the direction o f the river, where a boat had been waiting in order to carry me over to Pelusium, an Arab served m e as guide at night. W h e n I believed us to be near the boat a crow croaked, just about day-break, and the troubled m a n said: " W e have gone astray." A n d when the crow croaked again, he said: " We have gone m u c h astray." (2) T h e n I became disturbed and looked for some wayfarer. I saw none, since it was early morning and the country was in a state o f war. W h e n the Arab heard the crow a third time, he said rejoicing: "We have gone astray to our advantage and we have gained the road." (3) I only laughed, thinking we would gain the wrong path again, and despaired o f myself as we were surrounded everywhere by enemies, and it was not possible for m e to turn back because o f those behind from w h o m I was fleeing. H o w ever, being at a loss, I followed and gave myself up to the augury. (4) Being in such a state, unexpectedly I perceived another river very near to Pelusium and a trireme sailing to Pelusium. I embarked and was saved, while the boat which awaited m e at the other river was captured by the Jews. S o m u c h I had g o o d luck and marvelled at the augury. No. 50 Dio, Historia

= GLAJJ

Romana

LXVIII, 32, 1 - 3

Ih 437, pp. 385-89.

(1) K a t Tpalavoi; [xev IxeiOsv

OUTO^C,

arc^XOs, x a i ou TTOXXO) uc7T£pov

appcocTTeiv YJpxsTo* x a l Iv TOUTCO ol x a x a KupvjvYjv

'louSatot,

A v S p l a v Tiva 7rpo(7TY]aa[jL£VOL acpcov, TOU^ T£ Tca[jLaLOu<; x a l TOU<; "EXX7]va<; £90£tpov, x a l xac; TZ crapxa^ auxcav IGLTOUVTO x a l TOC

80

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

5

s v T s p a aveSoGvTO T(O TS aifxaxL T^Xetcpovro x a i x a aTcoXsfXfjiaTa IveSuovTO, TcoXXoix; 8k x a l [xeaoui; OCTCO xopucp-^i; SiSTrpiov (2) OvjpLoi^ £T£pou<; I S i S o a a v , x a l [xovofxaxstv ocXXout; T^vdcyxaJ^ov,

>Z

TOLQ TTOcaac; Suo x a l s i x o a i fjiupidcSa^ dcTroXsaOai. sv TS AiyuTCTO) TToXXoc ISpacrav ofjioia x a l Iv

KuTrpo) i^youfxlvou TIVOC; acpiaiv

10 ApTSfJiicovo^* x a l aTcciXovTO x a l I x s i (jLupidcSsi;

TZGaoipeQ

xal sixoai.

(3) x a l Sioc TOUT ouSsvl 'louSaico iTTipyJvai auT-^t; l^eaTiv, aXXoc x a v dcvlfjio) Ti^ ^lacrOsl^ zq TYJV VYJCTOV zxnzaji dcXX' ' l o u S a i o u ^

[izv

6avaT0UTai.

aXXoi TS x a l AOU(TIO(; UTTO T p a i a v o u

TzziKpQziQ

XOiTZGTpZ^OLTO,

L L L L L L

3. AvSpsav Scaliger. avSptav VC.AvSpstav Leunclavius. 7. aXX-^Xou(; V. 10. ApT£(xo)vo^? Boissevain. 11. ouSevt Sylburg. ouSiv V C . 12. £XTU£(jy) Reiske. IfXTCEa/) V C 14. xaxeaTpe^l^aTO Dindorf. xaTscTTpe^avTO V C

Translation (1) Trajan therefore departed thence, and a little later began to fail in health. Meanwhile the Jews in the region o f Cyrene had put a certain Andreas at their head, and were destroying both the R o m a n s and the Greeks. T h e y would eat the flesh o f their victims, make belts for themselves o f their entrails, anoint themselves with their blood and wear their skins for clothing; many they sawed in two, from the head downwards; (2) others they gave to wild beasts, and still others they forced to fight as gladiators. In all two hundred and twenty thousand persons perished. In Egypt, too, they perpetrated many similar outrages and in Cyprus under the leadership o f a certain Artemion. There, also, two hundred and forty thousand perished, (3) and for this reason no Jew may set foot on this island, but if one o f them is driven u p o n its shores by a storm he is put to death. A m o n g others who subdued the Jews was Lusius, who was sent by Trajan. No. 51 Artemidorus Daldianus, Onirocritica 4, 24 = GLAJJ II, 396, pp. 330-31. K a l y a p s t a i TIV£(; (scil. o v e i p o i ) Tipo ouc; x p i v c o v [X£v

zniTuxriQ

{TTJC;)

OLTZO^OLGZO^Q

Trapdc y s Ifxol e l v a i

do^ziQ,

axpiTOi, ^Y) x p i v c o v S I

LITERARY S O U R C E S oux

OLTzyyoQ.

81

OIov sSo^e TIC; cTTpaTOTceSapx'/jc; znl T/] [xa^^aipa

auTou Y£Ypa
T^piaTSUcrev Iv TW 7roXl(jtco 6 tScav TOV oveipov, x a l TOUTO "^V 6 £i7ro[ji£v, aTTO [JLIV TOU I ' l o u S a i o i g , aTTO SI TOU X Kup7)vaioi<;, OCTTO SI TOU 6 9 a v a T 0 < ; . 'AXXoc Tupo [Jilv dcTropdcaeox; -^v axpLTO<;, a T r o ^ a v T c o v SI TCOV aTroTsXeafjidcTCov x a l acpoSpa s u x p i T O ^ . L 2. fjLsv av ITTLTUXIQ^ V.

Translation There are s o m e dreams that cannot b e solved before the events c o m e to pass. I f you solve those dreams y o u will be lucky in m y opinion, but if you fail y o u will not be reckoned unskilful. O f that kind was one in which apraefectus castrorum saw written upon his sword: L x 0. T h e n there came the Jewish war in Cyrene, a n d the fellow who h a d seen the dream distinguished himself in the war, a n d this was what the above-mentioned dream h a d signified: by the i were meant the Jews, by the x the C(K)yrenaeans, a n d by the 6 Thanatos (=Death). However, before it came to pass, this dream was unresolvable, b u t when the event happened, it was very manifest. No. 52 Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadr. 5, 2 = GLAJJ Ih 509, p . 6 1 8 . 2 N a m deficientibus his nationibus, quas Traianus subegerat, Mauri

lacessebant,

Sarmate

bellum

inferebant,

Brittanni

teneri s u b R o m a n a dicione n o n poterant, Aegyptus seditionibus urgebatur, Libya denique ac Palestina rebelles animos efferebant. L 4. iicya P litia S

Translation For the nations which Trajan had conquered began to revolt; the M o o r s , moreover, began to make attacks, a n d the Sarmatians to wage War, the Britons could not be kept under R o m a n sway, Egypt was thrown into disorder b y riots, a n d finally Libya a n d Palestine showed spirit o f rebellion.

82

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

N o . 53 Scriptores Historiae Augustae, Hadr, 5, 8 = G I 4 / / I I , 510, pp. 618-19. Lusium Quietum sublatis gentibus Mauris, quos regebat, quia suspectus imperio fuerat, exarmavit Marcio Turbone ludaeis conpressis ad deprimendum t u m u l t u m Mauretaniae destinato. Translation H e (Hadrian) deprived Lusius Quietus o f the c o m m a n d o f the Moorish tribesmen, who were serving under him, and then dismissed him from the army, because he had fallen under the suspicion o f having designs on the throne; and he appointed Marcius Turbo, after he had subdued the Jews,* to quell the insurrection in Mauretania. * Following Magie, Stem translates "after his reduction of Judaea", but from Eusebius we know that Marcius Turbo was sent by Trajan to Egypt and not to Judaea.

CHRISTLW EVIDENCE Abbreviations

CSCO CSEL GCS CSHB

C o r p u s Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium C o r p u s Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum D i e Griechischen Christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten Jahrhunderte C o r p u s Scriptorum Historiae Byzantinae No. 54 Hippolytus, In Matthaeum 24, 15-22

inoTvixoc

gojq

XOJ

JUUUIOC.

nicouq i t T e ncy^^qe,

epA.TC jutnejuteo JuiniiutAnEpuiuionr^t ^^tx lepovCA.

?\HJUt.

C o p t i c (Bohairic) manuscript edited by Paul de Lagarde, Catenae in Evangelia Aegyptiacae quae supersunt ( G o t t i n g e n : Dieterich, 1 8 8 6 ) , 6 5 , 11. 3 4 - 3 7 .

LITERARY S O U R C E S

83

The same text is found in the Ethiopic MS P: Paris. Aethiop. 65 and in the Arabic M S : G: Gottingen arab. 103. See G C S 1 (ed. G. Nath. Bonwetsch and H. Achelis: Leipzig: J . C . Hinrichs, 1897), "Kapitei gegen Gajus" fragment 5 and 6, p. 197. Translation: Hippolytus, for his part, says: T h e pollution o f the desert, he said, is the image o f Caesar that was set up before the altar in Jerusalem. N o . 55 Hippolytus on Matthew 24, 15-22

Edited by John Gwynn, "Hippolytus on St. Matthew 24, 15-22," Syrisch Hermathena

7 (1890):

148.

This passage is preserved in the work of Dionysius Bar-Salibi. See G C S 1 (ed. G. Nath. Bonwetsch and H. Achelis: Leipzig: J . C . Hinrichs, 1897), 244-45. Translation Said Hippolytus: . . . a n d Vespasian did not erect an idol in the Temple, but the legion brought by Trajanus Quintus, the first m a n o f the Romans, did erect an idol there, called Kore. No. 56 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica IV, 2, 1 - 5 1 K a i TOC (Jisv TY)<; TOU acoT-^po*; iQfxcov S i S a a x a X t a i ; TE xal £xxXY)(TLa(; 6(77](ji£paL avOouvTa ITTL [XSL^OV IX^P^^ 7rpoxo7r'^(;, TOC S S Ty\c, 'louSaicov (7U(jicpopa(; xaxoic; IncuXkrikoic, TJxjjia^sv. yjSv) youv TOO a u T o x p a T O p O ( ; elc> IviauTOv oxTcaxaiSexaTOv 'louSaicov

mvriGic,

znavocGTciGQc

TiajjiTToXu

TZX-YJQOC,

eXauvovTog, a06t.<; aoTcov

84

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E SiacpOstpsL. 2 £v T£ y a p A X s ^ a v S p s i a x a l TJI XOITC/] AtyuTrTOt) x a l 7rpo(T£TL x a x a Kup7)V7)v, (ZxTTTSp UTCO 7rv£U[jLaT0<; Sstvou Ttvoc; x a l (TTa(7LCoSou(; avappi7CL(T6£VT£(;, (x>p[XYjVTO TTpo^ TOix; auvoixou^; ''EXXTjva^ aTa(7La^£Lv, au^TjaavT^c; T£ £L<; [ x l y a TY]V crxaaiv, TCO ITTLOVTL IviauTco TTOXE^JLOV OU afjiixpov c7UV7]^J;av, i^youfjilvou TTjvixauTa AouTTOu

TTiQ

a7Ta(77](; AiyuTTTOU. 3 x a l ST) IV TT] TrpcoTY]

(TUfiPoX^ iTTLxpaT-^aai. auTout; auvipv] TCOV 'EXXYJVCOV* ot x a l x a T a 9 u y 6 v T £ c ; zlc, TYJV AX£^avSp£Lav TOIX; IV T ^ TTOXEL ' l o u S a t o u ^ l ^ c o y p Y j a a v T£ x a l a7r£XT£Lvav, Tvjt; SI T i a p a TOUTCOV cjufjifxaxtac; a 7 r o T u x 6 v T £ ^ o l x a T a Kupi^vYiv TTJV X^P*^^ '^'^'^ AtyuTCTOU X£y]XaT0uvT£(; x a l TOU^ IV auTV] vofxoui; (p6£LpovT£c; SLETIXOUV, iQyou[jt£vou a u T c o v Aouxoua* I 9 '

OXJQ

6 a u T o x p a T C o p £TC£(X^£V

MapxLov T o u p ^ c o v a auv Suva(jL£LTOJ^T]T£ x a l vauTix/], ITL SI x a l ITTTTLX^. 4 6 SI TToXXa^ [id-xoiiQ oux oXtycp T£ XP^VCO TOV Tcpo^; auTOix; StaTcovYJcra^ 7r6X£[jLOv, 7roXXa<; (jiupiaSac; 'louSatcov, ou (jiovov TCOV OCTCO Kupi^vY]^;, dcXXoc x a l TCOV OCTC' AtyuTCTOu auvai.po(jL£vcov A o u x o u a TCO

^OLGIKZI

auTCov, dcvatpEL 5 6 SI

auTOXpdcTCop UTcoTTTSuaa^ x a l TOU^ IV MeaoTCOTafjiLoc ' l o u S a t o u ^ 'sTTLOYJasaOaL TOL^ auToOt, Aouaico KUI^TCO TrpoasTa^sv IxxaOocpai T-^c; I r c a p x ^ a ^ ; auTouc;* 6<; x a l TrapaTa^dcfjisvoc;, TrdcfXTToXu TCXYJOOC; TCOV auToOi cpovsusL, Icp ' & x a T o p 6 c o [ j t a T L 'IouSaLa(; T^ysfjicav UTTO TOU auTOxpdcTopot; dcveSsLx^y]. T a u T a x a l 'EXXIQVCOV o l TOC xaTOc Touc; auTouc; xp^vouc; ypacp^ noLpaSovTZC,

auToT^ laTopYjcrav

pT^fxaatv. Eduard Schwartz and Theodor Mommsen (ed.), Die Eusebius

Kirchengeschichte,

Werke, II, 1. Unrevised second edition, E Winkelmann (ed.)

G C S , new series, 6, 1 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag G m b H , 1999), 300302. Translation W h i l e the teaching o f our Saviour a n d the church were flourishing daily a n d moving o n to further progress the tragedy o f the Jews was reaching the climax o f successive woes. In the course o f the eighteenth year o f the reign o f the E m p e r o r a rebellion o f the Jews again broke o u t a n d destroyed a great multitude o f them. For b o t h in Alex-

LITERARY SOURCES

85

andria and in the rest o f Egypt and especially in Cyrene, as though they had been seized by some terrible spirit of rebellion, they rushed into sedition against their Greek fellow citizens, and increasing the scope o f the rebellion in the following year started a great war while L u p u s was governor o f all Egypt. In the first engagement they happened to overcome the Greeks who fled to Alexandria and captured and killed the Jews in the city, but though thus losing the help o f the townsmen, the Jews o f Cyrene continued to plunder the country o f Egypt and to ravage the districts in it under their leader Lucuas. T h e Emperor sent against them Marcius Turbo with land and sea forces including cavalry. H e waged war vigorously against them in m a n y battles for a considerable time and killed m a n y thousands o f Jews, not only those o f Cyrene but also those of Egypt who had rallied to Lucuas, their king. T h e Emperor suspected that the Jews in M e s o p o tamia would also attack the inhabitants and ordered Lusius Quietus to clean them out o f the province. H e organized a force and murdered a great multitude o f Jews there, and for this accomplishment* was appointed governor of Judaea by the Emperor. T h e Greek authors who chronicle the same period have related this narrative in these very words. * Lake translates "reform."

Transl. Kirsopp Lake, Loeb Classical Library, vol. 1 (London: Heinemann, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965), 305-307. No. 57 Hieronimus, Chronicon, C C X X I I I Olymp. XVII

^ ludaei, qui in Libya erant, aduersum cohabitatores suos alienigenas dimicant. Similiter in Aegypto et in Alexandria aput Cyrenen quoque et T h e b a i d e m mag-

15

na seditione contendunt. U e r u m gentiliu m pars superat in Alexandria. XVIII

^ ludaeis Mesopotamiae rebellantibus praecepit imperator Traianus Lysiae Quieto, ut eos prouincia exterminaret. Aduersum quos Quietus aciem instruens infinita milia eorum interficit et ob hoc procura-

20

86

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

tor ludaeae ab imperatore decernitur. XVIIII

^ Salaminam, urbem Cypri, interfectis in ea gentilibus subuertere lu-

25

daei. Ed. Rudolf Helm, Eusebius Werke, vol. 7. G C S 47 (Berlin: AkademieVerlag, 1956, repr. Berlin 1984), 196-97. Translation XVII.

XVIII.

XIX.

T h e Jews, who were in Libya, fight against their gentile fellow-inhabitants. Similarly in Egypt and in Alexandria, about Cyrene also and the Thebaid, they strive in great sedition; but the gentile party prevails in Alexandria. T h e Jews o f Mesopotamia being in revolt, the emperor Trajan orders Lysias Quietus to extirpate them from the province. Quietus, drawing up a force against them, kills countless thousands o f them; and for this he is designated procurator o f Judaea by the emperor. T h e Jews overthrow Salamis, a city of Cyprus, slaying the gentiles therein.

Transl. William Horbury, "The Beginnings of the Jewish Revolt under Trajan," in Geschichte'Traditiori'Reflexion:

Festschrift fiir Martin

Hengel zum

70 Geburstag, vol. 1 (ed. H. Cancik et aL: Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr [P. Siebeck], 1996), 287. No. 58 Eusebius' Chronicon: The Armenian Version

87

LITERARY SOURCES

Jadaei, qui l u Libya erant, adversam Graecos coliabitatores suos jjj ccrtamen et seditionem CONCITARI coepti sunt, necnon in Aegjpto, et Alexandriae, Cyrenis et Thebaide, verum SUPCRAVERUNT, qui Alesaiidriae Graeci erant. Quum autem m Mesopotamia quoque moverentur, praecepit Imperator Lysiae Quieto, ut eos provincia ejectos exterminaret. Quietus acie instructa, plurimas mjriadas Judaeorum intemecione delevit, quibus rebus compositis^ Praeses Jadaeae ab Imperatore declaratus est

224 2102

T r a i a n u s m o r b o decessit •

S a l a m i n a m C j p r i insulae u r 19 bem Judaei adorti, Graecos, Adria-l q u o s ibi n a c t i s u n t , o c c i d e r u n t , nus u r b e m q u e a fundamentis sub?erann, tentes solo a e q u a r u n t . XXI.

Hadrianus Alexandriam a J n » dacis (Hicr. a R o m a n i s ) subvcrsam r e s t a u r a v i t .

Hadrian us Judaeus subegit tcrtio c o n t r a R o m a n o s rebellantes.

2l33

Baptista Aucher Anq^ranus (ed.), Eusebii Pamphili Chronicon conversum

bipartituniy

nunc primum

adnotationibus

auctum

ex armeniaco graecis

Caesariensis textu

in

fragmentis

episcopi latinum exornatum

(Venetiis: typis Coenobii Pp. Armenorum in insula S. Lazari, 1818), 282-83. Translation 1 7 . T h e Jews in Libya began to rise up against the Greeks settled a m o n g them in conflict and rebellion, and also those in Egypt and Alexandria and in Cyrene and in T h e b e s ; and the Greeks who were in Alexandria were victorious. 18. A n d as they started a rebellion also in Mesopotamia the emperor c o m m a n d e d Lysios Kitos to cleanse the entire province o f them. Kitos stood in batde array and butchered many myriads o f Jews. After he had settled their affairs he was appointed governor of J u d e a by the emperor. 19. O n Salamis, the city of the island o f Cyprus, the Jews fell upon the Greeks that they found there and butchered them and destroyed the city to its foundations. N o . 59 Rufinus, Ecclesiastical

History

IV, 2, 1 - 5

1. Et quidem salvatoris nostri institutio ecclesiarumque profectus crescebat in dies. ludaeorum porro funera densissimis cladibus exagitabantur. Itaque postquam praedictus imperator

88

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

a n n u m octavum d e c i m u m principatus ingressus est, rursum ludaeorum tumultus exarsit, q u o magnus m o x numerus gentis eius occubuit. 2 N a m et Alexandriae et per Aegyptum vel Cyrenen t a m q u a m atroci q u o d a m seditiosoque spiritu exagitati, primo simul commanentibus vicinisque gentilibus inferre certamina, t u m deinde paulatim seditione crescente sequenti iam anno bellum publicum et non m i n i m u m intulere R o m a n o duci tunc L u p o cuidam in partibus Aegypti. 3 A c sane primo proelio ludaeos secuta victoria est. Sed gentiles, qui ex acie fugerant, inrumpentes Alexandriam ludaeos, si quos forte inibi reppererant, captos interemere. Q u o r u m auxilio destituti reliqui, qui apud Cyrenen rebelles extiterant, velut desperantes ad agros Aegypti et castella vastanda vertuntur, duce Luca. Adversus hos imperator mittit c u m exercitu peditum atque equitum, sed et navali m a n u M a r c i u m Turbonem, 4 qui multis sane proeliis nec parvo tempore consumptis multa milia ludaeorum non m o d o apud Cyrenen, sed et in Aegypto, qui Lucae auxilium ferebant, prostravit ac perculit. 5 Princeps vero R o m a n u s etiam eos, qui apud M e s o p o t a m i a m consistebant, ludaeos ratus similia ausuros Lucio Quieto praecepit delete provinciam fiinditus ac totam gentem penitus excidere. T u m ille directa acie m a g n a m eorum multitudinem sternit. Cuius facinoris gratia Quietus remunerationis vice ab imperatore provinciae ludaeae indeptus est praesidatum. Sed haec etiam Graecorum gentilium historiografi per singulas quique aerates ordine eodem memoriae tradiderunt. Eduard Schwartz and Theodor Mommsen (ed.). Die Kirchengeschichte, Eusebius Werke, II, 1. Unrevised second edition, E Winkelmann (ed.) G C S , new series, 6, 1 (Berlin: Akademie Verlag G m b H , 1999), 301303. Translation 1. A n d really in those days the progress o f our savior grew through the teachings o f the church. Moreover, the misfortune o f the Jews

LITERARY SOURCES

89

occurred through great disasters. T h u s after the aft)rementioned emperor had entered into the eighteenth year o f his rule again an uprising o f the Jews broke out in which soon a great number o f people lay dead. 2. For in Alexandria and throughout Egypt and even Cyrene they were moved by a savage and rebellious spirit. At first they rose against their close pagan neighbors, then gradually the revolt grew and the following year they started a public war o f no small dimensions when the governor o f the Egyptian regions was a certain Lupus. 3. Indeed in the first battle the Jews won. But the gentiles who had fled from the battle fled to Alexandria and captured all the Jews w h o m they could find and slaughtered them. After those who rebelled in Cyrene lost the aid o f the Alexandrian Jews, like desperate men directed themselves toward the Egyptian fields and laid waste their strongholds under the direction o f their leader, Luca. Against them the emperor sent Marcius Turbo with infantry and cavalry and also with a naval force. In many battles and in not a short time Marcius Turbo overthrew and destroyed many thousands o f Jews who brought reinforcements to Luca, not only in Cyrene but also in Egypt. 5. Indeed the R o m a n emperor, considering that those Jews who were in Mesopotamia, too, would dare to c o m m i t similar deeds, ordered Lucius Quietus to destroy the province entirely and to exterminate the whole people completely. T h e n he (Lucius Quietus) went to a battle and felled a great multitude o f them. As a reward for this. Quietus attained the governorship o f the province o f Judaea from the emperor. These facts the historiographers o f the Greek gentiles have handed down through the ages in the same order o f narrative. No. 60 Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII, VII, 12, 6-8 6. Incredibili deinde m o t u sub uno tempore ludaei quasi rabie efferati per diversas terrarum partes exarserunt. N a m et per totam Libyam adversus incolas atrocissima bella gesserunt; quae adeo tunc interfectis cultoribus desolata est, ut, nisi postea Hadrianus imperator coUectas illuc aliunde colonias deduxisset, vacua penitus terra abraso habitatore mansisset. 7. Aegyptum vere totam et Cyrenen et T h e b a i d a m cruentis seditionibus turbaverunt. In Alexandria autem commisso proelio victi et

90

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

adriti sunt. In Mesopotamia q u o q u e rebellantibus iussu imperatoris bellum inlatum est. Itaque multa milia eorum vasta caede deleta sunt. 8 Sane Salaminam urbem Cypri interfectis omnibus accolis deleverunt. Paulus Orosius, Historiarum

adversum paganos

libri ML Ed. Carolus

Zangemeister. C S E L 5 (Hildeshein: G. Olms, 1967), 467. Translation T h e n , all at once, the Jews in different parts o f the world, as if enraged with madness, burst forth in an incredible revolution. For throughout all Libya, they carried on most violent wars against the inhabitants, and Libya was, then, so forsaken by the killing o f the cultivators o f the soil that, unless Hadrian afterwards had not gathered colonists from without and brought them there, the land would have remained completely destitute and without an inhabitant. Indeed, they threw into confusion all Egypt, Cyrene, and the Thebaid with bloody seditions. But in Alexandria, in a pitched battle, they were conquered and crushed. In Mesopotamia also, when they rebelled, by order o f the emperor, war was introduced against them. A n d thus many thousands o f them were destroyed in a vast slaughter. Indeed, they did destroy Salamis, a city o f Cyprus, after killing all the inhabitants. Transl. Roy J. Deferrari, Paulus Orosius: The Seven Books of History

Against

the Pagans (The Fathers of the Church. A New Translation, vol. 50: Washington, D . C : The Catholic University of America Press, T"^ ed. 1981), 306-307. No. 61

Moses Xorenac'i, History of the Armenians

^n,nifu£jlrtjL.irg

£r1[/jj i^^bpujj

fiL.[tnij^

S [tu^J U A J pnu ibn.ustfpf ^inpu^gt

II, 55, 11. 10-14.

^ L . ^LUtiusriUMgnugtfUM juiur^utj

jm^tb-b^u

p

^

LITERARY S O U R C E S

91

Ed. Manuk Abeghean and Suren Yarut'iwnean, Patmutmn Hayoc' (Tiflis 1913: facsimile edition with additional collations by A.B. Sargsyan, Erevan: Matenadaran, 1991), 185. Translation: At that time Trajan became emperor o f the Romans, a n d having pacified all the east he descended on the Egyptians a n d Palestinians. Having subjected them to his authority, he marched to the east against Persia. Trans. Robert W. Thomson, Moses Khorenatsiy

History

of the

Armenians,

Harvard Armenian Texts and Studies 4 (Cambridge Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1978), 197-98. No. 62 The Zuqnin Chronicle Dionysii Telmahharensis Chronici Liber Primus, 153, 11-15.

< ^ %^'5
^'LUS?

^ 1

]^5ocu

^ \ ^ ^ |]j^o

n^^kSZ^

] - © | - J 5 J^c^

] i ^ ^ S S >s:q1^

^ d L - l ^ o '-^^-^^-^ UGS5O ^

yOJ

] L ^ O

CLJ:^^ ^^X^?

).&I*i^o

UWICJO

^ ( n - ^

. ^ j c ^ ^j-jlo

lAi.yl55

]S^0

^

.\^ySiOa

J^CA?

JJLJ

. p 5 o a ^ C1A:5 A^o^.A&Ci9 }IL i ^ n l ^

Textum e codice Ms. Syriaco Bibliothecae

Vaticanae. Transscripsit notis-

que illustravit Otto Fredericus TuUberg (Upsaliae: Excudebat Reg. Acad. Typographus, 1850).

92

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

Translation Year 2 1 3 0 . T h e Jews who were in Libya started a rebellion against the gentiles w h o lived there, a n d also those in Egypt, Alexandria, Cyrene, T h e b a i d ; the Alexandrian Greeks prevailed over them. Year 2 1 3 1 . W h e n the Jews o f M e s o p o t a m i a rebelled, Trajan sent Lysias Kotas to expel them from the province. A n d Kotas took arms up a n d killed many myriads o f them, so that the neighborhoods a n d the houses o f the cities, the streets a n d the paths and every place were filled with corpses; and there was n o b o d y to bury them. Moreover, at Salamis in Cyprus, the Jews rebelled a n d killed its pagan inhabitants and destroyed the town. No. 63 Georgius Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica

1, 657

'louSatOL xaTOc Aipuvjv xat Kup7Jv7]v xat AiyuTrxov x a i

AXs^avSpstav x a i ©Tj^atSa TcoX£(jL7j(TavT£(;

TZ^OQ

TOIX;

(7UvoLxouvTa<; ''EXXvjva^ SiscpOapYjcrav. AvTLOXsta xaTSTTTCoOT] Tcap6vT0(; T p a i a v o u . Tpal'avoi; AUCTLCO KUVTO) TYJC; MsaoTcoTafxiat; e^apat TOIX; c 7 T a ( n a c r a v T a ( ; IxsXsucrsv. * 0 Ss

TZOKKOLC,

(jtuptaSa^ 'louSaicov avsXwv

"igysfjicov T % ' l o u S a i a * ; S t a TOUTO xaGiaTaTaL. Toui; Iv SaXafxivt. T-^^ KuTTpou "EXX7]va<; ' l o u S a i o t avsXovTs^ TYjv TcoXtv xaTSCTxa^av. Ed. Alden A. Mosshammer, Georgii

Syncelli Ecloga

Chronographica

(Leipzig: Teubner, 1984), 425. Translation W h e n the Jews throughout Libya, Cyrene, Egypt, Alexandria a n d the T h e b a i d commenced hostilities against the Greek inhabitants there, they were utterly destroyed. Antioch suffered an earthquake when Trajan was staying there. Trajan ordered Lysius Quintos to eliminate the insurgents in Mesopotamia. For killing many tens o f thousands o f Jews, he was thereby appointed governor o f Judaea. After killing the Greek at Salamis in Cyprus, the Jews razed the city.

LITERARY SOURCES

93

Transl. William Adler and Paul Tuflfin, The Chronography kellos: A Byzantine

of George Syn-

Chronicle of Universal History from the Creation (Oxford:

Oxford University Press, 2002), 502. No. 64 YxitydaiMS Annales, 9 , 1 5

^

A'l; J > y - J o-^i^.'> j-i-' c!'-' •

'-J^-

'

Ms. Sinaiticus Arab. 582. Eutychii patriarchae

Alexandrini

Annates,

ed. Jean B. Chabot et aL:

Scriptores Arabic! Textus. Series tertia. Tomus VI. Pars Prior in the series C S C O (Beryti: E Typographico Catholico, Parisiis: Carolus Poussielgne Bibliapola, Lipsiae: Otto Harrassowitz, 1906), 101. Translation At that time the Jews returned to the Holy City. T h e n since they became so numerous that they filled the city, they decided to appoint a king. W h e n he learned this, the emperor Tarabyanus sent one o f his generals at the head o f a great army to Jerusalem. In that occasion, an innumerable number o f Jews was killed. A n d rebels in Babylon rose against Tarabyanus a n d K i n g Tarabyanus marched against them a n d there was a violent fight between the two o f them. M a n y people fell on both sides and in that war K i n g Tarabyanus, too, was killed. No. 65 lohannis 2^narae, Annates XI 2 2 K a l 01 x a r a Kupi^v7]v S s ' l o u S a i o i aTrscrTYjaav x a l sxxstvov x a l TcofjiaLou^ x a l ''EXXvjva^, x a l OL IV AiyuTTTO) x a l ol Iv Kurcpco

oxjj^

TJTTOUt; 6[jL0LC0<; SilcpOsipav. xaxsaxpl^J^axo SI TOUTOU^ T p a t a v o * ; , CTTpaTsufjia x a x * auxcov 7U£7io[jt9a)(;. (jil^vvjTat.

TTIQ

TCOV 'louSatcov

TauTYjg aTC0(TTa(7ta<; x a l 6 E u a i p i O ( ; Iv TCO TSTapTO) Xoyo) TYJ^; 'ExxXyjCTLaaTtx-^i; IcTTopiac;.

94

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

Edited consilio B.G. Niebuhrii C E C S H B 43, tomus II, (Bonnae: Impensis ed. Weberi, 1884), 513. Translation A n d the Jews o f Cyrene rebelled a n d killed both R o m a n s and Greeks, a n d similarly those in Egypt a n d in Cyprus killed not fewer. Trajan sent an army against them a n d defeated them. Eusebius, too, mentions this rebellion o f Jews in the fourth b o o k o f his "Ecclesiastic History." No. 66 Michael Syrus, Chronicon

. f l ^

a ^ C ^ ; 0

f

6, 4

^ ^ ^ ^ ^

Jean-B. Chabot (ed.), Chronique de Michel le Syrien, Patriarche

Jacobite

d'Antiochcy vol. 4 (texte syriaque) (Paris, 1910, repr. Bruxelles: Culture et civilisation, 1963), 105. Translation: Towards the end o f Trajan's reign, the Jews o f Egypt rebelled. T h e y gave themselves a king called Lomphasos. H e took them and moved to Judaea. Trajan sent against them Lysias who killed myriads o f them. T h a t is why Lysias was appointed governor o f Judaea.

LITERARY SOURCES

95

No. 67 Gregorius Abu'l Faraj (Bar Hebraeus), Chronography, fol. 19.

old

V

,^v*Ao<x-=»,^;
U^C^O

, 0009

Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Hunt 52. Ernest A. Wallis Budge (ed.). The Chronography of Gregorius Abu I Faraj, vol. 2 (Amsterdam: Associated Publishers Amsterdam — Philo Press, 1976). Translation A n d in the tenth year o f Trajan, Galen the physician was born, and at the end o f his reign the Jews who were in Cyprus uprooted the city o f Salamina (Salomoni), and slew the Greeks (Yawnaye) who were therein. A n d the Jews also who were in Libya stirred up to revolt the Greeks who were therein, and thus also did the Jews who

96

DIASPORA J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

were in Cyrenaica, a n d in Thebes, and in Alexandria and in M e s o p o tamia (Beth Nahrin). A n d the Jews w h o were in Egypt rebelled, and set u p for themselves a king whose name was L u m p i s , and he governed them and came to Judea. N o w the Jews conquered in every place. transl. Ernest A. W. Budge, The Chronography of Gregory Abu I Faraj, 12251286,

the son of Aaron,

the Hebrew physician

commonly known as Bar

Hebraeus, vol. 1 (London: Oxford University Press, H. Mitford 1932, repr. Amsterdam: Associated Publishers Amsterdam — Philo Press, 1976), 52. No. 68

Anonymi Auctoris, Chronicon

r d » * ^ C L j I
ad annum

Christi

1234pertinens

i^V\i^JL^xk> r ^ V v o r a ^ ^ ^ o a ^ i r n

Jean B. Chabot (ed.), Chronicon

ad annum

Christi

1234

pertinens.

C S C O 8 1 . Scriptores Syri, tomus 36 (Louvain: Imprimerie orientaliste L. Durbecq, 1953), 133,11. 25-31, 134,1. 1. Translation At this time the Jews o f Mesopotamia rebelled. Lysias was ordered to expel them from his (Trajans) sight; and he killed m a n y myriads o f them. At this time the Jews in Cyprus fought against the inhabitants o f the town Salamis, which they destroyed, and they killed the Greeks who were in it. A n d also the Jews who were in Alexandria and in Egypt attacked the Greeks w h o were there; but the Greeks defeated them.

LITERARY SOURCES

97

No. 69 Nicephorus Callistus, Ecclesiasticae Historiae tomus III, 22. ''Ocra x a l ITTI T p a i a v o u 'louSatoLc; £7rL(7uv£[3y] x a x a . T a [JL£V oOv -^[jieTspa OGTOX; YJvGst, x a l x a 0 ' i^[ji£pav £t(; sTrtSoaLv TJyovTO, piJ^a(; Pa0£La<; xaxa^aXXofjisva Tat^; TS TCOV ocTToaToXtxcov avSpcov S i S a a x a X t a L ^ (TTOXXOI Se -^aav TCO PLCO) x a l TOI^ TCOV [jiapTupcov ai(jia(7i 7iLaLv6(ji£va' T a S s TCOV 'louSatcov ax^yy^c, x a l cflXzizoiXkrikoic,

TJxfjiaCs TOLC; xaxotc;. ''OySoov [xsv oOv x a l S s x a T o v

£T0^ T 6 ) auToxpdcTopi TOUTO) T7] a p ^ f ] Si7]vu£T0, x a l 'louSaicov xLV7](7i(; aSOtc; 7^y£ip£T0, x a l TO nzpikzKpQk^f

TOU TTXI^OOUI; 7^9aviC£.

AsLvou y a p x a l (TTaatcoSout; 7rv£U(jLaT0<; £[i.7C£(j6vTO(; auTOi^, x a l TOV 6u(jt6v [xaXXov avappL7UL^ovTO(;, Trpo^ TOIX; auvoixoui; l a T a a t a ^ o v ''EXX7]va<;. K a l TOUT' IV A X £ ^ a v S p £ L a x a l AiyurcTO) x a l T ^ Tcpoaotxo) Kupi^vY) l7rpaTT£T0. K a T a (Jiixpov S I TYJV a T a a i v au^'y](TavT£^, TOO [IZT IX£LVOV IviauToS [xlyiaTOv x a T ' aXXYjXcov (Tuv^^J^av TOV 7r6X£[jiov. 'Hy£rTO S I TTjvixaSs Aou7ro(; AtyuTiTou. K a l T a (jilv TupcoTa TOC TCOV 'louSatcov l x p a T £ r ot S' ''EXX7jV£<; cpuyy] ax6(T[Jtco xpy]C7a(jL£V0L, TOT^ IV A X £ 5 a v S p £ L a aTrpooTiTCOi; l7ri.6£[ji£vot 'louSaioL^, ^coypoucri T£ a u T i x a x a l fxa^aLpac; £pyov TToiouvTaL. Sufjifxaxtat; youv ol Iv KupTjvT]

TTIC,

IX£LVCOV

a7roTU}^6vT£(;, x a T a O l o u a t TY]<; AtyuTTTOU Tiaayjc; ITL -^^youfjilvou AouTuou* x a l 6 S p a v x a x o v £ixov, aS£CO(; £7rpaa<70v. A£ic7a(; TOLVUV Tpa'tiavo^, 7zz{nzzi M a p x i o v T o u p ^ c o v a [IZT a^LOfjiaxou Suva[jL£co(;, UTravTtacraL x a T a aTOfjia zoic, 'louSaioi,*;. 2 u v S I T ^ v a u T i x ^ Tzz'C.ixri

ITCTTLXT] 7rap£L7r£TO Suvafjti^*

x a l Iv I X a ^ t a T C )

Xpovco 7ioXXaL<; T£ x a l r u a v T O t a i ^ [jia)^aL^ TOV 7rp6<; auTOix; 7r6X£[jiov y£vvaico<; SL£V£yxcov, 7rX£L(7Ta^ (jiupiaSac; 'louSaicov ou TCOV OCTO Kup7jVY)(; (Jiovov, aXXa x a l TCOV OCTT' AtyuTTTOU TCO acpcov

^OLGIXZI

aufjifxaxouvTCov, Aouxi.o<; -^v auTCO ovofjia, avaLp£r. TTTOTUTCOC; S ' s^cov (JLY) TOL(; 6(jLocpuXoL^ x a l OL Iv M£ao7roTa(jLLa

'ZTZLGTIC,

iTTlOcOVTaL, AoUXLCp KUITCO TTpoaSTaTTE T*^*; UTT' aUTOV ZTZCLpyiOLC, 6(70v T a x o < ; lxxa6aLp£LV a u T o u < ; . K a l oc, x p u c p a cTTpaTYiyLx-^v TYJV

98

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

TuapdcTa^Lv TroLYjadcfxsvo^;, uTraysi TCO ^icpsi TTXTJGOC; SXSLVCOV, OU POCSLCO^ apt.6[jicp UTTOTTLTTTOV. O O SY) X^P^^ -i^yefjiovLoc 6 auTOxpdcTCop TOV AOUXLOV

>^ocl T-^I; ' l o u S a t a c ;

XOLQIGTSL'

O^Q

x a l o l s^coOsv

a v a y p a c p s T c ; TCOV ^ p o v c o v laTOpvjcrav.

Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Series graeca posterior, vol. 145. Ed. Jacques Paul Migne, Paris: excudebatur et venit apud J.-P. Migne editorem, 1865), 940-941. Translation Such great disasters befell the Jews under Trajan too. O n one hand, our affairs flourished and progressed every day, establishing deep roots through the teaching o f the apostols (many were still alive), a n d increasing through the blood o f the martyrs; on the other hand the affairs o f the Jews reached the acme o f many great and consecutive misfortunes. T h u s the eighteenth year o f the rule o f that emperor was approaching its end, a n d an uprising o f the Jews broke out again a n d utterly destroyed the survivors o f the [Jewish] people. Filled with a terrible spirit o f revolt, which drove them hard, they rose against the neighboring Greeks. A n d this happened in Alexandria and in Egypt and in the neighboring Cyrene. Litde by litde intensifying the revolt, the next year they engaged in a great war between them. A t that time Lupus was the prefect o f Egypt. A n d at the beginning the side o f the Jews gained the upper hand, and the Greeks, resorting to a disorderly flight a n d falling suddenly o n the Jews o f Alexandria, captured them a n d immediately p u t them to the sword. Therefore, having lost their alliance, the Jews o f Cyrene invaded the whole o f Egypt under the governorship o f Lupus. A n d what they shamelessly tried to accomplish m e t with a b a d end. For Trajan, alarmed, sends Marcius Turbo with a suitable force to meet the Jews in battle. Along with the naval fleet followed an infantry and a cavalry force; a n d in a short time Marcius Turbo, carrying on the war against them gallantly in m a n y battles o f different kinds, killed many myriads o f Jews, not only those from Cyrene, but also those from Egypt w h o helped their king, whose name was Lucius. T h e n , suspecting that the Jews o f Mesopotamia, too, would similarly attack their fellow citizens,* Trajan ordered Lucius Quietus to cleanse

LITERARY SOURCES

99

the province under his rule o f the Jews as quickly as possible. A n d he completed the arrangement o f the battle-line secretly, a n d then p u t to the sword a great number o f them, w h o succumbed not easily on account o f [their] number. Because o f this (accomplishment) the emperor appointed Lucius also as governor o f Judaea, as also the pagan historians attest. * Perhaps: would attack like their kin. See below, (Mesop. p. XXX).

RABBINIC SOURCES

No. 70 Megillat

Quoted in: Jerusalem

Tdanit

Talmud, Megillah

31

I 6 70c and in Jerusalem

Tal-

mud, Tdanit II 13 66a.

Quoted in: Babylonian

Talmud, Tdanit

18b.

This passage is lacking in the best manuscripts of Megillat Tdanit, M S Parma De Rossi 117/4 and in M S Oxford Neubauer 867/2. See Vered Noam, Megillat

Tdanit: Versions, Interpretation,

History (Hebr.) (Jerusa-

lem: Yad Ben Zvi Press, 2003), 47, 1. 3 1 . See also below, (Judaea), p. XXX. Translation Jerusalem

Talmud,

Megillah,

I 6 7 0 c : O n the twelfth (of A d a r ) , the

day o f Tyrywn. Babylonian

o f Toryanos. Scholion

Talmud,

Tdanit

1 8 b : O n the twelfth (of Adar), the day

100

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

n n T s ; i VKtr;''^ mm Vs7 03 i^wv'b '''n''''n 13K1

.n:sj<3Dii3 tj2

^b

n^'n p3n

n n t r i Vxtr?''» n^imb

n:s3'7Din3i x i n ontr^D o ^ n i s

03 nit2?s;''V n x n I'^xi n n K rir^n

nnx

Vnx

n m n D^^nn n n n n D i p n V tr?'' D-»3mn n i n n i33mn n n x f x Di
Dtr?» r o 3

No2my Megillat

. ^ T » 13''DT DJ?

mn^ n^npn

Tdanity 117-18.

Translation W h e n he seized Lulianos and Pappos at Laodicea, he said: " I f you are o f the people o f Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah, let your G o d come and save you from m y hand, as H e saved Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah from the hand o f Nebuchadnezzar." T h e y said to h i m : "Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah were upright men, and K i n g Nebuchadnezzar was a worthy king and fit that a miracle should be wrought through him, but you, you are an evil king, and it is not fit that a miracle should be wrought through you, and we are deserving o f death and if you d o not slay us, the Omnipresent has many executioners — many bears, many lions, many snakes, m a n y scorpions that can harm us, and if you kill us, the H o l y O n e , blessed be H e , will exact vengeance for our blood from y o u . " It was said that he had not even left that place when a R o m a n dispatch came to him and they split his head with clubs and logs. No. 71 Seder Olam

30

''3Dn iV'^i? r\w W'm^ oi3''ODOKVtr O I » V I D 0 1 » V l D » 1 T ' D OlO^Vir? 01»^1D IV

on^'ioxVtr? oitt'^ViD^a

013'»0S0KVtr? OI^VlDtt n^27]

.rr^nn p n n inn S P C R O N N N VTR? ,G2 OMIO

- O B D M S P C R

i " 3 n^sn^i

,B L OMOX VTZ? .ON''IOIV)\>v; ,G2 OT:*'P ,L OWP^tt^ - oiD-'PVTR? 2

LITERARY S O U R C E S

101

M nitt^ n^m^ n^^b^ , 0 G 2 S P C R 7\w w^mi n^mn ,B L T ' D - T ' D 2

G2 ^^yb^ , 0 L o^^''pb^ - owpVtr? 2 B D. , 3 " D - SI 3 O — M S Oxford, Bodeleian Opp. 317 B — M S Milan, Ambrosiana T 6 6 Sup. G 2 — Geniza Fragment, Oxford, Bodleian library Heb. d. 47, 40 — 43. D — E d . Mantua, 1513. L — M S Parma, Palatina 2787. S — M S Cincinnati, Hebr. Union Col. 852. P — M S Paris, Bibl. Nat, 974. C — Ed. Constantinople, 1516. R _ M S Parma, Palatina 2298.

Chaim J . Milikowsky, "Seder Olam: A Rabbinic Chronography," vol. 2 (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1981), 441-42. Translation From the war o f Asverus until the war o f Vespasian was eighty years, these were during the time of the Temple; from the war o f Vespasian until the war o f Qitos was twenty-four years; from the war o f Qitos until the war o f Ben Kozibah was sixteen years; and the war o f Ben Kozibah was two and a half years, fifty two years after the destruction of the Temple. Transl. Milikowsky, ''Seder Olam,'' 547.

No. 72

MishnahSotah9:U

Mw

m

m

Dnx ii:h^ xVtt^i nVDH m n o s ; bv n n

i r m i m n^'rn Tina pn^Dn nVDn K22n

oo^pVtr?

n n i n n x n oijdVidi

.n*»s;n ^inn pn^'Dn nVDn K^sntr^ rvT\^r\ oiiKn

D'^inn' m n n n n x D » nnrnn noDir^nn , p D i p ' " ' D ]

Georg Beer, Mischna codex Kaufinann A50: mit Genehmigung der Ungarischen Akademie der Wissenschaften in Budapest (The Hague: M. NijhofiF, 1929, repr. Jerusalem: Makor,1968), 244 - 45.

102

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

M S Paris 328/29 M S Oxford 2675,2 Ein-Yaakov Edition Salonica 1516. Genizah Fragment O R 1080 Box 4,55 OO^p] Genizah Fragment Oxford 2850,51-52 00^[p] Genizah Fragment Leningrad Antonin 267 [0]0''p M S Cambridge 470,1 DO^ M S Kaufman Budapest A50 DO^ Abraham Liss, The Babylonian

Talmud

with Variant Readings.

Tractate

Sotah, vol. 2 (Jerusalem: Yad Harav Herzog, 1979), 348. Translation D u r i n g the war o f Vespasian they forbade the crowns o f the bridegroom and the [wedding] d r u m . D u r i n g the war o f Qitos they forbade the crowns o f the brides a n d that a m a n could teach his son Greek. In the last war they forbade the bride to g o forth in a litter inside the city; but our Rabbis permitted the bride to go forth in a litter inside the city. Trans. Herbert Danby, The Mishnah (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1933), 305. No. 7 3 Tosefta Peah 4 : 6

K m o n , n i n 3 piVm D^'DD rm^ivi b\rw^ f nnn .minoV m p t n

The same text appears also in Tosefta Ketubbot 3:1 with the following variants: Tosefta Ketubbot

3:1 pr^'i?: t m n mi

Tosefta Ketubbot 3:1

DtT

^xvhm

D**! HTltr? ''3S»

:S7''3» tr?nn n^'Vw

: ] N N^'N

Saul Lieberman, T/?^ Tosefta, vol. 1. TA^ Oraf^r ofZeraim Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1955), 56-57.

nTTtZ^D (New York:

LITERARY S O U R C E S

103

Translation [There are] two [matters that constitute] prima facie evidence [that a person is a member o f ] the priesthood: within the L a n d o f Israel— raising one's hands [during the priestly benediction], and receiving [heave-offering] at the threshing-floor. A n d in Syria, u p to the place where the messenger [who tells o f the new] m o o n reaches—raising one's hands [during the priestly benediction], but [they do] not receive [heave-offering] at the threshing-floor. A n d Babylonia [is in the same status] as Syria. R. Simeon b. Eleazar says, "Also Alexandria [had the same status as Syria], during the early times, when there was a court there." Transl. Jacob Neusner, Tosefta (Peabody, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 2002), 70. No. 7 4 Mekhilta

de Rabbi

IshmaeU Tractate Beshallah

DipDH n-^riTn niDipD ntr?Vtr;n /i3i o n i J D m ntn ^ m n ywb pD^'Oin

^••oin i
iiym

"Tin^DK im

''^'^a mitt^Knn IVD3 nmb^y\ •'D^n mm

(K

2

nrr'Kn

ubys iv lyv nrmib

•'D

ID^'OID

^ m n imK\ (TO , r D n m ) i^v n t n ntrVtr^a (no ,nD wn)

n^'S^tr*') nntrV Dn:^;^ o n n r n •'in

rti:?n w m » » D'^Kn*' Dni< ntr?K a n n n nn^^m imw ]ntr?^tr?a o i r n o •'^•'n n''tr?''Vtr?n (TO ,a;D n^'Di'*) Dnij;^

nrmib anmo

nnp p

pnr Donx

.iVoi |ni2?Vtr?m n t n Merkevet Ha-mishne

M S Oxford (Lemberg 1894) printed editions

oiax'^no 013X''nO OirmO

Ed. Jacob Z. Lauterbach, Mekilta de-Rabbi IshmaeU vol. 1 (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1976), 213-14. Translation For

Whereas

Ye Have

Seen

the Egyptians

Today, etc. In three places

G o d warned the Israelites not to return to Egypt. For it says: "For whereas ye have seen the Egyptians today, ye shall see them again no

104

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

more for ever." A n d it says: "Ye shall henceforth return no more that way" (Deut. 1 7 : 1 6 ) . A n t it also says: " B y the way whereof I said unto thee: T h o u shalt see it no more again " (ibid., 2 8 : 6 8 ) . But in spite o f these three warnings, they returned three times and in all three times they fell. T h e first time was in the days o f Sennacherib, as it is said: " W o e to them that go down to Egypt for help (Isa. 3 1 : 1 ) . T h e second time was in the days o f Johanan, the son o f Kareah, as it is said: " T h e n it shall c o m e to pass, that the sword, which ye fear, shall overtake you there in the land o f E g y p t " (Jer. 4 2 : 1 6 ) . T h e third time was in the days o f Trajan. T h e s e three times they returned and in all o f these three times they fell. Trans. Jacob Z. Lauterbach, Mekilta de-Rabbi IshmaeU vol. 1 (Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1976), 213-14. No. 75 Sijra, Emor, Pereq DC, 5 on Lev. 2 2 : 3 2 "But I will be hallowed among the children of Israel" p x DnV n^DX K ^ ' ^ n V n r^^< t^T^bi^

DIDD

oir^'ino nnt2?Di

r\m

^i^iti DDnx Viss'^i DD'TIVK xia*' n n t r i bm^i:^ mmh^ p r D D n x

,ri^

0 3 rwv^^ p3n n'^n ^223101331 , r n pn^'tz^D n n t r i Vntr'^D n''33n ^b

*'i''*'inD 13X1 ,yi^ ^ s ; 03 rwv^^ p3n n n x p x i ,r\m vm n^yn nnnn o i p ^ n ^ith

ninn , m n i n m

r\m Vai< wmh nrr^D

D ^ a n p r nnnn D^D^tr nnnn n^mi n m n D n m n a n n n m K n n n n S703 ^b n » K

i3'»DT n a n V I'^nr oipttntz; «iio KV^'K i3n ir^D'^tr;

. n r y p D n i n i » m iK'^isini

•'Vs'^t: rhv rs^yv iv

Louis Finkelstein, Sifra or Torat Kohanim according to Codex Assemani LXVf (Hebr.) (New York: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America 1956), 442. ed. ed. ed. ed.

Venice Venice Venice Venice

1545, 1545, 1545, 1545,

198=ed. 198=ed. 198=ed. 198=ed.

Weiss Weiss Weiss Weiss

99d 99d 99d 99d

ODDtJ^DI 013''n?D n^l2^b IV

.3nntr?D1 .1 . O l s n n o .1 .^Ki^b .5 .^VD-^O .8

LITERARY S O U R C E S

105

Translation When Trajan slew Pappus and Lulianus his brother in Laodicea, he said to them: " I f you are o f the people of Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah, your G o d will come and deliver you from m y hands." They said to him, "Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah were upright, and Nebuchadnezzar was fit for a sign to be wrought through h i m ; but as for you, you are a wicked king, and not fit for a sign to be wrought through you, and we are worthy o f death in the eyes o f Heaven. If you do not slay us, the Omnipresent has many destroyers, many bears, many lions, many leopards, many serpents, many scorpions that will attack us, but in the end the Omnipresent will avenge our blood from you." It is said that Trajan had not moved from there before a dispatch came from Rome, and they knocked out his brain with clubs. Translation based on that given by William Horbury, "Pappus and Lulianus in Jewish Resistance to Rome," in Jewish Studies at the Tum of the Twentieth Century; Proceedings of the 6th EAJS Congress, Toledo, July 1998, vol. 1 (ed.

J. Targarona Borras, A. Saenz-Badillos, Leiden 1999), 294. No. 7 6 Jerusalem

Talmud, Ketubot,

II 7 26 d

K m o m m n ^ piV'^m [d^'DD] T\^)^^m '"^^ f n x a nnnDV m p t n pr^'j^ tr?Tinn ^r\^m D i p » iv .n;oix]

nTS7Vx p

^vm m

. n i n ^ piV'^n n

.xmoD

pai2?r \Ti

d'^dd r\y^^m V n n p;3[3](3)

iv

^r\y^ nrtr^n n x m a o o V x a

Talmud Yerushalmi According to MS Or 4720 (Seal University Library with Restorations and Corrections,

3) of the Leiden Introduction by

Yaacov Sussmann (Jerusalem: The Academy of the Hebrew Language, 2001), 964. Translation There are two presumptive grounds for a person's being deemed a member o f the priesthood in the L a n d o f Israel: Raising u p [hands] in the priestly benediction, and sharing heave-ofiFering at the threshing floor. A n d in Syria: the raising o f hands in the priestly benediction, but not sharing heave-offering at the threshing-floor—up to the point at which the agents announcing the new m o o n reach u p to

106

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

N a m r i n . Babylonia is in the same status as Syria. R. Simeon b. Elazar [says], "Also in Alexandria, when the courts sit there." Translation based on that given by Jacob Neusner, The Talmud of the Land of Israel: a Preliminary

Translation

and Explanation,

vol. 22 (Chicago and

London: University of Chicago Press, 1985), 76. N o . 77 Jerusalem Talmud, Megillah, I 6 70c = Jerusalem Talmud, Tdanit, II 13 66a .pn^'O

ur Von

.xnj<

.oiDDi oir^'ViV nmtr? Talmud

nps?''

' d k i .pn^'D

d v .p^'TO

Yerushalmi According

University Library

n

npr*' (xnx)

nr Von .i<

to MS Or 4720

with Restorations

ntr^r-pnnn

nr

(Seal

and Corrections,

3) of the

Leiden

Introduction by

Yaacov Sussmann (Jerusalem: The Academy of the Hebrew Language, 2001), 743 [= 717]. Translation O n the twelfth o f that m o n t h [of Adar] is Tirion s day. A n d R. Jacob bar A h a said, "Tirions day has been annulled, for it is the day o n which Lulianos and Pappos were killed." Transl. Jacob Neusner, The Talmud

of the Land

of Israel: a

Preliminary

Translation and Explanation, vol. 19 (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 25-26 = vol. 18, 202-203. N o . 78 Jerusalem Talmud, Sukka, V 1 55a-b

.nrr^n r o o ^ mthi:^ rooi^i rrri nVn^

no3Dn

]m

p m

p m i o n

^^yn^

miD

ni^nrnp n^vyv^ .Dn:2» •'KisrD d ' ^ ' ^ ^ d d nn rn d ^ ' ^ s t d nnK V d i .D-»rpT D''s;ntr; i ^ i d n r V n ^ i mmo D^^an^ mrmp» r i ^ ^ K S f rVtr? n^'^ni . a n t K i m tr;»m D n t r ^ r n m D i r f]'»3a nn»an n'^n nmnn niKipV ina i n > < t ^ s ? .rvbv iiy\v n'^n ^ n a ^ n'^ntr? n o n n i nonn Vs7 . p K rnnx p n s 7

wv r n intVir? nn'Ti D H K i

^ V ' ^ o n p D D .rirr^

LITERARY S O U R C E S

p3tr?r XVK p n i m r » pntj^r rn

107

rnnj< pis; ]m p n o n

D'DS7K

n ''an .rtr^nn o i i m n o .ni^'nnn •'»i .nxisr m o n o nn^^n Dtr^m .im3?3ix

['3ir;] .Dn22» f

mtr^V xVtr; 'tr^^' nnnn niDip» ntr;Vtt?n /nr ]n iir^tr? ^f^Y /"chMS IV nniKnV iD^'Oin orn o n i s a nK Dn'»xn im • ' D " ia*'tr?nr' /'lyv ntn - r n n mtr?V pD^'Oin DDV I ^ S N nnnio •'D*»n nnx .IVDI ptr?Vt2?m ntn ]ntr?iVtr?ni /'nrixn xVi D i K Dn:2»r' . n n n i 'no n» ."nnrsrV Dn^s^o D m r n •'in" onx im nnnn nn'^nv . n i p p pnr ''^•'n nnxi /i3i "ntr?n D T O I O I ]3 iV iVia .vwir\ D i a n n t ? •'^''n nnxi /i3i "ODnx w n Dt2? na^D •''Kn*' ^T\m nnVtr? .nTT'3 ip'^Vini nDiann inn n» . p r n ^ rni nxn ns7trnn nn»tr? nmn^'n nx ^•'DDI K I I D'^nnnnn nx tr?iD» nKU? iv Ab rMm^ ]y^'ov

pnDtr^xi xnx .ntr;»nV

xnxi

p?Dr

nntr^rV '•n''?^

I O T .^n

ntt . p V / i a i " f i x n nisp?^ pinna ^i) ybv xtr*"' [i^pioDi i^n^'mxn] w » ntr?m x n m >
nir»t2?3 .p^'tr^aV

n?3i< .pnni

pDn .n'^V pn»i< .pp^'or pn^'in

nian^V ] D 7 n i

mmb

Knxi p » r nnt2?rV

x''''S7nKn m n r n n a .n-'V p n a x .DDn>< anin •'ix p x i *'''ni3r3a''VV Dni< ns7tr?n nniKn . o i n D ^ iv w^i nir\ ^Vni p i n p i n'T'ri .x''*'V''s;n m s ;

.IM p i
naipaV nitnV n r n r na^'X iiri 'tr?*' p p nriaa

Talmud Yerushalmi According to Ms. Or 4720 (Seal 3) of the Leiden University Library with Restorations and Corrections. Introduction by Yaacov

Sussmann (Jerusalem: The Academy of the Hebrew Language, 2001), 65354.

Translation It has been taught: Said R. Judah, "Whoever has never seen the double colonnade (the basilica-synagogue) o f Alexandria has never seen Israel s glory in his entire life. It was a kind o f large basilica, with one colonnade inside another. Sometimes there were twice as many people there as those who went forth from Egypt. N o w there were seventy golden thrones set u p there, studded with precious stones a n d pearls, one (throne) for each o f the seventy elders, each one worth twenty-five denarii o f gold, with a wooden platform in the middle, upon which the minister o f the synagogue stands. W h e n one rose to read from the Torah, the appointed official would wave flags so that

108

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

the people would answer, A m e n for each and every blessing, the appointed official would wave the flags, and they would answer. A m e n . ' Nevertheless, they did not sit in a jumble, but instead they sat with the practitioners o f each craft grouped together. T h u s , when a traveler came along, he would attach himself to his fellow craftsmen, and on that basis he could gain a living." A n d who destroyed it all? It was the evil Trajan (Trogianus). Simeon b. Yohai taught, " T h e Israelites were warned at three points not to go back to the Land of Egypt. [For it is said,] *...for the Egyptians w h o m you see today, you shall never see again (Ex. 1 4 : 1 3 ) . Since the Lord has said to you: You shall never return that way again (Deut. 1 7 : 1 6 ) . A n d the Lord will bring you back in ships to E g y p t . . . ' (Deut. 2 8 : 6 8 ) . In all three instances they did go back, and in those three instances they fell. O n c e in the time o f Sennacherib, King of Assyria, [as it is written,] *Ha! T h o s e who go down to Egypt for h e l p . . . ' (Isa. 3 1 : 1 ) . What is written after that? T o r the Egyptians are men, not G o d , and their horses are flesh...' (Isa. 3 1 : 3 ) . A n d once in the time of Yohanan b. Qorah, [as it is written,] T h e sword that you fear will overtake you there...' (Jer. 4 2 : 1 6 ) . A n d once in the time o f Trogianus, the evil one. A son was born to him on the ninth of Ab, and [the Israelites] were fasting. His daughter died on Hanukkah, and [the Israelites] lit candles. His wife sent a message to him, saying. I n stead of going to conquer the barbarians, come and conquer the Jews, who have rebelled against you.' H e thought that the trip would take ten days, but he arrived in five. H e came and found the Israelites occupied [in the study of the Torah, with the following verse: T h e Lord will bring a nation against you from afar, from the end o f the earth...' (Deut. 2 8 : 4 9 ) . H e said to them, *With what are you occupied?' T h e y said to him, *With thus-and-so.' H e said to them. T h a t man (i.e., I) thought that it would take ten days to make the trip, and I arrived in five days.' His legions surrounded them and killed them. H e said to their wives, 'Obey m y legions, and I shall not kill you.' T h e y said to him, 'What you did to the ones who have fallen do also to us who are yet standing.' H e mingled their blood with the blood o f their men, until the blood flowed into the ocean as far as Cyprus. At that m o ment the horn o f Israel was cut off, and it is not destined to return to its place until the son of David will c o m e . " Translation based on that o f J a c o b Neusner, The Talmud of the Land of Israel: a Preliminary Translation and Explanation, vol. 17 (Chicago and L o n d o n : University o f C h i c a g o Press, 1 9 8 8 ) , 1 1 7 - 1 9 .

LITERARY S O U R C E S

109

No. 7 9 Babylonian

Dn22»

Talmud, Sukka

K m a o D ^ i ^ Vtr? p o o i V D r i nxn nVtr

51b

n a i x mm"' ^:ii ^K-'in

, r t : o a d''2dV r o o , n n m n V n a ^V^'on p a n lyim b^ys)^ Vtr ] i i a D n

nxn

nn rni ,nn!i5a *'xsrD •"•Vdd (Kinn xinn d w ) nn rntr? D"'as;s n m n D nrx nnxi nnx ,n^n3i m m o Vtr? i j i d i n t ^tr nixmnp nais? noiDH p m ,nn''S722axn p Vtr? na"»ii . m t n D D xinn inxi D n t r ^ r a x^i . p x pair orn Vdi ,mion ^i^'ia nVn p K niarV v'^irw p-'Di . i r a pmioni ,p:i2r ''iDn p n s a i , p 2 j y "•aDi pDODi ,]mv •'isn p n n t x V x , p n n i s ; » pntr^v rn

iniaix

nm Dtr? oaDi •^artr^Di .]»2JS7 ••asn ••'nnai ,p22S7 ''3D2 D'^-'onDi Mvh^p inViDi t'^'^nx n a x .in^'n n o n D i i n o n s Dtr?ai ,DtrV niDai ywb pD^'Oin k V " xnp ••Knx n s r i oitz^a ?itr?2s;''x .]ipia ornaonVx 'n Nty*' xnD''on i n p u r n inrnDir^x ,KnK •'d .inx nnn inrxi / ' i i r ntn ^mn n^'Vi ^''Dr nntr^s;a xni'^DO •'n-'aV ''s;^ xnia xinn , n D a n a x . p i n n a ''la ^"'Vs; . i n r V o p i M'^^bv Vd3 , ' ' a r xtr^ann x n r s o ••nxi xp-'T •'Vrn n-'Da

Vilna: E d . R o m m . 4 i n x i D n r a — n r a m o n r a V, M 2 , O, R l , B 5 nDD — V, M 2 , O, R l 5 f r — nm M2 8 — •'XIODN O, R l ; -"IDS D*'ni)1 is missing in M 2 , O 9 p p i D omoiDVx inrVop — p m p p i a •••mioDVx O p n ]npi» Rl 12 inroVpi liT'Vs; ^D3 — Missing O, R l

omioDVx

M = M S Munich 95 V = M S Vatican 134 M 2 = M S Munich 140 0 = M S Oxford Heb. 51 Rl = M S J T S 2 1 8 B = M S British Library 400 (Harl. 5508) Translation It has been taught, R. J u d a h stated. H e who has not seen the d o u b l e colonnade o f Alexandria in Egypt has never seen the glory o f Israel. It was said that it was like a huge basilica, one colonnade within the other, a n d it sometimes held twice the n u m b e r o f people that went forth from Egypt. T h e r e were in it seventy-one cathedras o f gold.

110

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

corresponding to the seventy-one members o f the Great Sanhedrin, not one o f them containing less than twenty-one myriads talents o f gold, and a wooden platform in the middle upon which the attendant o f the Synagogue stood with a scarf in his hand. W h e n the time came to answer A m e n , he waved his scarf and all the congregation duly responded A m e n . T h e y moreover did not occupy their seats promiscuously, but goldsmiths sat separately, silversmith separately, blacksmiths separately, metalworkers separately and weavers separately, so that when a poor m a n entered the place he recognized the members o f his craft and on applying to that quarter obtained a livelihood for himself and for the members o f his family. Abaye stated, Alexander o f M a c e d o n slew them all. W h y were they so punished? Because they transgressed this verse: "Ye shall henceforth return no more that way," and they did return. W h e n he c o m e and found them reading from T h e Book, " T h e Lord will bring a nation against thee from afar," he remarked, "I should have brought m y ships in a ten days' journey, but as a strong wind arose the ships arrived in five days," he therefore fell upon them and slew them. Trans. Israel W. Slotki, The Babylonian Talmud, Seder Mded, Sukkah, Isidore Epstein ( L o n d o n : Soncino Press, 1 9 3 8 ) , 2 4 4 - 4 5 .

ed.

No. 80 Babylonian

Talmud

Ketuboth

25 a

D l p a V D I I xmoni ,''"xi mna piV^'m D^'DD T\y$.^m miriDV nptn tr?"n V i n ,mna piV'^n xV Vnx n^xn D-»DD T\y^^m ^v^ir^ mm mi m^m p n-'nir niitr?xnn on^sa b^ x m i o D ^ x «]K mm rim ,xmoD

Vilna: E d . R o m m . R 4 missing: mitt^Kin M R3 R4 p n

••nntr :]n n^'atr

M — M S Munich 95. R 3 — M S Vatican 130. R 4 — M S Vatican 4 8 7 . M o s h e Hershler, The Babylonian Talmud with Variant Readings. Tractate Ketubot, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: Yad H a r a v Herzog, 1 9 7 2 ) , 1 7 2 .

LITERARY S O U R C E S

111

Translation C o m e and hear: A presumption for the priesthood is [constituted by] the "lifting up of the h a n d s " and taking a share [at the distribution o f the priestly gifts] at the threshing floors in the L a n d o f Israel; in Syria and in all places to which the messengers o f the new m o o n come the "lifting up o f the h a n d s " is evidence, but not taking a share at the threshing floors. Babylonia is like Syria. R. Simeon b. G a m a liel says: Also Alexandria in Egypt formerly, because there was there a permanent court of law. Transl. Samuel Daiches and Israel W. Slotki, The Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Kethuboth (ed. Isidore Epstein: L o n d o n : Soncino Press, 1936), 139. No. 81 The Babylonian

Talmud,

Tdanit

X^TA^

xa*'V*'X na^'X n^'irm iDonn p n i a pnnKa xVi p n p a rstm D^rx pni

in

n^'^aan i^riDm ntr? no'^nnxn n p Kpi ix^rm XDn:23 xV xnn naxi pnn iDO-'aV x V i |irx xmD --ar in im r\mr\ a n rr-V n p xpi no-^nnx ^-n XVKI ntn nt Vtr? nxi ntn nt B^O nx nioK^ XVK Kin o i r m o o r lonnn n*'V n p xpi no'^anK •'n xVxi xin map*'! o r no^'Vnn itr^r nrnnx n^'arnni iDonn nnia "'inpi n o n n a n^-V n p xpT ixV xVx iniVon •'Vion rr^Dia oia-'no a r xin oirno a r n n a x p i i -lonnn rr'V n p xpi nax n o n n n xn'^arn in p m 111 •'o rnx nmi^i i^vm ia innai V-'Kin inmi V-'Xin ini^oa ''Vion n^'oia oia-'mo o r in^ nax Kin oia''mo ar pan n^-V im

nrnnK Dr

MVT\

xntr^n 'ts^K an n a x map*'! •^aaVtr? ar •'V m m n''V pio'^ni r n x nm^i mratr? ia ...oia^'mo •'xai niap'^a •'xa ntaai aip'^a niap^-a ar aitj^a iniVoa n'^sia in*'X nax x-'pniVa r n x oiooi oia^ViV nx annV oia^'mo tr?patr?D m a x oia^'mo •'xa i n n a n^'a a a n x B^^i aamVx xa*' onx nnm Vxtr?''a n-^aan Vtz? lasra a x anV nnTa7i BM^ti n^-aan 1^ m a x ni^a naiaa n^'a n n t r i Vxtr-'a n*'aan nx V^isntr? nxni nm pan ^Va nisa naiaii oa anV nitr^r'^V r n pnxni r n p i a a a ^ n i ^

oa RS^m-H r^n nanni aipaV iV tr*' a^^nin nann i33nin nnx px axi oipaV m^a iia-'mni t2^npn iinoa xV xVx lanix pnini 13a xvrmi laVira aipaV iV t^*' nrnxi at2?a ITT xV m a x Ta pnn D"DS7X I^VI:^ is'^an s7no''V nmrtr? xVx ^Ta xm ^ma laxi n-* Vs7

03

mtrr^'V nxn la^'Xi xin ornn a;ir^n inixi

BV

.pT*'3a mia nx iri^ai •'ama ''Varn ixatr? n r Vilna: E d . Romm.

112

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E 7 o i r m t : nr —

o i r - n u O, V2 [ [ D i i x m t : nr

M 2 it5<..>''''<..>0 V I

oirmo

Ml 7 i n n n V'^xin rnx nmxi n-'s^w in — Missing O, M l 7_ 9 i » x xm o i r m i D DV pn-i n^V max nomna x i T ' i r n in 211 o i r m i t j nv rnx nmxi rr'^atr? in i n n m i V*'xm miVon rr'Vit^n n^'sia xn — Missing Y 8 D i r m i t : nr (2) — oiimit: O, V 2 oiamt: M 2 10-11 O i r m i D " X a i — Missing O, M l , M 2 , V I , V2, Y

12 o i r r n i D trpntr^D imnV — o i r n i t j n n t r ? D O nntz^D oiim-'t? M 2 n n r a oia'^mo V I D i r n i D nntr^D Y o i r i i D ODDC? V 2 c^pntt^D o i r m i D mnb M l 15 r n p i X I I 03 on^ riWV^b — Missing O, M l , M 2 , V I , Y, V2 15 m w V ''1X11 03 — 1 x 1 1 n*' bv 03 onV niraV O n*' 03 r)it2?s?V •'ixm M l , M 2 , V I , V2 m w V '•ixni I T VS? 03 p V Y 15 — 16 m i x i n*' Vs? 03 nitr?s7^V *'ixn i3''xi xm o m n — Missing V I 16 i3n''mn3 —

o x i3n^mr)3 M l

19 ' ' a m » — M i s s i n g M l M l = M S Munich 95 M 2 = M S Munich 140 O = M S Oxford 366 VI = M S Vatican 134 V2 = M S Vatican 487 Y = M S Yad Harav Herzog

Translation Although the Rabbis said that [the Megillah o f Esther] could be read earlier but not later, yet mourning and fasting are permitted. N o w to what does this apply? Shall we say that it applies to those [who should read the Megillah] on the fifteenth [Adar] and they read it on the fourteenth? Is then mourning permissible [for them on that day]? Is it not written in the Scroll o f the Fasts, " T h e fourteenth day and the fifteenth day [of Adar] are the days o f Purim and no mourning is permissible thereon," and R a b a s c o m m e n t on this was: It was necessary [to mention both these dates] in order to make it clear that what was forbidden on the one day was equally forbidden on the other! Again, should it refer to [those who should read the Megillah] on the fourteenth and they read it on the thirteenth [Adar]; [the question arises] that is Nicanor s day. O r again, if it refers to those [who should read it] on the fourteenth and they read it on the twelfth? But then that is Trajans day! Hence it can only have reference [to those who should read it on] the fourteenth and they read it on the eleventh, and yet it is stated that mourning and fasting are permitted

LITERARY S O U R C E S

113

thereon? — N o ; it has reference to those who should read it on the fourteenth and they read it on the twelfth, and as to your objection that it is Trajans Day, this [festive] day was subsequently abolished because Shemaiah and his brother Ahijah were killed thereon. T h u s R. N a h m a n once ordained a public fast for the twelfth o f Adar and the Rabbis objected to this because it was Trajans Day. Thereupon R. N a h m a n replied: T h i s [festive] day has been abolished because Shemaiah and his brother Ahijah were killed thereon [...] W h a t is Trajans [Day]? — It was said: W h e n Trajan was about to execute Lulianus and his brother Pappus in Laodicea [Lydia] he said to them, " I f you are o f the people o f Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah, let your G o d come and deliver you from m y hands, in the same way as he delivered Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah from the hands o f N e b u chadnezzar"; and to this they replied: " H a n a n i a h , Mishael and Azariah were perfectly righteous men and they merited that a miracle should be wrought for them, and Nebuchadnezzar also was a king worthy for a miracle to be wrought through him, but as for you, you are a c o m m o n and wicked m a n and are not worthy that a miracle be wrought through you; and as for us, we have deserved o f the O m n i present that we should die, and if you will not kill us, the Omnipresent has many other agents o f death. T h e Omnipresent has in His world m a n y bears and lions who can attack us and kill us; the only reason why the Holy O n e , blessed be H e , has handed us over into your hand is that at some ftiture time H e may exact punishment o f you for our blood". Despite this he killed them. It is reported that hardly had they moved from there when two officials arrived from R o m e and split his skull with clubs. Transl. J . Rabinowitz, The Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Taanit (ed. Isidore Epstein: L o n d o n : S o n c i n o Press, 1 9 3 8 ) , 8 7 - 9 0 .

No. 82 Babylonian nntr; n o ^

oirmx

^'KisrD D''VDD x i i n

Vilna: E d . R o m m .

Talmud,

nt ^ i p n — bv

wv

xiin

Gittin,

57b

M^ nnm^

Dn22»

apr*' V i p V i p n b^

xmaoD^xn

114

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

Translation ''The voice is the voice of Jacob and the hands are the hands of Esau' (Gen. Tl\lTj, 'the voice here refers to [the cry caused by] the E m peror Hadrian who killed in Alexandria o f Egypt sixty myriads on sixty myriads, twice as many as went forth from Egypt. Transl. Maurice Simon, The Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Gittin (ed. Isidore Epstein: London: Soncino Press, 1938), 266. N o . 83 Midrash

Rabbah,

a x anV 'ax x ^ i i V a rnx

Ecclesiastes

3,

15

nxi oiax'^V^'V nx oiix'^mD nntr^Di xa*' .n:s3 naiaa Vtr; ran •'aaa •'axi .nntri bm^r^ vrm Vtr? i a s 7 a onx Vxtr^'^a n^-aan t> max .n*»a aanx b^^^^ nntri Vxtr^'a n^^aan Vtz? on^'nVx Vs7 oa nitr?s;V ^ixni n^'n pan ^Va nisa nana ^Vam rn Dntr?a nntri Vs; oa rmv'b pan nnx pxi I'^'^n nnxi lax pn'^'^n anx *'an lax Vix . I T B'^am nrnx nann ixV axi aoia mnin nnx ax nn^^a pa^'^^n laxi ^ T Vy panna anx •'aatr? xm ^ina aipaV D'^antr nanni o'^anpri a-'OTai I r a n nanV nms7 n^apntr; xVx p a nnxa xVx aitrn nnx pxi B T T ix'^isini ''aina *'Varn rVr nxatr; ns7 atr?a ntV p^'son xV max .^n^^a .pntaa inia OIDD

MS Vatican 291,12. Marc G. Hirshman, "Midrash Rabbah: Chapters 1-4: Commentary (Ch. 1) and Introduction" (Hebr.), vol. 3 (Ph. D. diss., Jewish Theological Seminary, 1982), 311-315. ed. Pesaro, ed. Constantinople. O i r D I O M S Oxford 164,2. O i m t ? :013X-'ni0 . M S J T S A 5529/2. Oiax^VlV , M S Oxford 164,2 OIlX^^VlV :D12X'»V*'V M S Oxford 164,2 DX''DD :01DD ed. Constantinople, M S Oxford 164,2 X-'-pTVa : X 7 T V a M S J T S A 5529/2 x^pmVa ed. Pesaro X''''pilVa

.1 .1 .1 .1

Translation W h e n Trajan (Turgianus) executed Julianus and his brother Pappus in Laodicea, he said to them: "If you are o f the people o f Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah, and I a m a descendant o f Nebuchadnezzar, let their G o d come and save you from m y h a n d ! " T h e y replied, " H a n a -

LITERARY S O U R C E S

115

niah, Mishael, and Azariah were upright men, and king Nebuchadnezzar a worthy king and fit that a miracle should be wrought through him. We, however, are sinners against the omnipresent and you are a sinful king and unfit that a miracle should be wrought through you. Moreover, we are [because o f our sins] condemned to death. I f you slay us, well and g o o d ; if not, the Omnipresent has many lions, bears, serpents, and scorpions by which men are killed. Should you slay us, you will be reckoned as one o f them; but the Holy O n e , blessed be H e , will exact vengeance for our blood o f y o u . " It is reported that before he had time to move from there two deputies came against him from R o m e who split his skull with clubs. Transl. Abraham Cohen, Midrash Rabbah, vol. 8 (ed. H. Freedman and Maurice Simon: London: Soncino Press, 1939), 104-105. N o . 84 Midrash Rabbah, Lamentations, I 16 (or I, 16, 45) = Midrash Rabbah, Lamentations, IV, 19, 22

,D^Vix pxmrT' rm , n x a nax '•X p^bii

V^'Vn mm mV*' tm^v pmtr? oiaxno

na fV'^NV " p ^ K p n a x ^naiani n'^ai inrxV n^'V n a x ^tr^'^n ]w^b r\^b pnaxi pVtx xmn nai p^'Vna nnVtr ,pr!2in ip*'VnK n^'a nai ,pVnx pKmn*' pV^x nn

na

tt^inai ''nx [pnnnn] ( p a n a a ) ir^aaa nxn ns? nVraV nnaxi p a r nnt2;s7a •'nx xinn n^ana ny^tr? nnatr iVVn pxiin-'a pnn"' natr^xi xntr^^'iaV , p a r xtr?ani n'^n^'n^'^'xi xmn n^'arai ntr^xa p x n ni^pa pinna na T'Vr ^n xir?"' ^x^^np pnna pporn X3X pnV nax ,(aa na anan) laitr;^ ratr^n xV ntr;x na nu^an nxn^* , p a r nirvana •'xnxi p a r nntr^ya pa'^aaV •'n^'^'a niao xannn ,xin IKV axi ^•'•'niaraVV iratr^n rrmb nax ,pnni rniaraVi xm ] a 7 n i^nas;n na yr\ rvh pnax ,aa''Vs;aV m'^m ntr^xa aaV ntr^ir •'ax b^ ]an ans7nai ,pnni rniaraVi xm p ^ n ^x^'^'tr^aa T ' a r x^'maaa P'mmi ,amapV v^rrw nr a^'a rpia nmi ,i^x b^ p n nv iVx .n^'aia *'ax nVx bv nnaixi nmi^s =t2?nipn nini= Midrasch Echa Rabbati, Romm, 1899), 83.

ed. Salomon Buber (Wilna: Wittwe & Gebruder

116

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

Translation T h e wife o f Trajan the accursed gave birth to a child on the night o f the ninth o f A b while all the Israelites were mourning [the destruction o f the Temple]. T h e child died on Hanukkah. T h e y said to one another, " W h a t shall we d o , kindle the lights or not?" T h e y said, "Let us light, and whatever happens, happens." Persons slandered them to [Trajan's] wife, saying, " W h e n your child was born the Jews mourned, and when it died they kindled lights!" She sent a message to her husband, saying, "Instead o f subduing the barbarians, come and subdue these Jews, who have revolted against y o u . " H e planned to d o the voyage in ten days, but the winds brought him in five days. H e entered the synagogue and found them discussing the verse, " T h e Lord will bring a nation against you from afar, from the end o f the earth, which will swoop down like the eagle a nation whose language you d o not understand" {Deut. 2 8 : 4 9 ) . H e said to them, " T h a t refers to m e , who expected to c o m e to you in ten days and arrived in five days." H e surrounded them with his legions and slaughtered them. H e said to the women, "Yield yourselves to m y troops, or I will d o to you what I did to the m e n . " T h e y replied to him, " D o to the w o m e n what you did to the m e n . " H e surrounded them with his legions and slaughtered them, so that their blood mingled with their [i.e., the men's] blood and streamed into the sea as far as Cyprus. T h e n the H o l y Spirit cried out, "For these things I weep" {Lam, 1:16). Translation based on that given by A b r a h a m C o h e n , Midrash Rabbah, vol. 7 (ed. Maurice S i m o n and H . Freedman: L o n d o n : Soncino Press, 1 9 3 9 ) , 127.

No. 85 Esther Rabbah

proem, c

nrara waxa^ pm'^ ''an nax 'nraxn anisa 'n nn^'tr^nr .a .

- .

. . _. _

• t: T

' T :•

• -

V:

V Y T

- T

nax TOxnn ianV ntin xintr;a narV tr?^ - T '

•T

- :

••

• t:

• - : •

' i

• v: v

mratz^ anisaV naVi a^'aia -T

V

• - : • :

t t :

xVir bvrw-h nmta xm -^jna mipi niaipa rwbm •'xnr ]a pim •'an ama ^wm "iai ani^a nx an^'xn ntr^x •'D' naxatr wxnn amijaV mm^ 'n na^'ir^nr a^'nan -^^^b^ rnm 'ntn nnna ywb naah xV aaV nax ^nr I:

. v: V

I •• T :

naxair? annaa ^a-'a naitr^xnn

v-

Iv v-

t '

•

vt

- t

intr?Vtrai n a a \mbm ^nraxa anisa

LITERARY S O U R C E S

m^

117

xVi niH ani^Dr nnna ama na 'nntrV ani^a annm nn' :

TT

• - : •

naaa b ' ^ k t anx im :

TV •

....

... -

... -.

"I

• :

-

tiv :

• - : •

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nnnn nnmr naxntr? nnp p pnv •'a-'s VV -

T:T :

- v:v v

- -It

'v

»t t

•• •

rm i x a m;trn b^b2 mm nnV*' nia^sr pmtr^ airana '^a^'a n'^ir'^Vt^^m T : I

T

T I •

• I-

•

"I • I-

I • " TI •

T:T : T

T -: I

• I

• - :

T \ -: -

•• • .....

•

• : - :

.. y , .

^

''S7an na Vai p^'Vni n a x rxmn*; airana Vt? intr;xV ts^'^a xia r n a n a t r ? a a a nxn nr nVraV nanai nnVti^ pa^'^ia V'Vl^ ^"f^l par nntoa •'maV ^t?m xa^xV p^V ' p nnan pxmm pVx t r ; a a i xj?ia£) pnna pp^'ar rnn prnair?xi xnx par xtrana xmn mn^'^xi X 3 X pnV nax nmr\ n x r nts^xa rnxn mspa pnna na n^'Vr m

^vv^b nnaxi r\bm m^'Vnx •'aa'' iVs; ''aa'^V

n''::a nai pV?^^^ ^''^n ^ 1 ' ^ '

T-:

'

:

—:

vt-

v i•

"ra

v -: -

» vt t

I; • i

t"

» vt

t

rar ntz^ana xmn '^anm-'-'Xi par nntrra m'^aV n'^a'^tr^nn xntr;a xm .|nni rnianV ps)'pn Ed. Wilna. Translation A n d the Lord shall bring thee back into Egypt in ships" (Deut. 2 8 : 6 8 ) . R. Isaac said: Baanioth'' (in ships): that is, because o f poverty {baaniuth) o f g o o d deeds. W h y to Egypt? Because it is loathsome and evil for a [runaway] slave to return to his first master. R. Simeon b. Yohai said: In three places G o d warned Israel not to return to Egypt. T h e first, as it says, "For whereas ye have seen the Egyptians today, ye shall see them again no more for ever" (Ex. 1 4 : 1 3 ) . T h e second, as it is written, " T h e Lord hath said unto you: Ye shall henceforth return no more that way" (Deut. 1 7 : 1 6 ) . T h e third is our own text, "And the Lord shall bring thee back into Egypt in ships." T h e y disobeyed all three warnings and they were punished for all three. T h e first time was in the days o f Sennacherib, as it says, "Woe to them that go down to Egypt for help" (Isa. 3 1 : 1 ) . W h a t follows? " N o w the Egyptians are men, and not G o d , " etc. (Isa. 3 1 : 3 ) . T h e second time was in the days o f Johanan son o f Koreah, as it says. T h e n it shall come to pass, that the sword, which ye fear, shall overtake you there in the land o f E g y p t " (Jer. 4 2 : 1 6 ) . T h e third time was in the days o f Trajan, may his bones be crushed! His wife gave birth on the night o f the N i n t h o f Ab, when all Israel were mourning. T h e child died on Hanukkah. Said the Jews to themselves: "Shall we light [the H a n u k k a h lights] or not?" In the end, they said, "Let us light

118

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

[them], c o m e what may." So they ht up. People thereupon went and maligned them to Trajan's wife saying: " T h e s e Jews, when you gave birth, were in mourning, and now, when the child dies, they kindle lights." She sent a letter to her husband saying: While you are subduing the Barbarians, go and subdue these Jews who have rebelled against you. H e went on board thinking to reach them in ten days, but a favoring wind brought him in five days. W h e n he arrived, he found them discussing the verse, " T h e Lord will bring a nation against thee from far, from the end o f the earth, as the vulture swoopeth down" (Deut. 2 8 : 4 9 ) . H e said to them: "I a m the vulture who expected to take ten days in coming, but was brought by the wind in five days." H e then surrounded them with his legions and slew them. Transl. Maurice Simon, Midrash Rabbah, ed. H. Freedman and Maurice Simon, vol. 9 (London: Soncino Press, 1939), 2-3. No. SemahotS,

86

15

(47b)

^x^mVa rnx oiix'^ViV Vxi DIDD nx oinno nntr^Di V^isn D D ^ V X xa*' , D n x n n t n Vxtr^'^a mm Vtr lara ni^maai ,rn nmm 07^22 n n t n Vxir^'^a mm Ab mm .omx b^^^T]^ Dx

tpV im

^nnD DDnx

nxn pxi ,rtr?n ^Va nnx Vix AT bv 0 3 r\wvb nxni ,nm pm -]Va

nann ,i3nin nnx ''Xi .DipaV nrnn iia-'mna 12x1 .^n'^'-Vr 03 Dwv-^b ,Dna3 nann ^a^'ain nann ,DipaV tr?-' nyi^ nann ,DipaV tr?*' n'^nin xm ^ina tr^inpn imoa xV xVx .lanix pnmi 13a praiDtr nrnx nann p ''D bv f]x . ^ r a i3''Dn rns'^V xm ^ina tr^npn imv^ xVx D D T V .rrra p o o n a ixntr? nr nm n xV :inax .pnn Dov Zlotnick, ed. The Tractate 'Mourning 1966), 24 (Hebr.).

(New Haven: Yale U. Press,

Translation N o w when Trajan executed Pappus and Julianus, his brother, in Laodicea, he said to them: " I f you are from the nation o f Hananiah, Mishael, and Azariah, let your G o d c o m e and rescue you the way H e rescued t h e m . "

LITERARY S O U R C E S

119

T h e y said to h i m : " H a n a n i a h , Mishael, and Azariah were perfectly righteous men, and Nebuchanezzar was a proper king. Because o f him it was fitting that a miracle should be performed. But you are a wicked king, and for you it is not fitting that miracle should be performed. As for us, we have incurred the death penalty before the Lord. If you d o not kill us, the Lord has many executioners, the Lord has many destroyers: many bears, many tigers, many lions, that can fall upon us and kill us. T h e H o l y O n e , blessed be H e , delivered us into your hands, however, only because H e intends to exact payment for our blood at your hands." Nevertheless Trajan ordered them killed. It is said that they hardly stirred from there before they saw his eyes being gouged out. Dov Zlotnick, ed. The Tractate "Mourning 1966), 65 (English).

(New Haven: Yale U. Press,

PART II MODERN INSIGHTS

CHAPTER FOUR

THE BACKGROUND

Both in the pagan Uterary tradition and in the writings o f Christian authors, the Jewish uprisings are depicted as extremely violent and unpredictable. Modrzejewski^ observes that for an impartial observer, the courage o f the Jews was nothing but folly. T h e pagan Greek writer quoted by Eusebius could not understand how an isolated provincial minority would dare to attack the Romans, "master o f the inhabited earth," instead o f accepting, like everyone else (or nearly everyone else), the benefits of the Pax Romana. H e believed that "a terrible spirit o f rebellion" had taken hold o f the Jews {HE IV, 2 , 1). At the beginning o f the fifth century C E , the Christian historian Orosius, taking up the thread of Eusebius' comments, wrote that the Jews had "become wild, as if they had been seized by rabies — quasi rabie efferati!'^ Since ancient sources did not usually look deeply into the causes of wars,^ we are not surprised that not even one o f these sources raises the issue o f the causes underlying the violence o f the Jewish upheavals. M o d e r n scholars are therefore left to wonder what may have caused the Jews to take up arms at more or less the same time in various countries, in itself a unique phenomenon in Jewish history. O f course, one may recall the difficulties confronting the Jews after 7 0 C E , when the failure o f the war against the R o m a n s and the ^ Joseph Meleze Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt: From Rameses II to Emperor Hadrian (transl. by Robert Cornman: Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1997), 205. ^ Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos libri VII, VII, 12, 6. One could add that similar expressions are also sometimes found in modern scholarship. Mommsen, for example, calls this uprising "an outburst of religious bitterness of the Jews of the kind that the East has created in all times and still does. This outbreak was like a volcano and broke out in an unpredictable way": Theodor Mommsen, Romische Geschichte, vol. 5 (Bedin: Weidmann, 1886), 543. ^ See Arnaldo Momigliano, "Tradition and the Classical Historian," in idem, Quinto Contributo alia storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico (Roma: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1975), 26-27.

124

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

destruction o f the Temple h a d deeply altered their lives from both the spiritual and the political points o f view. N o wonder therefore that m a n y literary works written by Jews after 7 0 are pervaded by messianic expectations and longing for a change in the present spiritual, social and political situation."^ Also (or the Jews living in the diaspora, the consequences entailed by the failure in the Great Revolt had had economic and social underpinnings, since the levying o f a special Fiscus Judaicus

on all Jews under R o m a n rule, irrespective o f

their status civitatis and o f their geographical residence, had m a d e it clear that R o m e held the entire Jewish people responsible for the war waged and lost in J u d a e a . For poorer Jews with large families the s u m required was a considerable burden; for others, it signified ignominy —

and strong identification

with the defeated

nation

in

Judaea.^ In view o f the fact that in U p p e r Egypt receipts for the paym e n t o f the Jewish tax demonstrate that even highly assimilated Jews distant from J u d a e a were not exempt from this frustrating humilia-

^ See Jacob Neusner, "Judaism in a Time of Crisis: Four Responses to the Destruction of the Second Temple," Judaism 21 (1972): 313-27; Emmanuele Testa, "Reazioni delle correnti religiose giudaiche e cristiane sulla distruzione di Gerusalemme (I-II secolo d.C.)," Rivista Biblica 21 (1973): 301-324; PierreMaurice Bogaert, "La ruine de Jerusalem et les apocalypses juives apres 7 0 , " in Apocalypses et thiologie de Vesperance, Congres de Toulouse 1975 (Lectio Divina 95: Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1977), 123-41; Michael E. Stone, "Reactions to Destruction of the Second T e m p l e , " / S / 12 (1981): 195-204; idem, "The Question of the Messiah in 4 Ezra," in Judaisms and their Messiahs at the Turn of the Christian Era (ed. J. Neusner et aL Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), 209-224; James H. Charlesworth (ed.). The Messiah: Developments in Earliest Judaism and Christianity (The First Princeton Symposion on Judaism and Christian Origins: Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1992); William Horbury, "The Beginnings of the Jewish Revolt under Trajan," in Geschichte-Tradition-Reflexion: Festschrift fiir Martin Hengel zum 70 Geburstag vol 1 (ed. H. Cancik et ai: Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr (R Siebeck), 1996), 295-303; Bruce W. Longenecker, "Locating 4 Ezra: a Consideration of its Social Setting and Functions," JSJ 28 (1997): 271-93 — but see now also Edna Israeli, "Eschatology and Soteriology in the Fourth Book of Ezra (The Ezra Apocalypse)" (Ph.D. diss., Tel Aviv University, 2002); Giulio Firpo, "II terremoto di Antiochia del 115 d . C : echi di un'interpretazione apocalittica in Cassio Dione 68, 24, 2?" in Gli Ebrei neWimpero romano (ed. A. Lewin: Firenze: Editrice La Giuntina, 2001), 239. ^ Martin D. Goodman, "Diaspora Reactions to the Destruction of the Temple," in Jews and Christians: The Parting of the Ways. AD. 70 to 135 (ed. J . D . G . Dunn: Grand Rapids, Michigan and Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1992), 3 1 .

THE BACKGROUND

125

tion, Kerkeslager suggests that the Jews were thrust into a greater awareness o f their own unique identity vis-a-vis others not subjected to the Jewish tax.^ In D o m i t i a n s days, in particular, the relations between the Jews and the R o m a n government seem to have b e c o m e so strained that the possibility has been considered that only the death o f the emperor prevented open persecution o f the J e w s 7 It is, however, probable that the factors that led to the Jewish revolts in Trajans days also included local issues. Hengel points o u t that the revolts broke out in those countries — Egypt, Libya, C y p r u s — where the Jews had enjoyed a measure o f prosperity under the Ptolemaic government, attaining a sort o f balance in the relations ^ Kerkeslager observes: "The raw imperialism of the Jewish tax and its implicit parody of the Jerusalem Temple cult must have helped to consolidate this identity around revolutionary tendencies. Possible evidence for this includes inscriptions testifying to the Jewish use of the imagery of the Jerusalem temple cult during the revolt under Trajan": Allen Kerkeslager, "Jews in Egypt and Cyrenaica 66-235 C E , " CHJ, vol. 4 (forthcoming), n. 26-28. See also Martin Goodman, "Nerva, the Fiscus Judaicus and Jewish identity," JRS 79 (1989): 40-44. ^ Shirley J. Case, "Josephus' Anticipation of a Domitianic P e r s e c u t i o n , " 4 4 (1925): 10-20; Paul Keresztes, "The Jews, the Christians, and Emperor Domitian," VChr 27 (1973): 1-28; E. Mary Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1976), 353, 376-84; Tessa Rajak, review of The Jews under Roman Rule (by E.M. Smallwood), Prolegomena to the Study of the Second Jewish Revolt (A.D. 132-135) (by S. Applebaum), Tertullien et le judaisme (by C . Azizz)JRS 69 (1979): 192; Lloyd A. Thompson, "Domitian and the Jewish Tax," Historia 31 (1982): 329-42; Ronald Syme, "Domitian: The Last Years," Chiron 13 (1983): 121-46, repr. in Roman Papers, vol 4 (ed. A.R. Biriey: Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 25277; Margaret H. Williams, "Domitian, the Jews and the 'Judaizers'—a Simple Matter of Cupiditas and MaiestasT Historia 39 (1990): 196-211. For some doubts about the extent of this persecution, however, see Brian W. Jones, The Emperor Domitian (London and New York: Routledge, 1992), 118-19, who points out that "many Jews felt very uneasy about their future, fearing expulsion at the very least," but "some very few Jews and Christians.. .may have had to face prosecution (i.e. for alleged maiestas).'' Along the same lines. Southern observes that "the evidence for the religious persecutions is slight. The treatment of the Jews was not classifiable under the heading of anti-semitism': rather, their harassment stemmed from financial motives, pursued with crass insensitivity.. .The sources which condemn Domitian as persecutor are none of them contemporary with him, nor is any pagan attestation of such persecution, two factors which lend themselves to the suspicion of fabrication. The tales can be dismissed as inventions of Christian martyrology": Pat Southern, Domitian: Tragic Tyrant (London and New York: Routledge, 1997), 115.

126

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

with their Greek neighbors. After the R o m a n conquest, though, the situation had changed. T h e support accorded to the Greek upper class that ft)llowed came to alter the status q u o , bringing about a slow deterioration o f the economic, social and political position o f the Jews vis-a-vis their fellow Greek citizens.^ In Egypt, about which the m o s t detail is provided by extant sources, since Augustus' days the Jews were forced to pay the tax o f the laographia,

from which they h a d been exempted in Ptolemaic

times, and since Claudius' time their political rights seem to have been blocked.^ T h e notion that the conflict between the Jews and the Greeks was rooted in the fact that the Jews enjoyed a privileged position in the R o m a n world,

which still shows u p in contemporary

^ Martin Hengel, "Messianische Hoffnung und politischer 'Radikalismus' in der jiidisch-hellenistischen Diaspora. Zur Frage der Voraussetzungen der judischen Aufstandes unter Trajan 115-7 n.Chr.," in Apocalypticism in the Ancient Mediterranean World and the Near East (Proceedings of the International Colloquium on Apocalypticism, Uppsala August 12-17, 1979: ed. D. Hellholm: Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr (P. Siebeck), 1989), 667, 680. ^ Concerning the payment of the laographia, see Victor A. Tcherikover, CPJ I, pp. 55-65; idem, "The Decline of the Jewish Diaspora in Egypt in the Roman Per i o d , " 1 4 (1963): 1-32. Claudius' letter to the Alexandrians warns the Jews "not to aim at more than they have previously had and not in future to send two embassies as if they lived in two cities, a thing which has never been done before, and not to intrude themselves into the games presided over by the gymnasiarchoi and the kosmetaiy since they enjoy what is their own, and in a city which is not their own they possess an abundance of all good things": CPJ II 153, col. V, 11. 88-95. See also the comments of Tcherikover, C / y I, pp. 69-74 and, for a different interpretation, Aryeh Kasher, The Jews in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt: The Struggle for Equal Rights (Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr, 1985), 325-26. Cruse, for example, maintains that "the Jews who dwelt in the cities and towns with the Greeks and Gentiles, and had equal freedom thereof with them, frequently disagreed with them, tumults being usually raised by reason of their different religions. For the Greeks scorned that the Jews should be fellow citizens with them, and enjoy the same privileges; on the other hand, the Jews would not live in a meaner condition than the rest of the citizens. Hence arose frequent contentions": Christian F. Crus^, The Ecclesiastic History of Eusebius Pamphilius, Bishop ofCaesarea in Palestine (London: G. Bell and Sons, Ltd., 1911), 117. See also Jean Juster, Les Juijs dans Vempire romain: leur condition juridique, economique et sociale, vol. 1 (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1914; repr. in Burt Franklin Research & Source Works Series 79: New York: Burt Franklin, 1965), 213-4, 232-3 and Smallwood, The Jews, 120-43.

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127

scholarship,^^ is hardly tenable t o d a y . T h e Jews clearly had many good reasons for resentment, which would well explain why the revolt broke out in those countries previously governed by the Ptolemies but not, for example, in Syria, in Greece or in Asia Minor. In Cyrenaica, Libyan incursions and R o m a n mismanagement of former Ptolemaic royal lands seem to have impoverished tenant farmers, many o f w h o m were Jewish descendants o f military colonists settled on these lands by the Ptolemies. In Egypt, beyond possible economic issues, the reasons for the uprising o f the Jews were certainly grounded in a deep conflict with their Greek neighbors, which goes back to Ptolemaic times, as we find in the writings o f Manetho,^^ if we are allowed to believe Josephus in this regard. Evidence o f anti-Jewish propaganda is also found in a papyrus written in the first century B C E , which attests to popular hatred o f the Jews.18

T h e civil strife between the Jews and the Greeks o f Alexandria had escalated to the use o f arms several times in the eighty years before Trajans time. D u r i n g Caligulas reign, in 3 8 , the first p o g r o m in Jewish history had taken place in Alexandria with the connivance o f the ^ ^ "The principal source of tension had originally been the privileged positions held by Jews in many of the eastern communities, for they were often favoured by the nobility both as merchants and for their military skills": Julian Bennet, Trajan, Optimus Princeps: A Life and Times (London: Routledge, 1997), 201. See Miriam Pucci Ben Zeev, Jewish Rights in the Roman World: The Greek and Roman Documents Quoted by Josephus Flavins (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 74: ed. M. Hengel and P. Schafer: Tubingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1998), 451-82. See Hengel, "Messianische Hoffnung," 665 and Goodman, "Diaspora Reactions," 36. See Shimon A p p l e b a u m , a n d Greeks in Ancient Cyrene (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1979), 202-20 and Kerkeslager, "Jews in Egypt and Cyrenaica," n. 18. Also among the Jews there may have been reactions to the change in taxation that took place near the end of Trajan's reign, probably between 114 and 115 C E . See Pieter J. Sijpesteijn, "Tax Reforms under Trajan," ZPE A2 (1981): 115-16. C. Ap, 1, 73-91; 228-52 = Menahem Stern, Greek and Latin Authors on Jews and Judaism, vol. 1 (Jerusalem: The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1974), 19-21, pp. 66-86. See Miriam Pucci Ben Zeev, "The Reliability of Josephus Flavins: The Case of Hecataeus' and Manetho's Accounts of Jews and Judaism: Fifteen Years of Contemporary Research ( 1 9 7 9 - 1 9 9 0 ) , " / S / 1 (1993): 215-34. CPJ I, 141.

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local R o m a n prefect,

provoking the armed reaction o f the Jews at

the beginning o f Claudius' reign.^^ O n e generation later, in 6 6 , at the time when the war against R o m e began in Judaea, another episode o f civil unrest involving Greeks and Jews took place in Alexandria. O n c e again, the R o m a n s sided with the Greeks.^^ After the defeat o f the war fought against R o m e in Judaea, the position o f the Jews vis-a-vis their Greek neighbors in the diaspora, too,

had b e c o m e more precarious. A t Antioch, for example, the

Greeks asked Titus to expel the Jews from the city,-^^ and the same m a y have taken place in other locations as well. Josephus tells us that after the fall o f M a s a d a — and unfortunately we cannot verify his account against any other source — a n u m b e r o f Sicarii succeeded in fleeing to E g y p t and "again embarked on revolutionary schemes, and sought to induce m a n y o f their hosts to assert their independence, to look u p o n the R o m a n s as no better than themselves and to esteem G o d alone as their lord." T h e s e

sicarii

See Philos In Flaccum and Legatio ad Gaium. 20 Sec Ant. 1 9 , 2 7 8 . 2^ Unfortunately, our only source is the testimony of Josephus, which is therefore impossible to check. Josephus tells us that the Roman prefect, Tiberius Alexander, understood that nothing but inflicting a severe lesson would quell the Jews, so he "let loose upon them the two Roman legions stationed in the city...Permission was given to them not merely to kill the rioters but to plunder their property and burn down their houses. The troops, therefore, rushed to the quarter of the city called *Delta,' where the Jews were concentrated, and executed their orders...Death in every form was theirs; some were caught in the plain, others driven into their houses, to which the Romans set fire after stripping them of their contents; there was no pity for infancy, no respect for years: all ages fell before their murderous career.. .Alexander, now moved to compassion, ordered the Romans to retire. They, broken to obedience, ceased massacring at the first signal; but the Alexandrian populace in the intensity of their hate were not so easily called off and were with difficulty torn from the corpses" {Bell. 2, 487-98). 22 "The people of Antioch, on hearing that Titus was at hand, through joy could not bear to remain within their walls, but hastened to meet him...And when they beheld him approaching, they lined the road on either side and greeted him with extended arms, and invoking all manner of blessing upon him returned in his train: but all their acclamations were accompanied by a running petition to expel the Jews from the town" {Bell. 7, 100-103). 2^ Kerkeslager observes that after 70, the status of the Jews as defeated enemies of Rome offered a new pretext for local efforts to deprive Jews of their position (including citizenship and civic posts) by legal or more violent means: Kerkeslager, "Jews in Egypt and Cyrenaica," n. 13. See also Goodman, "Diaspora Reactions," 30.

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129

fleeing from Judaea, Josephus goes on, having met "with opposition from certain Jews o f rank, they murdered them; the rest they continued to press with solicitations to revolt. Observing their infatuation, the leaders o f the council o f elders, thinking it no longer safe for them to overlook their proceedings, convened a general assembly o f the Jews and exposed the madness o f the sicarii^ proving them to have been responsible for all their troubles... They, accordingly, advised the assembly to beware o f the ruin with which they were menaced by these men and, by delivering them up, to make their peace with the Romans."^^ Their treason, however, did not work out as they hoped. According to Josephus, the R o m a n s not only tortured and killed the Judaean sicarii but at the same time also took a stand against the Jewish community as a whole, closing up the activity o f the temple o f Onias at Leontopolis,^^ which, as far as we know, had been quite inoffensive, never yet having served as a rallying point for hostility to R o m e o f any kind.^^^ Something very similar transpired in Libya. Again, we have only Josephus' version o f the facts, the interpretation o f which is complicated furthermore by the fact that Josephus himself happened to be involved in the consequences o f the event. Josephus writes that one of the Judaean sicarii, Jonathan, "took refuge in Cyrene, won the ear of not a few o f the indigent class, and led them forth into the desert, promising them a display o f signs and apparitions. . . . T h e men of rank a m o n g the Jews o f Cyrene reported his exodus and preparations to Catullus, the governor o f the Libyan Pentapolis. Catullus, having dispatched a body o f horse and foot, easily overpowered the unarmed crowd, the greater number o f w h o m perished in the encounter. "^^ 2^ Bell. 7, 407-415. 2^ "Lupus, the governor of Alexandria...having carried off some of the votive offerings, shut up the building. Lupus dying soon after, Paulinus, his successor in office, completely stripped the place of its treasures, threatening the priests with severe penalties if they failed to produce them all, prohibited would-be worshippers from approaching the precincts, and, closing the gates, debarred all access, as to leave thenceforth no vestige of divine worship on the spot" {Bell 7, 433-36). 2^ See Goodman, "Diaspora Reactions," 31. 2^ Bell 7, 437-39. Horsley and Hanson observe that the resistance movement led by Jonathan the weaver in Cyrene appears in Josephus' portrayal less like the sicarii and more like the popular prophetic movements led by Theudas and "the Egyptian": Richard A. Horsley and John S. Hanson, BanditSy Prophets & Messiahs: Popular Movements in the Time of Jesus (2d ed.: Harrisburg, Pennsylvania: Trinity Press International, 1999), 215.

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Accusations were then put forward by Jonathan against the wealthiest elements o f the Jewish community and also against other leading figures o f the diaspora, including Josephus himself T h i s is one o f the first times that we learn not only about different social and political positions but also about a real schism inside the Jewish diaspora community. Hengel argues that afi:er these events, both in Egypt and in Libya, the upper social strata o f the Jewish population probably tried to conserve their loyalty to R o m e , avoiding tension with their neighbors, while the lowest strata were apparently more and more influenced by messianic political hopes.^^ About these hopes we learn from some oracles o f the fifth b o o k o f the Sibylline Oracles, apparently written in Egypt in the days o f D o m i t i a n and o f Trajan and finally edited at the beginning o f Hadrian s time, which is our only document from any strand o f Egyptian Judaism at that time. These oracles attest to a deep religious contrast between Jews and pagans, along with visions of apocalyptic terror and the anger o f G o d against the pagans after the destruction o f the Temple, an anger that takes the form o f a cosmic catastrophe, a war of the whole world. Collins points out that the strong expectation o f a savior figure in the fifth b o o k o f the Sibyl reflects a messianic expectation and may even have helped arouse it. True, the expected Messiah was a heavenly being, but this does not exclude the possibility o f his appearing and acting on earth, and there may have been a direct continuity between the ideology o f the Sibyl and that o f the Jewish revolt.^^ 28 Bell. 7, 441-50; Vita 424. See Morton Smith, "Messiahs: Robbers, Jurists, Prophets, and Magicians," AAJR 44 (1977): 191; Richard A. Horsley, "Popular Prophetic Movements at the Time of Jesus. Their Principal Features and Social Orig i n s , " / W J 26 (1986), 3-27; Horsley and Hanson, Bandits, Prophets & Messiahs, 215; Goodman, "Diaspora Reactions," 30. 2^ Hengel, "Messianische Hoffnung," 666. ^0 See John J. Collins, The Sibylline Oracles of Egyptian Judaism (Dissertation Series 13. Missoula, Mont.: Society of Biblical Literature and Scholars' Press for the Pseudepigrapha Group, 1974), 94. See also Hengel, "Messianische Hoffnung," 668-69, 678-79; John J. Collins, "The Development of the Sibylline Tradition," ANRWW, 20, 1 (1987): 436-37; idem. Seers, Sibyls, and Sages in Hellenistic-Roman Judaism (Supplements to the Journal for the Study of Judaism, V, 54. Leiden-New York-Koln: E.J. Brill, 1997). See also Stephen Felder, "What is the Fifth Sibylline O r a c l e , " / 5 / 3 3 (2002): 363-85. Against the use of the Sibylline Oracles for histori-

THE BACKGROUND

131

T h e mutual antagonism o f J u d a i s m and the pagan cults finds strong expression in the Fifth Sibyl: "they labor hard, evil men evil things awaiting, wrath o f the immortal Thunderer in heaven, worshipping stones and beasts instead o f G o d , and also fearing many things besides which have no speech, nor mind, nor power to hear; which things it is not right for m e to mention, each one an idol, formed by mortal hands; of their own labors and presumptuous thoughts did men receive gods made o f w o o d and stone and brass, and gold and silver, foolish too, without life and d u m b , molten in the fire they made them, vainly trusting such things."^^ Explicit reference to the destruction o f pagan temples is also found in the Sibyl, which foretells the desolation of the temples o f Sarapis and o f Isis. Sarapis was a syncretic deity, a Greek representation o f the Egyptian g o d Osiris-Apis, regarded as protector o f the Alexandrian city whose cult had from its very beginning unmistakably political overtones.^^ Against Sarapis, we read in the Sibylline Oracles: "Sarapis, who art placed on many glistening stones, a ruin vast shalt thou in thrice unhappy Egypt lie. But those w h o m love o f Egypt led to thee shall all lament thee badly; but who put imperishable reason in their breast, and who praised G o d , shall know thee to be naught. "^^ A long tradition o f antagonism is also attested between the Jews and Isis, the goddess that by the R o m a n period had become one o f the chief Egyptian deities, the guardian o f both fertility and the royal and national orders. B o t h voices — that o f the Jews and that o f the Greeks — h a v e reached us. A Greek papyrus dating to the third century C E and possibly deriving from the Hellenistic period casts the Jews as "lawbreakers once expelled from Egypt by the wrath o f Isis."^"^ "Attack the J e w s ! " the prophecy proclaims, since "impious cal purposes, Goodman points out that "the complex psychology of the author of such oracles, whose success depended on his (or her?) ability to achieve the tone of a pagan prophetess, precludes use of such material as reliable evidence of Jewish self-perception in this period" (Goodman, "Diaspora Reactions," 29). Sibylline Oracles 5, 103-115. ^2 See Jean Gag^, "L'empereur romain devant Serapis," Ktema 1 (1976): 145-66 and Miriam Pucci Ben Zeev, "Greek Attacks against Alexandrian Jews during Emperor Trajans R e i g n , " / S / 2 0 (1989): 47. Sibylline Oracles 5, 654-59. C/y III, 520. See Menahem Stern, C P / I I I , p. 120; Ludwig Koenen, review of V. Tcherikover and A. Fuks (eds.), Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, 2, Gnomon 40 (1968): 257-58 and Gideon Bohak, " C P / III, 520: The Egyptian Reaction to

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people will despoil your temples" and "your largest temple will become <sand> for horses (or crocodiles?)." T h e Jews are thereby shown to be destroyers o f native religion and shrines; indeed, they are instruments o f the temples' return to a state o f primordial chaos.^^ As for the Jews, we read in the Sibylline Oracles: "Worn out a m I, thrice-miserable one, sister o f Isis, to pay up in heart an evil message, and an inspired song o f oracles. First Maenades shall dart around thy much-lamented temples steps, and thou shalt be in evil hands that day when the Nile some time shall fill the whole land o f Egypt even to sixteen cubits deep..."^^ Further on, again, we read: "Isis, thrice wretched goddess, thou alone shalt on the waters o f the Nile remain, a M a e n a d out o f order on the sands o f Acheron, and no longer shall remain remembrance o f thee over all the earth. "^^ It appears therefore to be no accident that during the uprising in Trajans reign, both in Libya and in Egypt, action was taken by the Jews against pagan temples.^^ Evidence o f anti-Jewish propaganda is attested not only in the literary testimonies o f Manetho, Lysimachus, Apion and Chaeremon cited by Josephus^^ but also in papyrological findings. In the first century B C E , at M e m p h i s , the royal and priestly center o f traditional Egypt where the Jews were later to be defeated by Greeks and Egyptians,^^ a letter was written referring to popular hatred of Jews."^^ Onias' T e m p l e , " / 5 / 2 6 (1995): 32-41. I wish to thank Prof. Allen Kerkeslager for drawing my attention to the chronological problems concerning this text. David Frankfurter, "Lest Egypt's City Be Deserted: Religion and Ideology in the Egyptian Response to the Jewish Revolt (116-117 C E ) , " / / 5 43 (1992): 208. Sibylline Oracles 5, 74-81. 37 Sibylline Oracles 5, 649-53. 38 See the testimony of the inscriptions found in Libya and that of Appian (above, pp. 6-10 and 77-78) and comments by Frankfurter, "Lest Egypt's City Be Deserted," 211, n. 43. According to Goodman, it should be admitted that there is litde evidence of attacks on temples elsewhere in the regions affected by the revolt, and that the weight of information from Cyrene may simply reflect the extent of general destruction in the city, but the same phenomenon may also be accounted for by the intensity of archaeological investigation in Cyrene compared to that in the rest of the region. "Nonetheless", Goodman concludes, "with all such caveats accepted, it seems likely that the obvious explanation is the best: that the Jewish rebels deliberately destroyed the shrines of paganism" (Goodman, "Diaspora Reactions," 35). 39 See Stern, GLAJJ, vol. 1, pp. 62-86; 382-421. ^« C P / I I , 439. See above, pp. 33-34 and below, p. 170, "You know that they loathe the Jews" (CPJ I, 141). See Roger R^mondon,

THE BACKGROUND

133

Jewish feeUngs are reported in the SibyUine Oracles, where we read: " M e m p h i s , thou most shalt over Egypt wail; for o f old ruling mightily the land thou shalt become poor, so that out o f heaven the Thunderer shall himself with great voice cry: ' O mighty M e m p h i s , who didst boast o f old o'er craven mortals greatly, thou shalt wail full o f pain and all-hapless, so that thou thyself shalt the eternal G o d perceive immortal in the clouds. Where a m o n g men is now thy mighty pride? Because thou didst against m y God-anointed children rave, and didst urge evil forward on g o o d men, thou shalt for such things suffer penalty in some like manner. N o more openly for thee shall there be right a m o n g the blessed; fallen from the stars, thou shalt not rise to heaven'."^^ At the beginning o f Trajan's reign, two episodes o f violent conflict between Jews and Greeks at Alexandria are attested by papyri. T h e first episode emerges from C P / I I 157 (= R Oxy. UAl). Two delegations, one of Greeks and one o f Jews, show up before Trajan at R o m e . Trajan is portrayed as being swayed by his wife's partiality for the Jews and is accused o f having his council "fiill o f impious Jews." In the end, the story o f a miracle occurs: the statue o f Sarapis begins to perspire. T h e historical value o f this text, which belongs to the so-called "Acts o f the Alexandrines," is highly problematic. In past times, these Acts were basically seen as not historical, but in more recent times scholars have suggested that these texts d o reflect real historical facts, inserting them in a fictional framework and manipulating them with strong political bias.^^ As Momigliano puts it, this kind o f literature is "a novel based on historical data, and, consequently, valid as a his-

"Les antisemites de Memphis {PIFAO inv. 104 = CPJ 141)/' CE 69/70 (1960): 244-61. ^2 Sibylline Oracles 5, 85-100. Again, below {Sibylline Oracles 5, 243-56), we read: "Memphis, first in toils, thou shalt be filled up with the dead; in thee the pyramids shall speak a ruthless sound....Reckless in evils, treasury of toils, muchwailing Maenad, suffering dire ills, much weeping, thou a widow shalt remain through all time." See Collins, Seers, Sibyls and Sages, 209-210. See the different views of scholars such as Wilcken, Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Mommsen, Deissmann, Reinach and Schultess, on one hand, and of Bauer, Reitzenstein, Gefifcken and Holl on the other hand. Bibliographical details are found in Herbert A. Musurillo, The Acts of the Pagan Martyrs (London: Clarendon Press, 1954, repr. New York: Arno Press, 1975), 259-60, 263.

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torical source if used with appropriate caution.

T h e problem is

that the dividing line between fact and fiction remains difficult to draw,^^ the more so since the Acts o f the Alexandrians are strongly influenced by the contemporary Alexandrian novel.^^ Wilcken considered anti-Semitism merely "eine sekundare

Nebenerscheinung,"

but Musurillo emphasizes that it was this a n d more, for the Acta

re-

flect tensions which actually existed at Alexandria and which became more acute at certain times.^^ In C / y II, 157, the long list o f the participants in the delegations which appear before Trajan (col. I, 11. 3 - 1 6 ) , s o m e o f w h o m are historically identifiable,^^ m a y point to a historical background, m a nipulated in col. II and III for political aims.^^ T h e representatives o f the Greek delegations

are m e n

from

Dionysios, Pastor the gymnasiarch,

the gymnasiarch

Philoxenos

the

class

—

gymnasiarch-

elect, Sotion the gymnasiarch, T h e o n — a n d this m a y be taken to Arnaldo Momigliano, "Un nuovo frammento dei cosiddetti Atti dei Martiri pagani," Pont. Acc. Rom. di Arch. 7 (1931): 119-27, repr. in: idem, Quinto Contributo alia storia degli studi classici e del mondo antico (Roma: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1975), 789-98. Against this view, Loewe argues that these texts represent a particular genre of klein-literature or rather mischief-making (Verhetzungsliteratur): Raphael Loewe, "A Jewish Counterpart to the Acts of the Alexandrin i a n s , " i / 5 12 (1961): 107. John A. Crook, Consilium Principis: Imperial Councils and Counsellors from Augustus to Diocletian (Cambridge: University Press, 1955, repr. New York: Arno Press, 1975), 134. From the Alexandrian novel the Acts of the Alexandrians derive many elements, which include the patriotic motif (pride of birth, Greek piety, love of native city and pride of office), the pathetic or "martyr-motif," the use of trial scenes and scenes of violent emotion, and propaganda motifs such as anti-Semitism and antiRoman bitterness, which insists on the injustice of the Romans, Roman tyranny, the emperors ignoble birth, Roman avarice, weakness of the Roman people and of the Roman emperors, criticism of Roman government and the charge that Romans lack culture. See Musurillo, The Acts, 253-57. ^7 Musurillo, The Acts, 257. ^8 See Joseph Meleze Modrzejewski, "Trajan et les Juifs: propagande alexandrine et contre-propagande rabbinique," in Problhmes d'Histoire du Christianisme: propagande et contre-propagande religieuses (ed. J. Marx: Bruxelles: Editions de 1' Universite de Bruxelles, 1987), 11-12. ^9 Fuks suggests that these papyri deal with true historical events {CPJII, p. 82). O n the protocols in these papyri, on the record of the speeches and the rhetorical elements, see Musurillo, The Acts, 249-52. As for the size of provincial embassies to Rome, see G. A. Souris, "The Size of the Provincial Embassies to the Emperor under the Principate," Z P ^ 4 8 (1982): 235-44 (espec. 236 and 242).

THE BACKGROUND

135

mean that those involved in this conflict with the Jews were the men who filled Alexandria's highest magistracies, the same families and the same circles who wrote these Acta — educated Greeks with pride of blood, influential and perhaps wealthy, who could control the clubs and hire men to compose these pieces from the scraps o f reports or from copies o f the actual protocols.^^ T h e delegations o f Greeks and o f Jews appear before the emperor Trajan, each one carrying its own deities. In the case o f the Greeks, the statue o f Sarapis;^^ as for the Jews, the text is mutilated at this point.^^ Modrzejewski observes that here the verb PaaxaJ^siv (col. I, 11. 17-18), "porter en procession," has a technical character and corresponds to a practice according to which a statue accompanied an embassy and protected it during the voyage.^^ T h e place o f the audience, R o m e , is mentioned twice (col. II, 1. 2 3 , col. Ill, 1. 5 4 ) , which would mean that this episode had taken place before the autumn o f 113, when Trajan left R o m e for the East, never to return. Since 11. 2 3 - 2 4 o f col. II point out that the delegations arrived at R o m e after the end of the winter, the spring o f 113 could be taken as the terminus ante q u e m for this embassy to Trajan. T h e attitude o f the R o m a n imperial house is represented as hostile towards the Greeks. Trajans wife Plotina is said to have approached the senators in order that they might oppose the Alexandrians and support the Jews (col. II, 11. 2 6 - 2 8 ) , while Trajan denies the Greeks the right o f saluting him after they dared to c o m m i t Toiauxa x a X s i c a against the Jews (col. II, 11. 35-37),^^ /aXsTra which since Weber's ^0 They would be prepared "for private circulation only" — for private recitation, perhaps, at home or in the local clubs or gymnasia. The texts would have been adapted with additions and changes by various hands with varying degrees of competence. Bits of hearsay would be inserted. In some, the original rhetor might have had a hand in the redaction; in others, such as, for example, our text, a tale from an older aretalogy would be interpolated: Musurillo, The Acts, 273-74. See Maria J6zefowics-Dzielska, "La participation du milieu d'Alexandrie k la discussion sur I'id^al du souverain dans les deux premiers si^cles de Tempire romain," Eos GA (1976): 49. ^2 Weber suggests that the Jews might have carried their Holy Writings: WiUhelm Weber, "Eine Gerichtsverhandlung vor Kaiser Traian," Hermes 50 (1915): 56, n. 1. ^3 Md^ze Modrzejewski, "Trajan et les Juifs," 13. On this expression, see Weber, "Eine Gerichtsverhandlung," 57-58 and Horbury, "The Beginnings," 293.

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days have been identified with an anti-Jewish attack.^^ T h e Greeks, on their part, accuse Trajan o f showing favoritism toward the Jews: "It grieves us to see your C o u n c i l filled with impious J e w s " (col. I l l , 42-43),^^ and s o m e lines later we read: " . . . y o u ought to help your own people, and not play the advocate for the impious J e w s " (col. I l l , 11. 48-50).57 It appears that it was the behavior o f the Greek towards the Jews that was responsible for the R o m a n attitude. It has also been suggested that this attack is related to Greek coins issued at Alexandria in 1 1 1 / 1 1 2 C E , which depict the bust o f Sarapis held aloft by two winged Nikai

above a globe, and m a y be interpreted as a symbolic

representation o f a Greek victory over the Jews. T h e relation o f these coins to the event, however, is far from certain.^^ It is also not impossible, though it cannot be proved, that it is these events that are referred to by P. Standford

inv. G . 9 3 bv, which predicts a violent event

in Egypt to take place in the fourteenth year o f an unidentified emperor, in which case our episode w o u l d have taken place in 110.^^ 55 See Weber, "Eine Gerichtsverhandlung," 80; Michael Rostovtzeff, "Pax Augusta C l a u d i a n a , " / £ ^ 12 (1926): 26-28; Harold I. Bell, "Antisemitism in Alexandria," JRS 31 (1941): 14; Lelia Cracco Ruggini, "L'imperatore, il Serapeo e i filosofi," in Religione e politica nel mondo antico (ed. M. Sordi: Milano: Pubblicazioni della Universita del Sacro Cuore, 1981), 198 and Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, Y)?)S1, Biriey, too, accepts the historical nucleus of this papyrus: "Trajan had been appealed to not long before he left Italy, and had favoured the Jews, according to an Alexandrian Greek version preserved on papyrus": Anthony R. Biriey, Hadrian: the Restless Emperor (London: Roudedge, 1997), 72. As for the speeches of Dio Chrysostom, they are apparently not to be linked to these disorders. See Musurillo, The Acts, 167 and Tcherikover, CPJW, p. 86. 5^ O n the council referred to here, see Md^ze Modrzejewski, "Trajan et les Juifs," 14, 2 1 . 57 Among Egyptian Greeks, "impious" was evidently a common accusation of, and derogatory term for, Jews. Its popular associations derived from the image of the "Typhonians," the chaotic invading force in the Potters Oracle. Typhon was the Greek name of Seth, the Egyptian god who opposed Horus and Osiris, and therefore kingship, order, fertility and national stability. Seth was the power of the desert and its beasts, of boundary-territories and of foreigners in general: he was the god of the marginal and the enemy of the gods. See Frankftirter, "Lest Egypt's City Be Deserted," 210. 58 As Tcherikover points out, an image of Sarapis seated on a throne appears on the Alexandrian coins as early as the second year of Trajan ( C P / I I , p. 86.) 59 The content lacks chronological details. Shelton connects it with the revolt of the Bucohi: John C. Shelton, "An Astrological Prediction of Disturbances in Egypt," AncSoc 7 (1976): 209-213.

THE BACKGROUND

137

T h e second episode o f hostiUties against the Jews is attested by CPJ II 4 3 5 , a papyrus belonging to a completely different genre. This is a document o f the R o m a n chancellery, probably issued by the R o m a n prefect in office at the time, M . Rutilius Lupus.^^ It deals with an episode o f civil strife between the Greeks and the Jews o f Alexandria and is dated 14 October 115.^^ Since its first publication this text has been connected with the events o f the Jewish uprising and regarded as confirmation o f Eusebius' HE, which states that the revolt started in the eighteenth year o f Trajans reign. Close examination o f this text, however, raises serious doubts about its relation with the so-called Jewish revolt. Katzoff was the first to see this, when in 1980 he observed in passing that this fragmentary text o f proclamation "calls for an end to outburst, probably o f Alexandrians against the Jews".^^ S o m e years later, and without seeing his work, examination of the content o f CPJ II, 4 3 5 vis-a-vis the testimony o f the papyri led me to the same conclusion. T h e papyrus, which reflects the point o f view o f a R o man authority, apparently the R o m a n prefect, displays a critical attitude towards the Greeks and not towards the Jews as we would expect if it had been written at the time of the Jewish uprising. T h e Jews complain: " T h e n someone will say that the people who dared this were f e w . . . a n d are preparing fire and weapons against us" (col. II, 11. 2 2 - 2 7 , col. I l l , 1. 1). Moreover, the attack against the Jews is defined as a mistake by the R o m a n authority: "some o f these errors could perhaps have had an excuse before . . . but now they are purposeless judgments, which have never been permitted" (col. I l l , 11. 2 4 - 2 6 , col. IV, 11. 1-3). Against the promoters o f the disorders the

On M. Rutilius Lupus, see below, pp. IJA-IG. This papyrus was written in the nineteenth year of an emperor whose name is badly preserved. Cazzanigas suggestion of reading here the name of Trajan (Ignazio Cazzaniga, "Torbidi giudaici nellTgitto Romano nel secondo secolo di Cristo: un papiro della R. University di Milano," Ann, de Vlnst. de PhiloL et dHist. Orient et Slaves 5 (1937): 161) has been later confirmed by a new reading by Prof Claudio Gallazzi, who was kind enough to check again the papyrus, discovering precise traces of the name of Trajan. See Marina Pucci, " C / y II 158, 435 e la rivolta ebraica al tempo di Traiano,"ZP£' 51 (1983): 100, n. 17. As for the day, it is 14 October and not 13 October as it appears in C/y II, p. 228, since that was a leap year. See Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 201. ^2 Ranon Katzoff, "Sources of Law in Roman Egypt: The Role of the Prefect," ANRWW, 13 (1980): 813.

138

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

R o m a n authority has harsh words,^^ and the arrival o f a judge is mentioned, who has been sent by the emperor to investigate (col. I l l , 15-16). T h e fact that the emperor decides to open an inquiry is extremely meaningful. In the middle o f the Jewish revolt, the emperor would have sent not a judge but his best generals and military forces, as in fact we learn from Eusebius he did later on. It is evident that CPJ II 4 3 5 has to be considered as evidence not for the Jewish revolt, but, on the contrary, for an attack perpetrated by the Greeks of Alexandria against the Jews: this conclusion^^ is endorsed also by Schwartz^^ and some years later, apparently independently, by Barnes, who observes that the papyrus need not have any direct connection with the revolt at all. It relates rather to "intercommunal street-rioting o f the type long known in Alexandria" at a time when the rebellion had not yet begun or had not yet spread from Cyrene to the rural districts o f Egypt. Close inspection reveals that the official R o m a n attitude to the Jews is still "moderate and judicial," with the verdict o f a judge sent by Trajan to investigate the incidents being awaited. There is no sign o f any "war-psychosis" in the prefect s edict and the R o m a n authorities have not yet lost control of events.^^ To be sure, there are details o f this episode which remain difficult to interpret, such as the "battle o f the Romans against the Jews" mentioned in col. I l l , 1. 2 6 and col. IV, 1. 1 as having taken place in the past, a battle impossible to identify since the last attested R o m a n ^3 "The wickedness of the few can justly be called a reproach to the whole city. I know that most of them are slaves; that is why their masters are blamed. I therefore bid them all not to simulate anger for the sake of profit. They should recognize that we now know who they are. Let them not trust to my indulgence..." (col. Ill, 11. 5-12). See also Gedalia Alon, The Jews in their Land in the Talmudic Age 70-640 CE., vol. 2 (ed. G. Levi: Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), 399. ^ See Pucci, " C P / I I , 158, 4 3 5 , " 95-103. ^5 Jacques Schwartz, "Quelques reflexions a propos de Acta Alexandrinorum," ZPE 57 (1984): 130. Timothy D. Barnes, "Trajan and the J e w s , " / / 5 40 (1989): 153-54. Barnes' view is followed by John M.G. Barclay, Jews in the Mediterranean Diaspora: from Alexander to Trajan (323 BCE-117 CE) (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1996), 78. Against this interpretation, Haas follows Tcherikover and Fuks interpreting CPJ II, 435 as referring to the Jewish revolt: Cristopher Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity: Topography and Social Conflict (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), 100-110.

THE BACKGROUND

139

military action against the Jews goes back to the years 6 6 and 7 3 CE.^'^ Barnes argues that this battle was "an Alexandrian

episode

with local causes and local effects, "^^ both o f which remain unfortunately unclear. T h e events mentioned in C / y II, 4 3 5 are probably referred to also in C / y II, 158,^^ which presents excerpts from the record o f a delegation o f Jews and Greeks before an emperor, followed by the imperial decision (col. V I , 11. 2 8 - 2 9 and col. V I I ) . T h e place and the n a m e o f the emperor are not mentioned,^^ but it appears that it was written after the edict o f L u p u s preserved in CPJ II, 4 3 5 , since it contains precise references to it.-^^ In both texts, those responsible for the disorders are slaves, backed by their masters,-^^ a n d obscure references appear to a theatrical rep-

^7 See above, pp. 128-29. Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 154. ^9 Against this possibiUty, see Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity, 102. As for CPJ II, 158, it is considered as a single document according by Tcherikover, while Schwartz identifies in it three discrete though contemporary documents of similar inspiration. The first (col. I-III) would be a report of the embassy, the second (col. IV-V) a part of the Acta Theonis and the third (col. VI-VIII) a part of the Acta Antonini: Schwartz, "Quelques reflexions," 130-32. 7^ The emperor is called auxoxpocTcop (col. I, 1. 8), Kataap (col. II, 1. 1; col. I l l , 1. 16; col. IV, 1. 1; col. VI, 11. 6, 8) and xtSpioc (col. I l l , 1. 14; col. VI, 1. 8). Following the suggestion of Cronert of reading PITS in col. V, 1. 3, and restoring TAFX]FXT.£, who would be the prefect of Egypt Rammius Martialis (?), in office since the end of August 117, Tcherikover has identified him with Hadrian. The reading (XTE, however, is far from certain. Premerstein, for example, reads here (XI. Moreover, a vocative such asTocfji] (XI.£ would imply that the prefect was present at the audience as one of the speakers, which is not altogether very probable. Events which took place in the past are referred to in C P / I I , 158 a, col. V, 1. 11, where we read that these facts took place at the time of ]ou KABAPOI;. Tcherikover restores Tpatavjou Kataapoi; {CPJ II, p. 97) but KXauSi]o^ Kataapot; would not be impossible, the more so since events which occurred in Claudius' time are mentioned in col. IV, 1. 13 (xal KXauStavou). In view of the similarity of the subjects treated in this document to those mentioned in CPJ 435, one might instead assume that the emperor who appears here is Trajan, which is also suggested by the references to the Dacian wars appearing in col. I, 1. 13. For precise references to an edict of Lupus see CPJ II 158 (col. I, 11. 4-5): STAXAYFJIA AVEYVCO [TOU?] A O U T T O U ; (col. I l l , 11. 21-22): 6 enoipxoQ (XOU IV SKEGETO STAXAYFXATT. SY)XOL, and col. IV, 11. 2-4: 0£COV AV£Yv[CO T O V U7ROFXVYJ[I,ATT]G(X6V AOUTTOU £V [CBT £ X £ X £ U £ TRAPASOUVAJ TOC OTcXa. ^•^ "I know that most of them are slaves; that is why their masters are blamed"

140

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

resentation held in the theater o f the city. In CPJ II, 4 3 5 the references are extremely fragmentary,^^ while in CPJW, 158 a, col. 1,11. 37 the evidence is more explicit though by no means more clear.^^ There was a long tradition o f mimes at Alexandria. A well-known entertainment was the " k i n g - m i m e . " In 3 8 C E , such a m i m e was organized by the Alexandrians to welcome Agrippa I when they crowned the simpleton Carabas with papyrus and worshipped h i m in the gymnasium, "hailing h i m as Marin, which is said to be the name for 'lord' in Syria. For they knew that Agrippa was both a Syrian by birth and had a great piece o f Syria over which he was king".'^^ T h e theatrical representations held in Alexandria in 1 1 5 , therefore, should be understood in the context o f this tradition. Later developments o f the events reported in CPJW, 4 3 5 and 158 are reflected in another fragment o f papyrus {BGU 3 4 1 ) which the editors o f the CPJ have attached to it and named 1 5 8 b . Here we learn that "many were condemned, sixty Alexandrians and their slaves, and the Alexandrians were exiled and their slaves beheaded" (11. 7-9) and that "now all (the slaves) who had fled to their masters {CPJ II 435, coL III, L 6-8); "Now all (the slaves) who had fled to their masters intending to secure complete safety were brought to justice by them and punished" {CPJW 158, col. Ill, 11. 9-13). Below, too, in 1. 24 and in 1. 26, references are found to a(jLapTavovTa(; Sou[Xou^ and to [t]ou(; axpstouc; SouXouc;. Touc; 0pta(xpou(; (col. I, 1. 16); STuetTa TIC, Ipsi oXiyouc; slvaL touc; xauTa ToXfxwvTac; . . . sx^tv t o OeaTpov (col. II, 11. 22-24).

In the CPJ the translation reads as follows: "Theon read the edict of Lupus ordering them to lead him forth for Lupus to make fun of the king of the scene and the mime." In col. IV, 11. 11-12, too, we find: Trepl tou (xtto axTjvyjc; x a l I x (xifxou

paaLXecac;. A different interpretadon is offered by Rea, who sees in this text not an anti-Jewish mimos but a procession as part of the celebration for the beginning of the reign of Hadrian. Accordingly, the translation he offers is the following: "Paulus explained about the emperor', how they led him in procession and he proclaimed that the first year (of Hadrian), and Theon read out the edict on this matter from Lupus, how he (or who'? coi; for 6(;?) was giving them the order to process, while expressing disapproval of the representation of the emperor by an actor from the stage." The procession would be part of the celebradon for the beginning of Hadrian's reign. The aTTO (jxYjv^c; x a l I x fjLtfxou pacTiX£U(; would be an actor representing either the dead Trajan or the new ruler, Hadrian. Official disapproval can be guessed to have arisen because of the offensive jokes which the Alexandrians were notoriously apt to make about their rulers: John R. Rea, The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, vol. 55 (London: Published for the Bridsh Academy by the Egypt Exploration Society, 1988), p. 17. ^5 In FL 6, 36-39.

THE BACKGROUND

141

intending to secure complete safety were brought to justice by them and punished" (11. 13-15).^^ In view o f this long history o f hostility and of the riots occurring at Alexandria before October 113 and before the autumn o f 1 1 5 / ^ it is not difficult to understand the feelings o f the Jews that we find expressed in the Sibylline Oracles, which foretell the future ruin o f the city: "And as for thee, O Alexandria, famed nourisher (of cities) war shall not leave, nor (plague)...for thy pride thou shalt pay as many things as thou before didst. Silent shalt thou be a long a g e , . . . no more for thee shall flow luxurious drink...for there shall c o m e a Persian on thy dale, and like hail shall he all the land destroy...and then shalt you, in cities very rich, be very weary".^^ Frankfurter observes that great conflicts can develop merely out o f the dissonance of ideologies. W h e n two or more neighboring cultures have differing constructions o f "evil" or "threat to ethnic identity," it is only a matter o f time before one culture falls under the others image o f the antagonist. Occasionally, both cultures simultaneously perceive each other as the arch-enemy, and this clash of symbolic worlds invariably leads to gross slaughter on each side, acts facilitated by religious rhetoric and leadership. T h e conflict between Greeks and Jews in Egypt provides a striking test case o f these dynamics.""^ In 116, a general ferment may have prevailed in Jewish circles in response to circulating prophecies about the fall of Rome,^^ and in response to the strong earthquake that took place in the winter of 115 at Antioch,^^ that may have been interpreted as one o f the signs announcing the coming o f the Messiah. The same events may be attested also in P. Athen. 58. See Herbert Musurillo, ''PAthen, 58, a New Alexandrian Fragment?" C E 3 9 (1964): 147-49. On these events, see Pucci Ben Zeev, "Greek Attacks," 31-48. Sibylline Oracles 5, 118-32. Frankfurter, "Lest Egypt's City be Deserted," 220. See Joshua Gutmann, "Jewish Wars in Trajan's Days," (Hebr.) in A Collection of Studies Presented to Rabbi Prof Simhah Asafby his Friends, Colleagues and Students on his Sixtieth Birthday (ed. M . D . Cassuto et aL: Jerusalem: Mossad Harav Kook, 1953), 156-63. At the dme, Trajan was staying at Andoch during a pause in the Parthian war. The detailed account of the episode provided by Dio, who probably copied it from an eyewitness account, seems to be reproduced in full by Xiphilinus: "While the emperor was tarrying in Andoch, a terrible earthquake occurred; many cides

142

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

At the same time, in Egypt, and possibly also in other countries, the R o m a n military forces had been drastically diminished to be sent to the Parthian front. T h e m o m e n t m a y have been perceived to be particularly propitious and have led to an intensification o f messianic expectations^^. All in all, it is clear that the Jewish uprising did not arise out o f nothing. suffered injury, but Antioch was the most unfortunate of all Since Trajan was passing the winter there and many soldiers and many civilians had flocked thither from all sides in connexion with law-suits, embassies, business or sightseeing, there was no nation or people that went unscathed; and thus in Antioch the whole world under Roman sway suffered disaster. There had been many thunderstorms and portentous winds, but no one would ever have expected so many evils to result from them. First there came, on a sudden, a great bellowing roar, and this was followed by a tremendous quaking. The whole earth was upheaved, and buildings leaped into the air; some were carried aloft only to collapse and be broken in pieces, while others were tossed this way and that as if by the surge of the sea, and overturned, and the wreckage spread out over a great extent even of the open country. The crash of grinding and breaking timbers together with tiles and stones was most frightftil; and an inconceivable amount of dust arose, so that it was impossible for one to see anything or to speak or hear a word. As for the people, many even who were outside the houses were hurt, being snatched up and tossed violently about and then dashed to the earth as if falling from a cliff; some were maimed and others were killed. Even trees in some cases leaped into the air, roots and all. The number of those who were trapped in the houses and perished was past finding out; for multitudes were killed by the very force of the falling debris, and great numbers were suffocated in the ruins. Those who lay with a part of their body buried under the stones or timbers suffered terribly, being able neither to live any longer nor to find an immediate death. Nevertheless, many even of these were saved, as was to be expected in such a coundess multitude; yet not all such escaped unscathed. Many lost legs or arms, some had their heads broken, and still others vomited blood; Pedo the consul was one of these, and he died at once. In a word, there was no kind of violent experience that those people did not undergo at that time. And as Heaven continued the earthquake for several days and nights, the people were in dire straits and helpless, some of them crushed and perishing under the weight of the buildings pressing upon them, and other dying of hunger, whenever it so chanced that they were left alive either in a clear space, the timbers being so inclined as to leave such a space, or in a vaulted colonnade. ...So great were the calamities that had overwhelmed Antioch at this dme. Trajan made his way out through a window of the room in which he was staying. Some being, of greater than human stature, had come to him and led him forth, so that he escaped with only a few slight injuries; and as the shocks extended over several days, he lived out of doors in the hippodrome" (LXVIII, 24, 1-25, 6). See Gutmann, "Jewish Wars in Trajan's Days," 181; Frankftirter, "Lest Egypt's City Be Deserted," 203; Richard Alston, Aspects of Roman History, AD 14117 (London and New-York: Routledge, 1998), 204 and Firpo, "II terremoto," 241-45.

CHAPTER FIVE

T H E CHRONOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

INTRODUCTION

T h e traditional dates for the Jewish upheavals, 115-117 C E , were challenged for the first time by T i m o t h y Barnes in 1989. Relying on the testimony of D i o Cassius and on that o f the ostraca found in Egypt, Barnes argued that the uprisings started in 116 C E and not in 115 as Eusebius states.^ His conclusion was endorsed by Frankfurter, Barclay, Haas and Kerkeslager,^ but was rejected in 1996 by Horbury, who pointed out that we d o not have enough reasons for disregarding Eusebius' account and suggested returning to the conventional dates.^ Since then, the issue has not received fiirther attention, which is not surprising in view o f the fact that the testimony o f the sources is neither abundant nor easy to interpret. N o doubt, the material available to us for the reconstruction o f the chronological framework o f the Jewish uprisings is rather meager. T h e inscriptions we have, dealing mostly with the events which took place in Libya and Cyprus, were all written in the afi:ermath of the revolt, so that they are really irrelevant to the reconstruction o f the chronological sequence of the events, while the papyri, which concern only Egyptian matters, in most cases do not preserve a complete date. O n e turns therefore to the literary testimony. ^ Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 145-62. ^ Frankfurter, "Lest Egypt's Cides Be Deserted," 2 0 5 ; B a r c l a y , i n the Mediterranean Diaspora, 78; Bidey, Hadrian, 75-7A-, Haas, Alexandria in Late Antiquity, 402, n. 18; Kerkeslager, "Jews in Egypt and Cyrenaica" (forthcoming): n. 30, 32. Noethlichs mennons both possibilities, 115 or 116 C E , for the beginning of the hosdlities without preferring one of them: Karl L. Noethlichs, Das Judentum und der romische Staat: Minderheitenpolitik im antiken Rom (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1996), 2 1 , 163. ^ Horbury, "The Beginnings of the Jewish Revolt," 284-95.

144

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

T H E LITERARY TESTIMONY

Appian T h e only contemporary extant source, Appian, was himself in Egypt at the time and his original work may have contained chronological information on the Jewish uprising. From that which has survived the vagaries o f transmission, however, only a couple o f fragments remain,^ which do not offer any chronological data. Dio

Cassius

T h e account o f D i o Cassius too, or rather, its s u m m a r y preserved by the m o n k Xiphilinus in the eleventh century (henceforth D / X ) , does not offer chronological details concerning the revolts.^ T h i s may be no accident if Wirth is correct in arguing that the main source o f D i o for these events, namely, the work o f Arrian, ended with Trajans triumphal progress down the Tigris and merely alluded to the following events in a brief epilogue,^ a hypothesis which would well explain the conciseness about the Jewish upheavals we find in the account o f D/X. It is, however, meaningful that D / X establishes a link o f contemporaneity between the Jewish uprisings and the end o f the siege o f Hatra: "Trajan therefore departed from thence and a litde later began to fall in health. Meanwhile (xal Iv TOUTO)) the Jews in the region o f Cyrene had put a certain Andreas at their head, and were destroying both the R o m a n s and the Greeks" (LXVIII, 3 2 , 1). T h e question is therefore when Trajan left Hatra. T h e testimony o f D / X does not offer any precise date, but some details in the account o f the siege deserve attention. D / X writes, for example: " T h e surrounding country is mostly desert and has neither water (save a small a m o u n t and that poor in quality) nor timber nor fodder. . . . T h e r e were peals o f thunder, rainbow tints showed, and lightning, rainstorms, hail and thunderbolts descended upon the R o mans as often as they m a d e assaults. A n d whenever they ate, flies set^ Bella Civilia II, 90: 380; Liber Arabicus F 19. 5 LXVIII, 32, 1-3. ^ Gerhard Wirth, "Zur Tigrisfahrt des Kaisers Trajan," Philologus 107 (1963): 300.

THE CHRONOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

145

tied on their food and d r i n k . . . " (LXVIII, 3 1 , 1-4). According to Guey, these conditions o f weather point to a time before the summer, when there was still rain.^ Lepper disregards this passage as strongly reminiscent o f other stories accounting afterwards for similar fiascoes,^ but he too, though on different grounds, arrives at the similar conclusion that in any case Hatra was not under siege later than J u n e 117.^ T h e expression xal Iv TOUTW seems therefore to refer to a point in time shortly before early summer in 117. We cannot, however, understand that at this time the Jewish uprisings broke out, since, as we shall see below, the Egyptian papyri attest that in J u n e 117 in Egypt the revolt was being crushed decisively.^^ T h e chronological framework offered by D / X , therefore, is impossible to interpret at face value. T h i s does not surprise us since this is not the only time in which D / X s account raises questions concerning its chronological accuracy. Dealing with Claudius' expedition in Britain, for example, incorrect chronological statements are found, the reason for which is identified by Barrett with the ambiguity o f Dio's original source, which m a y have led him to misunderstand it.^^ T h e claim found in the account o f D / X , according to which the siege o f Hatra and the Jewish uprisings were contemporaneous, makes sense only if we construe it to mean not that at this time the Jews rebelled, but that at this time, namely, after he abandoned the siege o f Hatra, Trajan learned that the Jewish revolts were not yet under control and decided to send his best generals to quash them: ^ See Julien Guey, Essai sur la guerre parthique de Trajan (114-117) (Bibliot h ^ u e d'Istros, 2: Bucarest: Imprimerie Rationale, 1937), 137-38 and Karl-Heinz Ziegler, Die Beziehungen zwischen Rom und dem Partherreich: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Volkerrechts (Wiesbaden: E Steiner, 1964), 104. ^ Frank A. Lepper, Trajans Parthian War (London: Geoffrey Cumberlege, 1948), 91. ^ Lepper, Trajans Parthian Wan 89. This is also the opinion of Lelia Motta, "La tradizione sulla rivolta ebraica al tempo di Traiano," Aegyptus 32 (1952): 478. A possible allusion to Trajans defeat is found in an inscription from Hatra published by Basile Aggoula, "Remarques sur les inscriptions hatr^ennes", MUB A7 (1972): 10-11, inscription V (a). See also p. 55 for the identification of the governor of Hatra responsible for the resistance to Trajans siege. 10 See below, pp. 153-55. 11 See Andiony A. Barrett, "Chronological Errors in Dios Account of the Claudian Invasion," Britannia 11 (1980): 31-35.

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

Turbo to Egypt (and perhaps also to Libya) and Caios Valerius to Cyprus. Giving this interpretation to the account o f D / X , its relative chronology would make sense, but it would refer to the repression o f the Jewish uprisings, not to the time when they began. There is no other choice but to return to the account o f Eusebius, which is the only one to offer precise dates for the Jewish uprisings. Eusebius

Testimony: The Chronicon.

W h a t remains o f Eusebius' Chronicon, namely, the Latin translation of Hieronymus, composed towards the end o f the fourth century, and the Armenian version, written in the sixth century, date the revolt o f the Libyan and Egyptian Jews to the seventeenth year o f Trajan ( = 1 1 4 ) , the repression o f Mesopotamian Jews to the eighteenth year ( = 1 1 5 ) , and the revolt in Cyprus to the nineteenth year ( = 1 1 6 ) . T h e uprisings, therefore, would have lasted three years. T h e question o f whether we are allowed to follow these dates has no easy solution. First o f all, we cannot be certain that these were really the dates that appeared in the original work of Eusebius. Hieronymus himself implies that his translation was not very accurate when he tells us that it was dictated "with great rapidity to an amanuensis,"^^ an assertion which is perhaps only a way o f forestalling criticism o f its accuracy, given his own anxiety about errors that readers might discern in his translation,^^ but scholars are also found who interpret it literThe Chronicle probably completed by Eusebius before 311, while Hieronymus finished transladng it around the year 381/2. See Timothy D. Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1981), 112, and the works of Mosshammer and Duff quoted by Malcolm D. Donalson, A Translation of Jeromes Chronicon with Historical Commentary (Lewiston, N.Y.: Mellen University Press, 1996), 2, n. 4. Die Chronik des Hieronymus CCXKIII Olymp. (ed. Rudolf Helm: Bedin: Akademie-Verlag, 1956), 196. Canons, Praef, 2, 15-20: Itaque, mi Uincenti carissime et tu Galliene, pars animae meae, obsecro, ut, quidquid hoc tumultuarii operis est, amicorum, non iudicum animo relegatis, praesertim cum et notario, ut scitis, uelocissime dictaverim et difftcultatem rei etiam divinorum voluminum instrumenta testentur, quae a septuaginta interpretibus edita non eundem saporem in Graeco sermone custodiunt. See William Adler, "Eusebius' Chronicle and its Legacy" in: Eusebius: Christianity and Judaism (ed. H.W. Attridge and G. Hata: Leiden: E.J Brill, 1992), 490, n. 96.

T H E CHRONOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

147

aliy.^^ Moreover, the same H i e r o n y m u s admits that he used other sources in addition to Eusebius, especially concerning R o m a n history.

In fact, passages are found where discrepancies emerge both

between the translation o f H i e r o n y m u s and the Armenian version, and between Hieronymus' translation and the work o f Synkellos, which derives, too, from the Greek Chronicon o f Eusebius.

In the

case o f the Jewish uprisings, for example, H i e r o n y m u s mentions the earthquake

of

Antioch

before

all

the

Jewish

uprisings,

while

Synkellos follows a different order o f events, mentioning the earthquake between the uprisings in Libya and Egypt and the repression o f the Jews in Mesopotamia.^^ T h e problems, furthermore, are not limited to those discrepancies. T h e Chronicon places the significant events into O l y m p i a d s , each divided into four years, usually dating the event that is regarded as the m o s t important to the first year and the others to the following three years. In other words, four main events had to be chosen and assigned to four different years irrespective o f their actual original chronological order. Moreover, it also appears that the regnal year See for example Richard W. Burgess, "Jerome and the Kaisergeschichte," Historia AA (1995): 355, n. 3 1 . For the period from Ninus and Abraham up to the capture of Troy, he states, he is giving a pure translation from the Greek text of Eusebius, while "from Troy up to the twentieth year of Constantine there are many things, now added and now mixed in, which have been very carefully excerpted from Tranquillus and other illustrious historians." See Donalson, A Translation, 1. One of the main sources for his addition was the work of Suetonius. For a discussion of Hieronymus' use of Suetonius, including several errors by the former, see the work of Duff and Duff quoted by Donalson, A Translation, 2, n. 3. The additions were meant to supplement Eusebius' spotty treatment of recent Roman history, so as to make the work more contemporary. See also Adler, "Eusebius' Chronicle," 467, 482-83. See Donalson, A Translation, 2, n. 4. Real errors of substance have been detected in the work of Hieronymus since the sixteenth century: see Anthony Grafton, Joseph Scaliger: A Study in the History of Classical Scholarship, vol. 2: Historical Chronology (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 572-9 and Richard W Burgess, " T h e Dates and Edidons of Eusebius' Chronici Canones and Historia Ecclesiastica;'JTS N.S. 48, 2 (1997): 474. Kelly goes as far as to state that Hieronymus' carelessness and haste are evident not only in his numerous errors (even of translation) but also in his apparent indifference to exact dating even where the material for it was provided by his sources and in his refusal to take the trouble to fill the obvious gaps: John N . D . Kelly Jerome: his Life, Writings, and Controversies (London: Duckworth, 1975), 74-75. 20 Syncellus, Ecbga Chron. I, 657.

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

markers used by Eusebius d o not count the actual regnal years o f each emperor from the date o f his accession to the date o f his death, just as the Olympiads d o not mark real Olympiads, but should rather be regarded simply as chronological placeholders for calendar years. Eusebius was apparently interested in two things: that the first regnal year of a ruler should correspond to the year o f his accession and that the overall accounting o f regnal years for each kingdom should be accurate. H e had no interest in matching the exact length o f each rulers reign with his regnal year, which was, o f course, impossible to ascertain, given that most rulers did not reign for an exact number o f fiiU years. T h e point was not to represent accurately the exact few years o f each rulers reign, but to have a system o f representation that could keep track o f multiple decades and centuries of reigns with a m i n i m u m o f confiision, calculation, and error.^^^ T h e differing calendar systems used by Eusebius — years since the birth o f Abraham, Olympiads, and the regnal year o f kings, emperors, pharaohs, and other leaders — would have been impossible for Eusebius to calculate, synchronize, and represent if they were all treated as accurate representations o f reality. Burgess observes that in order to work, they all had to be coordinated to a single system, so all years o f Abraham, Olympiads, and regnal years were equated with the civic Syro-Macedonian year o f Caesarea and began at the same time o f the year: 1 Hyperberetaios = 3 October. T h i s means that the year in which an emperor or kings accession fell was counted as his first year from the previous 3 October, no matter how late in the year before 3 October that accession took place. In the case o f Trajans reign. Burgess points out that his first year went from his accession to the throne in late January 9 8 to October 3 o f the same year, the second from October 98 to October 99 and so on. Trajans death is noted as the last event in his nineteenth year o f reign, and there immediately follows the notice for Hadrians accession. So both events, Trajans death and Hadrians accession, are dated to the year which, according to Eusebius' computation, would go from October 115 to October 116, a year eariier than the events themselves took place, since in fact Trajan died in August 117.^^ Richard W. Burgess, Studies in Eusebian and Post-Eusebian Chronography (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1999), 30. 22 See Burgess, Studies, 28-30.

THE CHRONOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

149

Another larger chronological gap in the account o f Trajans reign is found in the case o f the Parthian war: the R o m a n conquest o f Seleucia, Ctesiphon and Babylon is dated to the sixth year o f Trajan, 103-4, fully ten years before the Parthian war really began.^^ Responsibility for changes, which m a y have involved errors, m a y also fall on the vagaries o f transmission. M o s s h a m m e r contends that whatever errors, displacements and omissions the redactors introduced in the positioning o f the entries with respect to the chronological framework were c o m p o u n d e d by the scribes of the m a n u script tradition, so that that no single entry in any one o f the manuscripts, or even the consensus o f them all, would in itself constitute chronological evidence.^^ This view is shared by Barnes and Firpo, who observe that the dates offered by the Chronicle cannot be taken as the base for any historical arguments nor for chronological deductions.^^ While the value o f the Chronicon for a chronological reconstruction o f the Jewish uprisings remains, therefore, questionable, it should be recognized that the chronological setting o f the revolts makes sense in relative terms, since it dates the beginning o f the Jewish uprisings one year after the earthquake at Antioch. T h e year given for the earthquake, the sixteenth year o f Trajan ( = 1 1 2 / 3 ) , is probably wrong, since it seems to have taken place in 115,^^ but the order o f the events is the correct one: the Jewish uprisings really did take place after the earthquake o f Antioch.^^ Eusebius' Testimony: The Historia

Ecclesiastica

T h e Historia Ecclesiastica calls the beginning o f the revolt a GTOiaiQ (civil strife) and places it "in the course o f the eighteenth year o f the 2^ Seleuciam Ctesifontem Babylonem occupavit et tenuit (ed. Helm, 194). On other chronological errors, see Burgess, Studies, 36-43. 2^ Alden A. Mosshammer, The Chronicle of Eusebius and Greek Chronographic Tradition (Lewisburg, Pa: Bucknell University Press, 1979), 56-57, 83. See also pp. 162-63 on the "maze of error, contamination, and false synchronism that Eusebius transmitted". Adler speaks of "inevitable corruption that occurred in transmitting a w^ork so complicated and multifaceted": Adler, "Eusebius' Chronicle;' 25 Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 118-20; Firpo, "II terremoto di Andochia," 234. 26 On the problems concerning the date given by Malalas, see the different views of Biriey {Hadrian, 71 and 324, n. 13) and Firpo ("II terremoto," 235-36, n. 9). 27 See Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 155.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

reign o f the Emperor," adding that it developed into a real war the next year (HEW, 2, 1-2). Here, therefore, the revolt is said to have lasted for two years, and not three years as in the Chronicon, Such chronological discrepancy between the HE and the Chronicon is puzzling but not surprising. It would not be the first and only time in which the dates given in the Chronicon differ from those o f the HE, Wallace-Hadrill suggests that, where the two works cover the same ground and are different, in the HE, which was written s o m e years later,^^ Eusebius is probably revising his opinion and correcting an error.^^ In this case, the dates appearing in the HE would be those that Eusebius found to be the more appropriate. T h i s interpretation proposed by Wallace-Hadrill, however, is by no means the only possible one, since Eusebius is often found using different sources of information without being always aware of the contradictions involved. McGiffert points out that "instead o f applying himself to the discrepancies, and endeavoring to reach the truth by carefiilly weighing the respective merits o f the sources, or by testing their conclusions in so far as tests are possible, Eusebius adopts in m a n y cases the results o f both, apparently quite unsuspicious o f the confusion consequent upon such a course. "^^ T h i s view is confirmed by Gustafsson, who points out that Eusebius did not feel the need to critically compare his sources.^^ It follows that it is difficult to know what was really Eusebius' own opinion on the chronology o f the Jewish uprisings. Virtually all modern scholarship follows the dates given in Eusebius' HE, where Eusebius writes that the Jewish revolts started in the eighteenth year o f reign o f Trajan. As Vermes and Millar point out,^^ 2^ A first edition of the Chronici Canones probably appeared afi:er 306, seven years before the Historia Ecclesiastica (Burgess, "The Dates and Editions," 4 7 1 504). David S. Wallace-Hadrill, Eusebius of Caesarea (London: A.R. Mov^bray, 1960), 158. Arthur C. McGiffert, The Church History of Eusebius (first ed. 1890: repr. in the series A Select Library of Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers of the Christian Church, Second Series, vol. 1, eds. R Schaff and H. Wace: Grand Rapids, Michigan: W M . B . Eerdmans Publishing Company, 3^^ed. 1971), 50-51. B. Gustafsson, "Eusebius' Principles in Handling his Sources as Found in his Church History," Texte und Untersuchungen 79 (1961): 4 4 1 . ^2 See Emil Schurer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175 B.C-AD.135X vol. 1 (eds. G. Vermes and E Millar: Edinburgh: T. & T. Clark, 1973), 530, n. 73.

THE CHRONOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

151

no matter from where we start, whether from the date of Trajans accession (27 January) or from the Tribunician N e w Year (10 December), as was official custom from the time o f Trajan, either way the eighteenth year of Trajans reign is 115 C E . T h i s is, therefore, the standard date for the beginning o f the Jewish uprisings in modern works, the more so after the pubUcation, in the 1930's, of a papyrus dealing with Greco-Jewish hostilities dated October 115 {CPJ II, 4 3 5 ) , which was regarded as confirmation o f Eusebius' chronology.^^ As we have pointed out above, however, it is highly doubtfiil that this text may be considered a confirmation o f the testimony o f Eusebius.^^ T h e papyrus, which reflects the point o f view of a R o m a n authority, displays a critical attitude towards the Greeks o f the city (col. I l l , 11. 5-12) and not towards the Jews, as we would expect if it referred to the Jewish uprising. Moreover, the attack against the Jews is called an "error" (col. I l l , 11. 2 4 - 2 6 , col. IV, 11. 1-3) and the arrival o f a judge is mentioned, sent by the emperor to investigate (col. I l l , 15-16), which suggests instead that no revolt was in progress at the m o m e n t ; otherwise Trajan would have sent his best generals and military forces, not a judge to open an inquiry. T h u s CPJ II, 4 3 5 definitely cannot be considered as evidence for the Jewish revolt, but, on the contrary, it attests that in the autumn o f 115 the Jewish revolt had not yet started. As a matter o f fact, we learn from it that at this time the Greeks responsible for the stasis had not yet been punished. T h e punishment was issued later, as we learn from the two fragments o f CPJ II, 158. It is therefore impossible to link the testimony o f CPJW, 4 3 5 with what Eusebius tells us about the beginnings o f the uprising, namely, that in the first engagement in Egypt the Jews "happened to overcome the Greeks, who fled to Alexandria and captured and killed the Jews in the city" {HE IV, 2 , 3 ) . From Eusebius's account it is clear that the first engagement took place outside Alexandria and that the Greeks who lost it fled to Alexandria and attacked the Jews o f that 33 See Victor A. Tcherikover, CPJl, p. 88; Alexander Fuks, CPJW, pp. 228-30; Alexander Fuks, "Aspects of the Jew^ish Revolt in A.D. 1 1 5 - 1 1 7 , " / ^ ^ 51 (1961): 100; Schurer, The History, vol. 1, 529-34; Smallwood, The Jews, 389-427; Marina Pucci, La rivolta ebraica al tempo di Traiano (Pisa: Giardini, 1981), 50-51; Jose R. A y a s o - M a r t i n e z , C a p t a : La Palestina romana entre las dos guerras judias (70132 dC), (Estella [Navarra]: Editorial Verbo Divino. 1990), 49; Horbury, "The Beginnings," 283-304; M^l^ze Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 198. 34 See above, pp. 137-40.

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

city. In the papyrus, on the other hand, those responsible for the disorders are Greek slaves residing in the city. Moreover, Eusebius goes on to say that "though thus losing the help o f the townsmen, the Jews o f Cyrene continued to plunder the country o f Egypt and to ravage the districts in it under their leader L u k u a s . " In the papyrus, on the other hand, the episode is limited to the area o f the city, there is no reference to fighting outside Alexandria, and Alexandrian Greek slaves alone (along with their owners) are held responsible.^^ Last, as we have seen above, the detail concerning the judge sent by Trajan to investigate and punish those found guilty clearly does not fit in a situation such as that portrayed by Eusebius. It appears quite clear, then, that the picture drawn by Eusebius belongs to a later stage o f the events.^^ We are left, therefore, with one firm point: the Jewish upheavals in Egypt started later than the autumn o f 115. For a more exact date, some ostraca from Egypt provide us with meaningftil insights. T H E OSTRACA FROM EGYPT

Schwartz was the first scholar to draw attention to the ostraca found in Egypt, which attest that the Jews o f Edfij continued to pay their taxes until the spring o f 116, and that the interruption o f the payments proves that "important facts took place then'.^^ T h e same path is followed by Barnes.^^ In the ostraca found at Apollinopolis M a g n a (Edfii) {CPJ II, 1 6 0 - 2 2 6 ) , the receipts given to the Jews for the payment o f the Fiscus Judaicus go from 7 1 / 2 through 116. T h e payments stop in 116. T h e last three receipts are from 3 1 March {CPJW,

2 2 7 ) , 2 0 April {CPJW,

2 2 8 ) and 18 M a y {CPJW,

229). We

have no more receipts for the Jewish tax after this date. T h e same data emerge from the receipts o f other taxes. Poll taxes, dyke taxes, taxes on wheat, bath taxes, police taxes, cattle taxes, taxes in respect o f land-survey" and taxes for donkey driving — all these taxes were paid by the Jews until the spring o f 116. T h e last receipt is 35 3^ 3^ 3«

The same emerges from CPJW, 158 a and from 158 b. Contra, Horbury, "The Beginnings," 284. Jacques Schwartz, "En marge du dossier d'Apollonios," CE 57 (1962): 353. Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 157-58.

T H E CHRONOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

153

from 2 8 April 116 ( C / y II, 369).^^ W e d o not have any more receipts until 151 CE,^^ a fact which may well be interpreted as meaning that the situation was normal at Apollinopolis M a g n a until the end o f M a y 116. T h e n something must have happened that disrupted the Jews' payments, and this "something" m a y reasonably be identified with the Jewish revolt. In the T h e b a i c region, too, the situation seems to have been normal as late as the end o f April, when a dedication was erected to Trajan that does not mention any disorder.^^ O f course, the uprising m a y have reached different places at different times, but relying on the extant sources one m a y feel justified in suggesting the end o f M a y 116 as the terminus post q u e m for the beginning o f the uprising in Egypt.^2 T H E END OF T H E UPRISING IN EGYPT

T h e end o f the Jewish uprising in Egypt is generally identified with the time when ApoUonios, the strategos o f ApoUinopolis-Heptakomia, who had been personally involved in engagements with the Jews,^^ asked the R o m a n prefect for a leave o f sixty days in order to take care o f his own private affairs. "For not only are m y affairs c o m pletely uncared for because o f m y long absence", he writes, " b u t also, because o f the attack o f the impious Jews, practically everything I possess in the villages o f the Hermopolite n o m e and in the metropolis needs m y attention" ( C P / I I , 4 4 3 , col. II, 11. 1-9).^^ T h e letter is dated 2 8 November 117. 3^ Since the payments of all the taxes paid by the Jews stop in the spring of 116, the whole secdon which is published in the CPJ II under the dde "Ostraka from the Jewish Quarter of Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu), Part II, Various Taxes, nos. 230374," should be dated 56-116 and not 56-117 C E . CPJ II, "Ostraka from the Jewish Quarter of Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu)," Part III, Various Taxes, 375-403. ^1 OGIS G77 = IGRR I, 1267, dated 26 April 116. Barnes suggests reading 30 Pachon instead of 1 Pachon ("Trajan and the Jews,'' 158, n. 82). ^2 The same conclusions were reached independently by Barnes and by me ("Greek Attacks," 36), in articles that both appeared in 1989. As for the terminus ante quem for the beginning of the uprising in Egypt, see below, pp. 168-69. 43 See C / y II, 439. 44 Sixty days are a large amount of time, which may account for an exceptional

154

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

If we read this letter carefully, however, we see that this is not the first time that ApoUonios is writing to the prefect. From the first colu m n o f the papyrus we learn that he had previously asked for a leave, getting no response: " T o R a m m i u s Martialis, the mighty prefect, from ApoUonios, strategos o f ApoUinopolis-Heptakomia, greeting. I attach a copy, prefect, o f the application for leave which I previously submitted to y o u . . . " ( C 7 y II, 4 4 3 , col. I, U. 1-5). ApoUonios does not say when he had sent the application for the first time, but it was certainly at some point afi:er the end o f the Jewish uprising. After the last engagements with the Jews were over, ApoUonios must have taken care o f the most urgent public affairs connected to his task before asking for the leave. All in all, at least several weeks but perhaps a m o n t h or more may have elapsed between the end o f the fighting and the writing of ApoUonios' second letter, that preserved in CPJ II, 4 4 3 . Modrzejewski suggests that ApoUonios "had not waited longer than two months before renewing his demand."^^ At ApoUinopolisHeptakomia, therefore, the fighting may have been over already in September. In some districts, the Jewish disorders m a y have subsided already by the beginning of the summer. By late J u n e at least some o f the Egyptian countryside had already settled back into normal life. T h e situation was seemingly safe enough to allow Aline, the wife o f the strategos ApoUonios, to leave the house o f her mother-in-law at Hermoupolis, where she had stayed during the disorders, and to return to her own h o m e at Apollinopolis. We learn this from Eudaimonis' letter, written on 16 July, which mentions the departure o f Aline for ApoUinopolis M a g n a three weeks before ( C / y II, 4 4 2 , 1 . 6 ) . From the same letter we understand that at Hermoupolis, too, where Eudaimonis lived, things had settled down.^^ T h i s , however, was not the case everywhere. ApoUonios, for example, was apparently stiU in danger, since in the same letter, written on 16 July, Eudaimonis points out that she will pay no attention to the gods until she gets her son back safe ( C / y II, 4 4 2 , U. 2 5 - 2 8 ) .

situation. In RWisc, 70, a leave of 30 days is granted to a Roman soldier in order to take care of his patrimonial interests. See Sergio Daris, "Documend minori dell'esercito romano in E^mo;' ANRWll 10, 1 (1988): 725-26. ^5 Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 204. See Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 159.

THE CHRONOLOGICAL FRAMEWORK

15 5

O n e o f the battles fought against the Jews, perhaps one o f the last ones, may be identified with that which caused the R o m a n military authorities to decide to add new recruits to the forces o f the cohors Augusta praetoria Lusitanorum equitata, then stationed in Egypt. By 3 September 117, the cohors Augusta praetoria Lusitanorum equitata had received new recruits who amounted to one third o f its strength,^^ a fact interpreted as implying heavy losses in fighting before that date. To be available at the beginning of September, Gilliam suggests, recruits from outside must have been authorized by early summer."^^ These scattered pieces o f evidence allow us to conclude that the uprising in Egypt must have been over between early and late summer in 117, perhaps as late as the beginning o f H a d r i a n s reign. It may be no coincidence that the SUA report that at the very beginning o f H a d r i a n s reign, in August o f 117, Aegyptus seditionibus urgebatury^^ a notion confirmed by Hieronymus and Syncellus, who, too, state that in his first year o f reign — which started on 11 August 117 — Hadrian punished the Jews "who had rebelled." As for the nature o f this "rebellion," however, each o f them gives his own interpretation: Hieronymus writes that Hadrianus ludaeos capit secundo contra Romanos rebellantes^^ while according to Syncellus ASptavo^ 'louSatoix; xaTOt AXs^avSpscov aTaaiaJ^ovTat; sxoXaas.^^ PSI 1063 = Robert O. Fink, Roman Military Records on Papyrus (American Philological Association. Philological Monograph 26: Cleveland: Case Western Reserve University Press, 1971), 74. The replacements amount to a minimum of 28 per cent and a maximum of 40 per cent of the personnel of each century. The date seems to provide the explanadon: the cohort had suffered severe losses in the Jewish rebellion, and its ranks were being replenished with recruits brought from outside Egypt (probably from Asia). See below, pp. 176-77, The date is 6 Thoth (=3 September) of the twenty-first year of Trajan. In fact, Trajan had not even completed his twentieth year of reign, but the news of Trajans death had not reached this part of Egypt at this time. See Fink, Roman Military Records, p. 278 and James F. Gilliam, "An Egypdan Cohort in A.D. 117", Bonner Historia Augusta — Colloquium, 196415 (Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1966), 96, repr. in James F. Gilliam, Roman Army Papers (Mavors Roman Army Researches 2: ed. M.P. Speidel: Amsterdam: J . C . Gieben, Publisher, 1986), 314. ^9 Hadr, 5, 2. 50 Ed. Helm, 197. 5^ Syncellus, 348 D. It could be not Syncellus' own interpretation but that of the two Alexandrian chronographers, Panodorus and Annianus (end of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century CE), who may have represented the intermediate stage between Eusebius' Chronicon and the work of Syncellus. See Witold Witakowski. The Syriac Chronicle of Pseudo-Dionysius ofTel-Mahre: a Study in the History

156

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

All in all, it appears that the Jewish uprising took place in Egypt between the summer o f 116 and that o f 117. In this case, it lasted one year, not two years as Eusebius states in his HE, Eusebius, however, certainly did not himself invent the dates he gives. T h e question therefore arises, what m a y have p r o m p t e d him to place the beginning o f the revolt in 1 1 5 , that is to say, on what sources he was relying.

of Historiography (Studia Semidca Upsaliensia: Uppsala: Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 1987), 73-74 and Firpo, "Uukima fase," 253-54, n. 44. Firpo ("Luldma fase," 254-55) suggests that D/X, too, may be referring to these events when he writes that, at the very beginning of Hadrians reign, "the Alexandrians had been rioting, and nothing would make them stop until they received a letter from Hadrian rebuking them. So true it is that an emperors word will have more force than arms" (Dio LXIX, 8, la, Exc. Vat, 108). In spite of the fact that this passage does not mention the Jews, Firpo believes that they may have been the victims of the riots: after the Roman military repression was over at Alexandria, the local Greek populadon might have given vent to its own animosity, as had happened in 66 C E . (Concerning the events of 66 C E , Josephus tells us that after the Roman military action against the Jews in the Jewish quarter at Alexandria, the Roman prefect "ordered the Romans to retire. They, broken to obedience, ceased massacring at the first signal; but the Alexandrian populace in the intensity of their hate were not so easily called off and were with difficulty torn from the corpses": Bell. 2, 498). Frankftirter, too, points out that the official violence reserved for use by the Roman army degenerated into collective violence with ethnic intent: Frankftirter, "Lest Egypt's Cities Be Deserted," 207. See also n. 22 there on the definidon of official violence and collective violence according to the interpretations of Tilly and Vanderbroeck. A different interpretation is offered by Altson, who relates this passage of D / X on the riot of Alexandria in Hadrian's days to the tesdmony of SHA, Hadr. 12, 1-2 on a dispute concerning the place of residence of an Apis bull which would have taken place in 122-3 C E (.. .transgressus in Galliam Alexandrina seditione turbatus, quae nata est ob Apidem, qui cum repertus esset post multos annos, turbos interpopulos creavit.,,): Richard Alston, Soldier and Society in Roman Egypt: a Social History (London and New York: Routledge, 1995), 77 and 222, n. 58. But see also Anne Gaden, "Structure et port^e historique de la Vie dHadrien dans yHistoire AugustCy'' Ktema 1 (1976): 141, according to whom this passage of the SHA is to be seen as a historical error.

CHAPTER SIX

T H E QUESTION OF EUSEBIUS' SOURCES

Eusebius concludes his account o f the Jewish uprisings by stating that "the Greek authors w h o chronicle the same period have related this narrative in these very words" {HE IV, 2 , 5 ) . Unfortunately, he does not tell us w h o these authors are. Unfortunately a n d unusually, since in his Historia Ecclesiastica Eusebius is always very careful to base his statements directly upon his sources a n d to make it clear that he is doing so.^ O n l y seven cases have been detected by Carriker in which he quotes his sources in a vague fashion without mentioning their names.^ O n e might suspect special reasons behind this vagueness, but unnecessarily so. T h e expression "the Greek authors who chronicle the same period have related this narrative in these very words" seems rather to be a standard expression often used in the HE, most probably for rhetorical effect a n d apparently without a specific meaning.^ A particular meaning, though, should be attached to his mention o f "Greek authors" in the plural form. A comparison between the account o f the Chronicon (where n o noticeable difference between

^ This of course does not mean that he saw their original texts. In fact, it appears that Eusebius does not always differentiate between primary and secondary sources such as excerpts, anthologies of excerpts, or quotations or abstracts in other works, so that one cannot always be sure that he had seen himself the writings that he mentions. Gustafsson argues that even when he quotes the name of a source, we can never be certain that he is citing it at first hand, especially if he does not give a precise reference for the quotation. In some cases it is evident that he knew the work quoted only at second hand: Gustafsson, "Eusebius' Principle," 430-32, 4 3 5 . ^ Andrew J. Carriker, "Seven Unidentified Sources in Eusebius' 'Historia Ecclesiastical'' in: Nova Doctrina Vetusque: Essays on Early Christianity in Honor of EW Schlatter (ed. D. Kries and C. Brown Tkacz: New York: Lang, 1999), 79-92. 3 Carriker, "Seven Unidentified Sources," 87. Other similar expressions appearing in the HE are "those who committed the story of those times to writing relate it" (icTTopouaiv 01 Ypacp^ toc x a r a roix; xpovou«; TuapaSovxec;) {HE III, 20, 8) and "the record of our own ancient men" (6 tcov Trap' -^(xtv apxaicov TuapaSLSwcrt Xoyo^;) {HE

III, 20, 9).

158

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

Hieronymus' translation and the Armenian version is to be found) and that o f the HE reveals a series o f differences which make us think that Eusebius really used more than one source concerning the Jewish uprisings. S o m e o f these differences may not have particular significance, such as the addition of details in the HE that d o not show up in the Chronicon — e.g., the name o f the military commander sent against the Jews o f Egypt and Cyrene, Marcius Turbo, and that of L u p u s who was prefect of Egypt at the time. T h e omission of these details may well be due to the fact that the Chronicon reported only main facts, in a rather telegraphic form. Sometimes, however, quite the contrary is found, namely, facts are reported in the Chronicon that are left out in the HE, such as the involvement o f the region around Thebes in the uprising, and, more significant, the revolt in Cyprus, which is not mentioned at all in the HE, an omission for which no explanation can be found. Moreover, we also find real factual differences between the two accounts. While dealing with the revolt in Mesopotamia, for example, the Chronicon tells o f a real revolt {ludaeis Mesopotamiae rebellantibus praecepit imperator Traianus Lysiae Quieto), while the mentions only Trajans suspicion that the Jews o f Mesopotamia, too, might revolt (6 8 s auToxpdcTcop uTuoTTTeucrai; x a l TOIX; £V MsaoTioTafjiia 'louSaioui; £7ri07ja£a6ai). T h e order o f the re-

volts, too, is different. T h e Chronicon gives the following sequence: Libya, Egypt, Alexandria, Cyrene, Thebais, while the HE presents the revolts first at Alexandria, then in the rest o f Egypt and afterwards in Cyrene. T h e obvious conclusion to be reached is that Eusebius was apparently using at least two different sources for his account in the Chronicon and for that in the HE. We must, therefore, look for more than one source. Dio

Cassius

Scholars have often pointed to D i o Cassius as a source for Eusebius,^ but only a comparison between the two accounts, that o f Eusebius ^ On the possibility that Eusebius consulted the work of Dio concerning the Jewish uprisings, see McGiffert, The Church History of Eusebius, 175; Kirsopp Lake, Eusebius: The Ecclesiastic History (Loeb Classical Library; London: Heinemann, first ed. 1926, repr. 1965), 307; Hugh J. Lawlor and John E.L. Oulton, Eusebius, Bishop

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159

and that o f D i o Cassius, as found in the summary o f XiphiHnus — which is the only one which survived the vagaries o f transmission — may substantiate this possibiUty 1 . Date. T h e account found in D / X lacks any chronological setting. It only states that the Jewish uprisings broke out at the same time (xal Iv TOUTO)) that Trajan abandoned his unsuccessful siege o f Hatra (LXVIII, 3 2 , 1). Eusebius, o n the other hand, does not mention Hatra a n d states that the revolts took place in the eighteenth and in the nineteenth year o f Trajans reign. 2 . Name o f the Leader o f the Jews. T h e name o f the leader o f the Jews is Andreas in D / X s account, while Eusebius calls h i m Lukuas, a n d adds that he was a king.

3. Events in Libya.

O f what happened, Eusebius has nothing to

say, while D / X offers a detailed account: " T h e y would eat the flesh o f their victims, make belts for themselves o f their entrails, anoint themselves with their blood a n d wear their skins for clothing; many they sawed in two, from the head downwards; others they gave to wild beasts, a n d still others they forced to fight as gladiators" ( L X V I I I , 3 2 , 1). T h e omission o f these details in Eusebius' account is particularly meaningful in view o f the fact that they would have served his apologetic purposes so well, helping h i m to stress the disaster that befell the Jews, w h o were punished not only because they did not recognize Jesus as their Messiah b u t also because they dared to rebel against the R o m a n empire, which h a d been desired by Providence in order to make the diffusion o f Christianity possible.^ O n e might argue that Eusebius d i d not quote this passage because it d i d not show u p in the work o f D i o but was added later by of Caesarea: the Ecclesiastical History and the Martyrs of Palestine, vol. 2 (London: S.RC.K, 1928), 119; Gustave Bardy, Eus^be de Cisarie, Histoire Ecclesiastique, livres I'lV (Paris: Edidons du Cerf, 1952), 2 1 , n. 7; Salvatore Barzl in his notes to Eusebio di Cesarea, Storia Ecclesiastica l\ (Roma: Cittk Nuova Editrice, 2001), 194, n. 7. I v^ish to thank Dr. Tommaso Leone for having brought this work to my attention and having made it available to me. ^ See Robert M. Grant, Eusebius as Church Historian (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1980), 97-113; Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 135; Arthur J. Droge, "The Apologetic Dimensions of the Ecclesiastic History," in Eusebius, Christianity and Judaism (ed. H.W. Attridge and G. Hata: Studia Post-Biblica 4 2 : Leiden-NewYork-Koln, 1992), 492-93; Jorg Ulrich, Euseb von Caesarea und die Juden: Studien zur Rolle der Juden in der Theologie des Eusebius von Caesarea (Patristische Texte und Studien 4 9 : Berlin-New York: de Gruyter, 1999), 49-51.

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Xiphilinus.^ Theoretically, this is not impossible, because, even if Xiphilinus does not usually a d d to what he finds in D i o s narrative but rather deletes from

it,^ cases have been detected in

which

Xiphilinus is found to have a d d e d information taken from other sources.^ It is, however, doubtfiil that this is so in our case, since the atrocities ascribed to the Jews are very similar to those which D i o attributes to the Britons when revolting against the R o m a n s in 6 1 C E ( L X I I , 7, 1-3) and to the Bucoli

who rebelled in E g y p t in 171 C E

( L X X I , 4 , 1). As a matter o f fact, the report o f such and similar cruel deeds constituted a locus communis,

a well-established tradition con-

cerning the description o f revolts by "barbarians" against the R o m a n establishment. Similar details were attributed to "barbarians" (in this case, the Egyptians) also by Polybius and by Juvenal.^ It is therefore probable that the details o f the atrocities allegedly perpetrated by the Jews already appeared in the text o f Dio,^^ in which case the fact that Eusebius does not mention them remains difficult to explain if he had consulted D i o s work. 4 . Events in E g y p t .

D / X offers n o detail at all, limiting himself

to the observation that "in Egypt, too, they perpetrated m a n y similar ^ See for example Kalman Friedmann, "Le fond per la storia degli ebrei di Cirenaica nell'antichita," in Miscellanea di studi ebraici in memoria di H.P. Chajes (ed. E.S. Artom et al. \ Firenze: Casa Editrice Israel, 1930), 53. Millar observes that Xiphilinus' work is not so much a precis of Dio as a rather erratic selection from his material. "A large amount of material is omitted without trace, some is given in brief, and some, especially where there is coherent narrative or anecdote of some special interest, is reproduced almost in full": Fergus Millar, A Study of Cassius Dio (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), 2, 195-203. ^ Examining the seventieth book of Dio as it appears in Xiphilinus' epitome, Schmidt was able to detect the presence of additional sources, which in some cases are left: anonymous (for example, in LXX, 4, 2), but in others are explicitly mendoned, and idendfied with Eusebius (LXX, 3, 2) and Quadratus (LXX, 3, 3). Moreover, in LXX, 2, 2 Xiphilinus explicitly adverts that he is going to return to Dio later, which is a clear indication that parts of book 70 does not stem only from Dio: see Manfred G. Schmidt, "Cassius Dio, Buch LXX. Bemerkungen zur Technik des Epitomators loannes Xiphilinos," Chiron 19 (1989): 56. ^ See Frankfurter, "Lest Egypt's City Be Deserted," 203, n. 3. Juster suggests that he may have found them in anti-Semitic chronicles from Alexandria (Les Juifi, vol. 2, 186), and Frankfurter points out that the horrible stories of cannibalism and torture reported (credulously) by Cassius Dio probably arose as much from the fact that it was an alien group that was rising up as from any actual atrocities the Jews committed: Frankfurter, "Lest Egypt's City Be Deserted," 203.

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161

outrages" (LXVIII, 3 2 , 2 ) . In Eusbeius' HE, o n the contrary, the description is both long a n d circumstantiated: "For both in Alexandria and in the rest o f Egypt, as though they had been seized by some terrible spirit o f rebellion, they rushed into sedition against their Greek fellow citizens, a n d increasing the scope o f the rebellion in the following year started a great war while L u p u s was governor o f all Egypt. In the first engagement they happened to overcome the Greeks, w h o fled to Alexandria and captured a n d killed the Jews in the c i t y . . . " ( i f f i l V , 2 , 1-3). 5 . Events in C y p r u s . D / X calls the leader o f the Jews Artemion and adds that "here, also, two hundred a n d forty thousand perished, and for this reason n o J e w m a y set foot on that island, b u t even if one o f them is driven upon its shores by a storm he is p u t to death" (LXVIII, 3 2 , 3 ) . In Eusebius' Chronicon, o n the other hand, we read only that Salaminam, urbem Cypri, interfectis in ea gentilibus subvertere ludaei,^"" while the HE dots not mention the revolt in Cyprus at all. We m a y safely conclude that Eusebius' account o f the Jewish u p risings does not rely o n that which appears in D/X,^^ a n d this is not surprising since Eusebius' consultation o f Dio's history in his HE is otherwise unattested. T h e question therefore remains: w h o were the "Greek authors" consulted by Eusebius? Arrian In the 1950's, Lelia M o t t a pointed out the similarity between the phraseology used by Eusebius in dealing with the repression o f the Jews in M e s o p o t a m i a {HEW, Touc,

iv

MscroTTOTafjiLa

2 , 5 : 6 S s auToxpdcTcap u7ro7rT£U(7a(; x a l

'IouSaiou<;

ITZSTIGZGQOLI

TOIQ

auToOi,

AOUCTLG)

KuYjTco TTpoasTa^sv I x x a O a p a t TTJC; sTiapx^ac; OL\)TO\)Q) and a passage o f the Lexicon Suidae, which derives from Arrian, which reports that Ed. Helm, 196. See above, p. 86. ^2 See also Modrzejev^ski, The Jews of Egypt, 199 and Horbury, "The Beginnings," 288. Carriker shows that in three passages he is clearly not the unnamed source {HE II, 8, 1; III, 18, 4; IV, 2, 5) and is probably not in two {HE II, 25, 1-2; V, 5, 3). Only in one case ( / / f i l l , 20, 8, concerning Nervas policies after his accession) Eusebius may have consulted the history of Dio, but in this case too, no proof can be found: Carriker, "Seven Unidentified Sources," 86.

162

'0

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T p a i a v o i ; lyvco [xsv, ti Tuapsixoi, I^SXSLV TO SOVO*;' zi S s [x-;^, aXXa

y s TZOLUGOLI TY)<; a y a v aTacrOaXia^,^"^ a passage which H a r t m a n n was the first to interpret as a reference to the Jewish people. T h i s similarity, M o t t a argues, may be interpreted as an indication that both traditions, the pagan and the Christian one, may have had a c o m m o n source in Arrian. His lost Parthica, which dealt with Trajans Parthian war, m a y also have dealt with the Jewish uprisings that broke out towards the end o f this war.^^ auvTpi^a<;

A number o f difficulties, however, arise. If Eusebius consulted Arrian, whose work was certainly D i o s source, it is very difficult to explain all the differences found between the account o f Eusebius and that o f D i o concerning the Jewish uprisings. True, one might explain these differences by calling in question Xiphilinus' omissions and possible changes to the text o f D i o , but there are cases in which this line o f argumentation fails us. T h e presence o f details o f the uprisings in the various places in Eusebius's account that are absent from that o f D / X would be easy to explain. Xiphilinus, who always concentrates upon the more sensational details, might have disregarded them. It is, however, less easy to explain why Eusebius does not mention the cruel behavior o f the Jews in Libya that appears in the account o f D / X . We would be obliged to assume that these details did not appear in Arrian's work, but were either added by Xiphilinus or found by D i o in a source other than Arrian. In this last case, one might identify this source with an oral source, perhaps the rumores heard from Dio's father Apronianus, who had been governor in Cilicia two generations after the revolt. Concerning the death o f Trajan, for example, D i o states that Apronianus, while governor o f Cilicia, heard the true version and passed it on (LXIX, 1, 3).^^ O n e could assume Suidae Lexicon, vol 1, s.v. "axaaOaXa" (ed. Ada Adler: Stuttgart: B. G. Teubner, 1928), 400, no. 432; the same passage appears also in Suidae Lexicon, vol. 4, s.v. "TrapsLxot" (ed. Ada Adler, Stuttgart: B. G. Teubner, 1935), 53, no. 590. Karl Hartmann, "Uber das Verhaltnis des Cassius Dio zur Parthergeschichte des Flavins Arrianus," Philologus 74 (1917): 83-87. Motta, "La tradizione," 484-85. Horbury, too, suggests that Eusebius was indebted to Arrian concerning the repression of the Jews in Mesopotamia ("The Beginnings," 288). On the part played by the vague area of knowledge about figures and events in the past, and anecdotes and legends, which would be common to any given society, see Millar, A Study of Cassius Dio, 35-36.

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163

that Apronianus might have had some information o f the same kind concerning the Jewish uprising in Libya, too.^^ However, this is speculative even in the case that D i o s statement concerning his debt to Apronianus should be taken at face value, which is not certain: according to Baldwin, D i o s statement should not be over-evaluated and should rather be considered no more than a literary m o t i f All in all, it remains doubtful that D i o took his account o f the revolt in Libya from oral sources and not from Arrian. A n d if the account, in all its details, already appeared in Arrian, and Arrian is to be seen as the source o f Eusebius, it is very difficult to explain why Eusebius should choose not to mention details that would have served his apologetic purposes so well.^^ Other sources must be sought. Ariston

of

Pella

Since Eusebius took his account o f the Bar K o c h b a war from the work o f a certain Ariston o f Pella, as he himself states in HE IV, 6, 3,^^ some scholars argue that in the same work he may also have found the account o f the uprisings in Trajans days,^^ a possibility

I myself endorsed this view in previous works: Marina Pucci, "Qualche nota sulla tradizione letteraria della rivolta ebraica al tempo di Traiano," RSA 9 (1979): 61-67; eadem, La rivolta, 38. We actually do not know how and from whom this provincial governor could really unearth in 182/3 the facts about such a delicate matter over fifty years in the past. Baldwin suggests that occasional debts to a relative may have been something of a literary motif, and quotes the example of Suetonius, who cited his grandfather and father once each for a pertinent and confidential fact: Barry Baldwin, "Dio Cassius on the Period A.D. 96-180: Some Problemadc Passages," Athenaeum 63 (1985): 197. Modrzejewski, too, points out that "it would seem unlikely that Eusebius employed Dios original text or one of Dios own sources": Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 199. Which work exactly we do not know: Ariston of Pella is ordinarily credited with the Altercatio lasonis et Papisci, a debate between a Jewish Christian and an Alexandrian Jew, but it cannot be ruled out that he may have also composed a historical work. See Schurer, The History, vol. 1, 37-38. 22 See Grant, Eusebius, 48; Carnker, "Seven Unidentified Sources," 84-85; Robert M. Grant, "Eusebius and Imperial Propaganda," in Eusebius, Christianity and Judaism, 662.

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impossible to prove or disprove, since the work o f Ariston is no longer extant. Bruttius W h e n in his Chronicon Eusebius writes about the martyrdom suffered by many Christians in the sixteenth year o f D o m i t i a n s reign, he attributes his information to a certain Bruttius,^^ whose account, it has been suggested, he may have found quoted in the Hypomnemata o f the second century Christian writer Hegesippus.^"^ T h i s Bruttius may well be identified with C . Bruttius Praesens, a leading political figure in Trajans days, twice consul, whose participation in the Parthian war, being commander o f the legio VI Ferrata, is mentioned by Arrian in one fragment o f his lost Parthica, Bruttius was governor of Cilicia in 1 1 6 / 7 , then of C a p p a d o c i a in 1 2 1 / 2 . Later we find him in Moesia inferior in 1 2 4 / 5 , in Africa in 134/5 and in Syria in 136/7. His official duties did not prevent him from writing a history o f his own times.^^ Eusebius may well have consulted this work concerning the Jewish upheavals, too, but, as in the case o f Ariston o f Pella, this possibility cannot be substantiated. Appian Another possible source used by Eusebius has been identified by Lawlor and Oulton, and then by Modrzejewski and by Horbury, with the work o f Appian.^^ O f A p p i a n s history, books 18-21 treated 2^ Scribit Bruttius plurimos Christianorum sub Domitiano fecisse martyrium. Inter quos et Flaviam Domitillamy Flavii Clementis consulis ex sorore neptem, in insulam Pontiam relegatam, quia se Christianam esse testate sit (Olymp. COCVTII, year XCVI: ed. Helm, 192). Numerous passages of the HE seem to derive from Hegesippus. See for example HE III, 19, on Domitian, and HE III, 20, 8, on Nerva reversing Domitians policy, for wrhich Eusebius refers to unidentified sources. See Carriker, "Seven Unidentified Sources," 81. 25 See Edmund Groag, " C . Bruttius Praesens. No. 164," PIR 2"^, 1 (1933): 370-71; Ronald Syme, "The Career of Arrian," HSCP 86 (1982); repr. in Roman Papers, vol. 4 (ed. A.R. Biriey: Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988), 28, 29, n. 50; Werner Eck, "Jahres — und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/ 70 bis 138/139," Chiron 13 (1983): 148, 155, 157/8, 160, 176, 179. 2^ Lawlor and Oulton, Eusebius, Bishop of Caesarea, 119; Modrzejewski, Les Juifi, 162; Horbury "The Beginnings," 290.

THE QUESTION OF EUSEBIUS' SOURCES

165

Egypt, where the rebeUion o f the Jews began, and books 2 3 and 2 4 treated Dacia and Parthia, respectively, up to Trajans conquests. Information concerning the Jews appears in various books o f A p p i a n s R o m a n history: in the Syriaca, in the Mithridatica, and in the Bella Civilia, Stern points out that B o o k 2 2 , which treated the history o f the empire until the times o f Trajan, m a y well have included more material about the Jews and their contact with the R o m a n s , to judge from a passage o f the work o f Zonaras.^'^ Appian was in Egypt at the time of the Jewish uprising and was involved in some way in the events o f the revolt, as we learn from a passage o f his work on the Arabian power o f divination: " W h e n I was fleeing from the Jews during the war which was being waged in Egypt and I was passing through Arabia Petraea in the direction o f the river, where a boat had been waiting in order to carry m e over to Pelusium, an Arab served m e as a guide at night. . . . I embarked and was saved, while the boat which awaited m e at the other river was captured by the Jews."^^ R o m a n repression o f the Jewish disorders is mentioned by Appian also when dealing with the place where Pompeys head was buried: "Caesar could not bear to look at the head o f Pompey when it was brought to him but ordered that it be buried, and he set apart for it a small plot o f ground near the city which was dedicated to Nemesis, but in m y time, while the R o m a n emperor Trajan was exterminating the Jewish race in Egypt, it was devastated by them in the exigencies o f the war. »29 Horbury observes that a perusal o f Appian by Eusebius would explain well the strong interest in Egyptian matters found in Eusebius' account o f the Jewish uprisings.^^ H e is correct. For the events o f the Jewish uprisings that took place in Libya, in Cyprus and in M e s o p o tamia, Eusebius' account does not give any detail at all, while all the attention is focused on what transpired in Egypt.^^ 2^ "For Josephus ... found in the sacred writings some oracle which revealed that one from their own country would become the ruler of the world... This oracle Appian also mentions in the twenty-second book of his Roman history" (Zonaras, Epitome Historiarum XI, 16 = Stern, GLAJJ, vol. 2, 347, p. 185. 28 Arabicus Liber F 19 = Stern, GLAJJ, vol. 2, 348, pp. 185-86. 29 Bell. Civ. II, 90. ^® Horbury observes that already Stern and Modrzejewski mentioned this possibility, but did not notice the coherence of Eusebius' Alexandrian and Egyptian emphasis with diis possibility. See "The Beginnings," 290. 31 See above, p. 161.

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Eusebius having borrowed from Appian would also provide a good explanation for the date he gives for the beginning o f the Jewish uprisings in Egypt. Being in Egypt at the time o f the uprising, and having been involved in some way in its events, Appian might have heard peoples talk, the local rumores concerning the riot promoted by the Alexandrian slaves that took place in the summer o f 115 attested in CPJ II, 4 3 5 . Powerful anti-Jewish propaganda was being spread in Alexandria then and, moreover, the situation m a y have been confused at the time, each side proclaiming its innocence. Appian might have heard the version o f his Greek friends, construing the rumores to mean that the Jews had been the responsible. We would therefore understand both why the beginning o f the revolt is called stasis by Eusebius {HE IV, 2 , 2) and why it is dated 115 C E . Understandably so: a riot did really take place in Egypt in 1 1 5 , even if its promoters had been the Greeks and not the Jews. In this case, living in the fourth century C E and perforce dependent on his sources, Eusebius had g o o d reasons for giving the dates he gives. As Barnes points out, the modern scholar should show his respect for Eusebius' achievement not by repeating his sometimes-erroneous dates but by applying his intelligence (as Eusebius did) to the substantive problems.^^ In conclusion, one o f the "Greek authors" mentioned by Eusebius may have been Appian. As for the other or others, Ariston o f Pella and Bruttius are both equally plausible candidates. These possibilities fit well the conclusions reached by Gustafsson, who points out that Eusebius always tended to use sources as old and nearly contemporary to the events they described as possible, laying great stress on the esteem in which they were c o m m o n l y held.^^

^2 On Eusebius' honesty and originality, see Barnes, Constantine and Eusebius, 119. Gustafsson, "Eusebius' Principles," 436.

CHAPTER SEVEN

EGYPT: N E W DATES, N E W S READINGS A N D NEW INTERPRETATIONS

N E W DATES FOR U N D A T E D PAPYRI

O n l y a few papyri dealing with the Jewish uprisings preserve a complete date including day, m o n t h and year. In most o f the cases, the year does not appear, and all that can be done is to try dating these texts according to their content and whatever parts o f the date m a y be extant. Three different sets o f dates have been given to the papyri dealing with the Jewish uprisings published in the CPJ: first by the editors themselves, then by Schwartz some years later, and recently by Kortus.^ While each o f these scholars follows his own understanding o f the development o f the events, they all have one thing in comm o n , the starting point: regarding CPJ II 4 3 5 as the first attestation o f the Jewish revolt in Egypt, all three o f them take its date, 14 O c tober 1 1 5 , as the terminus post quem for the beginning o f the disorders. This, however, is not the case, since, as we have seen above,^ CPJ II 4 3 5 does not deal with the Jewish uprising but with an attack perpetrated by the Greeks against the Jews o f Alexandria. T h e Jewish counter-attack started later, after the cessation o f the payment o f the Fiscus Judaicus, for which the last extant receipt was issued at Apollinopolis M a g n a (Edfu) o n 18 M a y 116.^ It is therefore M a y 116 that has to be taken as the terminus post q u e m for the beginning o f the Jewish uprising in Egypt.^ ^ a y II, pp. 233-58; Schwartz, "En marge," 354-55; Michael Kortus, Briefe des ApollonioS'Archives aus der Sammlung Papyri Gissenses: Edition, Ubersetzung und Kommentar (Berichte und Arbeiten aus der Universitatsbibliothek und dem Universitatsarchiv Giessen 49: Giessen: Universitatsbibliothek, 1999), pp. 96-107.

2 See above, pp. 137-40, 151-52. 3 See above pp. 152-53.

4 See above, p. 153.

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T h i s involves a re-consideration of each o f the texts dealing with the revolt that bears an incomplete date. O n e o f the first papyri presumably relating to the Jewish uprising is a letter (7? Giss, 4 7 ) , from which we learn that ApoUonios, the strategos of the district o f ApoUinopolis-Heptakomia,^ had asked somebody, whose n a m e is not preserved, to buy weapons for h i m : a cuirass "very finely woven and very light in comparison to its size, so that it does not tire the one who wears it", a sword called Italian and a dagger, regarding which his correspondent replies that such a dagger "suitable for the occasion" could not be found. T h e reason for these requests is not spelled out, but this purchase o f arms seems quite exceptional in view o f the fact that usually the strategoi had only civil responsibilities,^ and, moreover, as far as we know the Jewish uprising was the only military enterprise in which ApoUonios was involved. It appears therefore probable that these weapons were bought in order to fight against the Jews. T h e letter is dated 19 June. T h e year is not preserved. In theory, it may have been either 116 or 117, but 116 appears a better choice since it would be strange that ApoUonios waited a whole year before getting organized. S o one m a y feel justified in suggesting that this letter concerning weapons has to be dated 19 J u n e 116. Shortly afiier the end of August, from Hermoupolis ApoUonios wife. Aline, writes to her husband: "I take no pleasure in food or drink, but stay awake continually night and day with one worry, your safety. Only m y father's care revives m e and, as I hope to see you safe, I would have lain without food on N e w Year's Day, had m y father not come and forced m e to eat" ( C / y II, 4 3 6 , U. 6-14). Aline is terribly anxious because o f ApoUonios' "sudden departure," and 5 On Heptakomia (today Kom Eshfaht), the "county seat" of the nome, a small town peopled by Egyptians and few Greeks, see Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 200. ApoUonios was in office from probably earlier than June 114 to after at least August 119. See John Whitehorne, "The Strategi of Roman Egypt (to 1985)," ANRWW, 10, 1 (1988): 607 and Jane Rowlandson, Women & Society in Greek and Roman Egypt: a Sourcebook (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 118-20. ^ See CPJ II, p. 227 and Guido Basdanini, "Lista degli strateghi dell'Hermopolites in epoca romana," ZPE A7 (1982): 213. Modrzejewski observes that the mobilization of a civilian official (in this context, his tide of "strategos" is misleading) was a rare emergency measure {The Jews of Egypt, 200). Kortus, on the other hand, suggests that this military involvement was not really the duty of strategoi, but voluntary participation (Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, 122).

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"because o f what they say about what is happening" (II. 3-5), and begs him not to go into danger without a guard: " D o the same as the strategos here,^ who puts the burden on his officers" (11. 15-19). Aline wrote (or rather: had this letter written for her) shortly after the N e w Year s D a y o f the Egyptian N e w Year, the first o f T h o t h , corresponding to 2 9 August, which in R o m a n times was officially regarded as the beginning o f the N e w Year in Egypt.^ It was presumably at the beginning o f September 116.^ According to this reconstruction, we would have three events connected to the beginning o f the uprising in Egypt in 1 1 6 : the terminus post q u e m , namely, the cessation o f the payments o f the Jewish tax in late May, the purchase of weapons by ApoUonios in J u n e , and the preoccupations o f Aline at the beginning o f September 116.^^ T h i s may well mean that between June and August 116 the revolt spread in the various Egyptian districts. Military developments are hinted at in a letter preserved in CPJ II, 4 3 8 , which mentions a Jewish victory on the 20^^ o f an unnamed m o n t h and the arrival at M e m p h i s o f "another legion o f Rutilius" — probably to be identified with Rutilius Lupus, prefect o f Egypt — on the 22'''^ o f the same m o n t h , namely, two days later. There is no necessity to argue for a date before the arrival o f Turbo in Egypt, since Syme has shown that Turbo did not replace Lupus as prefect o f Egypt. Lupus, therefore, m a y well have remained in Egypt until August 117, and his military forces may have been active side by side with those brought along by Turbo. For this papyrus, therefore, we only have a terminus ante q u e m : August 117. ^ The strategos of Hermoupolis may have been the TouTikioc; DOXUXPATTJC; attested on 10.11.118. See Bastianini, "Lista degli strateghi," 213. 8 See Orsolina Montevecchi, La papirologia (2nd ed.: Milano: Vita e pensiero, 1988), 67. ^ In the CPJ, where the terminus post quem for the revolt is the date of CPJ II, 435, namely, October 115, the date suggested is September 115 {CPJW, p. 233). Amazingly, Cizek reaches similar conclusions without taking into account ostraca and papyri: Cizek, Lepoque de Trajan, 455. See below, pp. \7A-7G, 12 See O . W Reinmuth, "A Working List of the Prefects of Egypt — 30 B.C. to 299 A.D.," BASPA (1967): 92-93 and Ronald Syme, "More Trouble about Turbo," Bonner Historia Augusta Colloquium 1979/81 (ed. G. Alfoldi et ai: Bonn: Rudolf Habelt, 1983): 303-307. 13 Modrzejewski suggests that Rutilius Lupus may have been "under the orders of Marcius Turbo" {The Jews of Egypt, 200). As for the dme when Lupus left Egypt,

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

T h e city o f M e m p h i s is mentioned as the theater o f a battle between Greeks and Jews in CPJ II, 4 3 9 , as well. T h i s time, however, the Jews were defeated: "I have learnt from m e n w h o arrived today from Ibion that they h a d traveled with a slave o f our lord ApoUonios; the slave was coming from M e m p h i s to bring the g o o d news o f his victory and success" ( C / y II, 4 3 9 , U. 3-7). Fuks m a y be correct in suggesting that both CPJ II, 4 3 8 and 4 3 9 date from the same year, the 117, at some point during the summer. T h e strategos ApoUonios is the addressee o f another letter, written this time by his mother, Eudaimonis, w h o greatly worries for h i m ( C / y II, 4 3 7 ) . T h e letter is dated 3 0 June. Since in this letter no greetings from his wife Aline or for her are found, Fuks suggests that at the time Aline was neither with Eudaimonis nor with ApoUonios. T h i s would fit well with the situation in late J u n e 117, when, as we learn from CPJ II, 4 4 2 , 1. 6, Aline (apparently by herself) left Hermoupolis, where her mother-in-law lived, and returned to her own h o m e at ApoUinopolis in order to give birth. In that case, the letter o f Eudaimonis preserved in CPJ II, 4 3 7 m a y have been written on 3 0 J u n e 117,^^ and the same m a y be suggested also in the case o f another o f her letters to ApoUonios {PGiss.

Inv. 2 4 5 = P Alex,

Giss.

58 = SB 10, 1 0 6 5 2 B ) , where, too. Aline is not mentioned.^^ Biriey suggests that immediately after his acclamation as Imperator by the troops on 11 August 117, Hadrian dispatched a companion of his, Valerius Eudaemon, to Egypt with the appointment of procurator for the administration of Alexandria (ad dioecesin Alexandriae), a post which would enable him to keep an eye on things there. Eudaemon may have come with a letter of dismissal for the prefect Rutilius Lupus. The new Prefect was Q. Rammius Martialis, a former commander of the vigils at Rome. He must have been in the east with Hadrian, for he was already in office in Egypt before the end of August. See Biriey, Hadrian, 79. The first attestation of Martial in Egypt is P. Oxy. 1023, 1.6, dated between 8 and 28 August 117 (see Bastianini, Tista dei prefetti," 283). The time of the year was that in which in the second century C E new prefects would arrive in Egypt, during the summer, at the end of the Egyptian year. See Guido Bastianini, "Successioni nella prefettura d'Egitto," ^ ^ ^ ; > ? « 5 58 (1978): 168-71. 1^ It is not clear on what grounds Kortus bases his suggesdon that this letter was written in December 115 (Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, 117). 15 Kortus dates this letter to 115: Kortus, Briefe des ApoUonios, pp. 102-104. 1^ Kortus dates it to the first half of 116 {Briefe des ApoUonios, p. 125). As for the letter written to the strategos ApoUonios by his mother Eudaimonis (P. Alex. Giss. 59 = SB \0, 10652 C ) , in which she prays that he "may be saved," together

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171

EUDAIMONIS' FEARS

From the papyri found in the district o f HermoupoUs in M i d d l e Egypt we learn that at the very beginning o f the revolt the strategos ApoUonios a n d his wife Aline left their h o m e . ApoUonios went where his presence was needed to stop the disorders, while his wife reached her mother-in-law Eudaimonis at Hermoupolis.^^ I f they thought that the disorders would not reach there, however, they were wrong, since a papyrus found in that city attests that it, too, was "in extreme d a n g e r , " a notion confirmed b y Eudaimonis when she writes to her son ApoUonios: " T h e disturbances here a m o n g us I cannot bear."^^ T h e concern o f Eudaimonis for the safety o f her son ApoUonios is vividly attested by a number o f letters she sends h i m . O n e o f them, in particular, deserves our attention, that preserved in P. Giss, 2 4 = CPJ II, 4 3 7 , a letter written by Eudaimonis to ApoUonios where, according to the reading given by the editors o f the CPJ^^ E u d a i m o n i s writes to ApoUonios:

. . .T]COV OSWV [OOJV

OsXovTCOv x a i (jLaXtaxa TOU OCVLXT^TOU 'Ep(jLou ou \pr\ ere oTCTT^acoailcri.},^^

"with the g o o d will o f the gods, above all Hermes the invincible, m a y they not roast y o u , " words that contemporary research links to the account o f D / X when dealing with the Jewish uprising in Libya: " T h e y would eat the flesh o f their victims, make belts for themselves o f their entrails, anoint themselves with their blood a n d wear their skins for clothing; m a n y they sawed in two, from the head downwards; others they gave to wild beasts, a n d still others they forced to fight as gladiators" (LXVIII, 3 2 , 1). T h e fear expressed by Eudaimonis, therefore, has been considered as a confirmation o f factual with his wife Aline and their "lovely children", we understand that Aline was not staying with her mother-in-law at the time. So the letter must have been written either at some point before the end of August 116, when we find Aline in the house of her in-laws at Hermoupolis, or after June 117, when she left them to go back to her own home in order to give birth. See Marie Drew-Bear, "Le nome Hermopolite et sa metropole ^ I'^poque gr^co-romaine," REA 83 (1981): 2 1 , 33. i« R Bremen inv. 7 = 5 5 10, 10277. See above, pp. 26-27. 19 RAlex. Giss. 58 = SB 10, 10652 B. 20 O y i l , p. 236. 21 C P / I I , 437.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

reality or, in any case, a sign o f the anti-Jewish propaganda that flourished in Alexandria at the time.^^ Scholars, however, are also found who doubt whether Eudaimonis' words can be taken at face value, since her extravagant utterances are well known from other papyri. Fuks, for example, observe that the utterances o f Eudaimonis are not reliable evidence, since the letters preserved in the papyri "show clearly that the irascible old lady, who sometimes 'revolts' against the gods and apostrophizes her fellow men, used rather extravagant expressions."^^ For example, Eudaimonis writes to her daughter-in-law who had sent her a present o f money: " W h y did you send m e 2 0 drachmai, when I have no leisure? I already have the vision o f being naked when winter starts" and proclaims: " B e sure that I shall pay no attention to the god until I get m y son back safe" ( C P / I I 4 4 2 , respectively 11. 28-31 and 11. 2 5 2 8 ) . Similarly, on another occasion, in which ApoUonios was facing a different sort o f threat in the form o f a protracted lawsuit, Eudaimonis writes to her son: "I have neither bathed nor worshipped the gods because o f m y fear about your unsettled case,"^^ another colorful and unusual turn of phrase which leaves unclear whether Eudaimonis intended her refusal to bathe to be taken as ritually significant (although that would have been its effect since it would have been sacrilege to perform any religious rite while ritually unclean) or simply as a mark o f her great concern for her son.^^ T h a t Eudaimonis was seemingly a self-centered person is also borne out by a letter she sends to ApoUonios after the end of the Jewish uprisings, where she attributes his safety to her own piety: "I pray to greet you, m y treasure, and to worship the sweetest sight o f you which is now 22 See Frankfurter, "Lest Egypt's City Be Deserted," 203-20. 2^ CP/, II, p. 236. On Lady Eudaimonis, as he calls her, see also Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 202-204. 2^ P Flor. 332, translated by Arthur S. Hunt and Campbell C. Edgar, Select Papyri: Non-Literary Papyri, Public Documents (vol. 1: Loeb Classical Library: London: William Heinemann Ltd., Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 1963), 114, pp. 207-209. 25 See John Whitehorne, "Religious Expression in the Correspondence of the Strategus ApoUonius," APapyrol 6 (1994): 28. Similarly in P Oxy. 528 the writer marks his longing for the wife who has left him by telling her that he has not only been weeping day and night since her departure, but that he neither bathed nor anointed himself for a whole month after she left. Whitehorne points out that such an abstention would require considerable fortitude in a climate like Egypt's.

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truly m y recompense, since it is m y piety which has got you back again unharmed and m o s t blessed."^^ In none o f the letters, however, does Eudaimonis use such a strong expression as that indicating her fear that the Jews may "roast" her son. It is, however, not certain that Eudaimonis really uttered these words. In fact, in the verb which the editors o f the C / y suggest reading oTCT7]aco(7L{ai}, the first two letters are very difficult to read as we realize if we check the photo o f the papyrus reproduced in CPJ III, Plate IV. In a work that appeared in the late 1 9 8 0 s , Clarysse rejects this reading, since the verb OTUTOCO) "to roast" is apparently unique in the papyri. T h e verb -i^TTaca, on the other hand, is m u c h more c o m m o n and appears more than once in the archives and in s o m e letters concerning the Jewish revolt. Because o f its commonness and the parallel passages, Clarysse suggests reading not g [ . . . . T ] c a v Oscav [oO]v

OsXovTCov x a l [xaXicTTa TOU avtxiQTou 'Epfxou ou ]xri az OTCTT^-

a c o a t j a L } but rather ou [iri az i^TTYJacocTLlai}.^^

T h i s suggestion is endorsed by Whitehorne and by Rowlandson, ignored by Alston,^^ and rejected by Kortus.^^ Concerning the first letter, which, as we observed above, is almost not visible, Kortus argues that it cannot be Y] since we cannot see its vertical stroke. T h i s is true, the vertical stroke is not preserved, but it is a fact that it is also impossible to read here an o, since the right part o f the circle is missing. As for the second letter, there is no possibility o f reading n because, as Kortus himself admits, there is no left vertical stroke.^^^ It seems therefore that the reading suggested by Clarysse cannot be easily dismissed, in which case any connection between this papyrus and the account o f D / X collapses upon scrutiny. Eudaimonis probably only feared that the Jews "should not defeat" her son ApoUonios, a more than understandable fear at the time. 26 7? Giss. 22. 2^ Willy Clarysse, "ApoUonios: ambtenaar en familievader," in Familiearchieven uit het land van Pharao (ed. P.W Pestman: Zutphen: Uitgeverij Terra Zutphen, 1989), 169, n. 18. 2^ Respectively, Whitehorne, "Religious Expression," 34; Rowlandson, Women & Society, 121 and Richard Alston, Soldier and Society in Roman Egypt: a Social History (London and New York: Roudedge, 1995), 76. 29 Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives,'' p. 106. 29a For an afterthought concerning the first letter of this word, see my note {"P.Giss. 24: a New Reading") forthcoming in ZPE.

174

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

T H E PARTICIPATION OF " R U T I L I U S " IN T H E FIGHTING

A small papyrus — three lines only — coming from Medinet M a d i (possibly Narmuthis) and written in the second century C E , p u b lished some time after the CPJ appeared, mentions the participation o f a person named RutiUus in the fighting: [. . .] oc, -^ysfjicav TOUTIX / . . . ] T^GsXsacrsv / [ . . . ] a T p a T s u a a * ; . ^ ^ O n e immediately thinks of the M . Rutilius L u p u s who had been praefectus annonae between 103 and 111 (most probably in 107) and was then appointed as Prefect o f Egypt, where he is attested from 2 8 January 113^^ until he was succeeded by Q. R a m m i u s Martialis before 2 8 August 117 CE.^^ Along this line, Modrzejewski suggests that this may be a dedication by Lupus of one or more buildings that had been destroyed or d a m aged during the Jewish revolt, and his view is shared by Foraboschi.^^ T h i s fragment is included in the list o f the texts attesting the presence o f the R o m a n prefects in Egypt both by Bastianini, who dates it tentatively to the middle o f 117,^^ and by Bureth.^^ It is, however, excluded from a later work o f Bastianini.^^ As Prof Isaac E Fikhman was so kind as to inform me, in a private communication Bastianini made it clear to him that it was a deliberate exclusion, due to the fact that the formula appearing in this fragment is unusual.^^ Ignazio Cazzaniga, "Una dedica del prefetto M. Rudlio Lupo? Un papiro deirUniversitk Statale di Milano," Aegyptus 47 (1967): 159-67. The text is published again in SB 10, 10502. 5^4383,1.3. ^2 See Reinmuth, "A Working List," 92 and Klaus Wachtel, " M . Rudlius Lupus. No. 252," PIR, 2"^ ed., 7, 1 (1999), 137-39. On the circumstances of the end of his term in office, see above, n. 13, pp. 169-70. Joseph Modrzejewski, "Papyrologie juridique," SDHMl (1975): 521; Daniele Foraboschi, "Movimend e tensioni sociali nelFEgitto romano," ANRWII, 10, 1 (1988): 822, n. 49. Guido Basdanini, Tista dei prefetd d'Egitto dal 30a al 299p," ZPE 17 (1975): 282. ^5 Paul Bureth, "Le prefer d'figypte (30 av. J.C.-297 ap. J . C ) : tot present de la documentation," AA^PW'II, 10, 1 (1988): 483. ^6 Guido Bastianini, "II prefetto dTgitto (30 A.C. — 297 D . C ) . Addenda (1973-1985)." ^ P i r i l , 10, 1 (1988): 503-517. "Uho omessa dalla lista a ragion veduta, semplicemente perch^ non mi sembrava probabile che si trattase del prefetto d'Egitto. ...La sequenza oq ^ysfxcav PouTtX mi sembrava alquanto strana": from a letter written at Florence on 31 January 1999 by Prof Guido Basdanini to Prof Isaac R Fikhman.

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175

If Bastianini is correct, the possibiUty may be taken into consideration that this RutiHus might instead be identified with the RutiUus Poiukrates attested as strategos o f the district o f the H e r m o poUtes in the November o f 118. As we learn in the case o f ApoUonios, the strategoi o f Egypt did participate actively in the fight against the Jews.^^ Alternatively, he m a y have been the soldier L. Rutilius L u p u s belonging to the forces o f the cohors I Hispanorum equitata, which, according to Cavanaile, participated in the fighting against the Jews.^^ However, it is far from certain that this identification is to be preferred, since from the papyri it emerges that Rutilius L u p u s , the prefect o f Egypt, had, indeed, been personally involved in the conflict between the Jews and the Greeks. Already in the October o f 115 he had issued an edict calling for the cessation o f hostilities, the edict preserved in CPJ II, 435"^^ and possibly recorded also in CPJ II, 158a.^^ Later, at the time o f the Jewish uprising, mention o f his mUitary forces is found in a letter informing us that "another legion o f Rutilius arrived at M e m p h i s . . . a n d is e x p e c t e d . F u k s suggests that this may well be the legion that contributed to the defeat o f the Jews around Memphis,^^ perhaps together with the military forces brought along by Q. Marcius Turbo.^^ It seems therefore impossible to rule out the possibility that the Rutilius who participated in the fighting mentioned in SB 10, 1 0 5 0 2 is to be identified with the prefect o f Egypt, the more so since he is called here -^ysfjicav, a term widely attested in the papyri, along with See above, n. 6, p. 168. ^9 See Cavenaile, Cohors I Hispanorum Equitata,'' 180, n. 10 and Spaul, Cohors,

113.

See Alexander Fuks, CPJW, p. 228. See also above, pp. 137-38. a y II 158 a, col. I, 11. 4-5: 0£co[v] / Tcspl to)St[o]u SiaTayfxa aveyvca [tou ?] / Aouttou. See above, n. 71, p. 139. ^2 CPJ II, 438, 11. 16-18. This letter may have been sent from Hermoupolis to the strategos at Apollinopolis, but it may also be an answer by ApoUonios the strategos to Aline s letter, perhaps that appearing in CPJ II, 436. Fuks suggests that the letter was sent not from ApoUonios but from another member of ApoUonios' household from Hermoupolis to Heptakomia {CPJW, p. 237). CPJ II, 439. It was written by Aphrodisios of ApoUonios' household in Heptakomia to Herakleios the steward of ApoUonios' estate in the Hermoupolite district. See Fuks, CPJW, p. 239. 44 See below, pp. 184-85.

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

sTcapxoc;, referring to the prefect o f Egypt.^^ A n d since in the years

113-117 the Jewish uprising was the only armed event known to have taken place in Egypt, one may well assume that this fighting was that against the Jews. His personal participation in the repression o f the Jewish uprising was apparently part o f his duty as R o m a n prefect o f Egypt, who was the commander o f an army, and in fact we know that most prefects had at least held two or three o f the militiae equestres before their appointment.^^ T H E MILITARY A S P E C T

In his account o f the Jewish uprising, Eusebius states that the R o m a n forces active against the Jews were "land and sea forces including cavalry," which waged against the Jews "many battles for a considerable time"^'^ — information which he may derive from one o f the "Greek authors" w h o m he consulted, possibly the work o f Appian, who was himself in Egypt at the time.^^ S o m e more details are provided by the papyrological testimony. A papyrus recording a list o f deposits by new Asian recruits assigned to the cohors I Augusta praetoria Lusitanorum equitata attests casualties that probably occurred during the fight against the Jews."^^ 45 Guido Basdanini, ""ETrap^of; AtyuTTTou nel formulario dei documend da Augusto a Diocleziano," ANRWW, 10, 1 (1988): 581-97, especially 583, n. 3,4,5 and 593. Unfortunately we do not know for how long on average an eques destined for higher employment retained a legionary tribunate or auxiliary prefecture, or therefore to what extent he may be regarded as a professional expert. Augustus would hardly have contemplated appointing mere civilians to command the army in Egypt. See Peter A. Brunt, "The Administrators of Roman E g y p t , " / ^ ^ 65 (1975): 131-32. I9' ohq 6 auTOXpaTcop i-Kz\i^zM Mapxiov Toup(3cova ctuv Suva(jL£L izzQ-fi r e x a l vauTtx/i, ^'^^ ^£ x a l Ituttix^. 6 izoXkcdc, [IOLXOHQ oux oXiyo) t s XP°^V ^P^^ OLUTOUQ BioLTzovriaac, TroXefxov, ttoXXoc^ [xuptaSac; 'louSatwv, ou [xovov tcov octto Kup'y)vy)(;, aXXa x a l TCOV aTT AiyuTTTou auvaipofxevcov Aouxoua to> ^aotXet auTWV, avatpei {HE IV, 2, 3-4). ' ' 4^ See above, pp. 164-66. The unit is attested in the South of Egypt before 105. See Daris, "Le truppe ausiliarie," 760-61. Pauls observes that the unit did not acquire the extra dde Praetoria for bravery in action. Just as the Praetorian Guards at Rome were the Emperors bodyguard, cohors I Augusta Praetoria Lusitanorum was probably the cerimonial body guard for the Perefct of Aegyptus, whenever needed: Spaul, Cohors, 56-58.

EGYPT: NEW DATES AND NEW READINGS

177

Luckily, we have a complete date. These recruits arrived in Egypt before 3 September, 117.^^ T h e y were evenly distributed ( 2 0 , 17, 2 0 , 2 2 , 2 4 , 2 3 ) a m o n g six centuries, a n d their total o f 126 is quite impressive in view o f the fact that in the second century C E a cohort at fiill strength had in most o f the cases 3 6 0 pedites (more rarely is attested a higher number, with a m a x i m u m o f 3 8 0 ) . T h e 126 m e n , therefore, are a third or more o f the normal strength o f pedites. Moreover, they are described as tirones Asiani, namely, they all came from the province o f Asia, which is striking in view o f the fact that by Trajans time units tended to draw their recruits largely from the province in which they were stationed. Gilliam suggests that the cohort s need for so m a n y replacements a n d the fact that they were brought in from another province, which means that there was a shortage o f suitable recruits in Egypt,^^ are impressive evidence for "the serious a n d bloody nature o f the Jewish uprising in Egypt," a n d concludes that most probably the 126 tirones Asiani had been sent to the cohort largely to replace m e n lost in the Jewish revolt. Eusebius states that sea forces, t o o , were probably involved in the repression o f the Jewish uprising: Icp' ou^ 6 auToxpdcTcop sTcsfjt^ev

Mapxiov Toiippcova cruv Suva^xsi TTS^^ TS x a i vauTix^ {HE IV, 2 , 3 ) , a statement possibly confirmed by a letter written by a soldier o f the classis Alexandrina, Claudius Terentianus, to his father Tiberianus, where we read: " F o r y o u know that we are working hard now, in view o f the fact that we are suppressing the uproar a n d anarchy o f the city" (/? Mich, All, 11. 2 8 - 3 0 ) . Since Terentianus lived in Trajans days, scholars suggest that this "uproar a n d anarchy" (06pupov x a l axaxaaxaaLav) m a y be related to the Jewish uprising.^^ O n e o f the battles between the Jews on one side a n d Greeks, Egyptians, a n d R o m a n s on the other side, is mentioned in an un50 PSI 1063 = Fink, Roman Military Records, 74. 5^ Alston, too, observes that the Cohors I Lusitanorum, of Spanish origin, can hardly have had historic or other connections w^ith Asia: Alston, Soldier and Society, 50. 5^ Gilliam, "An Egyptian Cohort," 91-97. See also Fink, Roman Military Records, 74, pp. 277-80. 5^ See Giovanni Battista Pighi, Lettere latine d'un soldato di Traiano (Studi Pubblicati dall' Istituto di Filologia Classica 14: Bologna: Zanichelli editore, 1964), p. 78. O n Claudius Terentianus, see also Nicola Criniti, "SuUe forze armate romane d'Egitto: osservazioni e nuove aggiunte prosopografiche," Aegyptus 59 (1979): 223.

178

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

dated papyrus, where we read: " T h e one hope and expectation that was left was the struggle o f the massed villagers from our district against the impious Jews; but now the opposite has happened. For on the 20^^ (?) our forces fought and were beaten and m a n y of them were killed... now, however, we have received news from men coming f r o m . . . that another legion o f Rutilius arrived at M e m p h i s o n the 22''^ and is expected" {CPJ II 4 3 8 ) . F r o m this text we learn that at this stage there were in Egypt at least two legions: one is the legion that participated in the aforementioned battle, and the other is the "legion o f Rutilius," which was expected. As for the identification o f these legions, one must have been the legio XXII Deiotariana, which had been stationed in Egypt since the days of Augustus and remained there continuously till H a d r i a n s days.^^ As for the other. Wheeler suggest the legio XV Apollinaris.^^ T h e presence of the legio XVApollinaris in Egypt in these years, however, is quite problematic. T h e legion is attested at C o r n u t u m , where the traditional amber trade route ("the Pannonian Highway") crossed the D a n u b e , until 106. T h e n , in 119, we find it at Satala. T h e question is what happened in between. Wheeler argues that the legion may have been in Egypt from 106 to at least 117, relying on the fact that an altar was set up by a centurion o f the legio XV Apollinaris, Annius Ruftis, at Egyptian M o n s Claudianus in fiilfillment o f a vow {ILS 2 6 1 2 ) . This, however, seems hardly conclusive since both the exact date and the circumstances of the presence o f Annius Rufiis in Egypt are unknown. T h e other reason that leads Wheeler to think that the legio XV Apollinaris was in Egypt in the years o f the Jewish uprising is the fact that a praefectus castrorum o f this legion, L. Gavius Fronto, was sent by Trajan to found a colony o f three thousand veterans meant to repopulate Cyrene, as we learn from an inscription from Attaleia (Pamphylia).^^ Wheeler links this mission to 54 The name Deiotariana was a reference to the king of Galatia who had created a force armed and trained after the Roman fashion. See Sergio Daris, ''Legio XXII Deiotariana,' in Les ligions de Rome sous le Haut-Empire, voL 1 (Acres du Congr^s de Lyon [17-19 septembre 1998], ed. Y. Le Bohec: Lyon: Collection du Centre d' fitudes Romaines et Gallo-Romaines Nouvelle sene 20: Paris: Diffusion De Boccard, 2000), 365-67 and here below, n. 85. 55 Everett L. Wheeler, ''Legio XVApollinaris-. From Carnuntum to Satala—and Beyond," in Les Ugions de Rome (ed. Y. Le Bohec), 283, 284, 288-90, 293 56 5 ^ G X V I I 584 = AE 1972, 616.

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the presence o f the legion in Egypt, "since it does not seem likely, given the chaotic military situation in the East in 117, that Trajan would pick a m a n not already present in Egypt and familiar with local conditions to start the cleanup process after the Jewish uprising." However, the mission o f Gavius Fronto to Cyrene cannot be dated with certainty: in the inscription from Attaleia attesting his mission to Cyrene, he is called both 7rp£t.(jL07r£LXapLo<; o f the legio III Cyrenaica and aTpaxoTTsSapxT]*; o f the legio XVApollinaris, which leaves it undefined the position he covered when he was sent to Cyrene. According to D o b s o n , for example, Fronto led his mssion to Cyrene presumably as TrpetfjioTrsiXapiot; o f the legio III

Cyrenaica/*^

T h e presence o f the legio XV Apollinaris in Egypt at the time o f the Jewish revolt, therefore, is b o u n d to remain speculative.^^ Another possibility, taken into consideration already by Keppie in the early 1970 s, is that the "other legion" mentioned in CPJ II 4 3 8 is instead to be identified with the legio III Cyrenaica?"^ Created towards the end o f the Republican period,^^ from 2 3 C E on the legio III Cyrenaica had been stationed at Nicopolis, about two miles outside Alexandria, along with the the legio XXII Deiotariana until it left Egypt for the new province of Arabia, possibly in 106/7.^^ Later we find it active in Trajans Eastern campaign;^^ at some point after February 116 a detachment o f it shows up in Jerusalem,^^ and on 4 5^ Brian Dobson, Die Primipilares. Entwicklung und Bedeutung, Laufbahnen und Persdnlichkeiten eines romischen Offiziersranges (Landschaftsverband Rheinland, Rheinisches Landesmuseum Bonn und Verein von Altertumsfreunden im Rheinland: Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbucher 37: Rheinland-Verlag G M B H , Koln, in Kommission bei Rudolf Habelt Verlag G M B H , Bonn, 1978), 233. 5^ Professor Daris has pointed out to me that at most one detachment of the legion may have been sent to Egypt. Moreover, in his table of the distribution of legions in the East in the years 71-135 C E Keppie places the legio XVApollinaris in Cappadocia and not in Egypt: Keppie, "The Legionary Garrison of Judaea," 224. 5^ Lawrence J.R Keppie, "The Legionary Garrison of Judaea under Hadrian," Latomusdl (1973): 862. 60 See Alston, Soldier and Society, 23 and Catherine Wolff, "La legio III Cyrenaica au ler si^cle," in Les legions de Rome (ed. Y. Le Bohec), 339-40. 6^ See Ann E. Hanson, "Juliopolis, Nicopolis and the Roman Camp," ZPE 37 (1980): 249-54. 62 See Gader, ''Legio III Cyrenaica,'' 341. 63 AE 1982, 904; see Cotton, "The Legio VI Ferrata," 353; Daris, "Legio XXII Deiotariana," 365, n. 3 and Gader, "Legio III Cyrenaica," 346-7, n. 51, 52. 64 See below, pp. 230-31.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

August 119, we find it again back, stationed at Alexandria along with the legio XXII Deiotaraiana,^'^ M o s t probably, Keppie suggests, it returned to Egypt to participate in the repression of the Jewish rebellion.^^ Wheeler thinks that it arrived under the extraordinary comm a n d of Marcius Turbo at a stage later than that in which was written CPJW 458,^^ but Syme has shown that Turbo did not replace Rutilius L u p u s as prefect o f the province, which means that the two o f them, Marcius Turbo and Rutilius Lupus, may have been in Egypt at the same time, coordinating their forces in the repression o f the Jewish rebellion.^^ A confirmation o f the participation o f the legio III Cyrenaica in the fight against the Jews is probably found in two Latin papyri despite the fact that the Jewish revolt is not explicitly mentioned. O n e is a list o f military forces^^ where the words ex forma, "according to plan," that appear on 1. 2 0 , support Seider s interpretation that this list is to be identified with a plan for the mobilization o f R o m a n military forces. T h i s plan involved the movement and preparation for action o f the fleets from M i s e n u m and Ravenna, o f the legio III Cyrenaica and o f additional auxiliary units, such as the cohors I Flavia Cilicum equitata?^ Seider points out that the fact that the 65 BGU 140,11. 5-9. See Keppie, "The Legionary Garrison," 862, n. 19; Gatier, "Legio III Cyrenaica" 343, n. 21 and Daris, " Legio XXII Deiotariana" 365, n. 3. 66 Keppie, "The Legionary Garrison," 864. 67 Wheeler, "Legio XVApollinaris^ 291. 68 See above, p. 169. 6^ 7? Heid.lat. 7: Richard Seider, "Eine Heidelberger Lateinische Militarurkunde (7? Heidlat, 7)" ZPE 29 (1978): 241-51= Chartae Latinae Antiquiores. Facsimileedition of the Latin Charters Prior to the Ninth Century, part XI (ed. Albert Bruckner and Robert Manchal: Diedkon-Zurich: Urs Graf-Vedag, 1979), 500, p. 50. The cohors I Flavia Cilicum equitata is attested in Upper Egypt continuously, from 83 to 218 C E : see Sergio Daris, "Le truppe ausiliarie romane in Egitto," ANRWW, 10, 1 (1988): 756-57 and John Spaul, Cohors 2: The Evidence for and a Short History of the Auxiliary Infantry Units of the Imperial Roman Army (BAR Internadonal Series 8 4 1 : Oxford: Archaeopress, 2000), 399, 523. Seider also suggests reading the name of the cohors I Ituraeorum on 1. 18. The cohors I Ituraeorum, of archers, had fought in Dacia with Trajan and remained there since: see Daris, "Le truppe ausiliarie romane in Egitto," 747 and 759. Seider suggests that if now we find it in Egypt, a difficult military situation probably caused its transfer there: Seider, "Eine Heidelberger Lateinische Militarrurkunde," 250. Bruckner and Marichal {Chartae Latinae Antiquiores, p. 50), however, point out that there are three good reasons for doubdng this reading (as for the fourth, it is not conclusive, as they themselves recognize).

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fleets o f M i s e n u m and o f Ravenna are mentioned one after the other along with equestrian units seems to point to a major military expedition, which must have taken place at s o m e point before 127 C E (the date when the legio III Cyrenaica was transferred to A r a b i a ) / ^ Actually, since in 123 the legion is found active in the area o f the Euphrates,^^ we m a y even suggest an earlier terminus ante q u e m , s o m e point before 123. A major military expedition taking place in Egypt before 123 C E may well be identified with the Jewish uprising, the more so since on 1. 2 mention is m a d e o f the city o f Apollonia, and we know that the civitas Apolloniatarum, at 12 k m from Cyrene, was probably involved in the Jewish uprising. Such involvement may be inferred from the fact that the Jews tried to interrupt contact between Apollonia and Cyrene, as we learn from two milestones dated 118 C E , which attest that the emperor Hadrian ordered the restoration o f the road "which had been ruined and d a m aged in the Jewish revolt. "^^ Also possible, even if not certain, is Seiders suggestion that the letters ''one^' appearing on 1. 5, m a y refer to Q. Marcius Turbo, the R o m a n commander sent by Trajan to Egypt with instructions to repress the Jewish uprising mentioned by Eusebius ( / / ^ I V , 2 , 3).^^ See Johannes Kramer, "Die Wiener Liste von Soldaten der III. und XXII. Legion (7? Vindob. L 2 ) , " ZPE^l (1993): 148 and Pierre-Louis Gatier, "La legio III Cyrenaica et I'Arabie," in Les Ugions de Rome (ed. Y. Le Bohec), 341-42. 72 In 123, Ti. Claudius Quartinus, at the head of the legio II Traiana and of the legio III Cyrenaica, received a special command assignment in the East made necessary by a threat of war with Parthia (see SHA Hadr 12, 8-13, 1: Bellum Parthorum per idem tempus in motu tantum juit, idque Hadriani conloquio repressum est). See Lawrence Keppie, "The History and Disappearance of the Legion XXII Deiotariana," in Greece and Rome in Eretz-Israel: Collected Essays (ed. A. Kasher et ai: Jerusalem: Yad Izhak Ben Zvi: The Israel Exploration Society, 1990), 58 and the works of Alfoldy and of Eck quoted by Gatier, "La legio III Cyrenaica" 347, n. 56. 7^ One was found on the Cyrene-ApoUonia road, at the fifth Roman mile from Cyrene: Imp(erator) Caes(ar) divi/ Traiani Parthici filius)J Divi Nervae nepos, Traianus Hadrianus/ Aug(ustus) p(ontifex) m(aximus)y t(ribunicia) p(otestate) II, co(n)s(ul) III,/ viam quae tumultu/ ludaico eversa et/ corrupta erat res/[tituit pe]r [mil(ites) coh(ortis)... ]/ x S ' aTdcS(ta) ATroXa)v(^av) (5^6*DC, 252). The other {AE 1951, 208) is idendcal, with the only difference that it lacks the distance from Cyrene; it was found at Cyrene, outside the Trajanic baths, near the Fountain of Apollo, before the first mile from the city, probably indicating the limits of repair works. See above, inscriptions no. 11 and 12, pp. 11-12. 74 Seider, "Eine Heidelberger Lateinische Militarrurkunde," 246. This reading.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

T h i s plan for mobilization, therefore, m a y be taken as a confirmation o f K e p p i e s suggestion that the legio III Cyrenaica,

or s o m e d e -

tachments o f it,^^ was in Egypt at the time o f the Jewish u p r i s i n g / ^ In this case, the terminus ante q u e m for the return to E g y p t w o u l d be not August 119 (the date o f BGU

1 4 0 , 11. 5-9) but 116 or, m o r e

p r o b a b l y 117 CE.^^ T h e participation o f the / / / Cyrenaica in the repression o f the Jewish revolt appears also to be attested in another Latin papyrus.^^ Fink calls it a "list o f casualties," but Kramer is correct in pointing out that only s o m e o f the legionaries are mentioned as having been killed in c o m b a t , which means that the rest were still alive.^^ T h e s e legionaries belonged to the legio III tariana,

Cyrenaica,

to the legio XXII

Deio-

a n d to other forces impossible to identify in view o f the b a d

state o f the text.^^ In the first c o l u m n o f the recto, four names are however, is not certain. Bruckner and Marichal {Chartae Latinae Antiquiores, p. 50) point out that traces of the letter "b" cannot be found before the letter "o". 75 It is difficult to establish whether the whole legion or only some of its detachments returned to Egypt, and three different scenarios are taken into consideration by scholars. In 1986, Zayadine and Fiema suggest that only detachments left Egypt to the province of Arabia in 106, while the permanent camp of the legio III Cyrenaica throughout the period was still in Nicopolis at least till 123. In 1988, on the other hand, Strobel argues that the whole legion was sent to Arabia in 106 and remained there, only vexillations being sent to the Parthian war and to Jerusalem in 116. The whole legion would have returned to Egypt in 116. A different view is suggested by Freeman in 1996: the legion would have remained in Arabia, and only a detachment of it would have been transferred back to its old base as a consequence of the rebellion there. "Denuding Provincia Arabia of its entire (legionary) garrison strikes me as an extravagant, even excessive way to react to the problems in Egypt when there was already a legion there. In addition, there would also have been implications for its command structure." O n these views, see Philip Freeman, "The Annexation of Arabia and Imperial Grand Strategy," in The Roman Army in the East (ed. D.L. Kennedy: Journal of Roman Archaeology Supplementary Series 18: Ann Arbor, M I : Cushing-Malloy Inc., 1996), 95-99. 76 Keppie, "The Legionary Garrison," 864. 77 See above, p. 180. 78 PVindob. L, 2=Fink, Roman Military Records, 34. 79 See Kramer, "Die Wiener Liste," 148. 80 These forces might be identified with the cohors I Augusta praetoria Lusitanorum equitata, which we know did participate in the fighting against the Jews: see above, pp. \7G-77. But other possibilides, too, are taken into account by scholars. Cavenaile suggests the cohors I Hispanorum equitata (Robert Cavenaile, "Cohors I Hispanorum Equitata et Cohors I Hispanorum Veterana," ZPE 18 (1975): 180,

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preceded by the letters 6 or te, which stands for tetatus^^ "killed," while in the second column the names o f the killed soldiers, six in number, are given at the end.^^ As for the verso, in the second colu m n , 1. 14, we have the heading tetati followed by a number o f names impossible to read in view o f the bad preservation o f the text. T h e marginal annotation te, which is sometimes expanded as te(tates), tetates or tetati as well as the hybrid form tetati which is attested in another papyrus, often appear in the papyri in Trajans and H a d r i a n s time to designate the soldiers who had been killed in combat. Whatever its origin — whether it was first used in the Hellenistic armies or arose from a misconception o f barred O , for 0{hiit), a misconception which might very easily be formed by the Greekspeaking soldiers o f the eastern legions — it was in c o m m o n use in Egypt and Moesia by the time o f Trajan, and was still in use towards the end o f the second century. As late as the third and early fourth centuries C E , Egyptian scribes still avoided writing the letter theta and preferred writing the word out in fiill when dating documents, in accordance with what T h o m a s calls a "superstitious avoidance o f this symbol o f death."^^

n. 10), Cotton a unit of the legio VI Ferrata (which may have been sent to Egypt in order "to help with putdng down the Jewish revolt": see Hannah M. Cotton, "The Legio VI Ferrata," in Les legions de Rome (ed. Y. Le Bohec), 355) and, finally. Freeman suggests the cohors II Thracum, which had been stationed in Egypt since 105 (Freeman, "The Annexation," 100, n. 11). 8^ Col. I, 1. 6: d lulius Maximus-, 1. 12: te(tatus) Cladius Feanus-, 1. 13 te(tatus) Flaus Gerfennus', 1. 17 te(tatus) Bius Longon, 82 Col. II, 11. 18-25: tetates Pompei Epane, Cladius Clemes, Cladius Apulinar, Antonius Vales, Upis Satumilus, Upis Alexa. 83 By an odd coincidence, three of the four papyri that contain this theta nigrum or an equivalent term were written in the Trajanic-Hadrianic period. See George R. Watson, "Theta N i g r u m , " 4 2 (1952): 61 and 6 1 , n. 36 for a list of the relevant papyri. In one of them, British Museum Papyrus 2851, the contrast in 11. 9-11 between 'perit\ 'occisus and 'thetatt {perit in aqua, occisus a latron[i]bus, detati), leads Fink to suggest that the last has the special meaning of'killed in combat'. As for the writing of 'thetati with a Greek theta, Fink observes that the soldiers regarded the symbol used in the military records as an actual theta, not as a barred ' O ' for o(biii). See Robert O. Fink, "Hunt's Pridianum: British Museum Papyrus 2S51," JRS 48 (1958): 113, n. 27 and Kramer, "Die Wiener Liste," 154-55. 84 J. David Thomas, "Avoidance of Theta in Dating by Regnal Years," ZPE 24 (1977): 241-43.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

O u r list o f legionaries is not dated, but the high proportion o f deaths recorded, seemingly nine out o f twenty-eight men, is taken by Fink to refer to the military action against the Jews.^^ As for the objection raised by Kramer, that there m a y have been other times and other places where they fell in battle,^^ one realizes that while this may well apply to the case o f the legio III Cyrenaica, which is known to have fought in the Parthian war,^^ it does not fit the case o f the legio XXII Deiotariana, for which no involvement in fighting outside Egypt is attested.^^ Moreover, it is significant that the legionaries o f the legio III Cyrenaica and those of the XXII Deiotariana are mentioned together in this text, since the two legions are attested together only while stationing in Egypt. Fink, therefore, is probably correct in attributing these losses to the military action against the Jews. O n the other hand, it is not certain that the involvement o f the legio III Cyrenaica and o f the legio XXII Deiotariana in recruitment in Cyrenaica, at the orders o f C . lulius Karus,^^ is to be linked to the Jewish uprising, since there is no possibility o f establishing the circumstances in which this recruitment took place. Gatier suggests that an earlier date, 9 9 C E , seems even more probable.^^ Presumably, all these forces were sent to Egypt after the events o f the Jewish revolt. Otherwise it is difficult to understand how the Jews, numerous as they may have been in Egypt, could have been able to resist the R o m a n armies for such a prolonged time, apparently a whole year. Probably at the time o f the disorders only a small R o m a n military force was stationed in the country. In fact, we understand from the account o f D / X that only in the late spring o f 117, after the unsuccessfiil siege o f Hatra, Trajan took measures

85 Fink, Roman Military Records, pp. 160-61. 86 Kramer, "Die Wiener Liste," 149. 87 See above, p. 179. 88 On the long and almost uninterrupted sojourn in Egypt of the legio XXII Deiotariana, see Keppie, "The History and Disappearance of the Legio XXII Deiotariana," 54 and Daris, "Legio XXII Deiotariana," 365-66. 89 See above, p. 179. 90 AE 1951, 88. On a connecdon with the Jewish uprising, see Erich Biriey, "Britain after Agricola, and the End of the Ninth Legion," in Roman Britain and the Roman Army: Collected Papers (2"^ ed.: Kendal: T. Wilson, 1961), 24. 9^ See Gatier, "Legio III Cyrenaica," 343, n. 21.

EGYPT: NEW DATES AND NEW READINGS

18 5

meant to repress the rebeUion d e c i s i v e l y . T h e papyri considered here above, therefore, are probably to be dated to the last stage o f the revolt, in the last months o f Trajans life, most likely after Turbo arrived in Egypt with additional forces, "with land and sea forces including cavalry," as Eusebius states. T h e R o m a n military action against the Jews in Cyrenaica is not attested in the epigraphical and papyrological testimony. As for Cyprus, we have a dedication o f an altar to G E N I O P R A E S I D I E T M O N T I U M by the cohors VII Breucorum equitata civium Romanorum at Knodara in Cyprus {AE 1953, 171), which would imply the construction o f a fort or camp by the unit. Mitford suggests that the transfer o f this cohors from Moesia Superior to Cyprus had been caused by the Jewish revolt in 116/7, and Knight and Pauls share his view.^^ From ILS III, 9 4 9 1 we also learn o f the participation in a military action in Cyprus o f C . Valerius Ruftis, prefect o f the cohors VI Hispanorum praetoria^^ tribunus militum o f the legion VII Claudia pia fidelis, who had been sent there by Trajan with a detachment "/>2 expeditionerri\ T h e fact that Trajan is called here Parthicus indicates some point after the end o f February 116, which leaves no doubt as to the relation o f this mission to the Jewish uprising. Another question that may be asked is from where did the Jews get their arms. T h e answer may come from a papyrus published in the late 1960's, BGU 2 0 8 5 . From this text we learn that at some point before 3 April 119 C E the emperor Hadrian had issued an order — to which the inhabitants o f Egypt had to comply by oath — forbidding the planting o f arrow-reeds and tamarisk reeds, plants from which bows and arrows were made.^^ Maehler and M o d r 92 See above, pp. 93 After the revolt, the cohors was sent to a new station in Pannonia Inferior: see David J. Knight, "The Movements of the Auxilia from Augustus to Hadrian," Z P £ 8 5 (1991): 207 and Pauls, Cohors 2, 325-26. 9"^ Pauls observes that the term "praetoria is related to the "praetorium" the Governors residence and the commanding officers house in a permanent fort. Hence "praetoria is used to indicate the Governors official unit. The status of the unit and the nature of its dudes were similar to those of the Praetorian cohors at the Emperors disposal in Rome. See Pauls, Cohors, 137-38. 95 A description of the plant is already found in Thephrastus, Tcspl 9utc5v tcTTOptac;, IV, 11, 11: "quite distinct is the archers' reed, which some call the 'Cretan': this has few joints and is fleshier than any of the others; it can also be most freely bent, and in general, when warmed, may be turned about as one pleases." As

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

zejewski suggest that this order had been prompted by the events o f the Jew^ish revok.^^

CONFISCATION OF JEWISH PROPERTY AFTER T H E REVOLT

Confiscation o f Jewish property after the revok is known to us through a number o f papyri mentioning property "formerly held by Jews". In one o f them, P Oxy. 5 0 0 = CPJ II 4 4 8 , a peculiar expression is found attached to the word "Jews," a participle which is difficult to read in view o f the b a d state o f the text. T h e history o f the readings offered is long. T h e first editors o f the text, Grenfell a n d H u n t , suggested reading: ['I]ouSaLa)v £ip7)[[jL]£va)v, "mentioned above", but later, following the view o f Cronert, they themselves preferred reading ['IJouSaiwv £ipy][(ji]£V6)v (= Yjipyjfjisvcov, "seized", from the verb aipsiv). T h e n , to P r o f Fuks w h o had asked him to re-examine the text. Prof Gerstinger pointed out the possibility o f reading here av£ipY)[fjL]£vcov, "killed," a possibility accepted by Fuks in the CPJ.^"^ All these readings, however, are defined as "suspect," both from the semantic and juridical points o f view, by Modrzejewski,^^ w h o instead endorses the reading suggested by A n n a Swiderek:

['I]ouSaia)[v

a9]£LpY][(ji]£vo)v

( = a97]p7](jL£vcov): not

Jews

"killed", b u t "punished by confiscation o f property,"^^ a solution paleographically as acceptable as the other ones suggested, but the for the use made out of this plant, Pliny observes: " T h e peoples of the East employ reeds in making war, by means of reeds with a feather added to them they hasten the approach of death, and to reeds they add points which deal wounds with their barb that cannot be extracted, and if the weapon itself breaks in the wound, another weapon is made out of it" {Nat Hist. XVI 65, 159). Concerning the weapons used by the Roman armies in Egypt, which were also manufactured out of the materials provided by the Egyptian villages, see Sergio Daris, "Documenti minori dell'esercito romano in Egitto" ANRWII 10, 1 (1988): 734-35. 96 Herwig Maehler, BGU XI (Bedin: Veriag Bruno Hessling, 1968), pp. 15051; Joseph Meleze Modrzejewski, "loudaioi apheremenoi. La fm de la communaut^ juive d' figypte (115-117 de n.^.)," in Symposion 1985. Vortrdge zur griechischen und hellenistischen Rechtsgeschichte (Ringberg 24-26 Juli 1985) (ed. G. Thuer: Koln: Bohlau, 1989), 341, n. 14. O n Roman decrees issued on other occasions forbidding the possession of arms under death penalty, see Maehler, BGUYl, p. 151. 97 See a y II, p. 256. 98 Modrzejewski, "loudaioi apheremenoi" 343. 99 Anna Swiderek, " I 0 Y A A I K 0 2 KOVOY." JJP 16-17 (1971): 60, n. 23.

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best from the philological and juridical points o f view. Translating the Latin confiscarey the verb avaXafjipdcvsLv applies well to the Jewish rebels, and in this case the lands o f the Jews were bona damnatorumy lands confiscated following a penal measure. F r o m the R o m a n point o f view, the Jewish uprising had endangered the economic balance o f the Empire, which, a m o n g others, was based in part on the grain shipped from Egypt to R o m e and to I t a l y . T a k i n g up arms, the Jews had been guilty o f the crime o f sedition, namely, o f revolt against the established authority, which came under the category o f crimen maiestatis. T h e definition o f Ulpian is clear on this point: maiestatis crimen.,.illud est, quod adversus populum Romanum vel adversus securitatem eius committitur. A m o n g the criminals mentioned are found those "who bring arms against the state" {contra rem publicam arma ferre) and those who promote revolts {seditio tumultusque adversus rem publicam). The punishment for these crimes was capital punishment, entailing the confiscation o f property {confiscatio bonorum)y a measure that accompanied all crimes against the state. If we follow the view proposed by Modrzejewski, therefore, our 'louSaioi a97]pYjfX£vot. o f 7? Oxy. 5 0 0 = CPJ II 4 4 8 were damnati ("condemned"): having rebelled against R o m e , they were guilty o f crimen maiestatis. There had to be, therefore, a decree condemning the Jews issued by the R o m a n authority, most probably by Hadrian. Modrzejewski suggests that the decree was issued before July 118,^^^ but we d o not know where it was handed down, nor in what terms. In any case, Hadrian was not obliged to travel to Egypt, as it was not indispensable that the indicted parties appear before the emperor himself, if inSee Modrzejewski, "loudaioi apheremenot \ 349-51. Modrzejewski suggests that this may have been one of the purposes of the revolt: "Egypt was an important grain-producing country: once vanquished, it could easily be defended by the conqueror. Tacitus remarks that Augustus had succeeded in 'isolating' it, fearing that "Italy itself could be faced with starvation if a unfriendly power could resist great armies {Annals 2, 59). To seize Egypt and bring Rome to its knees by depriving it of the deliveries of wheat on which it depended — the enterprise might not have been as suicidal as it appears at first glance. To starve Italy and Rome — Rome who had stripped them of their former status of 'Hellenes' and abased them to the level of the native peasants—^what a magnificent revenge for the destruction of the Temple of Jerusalem and the humiliation of the Egypdan Jews!" {The Jews of Egypt, 205). Modrzejewski, "loudaioi apheremenoi" 352, n. 62.

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

deed a fraction o f them had survived. A distant echo o f such decree may perhaps be seen in a note appearing in the Chronicle o f Eusebius, according to which " H a d r i a n had inflicted a chastisement on the Jews who had risen in revolt against the R o m a n s . " T h i s decree had to apply to all the Jews o f the country, those who had been killed and the few surviving. Property "formerly held by Jews" is found in a number o f different Egyptian districts: the Herakleopolite, the Oxyrhynchite, the Kynopolite, the Athribite and the Arsinoite nomes,^^^ and in SB 12, 1 0 8 9 2 the expression {npoTzpov) 'Iou8(aLO)v) occurred as m a n y as sixteen times in the surviving one hundred lines, leading Swiderek to the conclusion that the confiscations had been effected on a vast scale, affecting all the Jews and not only those who participated in the revolt. In some o f these texts, the properties "formerly held by Jews" are mentioned along with those o f 'EXXYJVCOV a[xX]7)povo[ji7)Tcov, namely, Greeks who died leaving no heirs. Under R o m a n law, if the owner had died without leaving either a will or a legitimate heir, it became state property. T h i s would have been the case for land that had belonged to Greek combatants, single men without children, close cousins, or nephews to claim the succession. L a n d the Jews had owned, to the contrary, fell into the category o f property confiscated from persons condemned to capital punishment {hona damnatorum). T h e state had taken possession o f these, too, but on quite other grounds. Modrzejewski points out that the distinction maintained by the provincial administration between the estates o f the Greeks and those o f the Jews translated into terms o f land registry the opposition See above, p. 155. As for the interpretation of Syncellus 348 D, see above n. 51 p. 155, and Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 220-21. See /? Oxy 1189 = CPJW 4 4 5 ; P Oxy. 500 = CPJW 448; SB 12, 10892. The strategoi involved in these confiscations were Aquilius Pollio in the Herakleopolite nome, ApoUonios in the Oxyrhynchite district and Sabinos in the Kynopolite nome (mentioned in CPJW, 445, recto, 11. 2, 7-8; verso, 1. 1). On ApoUonios, see John E.G.Whitehorne, "A Checklist of the Oxyrhynchite Strategi," ZPE 29 (1978): 172-73. As for the strategos of Lycopolite, he was probably Sarapion, attested in loco in the years 117-119. See Sergio Daris, "Toponimi del Licopolite," ZPE Al (1982): 209. See Swiderek, " l O T A A I K O S A O F O S , " 45-62 and Greg H.R. Horsley et al. New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity: A Review of the Greek Inscriptions and Papyri Published in 1979 (Macquarie University: The Ancient History Documentary Research Centre, 1987), 210.

EGYPT: NEW DATES AND NEW READINGS

189

between the loyal fighters, who had fallen in battle without leaving heirs, and the Jews who had rebelled, were defeated, and were convicted o f sedition. T h e lands o f the Greeks were given to the fiscus as bona vacantia according to the prevailing rules. T h e administration o f the properties o f the Jews, on the other hand, was given to a special account, called 'louSaixo*; Xoyoc;. This special account is mentioned in SB 12, 1 0 8 9 3 , in 7? Koln II, 9 7 and probably also in CPJ III, 458.^^^ T h e 'louSaixcx; Xoyoc; may be a new, special account, created on this occasion, but we cannot fail to realize that 'louSaixog Xoyo^ is the exact equivalent for the Latin Fiscus Judaicus, the account taking care of the revenues o f the tax imposed by Vespasian on all the Jews o f the Empire as punishment for the war fought in Judaea against the R o m a n state in the years 66-70.^^^ It appears therefore that it was one and the same account that had dealt with the Jewish tax since Vespasian's days and that is found now dealing with the properties "formerly held by Jews". It was a provisional measure. From CPJ II, 4 4 8 and from SB 12, 1 0 8 9 2 , we understand that some time later the confiscated lots — which had not been sold in H a d r i a n s days^^^ — were transferred to other permanent categories o f land. O n e m a y therefore conclude that toward the end o f the second century the 'louSaixoc; Xoyo^; did not exist any more as an independent category within the ouataxcx; X6yo^.ii^ Modrzejewski observes that under these conditions, the Jewish communities in Egypt had practically no chance o f recovery. T h e rare survivors, stunned by the harsh verdict o f imperial justice, had become totally impoverished. " T h e accounts o f R o m a n provincial

Modrzejewski, "loudaioi apheremenof, 359. See also Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 217. See Modrzejewski, "loudaioi apheremenof, 353-54. See above, pp. 124-25. In Egypt, this tax is attested in a number of receipts released to the Jews of Apollinopolis Magna (Edfou) between 71/2 and 116 C E : see CPJ II, 160-229, pp. 119-36. It was called Tt[jL% §7]vapLcav Suo 'louSatwv until the late eighties {CPJW, 160-188). Then, starting with the years 92-93, the formula appearing in the papyri is uTrsp TouSatxoii TeXsafxaTO^; {CPJW, 189-229). Werner Eck, "Der Bar Kochba Aufstand, der Kaiserliche Fiscus und die Veteranenversorgung," SCI 19 (2000): 145, n. 30. Modrzejewski, "loudaioi apheremenoi," 354-55.

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administration in Egypt throw a cold Hght on the tragic balance of the revolt. In Alexandria and in all the rest o f the country, the days of Hellenized Jewry had come to an end."^^^

Modrzejewski, The Jews of Egypt, 222.

CHAPTER EIGHT

MESOPOTAMIA

T H E T E S T I M O N Y OF T H E CHRISTIAN SOURCES

T h e only explicit piece o f evidence for the existence o f a Jewish revolt in M e s o p o t a m i a is the testimony o f Eusebius. Unfortunately, however, neither the Chronicon

nor the HE offers

any detail about

the revolt itself Instead they expand on an aggressive military action directed against the Jews o f M e s o p o t a m i a by one o f the most brilliant generals o f Trajan, Lusius Quietus,^ the well-known general who had served h i m valorously through his wars. D / X tells us that already in D o m i t i a n s days Quietus ranked as a leader o f the Moors^ and as commander o f a troop in the cavalry; but, having been cond e m n e d for base conduct {ini TcovyjpLoc), he had been dismissed from service at the time and disgraced. Later, however, when the Dacian war began and Trajan needed the assistance o f the M o o r s , Quietus came to h i m o f his own accord and displayed great deeds o f prowess. Being honored for this, he performed far greater and more numerous exploits in the second war, and finally advanced far in bravery and good fortune during the Parthian war ( L X V I I I , 3 2 , 4).^ 1 On the dififerent spellings of his name — Lysinias, Lysinas, Lysinus, Losinus and Lysias — preserved by the sources, see Leiva Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. No. 4 3 9 , " / Y / ? 2 " ^ V, 1 (1970), 113. ^ In the 1950s it was hotly debated whether he was an Abyssinian, as maintained by Willem Den Boer, "The Native Country of Lusius Quietus," Mnemosyne, S. IV 1 (1948): 327-37; idem, "Lusius Quietus, an Ethiopian," Mnemosyne S. IV, 3 (1950), 263-67; idem, "Lusius Quietus (III)," Mnemosyne, S. IV 4 (1950): 339-42) or a Mauretanien: see Anton G. Roos, "Lusius Quietus Again," Mnemosyne S. IV, 3 (1950): 158-65; idem, "Lusius Quietus. A Reply" Mnemosyne, S. IV 4 (1950): 33638. According to Petersen, the hypothesis that Quietus was an Abyssinian is rather improbable: most probably. Quietus came "ex Libyae extrema parte nondum Romanis subiecta": Leiva Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. Ein Reitergeneral Trajans aus Mauretanien," Altertum 14 (1968): 212 and idem, "Lusius Quietus. No. 439," 113. ^ On a small sculpture representing Lusius Quietus, see Giovanni Conti, "Un bustino inedito del Museo di Pesaro," RIA 18 (1971): 91-99.

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As for the reason that prompted Trajans decision to send Quietus against the Jews, the account o f the Chronicon differs substantially from that appearing in the HE, T h e Chronicon links the military action o f Lusius Quietus against the Jews with a Jewish rebellion that would have broken out in Mesopotamia in the nineteenth year o f Trajans reign: ludaeis Mesopotamiae

rebellantibus

praecepit

eos provincia

exterminaret,

infinita

eorum

milia

imperator

Adversum

quos

Traianus Quietus

Lysiae aciem

Quieto,

ut

instruens

interfecit, ^ In the HE, on the other hand, no re-

volt is mentioned at all but only Trajans suspicion that here, t o o , as in the other places, the Jews "might" rebel. It is Trajans suspicion that would have led h i m to organize a preventive military action, ordering Lusius Quietus "to clean them o u t o f the province. H e organized a force and murdered a great multitude o f the Jews there" {HE IV, 2 , 5 ) . Similar to Eusebius' report, and probably dependent o n it, is the account we found in the eighth-century Z u q n i n Chronicle mistakenly attributed to Dionysius o f Tell Mahre,^ where we read that Lusius Quietus "slaughtered many myriads o f them, so that the streets and houses o f the cities and the highways and pathways o f the countryside were filled to overflowing with unburied corpses."^ T h e reader is puzzled: h o w could a preventive measure end u p in such extreme violence? Along this line o f thought, Petersen wonders whether this massacre o f the Jews was d u e to R o m a n habits or whether it has to be connected with Quietus' barbarian origin.^ It is also intriguing that peculiar ways in his dealings with the Jews are attributed to Lusius Quietus by two later sources. O n e is Nicephorus Callistus, who writes that Lusius Quietus "arrayed his forces secretly (xpucpa) and then suddenly fell on the Jews,"^ a passage whose historical value is difficult to establish since Nicephorus wrote m a n y centuries after the events reported, in the second half o f 4 Die Chronik des Hieronymus, CCXXIII Olymp., 18^ year of Trajan's reign (ed. Rudolf Helm: Bedin: Akademie-Verlag, 1956), 196. N o significant difference is found in the Armenian version: see above, pp. 85-87. The same testimony also appears in the accounts of Orosius and of Syncellus (see above, pp. 90, 92.) ^ On this Chronicle and its sources, see belov^, p. 248. ^ Dionysii Telmahharensis Chronici Liber Primus, 153, 11-15. Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. Ein Reitergeneral Trajans," 214. « HEWl, 22B.

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the thirteenth century and in the first part o f the fourteenth, and we actually do not know on which sources he may have relied other than the Ecclesiastical History o f Eusebius.^ In any case, this is not the only testimony pointing in this direction. Another source, too, would attest that Quietus' repression o f the Jews involved treacherous deception. Quietus is said here to have palavered with the rebels, come to an agreement with them on the peaceful cessation o f hostilities, and then brought up his troops by stealth during the night and massacred his unsuspecting enemies the next day. T h i s testimony is quoted by Alon in translation but its name is not given, which can be attributed to the fact that it was not Alon himself who edited his book but one o f his students, who did so after his death, and somehow the name o f this source must have gone astray. G o o d m a n is certainly correct in observing that "somebody has to know who this source must have been,"^^ but one looks in vain in the English version o f Alon's work that appeared thirty years later. Here, the entire reference to this mysterious source has disappeared altogether, so that it remains impossible to evaluate its historical value. Lusius Quietus' military action against the Jews, however, is mentioned not only by Eusebius and by late sources. In the account by D / X of the Jewish upheavals, too, at the end, after reporting the events transpiring in Libya, Egypt and Cyprus, we read: " A m o n g others who subdued the Jews was Lusius, who was sent by Trajan" (LXVIII, 3 2 , 3 ) . N o detail is added, and the place where Quietus' repression took place, too, is left undetermined. If, however, we read this passage in context, we see that just a little above, before mentioning the Jewish uprisings, Lusius Quietus' military action in M e s o p o t a m i a is mentioned at length: it was meant to quash a rebellion that had broken out against the R o m a n s toward the end o f ^ See Alice-Mary Talbot, "Xanthopoulus, Nikephoros Kallistos," in The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. 3 (ed. A.P. Kazhdan: New York-Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991): 2207. 10 Gedaliah Alon, History of the Jewish People in the Time of the Mishnah and of the Talmud (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Hakibbutz Hameuchad Publishing House, 1958), 252. 11 Martin D. Goodman, review of M. Pucci, La rivolta ebraica al tempo di TraianoJRS 75 (1983): 210. 12 Alon, The Jews, vol. 2, 409-12.

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

Trajans reign. T h e initiators o f this revolt are not mentioned at all. T h e question may well arise, therefore, whether Quietus' military enterprise mentioned by Eusebius and that recorded by D / X may have been connected in some way. T H E EVIDENCE OF DIO/XIPHILINUS ON T H E REVOLT OF " T H E TERRITORIES PREVIOUSLY CONQUERED"

T h e account of D / X presents this revolt as an episode of the Parthian war that took place at a time when the R o m a n conquest o f M e s o p o tamia seemed to have been an accomplished fact. Ctesiphon, the capital of the Parthian kingdom, had been conquered without a fight, and the golden throne o f K i n g Osroes and one of his daughters had fallen into R o m a n hands. It looked as if Trajans war had ended with a victory. D / X goes on to tell us that leaving R o m a n garrisons in charge, Trajan decided to undertake a voyage to the Persian G u l f T h i s voyage has often been labeled as a strategic mistake in m o d ern scholarship. Longden observes that "not for the first time, the R o m a n armies had advanced too fast and too far", while Lepper points out that Trajan "wasted valuable time in 116 by indulging in what can only have been a pleasure trip to the Persian G u l f when the setdement o f the newly acquired territory and the redisposition o f forces behind the 115 frontier were both urgently needed."^^ It cannot be ruled out, though, that Trajan's voyage to the Persian G u l f may have had practical purposes. Griffin, for example, points out that when sailing down the Persian Gulf, Trajan was probably acquiring information in the only reliable way R o m a n generals could and 13 See Robert R Longden, "The Wars of Trajan," CAN U (1936): 247. As for the ease with which Trajan was able to take Ctesiphon, McDowell explains it by internal struggles for control of the Parthian throne (Robert H. Mc Dowell, Coins from Seleucia-on-the-Tigris [University of Michigan Humanistic Series 037: Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1935], 231), a view rejected by Edward J. Keall, "Parthian Nippur and Vologases' Southern Strategy: A Hypothesis," JAOS 95 (1975): 629-30. Concerning the strategic tacdcs of the conquest used by Trajan, see also Eugen Cizek, "A propos de la guerre parthique de Trajan," Latomus 53 (1994): 383. 14 Longden, "The Wars of Trajan," 248; Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 153. Ross, too, observes that Trajan "took something of a tourist trip down the Tigris": Steven K. Ross, Roman Edessa: Politics and Culture on the Eastern Fringes of the Roman Empire, 114-242 CE (London and New York: Routledge, 2001): 33.

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regularly d i d acquire it, given the absence o f scientific m a p s , namely, by a reconnaissance expedition. H e w o u l d have needed to m a k e allies and to decide what to annex and what to hold through vassal princes. It was precisely at this time, when Trajan sailed down to the ocean and returned from there again, that, according to D / X , all the territories previously conquered were thrown into turmoil a n d revolted, and the garrisons placed a m o n g the various peoples were either expelled or slain. Trajan learned o f this at Babylon and immediately took the necessary steps, sending Lusius and M a x i m u s against the rebels.

The

latter was defeated in batde and perished;^^ " b u t Lusius, in addition to m a n y other successes, recovered Nisibis and besieged and captured Edessa, which was sacked and burned. Seleucia was also captured by Erucius Clarus and Julius Alexander, lieutenants,^^ and was burned".

D / X goes on to observe that Trajan, fearing that the Parthians,

15 Miriam Griffin, "Nerva to Hadrian," CAH 2^^ ed., vol. I I (2000): 127. 1^ According to Petersen, Trajans sending against the rebels Lusius Quietus together with the consularis Maximus, weaving together senatorial and equestrian commanders, reflects an approach that was not rare later in the imperial practices: Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. Ein Reitergeneral Trajans," 214. 1^ Fronto mentions an Appius Santra killed ad Balcia Tauri: Appius Santra vero, cum praesens Traianus Euphrati et Tigridis portoria equorum et camelorum trihularet, retro ad Balcia Tauri ab Arbace (Arsace conici posse putat Hauler) caesus est: Fronto, Princip. Hist., 17 (ed. M.P.J. Van den Hout, M. Comelii Frontonis Epistulae I, Lugduni Batavorum: E.J. Brill, 1954). This Appius Santra is often identified by scholars with Appius Maximus Santra. See Louis Dillemann, Haute Mesopotamie orientale et pays adjacents (Paris: Libraire orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1962), 286; Marie-Louise Chaumont, "L'Armenie entre Rome et Tlran, 1. D e Tav^nement dAuguste k I'av^nement de Diocl^tien," ANRWW 9, 1 (1976): 141, n. 386. Already in the late 1950s, however, Syme expressed doubts on the reading Santra in this passage of Fronto, and rather suggests that the Maximus mentioned by D / X here may have been the T. Julius Maximus of Nemausus known to us from ILS 1016, who had been cos. suff. in 112: Ronald Syme, Tacitus, vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1958), 239, n. 9. See also vol. 2, 650, n. 2. Syme's view is followed by Cizek (Eugen Cizek, Lepoque de Trajan: circonstancespolitiques etproblemes idiologiques [Paris: Societe d'edition "Les belles lettres", Bucuresti: Editura Stiintifica, 1983], 460-61) and by Bennet {Traj^an, 200). 1^ On the identification of Erucius Clarus and Julius Alexander with the consular pair "Clarus et Alexander" of the next year, see Ronald Syme, "Consulates in Absence,"/i?5 48 (1958): 9, repr. in Roman Papers, vol. 1 (ed. E. Badian: Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1979), 3 9 1 . 1^ According to Bennet, who follows Malalas here, afi:er the capture of Seleucia

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

too, might begin a revolt, "desired to give them a king of their own. Accordingly, . . . h e appointed Parthamaspates king over the Parthians and set the diadem upon his head" (LXVIII, 2 8 , 4-30, 3 ) . Undoubtedly, these passages leave m a n y questions open. N o details are given concerning the leaders of the revolt or about the actual fighting that took place in the various places. Scholars call it "a very imperfect account o f the events, "^^ "little more than a list o f landmarks along the route". Perhaps Xiphilinus' abridgment omitted m a n y essential details that were present in the original text o f D i o . Where the version o f Xiphilinus can be compared with that o f D i o , one realizes that Xiphilinus usually faithfiilly follows the order and the sense of D i o , but his method o f abridgement is not so m u c h condensation o f phrase as selection o f content. A large a m o u n t o f material is omitted without trace, some is given in brief, and some is reproduced almost in fiill. Read as a work in its own right, Millar observes, the Epitome provides only a spasmodic and often barely intelligible narrative.^^ Xiphilinus confines himself to recording the more concrete achievements o f each reign in the order o f their occurrence, dwelling at greater length only on items o f exceptional interest for his own times — the notable sayings or unusual stratagems o f the emperors, and the signs and wonders that came to pass in their days. T h u s in his account o f Trajan's Parthian war he finds the time to record the gift o f the marvelous horse that knelt down and did obeisance before the emperor; he gives a detailed description o f the asphalt wells which Trajan visited on his way to Ctesiphon, and of course he could hardly be expected to omit any of the horrors o f the earthquake at Antioch,^^ but his summaries, meant to emphasize the most sensational details, often omitted other details that, on the other hand, may have been essential for understanding the events. T h i s is, however, not the only possible reason to be found behind this incomplete account o f Trajan's campaign. Another possibility is Erucius Clarus and Julius Alexander would have been joined by Trajan himself (Trajan, 200). Robert R Longden, "Notes on the Parthian Campaigns of T r a i a n , " / ^ ^ 21 (1931): 14. ^1 Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 4-5. 22 Millar, A Study of Cassius Dio, 2. 23 Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 4-5.

MESOPOTAMIA

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offered by Wirth, who suggests that it m a y have been Dio's source, namely, Arrian's work, that was very concise on this point.^^ In this case, the one responsible for the missing details would have been not Xiphilinus but D i o himself S o m e more details concerning a revolt in M e s o p o t a m i a against the R o m a n s in Trajan's days has been preserved by Malalas, a chronographer living in Antioch in the sixth century. MALALAS

According to Malalas, Trajan's Parthian war had been initiated not by the R o m a n s but by the Parthians, who took arms up in the twelfth year o f Trajan's reign, compelling Trajan to leave R o m e for the East. "Meerdotes, emperor o f the Persians, who was o f Parthian descent and the brother of Osdroes, emperor o f the Armenians, began a campaign and came with a large force to make war on the R o m a n state. Accompanied by his son Sanatroukios, he captured cities and plundered many districts. While he was plundering the district o f Euphratesis... he died a natural d e a t h . . . . H e made his son Sanatroukios Arsakes,' that is, emperor, in his p l a c e . . . . Sanatroukios, emperor o f the Persians, continued to ravage R o m a n territory. W h e n Osdroes, emperor o f the Armenians and Meerdotes' brother, heard o f his brother's death, he also immediately sent his son Parthamaspates out from Armenia with a large army to help his cousin Sanatroukios, emperor o f the Persians, against the R o m a n s . W h e n the most sacred emperor Trajan heard this, he immediately began a campaign in the 12^^ year o f his reign and set out from R o m e against them in the m o n t h October-Hyperberetaios. . . . H e set out with a large force o f soldiers and senators and sailed for the East. A m o n g the senators was Hadrian, his relative...".^^ In the following paragraphs, Malalas offers an account o f how the inhabitants o f Antioch killed the Persians living in their city^^ and o f the repression o f Galilean Christians by Tiberianus, repression that Trajan ordered stopped.^^ T h e n Malalas 2^ See below, p. 204. 25 The Chronicle of John Malalas 11, 270, translated by Elizabeth M. Jeffreys, Michael Jeffreys, Roger Scott (Byzandna Australiensia 4: Melbourne: Australian Association for Byzandne Studies, 1986), 143-46. 2^ The Chronicle, para. 271-73. 27 The Chronicle, para. 273.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

records Trajans campaign against Sanatroukios, who was killed in battle, and the recognition of Parthamaspates as king of the Parthians by Trajan.^^ At this point, Malalas writes that "the most learned Ajrian the chronicler composed an account o f the war and of the most sacred Trajans victory over the Persians: he investigated this and wrote it all down accurately. "^^ T h e n we find a long digression on Trajans persecution o f Christian w o m e n in Antioch,^^ followed by the report of his creation o f two provinces in the western regions on the other side o f the river D a n u b e , called "First and Second D a c i a . " T h i s is the last event mentioned by Malalas before Trajans death. T h i s account o f Trajans Parthian war is obviously highly problematic. T h e Meerdotes mentioned by Malalas is otherwise unattested, unless he is to be identified with Mebarsapes, king o f Adiabene. Osroes was in reality king o f the Parthians and Sanatruces king o f Armenia. T h e initiation of the hostilities is depicted as Parthian, while we know that it was R o m a n . Chronology is displaced. T h e attack is depicted as having taken place in the twelfth year o f Trajans reign, namely, in 110 C E , while the first hosdlities between R o m a n s and Parthians are attested only after the R o m a n annexation o f Armenia in the spring o f 114. Other unhistorical details concern the arrival o f Hadrian in the East. Malalas reports that he arrived in the East together with Trajan, while we know that he had been sent to the East already in the autumn of 1 1 1 , two years before Trajan set out for Parthia in the a u t u m n o f 113.^^ T h e obvious question arises: where did Malalas get his information? T h e suggestion is often found in contemporary scholarship that he m a y have consulted a history o f the R o m a n emperors, a church history and the work of the earlier chronographer Domninus,^^ possibilities difficult to substantiate since all these works are lost. S o m e of the information given by Malalas may derive from reliable sources, 28 The Chronicle, para. 274. 29 The Chronicle, para. 274. 3^ The Chronicle, para. 27G-77. 31 Gonzales suggests that Trajan probably left Rome on 27 October 113: Julian Gonzales, "Trajano: Part(h)icus, trib. pot. XIIX, imp. X," AEA 60 (1987): 238. 32 See the works cited by Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 63-65. See also Elizabeth Jeffreys, "Malalas s Sources," in Studies in Malalas (Byzantina Australiensia 6: ed. by E.M. Jeffreys: Sydney: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, Department of Modern Greek, 1990), 197-99.

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such as, for example, the Acta of Antioch, his own city. Single phrases, therefore, can be singled out and examined on their own merits,^^ but it is difficult to distinguish between them and the rest o f the narrative.^^ As for the authoritative works quoted as sources by Malalas, scholars observe that either his citations are a mere sham, or, if he ever did consult the authorities he mentions, he must be convicted o f misunderstanding, misquoting, and in general scandalously misrepresenting them time after time.^^ Malalas' citations seem to be a most unreliable guide to the sources actually being used, and one should not be eager to attach particular importance to a passage ending with a famous name in literature. T h e presence o f a citation seems to be no more evidence for the soundness of its context than the absence of one is necessarily damning. Bennet goes as far as defining Malalas as "a careless scribbler, who evidently failed to check his primary sources". In the case regarding Malalas' account o f Trajan's Parthian war and his reference to Arrian, Malalas might have been aware that he was not giving a very fiill account o f the actual fighting: as some slight compensation for his own brevity he might well refer the reader here to a detailed and accurate account o f the whole matter. Against Gutschmidt, who interprets Malalas's claim as attesting a genuine dependence on Arrian, Lepper argues that that it would be rash to insert these passages a m o n g the fragments o f the Parthica: the way in which a comparison with the evidence from D i o shows them to have 33 A Sanatruq involved in the conflict of 116/117 w^as the Arab king of Hatra, one of the rebellious cities that could not be conquered by Trajan. See Richard N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia {2^^ td.: London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1966), 188. On Malalas' history of Antioch in the third century, v^^hich apparently is more credible than often maintained, see Michael Peachin, "Johannes Malalas and the Moneyers' Revolt," in Studies in Latin Literature and Roman History, vol. 3 (Collection Latomus 180: ed. C. Deroux: Bruxelles: Latomus, 1983), 325-35. 3^ See Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 70-80. 35 Lepper observes: "He imagines that Herodotus lived later than Polybius; ...he makes Lucan say that Caesar put Pompey to death after capturing him in Egypt, and also cites him for an account of the defeat of Brutus by Augustus after the deaths of Antonius and Cleopatra. These are attributions that can all be checked and found baseless in the originals. Many more can be confidently dismissed from knowledge of the author cited, even where the work in question has been lost" (Lepper, Trajans Pathian War, 58-59. See also p. 61 on the "muddle over the third Macedonian War"). 36 Bennet, Trajan, 190.

200

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

been misplaced and transformed should be proof enough that Malalas never consulted Arrian directly. If he did, at least, he certainly managed to read into his account a very dififerent story from that which D i o would seem to have got out o f it. T h e route leading from Arrian to Malalas is almost certainly a m u c h longer and more circuitous one than this citation has usually s u g g e s t e d . E v e n if Malalas knew Arrian indirectly, at second or even third or fourth hand,^^ it is clear that the main narrative was provided to him by other sources. In fact, if we read the account o f Malalas carefully, we see that nowhere does he state that he is quoting Arrian. H e merely tells his readers that the events dealt with are also treated "accurately by Arrian, the most learned chronicler," which certainly cannot be taken to imply that he is actually borrowing from Arrian here. O n l y two events mentioned by Malalas find confirmation in the narrative of D / X : one is Trajans recognition o f Parthamaspates as king o f the Parthians,^^ the other is Trajans settlement o f Armenian matters.^^ All the rest o f the narrative is completely different. It therefore seems strongly doubtful whether we may consider the episode narrated by D / X and the account o f Malalas as reflecting the same historical facts.^^ Following M o m m s e n , Longden concludes Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, Gl-Gl. 38 Jeffreys, "Malalas's Sources," 196. 39 The date, however, is dififerent. According to Malalas, it occurred before the earthquake of Antioch (which would have taken place on 13 December 115), while according to D / X this is one of the last events before Trajan's death. On the testimony of drachms and bronze coins in the days of Parthamaspates, see David Sellwood, "Parthian Coins," in: The Cambridge History of Iran, 3, 1: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Period (ed. E. Yarshater: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 296. Trajan's settlement of Armenian matters is dealt with in an excerpt erroneously assigned by Ursinus to the reign of Severus, which was later inserted by Boissevain at this point of the narradon of the Parthian war of Trajan. It informs that "when Vologaesus, the son of Sanatruces, had arrayed himself against Severus and his army and before joining battle asked and secured an armisdce, Trajan sent envoys to him and granted him a pordon of Armenia in return for peace" (LXXV, 9, 6): see Earnest Cary Dios Roman History (Loeb Classical Library 8: Cambndge: Harvard University Press, London: W. Heinemann Ltd, repr. 1968), 419. ^1 Maria Gabriella Angeli Bertinelli, "I Romani oltre I'Eufrate nel II secolo d.C. (la provincia di Assiria, di Mesopotamia e di Osroene)," ANRWll, 9,1 (1976): 2 1 , n. 95.

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that, as it stands, Malalas's narrative on Trajans activities remains uncorroborated by other sources, so that the historian can only decline to accept it; he cannot rectify it,^'^ and along this line of thought scholars are also found who go so far as to conclude that we should consider this account o f Malalas completely fictitious/^ In view o f such sharp criticism, it is puzzling that several scholars are still ready to rely on Malalas's account o f the Parthian war and try to harmonize it with that preserved by D / X , reaching the conclusion that there was a Parthian leadership and organization behind this revolt.^^ T h a t there m a y have been a secret Parthian organization behind the revolt would not surprise us, but in this case it was kept in complete secrecy, since we find no hint at it in the work o f D / X . O n the contrary, after the account o f the revolt "of the territories previously conquered" and that o f its repression, we read in D / X : "Trajan, fearing that the Parthians, too, might begin a revolt, desired to give them a king o f their own" (LXVIII, 3 0 , 3 ) , a statement implying that the rebels o f the "territories previously conquered" had not been the Parthians themselves. T h e question is therefore who m a y have been the rebels if not the Parthians themselves. ^2 Longden, "Notes on the Parthian Campaigns," 18. ^3 Elizabeth Jeffreys, "Malalass Wodd View," in Studies in Malalas, 56. On Malalas' problemadc accounts, see also Leonard V. Rutgers, "The Importance of Scripture in the Conflict between Jews and Christians: the Example of Andoch," in The Use of Sacred Books in the Ancient World (ed. L.V Rutgers et aL Leuven: Peeters, 1998), 291-300. See Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 88; Motta, "La tradizione," 477; KarlHeinz Ziegler, Die Beziehungen zwischen Rom und dem Partherreich: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Volkerrechts (Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1964), 103; Albino Garzetd, From Tiberius to the Antonines: a History of the Roman Empire, AD 14-192 (first published as Llmpero da Tiberio agli Antonini [Roma: Istituto di Studi Romani, I960]: trans. J.R. Foster: London: Methuen, 1974), 370-71; Kenneth H. Waters, "The Reign of Trajan and its Place in Contemporary Scholarship," ANRW II 2 (1975): 425; Chaumont, "L'Armenie," 140-41; Hendrik J . W Drijvers, "Hatra, Palmyra und Edessa. Die Stadte der syrisch-mesopotamischen Wuste in politischer, kulturgeschichdicher und religionsgeschichdicher Beleuchtung," ANRW II, 8 (1977): 874; Timothy B. Mitford, "Cappadocia and Armenia Minor: Historical Setting of the Limes," ANRWll, 7, 2 (1980): 1199; Cizek, U^poque de Trajan, 460; Bennet, Trajan, 199; Alston, Aspects of Roman History, 204.

202

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

T H E IDENTITY OF T H E REBELS

M o m m s e n suggests that in keeping with their tried-and-tested tactics, the Parthians probably refrained from attacking and remained on the defensive, so that the large cities captured by the R o m a n s , such as Seleucia and Ctesiphon, were defended not by regular Parthian troops, but by their own valiant citizens.^^ A n d since different and geographically distant places were involved in the fighting — Edessa and Nisibis in the N o r t h , Seleucia in the South — it is also reasonable that different peoples were involved in this revolt. First of all, the Greeks. A n inscription found in a temple at D u r a Europos attests that the R o m a n s had burned the place down and that the Greeks welcomed the returning Parthians with open arms.^^ T h e Arabs, too, seem to have participated in this revolt, ruling over Edessa, which is one o f the cities involved in the conflict, and over Hatra, which was still rebelling in the spring o f 117.^^ Arameans, Babylonians and Syrians, too, were probably active in the rebellion,^^ along with Axidares, vassal king o f a small state near the Caspian Sea.^^ T h e question may be asked whether the Jews, too, m a y have joined in this movement o f rebellion, a possibiUty borne out by the fact that D / X tells us that one o f the generals sent by Trajan to crush the revolt "of the territories previously conquered" was Lusius Quietus, the same Lusius Quietus mentioned by Eusebius as active ^5 In a recent edition: Theodor Mommsen, A History of Rome under the Emperors (trans. C. Krojzh London and New York: Routledge, 1996; first ed. London, 1894), 338-39. AE 1936, 69. Another inscription is found on a triumphal arch erected by the men of the III Cyrenaican legion near the city in the year 115 {AE 1933, 230). See Alon, The Jews, 408, n. 68. Applebaum observes: "These records ftirnish evidence that the Romans behaved towards Dura Europos as to a captured place, meaning that the inhabitants of the Hellenistic cities of Mesopotamia and Babylonia were opposed to the Roman invasion. ...This evidence is supplemented by archaeological information at Seleucia-on-Tigris, where evidence was discovered of the burning of buildings in the years 116-120, and was connected by the excavators with the capture of the city by the Roman forces in 116/117": Applebaum, Jews and Greeks, 300, n. 242- 44. ^7 Frye, The Heritage of Persia, 188. See also Cizek, Lepoque de Trajan, 4 6 1 . ^8 See Ayaso-Martinez, Judaea Capta, 51. ^9 Cizek, "A propos de la guerre parthique," 383.

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against the Jews in the same place, the Mesopotamian region, and in the same span o f time, the nineteenth year o f Trajans reign. Confirmation might be seen in a passage o f D / X , mentioned above, which states that " a m o n g others who subdued the Jews was Lusius, who was sent by Trajan" ( L X V I I I , 3 2 , 3 ) . T h e possibility may be therefore taken into account that D i o and Eusebius are referring here to the same events. In this case the question arises, how it happen that D / X does not mention the Jews when dealing with the revolt o f "the territories previously conquered" and why Eusebius speaks only o f the Jews without mentioning a general movement o f rebellion involving other population groups. O f course, beneath these queries lies the basic question, the identity o f the original sources o f these accounts. LOOKING FOR T H E SOURCES U S E D BY D I O AND EUSEBIUS

D i o s account o f the Parthian war relies on that which he found in the work o f Arrian o f Nicomedia, who lived at the time when this war took place and m a y have participated himself in the fighting. Whether Arrian himself used written sources or based his narrative on his personal experience in this war has been variously debated in modern scholarship.^^ T h e evidence is ambiguous. M a n y histories o f this war were probably produced almost at once, so that presumably as early as 125 C E there were a number o f memoirs, reports and monographs on the war which could have been used by Arrian, without prejudicing in the slightest his capacity to write on the basis 5^ See the works of Roos, Hartmann, Jacoby and Wirth quoted by Philip A. Stadter, Arrian of Nicomedia (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 140, 234, n. 33. 51 Arrian's personal participadon in the Parthian war is maintained by Doulcet, BoUa, Von Domaszewski, Wirth (see bibliographical details in Henry Tonnet, Recherches surArrien: sa personnalite et ses krits atticistes, vol. 1 [Amsterdam: A.M. Hakkert, 1988], 27-28 and vol. 2, 26, n. 145-148), but is denied by Schwartz, Jacoby, Stein and Breebaart (bibliographical details in Tonnet, Recherches sur Arrien, vol. 2, 26, n. 149 and 28, n. 158). Syme, too, prescribes caution: Syme, "The Career of Arrian," 28. 52 This is also borne out by Lucian's comments on the accounts written on Verus' Parthian war. See Stadter, Arrian of Nicomedia, 143.

204

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

of his own experience. Whether the latter was his main source or written reports — and in any case the use o f written sources is not incompatible with firsthand experience, which is suggested by certain statements'^ — Arrian's work was the base for Dio's account o f the Parthian war.'^ Concerning the revolt o f "the territories previously conquered," however, Arrian's work m a y have been rather concise if Wirth is correct in suggesting that the original account of the Parthian war probably ended with Trajan's voyage to the Persian G u l f and had only a brief epilogue, which appeared in the seventeenth book, concerning the events that had taken place afterwards, namely, the revolts against the R o m a n s and Trajan's final retreat.^' For compressing this material in one book, Arrian seems to have had g o o d reason, namely, the fact that these revolts seriously undermined Trajan's conquests. T h e account of these difficulties was not allowed to overwhelm the narrative of Trajan's victories, which was the main purpose o f Arrian's writings, since, along the lines o f the imperial propaganda,'^ far from questioning the war, his books appear to have been laudatory, with Trajan's motives presented as honest and his o p erations portrayed as successful.'"^ In this case, if Wirth is correct, then it is possible that Arrian's account o f the revolt o f "the territories previously conquered," concise as it was, did not mention the Jews as participants in the revolt but only a m o n g the victims o f Quietus' repression — which can be also 53 According to Stadter, the weight of the evidence inclines towards Arrian's participation in the expedition (Stadter, Arrian of Nicomedia, 142-44). 5^ On the use of Arrian's work by Dio, see Hartmann, "Uber das Verhaltniss des Cassius Dio," 73-91 and Emilio Gabba, Per la storia dell'esercito romano in eth imperiale (Mondo antico 3: Bologna: Patron editore, 1974), 16, n. 26. On Arrian's original work on the Parthian war, see Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 128 and Gerhard Wirth, "Arrian und Traian. Versuch einer Gegenwartsdeutung," Studii Clasice (Bucuresti) 16 (1974): 169-209. 55 Wirth, "Zur Tigrisfahrt des Kaisers Traian," 299-30. 5^ See the sources quoted by Richier Olivier, "Les themes militaires dans le monnayage de Trajan," Latomus 56 (1997): 607, n. 83 and Martin Galinier, "L'image publique de Trajan," in Images romaines: actes de la table ronde organisee h Ticole normale supirieure (24-26 octobre 1996) par Florence Dupont et Clara AuvrayAssayas (ed. C. Avray-Assayas: Pans: Pr. De I'ficole normale superieure, 1998), 11541. 57 Stadter points out that Trajan was portrayed as a successful general and emulator of Alexander, accomplishing his objective in humbling the Parthians despite die revolts of 116/117 (Stadter, Arrian of Nicomedia, 138, 144).

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due to a misunderstanding by Arrian o f his source, whether oral or written. Mistakes o f this kind are not rare in Arrian's work.'^ I f Arrian mentioned the Jews as the victims o f Trajan's repression in Mesopotamia, D i o m a y have thought that the reference to Quietus' repression o f the Jews had to be Unked to the events o f the Jewish uprisings in Cyrenaica, Egypt a n d Cyprus that were dealt with s o m e Unes below. So he m a y have displaced the statement concerning Quietus' repression o f the Jews, linking it to the Jewish uprisings. T h e fact that the site o f Lusius Quietus' operations against the Jews is left undetermined would also point toward the same conclusion.'^ As for Eusebius, he was interested in the history o f the Jews a n d not in Trajan's Parthian war.^^ H i s failing to insert the episode concerning the Jews in its historical context, therefore, is not surprising. T h e question, however, m a y be asked, why the Chronicon speaks of a real revolt o f the Jews in Mesopotamia while the HE, written some years later,^^ only mentions Trajan's suspicion that this might happen. Wallace Hadrill points out that, where the two works cover the same ground, in the HE, which was written later, Eusebius is probably revising his opinion a n d correcting an error,^-^ b u t we cannot be certain that this is the case, since, as we have seen above, Eusebius is found using different sources in different sections o f his works without being aware o f the contradictions involved. In the case concerning the Jewish upheavals, the differences between the Chronicon

and the Historia

Ecclesiastica

are not few, and they suggest

that Eusebius consulted at least two sources, as he himself acknowledges when he concludes his account in the HE by observing that

58 See Albert B. Bosworth, "Errors in Arrian," CQ 26 (1976): 117-39, on Arrian's account of Alexander's reign. 59 Motta suggests that in the original text of Dio the passage had to appear in the right place: "non doveva mancare una nota particolare sulla lotta di Lusio Quieto contro gli Ebrei della Mesopotamia," and that it was Xiphilinus who displaced this statement (Motta, "La tradizione," 484); Stern, too, suggests that Xiphilinus' final sentence would imply that the fixU narrative of Cassius Dio also dealt with a campaign directed against the Jews of Mesopotamia (Stern, GLAJJ, vol. 2, 154). 60 See above, n. 5, p. 159. 61 See above, n. 28, p. 150. 62 W2\\2ice-H2idn\\, Eusebius of Caesarea, 158. 63 See above, pp. 150, 157-58.

206

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

"the Greek authors who chronicle the same period have related this narrative in these very words" {HE IV, 2 , 5).^"^ As we have seen above, consultation of Arrian's account o f the Parthian war is excluded in view o f the numerous and essential differences between the account o f Eusebius and that o f D i o . ^ ' O n e would prefer to think that for the account o f the Jewish upheavals Eusebius' Chronicon m a y have relied on the work o f Aristo o f Pella or on that o f Bruttius, who had participated himself in the events of the Parthian war, holding a military c o m m a n d . T h i s last possibility would be strengthened by the fact that Eusebius himself explicitly acknowledges that he consulted the work o f Bruttius some lines before dealing with the Jewish uprisings, when he mentions the persecution against the Christians that took place in D o m i t i a n s days.^^ N o t being interested in the Parthian war, Eusebius may not have read attentively those passages appearing before and after the reference to Lusius Quietus' military action against the Jews, and therefore may not have seen any connection with the revolt o f "the territories previously conquered."^^ Later, when composing his HE, where he may have relied on the work o f Appian,^^ Eusebius may have realized that, in fact, on this revolt o f the Jews in M e s o p o t a m i a he had no detail whatsoever to give to his readers. T h u s , he may no longer have been certain that a Jewish revolt actually did take place in Mesopotamia. A reason, however, had to be found for the R o m a n military action against the Jews o f Mesopotamia. Looking for a logical explanation, Eusebius m a y have thought that perhaps Trajan suspected that in Mesopotamia, too, the Jews might revolt against their neighbors, as happened elsewhere: " T h e Emperor suspected that the Jews in Mesopotamia would also attack the inhabitants" {HEW, 2 , 5). Which inhabitants? See above, p. 157. ^5 See above, pp. 162-63. Scribit Bruttius plurimos Christianorum sub Domitiano fecisse martyrium {Chronicon, Olymp. CCXVIII, 16^ year of Domitians reign. Ed. Helm, 192.) FoUow^ing Milburn, Grant points out that "Eusebius writes in his somewhat annalistic fashion without making any minute search into the complexities of casual connexions": Robert M. Grant, "The Uses of History in the Church before Nicaea," Studia Patristica 11 (1972): 177. Grant even contemplates a possible falsification of facts by Eusebius: Robert M. Grant, "The Case against Eusebius or. Did the Father of Church History Write History?" Studia Patristica 12 (1975): 413. 68 See above, pp. 164-66.

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207

T h e expression used, £7r(.67jcr£cr6at. TOL^ auToOi, is vague,^^ and prob-

ably purposely so. Eusebius had nothing more precise to say, which may be meaningful, vis-a-vis the clear and defined expression he uses when dealing with the uprisings in Libya a n d Egypt, where the enemies o f the Jews are called "their Greek fellow citizens" {HE IV, 2 , 2-3). In conclusion, it is not impossible that, through completely different perspectives, D i o and Eusebius are referring here to one and the same episode. THE

REVOLT OF " T H E CONQUERED D I S T R I C T S " : W O R K I N G HYPOTHESES

H o w things happened in reality is impossible to know, and different scenarios have been suggested by modern scholars. Scholars are found who maintain that there were two contemporary but independent uprisings, one o f Jews and one o f non-Jews, where three possibilities have been contemplated: that the two rebellions were contemporary (as maintained by Garzetti, C h a u m o n t and G r i f f i n ) , t h a t the revolt mentioned by D / X was the first and that o f the Jews recorded by Eusebius took place later (as suggested by G r o a g and Longden)""^ or the opposite, namely, that the Jews were Nicephorus may well have misunderstood this expression when he writes: Tttotttwc; 8 ' £x^^ M-"^ '^otc; ofxocpuXotc; x a i ol Iv MeaoTTOTafxia '£7rtay)<; STTtOcavTai...

(Nicephorus Callistus, Ecclesiasticae Historiae tomus III, 22). This phrase actually bears no logical meaning unless we understand 6^090X0l as meaning "fellow-citizens." In this case, we would have: "Trajan, suspecting that the Jews of Mesopotamia, too, would similarly attack their fellow citizens." Lea Disegni suggests instead to relate t o ^ 6fxo9uXoi(; to Ittlctyjc;, and would translate: "Trajan, suspecting that the Jews of Mesopotamia, too, would attack like their kin...". ^0 Garzetti observes: "Lusius Quietus quelled the revolt in Mesopotamia by the capture and destruction of Nisibis and Edessa. At the same dme he also ended the Jewish rising if, as would appear, it was simultaneous in that region with the Parthian acdon" {From Tiberius to the Antonines, 171). Chaumont suggests that the revolt probably started in the Great Armenia, where opposition to the Romans had always been strong, and was then reinforced in Mesopotamia by the independent revolt of the Jews (Chaumont, "L'Armenie entre Rome et Tlran," 141). For a similar view, see also Griffin, "Nerva to Hadrian," 125. ^1 Groag visualizes a separate Jewish revolt following the general one: Edmund Groag, "Lusius Quietus," RE 13, 2 (1927): col. 1881. According to Longden, too.

208

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

the first to rebel, as Cizek c l a i m s / ^ According to other scholars, such as A l o n

and Motta,^^ o n the other h a n d , there would have been a

single, general m o v e m e n t o f revolt, in which the Jews participated from the very b e g i n n i n g / ' Stern, t o o , observes that since the advance o f the R o m a n legions t o o k place in m o s t o f the important centers o f eastern Jewry — Nisibis a n d Edessa and the country o f Adiabene — the Jews living there must have taken part in it from the beginning a n d would n o t have waited until the others were crushed before raising the standard o f revolt themselves,^^ and scholars can also be found who argue that the initiative for the revolt actually came from the

]QWS7^

after the general revolt had been crushed, Trajan "feared fresh trouble from the numerous Jew^s in Mesopotamia and Lusius Quietus, an obvious choice, was sent back there with a mission of ruthless pacification" (Longden, "Trajan in the East," 250). Against this view, see Guey, Essai sur la guerre parthique de Trajan, 126-7 and Motta, "La tradizione," 480, n. 5. ^2 "The revolt of the Jews would have taken place in August 116, while that which broke out at Seleucia, Nisibis, Hatra, Edessa and the whole of Osrhoene, would have taken place benveen September and December 116" (Cizek, Lepoque de Trajan, 453, 459). "In The Tigris-Euphrates valley the and-Roman resistance was general, not specifically Jewish. The Jews simply participated, along with the rest of the populadon" {The Jews, vol. 2, 426). On pp. 408-409 Alon also stresses that Adiabenes royal family was no longer Jewish, but its population was still heavily Jewish. '^^ Motta, "La tradizione," 480. ^5 Neusner, too, maintains that the Jews "joined the pro-Parthian reaction": Jacob Neusner, "The Jews East of the Euphrates and the Roman Empire. I. — 3^^ Centuries A . D , " ANRWW, 9, 1 (1976): 58; idem, "Jews in Iran," in The Cambridge History of Iran, 3, 2: The Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian Period (ed. E. Yarshater: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 912. 7^ Stern, GLAJJ vol. 2, 155. Garzetti observes that the Jewish revolt extended to the land of Assyria and Mesopotamia and also to non-Jewish population groups (Garzetti, From Tiberius to the Antonines, 564), and Pareti writes that the rebellion of the Jews in Libya, Egypt and Cyprus reached the Jewish communities of Mesopotamia and contributed to fomendng the Parthians' will to rebel: Luigi Pareti, Storia di Roma e del mondo romano, vol. 5 (Torino: Unione tipografico-editrice torinese, I960), 199. As for Paribeni, he takes the occasion to give vent here to his anti-Jewish feelings and to his sympathetic atdtude toward Trajan and the Roman Empire. His piece of rhetoric is so impressive, that it is worthwhile to cite it in ftill. "U infaticabile imperatore discese...il grande flume sino alia foce, e si affaccio al golfo Persico... Ed ecco invero che con una di quelle improwise e insospettatibili sorprese che paesi e genti d' Oriente hanno tante volte mostrato di poter creare, un nembo di gravi notizie si

MESOPOTAMIA

209

As for the R o m a n repression, Alon argues that the other participants in this revolt against R o m e were punished by the R o m a n military action at the time, while the Jews were massacred later o n , after the pacification described by D/XJ^

since the Lexicon

Suidae

pre-

serves a passage o f Arrian which states that "Trajan was determined above all, if it were possible, to destroy the nation utterly; but if not, at least to crush it and stop its presumptuous wickedness," a passage which since H a r t m a n n s time has been taken to refer to the Jewish people/^

T H E BACKGROUND OF JEWISH PARTICIPATION It is no accident that, unlike what happened in the other countries, in M e s o p o t a m i a the Jews seem to have taken u p arms together with local populations and not against them. Here, not as in other countries, there was a c o m m o n political purpose, that o f fighting back the R o m a n s and annulling the R o m a n occupation, which w o u l d have rovescia sui Romani. Non h sulle prime il grande impero dei Parti che si riscuote, h il piccolo, odioso e spregiato popolo giudaico, gia cosl fieramente percosso e prostrato e disperso, che riprende con feroce ostinazione e magnifica temeritk la lotta contro Roma, ora, proprio ora che piii splende la gloria militate dell'impero, ora che piu solennemente sembrano smentite le profezie della imminente rovina di Roma, e che un forte esercito comandato da un invitto imperatore h gik presente in Oriente....Anche i giudei che risiedevano numerosi in Mesopotamia...si ribellarono, e dietro il loro esempio i presidii romani, disseminati nelF immenso paese appena occupato, furono cacciati o massacrati, perfmo un personaggio consolare, un Massimo, era vinto in combattimento e ucciso. Ma i Parti si ridestavano, e le piccole rivolte locali si sommavano in una nuova guerra capitanata da personaggi della dinastia: Sanatrucius e il cugino di lui Parthamaspates...I Romani fronteggiarono con energia Tawerso destino": Roberto Paribeni, Optimus Princeps: Saggio sulla storia e sui tempi delVimperatore Traiano (Messina: G. Principato, 1926-7, repr. New York: Arno Press, 1975), 300-301. See also Cizek, Lepoque de Trajan, 453-54 and Barnes, who suggests that the Jewish rebellion began in Mesopotamia, and may have initiated rather then followed the general revolt of Trajans newly conquered provinces: Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 160. See also Mireille Hadas-Lebel, Jerusalem contre Rome (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1990), 153 and Martin Goodman, "Judaea," G 4 / / , 2"^ ed., vol. 11 (2000): 670. The Jews, vol. 2, 4 1 1 , 426. Guttman, too, maintains that the Roman military action against the Jews was separate from that against the other population groups: Gutmann, "Jewish Wars in Trajan's Days," 183. ^9 See above, p. 77. Hartmann, "Uber das Verhaltnis des Cassius," 86. See also Pucci, La rivolta, 87, n. 290.

210

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

endangered the measure o f freedom and a u t o n o m y enjoyed by all the different population groups living in the Parthian empire. Trajan h a d already imposed a tax structure more stringent than the Parthian one, which must have been equally unpopular with Jews and gentiles alike.^^ In 116, the prospect o f Trajan apparently settling into his advanced positions, a n d even visiting Spasinu Charax, m a y have spread dismay throughout all the caravan cities. Lepper points out that the traders o f all nations w h o h a d flourished in a world that was "politically divided but economically almost unhampered" now found themselves completely at the mercy o f a single highly organized financial system.^^ By 116, Trajan was apparently already drawing u p plans for reorganizing the taxation o f the caravan trade with the Far East. A milestone o f Trajan, found in the village o f Karsi on the route from Nisibis to Singara, bears witness to the beginning o f R o m a n organization in Mesopotamia,^^ which would confirm Fronto s statement cum praesens equorum

et camelorum

Traianus

Euphrati

et Tigridis

portoria

tribularetP

D u r i n g Trajans voyage to the Persian Gulf, Trajan confirmed Attembalos king o f Mesene as a client, and the whole o f the Far East fell into Trajans hands — the sea route from Malabar, the southern trade from Bactria that came through Seistan to the eroded coast and entered the sea route at H o r m u z and o f farther lands, Indo-China and Sumatra, which brought not luxuries only but useful wares like cotton. Stark emphasizes that now, if not before, the financial aspect o f his conquests must have presented itself to Trajan in the strongest colors, and his view is followed by Keall, w h o points out that Trajans invasion o f Parthia stemmed largely from a desire to secure greater control over the expanding international trade, rather than from his world conquering fantasies as D / X hinted. In this war, therefore, Keall sees a deliberate attempt to strengthen Rome's financial position and reduce the drain on her monetary reserves.^"^ T h e revolt o f the conquered districts, therefore, was a most natural reaction.^' In «o See Smallwood, The Jews, 420. Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 154. ^2 AE 1927, 161. The inscription is now lost. See also Christopher S. Lightfoot, "Trajans Parthian War and the Fourth-Century Perspective, V^<^ 80 (1990): 123. «3 Princ. Hist., 17. «^ Keall, "Parthian Nippur," 627-28. ^5 Freya Stark, Rome on the Euphrates: the Story of a Frontier (London: J. Murray,

MESOPOTAMIA

211

this context, the fact that Hatra, too, participated in this revok, is meaningful in view o f the fact that it controlled the steppes west o f the Tigris and the vital road between M e s o p o t a m i a and Babylon.^^ Its possession, therefore, was o f great economic advantage and this may well explain why H a t r a participated in the revolt against the R o m a n occupation — another indication that patterns o f trade were seriously disturbed by Trajans conquest.^'^ If Trajan really intended to rearrange Rome's international trading routes and to cut off Babylonia from the Eastern trade by diverting commerce through Armenia via the Northern routes — an intention which cannot be substantiated — this might have implications for Mesopotamian Jews as well. T h i s is so even though we have no way to verify Neusner's suggestion that they were in international trade and that they, too, along with the caravan-cities to the west and Seleucia on the Tigris, would have been impoverished by diversion o f the Chinese and Indian trade.^^ W h a t is certain is that Trajan's threat to annex Mesopotamia would have brought most o f Jewry within the R o m a n Empire and ended the semi-independence they enjoyed under the Parthian government. H a d the R o m a n occupation become an established fact, the Jews o f Mesopotamia, too, would have been obliged to pay the Fiscus Judaicus, the tax that the R o m a n s had imposed upon all the Jews living in the R o m a n empire after the end o f the Jewish war o f 6 6 - 7 0 CE.^^ H a d the Romans supplanted the Parthian government, the same fate would have befallen the Mesopotamian Jews. 1966), 212. See also Cizek, Lipoque de Trajan, 454 and Alston, Aspects of Roman History, 204. ^6 See Bennet, Trajan, 200. Benjamin Isaac, The Limits of Empire: the Roman Army in the East (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), 153-54. Neusner also suggests that the Jews, as a strong minority group in the Near East, might have found it most advantageous to live in a region divided between two major powers, which gave them the chance to keep one foot in each camp, to play each off against the other, and when necessary, to flee from one side to the other ("The Jews of the Euphrates," 58-59). Similarly, Petersen, too, maintains that the Jews had rebelled because their position as mediator in commerce was threatened (Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. Ein Reitergeneral Trajans," 214). Evidence, however, is lacking. Beyond its economic significance, this tax also had serious psychological and ideological underpinnings. N o matter the place where they lived and what their political status was, all the Jews were punished for the war that had been fought and lost in Judaea. See above, pp. 124-25.

212

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

Moreover, if the exilarchate was really created early in the second half o f the first century in an attempt by the Arsacids to conciliate the Jews and gain their support, out o f self-interest, Smallwood may be correct in observing that annexation to R o m e was likely to mean for the Jews the loss o f this measure o f freedom, too.^^ T h e Jews o f M e s o p o t a m i a had certainly their own g o o d reasons for fighting against the R o m a n s when the R o m a n occupation could still be avoided, as in effect it was,^^ and we often find in modern scholarship the suggestion that the presence o f Parthian propaganda is to be found behind the Jewish revolt.^^ Levi, for example, writing during the Second World War under the pseudonym Canavesi, o b serves that the Parthians did not ignore the great rivalry between the Jews and the Greeks existing in all the diaspora localities. T h a t is why they could easily stir the fears and the hostility o f the Jews against the R o m a n government, whose victory, had it won, would have represented, as usual, a real victory for the Greek element to the detriment o f the Jews and o f the local Iranians.^^ T H E CRONOLOGICAL A S P E C T

According to the account o f D / X , the revolt " o f the territories previously conquered" broke out when, after the capture o f Ctesiphon, the capital o f the Parthian kingdom, Trajan was sailing up the Tigris to the Persian G u l f O u r first terminus post q u e m is, therefore, the capture o f Ctesiphon, an event that m a y apparently be dated with some precision since D / X states that when Trajan took possession o f Ctesiphon

^0 Smallwood, The Jews, 419-20. On the posidon of the Jews in the Parthian world, see Neusner, "The Jews East of the Euphrates," 46-69. See also Frye, The Heritage of Persia, 199. Neusner points out that the situation was completely different in 132-135, when, at the dme of Bar Kochbas war, Babylonian Jewry was entirely peaceful, as far as we can tell (Neusner, "The Jews of the Euphrates," 59). Guey Essai sur la guerre parthique, llG-ll and 364; Motta, "La tradizione," 483; Pared, Storia di Roma,19S, 202-3; Cizek, Lepoque de Trajan, 454. Manlio Canavesi (pseudonym for M.A. Levi), La politica estera di Roma antica, vol. 2 (Milan: Istituto per gli studi di politica internazionale, 1942), 364.

MESOPOTAMIA "he was saluted imperator Parthicus' Ostienses,

213

a n d established his right to the title o f

( L X V I I I , 2 8 , 2 ) , a tide which, according to the

Fasti

was conferred u p o n Trajan by the R o m a n senate o n 2 0 or

2 1 February 116.^^ Since the news w o u l d have taken as long as ten weeks or m o r e for official letters between R o m e and the eastern Mediterranean to arrive at their destination,^^ this means that, if the title Parthicus

was given

to Trajan towards the end o f February 1 1 6 , C t e s i p h o n had been taken before the end o f D e c e m b e r 115.^^ T h i s , however, is by n o means the only possible interpretation o f the passage found in D / X , a n d the words x a l TIQV ITTLXXYJCJIV TOU IlapOLxou IpsPaicocraTo have also been construed as m e a n i n g that Trajan d i d not receive the right to use the title but rather " h a d [it] confirmed." In fact, s o m e lines above, after mentioning the conquest o f Nisibis a n d Batnae in northern M e s o p o t a m i a , the account o f D / X states that Trajan was then given the n a m e o f Parthicus

( L X V I I I , 2 3 , 2).^^ T h e conquest o f the

N o r t h m u s t have provoked an e n o r m o u s enthusiasm in the army a n d the senate, which gave Trajan the title Parthicus.

However, the

[H]XK. Mart, laureatae missae ad sen[atum ab imp.] I Traiano Aug., ob q[u]am causam Parfthicus appell. II e]t pro salute eius s.c. factum) et supp(licationes) [per omnia delulbjra et ludifacti VIIII, pr. K. M[art circ(enses)J, I miss(us). In addition to other honors voted by the senate, Trajan was granted the privilege of celebrating as many triumphs as he should desire. Prayers were offered for his safety, and he was further honored with thirty ludi at the Circus on 25, 26 and 28 February. See E. Mary Smallwood, Documents Illustrating the Principates of Nerva, Trajan and Hadrian (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1966), 23, p. 33. The "laurelled letter" dispatched by Trajan to the senate probably announced the annexation of Parthian territory to form the two new provinces of Armenia and Mesopotamia, as coins were subsequently issued proclaiming these territories as "subjected to the power of the people of Rome" (Smallwood, Documents, 23, lines 9-12), and coins were struck with the legend PARTHIA CAPTA (Smallwood, Documents, 49). See also Gian Guido Belloni, "Significati storico-politici delle figurazioni e delle scritte delle monete da Augusto a Traiano (Zecche di Roma e *imperatorie)," ANRWW, 1 (1974): 1120; Gonziles, "Trajano," 242 and Bennet, Trajan, 199 and 273, n. 8 1 . ^5 Bennet, Trajan, 271, n. 68. See Ziegler, Die Beziehungen, 102; Angeli Bertinelli, "I Romani oltre TEufrate," 16, n. 65 and Martin Fell, Optimus Princeps? Anspruch und Wirklichkeit der imperialen Programmatik Kaiser Traians (Munchen: Tuduv, 1992), 42, n. 26. Pared, Storia di Roma, 198; Bennet, Trajan, 196-98; GriflPm, "Nerva to Hadrian," 124-25.

214

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

lack o f continuation in the appearance of this title in the epigraphic documents may lead to the conclusion that Trajan must have refused this title until the conquest o f Ctesiphon, and that then the senate repeated the conferral o f the tide.^^ If the senate twice conferred the tide Parthicus upon Trajan, there is no point in discussing whether the passage o f the Fasti Ostienses dated 2 0 or 21 February 116 refers to the first or the second o f them,^^ both possibilities being impossible to exclude. It follows that it is really impossible to date the conquest o f Ctesiphon with precision. Other firm chronological points m a y be looked for in the events that followed. After the conquest o f Ctesiphon, Trajan set about reviewing and consolidating the occupied territory, perhaps with the intention o f forming a province o f B a b y l o n i a , b u t it is impossible to determine how long he remained at Ctesiphon. Fronto comments that the emperor spent some time "making more stringent the ferry dues for camels and horses on the Euphrates and T i g r i s " , w h i c h according to Bennet is not necessarily a topos in this context. T h e n , according to D / X , Trajan sailed down the Tigris to the Persian Gulf, pausing on the way to take homage from Attembalos and the inhabitants o f Mesene and Spasinus and arrived at Charax (Basra), a town located at the river's mouth, where he would have dispatched another "laurelled letter" to the senate, announcing his accomplishments,^^^ and erected a statue marking the limit o f his advance. As for the time at which Trajan reached the Persian Gulf, it was at some point in 116: in the 1950s, most scholars used to date his

See Gonzales, "Trajano," 245; Biriey, Hadrian, 70, 72. Concerning the inscriptions dated 115 and 116 that mention the title Parthicus and those which fail to do so, see Gonzales, "Trajano," 245-47. For the different scholarly views, see Gonzdles, "Trajano," 241. Keall suggests dadng the conquest of Ctesiphon to November 115 ("Parthian Nippur," 628), Biriey suggests the end of February 116, Bennet — May or June, Gonzales — the summer of 116 ("Trajano," 243). Bennet, Trajan, 199. Princ, Hist. 17. Bennet, Trajan, 275, n. 82. Dio LXVIII, 29, 1. Jord., Rom. 268.

MESOPOTAMIA event to the summer,

while more recently Biriey suggests

215 the

month of M a y / Unfortunately, we d o not know how long Trajan m a y have remained around the Persian Gulf, nor if the uprisings took place exactly when he reached Babylon on his way back, or whether instead at this time, when he arrived at Babylon, he learned about events that had been taking place for s o m e time. In any case, the terminus post q u e m for the uprisings was probably M a y 116. T h e order for the repression was given immediately. According to late sources, Edessa w o u l d have been sacked at s o m e point between J u n e 116 and J u l y 117.^^^ According to G u e y and Cizek, Nisibis was Relying on a detail found in the account of D/X, where it is told that Trajan encountered a peculiar storm on the Tigris, near its mouth, in which the incoming tide meeting the swift current of the river played some part (LXVIII, 28, 4), a phenomenon identified with un mascaret d'equinoxe, Guey concludes that Trajan arrived at the Persian Gulf before Autumn 116: Guey, "Essai sur la guerre parthique de Trajan," 137-38. See also Olivier, "Les themes militaries," 606; Longden, on the other hand, observes that this phenomenon is not impossible to find in Mesopotamia also in summer: Longden, "Notes on the Parthian Campaigns of Trajan," 8, n. 2. See also Motta, "La tradizione," 477. The detail about the ship that Trajan saw sailing to India, if it is not a rhetorical device, would also suggest a time before October 116, when, thanks to the monsoons, trade between Egypt and India took place. Lepper is skeptical about the relevance of these details for establishing a chronology, but in any case suggests the summer of 116 as a terminus post quem for the voyage to the Persian Gulf (Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 3, 96). According to Cizek, too, it was the end of July 116 ("A propos de la guerre parthique," 384). Biriey {Hadrian, 73) suggests that the letter mentioned by Dio LXVIII, 29, 1 ("Then he came to the Ocean itself...he would declare that he himself had advanced farther than Alexander, and would so write to the senate") is that reported in the Fasti Ostienses as dated 6 May {Pr. Non. Mai. epist[ulae missae ad sen.] I ah imp. Traiano Aug. proc[edente : Smallwood, Documents, 23,11. 12-13). From the Chronicle of Zuqnin, attributed to Ps.-Dionysius of Tell Mahre, we learn that King Abgar VII of Osrhoene lost his throne and probably his life when Lusius Quietus sacked his capital, Edessa (see Longden, "Notes on the Parthian Campaigns," 8 and 13, n. 1). The circumstances of his death are not clear, and all we know for certain from the Chronicle of Zuqnin is that he died in the midst of some sort of power struggle. D / X tells us that Abgar, evidently with the aim of remaining independent of the Parthians and the Romans alike, had supported Trajan during the emperor's first campaign against the Parthians and had received him as a guest into the city and palace. See Glanville Downey, A History of Antioch in Syria: from Seleucus to the Arab Conquest (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961), 36. What happened in 116 is not clear. Abgar may have been killed by Lusius

216

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

conquered by Lusius Quietus in December 116^^^ and Seleucia was taken after the death o f M a x i m u s at the beginning o f 117, perhaps in January or F e b r u a r y / F r o m epigraphical evidence we also learn that D u r a on the Euphrates was back in Parthian hands at some point in the Macedonian year 4 2 8 , which went from October 116 to October 117."' After the conquest o f Nisibis, Lusius Quietus started the pacification o f the Osrhoene and conquered Edessa. T h e fighting went on in Armenia, between Vologaesus and the governor o f the province, Lucius Catilius Severus, until, probably at the beginning or in the summer o f 117, a treaty o f peace was concluded that left to the Arsacids a part of the R o m a n territories. T h e enthronement o f Parthamaspates would have taken place at some point in the spring o f 117.^^^ Trajan personally crowned him with the royal diadem, after which Parthamaspates did obeisance to Trajan in the traditional manner in fijU view o f the assembled p o p u lation, confirming his subordinate state. T h e event was duly celebrated on the imperial coinage, with the emperor placing a diadem Quietus (see Drijvers, "Hatra, Palmyra und Edessa," 874), but scholars are also found who argue that, given Abgar s ambivalence vis-k-vis Rome, it is unlikely that the anti-Roman party would have trusted him as a leader, if the report found in D/X about his behavior during the visit of Trajan is true. Ross suggests instead the possibility that Abgar may have died at the hands of the rebels, while defending his newfound alliance. See Roos, Roman Edessa, 34-35. According to the Acts of Sharbel and the Acts ofBarsamya, both of the early fifth century C E (see Sebastian Brock, "Eusebius and Syriac Christianity," in Eusebius: Christianity and Judaism [ed. H. W. Attridge and G. Hata], 223) the conquest of Edessa would have taken place at some point between 6 June 116 and 1 July 117. See Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 93; Petersen, "Lusius Quietus, no. 439," 113 and Bennet, Trajan, 215, n. 88. After King Abgar VII, there was an interregnum of two years: see Drijvers, "Hatra, Palmyra und Edessa," 874. On the chronology of the reigns of the kings of Osrhoene, see also Andreas Luther, "Elias von Nisibis und die Chronologie der edessenischen Konige," Klio 81, 1 (1999): 180-98 and in particularly 191-92, 197. Guey, Essai sur la guerre parthique, 136; Cizek, Lepoque de Trajan, 462. Cizek, Lipoque de Trajan, 4 6 1 . As a reward for the conquest of Seleucia, at the beginning of 117, perhaps in January or February, Clarus and Alexander became consuls. 111 ^ 1936, 69. According to Longden ("Trajan in the East," 249, n. 3), it was the end of 116. 112 D/X L X X V 9, 6. 11^ In March, as Guey suggests, or in June, according to Biriey (Cizek, Lipoque de Trajan, 464).

MESOPOTAMIA

217

on the head o f the kneeling vassal and the legend Rex Parthis datus}^^ T h i s episode could be interpreted as meaning the abandonment o f all the territory so recently won for R o m e , but in a letter to the senate, Trajan explained and justified his action: " S o vast and infinite is this domain, and so immeasurable the distance that separates it from R o m e , that we d o not have the compass to administer it. Let us then instead present the people with a king who is subject to Rome".ii5

All in all, we have two firm points: the revolt "of the territories previously conquered" cannot have been prior to M a y 116,^^^ while its definitive repression certainly took place before the coronation o f Parthamaspates in the spring o f 117. Conclusions

In the 1 9 3 0 s , the participation o f the Jews in the revolt o f "the territories previously conquered" was ignored, and scholars such as G r o a g and Longden, a m o n g others, dealt with the events o f the Parthian war and with those o f the Jewish uprisings in Mesopotamia as two unrelated and independent episodes. Remarkably, the same is found in more recent scholarship. Biriey, for example, suggests that the Parthian king m a y have been able to stir u p the Cyrenaean Jews to create a "second front," but does not mention the Mesopotamian Jews when dealing with the revolt o f "the territories previously conquered."ii« While many details o f this revolt remain obscure, one thing, at least, seems now clear: the testimony o f Eusebius should not be ignored any longer in the context o f Trajans Parthian war. Smallwood, Documents, 51 (i?^t/.:Trajan in military dress, seated on a platform and attended by an officer, placing a diadem on the head of Parthamaspates, who stands in front of the platform with Parthia kneeling beside him). That the coin cannot refer to the meeting between Trajan and Parthamasiris which took place at Elegia at the beginning of the war is obvious. See Ernesto Bernareggi, "Rex Parthus," in Studia Paulo Master Oblata, vol. 1, Numismatica Antiqua (Orientalia Lovanensia Analecta 12: Leuven: Departement Orientalistiek — Uitgeverij Peeters, 1982), 187-91. See also Olivier, "Les themes militaires," 607. Bennet, Trajan, 200. 116 See above, n. 107, p. 215. 117 Groag, "Lusius Quietus," col. 1881; Longden, "The Wars," 250. 118 Biriey, Hadrian, 7A.

CHAPTER NINE

JUDAEA

INTRODUCTION T h e question o f whether J u d a e a n Jews participated in the upheavals o f 1 1 6 - 1 1 7 has been debated in m o d e r n scholarship since the 19^^ century, when scholars such as Graetz, Volkmar and Schlatter suggested that a real large-scale uprising took place in Judaea,^ a possibility rejected by Lipsius, Derenbourg and Schiirer.^ Remarkably, both positions — in favor a n d against the existence o f a revolt in J u d a e a in Trajans days — are still to be f o u n d in the scholarship o f the last thirty years.^ 1 Heinrich Graetz, Geschichte der Juden, vol. 4 (4^ ed. Leipzig: O. Leiner, 1908; first ed. 1853), 114, \\^-\2U History of the Jews, vol. 2 (translated by B. Lowy: Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1956), 395, 399-401; Gustav Volkmar, Handbuch der Einleitung in die Apokryphen. Erster TheiL Judith und die Propheten Esra und Henoch (Tubingen: L.E Fues, 1860), 56, 64, 83, 90; Adolf Schlatter, Die Tage Trajans und Hadrians ( B F C T 1, 3: Gutersloh: C. Bertelsmann, 1897), 89-91. See also Hans Bietenhard, "Die Freiheitskriege der Juden unter den Kaisern Trajan und Hadrian und der messianische T e m p e l b a u , " 4 (1948): 69-71. 2 Richard A. Lipsius, "Das Buch Judith und sein neuester Dollmetscher," ZWT 2 (1859): 81-121; Joseph Derenbourg, Essai sur I'histoire et la geographic de la Palestine, d' apres les Talmuds et les autres sources rabbiniques (Paris: Impr. imperiale, 1867), 404-412; Emil Schurer, Geschichte des JUdischen Volkes im zeitalter Jesu Christi, vol. 1 (Leipzig: J . C . Hinrichs sche buchhandlung, 1901; first ed. 1890), ^ In favor of some kind of unrest: Geo Widengren, "Quelques rapports entre Juifs et Iraniens \ I'^poque des Parthes," SVT A (1957): 2 0 1 ; Schurer, The History, 533; E. Mary Smallwood, "Palestine c. A . D . 115-118," Historia 11 (1962): 510; Michael Avi Yonah, "When Did Judaea Become a Consular Province?" lEJ 23 (1973): 213; Aharon Oppenheimer, "The Jewish Community in Galilee during the Penod of Yavneh and the Bar-Kochba Revolt" (Hebr.), Cathedra 4 (1977): 51-66; Marina Pucci, "11 movimento insurrezionale in Giudea (117-118 d . C ) , " SCI A (1978): 63-76; Herbert W Benario, A Commentary on the Vita Hadriani in the Historia Augusta (Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1980), 6 2 ; Stern, GLAJJ, vol. 2, 618; Israel Shatzman, "Armed Confrontation between Romans and Jews," in Judaea and Rome: the Jewish Revolts (Hebr.) (ed. U. Rappaport: Jerusalem: Am

220

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

N o doubt, scholarly skepticism is well founded: D / X a n d Eusebius, who are the most important sources on the Jewish uprisings in the other countries, fail to mention Judaea a m o n g the countries where a rebellion took place. S o m e information o n what transpired in Judaea in the last months of Trajans reign, however, does appear in the works o f D / X a n d Eusebius, a n d it is exactly the same in both accounts: towards the end o f the Parthian war, the emperor Trajan sent to Judaea as governor Lusius Quietus, the well-known general who had served h i m valorously through his war."^ LUSIUS QUIETUS' M I S S I O N TO JUDAEA Appointment

D / X mentions the assignment o f Quietus to Judaea immediately after the report o f his brilliant performance during the Parthian war, when he valorously repressed the revolt o f "the territories previously conquered" (LXVIII, 3 2 , 5 : Exc.Val. 2 9 0 ) . Eusebius, t o o , links Trajan's decision to send Quietus to Judaea with the latter's military action in Mesopotamia, which is reported as being specifically directed against the Jews.^

Oved, 1983), 324; Alon, The Jews, vol. 2, 426-27; Giulio Firpo, "L'uldma fase della rivolta giudaica in Cirenaica ed Egitto (117 d.C.) e la guerra di Quieto'," in Atti del Convegno sulla Cirenaica, Roma-Frascati, 18-20 Dicembre 1996 (Roma: L'Istituto Italiano per la Storia Andca, forthcoming), 237-58. Among those who deny that a revolt took place in Judaea we find: Fuks, "Aspects of the Jewish Revolt," 98-100; David Rokeah, "The War of Kitos: towards the Clarificadon of a Philological-Historical Problem," SH 23 (1972): 79; Moshe D. Herr, "The Participadon of the Galilee in the War of Qitos' (=Quietus) or in the 'Ben-Kosba Revolt,'" (Hebr.), Cathedra 4 (1977): 191; Gunter Stemberger, Die romische Herrschaft im Urteil der Juden (Darmstadt: Wissenschafi:liche Buchgesellschaft, 1983), 78; Peter Schafer, "Hadrian's Policy in Judaea and the Bar Kochba Revolt: A Reassessment," in A Tribute to Geza Vermes (ed. Ph.R. Davies and R.T. White: Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1990=Joumal of the Study of the Old Testament, Suppl. Series 100), 286; Ayaso-Martinez, Judaea Capta, 46-68; Chrisdan Bruun, " T h e Spurious 'Expeditio ludaeae under Tr2L}2Ln,'' ZPE 93 (1992): 98-106. ^ See above, p. 191, notes 2-3. 5 "O^ x a l 7rapaTa5afX£V0(;, 7ra(X7roXu TTX-^OOC; T C O V auT66i. 90veu£L, £ 9 ' cb x a x o p Ocofxaxi 'louSatac; T^yefxcov UTTO T O U auToxpdcTopot; avsSetx^v) (HEYV, 2, 5).

JUDAEA

221

A n additional detail is preserved by D / X : before being sent to Judaea, Quietus had been elected consul: "(Quietus) advanced so far in bravery and g o o d fortune during this present war [the Parthian] that he was enrolled a m o n g the ex-praetors, became consul, and then governor o f Palestine."^ It did not happen often that a barbarian o f African origin, such as him, was given the honor o f the consulate without advancing through the ranks, but in the last ten years o f Trajans reign similar cases are attested, in which the consulate was offered as a reward for military e x p l o i t s / Quietus' consulate, mentioned by D / X after the repression o f the revolt o f Mesopotamia and before his mission to Judaea, must be dated to s o m e point in the year 117,^ since in the Fasti list of the consuls, both the ordinarii

Ostienses

the

and the suffecti, is complete for

116,^ while for 117 only the ordinarii are k n o w n / ^ Quietus, therefore, was probably elected consul suffectus in the first half of 117,^^ and since at the time he was active on the Parthian front, his consulate must have been served entirely in absentia}^ "Urbs R o m a , " Sir Ronald Syme observes, "was spared the spectacle of a native chieftain flaunting the insigna o f the supreme magistracy."^^ T h e question then arises as to why Quietus was sent to Judaea. Ayaso-Martinez suggests that the decision was a function o f general 6 ^ ( J T £ £ < ; T O U C ; laTpaTyjyyjxuTa^ £(7Ypa9'^vaL xai U7T:aT£uaai ir\c, T£ flaXatcTTtvyjc; apxat (Dio LXVIII, 32, 5, Exc. Vai. 290). See Motta, "La tradizione," 486. See Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. Ein Reitergeneral," 215, n. 4. ^ See Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 159. ^ On the list of the consuls in 116 C E , see Rudolf Hanslik, " M . Ulpius Traianus," RE, vol, Suppl. 10 (1965), col. 1099 and Hannah M. Cotton and Werner Eck, "Governors and Their Personnel on Latin Inscriptions from Caesarea Maritima," lASHl, 7 (2001): 221-22. 10 In 117, the consuls ordinarii are Q. Aquilius Niger and M. Rebilus (Rebulus) Apronianus: see Attilio De Grassi, /fasti consolari delllmpero Romano dal30 avanti Cristo al 613 dopo Cristo (Roma: Edizioni di storia e letteratura, 1952), 34 and Hanslik, " M . Ulpius Traianus," col. 1100. 11 See Groag, "Lusius Quietus," col. 1883; Longden, "Notes on the Parthian Campaigns of Trajan," 8; Syme, "Consulates in absence," 391. Petersen observes: "Propter egregia merita in senatum adiectus inter praetorios (Dio LXVIII, 32, 5) anno incerto vix ante bellum Parthicum, sed certe ante legationem ludaicam, probabiliter anno 117" (Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. No. 439," 113-14). See also Cizek, Lipoque de Trajan, 463. 12 Smallwood, The Jews, 550. 1^ Syme, "Consulates in Absence," 391.

222

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

administrative considerations/^ but the m e a n i n g o f this appointment is intriguing because it was anomalous in several respects. Quietus was sent to Judaea with the title o f consul while at the time the normal grade o f the governors in J u d a e a was praetorian,

and,

moreover, the timing was particularly delicate. T h e rebellion o f the conquered M e s o p o t a m i a n districts had been repressed, but the siege o f the fortress o f H a t r a h a d not been successfiil. Moreover, D / X tells us that "Trajan was preparing to make a fresh expedition into M e s o potamia,"^^ which makes it difficult to understand what p r o m p t e d h i m to remove one o f his best generals from the Parthian front exactly at a time in which his presence w o u l d have been m o s t urgently needed.i7 Military

Forces

Quietus' military forces included first o f all his Moorish tribesmen, who always followed h i m . Alon suggests associating their presence in J u d a e a with an inscription discovered in 1 9 3 0 during construction in the Armenian Quarter o f Jerusalem's O l d City, which mentions a temple erected within the military c a m p o f an African contingent pro salute Imperatoris

templum

Geniu Africe}^

Abel observes that the cur-

"La campana partica estaba paralizada pero todavfa no se habfa planteado el abandono de la empresa; eso vendra mas adelante. Lusio Quieto pudo ser enviado como parte de una planificacion y reorganizacion de las tropes romanas en la zona, reorganizacion que irfa encaminada a un replegamiento temporal pero manteniendo la situacion de alerta y vigilancia con vistas a retormar rapidamente las operaciones bdlicas": Ayaso-Martinez,/w^f'^ Capta, 67. 1^ See for example Applebaum, Jews and Greeks, 301 and GrifiTin, "Nerva to Hadrian," 125. 16 Dio LXVIII, 33, 1. This statement immediately foUow^s the descripdon of the unsuccessful siege of Hatra, which took place before June 117. See above, pp. 14445. 1^ See Derenbourg, Essai sur Vhistoire, 403-404. Smallwood observes: "From Trajans choice of an eminent general for this post it may be inferred either that trouble had already broken out and that a competent military hand was needed to suppress it, or that the province, now obviously a potential storm-centre which needed watching, was showing signs of unrest which Trajan hoped by this measure to prevent from developing into an open revolt" ("Palestine," 501). See also Cizek, Lipoque de Trajan, 463 and Biriey, Hadrian, 75. 18 Fdix M . Abel and Augustin G. Barrois, "Chronique: D^dicace d'un temple \ Jerusalem," KBiA^ (1931): 292-94. For other examples of inscriptions dedicated to various kinds genii, see the table of Dessau in ILS III, 1, pp. 528-31.

JUDAEA

sive forms Africae) instead

and the orthography

{Geniu

223

Africe

instead o f

reveal "une tournure provinciale," while the spelling

Genio geniu

genio is characteristic o f Libyan native speakers/^ conclud-

ing that this inscription m a y well have been written by the M o o r i s h tribesmen o f Lusius Q u i e t u s / ^ O t h e r troops, too, m a y have been active in J u d a e a at the t i m e / ^ T h e legio II Traiana

is attested in J u d a e a in 118 and m a y have arrived

there with Quietus,^^ a detachment o f the legio III Cyrenaica

is f o u n d

at Jerusalem at s o m e point after February 116 and before August 117,^^ and the cohors

I Thracum

milliaria

was sent from Syria to

J u d a e a at s o m e point between 9 1 and 1 2 4 / ^ Speidel observes that, significantly, the unit was moved in from Syria before the uprising o f Bar K o c h b a , and "very likely the occasion o f the transfer was the u p rising at the end o f Trajans reign in 117 CE."^^ O n e might assume

1^ See the sources quoted by Applebaum, Jews and Greeks, 301, n. 257. 2^ Alon, The Jews, 417. For other possible interpretations, see Abel and Barrois "Chronique," 293. Applebaum suggests that one of Quietus' Maurish troopers may be identified with the cavalryman of a numerus Maurorum attested in an inscription found in Judaea northwest of Nablus {AE 1948). This cavalryman carries a patently Libyan name (Auginda) and died at the age of thirty, perhaps in action. This identification, however, is by no means certain, and Applebaum himself points out that most attested uses of the term ''numerus' on inscriptions in relation to military units belong to the later second century or even later (Applebaum, Jews and Greeks, 302). 21 See Benjamin Isaac and Israel Roll, "Judaea in the Early Years of Hadrian's Reign," Latomus 38 (1979): 55, note 9, repr. in Benjamin Isaac, The Near East under Roman Rule: Selected Papers (Mnemosyne Supplementum 177: Leiden-New York-Koln: E.J. Brill, 1998), 182-97. 22 See below, pp. 251-53. 2^ ILS 4393. For the possibility that this detachment arrived with Quietus, see Felix M . Abel, Histoire de la Palestine: depuis la conquete dAlexandre jusqu h Vinvasion arabe, vol. 2 (Paris: J. Gabalda et C. Editeurs, 1952), 63. On this inscription, see below, pp. 230-31. 2^ In 124 C E , the cohors is found garrisoning an outpost at Ein Gedi on the Dead Sea. See Hans J. Polotsky, "The Greek Papyri from the Cave of the Letters," lEJ 12 (1962): 259; John C. Mann, "A Note on an Inscription from Kurnub," lEJ 19 (1969): 211-13; Yigael Yadin, Bar Kochba: the Rediscovery of the Legendary Hero of the Last Jewish Revolt against Imperial Rome (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1971), 239-40. 25 Michael P. Speidel, "A Tide Stamp of Cohors I Thracum Milliaria from Hebron/Palestine," Z P ^ 35 (1979): 170-72. See also Smallwood, The Jews, 422, n. 136; Benjamin Isaac and Aharon Oppenheimer, "The Revolt of Bar-Kochba:

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that the Ala Antiana,

too — a unit o f the R o m a n auxilia

consisting

entirely o f cavalry — m a y have been in J u d a e a in Trajan's days, since it was sent from Syria to Scythopolis or to someplace in close proximity to it at s o m e point benveen 88 and 139. T h e r e is, however, no way to rule out the possibility that it arrived later, to fight against the forces o f Bar K o c h b a / 6 The End of His

Mission

Quietus d i d not remain long in Judaea. F r o m the Scriptores Augustae 117,

Historiae

we learn that immediately after his election, in August o f

Hadrian "deprived Lusius Quietus

o f the c o m m a n d o f the

M o o r i s h tribesmen, who were serving under him,^^ and then dismissed h i m from the army, because he had fallen under the suspicion o f having designs on the throne" {Hadr,

5, 8 ) . T h i s statement is to be

interpreted in the context o f Hadrian's election to the throne, when at R o m e there was widespread opposition to the idea o f H a d r i a n bec o m i n g Trajan's successor. A letter from Attianus urged rapid and ruthless action. T h r e e m e n were named. I f the C i t y Prefect, Baebius Macer, seemed likely to resist confirming Hadrian's nomination, he should be killed; likewise two prominent exiles, Laberius M a x i m u s , Ideology and Modem Scholarship," ^ . S 36 (1985): 51, n. 76 and Spaul, Cohors, 359-60. 2^ Last and Stein observe that between 88 and 139, the region witnessed several periods of military activity: one would be the doubling of Judaea's legionary strength in or before 120 C E when the province was elevated to consular status. The alternative would be that Ala Antiana arrived in Judaea to suppress the Bar Kochba revolt: Rosa Last and Alia Stein, ''Ala Antiana in Scythopolis. A New Inscripdon from Beth-Shean," ZPE 81 (1990): 224-28. O n the auxilia in Judaea in the second century CE, see also David J. Knight, "A Study of the Strength, Organizadon and Disposidon of the Auxilia of the Roman Imperial Army During the Second Century A . D . " (Ph.D. diss. University of Leeds, 1987), 142-45. As for the Coh. I Thehaeorum and the Coh. I Hispanorum, we know that they were sent from Egypt to Judaea in 105, but we have no subsequent information about them. See Sergio Daris, "Le truppe ausiliarie romane in Egitto," ANRW II, 10, 1, 747. Wheeler suggests that "a coin of Arados and a Domitianic issue thought to be from Samarian Neapolis, both countermarked by the legio XV Apollinaris {LXV), attest the activity of a vexillatio in Phoencia or Palestine in 115-117 — probably in logistical support of operations elsewhere or in response to Jewish unrest: Wheeler, "Legio X V Apollinaris," 291 and 291, n. 191. 2^ Within weeks, this treatment and indignadon at it among their fellow-countrymen appear to have led to open revolt in Mauretania. See Biriey, Hadrian, 79.

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the disgruntled former marshall, alleged to have aspired to the throne, and Crassus Frugi, who had plotted against Nerva as well as Trajan, both languishing on islands. Moreover, as the SHA claim, there was a widespread belief that Trajan had intended to make Neratius Priscus and not Hadrian his successor. Lusius Quietus was regarded as a barbarian, and besides must have been an old m a n now. B u t Hadrian and he were enemies. T h e fear that Quietus might lend his support to a rival might well have seemed serious enough in the summer o f 1 \7}^ According to Biriey, the letter o f dismissal was presumably conveyed by Quietus' successor, probably one o f the men serving with Hadrian in Syria, but there m a y have been an acting governor. If a papyrus quoted by Polemo refers to Quietus — which, however, is by no means certain — it would indicate that after being deprived o f his task. Quietus was placed in some sort o f custody in Hadrian's vicinity. R u m o r s about a conspiracy were spread some time later, while Hadrian was en route to R o m e , sometime between the spring and the summer o f 118:^^ "A plot to murder him while sacrificing was made by Nigrinus, with Lusius and a number o f others as accomplices... but Hadrian successftally evaded this plot. Because o f this conspiracy Palma was put to death at Tarracina, Celsus at Baiae, Nigrinus at Faventia, and Lusius on his journey homeward, all by order o f the senate, but contrary to the wish o f Hadrian, as he says himself in his autobiography" {SHA, Hadr. 7, 1-2). T h e historicity o f this conspiracy is impossible to substantiate,^^ just as it is impossible to prove the existence o f a connection between 28 Biriey, Hadrian, 79. 29 Biriey notes that at about this time the procurator Claudius Paternus Clementianus, a man from Raetia, replaced an unnamed legate of Judaea, and suggests that it might have been Quietus in 117: Biriey, Hadrian, 79. See Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. Ein Reitergeneral," 216, n. 3. ^1 The conspiracy against Hadrian is mentioned in the SHA {Hadr. VI, 6-8) immediately after the revolt of the Sarmathians which took place in the spring of 118 and before the arrival of Hadrian to Rome in July. See Benario, A Commentary, 69. ^2 It is defended by Michael Meckler, "The Beginning of the Historia Augusta,'' Historia 45 (1996): 370 and by Biriey, Hadrian, 75. Syme, however, recommends prudence: "Conspiracy was the charge, ill authenticated, and a decree of the senate enjoined or sanctioned their fate — against the wishes of Hadrian, or so he asserted

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the four consulars condemned to death.^^ D / X observes: " H a d r i a n . . . w a s . . . severely criticized for slaying several o f the best men in the beginning o f his reign... T h o s e who were slain...were Palma and Celsus, Nigrinus and Lusius, the first two for the alleged reason that they had conspired against him during a hunt, and the others on certain other complaints,^^ but in reality because they had great influence and enjoyed wealth and fame" (LXIX, 2 , 5). In another passage, too, D / X argues that Lusius Quietus "advanced so far in bravery and g o o d fortune...that he was enrolled a m o n g the ex-praetors, became consul, and then governor o f Palestine. To this chiefly were due the jealousy and hatred felt for him and his destruction" (LXVIII, 3 2 , 5, ExcVal. 290). Biriey suggests that something may have happened, which — perhaps only later — could be construed as an abortive assassination attempt. If Nigrinus plotted — or could plausibly be alleged to have plotted — to kill Hadrian, his real motive and that o f his supposed fellow-conspirators might have been deep resentment at the aband o n m e n t o f Trajans conquests. In any case, the account o f the SHA reflects the official version, designed to show that all four acted from unworthy personal motives, while it may be more plausible to postulate that they all opposed Hadrians policy shift.^^

in his autobiography (Hadr. 7, 2). Action having been taken in haste or error, it was desirable to find a scapegoat. The evidence is far from establishing a conspiracy"; Ronald Syme, "Guard Prefects of Trajan and Hadrian,"//?5 70 (1980), repr. in Roman Papers vol 3 (ed. A.R. Biriey: Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984): 1281. See also Ronald Syme, "More Trouble about Turbo," Bonner Historia Augusta Colloquium 1979/81 (Bonn: Rudolf Habelt Verlag, 1983), 307. From the SHA {Hadr. 9, 3) we also learn that towards the end of his reign Hadrian refrained from killing one of those responsible for Quietus' death, Atdan, for fear of a scandal: "unable to endure the power of Attianus, his prefect and formerly his guardian, he was eager to murder him. He was restrained, however, by the knowledge that he already laboured under the odium of murdering four men of consular rank, although, as a matter of fact, he always attributed their execution to the designs of Attianus." See Biriey, Hadrian, 87-88. See Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. Ein Reitergeneral," 216-17. Petersen suggests that it was Quietus' position as legatus Augusti and his command of personal military forces that had made him dangerous to Hadrian (Petersen, "Lusius Quietus. Ein Reitergeneral," 216). ^5 Biriey, Hadrian, 87-88.

JUDAEA

227

Quietus' governorship in Judaea, therefore, lasted for an extremely short time, a fev^ months only, from the beginning or spring o f 117 until August o f the same year.^^ Diffuse bits o f information preserved by a number o f sources — admittedly often ambiguous, vague, and o f controversial interpretation — suggest that s o m e kind o f clash took place in Judaea during this period. T H E T E S T I M O N Y OF T H E SOURCES Archaeology

In the excavations at Jaffa, a public building was found where numerous signs o f burning and soot seen on the cellar floor and on the surrounding walls were apparently the result o f the destruction o f the building by fire. Examination o f the finds^^ led Kaplan to conclude that the building was destroyed by fire in Trajan's days.^^ Smallwood observes that the fire could have been accidental, but the discovery there o f a tile o f the legio XFretensis would suggest that "violence occurred requiring the presence o f at least part o f the legion,"^^ an interpretation rejected by Ayaso-Martinez, who argues that the finding o f this tile may be accidental and carry no meaning whatsoever. Coins

A number o f coins were issued at Tiberias in 1 1 9 / 2 0 : one represents N i k e , the goddess o f victory, carrying a palm-branch and a wreath to Werner Eck, "Jahres-und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/139," Chiron 12 (1982): 359-61 and idem, "Jahres-und Provinzialfasten der senatorischen Statthalter von 69/70 bis 138/139," Chiron 13 (1983): 148. These findings consist of much pottery, stone objects, a bronze jug and a hoard of bronze and silver coins, including three Greek inscripdons mentioning a Jewish agoranomos Yehuda in office at Jaffa in 102 C E . ^« Jacob Kaplan, "The Fifth Season of Excavation at J a f f a , " 5 4 (1963/4): 111; idem, "Evidence of the Trajanic Period at Jaffa," (Hebr.) Eretz Israel 15 (1981) (Yohanan Aharoni Memorial Volume: ed. B. Mazar: Jerusalem: Published by the Israel Exploration Society in cooperation with the Institute of Archaeology, Tel Aviv University, 1981): 412-16. 39 Smallwood, The Jews, 423. Ayaso-Martinez, Judaea Capta, 63.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

crown the victor.^^ According to Smallwood, it m a y refer to the successful R o m a n military action against the Jews,^^ but o f course this interpretation is in no way conclusive. Another coin was issued at Tiberias at the same time, portraying Zeus seated in a tetrastyle temple,^^ probably the Hadrianeion built at Tiberias in Hadrians honor in 1 1 9 / 2 0 , attested by Epiphanius. Jones suggests interpreting the coin as meaning that Hadrian disenfranchised the Jewish and Samaritan aristocracies that had hitherto ruled the Galilean cities where the coins have been found, namely Tiberias, Neapolis and Sepphoris, and entrusted their government to pagans,^"^ a measure which is interpreted in various ways in modern scholarship.^^ More meaningful is the cessadon of Jewish minting at Sepphoris. Here, in Trajans days was attested a mint striking coins that one might call "Jewish-Roman," in which one side was devoted to the R o m a n emperor, while the other depicted Jewish symbols: laurel wreaths, palm trees, and the caduceus. N o t only are these coins characterized by Jewish symbols that distinguish them from the other city coins of Judaea, but, also, they bear another outstanding and unusual phenomArie Kindler, The Coins of Tiberias (Tiberias: Hamei Tiberia Co., 1961), 8b, pp. 39-40. Smallwood, "Palesdne," 507. Kindler, The Coins of Tiberias, 7b, p. 39. Arnold H.M. Jones, "The Urbanization of Palestine,"/^^ 21 (1931): 82 and idem. The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (revised by M. Avi-Yonah et alii, 2"^ ed.: Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 278. See also Isaac and Roll, "Judaea," 63. Oppenheimer suggests that it may have contributed to the arousal of ill will among the Jews: Oppenheimer, "The Jewish Community in Galilee," 185; idem, Galilee in the Mishnaic Period (Hebr.) (Jerusalem: Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish History, 1991), 34-35. See also Isaac and Roll, "Judaea," 64. Schafer, on the other hand, maintains that we possess no concrete evidence that the erection of the Hadrianeia in Caesarea and Tiberias and the striking of pagan coins were carried out against the will of the Jewish populadon and despite their resistance, and suggests that these testimonies are rather to be seen as indications of an increasing adoption by assimilated Jewish circles of the Hellenization propagated by Hadrian (Schafer, "Hadrians Policy," 287, 296). In a private communication, Stemberger was kind enough to point out to me that Epiphanius' statement that the building of the Hadrianeion at Tiberias was never finished and that the citizens of Tiberias wanted to transform it into a public bath has to be taken into consideration along with the rabbinic texts which speak explicitly of Jewish bouleutai at Sepphoris and probably at Tiberias. It therefore appears that even if Tiberias and Sepphoris were entrusted to a pagan government, this measure would have had to be revoked rather soon.

JUDAEA

229

enon, an inscription around the head of Trajan — T P A I A N O S A Y T O K P A T f l P E A O K E N . Meshorer points out that the expression E A O K E N , meaning "gave" or "permitted," is exclusive to these coins o f Sepphoris and m a y be interpreted as reflecting positive relations between the municipality o f Sepphoris and the R o m a n authorities, which enabled the people o f Sepphoris to mint almost "real" Jewish coins, which is remarkable in view of the fact that other cities, such as Caesarea and Tiberias, had coinages depicting only pagan symbols.^^ In these centers, the minting o f coins continues in H a d r i a n s day, but at Sepphoris it stops abruptly. Against those scholars who connect this cessation o f minting with the Bar Kochba rebellion, Meshorer points out that between the death o f Trajan in 117 and the Bar Kochba revolt some fifteen years elapsed, during which not a single coin was minted for Hadrian in Sepphoris. T h i s fact surely calls for an explanation, which Meshorer identifies with Jewish unrest at the end o f Trajans days or at the very beginning o f Hadrians reign.^^ Unfortunately, we have no means to know what may have transpired at Sepphoris, but the possibility has been pointed out by Meshorer that after the destruction o f the Temple, in 7 0 , the population o f Sepphoris was a combination o f the older generation, namely, the "peace people" who had opened the gates o f the city to the Romans during the Jewish War against R o m e , and new elements, more extreme and nationalistic, who nurtured feelings of frustration after the destruction o f Jerusalem and included the very people who prepared the background that led to the Bar Kochba war.^^ Concerning the meaning and purposes of Roman coinage, Sutherland observes: "The Roman world was not blind to the desirability of government both efficient and ethical. Coin types could at least help to tell people if they were getting it, for they were statements of self-justification which could be judged against an independent knowledge of facts. The emperors did not write history themselves, but they did see to it that..."two or three words" were produced on some millions of coins, with types to match": Carol H.V. Sutherland, "The Purpose of Roman Imperial Coin Types," RN 25 (1983): 82. See also Christopher T.H.R. Ehrhardt, "Roman Coin Types and the Roman P u b l i c , " 3 4 (1984): 41-54. Yaakov Meshorer, "Sepphoris and Rome," in Greek Numismatics and Archeology. Essays in honor of Margaret Thompson (ed. O. Morkholm and N . M . Waggoner: Wetteren, Belgium: fiditions NR, 1979), 163-65. One might be tempted to relate the cessadon of minting at Sepphoris with a passage from the rabbinic tradition attesting to "times of danger" at Sepphoris, but see below, pp. 243-44. See Meshorer, "Sepphoris and Rome," 163.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

Inscriptions

A dedicatory inscription, perhaps o f an altar, found in secondary use in the Turkish wall east o f Zion Gate, at Jerusalem, which calls Trajan Parthicus, lute et Victoria

records a dedication to [I]ovi

O.M. Sarapidi

by a detachment o f the legio III

pro sa-

Cyrenaica^"^

This

means that at some point after the end o f February 116, when the title Parthicus was conferred to Trajan,^^ a n d before August 1 1 7 , when Trajan died, a detachment o f the legio III Cyrenaica

was sta-

tioned in Judaea. As for the meaning o f the "victory" mentioned in the inscription, it probably refers to the Parthian war, but scholars are also found w h o relate it to a repression o f disorder that m a y have taken place in Judaea. T h e presence o f this detachment in Jerusalem m a y be interpreted in a variety o f ways. It m a y have c o m e simply to replace the X Fretensis, which had been sent to the Parthian front,^^ but it is also impossible to rule out the possibility that it had been an emergency in loco that prompted the decision o f transferring the detachment to Jerusalem. It has also been regarded as meaningful that the inscription was dedicated to Sarapis, the Greek representation o f the Egyptian g o d Osiris-Apis, later called Serapis, which h a d from its very beginning during the Ptolemaic period unmistakably political overtones. M a n e tho, whose writings constitute the first literary testimony against the Jews,^^ had been a priest o f Sarapis. Later, Sarapis assumed the role o f ^9 [IJovi O(ptimo) M(aximo) Sarapidi I pro salute et Victoria I imp(eratoris) Nervae Traiani Caesaris I optumi Aug(usti) Germanici Dacici / Parthici et populi Romani I vexill(atio) leg(ionis) III Cyr(enaicae) fecit (ILS 4393). For the possibility that this detachment arnved with Quietus, see Abel, Histoire de la Palestine, 63. 5^ See above, p. 213. ^1 This detachment was sent to Judaea from the Parthian front, where it was active since Hadrian, while assembling a substantial army at Antioch in 114, moved it from Bostra in Arabia. See Bennet, Trajan, 191. ^2 See for example Pareti, Storia di Roma, 204, n. 3. ^3 See Menahem Mor, "The Roman Army in Eretz Israel in the Years A.D. 70132," in The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East, vol. 2 (ed. P. Freeman and D. Kennedy: Oxford: BAR International Series 297, 1986), 589, n. 15 and AyasoMartinez,/«/^^^ Capta, 6 1 . See Alon, The Jews, vol. 2, 416-17; Applebaum, and Greeks, 3 0 1 ; Shatzman, "Armed Confrontation," 324. 55 See above, pp. 127, 132.

JUDAEA

231

protector o f the city o f Alexandria, and G a g e believes that the activities o f the Alexandrian Sarapeum played a part in the periodical outbreaks o f conflict between the Jews and the Greeks o f Alexandria. T h e lively hostility o f the Jews against this deity finds literary expression both in works written in Egypt, such as the Oracula Sibyllina^'^ and in the rabbinic literature composed later in Judaea.^^ Firpo suggests that this dedication to Sarapis by the detachment o f the legio III Cyrenaica

may have contributed to exacerbating the feel-

ings o f the Jews, stirring up some kind o f unrest.^^ T H E LITERARY T E S T I M O N Y Hippolytus

A legion brought to Judaea by a certain Traianus Quintus (clearly a conflation o f the name Quietus with that o f the emperor who had sent him to Judaea) is mentioned by Hippolytus, a schismatic Pope o f the early third century C E , while commenting u p o n M a t t . 2 4 : 1 5 2 2 . T h i s passage is preserved in a Syriac commentary to the Apocalypse by Dionysius Bar-Salibi, a twelfth-century bishop o f the Syrian Jacobite C h u r c h : "Vespasian did not erect an idol in the Temple, but the legion brought by Trajanus Quintus, the first m a n o f the R o mans, did erect an idol there, called K o r e . "

Gage, "Uempereur romain devant Sarapis," 145-66. 5^ No wonder therefore that it was Sarapis the deity brought to Rome to represent and protect the Greek delegation that had come along with the Jewish one to Rome to appear before Trajan: see CPJU 157, col. Ill, 11. 51-53. See also Vincent Tran Tam Tinh, "Les empereurs romains versus Isis, Sarapis," in Subject and Ruler: The Cult of the Ruling Power in Classical Antiquity: Papers Presented at a Conference Held in the University of Alberta on April 13-15, 1994, to Celebrate the 65^^ Anniversary of Duncan Fishwick (ed. A.M. Small: Ann Arbor (Mich.): Journal of Roman Archaeology 1996), 215-30. See also above, p. 135. ^8 See the bibliography quoted in Pucci Ben Zeev, "Greek Attacks," 47-48. 59 Firpo, "L'uldma fase," 248-49, n. 27. See above, p. 83. Alon relates this passage to a Jewish source according to which "on the seventh of Tammuz.. .Apostomus burned the Torah and set up an image in the Sanctuary" and suggests that this Apostomus might have been an officer of Quietus' headquarters command: Alon, The Jews, 418-20 (but see also pp. 418-19 on other possible interpretations of this passage). A connecdon of the passage of Hippolytus with the dedicadon to Sarapis mendoned in ILS 4393, sug-

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

A p p l e b a u m suggests that the erection o f this image m a y have been meant to reaffirm the pagan character o f the city,^^ and that this, along with the dedication to Sarapis by a detachment o f the legio III Cyrenaica,^^

can only have exacerbated the Jews' sensitivities. T h i s

view is shared by Ayaso-Martinez, a n d it is notable that the testim o n y o f Hippolytus is the only source o n what transpired in J u d a e a at the time that seems to be regarded as meaningful by this scholar, one o f the m o s t skeptical a m o n g contemporary scholars about the existence o f a rebellion in Judaea.^^ The Scriptores

Historiae

According to the SHA,

Augustae at the very beginning o f Hadrian's reign, in

August o f 1 1 7 , Aegyptus Palaestina

rebelles animos

seditionibus efferebant

urgebatur,

{Hadr,

Libya

denique

ac

5, 2).

T h e question is whether this statement can be taken at face value. Its reliability is denied by G o l a n , who observes that it cannot stand as independent historical evidence,^^ and, in fact, this passage does not show up in the list o f the passages o f the Vita Hadriani

recog-

nized by Barnes as attesting to "factual history. "^^

gested by Groag and by Applebaum, is rejected by Smallwood {The Jews, All), See also Shatzman, "Armed Confrontation," 324. ^1 Simon Applebaum, "Notes on the Jewish Revolt under Trajan," ^ 5 2 (19501): 29. ^2 715 4393. See above, pp. 230-31. ^3 "La mayorfa de la investigacion ha insistido en la identificaci6n Trajano Quinto=Lusio Quieto. He de reconocer que esta suposici6n puede ser del todo correcta... Podemos concluir con G. Alon que, si la noticia es del todo cierta, tal profanacidn pudo crear un estado de crispaci6n...": A y a s o - M a r t i n e z , C a p t a , 62-63. "We read that Hadrian on taking possession of the imperial power, at once resumed the policy of the early emperors, and devoted his attention to maintaining peace throughout the world' {Hadr. 5, 1). What remains — the implied meaning that instead of hoping for the better from the new emperor who had proclaimed a policy of tenendae pact — depicts the Jews as lacking any sense of polidcal wisdom behaving short-sightedly and hot-headedly, starting a new rebellion destined to become hopeless and almost suicidal. This stereotype of *the curious Jews' certainly assured the educated reader a kind of cultural entertainment": David Golan, ''Judaei in the Scriptores Historiae Augustae,'' Latomus Al (1988): 335-36. ^5 The Tactual content' of the Historia Augusta concerning Hadrian's days is dealt with by Barnes, The Sources, 33-34.

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233

It appears, however, that this piece o f information cannot be easily dismissed. First o f all, the basic sources used by the SHA for the lives o f the emperors from Hadrian to Caracalla — Marius M a x i m u s and an unknown biographer^^ — seem to have been excellent, as Syme points out.^^ Moreover, in the case o f Egypt, the piece o f information provided by this passage o f the SHA fits well with the testimony of the papyri, which attest that the last battles between Jews and R o mans were being fought in the summer o f 117. By August, it appears that matters were almost settled, since immediately afi:er he was proclaimed emperor, even before he went to Seleucia to see the remains o f Trajan a n d to have them sent to Rome,^^ Hadrian removed the general Marcius Turbo from Egypt, where he had been successfiil in repressing the Jewish uprising, and sent h i m to Mauretania.^^ M i n o r episodes, however, m a y have occurred also after the election o f Hadrian and after Turbo left the country, since the papyrological evidence suggests September or October 1 1 7 as the terminus ante quem for the definite end o f the fighting in all the districts o f Egypt, therefore confirming the testimony o f the SHA that at the beginning o f H a d r i a n s reign Aegyptus

seditionibus

urgebatur.

O n e wonders whether the same m a y be true concerning Judaea. O n the one hand, the removal o f Lusius Quietus, known for his brilSyme calls him "Ignotus", and suggests identifying him with a Roman knight living in the reigns of Macrinus and Elagabalus who composed separate biographies of Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian and others. As for Marius Maximus, he was a senator, a general of Septimius Severus, praefectus urbi in 217/8 and consul for the second time in 223. He wrote after March 222 and devoted separate biographies to Nerva, Trajan, Hadrian and others. See Ronald Syme, Emperors and Biography: Studies in the Historia Augusta (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1971), 124-28; Timothy D. Barnes, The Sources of the Historia Augusta (Bruxelles: Latomus, 1978), 98-107; Ronald Syme, Historia Augusta Papers (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), 33. For a different view on the sources used by the SHA, see Gaden, "Structure et portee historique," 130. Syme, Emperors and Biography, 270. For a positive judgment on the accuracy and historical soundness of the Vita Hadriani, see Meckler, "The Beginning," 375. ^« SHA, Hadr, 5, 8-9. ^9 Marcio Turbone ludaeis compressis ad deprimendum tumultum Mauretaniae destinato-. SHA 5, 8. The command of Marcius Turbo, too, seems to have been anomalous: see Syme, "More Trouble," 307. '^^ See above, pp. 153-55. Biriey, too, observes that by this time Marcius Turbo had virtually crushed the rebels in Egypt and the Cyrenaica, even if some fighting sdll ensued (Biriey, Hadrian, 80).

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

liant activities against the Jews, from his governorship o f the country'^^ w o u l d suggest that the situation was considered safe enough from the R o m a n point o f view, as Schafer points out,^^ but o f course this does not exclude the possibility o f continued minor

distur-

bances. All in all, this passage — animos

efferebant

Libya

denique

ac Palaestina

rebelles

— m a y well be construed as meaning that the "re-

bellious frame o f m i n d " was not a new or sudden outburst,^^ but rather a continuation o f an o n g o i n g situation, as would also be indicated by the use o f the imperfect tense.^^ In this case, the sources used by the SHA^'^ m a y have wished to emphasize the difficulties o f the situation that H a d r i a n had to cope with in order to stress the value o f his accomplishments."^^ Rabbinic

Sources

A war called 'War o f Qitos'

OI^VlD) is mentioned by sev-

eral Rabbinic sources. T h e historical value o f these sources is often questioned by m o d ern scholarship on three main grounds: they were transmitted orally for a long time before they were p u t in writing, they were often Benario suggests that "the new emperor may have felt that a general as cruel and effective as Lusius in the extirpation of enemies (see the sources quoted by Petersen, 'Lusius Quietus,' 113, no. 439 on his ruthless behavior against the Dacians during the first Dacian war) had no role to play in his foreign policy, one of retrenchment and, where possible, peaceful relations" (Benario, A Commentary, 65). Schafer observes: "Why would Hadrian have deposed the governor of Judaea at a time when Judaea remained a hotbed of unrest? The recalling and execution of Lusius Quietus naturally had inner polidcal motivations, but they would have come at a very inopportune time had Judaea indeed found itself on the brink of open revolt" (Schafer, "Hadrians Policy in Judaea," 286). ^3 As I suggested in my La rivolta, \1\'31. See Mommsen, Romische Geschichte, vol. 5, 544 and Smallwood, The Jews, 421. A similar meaning may also be attached to a passage of Eusebius' Chronicon translated by Hieronymus: Hadrianus Judaeos capit secundo contra Romanos rebellantes (Hieron., CCXXIIII Olymp, ed. Helm, 197). See above, p. 155. ^5 See above, p. 233. See also Therese Liebmann-Frankfort, "Les Juifs dans 1' Histoire Auguste," Latomus 33 (1974): 582. In the Vita Hadriani, Syme, too, notices "Hadrian's anxiety to abate the odium consequent on the execution of the four marshals" and "traces of apologia (Hadrian had much to explain away)" (Syme, Emperors and Biography, respectively, 113-14 and 124).

JUDAEA

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chronologically removed from the events dealt with and, finally, they display ahistorical character and p u r p o s e s / ^ T h e measure o f factual reality reflected in these sources is certainly not easy to define. T h e passing o f time leads to a blurring o f clarity, oral m e m o r y is treacherous^^ and m a y be " u p d a t e d " under the influence o f later developments,'^^ and, moreover, the very passage o f a literary work from exclusively oral to written/oral transmission is profoundly transformative, since the writing d o w n o f originally oral teachings m a y shift context in m o r e than one way. In whatever d o c u m e n t rabbinic traditions find their written h o m e , scholars argue, the choice o f a precise context for quotation is probably rarely that o f the "original" speaker or later tradent. It is, instead, ultimately the decision o f the "redactor" o f the d o c u m e n t , which means that the transmission process m a y have been accompanied by distortions and developments. For these reasons, scholars can be found w h o argue that rabbinic sources should not be used for historical reconstructions.^^ '^'^ An active historiographical undertaking was simply beyond the scope of the rabbinic agenda. "The Sages were ahistorical," Herr notes, "and in their world there was no question as boring and as meaningless as that regarding the need and use of describing what really happened": Moshe D. Herr, "The Conception of History among the Sages," (Hebr.) Proceedings of the Sixth World Congress of Jewish Studies 3 (1977), 142. Gafni, too, points out that the Rabbis did take notice of shifts in historical reality, but only when such comparisons provided some contribution toward an understanding of their own situation. The past thereby emerges as a way of defining or categorizing the present. When the sages take up the issue of historical periodization, it is primarily within the context of Biblical interpretation or eschatological considerations, rather than a detached study of the past for the purpose of knowing "what happened": Isaiah M. Gafni, "Concepts of Periodization and Causality in Talmudic Literature,"/// 10 (1996): 34. As Momigliano puts it, "history had nothing to explain and little to reveal to the man who meditated the Law day and night": Arnaldo Momigliano, "Persian Historiography, Greek Historiography, and Jewish Historiography," in The Classical Foundations of Modern Historiography ( S C L V, 54, ed. A. Momigliano: Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 23. ^8 Scholars emphasize that the many variations in tradition from one record to another are meaningftil because it is in the nature of an oral tradition that teachings change from one recitation to the next. ^9 Manual copying, too, is, by its nature, fraught with problems and imperfections. Eyes skip, hands slip, short-term memories fail: one sees on the page what one has been prejudiced to see, and one often copies the version of one's memory, not the version on the page. 8® Neusner argues that "it is very difficult to build a bridge from the tradition to

236

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

T h i s conclusion, however, seems somehow exaggerated, and a statement o f Sir R o n a l d S y m e m a y be recalled here concerning another problematic source, the work o f the Scriptores

Historiae

Augustae:

" S o u r c e criticism carries a n u m b e r o f hazards. It m a y be pursued with i n h u m a n rigour, and it m a y issue in sterility or extravagance."^^ Moreover, narratives whose concerns are fundamentally non-historical d o lend themselves to analysis in historical terms,

a n d it m a y be

precisely because the rabbinic sources are not history books that their remarks concerning historical details m a y be regarded as being o f particular value, since they are usually recorded incidentally, casually, and in passing.^^ Even those cases in which rabbinic sources d o not present reality but rather its image in the eyes o f the sage are highly valuable for the m o d e r n historian, inasmuch as they witness the long-term impact o f events on Jewish consciousness, the subjective Jewish experience and m e m o r y o f e v e n t s . A s Stemberger convinc-

the event, still more difficult to cross that bridge": Jacob Neusner, "Rabbinic Sources for Historical Study: A Debate with Ze ev Safrai," in Where We Stand: Issues and Debates in Ancient Judaism (ed. J. Neusner and A.J. Avery-Peck: Vol. Ill, 1 of Judaism in Late Antiquity, ed. J. Neusner: Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1999), 139-40. "In order to use the evidence of a Rabbinic text for history," Kraemer observes, "one would have to correct for errors and changes and recover the original' written record. One would then have to correct for changes in context and meaning that accompanied the reduction of the evidence to writing; one would have to reconstruct the pre-written oral version. One would then have to correct for all the (often) many changes that transformed the evidence from the time of its first articulation to its last oral repetition. If one could recover that original,' one could then commence with the act of interpretation, but such a recovery is virtually impossible. ...Rabbinic sources for historical study? Barely": David Kraemer, "Rabbinic Sources for Historical Studies," in Where We Stand, 205, 212. 8^ Syme, Historia Augusta Papers, 30. 82 See Richard Kalmin, "Rabbinic Literature of Late Antiquity as a Source for Historical Studies," in Where We Stand, 187. 83 See Louis H. Feldman, "Rabbinic Sources for Historical Studies," in Where We Stand, 215. 8^ Safrai raises the case of the account of the destruction of three Galilean towns — Migdal, Cabul and Shihin — during the war of 66-70, provided by an anonymous Amora. "The description is embellished, but clearly stems from widespread memories of settlements that had been destroyed. These recollections, however faded, reflect the accepted historical memory at some point in the third and fourth century. The memory was undoubtedly dimmed, exaggerated and distorted, but why should it be doubted?" (Ze'ev Safrai, "Rabbinic Sources as Historical. A Response to Professor Neusner," in: Where We Stand, 145-47).

JUDAEA

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ingly points out, it would be the greatest damage to the history o f J u d a i s m if the rabbinic texts were neglected altogether in the historical enterprise. Concerning the events transpiring in Judaea in Trajans days, two sources belonging to the early stage o f rabbinic literature tell us o f a war which they call the "War o f Qitos" (OID^ VtT 01»VlD). O n e is Seder

Olam

Rabbah,

one the few works o f rabbinic literature to dis-

play a kind o f historical interest,^^ which is ascribed by the Palestinian amora R. Johanan, o f the third century, to the second century tanna Yose b. Halafta. T h e basic core o f the work, Milikowsky points out, probably existed already before R. Yose's time, but he probably added to it, giving it the shape it has today, and transmitted it.^^ Here we read: " F r o m the war o f Vespasian until the war o f Qitos^^ was twenty four years; from the war o f Qitos until the war o f Ben Kozibah was sixteen years; and the war o f Ben Kozibah was two and a half years, fifty-two years after the destruction o f the T e m p l e " {Seder

Olam

Rabbah

30).

T h e lack o f chronological precision is striking but not surprising in a source like this, which compresses the Persian period to no more than 3 4 years.^^ O n e o f the chronological details, however, seems to correspond somehow to historical reality. T h e war o f Qitos is said to 85 See Gunter Stemberger, "Rabbinic Sources for Historical Studies," in Where We Stand, 185-86. 8^ Whether Seder Olam may be regarded as an example of Jewish historiographic literature, however, is highly doubtful. Scholars define it a "chronographical midrash" or a "midrashic chronography" attempting at the synchronization of biblical events, with little interest in what transpired in the post-biblical period. In fact, the biblical period takes up filly 9 8 % of the work, while the centuries from the days of Ezra and Nehemiah to the Bar Kochba war constitute barely 2 % of the book. What we do find here would be chronography at best, rather than any attempt at a causal interpretadon of polidcal vicissitudes. See Herr, "The Conception of History," 135; Gafni, "Concepts of Periodizadon," 22-24; Chaim J. Milikowsky, ''Seder 'Olam and Jewish Chronography in the Hellenistic and Roman Periods," A 4 / / ? 5 2 (1985): 117. 8^ See Milikowsky, "Seder Olam: A Rabbinic Chronography," vol.1 (Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1981), 16-17 and idem, "Seder 'Olam and Jewish Chronography," 124. 88 On the different spellings — Qitos, Qitas, Titus — in the various manuscripts, see Milikowsky, "Seder Olam," 441-42. 89 On the confusions, alterations and adaptations of the historical fact in these sources, see Ayaso-Martfnez, Judaea Capta, 58.

238

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

have taken place sixteen years before that o f Bar Kochba, and if we start from the beginning o f the war, in 1 3 2 , we have 132 minus 16 = 116. It m a y also be meaningful in this context to recall that the 52"^ year "after the Great War" (starting from the beginning o f the war, we would have 6 6 + 5 2 = 1 1 8 ) is also recorded as a year o f troubles (related to the fall o f Bethar)^^ in a passage o f Lamentations

Rabbah,

one

o f the early midrashim edited in the land o f Israel, probably in the fifth century, which seemingly includes earlier material.^^ T h e "War o f Qitos" is not mentioned only in the Seder Mishnah

Olam,

In

Sotah 9 : 1 4 , too, the same war is recorded between the war

o f Vespasian and that o f Bar K o c h b a : " D u r i n g the war o f Vespasian they forbade the crowns o f the bridegroom and the [wedding] d r u m . D u r i n g the war o f Quietus^^ they forbade the crowns o f the brides and that a m a n should teach his son Greek.^^ In the last war they forbade the bride to go forth in a litter inside the city; but our R a b bis permitted the bride to go forth in a litter inside the city." Details and context are so different in Seder the Mishnah

Olam

Rabbah

and in

that the possibility o f an interdependence between the

two passages can be excluded. T h e Mishnah

and Seder Olam

Rabbah,

therefore, m a y be regarded as two independent sources attesting that "Bethar enjoyed fifty-two years of peace" {Lament. Rabbah II, 2, 4). Smallwood construes this passage as meaning that the disturbances that led to the ultimate destruction of Bethar began fifty-two years after the fall of Jerusalem ("Palestine," 503, note 10; The Jews, 425). Hasan-Rokem emphasizes the existence of earlier fragments; later material was apparently added to it in the course of the various transmutadons of this work: Galit Hasan-Rokem, Web of Life: Folklore and Midrash in Rabbinic Literature (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000), 8 and 205, n. 16. ^2 This name is 01i:*'t> in M S Paris 328/29, n c p in M S Oxford 2657,2 and 01^7 in Genizah Fragment O R 1080 Box 4,55 00''[p]; Genizah Fragment Oxford 2850,51-52 Genizah Fragment Leningrad Antonin 267 [t]Viy', M S Cambridge 470,1 DD7; M S Kaufman Budapest A50 Woy. Derenbourg interprets the ban against the use of Greek as meaning that the struggle had been one against the prevailing Hellenism (Derenbourg, Essai sur Vhistoire, 405-406), while Schlatter suggests that this ban means rather that there had been ties between the Jews of Judaea and those of Alexandria, who were well versed in Greek studies, and who had encouraged their brothers in the land of Israel to assist them in the war (Schlatter, Die Tage Trajans, 91). See Elimelech E. Halevy, "Concerning the Ban on Greek Wisdom" (Hebr.), TarbizAl (1971/2): 269-74.

JUDAEA

239

a "War o f Qitos" took place between the war o f Vespasian and that o f Bar Kochba. T h e question is with which war can this 01D"'p OI^VlD be identified. Ayaso-Martinez argues that no geographical implications should be assumed here since the Mishnah is not indifferent to what happened to the Jews outside Judaea but, on the contrary, it provides m u c h information o n details and legal problems o f the diaspora communities. According to this scholar, what we find here would be simply an echo o f such tragic events as those that took place in Libya, Egypt and Mesopotamia. In this case, the "War o f Qitos" would not have a geographical component at all.^^ M o s t scholars, however, d o look for a geographical context. Derenbourg, Schurer, a n d recently G o o d m a n maintain that it was the war that took place in M e s o p o t a m i a , where Quietus had been active against the Jews.^^ Rokeah, on the other hand, suggests that this "Qitos" m a y be Quintus Marcius Turbo, Trajans general charged with the repression o f the Jews in Egypt. In this case, this war would have taken place in Egypt, a n d the ban o n the Greek language would be a manifestation o f solidarity with the destroyed Jewish c o m m u n i t y . T h e s e possibilities are rejected by Smallwood, w h o observes that a R o m a n general would be known in c o m m o n provincial parlance by his nomen

or cognomen

a n d not by his

praenomen,

and, moreover, a prohibition o f Greek, possible in J u d a e a as a national gesture, would be wholly impracticable in the Diaspora. Smallwood, in contrast, endorses the view p u t forward by Alon, according to w h o m the fact that both in the Mishnah a n d in Seder Olam Rabbah the wars mentioned before a n d after that o f Qitos took place in J u d a e a would suggest that this "War o f Qitos," t o o , Ayaso-Mardnez, Judaea Capta, 55-56. ^5 Derenbourg, Essai sur Vhistoire, 404-408; Schurer, Geschichte, GG7', Goodman, "Judaea," 6 7 1 . Rokeah, "The War of Kitos," 81-84. On p. 83, n. 13, Rokeah observes that this restriction remained in force for one generation at the most. See also Stemberger, Die romische Herrschaft, 77-7%. The Jews, 424, n. 143. See also David Goodblatt, "The Jevs^s of Eretz Israel in the Years 70-132," in Judaea and Rome: the Jewish Revolts (Hebr.) (ed. U. Rappaport: Jerusalem: Am Oved, 1983), 375, n. 164 and Hadas-L^bel,/^rwi^^/pw contre Rome, 158, n. 46.

240

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

probably t o o k place in Judaea,^^ a view that has achieved wide consensus in contemporary scholarship.^^ Another meaningful passage is contained in the Megillat

Tdanit

("the scroll o f fasting"), a work most o f which was probably originally written before the destruction o f the Second Temple, and to which a few additions m a y have been inserted later, but not after Bar K o c h b a s days. It lists days o n which significant victories and h a p p y events in the history o f the Jews during the Second Temple had taken place, as a result o f which the rabbis forbade fasting on those dates, as well as, in s o m e cases, eulogizing the dead.^^^ O n e o f these days, falling on the 12th o f Adar, which corresponds to sometime in February or March, is called the "day o f T i r i o n " in the Megillah in the Jerusalem Talmud

Talmud,^^^

while in that k n o w n to the

cited

Babylonian

the n a m e o f the day is spelled the "day o f Turi(a)nus."

Relying on the spelling o f the Jerusalem

Talmud,

"Tirion", s o m e

scholars suggest to identify h i m with Siron, the Seleucid general defeated by the H a s m o n e a n s , or with Tineius Rufus, the R o m a n governor o f J u d a e a at the beginning o f the Bar K o c h b a revolt, w h o is often 98 The more so since, having being written in Judaea, the Mishnah would scarcely record an event from outside it without saying so. Alon also notes that the ordinance against the teaching of Greek occurs also in other sources referring to other events, all of which are explicitly rooted in the land of Israel (Alon, The Jews, vol. 2, 414). See also Groag, "Lusius Quietus," col. 1883. See Abel, Histoire de la Palestine, 62-63; Lucette Huteau-Dubois, "Les sursauts du nationalisme juif contre I'occupation romaine. De Massada k Bar Kochba," RE] \27 (1968): 166; Smallwood, The Jews, 424, who points out that sumptuary laws like the one recorded in the Mishnah seem more appropriate as a restricdon made in the actual theater of war than as a gesture of sympathy toward Jews fighting elsewhere. See also Shatzman, "Armed Confrontation," 437, n. 147; Isaac and Oppenheimer, "The Revolt of Bar-Kochba," 50, n. 70; Oppenheimer, Galilee, 3 1 32; William Horbury, "Pappus and Lulianus in Jewish Resistance to Rome," in Jewish Studies at the Turn of the Twentieth Century; Proceedings of the 6th EAJS Congress, Toledo, July 1998, vol. 1 (ed. J. Targarona Borras and A. Sdenz-Badillos: Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1999), 2 9 1 . See also Firpo, "Lultima fase," 252. On the problems concerning the date of composition, see Vered Noam, Megillat Tdanit: Versions, Interpretation, History (Hebr.) (Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi Press, 2003), 20-21. Jerusalem Talmud, Megillah, I 6 70c and Taanit, II 13 66a. Babylonian Talmud, Tdanit 18b. For the variants (Turianus, Trianus, Tirinus, Turinus, Trinus, Tirunus, Trinus, Turinis, Turinus, Tirinis and others) appearing in the manuscript tradition, including Geniza fragments and the Yemenite manuscript, see Noam, Megillat Tdanit, 54, 1. 3 1 .

JUDAEA

241

called Turnus (or Tyrannus) Rufiis in rabbinic literature, while others read in the n a m e " T i r i o n " a deformation o f the word "tiran", referring it to H e r o d or other governors.

M o s t scholars, however, rely

o n the reading T u r i ( a ) n u s ' found in the Babylonian

Talmud,

Tdanit

18b and identify h i m with the emperor Trajan: the more so since in the Jerusalem Megillah

Talmud,

where the earliest extant quotation o f the

is found, this day is connected with the story o f two broth-

ers, Lulianus and Pappus, whose death at the h a n d o f Trajan caused the day to be abolished.

T h e fact that the day was later abolished

m a y well account for why the passage mentioning the "day Turi(a)nus" was later cancelled from the Megillah

not find it in the best manuscripts o f the Megillah^^'^ Medieval manuscripts bylonian

Talmud}^^

of

itself, so that we d o but only in later

which m o s t probably copied it from the Ba-

It m a y have been the confiision in the sources

over the holidays origin coupled with the references to its abolition that contributed to its disappearance from part o f the manuscript tradition. T h e story o f the martyrdom o f the two brothers, killed by Trajan at Laodicea, is recorded in connection with this day in other sources as well, a m o n g which are Sifra, Rabbah^^"^

and the scholion

the Babylonian

o f Megillat

Tdanit.™

Talmud,

Lamentations

It seems therefore

Conceming the various interpretations, see Lipsius, "Das Buch Judith", 107109; WzAdiS-Uhd, Jerusalem contre Rome, 159 and Noam, Megillat Tdanit, 297, n. 18-20. Jerusalem Talmud, Tdan., II 13, 66a. The same passage appears also in Jerusalem Talmud, Meg. I 6, 70c. See Stemberger, "Rabbinic Sources," 182. Codex De Rossi 117/4 and M S Oxford Neunauer 867/2. On these manuscripts, see Noam, Megillat Ta-anit, 15, 319-21. Noam, Megillat Ta-anit, 295-96, 358. See also Vered Noam, "Tv^o Tesdmonies to the Route of Transmission of Megillat Tdanit and the Source of the Hybrid Version of the Scholion,'' Tarbiz 65 (1996): 389-416 and Noam, Megillat Tdanit, 323-28. See Peter Richardson and Martiii.B. Shukster, "Barnabas, Nerva, and the Yavnean R a b b i s , " / r 5 34 (1983): 44, n. 30. In any case, by the end of the Amoraic period or some time afterwards, not only this day but the whole Megillat Tdanit was abolished. See Adiel Schremer, "The Concluding Passage of Megillat Ta'anit and the Nullification of Its Halakhic Significance during the Talmudic Period," Zion 65 (2000): 411-39 and Noam, Megillat Ta-anit, 355-59. Sijra, Emor 9, 5 (here, the oldest manuscripts spell the name as Trogianos {Vat 66: two yod] or Troginos {Vat 31], as Prof Gunter Stemberger was kind enough to point out to me); Babylonian Talmud, Taanit 18b; Lamentations Rabbah

242

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

possible that s o m e event taking place in Trajans days, in which Lulianus and Pappus had a role, is to be found behind these accounts, while the different details in the various texts m a k e a historical reconstruction impossible.^ Since in s o m e o f these sources the account o f Lulianus'

and

Pappus' death is followed by the statement that the R o m a n leader responsible for their death, too, was later p u t to death, the possibility has been taken into account that the n a m e o f "Turi(a)nus" m a y stay here in place o f that o f Lusius Quietus, killed by order o f the senate in the spring o f 118.^^^ In this case, Trajan w o u l d be singled o u t as the enemy o f Israel, a n d the story o f the execution o f Trajan w o u l d

3, 17. On other sources mentioning the story of Lulianus and Pappus, see Noam, Megillat Ta-anit, 117. See also Rokeah, "The War of Kitos," 82, n, 11 and Stemberger, Die romische Herrschaft, 76. Concerning the two rival centers of the commemoration of Pappus and Lulianus, at Lydda and Laodicaea, see Alon, The Jews, 420-23, Rokeah, "The War of Kitos," 79-84; Goodman, "Judaea," 671 and Horbury, "Pappus and Lulianus," 292-93. O n the importance of Lydda in this period, see Aharon Oppenheimer, "Jewish Lydda in the Roman Era," HUCA 59 (1988): 115-36. On the nature of the scholion, see Vered Noam, "The Scholion to the Megillat Tdanit — Towards an Understanding of its Stemma," (Hebr.) Tarbiz 62 (1992): 55-99; eadem, "Two Testimonies to the Route of Transmission of Megillat Tdanit and the Source of the Hybrid Version of the Scholion,'' (Hebr.) Tarbiz 65 (1996): 389-416. It should also be noted that in our case some details appearing in the Babylonian Talmud are lacking in the scholion, while other details appear in the scholion that seem to have been taken from other sources. See also Hampel, "Megillat Tdanit", 189 and Noam, Megillat Tdanit, 297. Richardson and Shukster point out that the circumstances bearing on this holiday were already a matter of some dispute in Talmudic times, so it should come as no surprise that contemporary scholarship has reached no consensus (Richardson and Shukster, "Barnabas," 44). These scholars, for example, deny any reladon between the story of Pappus and Lulianus and possible unrest in Judaea in Trajans days, and suggest that the "Day of Trajan" was established in honor of Trajan hoping, or perhaps even expecting, that Trdan would permit the rebuilding of the Temple. According to these scholars, thisnope was shattered when Trajan executed two of the principals (Lulianus and Pappus) involved in organizing the reconstrucdon. Accordingly, this holiday was abolished ("Barnabas," 46-7). Ayaso-Martfnez, Judaea Capta, 60, too, does not see any relation between these passages and unrest in Judaea in Trajans days. See Derenbourg, Essai sur Vhistoire, 408-410, Schlatter, Die Tage Trajans, 8899; Abel, Histoire de la Palestine, 64-65; Schurer, The History, 533, n. 9 1 .

JUDAEA

243

be a reconstruction of the tradition about the execution o f Lusius Quietus. Horbury emphasizes the fact that entirely different elements o f the story of Lulianus and Pappus appear in Sifra, in the Jerusalem Talmud and in Genesis Rabbah, and that within these sources it is uniformly held that Pappus and Lulianus were pre-Mishnaic figures. A legend about the brothers, Horbury concludes, must have been circulating at least by the end o f the fourth century. T h u s the compiler o f Genesis Rabbah, probably in early fifth-century Galilee, thought they could be placed in the days o f R. J o s h u a b. Hananiah, and in Sifra, too, the martyr-tradition holds Trajan responsible for their death. Again, in Ecclesiastes Rabbah, Pappus and Lulianus are put earlier than "the slain o f Lydda," who were themselves commemorated in the early third century. In Judaea and Galilee in the fourth and fifth centuries, therefore, it was assumed that Pappus and Lulianus belonged to the second century — an acceptable view, as H o r b u r y points out, particularly as a post-Mishnaic origin o f the legend would make it harder to account for the widely dispersed independent references to Pappus and Lulianus found from the late third to the early fifth century.^ Other passages in rabbinic literature mentioning a general phenomenon o f "brigandage" prevailing in Galilee and "times o f trouble and persecution" during which religious practices were interrupted, so that, for example, the reading o f the Megillah on Purim in Sepphoris was held at night "because o f the danger," have been dated to Trajans days,^^^ but the evidence is not conclusive, and the possiSee Stemberger, Die romische Herrschaft, 76-77. Concerning the characterization of Trajan versus that of Nebuchadnezzar, Stemberger emphasizes the deep contempt toward Trajan emerging from this source. While Nebuchadnezzar is depicted as a worthy man who deserves that innocent blood is not spread by him, Trajan is portrayed as a simple man, not a real king, who is in fact guilty of offenses against God. Stemberger points out that Sifra, the core of which is not later than the third century, is certainly not later than the Jerusalem Talmud which frequently quotes it, probably from a written copy: Gunter Stemberger, "Sifra — Tosefta — Yerushalmi. Zur Redaktion und fruhen Rezeption von S i f r a , " / S / 3 0 (1999): 277-311. Horbury "Pappus and Lulianus," 290-91. Schlatter, Die Tage Trajans, 89-90; Alon, The Jews, 423-24; Applebaum, and Greeks, 302; Oppenheimer, "The Jewish Community in Galilee," 182; Isaac

244

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 C E

bility has also been pointed out that the same sources rather refer to Bar K o c h b a s time.^^^ All in all, no precise historical event o f this "War o f Qitos" is detectable in these sources, but it is striking that the same word used in the Rabbinic sources, "war," DIttViD, shows up in connection with Judaea in Trajans days also in a R o m a n inscription found in Sardinia. The Epitaph

of Tettius

Crescens

T h e epitaph, found at Cagliari, Sardinia, in 1 9 2 9 , reads as follows: L

Tettius

nib(us)

Crescens

interfui(t)

I domo I Daciae

Roma

I vix(it)

bis Armeniae

ann(is)

(vacat) /

expedition

I Parthiae

et ludaeae

I se vivo

sibifecdt)}^^

Alon was the first scholar to relate this expeditio

ludaeae

to the

events that took place in Judaea in 117 CE,^^^ a possibiHty rejected by Bruun in the early 1 9 9 0 s . Tettius Crescens, Bruun argued, was probably not a soldier. O n his funerary monument, no special achievement in battle is mentioned, nor membership in a military unit, as we would expect to find in the epitaph o f a soldier. Furthermore, the appearance o f an eagle in the center o f his funerary m o n u m e n t has no special meaning, since it is one o f the most c o m m o n symbols in R o m a n funerary art.^-^^ Bruun is probably correct. Tettius Crescens m a y have been a civilian, one o f the drivers and porters, or one o f those who carried arms in order to police and defend the baggage train and, when the soldiers were not present, the camp itself Alternatively, he m a y also have been one o f the mercatores

and negotiatores

who always followed

the R o m a n armies. and Roll, "Judaea," 64-65; Goodblatt, "The Jews of Eretz Israel," 182; Oppenheimer, Galilee, 32, 35-37. See Herr, "The Participation of the Galilee," 191-97 and Schafer, "Hadrians Policy in Judaea," 287. AE 1929, 167= Giovanna Sotgiu, "L'epigrafia ladna della Sardegna dopo il C.LL, X e r E.E, VIII," ANRWW, 11, 1 (1988): A 57 (ph.), p. 560. This suggestion, put forward by Alon in the 1940s {The Jews, 417-18), was later endorsed by Smallwood, by Applebaum and by myself See Pucci, "II movimento insurrezionale," 63. Bruun, "The Spurious 'Expeditio ludaeae" 98-106. On the various categories of persons who followed the Roman army without

JUDAEA

245

Even if Tettius Crescens was not a soldier, however, the fact remains that his epitaph mentions an expeditio ludaeae. T h e term expeditio, Bruun suggests, m a y have the general meaning o f "travel."^^^ B u t here it is followed by the genitive ludaeae, and, as Syme points out, there is no r o o m for doubt when the name o f a nation or a country is attached to the term ''expeditio'' In this case, the meaning is always a military campaign. All the expeditiones mentioned in the epitaph o f Tettius Crescens, therefore, were military campaigns. T h e question is with which campaign m a y this expeditio ludaeae be identified. Ayaso-Martinez suggests that it refers to the Great War o f the Jews against the Romans,^-^^ but it is unlikely that Tettius Crescens, if he was old enough to take part in the Great War o f 6 6 7 0 , was still fit to participate in the Parthian war of 1 1 4 - 1 1 7 . Chronological distance makes it also difficult to assume, with Rosenberger and Bruun, that, given a military meaning, the phrase may refer to the famous war fought against the Jews by the emperor H a d r i a n . T h e s e possibilities cannot be completely ruled out in view o f the fact that old men did — sometimes — participate in military expeditions. Lusius Quietus, for example, the N o r t h African chieftain active against the Jews in Mesopotamia, had fought in D o m i t i a n s days, participated in Trajans Dacian wars and was still active in the Parthian expedition. Cases o f this kind, however, were not c o m m o n , and, moreover, in this inscription the sequence of wars is strictly chronological: expeditionib(us) interfui(t) I Daciae bis Armeniae

I Parthiae

et ludaeae.

T h e first expeditiones

mentioned are

the well-known Dacian wars, fought in 101 and 102, and then we find the Armenian and the Parthian wars, in 114-117. These expeditions were all carried out in Trajans day, and this, as Eck pointed out to me,^^'^ would suggest that the last, too, took place in the same being part of the fighting forces, see Miriam Pucci Ben Zeev, "L. Tettius Crescens' Expeditio ludaeae,"ZPE 133 (2000): 256. See Bruun, "The Spurious 'Expeditio ludaeae'," 105. Ronald Syme, "Journeys of Hadrian," ZPE7?> (1988): 166, repr. in Roman Papers, vol. 6 (ed. A.R. Biriey: Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991), 353-54. Ayaso-Martinez, Judaea Capta, 62. Veit Rosenberger, Bella et expeditiones: Die antike Terminologie der Kriege Roms (Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1992), 97, n. 35. See also Timothy D. Barnes, "Emperors on the Move,"//M 2 (1989): 254. 126 See above, pp. 191, 2 2 1 . 127 I would like to thank Prof Werner Eck for his precious insights v^^hile read-

246

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

years. Moreover, if the list also comprised Hadrians wars, there would be a "missing campaign" here, namely, Hadrians first war, the expeditio

Britannica,

which was fought in 1 2 2 , between Trajans

Parthian war (114-117) a n d H a d r i a n s war against Bar Kochba ( 1 3 2 135). T h e most plausible conclusion seems to be that the expeditio ludaeae mentioned in Tettius Crescens' epitaph, like those that precede it, belongs to Trajan's days. N o r is this to be seen as a unique case. Other examples may be found where the Roman repression o f the Jewish uprisings in Trajan's days was called an expeditio. O n e o f these examples comes from Berytus, where an inscription mentions a Roman soldier, Caius Valerius Rufus, tribunus Pia Fidelis,

militum

''misso cum vexillo...in

o f a vexillatio

o f the legio VII

expeditionem''XQ

Claudia

Cyprus against the

Jews at some time after 2 0 or 21 February 116 CE.^^^ In the time o f Trajan, the military campaigns are increasingly referred to as expeditiones in the epigraphical sources. Alfoldi identifies the reason for this development as the growing necessity o f stressing R o m a n political superiority in foreign affairs. T h e rulers found it necessary to emphasize that the military events were not dictated by Rome's enemies, but were the result o f their own planning a n d foresight.129

O f course, it is difficult to know which kind o f campaign is meant here. O n the one hand, the term expeditio is vague enough to designate any type o f military enterprise, but on the other hand the epigraphical material dating from Trajan's days attests that at the ing this inscription with me during his visit to Ben Gurion University in Beersheva in 1999. AE 1912, 179 = ILS 9491. See Rosenberger, Bella et expeditiones, 95. The conquest of Britain, for example, is called bellum Britannicum in the time of Claudius, but both bellum and expeditio are used for the wars under Domitian and Trajan, while the term expeditio is used predominantly for wars in Marcus Aurelius' time and later. See Geza Alfoldi, Romische Heeresgeschichte: Beitrdge (Amsterdam: J . C . Gieben, 1987), 479. Prof Gunter Stemberger has pointed out to me that "after the Jewish uprisings in the diaspora and still remembering the great Jewish revolt, the Roman administration might have had every reason to fear another revolt in Palestine and to reinforce their military presence there. Any act of opposition, even on the part of a few individuals, might have led to military reprisals and could thus justify the random rabbinic references."

JUDAEA

time the terms expeditio

a n d bellum

247

were interchangeable/^^ which

would suggest more serious implications. Oriental

Sources

A military clash taking place in J u d a e a in Trajans time is also attested, albeit in a confused fashion, by a n u m b e r o f late Oriental sources written between the fifth and the thirteenth centuries. T h e first, if he really belongs to the fifth century,

is the A r m e -

nian M o s e s Khorenats'i, who states that, after pacifying all the east, Trajan "descended on the Egyptians and Palestinians. H a v i n g subjected them to his authority, he marched to the east against Persia."^^^ Legend and history are woven together in this work, but passages can be isolated that seem to be based on reliable ancient sources,^^"^ possibly from Edessa, which m a y have included material from the local archives^^^ and chronicles o f Antiochene origin. A military action in J u d a e a in Trajans days is reported also by Eutychios, patriarch o f Alexandria in the first half o f the tenth century, w h o writes that in Trajans days the Jews had a " k i n g , " that The first Dacian war is called bellum and the second one expeditio in ILS 308, while the Parthian war is named expeditio Parthica in ILS 2723, 2726 and 2727. See Rosenberger, Bella et expeditiones, 92-93, 95. Against ToumanofF and Thomson, who claim a later date in view of possible anachronisms, Traina follows a more traditional view suggesting that some of these anachronisms are apparent, while others may be attributed to later elaborations of the text. See Boghos L. Zekiyan, "Ellenismo, ebraismo e cristianesimo in Mose di Corene," Augustinianum 28 (1988): 383; Giusto Traina, "Materiali per un commento a Movses Xorenac'i, Patmut'iwn Hayoc', I*," Le Museon 108 (1995): 284 and Robert W. Thomson, A Bibliography of Classical Armenian Literature to 1500 AD (Turnhout: Brepols, 1995), 155-68. Patmutmn Hayoc'l, 54-55. See above, pp. 90-91. See Giusto Traina, "Mose di Khoren 2, 18, Mitridate di Pergamo e gli ebrei," in Pensiero e istituzioni del mondo classico nelle culture del Vicino Oriente (ed. R.B. Finazzi and A. Valvo: Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso, 2001), 297-303. Numerous references appear in this work to documents from archives, written in Greek or Aramaic, that are important for the reconstrucdon of the more ancient history of the Armenians. See Traina, "Materiali," 292. M X himself states that he visited the archives of Edessa around 430. On the archives from Edessa see Traina, "Materiali," 294, n. 72. These sources may include Domninos, as the similarity with Malalas would suggest: Giusto Traina, // complesso di Trimalcione. Movses Xorenac'i e le origini del pensiero storico armeno (Venezia: Dipartimento di Studi eurasiadci, 1991), 79.

248

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

Trajan sent a general with great military forces to Jerusalem and that on that occasion an enormous number o f Jews were killed. Eutychios s work, too, as that of Moses Khorenats'i, is a historicallegendary compilation often relying on local traditions o f a legendary nature, unfortunately impossible to individuate.^^^ Since we know that changes were m a d e later to the text o f Eutychios at Antioch by the local Melkite community, it is also possible that the passage concerning a Jewish king and a war fought at Jerusalem was a later addition m a d e at Antioch relying on earlier local chronicles. A similar tradition is reported two centuries later by Michael Syrus, Jacobite patriarch o f Antioch, according to w h o m the rebelling Jews, under the leadership o f a king named Lomphasos, arrived in Judaea and here thousands o f them were killed by Lysias, who was sent against them by Trajan. Michael goes on to add that "for this reason Lysias was made governor of J u d a e a , " c o n f t i s i n g the events of Mesopotamia with those of Judaea. Conftisions and distortions, however, do not rule out the possibility that underlying these fantastic reports local Oriental sources are to be found, possibly originating at Antioch, which mentioned a clash between the Jews and the Romans in Judaea. T h e way between these original sources and Michael's work may have been long, passing, as Michael himself states, through the chronicle composed by an anonymous m o n k in the monastery of Zuqnin, in northern Mesopotamia, in the late eighth century, a work later mistakenly believed to be the work o f Dionysius o f Tell Mahre, Jacobite patriarch o f Antioch in the ninth century. T h e sources of this Chronicle probably included Eusebian materials through an intermediate source,^^^ to which information taken from later sources was added.1^1 Annates 9, 15. See above, p. 93. The Parthian w^ar, for example, is described as follows: "Now it happened that at Babylon a rebel rose against this king Trajan. King Trajan marched against him and there was a violent fight between the two. Many men fell on both sides and in that war also king Trajan was killed." See Michel Breydy, "Etudes sur Said Ibn Batriq et ses sources," CSCO vol. 450, Subsidia, tomus 69 (Lovanii: E. Peeters, 1983), 12 and Bartolomeo Pirone, Eutichius, Patriarch of Alexandria, 877-940: Gli Annali (Studia Christiana Monographiae 1: Cairo: Franciscan Centre of Christian Oriental Studies, 1987), 6-10. Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche Jacobite dAntioche (1166-1199) 4, 105. See above, p. 94, This intermediate source may have been the Ecclesiastical History of John of Ephesus. It was apparently a common practice to access the more ancient material

JUDAEA

249

O n e century later, M i c h a e l s statements are reported by another Syrian author, Gregorius Abul-Farajus, a bishop w h o , because o f his Jewish origins, was known as Bar H e b r a e u s . I n his work, too, the " k i n g " o f the Jewish rebels in Egypt m a d e his way with an army to J u d a e a , where he was defeated and killed by the R o m a n s under a general called "Lysias."^^^ As he himself admits. Bar Hebraeus closely followed the Chronicle o f Michael I the Syrian,

which is not sur-

prising since Byzantine chronicles are often interdependent,

fre-

quently to the extent o f outright plagiarism. Against the background o f these conftised accounts stands a more factual piece o f the epigraphic evidence, which attests that at the end o f Trajans days or shortly afterwards the status o f provincia

ludaea

was changed. through intermediate sources. See Alon, The Jews, 416; Rivkah Fishman-Duker, "The Second Temple Period in Byzandne Chronicles," Byzantion A7 (1977): 138; Sidney W. Griffith, "Michael I the Syrian," in: The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. 2 (1991), 1362-63. O n the ways in which Eusebius' work entered the Syriac historiographic tradition, see Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle of Pseudo-Dionysius ofTell-Mahre, 78. These sources have been identified with works by Annianus, Andronicus, Jacob of Edessa, John of Litarba (eighth century), Ignadus of Melitene (d. 1094), John of Kaishum (d. 1171) and Dionysius bar Salibi (d. 1171), the last four of which are lost. See Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle, 85. See also Sebastian Brock, "Jewish Tradidon in Syriac Sources," ^ 5 30 (1979): 225, 3 2 1 . These authors may have included in their works the local current annals kept at the court of the Abgarids of Edessa, which recorded the more important events of the life of the city and are mentioned by Eusebius in his Church History {HE I, 13, 5). The documents of these archives seem also to have been the sources for the Chronicle of Edessa, an anonymous compilation from the mid-sixth century. See Witakowski, The Syriac Chronicle, 77-7%, 85. O n the sources used by this Chronicle, see also Sebastian Brock, Studies in Syriac Christianity: History Literature and Theology (Collected Studies Series C S 357: Hampshire and Brookfield: Variorum, 1992), 10-11. In 1264, Gregorius Bar Hebraeus became the bishop of Tagrit, and thus the maphrian or primate of the Monophysite community in the former Persian territories. He wrote major works in theology, philosophy, mysticism, law and Syriac grammar. See Sidney H. Griffith, "Gregory Abu'l Faraj," in The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, vol. 2 (1991), 878-79. The Chronography of Gregory Abu I Faraj, 1225-1286, the Son of Aaron, the Hebrew Physician Commonly Known as Bar Hebraeus, vol. 1, 52. See above, pp. 9596. 1 ^ In spite of the fact that Bar Hebraeus skillflilly adopted the works of others, cases have also been detected in which he not only does not accept Michael's conclusions, but shows that he had made mistakes. See Budge, The Chronography of Gregory Abu'l Faraj, X D / I . 145 See Fishman-Duker, "The Second Temple Period," 137.

250

Judaeds

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

Change

of

Status

In the early 80's, the epigraphical material concerning the position o f the R o m a n legions in the East led scholars to conclude that the status o f provincia

Judaea

changed from praetorian to consular, with the

addition o f one more legion, before and not after the Bar K o c h b a war,^"^^ a view confirmed by the fact that a fragment o f the Fasti Ostienses attests that Q. Tineius Rufiis, w h o was governor o f Judaea at the outbreak o f the Bar K o c h b a war, had been a consul suffectus

in

127.^^^ W h e n he arrived in Judaea in 1 3 0 / 1 , therefore, he was a governor o f consular rank, which means that by the time o f his arrival Judaea had already attained the status o f provincia

consularis.

In this case, a second legion must have been sent to Judaea before the Bar K o c h b a war. T h e problem remained o f identifying this second legion. In the 1 9 6 0 s , scholars identified it with the legio VIFerrata,

relying on in-

scriptions found on the Caesarea aqueduct and the Caparcotna road that attested to the presence o f this legion in Judaea in 130 CE.^^^ But the second legion o f Judaea was not the VI Ferrata, as Keppie was the first to see and Bowersock confirmed a few years later: the second legion o f Judaea could not have been the legio VI Ferrata, since this legion was transferred from Syria to Arabia in 106 C E , where evidence exists o f its presence as late as 125 CE.^^^ A view was also put forward, which was later rejected, that the status of provincia ludaea changed already at the beginning of Trajans reign, before 108 C E . See Werner Eck, "Zum konsularen Status von ludaea im fruhen 2. Jh.," BASF 21 (1984): 60 (followed by Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 160), and Kad Strobel, "Zu Fragen der fruhen Geschichte der romischen Provinz Arabia und zu einigen Problemen der Legionsdislokadon im Osten des Imperium Romanum zu Beginn des 2.Jh.n.Chr.,"ZP£'71 (1988): 270-71. Inscriptiones Italiae 13, 1, 205. Baruch Lifshitz, "Sur la date du transfert de la legio VI Ferrata en Palesdne," Latomus 19 (1960): 109-111. During the Parthian war, the legio X Fretensis had been sent to the Parthian front, as attested by ILS 2727. See above, n. 53. Pflaum suggests that the legion might have been transferred to Judaea in 123: Hans G. Pflaum, "Remarques sur le changement de statut administratif de la province de Jud^e: ^ propos d'une inscription recemment d^couverte k Sid^ de Pamphylie," lEJ 19 (1969): 232-33, repr. in Hans G. Pflaum, Gaule et I'empire romain: scripta varia, vol. 2 (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1981), 207-208. Glen W. Bowersock, "Old and New in the History of Judaea," ]RS 65 (1975): 184.

JUDAEA

251

Keppie and Bowersock were correct. In the summer o f 1 9 7 8 , a milestone was discovered 13 k m southeast o f the colonia Claudia Ptolemais (Acre), on the road that led from Acre, in the province o f Syria, to Sepphoris (Diocaesarea) in Galilee, in the province o f Judaea, approximately at the frontier between the two provinces, that attests to the presence in loco o f the legio II Traiana in 120 CE.^^^ T h i s , therefore, m u s t have been the "legion brought to Judaea by Traianus Quintus" alluded to in the fragment o f Hippolytus mentioned above.151 T h e legion was stationed at Caparcotna, a site c o m m a n d i n g the Jezreel Valley. It is remarkable that already seventy years earlier M c Elderry had suggested that the c a m p o f the second legion o f Judaea was at Caparcotna: "Where then was the camp? Caparcotni or Caparcotia (Kefr-Kut) in Palestine suits the requirements very closely. . . . I t was symmetrically placed with regard to the other legionary depot at Jerusalem, so as to control the northern half o f the province. It was o n the southern border o f rebellious Galilee. To the south it c o m m a n d e d the easiest access to friendly Samaria as well as to Judaea, the way o f m a n y invaders in former days. T o the westward, again, Caparcotia c o m m a n d e d the broad valley through which ran in ancient as in modern times the great highway leading from Caesaria and the plain o f Sharon. It lay on the lower slopes o f a hill which rises sharply to a height o f over 1500 feet — a c o m m a n d i n g height for many miles round — close to the point where the valley opens into the great plain o f Esdraelon. T h a t plain was the classic battleground o f Palestine from the earliest t i m e s . . . . It may be inferred that the whole plain was the *territorium legionis' reserved for the support o f the troops. ...Caparcotia, though as yet it has no R o m a n remains to show, was a central and c o m m a n d i n g position, and m a y well have been the earlier head-quarters." ^"^^ AE 1978, 628. Another contemporary milestone was also found near Legio (Caparcotna), on the road Legio-Diocaesarea that continued the road from Diocaesarea to Ptolemais {AE 1962, 268 = AE 1978, 629), which, however, does not mention the name of the legion. See Isaac and Roll, "Judaea," 54-66; Benjamin Isaac and Isaac Roll, ''Legio II Traiana in Judaea," ZPE 55 (1979): 149-56; John R. Rea, "The Legio II Traiana in Judaea?" ZPE 5^ (1980): 220-21; Benjamin Isaac and Israel Roll, 'Legio II Traiana in Judaea — a Reply" ZPE Al (1982): 131-32. See above pp. 231-32. 152 R. Knox Mc-Elderry, "The Second Legionary Camp in Palestine," CQ_ 2 (1908): 111-12.

252

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

Military geographers have always held that through this plain and across the Jordan was the natural access from the Mediterranean coast to Damascus, from Damascus to the Euphrates and thence to India. Isaac points out that the upheavals in Judaea during Trajan's Parthian campaign would have convinced the Romans of the necessity o f safeguarding this route. Important in this connection is the evidence o f the only other road known to have been constructed in this region before 120, a road from Gerasa via Adra'a to Bostra. This road provided the legion in Bostra with direct access to the Decapolis. T h e highway through the Valley of Jezreel linking the coastal plain with the Decapolis was constructed in 6 9 by M . Ulpius Traianus the Elder, while milestones o f Trajan and Hadrian record repair of the road. From this it appears that immediately after the installation of a legionary c o m m a n d in the Jezreel Valley, direct communication was provided with the legion in Bostra. Moreover, the Jezreel Valley affords a passage across Judaea from Ptolemais (Acre), from the coastal plain, the Samarian hills, the River Jordan and Galilee. M o r observes that the Galilee was the main region that was affected by the insufficiency of troops in the Judaean garrison, and it is striking that already more than one hundred years ago Graetz had suggested that the plain o f Jezreel had to be one of the places in which the "War o f Qitos" took place. It may therefore be no accident that the new legion was stationed at Caparcotna, where it was in a position to check any attempt at coordination between the Jews o f Galilee and those o f J u d a e a ^ a n d also to secure the "lebenswichtige Verbindung zwischen Agypten und Syrien. "^^^ Mor, "The Roman Army in Eretz Israel," 579. The need for a reinforcement of the Roman military forces was certainly felt after the forces of the XFretensis had been diminished and one vexillatio of this legion had been sent to the Parthian front {ILS 2727 2indAE\955, 167). See Shatzman, "Armed Confrontation," 437, n. 146 and Isaac and Roll, "Judaea," 55, n. 9. Graetz, Geschichte, vol. 4,114= The History, vol. 2, 395. Isaac, The Near East under Roman Rule, 190. On Caparcotna, see Isaac, The Limits of Empire, 432; Shatzman, "Armed Confrontation," 325 and Isaac and Oppenheimer, "The Revolt of Bar-Kochba," 51 on the pavement of a network of roads that included: Legio (Kefar Otnay)-Sepphoris, Legio (Kefar Otnay)Neapolis, Ptolemais (Acre)-Sepphoris, Skitopolis-Jericho, Jerusalem-Beit Guvrin, Jerusalem-Hebron. On the Legio-Scythopolis road, see Benjamin Isaac and Israel Roll, Roman Roads in Judaea, vol. 1: The Legio-Scythopolis Road (BAR International Series 141: Oxford, 1982) and Isaac and Roll, "Judaea," 59, n. 35 on the inscriptions which mention the repair of the Caesarea high-level aqueduct by the military units of the legions / / Traiana, VI Ferrata and XFretensis.

JUDAEA

A s for the time when the legio

253

II

Traiana

was transferred

to

J u d a e a , the terminus ante q u e m is the year 120 C E , when the roadworks carried out by the legio II Traiana

were completed,

but there

are g o o d reasons to think that the legion was stationed in loco at least two years before, since a soldier belonging to it is known to have died and have been buried at Sidon in 118.^^^ T h e legion, therefore, m a y well have arrived in J u d a e a with Quietus, as Mc-Elderry suggested

a possibility maintained later also

by Avi-Yonah,i6o Keppic^^i Isaac and Roll^^^ B i d e / ^ ^ a n d Daris.^^^ As for the m e a n i n g that has to be attached to the change o f the status o f the province, Schafer maintains that this action was not directed towards the repression o f the Jewish population, but towards the establishment o f peace a n d o f secure borders in the east o f the E m p i r e . C h a n g e s o f this kind, however, are often attested following episodes o f armed resistance. In the first century C E , J u d a e a was Schafer, "Hadrians Policy in Judaea," 283, following Martin Hengel, "Hadrians Politik gegenuber Juden und Chnsttn" JANES 16-17 (1984-5): 159, n. 33. See above, n. 150, p. 2 5 1 . CIL III, 1, 151. This soldier. Gains lulius Fabianus, was recruited in 96 and served for 23 years. The date of his death, therefore, was 118. See Emil Ritterling, "Zur Geschichte der leg. II Traiana unter Traian," RhM 58 (1903): 477. Mc-Elderry observes that "it is clear that there were two legions as early as 117 A D , when the uprising was suppressed by Lusius Quietus": Elderry, "The Second Legionary Camp in Palestine," 111. 160 Yonah, "When Did Judaea Become a Consular Province?" 213. In 127, the legio II Traiana fortisw2iS sent to Egypt: see CIL III, 42, dated 19 April 127 and David L. Kennedy, ''Legio VI Ferrata: the Annexation and Early Garrison of Arabia," HSCP 84 (1980): 304; Sergio Daris, "Legio II Traiana Fortis" in Les Ugions de Rome, 359 and Cotton, "Legio VI Ferrata" in Les legions de Rome, 354, n. 30. Perhaps it left Judaea as early as 123, when it was apparently acdve in an incident with the Parthians; see Geza Alfoldy, Fasti Hispanienses: Senatorische Reichsbeamte und Offiziere in den spanischen Provinzen des romischen Reiches von Augustus bis Diokletian (Wiesbaden: E Steiner, 1969), 79-81. Lawrence J.R Keppie, "The Legionary Garrison of Judaea under Hadrian," Latomus 32 (1973): 864 "Judaea," 59, n. 28. Biriey notes that Lusius Quietus was installed as governor of Judaea presumably with an extra legion, given his consular rank (Biriey, Hadrian, 75). Kennedy, on the other hand, argues that the second legion arrived only after Hadrian became emperor: "In the context of the Jewish revolts and the subsequent insecurity and rebuilding the desirability of placing an extra legion in Judaea is understandable" (Kennedy "Legio VIFerrata" 307. 164 Daris, Legio II Traiana Fortis, 359. 165 Schafer, "Hadrians Policy in Judaea," 295-96.

254

D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

under the control o f native troops w h o formed the garrison Caesarea, Fretensis,

of

but after the Great War o f 6 6 - 7 0 one legion, the legio X which had actively participated in the

fighting,

was sta-

tioned at Jerusalem, and the governor was no longer a procurator o f the equestrian order but a legate o f senatorial rank.^^^ T h e first outc o m e o f uprisings was always the strengthening o f the military forces in

loco.

That

is why Bowersock

suggests

that the

accumulated

i n f o r m a t i o n . . . " m a k e s it not only reasonable but also necessary to ass u m e that the transformation o f J u d a e a belonged to the context o f the so-called Polemos o f Quietus."^^^ G o o d b l a t t , too, observes that the forces in J u d a e a were reinforced "not in relation to the new settlement o f the R o m a n military forces after the retirement Mesopotamia,

but in response to actual

or potential

from

unrest

in

Judaea."i6^ Michael P. Speidel, "The Roman Army in Judaea Under the Procurators: The Italian and the Augustan Cohort in the Acts of the Aposdes," in Roman Army Studies, vol. 2. (ed. M.R Speidel: Mavors Roman Army Researches 8: Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 1992), 224-32. See Schurer, The History, 367, 514; Benjamin Isaac, "The Roman Army in Jerusalem and its Vicinity," in Studien zu den Militdrgrenzen Roms, vol. Ill (13 Internationaler Limeskongress, Aalen 1983; ed. C. Unz et al. Forschungen und Berichte zur Vor- und Friihgeschichte in Baden-Wurttemberg 020: Stuttgart: Kommissionsverlag K. Theiss, 1986), 635-640; Lawrence Keppie, "Legions in the East from Augustus to Trajan," in The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East, vol. 2 (Proceedings of a Colloquium Held at the University of Sheffield in April 1986, ed. P. Freeman and D. Kennedy: British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara Monograph 9: BAR International Series 297 (II), 1986), 421 repr. in idem. Legions and Veterans: Roman Army Papers, 1971-2000 (Mavors Roman Army Researches 12: ed. M.R Speidel: Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Vedag, 2000), 194. The legio X Fretensis remained in Judaea till 114 C E . See Edward Dabrowa, "Legio X Fretensis," in Les Ugions de Rome sous le Haut-Empire, vol. 1 (Actes du Congres de Lyon [17-19 septembre 1998]: ed. Y. Le Bohec: Collection du Centre d' fitudes Romaines et Gallo-Romaines Nouvelle serie 20: Lyon: Diffusion D e Boccard, 2000), 319-20. "One of the mysteries of that Trajanic revolt...is the apparent absence of major tumult in Palestine itself It now appears certain that by raising the status and doubling the garrison of the Jewish province the Romans were able to block the kind of violence that swept across the diaspora": Glen W. Bowersock, "A Roman Perspective on the Bar Kockba War," in Approaches to Ancient Judaism, vol. 2 (ed. W S . Green: Brown Judaic Studies 9: Chico, Calif: Scholars Press, 1980), 133. Dabrowa observes that the presence of the legio II Traiana in Judaea became indispensable for keeping law and order "that was disturbed by great unrest amongst the Jewish inhabitants of the province": Edward Dabrowa, Legio XFretensis: a Prosopographical Study of its Officers (I-III C A.D.) (Stuttgart: R Steiner, 1993), 16. Goodblatt, "The Jews of Eretz Israel," 182.

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255

T h e change o f the status o f Judaea appears to have been longterm. Against the view that after Quietus' departure the country returned to its praetorian rank^^^ stands the fact that the governors sent to Judaea after Quietus were also o f consular rank. T h e first governor after Quietus may have been Lucius Cossonius Lucii filius Gallus Vecilius Crispinus Mansuanius Marcellinus N u m i sius Sabinus, who had been consul suffect in 116 and is mentioned in an inscription from Caesarea Maritima published by H a n n a C o t ton and Werner Eck.^^^ Lucius Cossonius was sent to Judaea after his consulate in 116 and before 120.^^^ After him, another governor attested in Judaea between 119 and 130, and probably between 122 and 1 2 5 , is M . Paccius Silvanus Quintus Coredius Gallus Gargilius Antiquus, probably to be identified with the Q. Gargilius Antiquus consul suffectus in 119 together with Q. Vibius Gallus. His presence in ancient D o r is attested in an inscription found by the East G a t e o f the city and published by D o v C e r a and H a n n a h C o t t o n : "(In honour of) Marcius Paccius, / son o f Publius, / o f the Tribe Quirina, Silvanus Quintus / Coredius Gallus Gargilius / Antiquus, legatus Augusti / propraetore (i.e. governor) o f / the Provi n c e " . T h e name o f the province is lacking. T h e editors suggest it was Syria, assuming that at the time Dor, together with other coastal cities, belonged to the province Syria and had ever since its annexation by Pompey the Great. ^'^^ S o m e years later, however, following Kennedy observes that "there may, how^ever, have been a period soon after when the province of Judaea again became a one-legion province" (Kennedy, "Legio VI Ferrata," 307), and Schafer, too, points out that "it is generally accepted that the dispatching of Lusius Quietus to Judaea in the rank of consul in 117 does not necessarily entail Judaea's status as having been that of a consular province, but was rather the result of the particular situation following the suppression of the revolt in the Diaspora" (Schafer, "Hadrians Policy," 282-83). [L(ucio Cossjonio L(ucii) f(ilio) S[tel(latina) Gallo] / [Veciljio Crispino Mainsuanio] I [Marc]ellino Numi[sio Sabino] I [co(n)s(uli), VI]I vir(o) epul(onum) [leg(ato) Imp(eratons) Hadri-] / [ani Aug(usti) p]r(o) pr(aetore) [p]rovin[ciae ludaeae] (Cotton and Eck, "Governors," 219 and 223. Cotton and Eck, "Governors and their Personnel," 222. Numini sacrum I Siluano sancto I salutari conseruator(i) I restituto I Ti(berius) Cl(audius) Priscus s(ua) p(ecunia) d(ono) d(edit)y / collegia item imaginem I Imperatoris Caesaris / Hadriani Augusti I argenteam p(ondo) (unum) cum basi aerea (sic) / de suo d(ono) d(edit)y actum VII k(alendas) lunias, I Qfuinto) Gargilio Antiquo, Q(uinto) Vibio Gallo co(n)s(ulibus) {AE 1979, 62, dated 27 May 119 CE). Dov Gera and Hannah M. Cotton, "A Dedication from Dor to a Governor of S y r i a , " 4 1 (1991): 260. 175 Gera and Cotton, "A Dedication," 2 6 1 .

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

the research of Bowersock, M a c A d a m and Isaac, Dabrowa points out that in the second century D o r rather belonged to Judaea. In this case, if the consular governor attested at D o r was the governor o f Judaea, this means that the governors sent to Judaea after Lusius Quietus were, all o f them, o f consular rank. Provincia ludaea, therefore, did retain its consular status after Quietus' departure. Conclusions

N o doubt, the sources dealing with the events o f Judaea in 117 C E raise serious problems o f interpretation. Lack o f coinage at Sepphoris at the beginning o f Hadrian's reign may be accidental; the coin issued at Tiberias in 1 1 9 / 1 2 0 refers to a victory impossible to identify; the destruction o f a building at Jaffa in Trajan's time cannot be dated exactly; the testimony o f the SHA on the "rebellious frame of m i n d " o f Judaean Jews is vague; the accounts o f the rabbinic literature d o not allow the reconstruction o f any precise historical event; those o f the Syriac sources are conftised and distorted; the expeditio ludaeae mentioned in the epitaph o f Tettius Crescens m a y refer to a minor episode. O n e by one, these sources may be dismissed. There is, however, the cumulative force o f inscriptions and literary sources o f pagan. Christian and Jewish origin, spanning from the second to the twelfth century C E , which, independently one from another, point all in the same direction, to the existence o f some sort o f clash between the Jews and the R o m a n authority taking place in Lusius Quietus' days.i^^ Against this background, the change o f the status o f Judaea is certainly meaningful. See Edward Dabrowa, " M . Paccius Silvanus Quintus Coredius Gallus Gargilius Antiquus et son cursus honorum" in: Nunc de suebis dicendum est: studia archaeologica et historica Georgii Kolendo ab amicis et discipulis dicata (ed. A. Bursche et aL: Warszawa, 1995), 100. I wish to thank Prof. Hannah Cotton for having brought this article to my attention and having made it available to me. The story of Lulianus and Pappus, therefore, would not be a "legend composed in modern times" as Lipsius suggests ("Das Buch Judith," 105) nor "the only proof" of what transpired in Judaea in 117 as maintained by Schurer, Geschichte, 668.

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257

It m a y have been unrest taking place in J u d a e a that p r o m p t e d Trajans decision to send there Lusius Quietus, but it cannot be ruled out that disorders m a y instead have followed Quietus'

arrival in

J u d a e a and the measures taken by h i m in loco. In any case, one m a y well assume that D i o and Eusebius d o not mention the events o f J u d a e a simply because they did not reach proportions similar to those reached by the uprisings in the other countries. As Alon observes, had the Jewish uprising taken on anything like the proportions o f the war in the Diaspora, this 'War o f Qitos' could not have b e c o m e so blurred in the popular memory,

nor

w o u l d it have been possible for the people to rise again a bare fifteen years later in the Bar K o c h b a revolt.

See Samuel Krauss, "La fete de Hanoucca," REJ 50 (1895): 24-43, 204-19, but see also Israel Levi, "Hanoucca et X^jusprimae metis" REJ30 (1895): 220-31. Schlatter maintains that Quietus' behavior in Judaea afflicted the Jev^s more than the events that took place in 70 (Die Tage Trajans, 89-90), v^hile Derenbourg points out that it w^as the harsh measures adopted by Quietus in Judaea that led to the appellation "polemos Qitos" for all the wars of the Jews in Trajans days (Derenbourg, Essai sur Vhistoire, 404-405). See also Abel, Histoire de la Palestine, 64, Smallwood, "Palestine," 507 and Firpo, who points out that it was probably the dedication of the legio III Cyrenaica and the erection of the statue mentioned by Hippolytus that caused the reaction of the Jews: Firpo, "L'ultima fase," 249. Waters observes: "Smallwood discusses the question whether there was a revolt in Judaea...the balance inclines to the view that Trajan found some repressive activity necessary": Kenneth H. Waters, "The Reign of Trajan and its Place in Contemporary Scholarship," ANRWW 2 (1975): 426. The Jews, 426-27.

CHAPTER TEN

T H E ORDER, POSSIBLE INTERRELATIONS A N D ACHIEVEMENTS OF T H E UPRISINGS

T H E O R D E R OF T H E UPRISINGS

For the reconstruction o f the order in which the Jewish uprisings broke out in the different places, contemporary research focuses on the literary sources, which are the only ones that deal with all the uprisings, mentioning them one after the other in a sequence. T h e interpretation o f these sources, however, is quite problematic. In the abridgment o f D i o s work m a d e by Xiphilinus, the events o f Libya are mentioned first, then those transpiring in Egypt and in Cyprus. At the end, there is a brief notice on Lusius Quietus' military action against the Jews, which leaves unspecified the place where it took place. As for Eusebius, the testimony o f the Chronicon differs substantially from that o f the HE} T h e Chronicon, both in the translation o f Hieronymus and in the Armenian version, gives the following order: Libya, Egypt, Alexandria, Cyrene, Thebes. T h e n the revolt in M e s o potamia is mentioned, and last that in Cyprus. T h e HE, on the other hand, presents the revolts in the following order: at Alexandria, in the rest o f Egypt and in Cyrene. T h e revolt in Cyprus is not mentioned at all, and last comes the description o f Lusius Quietus' military action against the Mesopotamian Jews. Since both D / X and Eusebius' Chronicon mention first o f all the uprising in Libya, and last Lusius Quietus' military action against the Jews, this has become the order followed in virtually all the modern works — so much so that no footnote is needed on this point. T h e revolt would have started in Libya, and then spread into Egypt and Cyprus. T h e events in M e s o p o t a m i a would come afterwards, since this is the expUcit testimony o f Eusebius in both his works and, 1 For other instances in which the Chronicon differs from the HE, see above, pp. 157-58, 192.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

moreover, D i o , too, mentions Quietus' military action against the Jews as the last o f the events o f this revolt. Whatever happened in Judaea, it had to take place at the very end o f Trajan's reign, since D / X and Eusebius agree that Lusius Quietus was sent there after his repression of the Mesopotamian upheavals.^ In the late eighties, Barnes was the first to challenge this order. H e points out that if we look carefiilly at the account o f D / X , we realize that the order o f the events is quite the opposite. T h e revolt o f "the previously conquered territories" in Mesopotamia, in which the Jews, too, had seemingly had a role (in spite of the fact that they are not explicitly mentioned),^ is recorded first, and then, some paragraphs later, the Jewish uprisings. According to this interpretation o f the text, therefore, Barnes argues that the Jews o f Mesopotamia were the first to take up arms, followed by those o f Libya, Egypt and Cyprus. In this case, the events that took place in the East would have been determinant in fomenting the uprisings in the western Mediterranean region.^ T h i s view is endorsed by Frankfiirter^ but is rejected by Horbury, who suggests that we should instead return to the conventional order of the events since no definite evidence allows us to discredit Eusebius' testimony.^ B u t when we come to weigh the value o f the account o f D / X against the double testimony o f Eusebius, we realize that a decision is definitely not easy. D / X mentions first the revolt o f "the conquered districts" and then the appointment o f Parthamaspates as K i n g o f the Parthians, followed by the treatment o f peace concluded with Armenia and by the unsuccessfiil siege o f Hatra. At this point mention is made o f the Jewish uprising. In other words, the Jewish uprisings are reported as having taken place after Trajan left Hatra, which occurred in the spring o f 117, before the beginning o f the summer.^ T h e papyri, however, attest that at this time the Jewish revolt in Egypt was actually being crushed. It follows that the only possible way in which we See above, p. 220. See above, pp. 202-203. Bames, "Trajan and the Jev^s," 154-62. Frankfurter, "Lest Egypt's City be Deserted," 203. Horbury, "The Beginnings," 292. See above, pp. 144-46.

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261

can retain the passage o f D / X is to construe it as meaning that it was at this time, namely, after the unsuccessftil siege o f Hatra, in the spring o f 117, that Trajan decided to undertake aggressive action meant to repress the Jewish uprisings.^ In this case, the account found in D / X is relevant only for determining the m o m e n t at which Trajan decided to take definite measures against the Jews but not the time when the uprisings really started. In other words, it remains impossible to establish whether according to this account the rebellions in Libya, Egypt and Cyprus started after or before that o f the "conquered territories" in M e s o p o tamia. As for Eusebius, it is clear that the events o f Mesopotamia are the last mentioned, but as for those in the other countries, there seems to be no consistency between the Chronicon and in the Historia Ecclesiastica,

T h e question whether Eusebius' accounts are preferable to that o f D / X , or vice-versa, leads us nowhere. In order to know where the Jewish uprisings started, there seems to be no choice but to resort to other sources. Such sources are not abundant. Concerning the chronology o f the events that transpired in Libya and Cyprus, for example, we have only an epitaph relevant to the revolt in Cyprus, for which we m a y only trace a terminus post q u e m , 2 0 or 21 February 116.^ As for the inscriptions relevant to Libya, they are all dated in the aftermath o f the revolt and do not offer any chronological detail concerning the revolt itself We are better off in the case o f Egypt and Mesopotamia, for which we have firmer chronological information. As we have seen above, the ostraca found in Egypt attest that the Jewish uprising started after the end o f M a y 116.^^ As for Mesopotamia, the terminus post q u e m for the revolt o f "the conquered districts," in which the Jews, too, had a part, seems to be some point in April or M a y 116.^^

^ 9 10 11 12

See See See See See

above, above, above, above, above,

pp. 145-46. p. 185. pp. 6-12. pp. 152-53. pp. 214-15.

262

DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

T h e fact that these dates are almost identical is amazing, and raise the possibility that the uprisings were more or less contemporaneous in the various c o u n t r i e s , w h i c h would account well for the lack o f consistency in the order o f their presentation found in the works o f D / X and Eusebius. If the uprisings took place more or less at the same time in the various places, it is clear that there could be no consistent order in their presentation. POSSIBLE INTERRELATIONS

At this point one m a y wonder whether the Jewish revolts may have been the fruit o f a general plan, a notion already found in scholarship in the nineteenth century, when Neubiirger argues for links between the revolts in the different places "which make premeditated planning and a strong leadership very p r o b a b l e . A l o n g these lines, in the 1 9 3 0 s Friedman suggests that all the revolts were organized and directed by Judaea, and are to be related to the journeys abroad of Rabbi Aqiba which preceded them,^^ while similar conclusions are reached by Widengren and then by Ziegler in the '60s.^^ Unfortunately, the evidence o f the sources is extremely meager. A n alliance between the Alexandrian Jews and those o f Cyrene is mentioned by Eusebius, who states that after having lost the help o f the Alexandrian Jews (TTIQ S S Trapa TOUTCOV aufjifjia^ta^; (XTTOTUXOVTS^), those o f Cyrene "continued to plunder the country o f Egypt" (HE IV, 2 , 3). As for the Jewish upheavals in Egypt and in Judaea, a link is borne out by late Syriac accounts, where the rebelling Jews are said to have moved from Egypt and Libya to Judaea, where they were destroyed by the R o m a n armies. From these last passages, however, It is worth noticing that this possibility was already suggested by Ewald long before the publication of the ostraca and the papyri: Heinrich Ewald, The History of Israel, vol. 8 (transl. J. R Smith: London: Longmans, Green, 1886), 271. Neuburger, "Zur Geschichte der Aufstande der Juden unter Trajan und Hadrian," MGWJ22 (1873): 385-97. Kalman Friedmann, "La grande ribellione giudaica sotto Traiano," GSAI N.S. II, 2 (1932): 117. Geo Widengren, "Quelques rapports entre Juifs et Iraniens k I'epoque des Parthes," Supplementum to Vetus Testamentum 4 (1957): 202; Ziegler, Die Beziehungen, 103, n. 50. 17 See above, pp. 247-49.

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263

no firm conclusions m a y be drawn, since, as we have seen above, these sources are known to weave legend and history together. O n e remains perplexed. O n the one hand, no c o m m o n plan for the Jewish uprisings is attested in the extant sources. O n the other hand, this silence is not easy to interpret, because we m a y well assume that if such plans did exist, they had to be secret and therefore they escaped the attention both o f the inhabitants o f Egypt who wrote the letters preserved in our papyri and o f the Greek and Roman historians who wrote about the uprisings centuries later. We m a y look for a clue in the Jewish sources, but in vain. Rabbinic sources are o f no help on this point: not only d o they fail to mention any c o m m o n plan for the revolts, but actually they record no revolt at all. T h e "War o f Qitos" is recorded in such a way as to make any factual reconstruction impossible, and the destruction o f the great synagogue o f Alexandria by Trajans troops is mentioned, but not in relation with a Jewish revolt. According to their perspective, which was theological and not historical, the Sages identify the real reason for the R o m a n attack against the Jews with the fact that the Jews did not obey to the Divine c o m m a n d m e n t "not to go back to Egypt."!^ T h e possibility o f a c o m m o n plan for the Jewish uprisings is b o u n d to remain speculative. Similarly speculative but also impossible to prove false, is the suggestion often put forward by scholars that the Parthians might have had some part in fomenting the revolts in the West in order to compel Trajan to remove military forces from Mesopotamia.^^ ^« See above, pp. 247-49. 1^ See Noah Hacham, "From Splendor to Disgrace: on the Destruction of Egyptian Jev^ry in Rabbinic Literature," Tarbiz 72 (2002/2003): 463-88. See Horbury, "The Beginnings," 302 and Goodman, "Judaea," 670. On a possible influence of the Parthian diplomacy on the decision of the Jews to revolt, see Guey, "Essai sur la guerre parthique," 126-27; Canavesi (pseudonym for Levi), La politica estera, vol. 2, 364; Motta, "La tradizione," 483; Widengren, "Quelques rapports," 202; Jacob Neusner, A History of the Jews in Babylonia. 1. The Parthian Period {2''^ ed. Leiden: Brill. 1969. Repr. in South Florida Studies in the History of Judaism 217: ed. J. Neusner: Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1999), 78; Neusner, "The Jews East of the Euphrates," 58: "The Parthian international intelligence was excellent... one may assume that the Parthians made preparations to meet the (Roman) invasion by arousing Jewish rebellion in Alexandria, Cyrenaica, and Cyprus. See also Smallwood, The Jews, 39G-97', Goodman, "Judaea," 670 and Bidey Hadrian, 74. In view of the silence of the sources, however, in this case, too, caution is imperative: see Ayaso-Martfnez, Judaea Capta, 50.

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DIASPORA JUDAISM IN TURMOIL, 116/117 CE

As for the possibiUty that the Jews o f Egypt, Cyprus and Cyrene rose against R o m e primarily "because they feared that Trajans conquest o f the Jewish communities of M e s o p o t a m i a posed a threat to the Jewish way o f life,"^^ it m a y be safely rejected. N o instance can be found in the whole history o f the Second C o m m o n w e a l t h in which the Jews took arms up in one place only in order to help Jews living in other places, and, moreover, no attempt at undermining the extent o f Jewish rights is attested in Trajans days in any place whatsoever. As we have seen above, in each country the Jews had their own good reasons for taking up arms.^^ In the West — Libya, Egypt and Cyprus — it was mainly an episode o f civil strife between Greeks and Jews,^^ while in M e s o p o t a m i a it seems to have been an episode o f the Parthian war directed against the recent R o m a n conquest, which would have endangered the measure o f freedom o f all the population groups, Jews included.^^ ACHIEVEMENTS

From the Jewish point o f view, in Libya, Egypt and Cyprus, the revolt attained no achievment at all. T h e consequences of the uprisings were disastrous. M o r e than simply the losses in life and the R o m a n decree that was probably issued condemning the few survivors to the confiscation of property, for which we have some detail concerning Egypt, the failed revolt led to the very end o f the Jewish presence in loco for a number o f generations. Jews simply disappear from the sources, and in the case o f Cyprus this is also explicitly mentioned in the account o f D / X , where we read that after the revolt no Jew could "set foot on that island, and even if one o f them is driven upon the shores by a storm, he is put to death" (LXVIII, 3 2 , 3).^^ O n l y in Mesopotamia a series o f concomitances made this rebellion successful over the long term in spite o f its violent repression, Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 162. See Ayaso-Martinez,/«^^^ Capta, 49. See also above, pp. 126-42. Smallwood calls it a "racial movement" (The Jews, 396). See Neusner, "The Jews East of the Euphrates," 46-69 and idem, "Jews in Iran," 910-13. 26 See Terence B. Mitford, "Roman Cyprus," ANRWW 7, 2 (1980): 1380-81.

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265

and it is undeniable that the simultaneity o f the Jewish uprisings in the different places was meaningful in that it compelled Trajan to remove from the Parthian front military forces led by his best generals. At the same time, the resistance in M e s o p o t a m i a was not yet d o o m e d , as the unsuccessful siege o f Hatra demonstrates. T h e "revolt o f the conquered districts" had been suppressed but led to a compromise with the Parthians. Trajan was still determined to restore the situation and to make another expedition into Mesopotamia,^^ but there was more bad news: war had broken out in Dacia.^^ All this coincided with Trajans sickness and death, thus proving decisive in preventing the annexation o f Mesopotamia. H a d r i a n s withdrawal from the East m a y have been necessitated not so m u c h by the situation but rather by his policy o f rejecdng imperial expansion, in deliberate contrast with Trajan,^^ but the fact remains that, in spite o f the triumph celebrated during the funerals o f Trajan,^^ the Parthian war had failed. "Three years o f R o m a n advances," Lepper observes, "had in one year been virtually nuUified."^^ All the territory east o f the Euphrates was immediately relinquished. D u r a Europos, for example, being abandoned before 3 0 September 117.^^ Parthamaspates, meanwhile, was rejected by the Babylonian Parthians and was reassigned to another unnamed client kingdom, probably Osrhoene, in place of 27 Dio LXVIII, 33, 1. 28 See Biriey, Hadrian, 75. 2^ See Peter A. Brunt, Roman Imperial Themes (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), AT5-7A. On receiving the nev^s of Trajans death, Bennet observes, the new princeps at once reverted to the late Augustan policy, the consilium coercendi intra terminus imperii, which stipulated that the empire should be kept within its natural boundaries. He justified his actions by quoting the dictum of Cato, that those who could not be held subject should be made free: see Bennet, Trajan, 203. Jean-Claude Richard, "Les fimerailles des Trajan et le triomphe sur les Parthes," REL AA (1966), 351-62. See also Barnes, Trajan and the Jews,' 162. Lepper, Trajans Parthian War, 95. On the "disastrous consequences" of the Parthian war, see also Hans G. Pflaum, "Tendances politiques et administratives au He siecle de notre ^re," REL Al (1964): 115 and Paul Pent, "Le He siecle apres J . - C : fitat des questions et problemes," ANRWW 2 (1975): 356. Ross observes: "Trajan's accomplishments in the Parthian war had been vanities, no more substantial than the arch in his honor that stood for a brief time outside the gates of DuraEuropos": Ross, Roman Edessa, 33. 32 Smallwood, Documents, 53.

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D I A S P O R A J U D A I S M I N T U R M O I L , 116/117 C E

Abgarus; Vologaesus, the son o f Sanatruces, was allowed to retain Armenia, and Mesopotamia was released from provincial status and had the tribute lifted.^^ T h e Jewish revolts m a y therefore be regarded as one o f the developments that prevented R o m e from making Babylonia a R o m a n province and extending R o m a n overlordship to the Persian G u l f T h e long term historical consequences of these uprisings, therefore, would have equaled or even surpassed those of the two more famous Jewish wars o f 6 6 - 7 0 and 132-135.^^ As for the Jewish point of view, the uprising helped prevent annexation to the R o m a n Empire. T h e Jews o f Mesopotamia, therefore, succeeded in remaining outside the R o m a n world, and this was fiiUy appreciated by the sages of the Talmud, who observe that "the Holy O n e blessed be H e knows that Israel is unable to endure the cruel decrees of E d o m (=Rome), therefore he exiled them to Babylonia. "^^

^3 See Bennet, Trajan, 203. See for example Barnes, "Trajan and the Jews," 162 and Tessa Rajak, "Jewish Millenarian Expectations," in The First Jewish Revolt: Archaeology, History and Ideology (ed. A.M. Bedin and J.A. Overman: London and New-York: Roudedge, 2002), 164. 3^ Babylonian Talmud, Pesahim 87 b.

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INDEXES SOURCES CITED Inscriptions No. 1. AE 1929, l67=Giovanna Sotgiu, "L'epigrafia latina della Sardegna dopo il CLL X e Y RE. VIII," ANRWll 11, 1 (1988): A 57 (ph.), p. 560 No. 2. ILS II, 1, 4393=Smallwood, Documents, 154, p. 65 No. 3. 715 III, 9491= Smallwood, Documents, 284, p. 98 No. 4. SEG XVII, 804= Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 17, pp. 32-33 No. 5. Gasperini, "Le iscrizioni del Cesareo," C9, p. 12=Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 18, p. 34 No. 6. Applebaum, "A Note on the Work of Hadrian," D I , p. 89= Luderitz, Corpus jUdischer Zeugnisse, 19, p. 34 No. 7. Gasperini, "Le iscrizioni del Cesareo," C8, p. 12=Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 20, pp. 34-35 No. 8. SEG IX, 168= Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 2 1 , pp. 35-36 No. 9. SEG XVII 800=Ludentz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 22, pp. 36-37 No. 10. AE 1928, 2= Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 23, p. 37 No. 11. SEG IX, 252 No. 12. AE 1951, 208; Luderitz, Corpus judischer Zeugnisse, 25, p. 39

p. 4 pp. 4-5 pp. 5-6 pp. 6-7 pp. 7-8 pp. 7-8 p. 8 p. 9 pp. 9-10 p. 10-11 pp. 11-12 p. 12

Papyri No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

14: 15: 16: 17: 18: 19: 20: 21: 22: 23: 24: 25: 26: 27: 28:

/? Giss. 47=Kortus, Briefe des Apollonios-Archives, 6 RGiss. Inv. 246 = R Alex. Giss. 59 = 5 ^ 10, 10652 C R Giss. 19 = CPJU, 436 R Alex. inv. 50 = 7? Alex Giss. 60 = SB 10, 10652 D 7? Giss. 24 = CPJU, A?>7 7? Brem. 1 = CPJU, 438 = Small, Doc. 57 SB 10, 10502 Bremen inv. 7 = SB 10, 10277 RGiss. Inv. 245 = RAlex Giss. 58 = SB 10, 10652 B 7? Mich. 477 7? Heid Lat 7= Ch.La. XI, 500 7? Giss. 27 = CPJU, 439 7? Brem. 63 = CPJ II, 442 7? Giss. 22 PVindob. L, 2= Ch.La. XLIII, 1242

pp. 18-20 pp. 20-21 pp. 21-22 p. 23 pp. 23-24 pp. 24-25 pp. 25-26 pp. 26-27 pp. 27-29 pp. 29-32 pp. 32-33 pp. 33-34 pp. 34-37 pp. 37-38 pp. 38-40

292 No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

INDEXES 29: PSI 1063 = Fink, Roman Military Records, 7A 30: R Giss. AA = CPJ II, 443 = Select Papyri II, 298 3 1 : Brem. U = CPJ II, 444 3 2 : R Brem. 15 ^ CPJ II, 446 33: P Oxy. 707 = CPJ II, 447 34: BGU SS9 = CPJ II, 449 3 5 : P Oxy. 705, cols. I-II = CPJU, 450 36: R Oxy. 1189 = CPJ II, 445 37: P Oxy. 500 = CPJU, 448 38: P BeroL Inv. 8143 A B C + 7397 recto = SB 12, 10892 39: P BeroL inv 7440 recto = SB 12,10893 40: P Bouriant AA, verso = CPJ III, 458 4 1 : Inv. 4306r = P Koln II, 97 4 2 : BGU XI 2085

pp. pp. pp. pp.

41-44 44-45 46-48 48-50 p. 50 pp. 50-51 pp. 51-54 pp. 54-55 pp. 55-56 pp. 56-68 pp. 68-69 p. 69 pp. 70-71 pp. 71-72

Papyri Which May Concern the Jewish Revolt No. No. No. No.

43: P 44: P 45: P 46: P

Bad 39, col. II = CPJ II, 4 4 1 , col. II = 7? Sarap. 88 Bad 39, col. Ill = CPJ AAl, col. Ill = P Sarap. 89 Bad 36 = CPJ II, 440 = P Sarap. 85 Brem. 48

pp. 72-73 pp. 73-74 pp. 74-75 p. 76

LITERARY S O U R C E S The Pagan Tradition No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

47: 48: 49: 50: 51: 52: 53:

Arrian, Parthica, apud Suda, s.v. dcTacrOaXa et TuapsLxot Appian, BelU Civilia II, 90, 380 Appian, Liber Arabicus F 19 Dio, Historia Romana LXVIII, 32, 1-3 Artemidorus Daldianus, Onirocritica 4, 24 Scriptores Historiae Augustae 5, 2 Scriptores Historiae Augustae 5, 8

pp. pp. pp. pp.

p. 77 77-78 78-79 79-80 80-81 p. 81 p. 82

Christian Evidence No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

54: 55: 56: 57: 58: 59: 60:

Hippolytus, In Matthaeum 24, 15-22 Hippolytus on Matthew 24, 15-22 Eusebius, Historia Ecclesiastica IV, 2, 1 - 5 Hieronimus, Chronicon CCXXIII Olymp. Eusebius' Chronicon: The Armenian Version Rufinus, Ecclesiastical History IV, 2, 1 - 5 Paulus Orosius, Historiarum adversum paganos libri V7/VII, 12, 6-8 6 1 : Moses Xorenac'i, History of the Armenians II, 55, 11. 1014 62: The Zuqnin Chronicle. Dionysii Telmahharensis Chronici Liber Primus, 153, 11-15 63: Georgius Syncellus, Ecloga Chronographica 1, 657 64: l^xxvfchms Annales 9, 15 65: lohannis Zonarae, Annales XI 22 66: Michael Syrus, Chronicon 6, 4 67: Gregorius Abu'l Faraj (Bar Hebraeus), Chronography fol. 19 68: Anonymi Auctoris, Chronicon ad annum Christi 1234 pertinens 69: Nicephorus Callistus, Ecclesiasticae Historiae tomus III, 22

pp. 82-83 p. 83 pp. 83-85 pp. 85-86 pp. 86-87 pp. 87-89 pp. 89-90 pp. 90-91 pp. 91-92 pp. 92-93 p. 93 pp. 93-94 p. 94 pp. 95-96 p. 96 pp. 97-99

Rabbinic Sources No. No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

70: Megillat Tdanit 31 pp. 99-100 7 1 : Seder Olam 30 pp. 100-101 72: Mishnah Sotah 9:14 101-102 73: Tosefta Peah 4:6 102-103 103-104 74: Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael, Tractate Beshallah 2 104-105 7 5 : Sifra, Emor, Pereq IX, 5 on Lev. 22:32 76: Jerusalem Talmud, Ketubot, 117 26 d 105-106 77: Jerusalem Talmud, Megillah, I 6 70c = Jerusalem Talmud, Tdanit, II 13 66a 106

294 No. No. No. No. No. No. No.

INDEXES

78: Jerusalem Talmud, Sukka, V 1 55a-b pp. 106-108 79: Babylonian Talmud, Sukka 5 1 b pp. 109-10 80: Babylonian Talmud, Ketuboth 25 a pp. 110-11 8 1 : The Babylonian Talmud, Tdanit 18a-b pp. 111-13 82: Babylonian Talmud, Gittin, 57b pp. 113-14 83: Midrash Rabbah, Ecclesiastes 3, 15 pp. 114-15 84: Midrash Rabbah, Lamentations, I 16 (or I, 16, 45) = Midrash Rabbah, Lamentations, IV, 19, 22 pp. 115-16 No. 85: Esther Rabbah proem, c-d pp. 116-18 No. 86: Semahot 8, 15 (47b) pp. 118-19

SOURCES DISCUSSED Inscriptions AE 1927, 161 p. 210 AE 1929, 167 p. 244 ^ 1 9 5 1 , 2 0 8 p. 181 AE 1953, 171 p. 185 AC" 1978, 628, 629 p. 251 ^ £ - 1 9 8 2 , 904 p. 179 I. ltd. X I I I (1947)=:Small, Doc. 23 pp. 213-14 ILS 2612 p. 178 715 4393 pp. 230-31 7Z5 9491 p. 185 SEG IX, 252 p. 181 SEGXVll 584 p. 178

Papyri BGUUO pp. 180, 182 BGU 2m p. 185 C 7 y i , 141 pp. 127, 132 C 7 y i l , 157 pp. 133-36 O y i l , 158 pp. 139-40 O y i l , 158 a pp. 140, 175 C / y I I , 158 b pp. 140-41 C P / I I , 435 pp. 137-39, 151-52, 167, 175 C 7 y i l , 436 pp. 168-69

C 7 y i l , 4 3 7 pp. 170-73 C P / I I , 438 p p 169-70, 175, 178-79 C 7 y i l , 4 3 9 p p 132, 170, 175 C P / I I , 442 p. 172 C P / I I , 445 p 188 C P / I I , 448 p p 186-89 C P / I I I , 458 p 189 C P / I I I , 520 p 131 7? Bremen inv.7= SB 10, 10277 p. 171 P. Giss. 22 p. 173 7? Giss. A7 p 168 P Flor. 332 p 172 7? Heid.Ut 7 =Ch.La. X I , 500 p. 180 PKoln II 97 p 189 7? Mick 477 p. 177 7? Oa^. 528 p. 172 PSI 1063=Fink, Military Records, 74 pp. 155, 177 7? Standford inv. G. 93 bv p. 136 7? L , 2= CA.Z^. X L I I I , 1242 p. 182 SB 10, 10277 p 171 SB 10, 10502 p. 174 SB 10, 10652 B p p 170-71 SB 12, 10892 pp. 188-89 SB 12, 10893 p. 189

LITERARY S O U R C E S Appian Bella Civilia II, 90 p. 144 Liber Arabicus ¥ 19 p. 144 Arrian, Parthica, apud Suda, dcTocaOaXa et TiapsLXOi p.

s.v.

209

Dio Cassius LXVIII, 23, 2 p. 213 LXVIII, 28, 4-30, 3 pp. 195-96 LXVIII, 30, 3 p. 201 LXVIII, 3 1 , 1-4 pp. 144-145 LXVIII, 32, 1 p. 171 LXVIII, 32, 1-3 pp. 158-161 LXVIII, 32, 3 p. 193 LXVIII, 32, 4 p. 191 LXVIII, 32, 5 (ExcVal. 290) pp. 220, 226 LXIX, 2, 5 p. 226 The Zuqnin Chronicle. Dionysii Telmahharensis Chronici Liber Primus, 153, 11-15 p. 192 Eusebius Chronicon, ed. Helm, 196 pp. 146, 158, 192, 259 Chronicon, ed. Helm, 197 pp. 155, 158, 188, 259 HEIW, 2, 1 p. 159 HEW, 2, 1-2 pp. 150, 259 HEW, 2, 1-3 p. 161 HEW, 2, 2-3 pp. 177, 207, 259 HEW, 2,3 pp. 1 5 1 , 2 5 9 , 262 HEW, 2, 3-4 pp. 176, 259 HEW, 2, 5 pp. 157-58, 192, 205-206, 220, 259 Chronicon and HE pp. 158-61, 259

Euvfchms Annales 9, 15 pp. 247-48 Fronto, Princ.Hist. 17 pp. 195, 210, 214 Gregorius Abu 1 Faraj (Bar Hebraeus), Chronography fol. 19 p. 249 Hippolytus, In Matthaeum 24, 1522 pp. 231-32 Josephus, Ant 19, 278 p. 128 Bell. 2, 487-98 p. 128 Bell. 7, 100-103 p. 128 Bell. 7, 407-415 pp. 128-29 Bell. 7, 433-439 p. 129 Bell. 7, 441-50 p. 130 VitaA2A p. 130 Malalas, The Chronicle 11, 270-77 pp. 197-201 Megillat Tdanit 31 pp. 240-41 Michael Syrus, Chronicon 6, 4 p. 248 Mishnah Sotah 9:14 pp. 238-39 Moses Xorenac'i, History of the Armenians II, 55 p. 247 Nicephorus Callistus, Ecclesiasticae Historiae tomus III, 22 pp. 192-93 Philo In El. 6, 36-39 p. 140 SHA, Hadr. 5, 2 pp. 155, 232-34, 256 SHA, Hadr. 5, 8 p. 224 SHA, Hadr. 5, 8-9 p. 233 SHA, Hadr. 7, 2 p. 226 SHA, Hadr. 9, 3 p. 226 SHA, Hadr. 12, 8-13, 1 p. 181 Seder Olam Rabbah 30 pp. 237-38 Synkellos, 348 D p. 155

GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES Adiabene pp. 198, 208 Afnca p. 164 Alexandria pp. 127-28, 133, 135-38, 140-41, 151-52, 158, 161, 167, 172, 179-80, 230, 247, 259, 263 Andoch pp. 128, 141, 147, 149, 19699, 248 ApoUinopolis-Heptakomia pp. 153, 168, 170 Apollinopolis Magna (Edfu) pp, 15254, 167, 189 Apollonia p. 181 Arabia pp. 165, 171, 181, 250 Armenia pp. 198, 2 1 1 , 216, 260, 266 Arsinoite p. 188 Asia pp. 127, 177 Athribite p. 188 Attaleia (Pamphylia) pp. 178-79 Babylon pp. 149, 194, 2 1 1 , 215 Babylonia pp. 211, 214, 266 Bactria p. 210 Bostra p. 252 Caesarea pp. 229, 250, 254-55 Caparcotna pp. 250-2 Cappadocia p. 164 Cilicia p. 164 Colonia Claudia Ptolemais pp. 251-2 Cornutum p. 178 Ctesiphon pp. 149, 194, 196, 202, 212-14 Cyprus pp. 146, 158, 161, 165, 18485, 193, 205, 246, 259-61, 264 Cyrenaica pp, 127, 184-85, 205 Cyrene pp. 129, 138, 152, 158, 17879, 181, 259, 262, 264 Dacia pp. 165, 198, 265 Damascus p. 252 Danube (river) p. 198 Decapolis p. 251 Dor pp. 255-56 Dura Europos pp. 202, 216, 265 Edessa pp. 195, 202, 208, 215-16, 247

Egypt pp. 130, 132, 136, 138, 141-42, 147, 151-56, 158, 160-61, 165-67, 167, 168-69, 171, 174-85, 187, 189-90, 193, 205, 207, 233, 239, 259-64 Euphrates (river) pp. 181, 214, 252 Galilee pp. 243, 251-52 Gerasa p. 252 Greece p. 127 Hatra pp. 145, 159, 184, 202, 211, 221-22, 2 6 0 - 6 1 , 2 6 5 Herakleopolite p. 188 Hermopolite nome p. 153 Hermoupolis pp. 154, 168, 170-71 Hormuz p. 210 Jaffa pp. 227, 256 Jerusalem pp. 180, 222, 230, 248, 251 Jezreel (valley) pp. 251-52 Jordan (river) p. 252 Judaea pp. 127, 189, 220-21, 224, 227, 233, 228, 2 3 1 , 237, 239-40, 243-45, 247-56, 260, 262 Kynopolite p. 188 Leontopolis p. 129 Libya pp. 129-30, 132, 146-47, 15859, 163, 165, 171, 193, 207, 234, 239, 259-62, 264 Malabar p. 210 Masada p. 128 Mauretania p. 233 Memphis pp. 132-33, 169-70, 175 Mesene p. 214 Mesopotamia pp. 158, 161, 165, 19194, 197, 205-206, 209-213, 217, 220-22, 239, 245, 248, 254, 2596 1 , 263-66 Misenum pp. 180-81 Moesia pp. 164, 183 Mons Claudianus p. 178 Neapolis p. 228 Nicopolis p. 179

298 Nisibis pp. 195, 202, 208, 210, 16 Osrhoene pp. 216, 265 Oxyrhynchite p. 188 Parthia p. 165 Pelusium p. 165 Persian Gulf pp. 194, 210, 212, 15, 266 Ravenna pp. 180-81 Rome pp. 127, 135, 141, 197, 212, 2 2 1 , 225, 229, 233, 264, Salamina p. 161 Satala p. 178 Scythopolis p. 224

INDEXES

215-

214-

210, 266

Seistan p. 210 Seleucia pp. 2 0 2 , 2 1 1 , 2 1 6 , 233 Sepphoris pp. 228-29, 243-44, 2 5 1 , 256 Sidon p. 253 Singara p. 210 Spasinu Charax p. 210 Sumatra p. 210 Syria pp. 127, 164, 224-25, 250-51, 255 Thebaic region pp. 153, 158, 259 Tiberias pp. 227-29, 256 Tigris (river) p. 214

PERSONAL N A M E S Abgarus p. 266 Aline pp. 168-71, 175 Andreas p. 159 Annius Rufus p. 178 Apion p. 132 ApoUonios pp. 153-54, 168-73, 175 Appian pp. 164-166, 176, 206 Aqiba (Rabbi) p. 262 Ariston of Pella pp. 163-64, 206 Attembalos (King) pp. 210, 214 Atdanus p. 224 Axidares p. 202 Baebius Macer p. 224 C. Brutdus Praesens pp. 164, 206 L. Catilius Severus p. 216 Catullus p. 129 Celsus p. 225 Chaeremon p. 132 Claudius Terentianus p. 177 L. Cossonius Gallus p. 255 Dionysius p. 134 Domninus p. 198 Erucius Clarus p. 195 Eudaimonis pp. 154, 170-73 Flavius Josephus pp. 128-30, 132 L. Gavius Fronto p. 178 Hermes (god) p. 171 Isis (goddess) p. 131 lulius Alexander p. 195 C. lulius Karus p. 184 T. lulius Maximus pp. 195, 216 Jonathan pp. 129-30 Johanan (Rabbi) p. 237 Joshua b. Hanania (Rabbi) p. 243 Laberius Maximus p. 224 Lomphasos p. 248 Lukuas pp. 152, 159 Lulianus pp. 241-43 Lusius Quietus (Lysias) pp. 191-94, 202-206, 216, 220-21, 223, 22527, 233-34, 242-43, 245, 248, 25354, 256-57, 259-60

Lysimachus p. 132 Manethon pp. 127, 132 Q. Marcius Turbo pp. 146, 169, 175, 80-81, 233, 239 Marius Maximus pp. 195, 233 Mebarsapes (King) p. 198 Nemesis (goddess) p. 165 Neratius Priscus p. 225 Nigrinus pp. 225-26 Nike (goddess) pp. 227-28 Onias p. 129 Osroes (King) pp. 194, 198 M. Paccius Silvanus p. 255 Palma p. 225 Pappus pp. 241-43 Parthamaspates (King) pp. 196, 200, 216-17, 260, 265 Pastor p. 134 Philoxenos p. 134 Plodna p. 135 Q. Rammius Martialis p. 174 L. Rutilius Lupus p. 175 M. Rutilius Lupus pp. 137, 139, 161, 169, VIA'IG, 180 Sanatruces pp. 198, 266 Sarapis (god) pp. 131, 135-36, 230-31 Sotion p. 134 Tettius Crescens pp. 244-45 Theon p. 134 Tiberianus p. 177 Q. Tineius Rufus pp. 240, 250 M. Ulpius Traianus p. 252 C. Valerius Rufus pp. 146, 185, 246 Vologaesus pp. 216, 266 Xiphilinus pp. 160, 162, 196 Yose b. Halafta (Rabbi) p. 237 Zeus p. 228

Emperors Augustus p. 126 Caligula p. 127

300

INDEXES

Caracalla p. 233 Claudius pp. 128, 139, 145 Domitian pp. 125, 130, 164, 191, 206, 245 Hadrian pp. 130, 155, 181, 183, 185, 187-89, 197-98, 224-26, 228-29, 233-34, 245-46, 252, 256, 265 Nerva p. 225

Titus p. 128 Trajan pp. 130, 132-33, 135-36, 13839, 141, 145, 148-51, 158-59, 162, 165, 177, 178-79, 183-85, 191205, 209-216, 219-21, 223-26, 228-30, 237, 239, 241-43. 245-49, 252, 256-57, 260-61,263-65 Vespasian pp. 189, 237-38

R O M A N MILITARY F O R C E S Cohors I Augusta praetoria Lusitanorum equitata pp. 155, 176, 182 Cohors I Flavia Cilicum equitata p. 180 Cohors I Hispanorum equitata p. 175 Cohors I Thracum milliaria p. 223 Cohors VI Hispanorum praetoria p. 185 Cohors VII Breucorum equitata civium Romanorum p. 185 Legio II Traiana pp. 181, 223, 251-53 Legio III Cyrenaica pp. 78-82, 181-84, 184, 223, 230, 231-32 Legio VI Ferrata p. 250 Legio VII Claudia pia fidelis pp. 185, 246 Legio X Fretensis pp. 227, 230, 254 Legio XVApollinaris pp. 178-79 Legio XXII Deiotariana pp. 178-80, 182, 184

Selected Topics Acts of the Alexandrians pp. 133-36 Alliance between Alexandrian and Cyrenian Jews p. 262 Arms pp. 185-86 Battles pp. 155, 177-78, 233 Casualties in the Roman army in Egypt pp. \7G-77, 182-84 Christian sources' attitudes towards the Jewish upheavals p. 123 Civic rivalry and strife between Jews and Greeks pp. 127-28,135-41, 264 Coins found in Judaea pp. 227-29, 256 Conspiracy against Hadrian pp. 225-26 Contemporaneity of the uprisings pp. 261-62, 265 Consular status of provincia ludaea pp. 250, 253-56 Ctesiphon, capture of pp. 194, 212A4 Dates in Eusebius' Chronicon pp. 146-49 Differences between Eusebius' Chronicon and the HE pp. 149-150, 157-58, 192, 205-206, 259, 261 Difficuldes of the Jews in Egypt and Libya (38-73 CE) pp. 123-30 Dio's source: Arrian pp. 161-63, 203-205 Earthquake at Antioch pp. 141-42, 149, 196 Eusebius and the testimony of CPJW, 435 pp. 151-52 Expeditio Britannica p. 246 Expeditio ludaeae pp. 245-47 Fiscus Judaicus pp. 124-25, 167, 189, 211 Funerary monument of Tettius Crescens p. 244 General plan for the revolts? pp. 262-63 Greek Attacks against the Jews at Alexandna pp. 133-41 Ideological antagonism between Jews and pagans pp. 130-33, 141 TouSatxo^ Xoyoc; p.

189

302

INDEXES

Lands «formedy held by Jews» pp. 186-88 Lands belonging to Greeks died without heirs pp. 188-89 Leader of the Jews (in Libya and Egypt) p. 159 Malala's sources pp. 199-200 Martyrdom of Lulianus and Pappus pp. 241-43 Messianic expectations pp. 124, 130 Military action in Mesopotamia pp. 192-93 Military forces in Egypt pp. 176-85 Military forces in Judaea pp. 223-24, 230, 232, 250-53 Mimes at Alexandria p. 140 Moorish tribesmen pp. 222-23 Opposition to Hadrian's election to throne p. 224 Ostraca from Egypt pp. 152-53 Parthian propaganda pp. 212, 263 Rabbinic sources: historical value pp. 234-237 Revolt of «the territories previously conquered» pp. 194-197, 204, 217, 260-61, 265 Roman consuls pp. 221, 250, 255 Scholarly views on upheaval in ludaea p. 219 Sea forces (in Egypt) p. 177 Sibylline Oracles pp. 130-33, 141, 231 fleeing from Judaea pp. 128-30 Siege of Hatra pp. 144-45, 184, 260-61, 265 Strategoi involved in the Jewish upheaval in Egypt pp. 168-70, 175, 188 Synagogue of Alexandria p. 263 Trade in Mesopotamia p. 211 Trajan's death p. 148, 162 Trajan's voyage to the Persian Gulf pp. 194-95, 214-15 Triumph during the funerals of Trajan p. 265 Uprising in Egypt, beginning pp. 153, 167 Uprising in Egypt, end pp. 153-56 Wars: Bar Kochba war pp. 223-24, 229, 237-38, 240, 250, 257, 266 Dacian Wars pp. 139, 191, 245 The «Great War» (66-70 CE) pp. 123-24, 2 1 1 , 237-38, 245, 254, 266 Parthian war pp. 184, 191, 194, 196, 204-206, 217, 245, 252 «War of Qitos» pp. 234, 237-40, 244-45, 252, 254, 257, 263 Xiphilinus' abridgment of Dio's work pp. 196, 259